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It is to the patient industry of the historians of 
Germany, that we are indebted for the first pro- 
duction of Manuals of history, and for those syn- 
('\j iiiistic tables which have so much facilitated 
t'lC ..systematic study of ancient history; and 
: ill on ^^ the various and profound treatises of this 
«,. :--s which enrich and adorn their literature, the 
works of Heeren are distinguished by their ex- 
teoded range of enquiry, as well as by the minute 
accuracy of their details. 

The work before us embodies the result of his 
laborious researches during the long period in 
which he has been engaged as public lecturer 
an d professor of history in the university of Goet- 
tingen ; and if it be any recommendation of a 
work to know that its writer has had ample time, 
a bility, and opportunity to collect and elaborate 
his materials, it may be asserted, without fear of 
c;ontradiction, that the author of the present work 
possessed all these advantages in an eminent de- 
cree. He has spent the greater portion of his 
life in lecturing upon the subjects of which it 
treats, and has in every case gone for his informa- 
tioci immediately to the fountain head. It forms, 
too, 'an important feature of his work, that a list 
of thie original sources, whence his own know- 



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ledge has been drawn, is placed at the head o 
each section ; another is added of the principal 
writers who have touched upon or illustrated the 
particular portion of history under notice ; botl 
being generally accompanied with a few words o 
judicious criticism, in which the value of the 
writer's authority is estimated, and his sources 
circumstances, and prejudices, briefly, but fairb 
set forth. Besides this advantage, the work pos 
sesses the merit of combining the convenience o 
the Manuals with the synchronistic method o 
instruction; as the geography, chronology, an< 
biography of the countries and states of the an 
cient world are brought at once under the eye o 
the reader ; and so lucid is the arrangement, tha 
the darkest and most entangled portions of bis 
tory are seen in a clear and perspicuous light 
Professor Heeren seems, moreov^r, to possess i 
a more eminent degree than any other writer, th 
power of forcing, by a very few words, the atter 
tion of the reader upon the most important fad 
of history; and of conjuring up in his thoughts' 
train of reflections calculated at once to instriic 
and enlarge the mind. His work is not only ax 
mirably adapted to become a text-book in the stud' 
of history, but will be found equally serviceable a 
a book of reference — it will guide the student i 
his untried and intricate course, and enable th 
more advanced scholar to methodize his collecte< 
stores. Perhaps in no work has so much impor 
tant information been condensed into so small/ 
compass. ' / 

The estimation in which this Manual is "txel 
on the contment, may be gathered fron^^ tl: 




fact of its having passed through six large edi- 
tions in German, and two in French, and from its 
having been translated into almost every language 
of Europe. 

The rapidity with which the first edition, as 
well as the other writings of professor Heeren, 
have sold in this country, is a proof that they only 
required to be known here in order to be appre- 
ciated. The favour with which these translations 
have been received, both by the venerable author 
himself and by the British public, has been a 
source of the highest gratification to the publisher. 
The encouragement, so kindly bestowed, has urged 
him to new exertions, the fruits of which, he trusts, 
will be observable in the present volume. The 
Manual has not only been revised and corrected 
throughout, but has also been diligently compared 
with the German, and has received such amelio- 
rations as the original text or the English style 
seemed to demand. When it is added to this 
that a very numerous body of corrections and 
improvements have been sent to the publisher by 
professor Heeren himself, who has patiently ex- 
amined the translation expressly for this edition, 
he trusts that the public will be satisfied that it is 
as faithful a copy of the original work as the na- 
ture of things will allow. 

In the preface to the last edition of this Manual 
the publisher announced his intention, should it 
be favourably received, of following it up by the 
publication of another elaborate work of the same 
author, viz. A Manual of the History of the 
States of Modern Europe and their Colonies, 
as forming one political System. This work will 


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now very shortly appear. As an apology for the 
delay which has taken place, he begs to call to 
their notice another equally important work by 
the same author, which he has published in the 
mean time; the Historical Researches into the 
Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Carthagi- 
nians, Ethiopians, and Egyptians, with a general 
introduction ; the remainder of this work, con- 
taining the Historical Researches into the Politics, 
Intercourse, and Trade of the Ancient Asiatic 
Nations — the Persians, Phoenicians, Babylonians, 
Scythians, and Hindoos, will appear in a few 

To add to the usefulness of the work, an ana- 
lysis of the contents, with dates, has been given 
in the margin. The t prefixed to some of the 
books denote that they are written in German. 

March, 1833. 


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The following catalogue of the historical works of Professor Heeren, 
has been sent to the Publisher by the Professor himself. They are 
unifonnly printed in German, in 15 vols. 8vo. and may always be had 
together or separate of the publisher of this volume. 

VOL. I. II. in* Vermischte historiscbe Schriften. (Miscellaneous His- 
torical Pieces). 

VOL. I. Einleitung. Biographische Nachrichten iiber den Ver&sser. 
(Biographical Sketch of Heeren's Life, by himself.) 

1. Entwickelung der politischen Folgen der Reformation fiir 
Enropa. (Development of the Consequences of the Reformation 
to the Politics of Europe). 

2. * Versuch einer Entwickelung des Ursprungs und Fortganges 
der britischen Continental-interesse. (Essay on the Rise and 
Progress of the British Continental interests). A translation of this 
Essay will be appended to the Manual of the History of Modem 
Europe, see vol. viii. is. below. 

3. Ueber den Einfluss der politischen Theorien auf Europa. 
(Of the Influence of Political Theories on Europe). 

VOL. II. 1. Ueber die Erhaltung der Nationalitat besiegter Vblker. 
(On the Method of Preserving Uie Nationality of Conquered States.) 
Written in 1810, and suppressed by the French. 

3. Entwickelung der Folgen der Kreuzziige fiir Europa. (De- 
velopment of the Effects of the Crusades upon Europe : An essay 
which obtained the prize of the French Institute in 1808. 

3. Ueber den Einfluss der Normannen auf die fraozbsische 
Sprache und Poesie. (On the Inflaence of the Normans on the 
French Language and Poetry). 

4. Ueber die Colonisation von £gypten, und ihre Folgen fiir 
Europa. (On the Colonisation of Egypt, and its Probable Conse- 
quences to Europe). 

5. Der deutsche Bund in seinen Verhaltnisse zu Europa. (The 
Influence of the German Federation upon Europe). 

VOL. III. 1. Ueber den historischen Werth der Biographien Plu- 
tarch's. (On the Historical Value of Plutarch's Lives). 

2. Geschichte der biirgerlichen Unruhen der Gracchen. (History 
of the Civil Commotions under the Gracchi). 

3. Fiiof archseologische und antiquarische Au^tze. (Five At^ 
chcological and Antiquarian Tracts). 


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VOL. IV. V. Geschichte der classischen Litteiatur im Mittelalter. 
(History of Classical Literature During the Middle Ages). 

VOL. VI. Biographische und litterarische Denkschriften. (Biographical 
and Literary Memoirs). 

1. Christian Gottlob. Heyne, biographisch dargestellt. (Bio- 
graphical Memoir of Heyne), the father-in-law of Heeren. 

2. Andenken an deutsche Historiker. (Memoirs of German 

VOL. VII. * Handbuch der Geschichte der Staaten des Alterthums. 
(Manual of Ancient History, of which this volume is the second 
edition of the English translation). 

VOL. Vin. IX. * Handbuch der Geschichte der europ'dische Staaten- 
systems und seiner Colonien. (Manual of the History of the Euro- 
pean States-system aiid their Colonies). 

VOL. X. *Ideen ueber die Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel des 
vomehmsten Staaten der alten Welt. (Researches into the Politics, 
Intercourse, and Trade of the Principal States of Antiquity, — ^Asiatic 
Nations). 1. General Introduction ; 2. Persians. 

VOL. XL *Ideen, etc. (Asiatic Nations). 1. Phcenicians; 2. Babylo- 
nians; 3. Scythians: 

VOL. XII. * Ideen, etc. (Asiatic Nations). Indians. 

VOL. XIII. * Ideen, etc. (African Nations). 1. Carthaginians; 2. 

VOL. XIV. * Ideen, etc. (African Nations). Egyptians. 

VOL. XV. * Ideen, etc. (European Nations). Greeks. 

Those with a * prefixed are translated into English^ and are either 
now published or will very shortly be so. 


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In adding to the number of Manuals on Ancient 
History already published, I feel myself bound 
to give an account of the plan on which the pre- 
sent has been executed. 

It was at first designed to be used in my 
public lectures, and from them it has grown up 
to what it now is. In them I did not consider it 
necessary to state all we know or think we know 
of ancient history. Many facts highly interesting 
to the learned historian are not adapted for pub- 
lic lectures. It was therefore my great object to 
make choice of such incidents as ought to be 
known by my pupils in order to the effectual 
prosecution of their historical studies. Conse- 
quently I have not extended my labours so far as 
to give an historical account of every nation, but 
have limited myself to those most remarkable for 
their general civilization and political eminence. 

The subjects to which I have particularly di- 
rected my attention are, the formation of states, 
the changes in their constitution, the routes by 
which commerce was carried on, the share which 
the different nations respectively took in its pur- 
suit, and, as immediately connected with that 


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department, their extension severally by means of 

The favourable reception which my larger work, 
executed after a different plan, has met with, 
would lead me to hope for a like indulgence in 
this new attempt, even if the spirit of the age did 
not so loudly call upon every historian to direct 
his chief attention to these subjects. And for 
this reason I could not rest satisfied with a mere 
detail of isolated facts, but have made it my study 
to follow the course of events, linking them into 
one connected chain ; so as to represent them in 
a condensed form by continually and carefully 
forcing together the main circumstances which 
contributed to the development of the whole. 

Without this, history in general would be but 
a lifeless study, more especially that of republics, 
which were so numerous in ancient times, and 
which, from their constitution being made up of 
political parties, everywhere present the most 
difficult problems for the historian's solution. Of 
all the larger divisions of my work, the arrange- 
ment of the Greek history I have found most trou- 
blesome, on account of the number of little states 
into which it is sub-divided. Historians, indeed, 
lighten this labour by confining themselves merely 
to Athens and Sparta ; but by so doing they give 
us a very imperfect knowledge of the subject. I 
have endeavoured to surmount the difficulty by 
throwing the account of the smaller states and 
their colonies into the second period ; by which 
means I have been able in the third and most 
important portion, the interest of which depends 
entirely upon the principal states, to carry on my 


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history, as a whole without interruption. But in 
case others, who wish to make this Manual the 
groundwork of their lectures, should dislike this 
arrangement, they may very easily attach these 
notices to the introductory geographical survey ; a 
plan I very often adopt in my own lectures. Upon 
the arrangement of the other parts, I am not aware 
of the necessity of making any observations. The 
sources from which I have drawn my materials 
are specified in every section. Particular refer- 
ences do not come within my plan ; and if I have 
referred several times in the first two sections to 
my larger work, it is only on particular points, 
explanations of which may be sought for in vain 

Some knowledge of ancient geography and 
the use of maps % if it has not been previously 
acquired by the student, should, I am convinced, 
always be connected with lectures on ancient 
history. That this need not extend to detailed 
explanations of ancient geography, but that it 
should be restricted to what is merely useful in 
the study of history, I have observed in the body 
of my work. The geographical chapters which 
are interspersed having been written with this 
intent^ will, I hope, be judged of accordingly. 
I have taken care to arrange them so as to in- 
clude the whole of the ancient world ; it depends, 
therefore, only upon the teacher to form a more 
or less extensive course upon them. 

With regard to chronology, I have followed 
throughout the same uniform plan of computing 

*■ I have made um of D'Anville. 


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time, viz. to and from the birth of Christ By 
preferring this method, so convenient and certain, 
to the inconvenient and uncertain one of reckon- 
ing from the year of the world, I hope I have de- 
served the thanks of my readers. I relinquish, 
on the other hand, all claim to merit on the score 
of having more accurately defined the chronology 
of events which occur before the time of Cyrus. 
I have, on the contrary, in this part of my labour, 
often stated round numbers, where, in many 
modern publications, precise dates may be found. 
Exact determinations of time are only necessary, 
in my opinion, where a continuous development 
of circumstances takes place ; not where uncon- 
nected facts are recorded. 

The transactions of our own times have thrown 
a light upon ancient history, and given it an in- 
terest which it could not formerly possess. A 
knowledge of history, if not the only, is at least 
the most certain means of obtaining a clear and 
unprejudiced view of the great drama now per- 
forming around us. All direct comparisons, not- 
withstanding the many opportunities which have 
tempted me, I considered as foreign to my plan ; 
but if, notwithstanding in some chapters of my 
work, particularly in the history of the Roman re- 
public, I may be thought to make a reference to 
the transactions of the ten years during which 
this work has been published, I do not consider 
it necessary to offer any excuse for so doing. Of 
what use is the study of history if it do not make 
us wiser and better ? unless the knowledge of the 
past teach us to judge more correctly of the pre- 
sent? Should I have contributed in any measure 


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PREFACE. xiii 

to promote this object, and should I be so fortu- 
nate as to lead the minds of my young friends to 
a deeper study of a science which can only in this 
way reward its admirers, I shall esteem it the most 
delightful recompense my labour can receive. 

GOETTINGEN, Sept. 23, 1799. 



The call for a second edition of my Manual im- 
poses upon me an obligation to supply the de- 
ficiencies of my former work. Corrections have 
been carefully made, and many parts completely 
re-written. A select list of books which treat of 
the respective departments of my subject is now 
first added ; the former edition containing only 
references to the sources from which my facts 
were derived. This, I trust, will be considered an 
essential service to the friends of historical sci- 
ence, more especially the young, for whom and 
not for the learned these additions have been 
made. Their use in this place is particularly 
obvious, where it is in every one's power to pro- 
cure the books referred to^. The short criticisms 
subjoined, where it seemed necessary, will serve 
as guides for their use. In the author's depart- 

>> [The author alludes to the public library at Goettingen. Tr.] 


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ment of the work but little has been changed, 
while its form and appearance have been im- 
proved by the use of different types, by more ac- 
curate running titles, and by ranging the dates in 
the margin. By the adoption of the latter method 
the increase in the number of pages is rendered 
inconsiderable, notwithstanding the numerous ad- 
ditions which have been made to the matter. In 
its arrangement, this work is the same as my 
Manual of the History of the European States 
and their Colonies. Beyond this, however, these 
works have no relation to each other, but have 
been executed upon quite different principles; the 
present as a history of the separate states of the 
ancient world, and the other as a general history 
of modern states and their colonies, as forming 
altogether one political system. Each, however, 
forms a complete work in itself, and it is by no 
means my intention to fill up the gulf which time 
has placed between them. 

I regret that the acute researches of M. Vol- 
ney% upon the chronology of Herodotus before 
the time of Cyrus, came too late into my hands 
to be made use of in its proper place in my 
second edition. In the third this has been 
done. I lay claim, at the same time, to the 
thanks of the reader for giving, in an Appendix, 
the results of these researches, together with 
references to the passages by which they are 
supported ; leaving out, however, all extraneous 
matter, and everything that cannot be proved by 
the positive assertions of the father of history. 

« Chronologie d'Herodote, conforme k son Texte par C. F. Volney, Paris, 
1809, 3 vols. See the G'iii, Gel, Aia, for 1810 and 1816. 


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I cannot close this preface without again re- 
curring to the advantage of the mode now be- 
coming more and more general, of computing 
time in ancient history according to the number 
of years before Christ. The fact of its being cer- 
tain and convenient has often been remarked ; but 
besides this it possesses the great advantage of 
giving us at once a clear and precise notion of the 
interval that separates us from the incidents re- 
corded ; which it is impossible to obtain by the 
use of any other era, whether the year of the 
world, the olympiads, or the year of Rome, etc. 
And yet this peculiar advantage, so great in the 
eyes of the teacher, has not, to the best of my 
knowledge, been hitherto made the subject of re- 
mark. Even for the science of history itself, this 
circumstance is of greater moment than might be 
at first supposed. Should an enquirer arise who 
would closely examine all ancient history accord- 
ing to this era — setting out from the generally re- 
ceived year of the birUi of Christ as from a fixed 
point, to which the labours of M. Volney are a 
good beginning — the whole science would thereby 
acquire a firmer consistency. For by this method 
all dates would not appear equally certain and 
equally uncertain, as they do in the eras which 
are computed from the year of the world ; but it 
would be shown what is chronologically certain, 
what only probable, and what completely uncer- 
tain, according as we should recede from the 
clearer into the more obscure regions of history. 
The old manner of reckoning from the year of the 
world, in which congruity was impossible, be- 
cause there was no agreement upon the point to 


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Start from, would certainly be thrown aside ; but 
where is the harm if something better and more 
certain be substituted in its place ? 

In the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth editions, 
though the increase in the number of pages is 
small, yet all those additions and« corrections 
which I deemed necessary, and which the pro- 
gress of knowledge and discovery, as in the case 
of Egypt and other countries, enabled me to 
effect, have been most carefully and fully made. 
The importance of these will be best seen by 

Goettingeny 1828. 


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Intboduotion 1 

Book I. Asiatic and African states previous to Cyras 15 

General geographical outline of Asia ib. 

Preliminary and General Observations upon the History and 

Constitution of the great Asiatic Empires 22 

History of the ancient Asiati c kingdoms before the reign of 

Cyrus 25 

'I« Assyrian monarchy ib. 

II. Median monarchy 26 

III. Babylcmian monarchy 27 

rV. States in Asia Minor 29 

1. Trojan empire ib. 

2. Phrygian empire ib. 

3. Lydian empire ib. 

v. Phoenicia 30 

VI. Syrians 33 

VII. Jews 34 

1. Period of the Nomad state from Abraham till the con- 
quest of Palestine 35 

2. Period of the federative republic 36 

3. Period of the monarchy from B. C. 1100—600 38 

The Jewish state as one single kingdom ib. 

The Jewish state as a divided kingdom 40 

African Nations 45 

General geographical outline of Ancient Africa ib. 

I. Egyptians 47 

1st Period. From the earliest tinaes down to the Sesos- 

tridae, about B. C. 1500 51 

2nd Period. From the Sesostride till the sole dominion 

of Psammetichus, B.C. 1500—660 62 

3rd Period. From the reign of Psammetichus to the 
Persian conquest of Egypt by Cambyses^ B. C. 650 — 

525 69 



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XViil C0NTBNT8. 


II. Carthf^inians 73 

Ist Period. From the foandation of Carthage to thb 

wars with Syracuse, B.C. 880— 480 74 

2nd Period. From the breaking out of the wars with 
Syracuse to the commoicement of those with Rorne^ 

B.C. 480-264 80 

3rd Period. From the beginning of the wars with 
Rome to the downfal of Carthage, B. C. 264—146. . . 82 
Book II. History of the Persia n empire from B. C. 660 — 

330 7. 90 

Book III. History of the Grecian states 112 

Geographical outline of Greece ib. 

1st Period. Traditional history down to the Trojan war, 

about B. C. 1200 118 

2nd Period. From the Trojan war to the breaking out 

of the Persian war, B. C. 1200—500 127 

History of the HeUenic states within Greece ib. 

General history ib. 

Sparta 131 

Athens 136 

Principal data for the history of the smaller states : 

I. Within the Peloponnesus : 

a. Arcadia 142 

b. Argos ib. 

c. Corinth 143 

d. Sicyon 144 

e. Achaia ib. 

/. Elis 145 

II. Central Greece, or Hellas : 

a. Megaris 146 

b. Bceotia 147 

c. Phocis 148 

d. Locris ib. 

e. ^tolia ib. 

/. Acamania 149 

III. Northern Greece : 

a. Thessaly 149 

6. Epirus 150 

IV. Grecian Islands : 

a. Corcyra 151 

6. .£gina • ib. 


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OONTBNT8. xix 


c. Eubcea^ 152 

d. The Cydades ib. 

e. Crete ib. 

/. Cyprus lS4 

History of the Gredan colonies 155 

GeHeml observations ib. 

Colonies on the Western coast of Asia Minor: 157 

1. .Solian colonies 158 

2. Ionian colonies 159 

3. Dorian cdooies 161 

Colonies on the coast of the Propontis and the Black 

sea 162 

Colonies on the coasts of Thrace and Macedonia 163 

Colonies on the western coast of Greece 164 

Grecian settlements in Lower Italy : 

a. Tarentom 165 

h. Croton 166 

c. Sybaris ib. 

d. Thurii 167 

e. Locri Epizephyrii ib. 

/. Rh^um ,. 168 

g, Cumae ib. 

Grecian settlements in Sicily : 

a. Spacuse 169 

b. Agrigentum 174 

c. The smaller Sicilian cities 175 

Colonies in Sardinia and Corsica ib. 

Colonies in Ganl; — ^Massilia 176 

Colonies in Spain; — Saguntum ib. 

Colonies in Africa; — Cyiene ib. 

Period III. From the breaking out of the Persian wars to 

Alexander the Great, B. C. 500— 336 178 

Book IV. History of the Macedonian Monarchy : 

Period I. From its origin to the death of Alexander the 

Great, B. C. 800-323 r 206 

Period II. History of the Macedonian monarchy, from the 

death of Alexander the Great to the battle of Ipsus, B. C. 

323—301 222 

Period III. History of the separate kingdoms and states 

which arose out of the dismemberment of the Macedonian 

monarchy, after the battle of Ipsus ^ 232 


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I. History of the Syrian empire under the Seleucidae 
B.C.312— 64 232 

II. History of the Egyptian kingdom under the Ptole- 
mies, B. C. 323— 30 247 

III. History of Macedonia itself and of Greece, from the 
death of Alexander to the Roman conquest, B. C. 323 

—146 268 

Achaean league 280 

-ffitolian league ^ 279 

IV. History of some smaller or more distant kingdoms 
and states formed out of the Macedonian monarchy .... 290 

The kingdom of Pergamus 291 

Bithynia 293 

Paphlagonia 294 

Pontus 295 

Cappadocia 297 

Armenia 298 

The kingdom of Parthia 299 

The kingdom of Bactria 305 

The restored kingdom of the Jews 306 

1. Under the Persians 307 

2. Under the Ptolemies and Seleuddse 308 

3. Under the Maccabees 309 

4. Under the family of Herod 311 

Book V. History of the Roman state : 

Introductory remarks on the Geography of Ancient Italy ... 314 

Period I. From the foundation of Rome to the conquest 
of Italy, and the commencement of the wars with Car- 
thage, B. C. 754—264, or A. U. C. 1-490 321 

Period II. From the commencement of the war with 
Carthage to the rise of the civil broils under the Grac- 
chi, B. C. 264—134, or A. U. C. 490—620 339 

Period III. From the beginning of the cItiI broils under 
the Gracchi to the fall of the republic, B. C. 134—30, 
or A. U. C. 620-724 362 

Period IV. History of the Roman state as a monarchy 
till the overthrow of the western empire, B. C. 30 — 

A. C.476 402 

Gec^^phical outline. View of the Roman empire and pro- 
vinces, and other countries connected with it by war or 
commerce ib. 


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Ist Section. From Augustus Caesar to the death of 

Commodus, B. C. 30— A. C. 193 411 

2nd Section. From the death of Commodus to Diocle- 
tian, A. C. 19a-284 437 

3rd Section. From Diocletian to the overthrow of the 

Roman empire in the west, A. C. 284 — 476 454 

Appendix. Chronology of Herodotus from the time of Cyrus, 

according to Volney 475 

Oenealogical Table of the reigning houses of Macedon 481 

the Seleucidae.. 482 

the Ptolemies . 483 

the Jews 484 

the Caesars 485 

-^— — — ^— — — *— ^— Constantino.... 486 


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I. Thb aources of ancient history may be ranged under two 
heads; the ancient writers^ and the monuments still extant. 
The Yarions writers will be mentioned in their proper places^ at 
the different dimions of this work. A general view of the ancient 
monnments, so far as they are sources of history^ will be found in : 

Obbblin, Orbis antiqui tnonumenHs wis illustrati primas /t- 
nag. Argentorati^ 1790. Extremely defective^ as many disco* 
veries have been made since it was published. 

II. GsNSRAL Treatises on Ancient History. 

1. The more volumwrns works on the subject. These may be 
divided in two classes : a. The part appropriated to ancient his- 
tory, in the general treatises on universal history ; b. Works ex- 
clusively devoted to ancient history. 

a. To the first dass belong : 

The Universal History, ancient and modem ; with maps and 
additions. Lond. 1736, 26 vols, folio. Reprinted in 8vo. in 
67 vols, and again in 60 vols, with omissions and additions. 

This work, compiled by a society of British scholars, has been 
translated into German, and illustrated with remarks, by Sisom. 
Jac. Baumgarten. Halle, 17^6, 4to. The Germans frequently 
designate it by the name of the Halle Universal History of the 
World : the first eighteen vols, comprise the ancient part. 

Will. Guthrie, John Gray, e/c. General History of the 
World, from the creation to the present time. London, 1764 — 
1707, 12 vols. 8vo. This work^ of no estimation in the original, 
is rendered valuable and useful by the labours of the German 
translator, C. G. Heynb^ (£etp. 1766, 8vo.) who has corrected 
the errarsy inserted the dates, and added his own observations. 

h. To the second class belong : 

RoLLiN, Histoire ancienne des Egyptiens, des Carthaginois, 
du Assyritns, des Mides et des Perses, des Macidoniens, des 



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Grecs. Fmis, 1824^ 12 vols. 8vo. ; revue par Lbtronne : the 
last and best edition. This work, which greatly promoted the 
study of ancient history in France, stiU maintains its weU-eamed 
reputation, fit was translated into English, 1768 : best edition, 
7 vols. 8vo. : frequently reprinted.]} The above is generally ao 
oompanied by the Histoire Romaine of the same author. See 
below, book v. first period. Sources. 

Jac. Bbn. Bosbuet, Discours sur I'Histoire Universelle. 
Paris, 1680, 3 vols. Frequently reprinted, being considered by 
the French one of their classics. 

[^English translation, by Rich. Spencer. London, 1730,8vo.^ 

MiiiLOT, EUmens de VHUtoire Ginirale, Paris, 1772> sq. 
[Translated into English, 1778> 2 vols. 8vo. : and again, an im- 
proved edition, with additions.]] Edinb. 1823, 6 vols. 8vo. The 
ancient history is contained in the first two volumes. 

tJoH. Matth. ScHROECKH, General History of the World,, 
for the use of children. Leipzic, 1779j sq. 6 vols. 

+J. G. EiGHHORN, History of the Ancient World, 1799, third 
edition, 1817* (First part of the History of the World.) 

tOAN. O. J. HuBBLER, Sketch of the General History of the 
Nations of Antiquity , frotn the birth of states to the end of the 
Roman commonwealth. Freyberg, 1798 — 1802. Five parts; 
and a continuation : History of the Romans under the Emperors, 
and of the contemporary Natiotis, until the great migration, 1803 ; 
three parts. A work rendered extremely useful, by the judicious 
advantage taken by the author of the labours of other writers. 

tH. LuDEN, General History of Nations. 1814; three parts. 

tL. YON Dresch, General Political History. 1815; three 
parts. In each of the above works the first part contains the 
ancient history, and exhibits the more modern views of the 

[^The following is added, as weU deserving the attention of the 
English student: Ralegh (Sir Walter) History of the World, 
Part I. extending to the end of the Macedonian Empire; fvith his 
Life and Trial, by Mr. Oldys. Lond. 1736, 2 vols, folio. For-, 
merly the bef t edition ; but a new and improved one has been 
printed at the Clarendon prgss. Oxford, 1829, 8 vols. 8vo.]| 

tF. YON Raumer, Lectures on Ancient History, parts 1, 2. 
Berlin, 1821. 

Works furnishing illustrations of the progressive civilization^ 
government, and commerce of early nations, although, strictly- 
speaking, not treatises on ancient history, are nevertheless ver j 


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doaely oMinected with the subject. Among these may be men- 

6oGi7ST> De rOrigine des Lots, des Arts, ei des Sciences, et de 
ieurs progr^ chis les andetu peuples ; nauv» idU, Paris, 1778. 
[Translated by Dr. Dunn and Mr. Spkbbhan. Edinb. 1761-* 
1775, 3 vols. 8vo.] 

f A. U. L. Hbbrsn, RefiecHans (m the Politics, Intercourse, 
and Trade of the most eminent Nations in the Ancient World. 
Third edition, with many additions. Gotdngen, 1815, 8vo. ; the 
third part, 1821. Fourth edition. Gottingen, 1824. [This edi- 
tion, the last, contains many improvements and additions, sug- 
gested by the great discoveries of modem travellers. Part I, 
Asiatic Nations, in 3 vols. Persians, Phoenicians, Babylonians, 
Scythians, Indians. An English translation of which is at this 
moment in the press. Part II, African Nations, 2 vols. Car- 
thaginians, Ethiopians^ Egyptians. Part III, European Na* 
tions; of which only 1 volume, Greeks, has been published.^ 

2. Manuals, or epitomes. 

The Germans are entitled to the merit of having first produced 
manuals of ancient history^ all of them useful, scMne excellent, in 
their kind : they are a result of the progress made in this science 
at the universities. 

f J- Chb. Gatterer, Attempt at an Universal History of the 
World to the discovery of America. Gottingen, 1792. He who 
possesses this, the last and ripest fruit of Gatterer s studies, may 
dispense with the earlier manuals published by that author. 

f Chr. Dan. Beck, A Short Introduction to the Knowledge 
of the Universal History of the World and of Nature. Leipzic, 
1796. The first part connected vrith our subject extends to 
A. D. 843. This volume is enriched with such a copious and 
critical account of books relating to ancient history, that it may 
sQpply the place of a particular work on the subject. 

fj. A. Remer^ Manual of the more Ancient History, from the 
creation of the world to the great migration. Fourth edition. 
Brunswick, 1832. 

fj. M. SoBROBCKH, Manual of Universal History, 1774: 
latest edition, 1795. 

fG. S. Br EDO w. Manual of Ancient History, with a sketch of 
the chronology of the ancients. Altona, 1799, 8vo. [Translated 
into English. Lond. 1828, 12mo. In English we have: 

The Outlines of History, in 1 vol. (forming part of Lardner's 
Cabinet Cyclop«dia, by Mr. Keiohtlt, author of a learned and 



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highly useful work <m Grecian Mythology, i» a eonvenient 
abridgement. Tytlbk's Elements of General History, improved 
and continued by Dr. Nabss. Lend. 1825, best edition; owes 
its reputation and success to the want of a better work on the 

3. Helps. 

Among the works subservient to the study of ancient history, 
the first rank is justly due to the synchronistic tables. 

"f D. O. J. HuEBLBB, Synchronistic Tables of the History of 
Nations ; arranged principally according to Oattbbsb's History 
of the World. In two numbers. Second edit. 1799 and 1804. 

objectof 1. The object of Political History is to re- 
^^' count the destinies of nations, both in respect to 
their foreign relations and internal affairs. In re- 
gard to domestic concerns, one of its most im- 
portant objects is the history of governments : in 
respect to external affairs, it comprises not only 
an account of the wars, but likewise of the friendly 
relations and intercourse with other states. 

Observe here the difference between universal history, or ge- 
neral history of the human race, and the history of nations ; the 
latter forms part of the former. Observe also the difference be- 
tween political history and that of civilization, or of man as a 
human being : the latter is merely the history of man, as man, 
without regard to political circumstances. 

Divided 2. Universal political history is usually divided 

'^t'^ into three parts : ancient history, that of the middle 

ages, and modern history. The first extends to the 

fall of the Roman Empire in the west, which took 

first, to place towards the close of the fifth century of the 

A.D.600, chfigtian era; the second extends to the disco- 

second, to vcry of America, and of a passage by sea to the 

' East Indies, about the end of the fifteenth cen- 

third, to tury ; the third extends from the commencement 

timet!''* of the sixteenth century to the present time. 

The propriety of the above division is evinced by the nature of 
the events which form these epochs. The student will easily 


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peroeive that the division of history, into that before and after 
the birth of Christ, is not judicious. 

3. From the definition just given, it follows, commence- 
that political history does not commence till after poildcai 
the first formation of states. Whatever is known, ***'y' 
therefore, of the period previous to this, or may 

be gathered from traditions, respecting individuals 
or tribes, or their migrations, affinities, or disco- 
veries, forms no part of political history, but must 
be referred to the general history of man. 

It is well known that a great deal of information has been pre- 
served in the sacred writings concerning the early fortunes of 
the human race. From these materials have been compiled what 
has been called an Historia Aniediluniana, sometimes considered 
as forming a separate division of history. What has been said 
above will satisfactorily account for the omission of this portion 
oi history in the present work ; although none can deny the high 
importance of such traditions in the investigation of the origin, 
dispersioD, and civilization of the human race* 

4. The sources of history may be ranged under souroee of 
two general heads ; oral traditions, and written do- ^ ^' 
cuments of various kinds. The history of every 
nation usually commences with oral tradition, 
which remains the only source, until the art of 
writing becomes known, and in some degree 
adopted by the people. 

5. Under the name of traditional history or my- mythology. 
thology, is comprehended all the general collec- 
tion of oral traditions preserved by a nation ; and 
some such traditional history or mythology is to 

be found among every people in the first stage of 
their existence as a community. This mythology, 
however, is by no means confined to events strictly 
historical, but embraces every branch of inform- 
ation which may appear to a nation in its infancy. 


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of sufficient importance to be preserved and handed 
down to posterity. 

Hence the mythology of a people is invariably composed of 
very heterogeneous materials ; it not only preserves the remem- 
brance of various kinds of historical fiacts^ but likewise the per* 
vading ideas of the people with respect to the nature and wor« 
ship of their deities; as well as the notions they had formed from 
observations and experience respecting astronomy^ morals^ the 
art8> etc. All these are handed down in the form of historical 
narrative ; because man^ as yet unpractised in abstract thinking,, 
necessarily represents every thing to his mind under the figure 
of some physical object. It is just as useless^ therefore^ to at* 
tempt to mould the mythology of any people into a consistent 
and connected whole^ or indeed into any scientific system what- 
8oe7er^ as it is difiicult to draw a strict line between what belongs 
to mythology^ and what to pure history. It follows^ therefiore^ that 
mythology should be employed by the historian with great cau- 
tion ; and not without judicious criticism^ and an accurate know- 
ledge of antiquity. 

These correct views of mythology^ — ^the key to the whole of 
earlier antiquity^ — ^were first set forth and illustrated by Heyne^ 
in his commentaries upon Virgil and other poets> in his edition 
of ApoUodorus, and in various essays published in the Trans- 
actions of the Gottingen Scientific Society. It is principally to 
the aid of these that the Germans owe their superiority over 
other nations in the science of antiquity. 

poetiy. 6. The place of writing among such nations^ is 

generally supplied, in a great measure, by poetry ; 
which being in its origin nothing more than ima- 
gery expressed in figurative language, must spon- 
taneously arise among men, as yet wont to repre- 
sent every thing to their minds under the form of 
images. Hence the subject matter of the poetry 
of every nation, while in a state of rudeness, is 
and can be nothing else but its mythology ; and 
the great variety in the materials of which this is 
composed very naturally gave rise, at the same 
early period, to various kinds of poetry ; as the 


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lyric, the didactic, the epic. The last of these, 
inasmuch as it contains the historic songs and the 
epopee, claims in a more especial manner the at- 
tention of the historian. 

The mytbi (or fables of which this mythology was composed) 
were in later times frequently collected from the works of the 
poets, and committed to writing by grammarians ; such as Apol- 
lodorus and others. This, however, can hare had no effect on 
their original diaracter. 

7. The second source of history, much morewnttea 
copious and important than the former, are the *°*"'*^ 
various kinds of written monuments. These may 

be arranged according to the order of time at 
which they were brought into use, into three 
classes; 1st. Inscriptions on public monuments, 
under which head are included the coins of later 
date ; 2nd. Chronological records of events, under 
the form of annals and chronicles; 3rd* Real 
philosophical works on history. 

8. Inscriptions on public monuments erected mtcrip> 
to preserve the remembrance of certain events, ^^^'' 
though perhaps no more than a stone set upright, 

or even a bare rock, was used for that purpose, 
were undoubtedly the most ancient written me- 
morials. These rude monuments became fashion- 
ed by art into columns, obelisks, and pyramids, 
as the taste of the nation became formed ; and as- 
sumed that definite character which local circum- 
stances and the natural features of the country 
led it to adopt, as architecture arose and attained 
to perfection among them. The very object, in- 
deed, for which they were erected — the comme- 
moration of remarkable events, — must have sug- 
gested the practice of inscribing upon them some 
particulars of the facts they were intended to per- 


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petuate. Of this nature, no doubt, were the old- 
est monuments, and more particularly those of 
Egypt. Their use was much more general among 
nations of a later period, especially Greece and 
Rome, than among the moderns ; yet of the great 
mass of inscriptions still extant, but few com- 
paratively are of any importance as regards his- 

The characters engraved on these monuments were either njm^ 
bolical (hieroglyphics ; see below under Egypt,) or alphabetical. 
The invention and transmission of alphabetical writing are com- 
monly ascribed to the Phoenicians ; although, if we may judge 
by the shape of the arrow-headed character, it was made, with- 
^ out communication with them, in the interior of Asia. 

The general collections of inscriptions are : 

LuD. Ant. Muratobi, Novus Thesaurus veterum Inscription 
num. Mediolani, 1739, sq. 4 vols. fol. Together with Ssb. Do- 
NATi, Suppkmenta, Luccae, 1764. Jan. Gbutebi^ Inscriptio- 
nes antiqwB toUus orbis Romani, cura J. G. Gb^yii. Amstel. 
1707, 2 vols. fbl. 

C. A. BoBKHius^ Corpus Inscriptionum Gracarum, auctori- 
tote et impensis Academia liierarum Borussicof, vol. 1. 1827^ 

Among the separate monuments, the most important for ancient 
history is the Parian or Oxford Inscription^ Marmora Oxoniensia, 
Arundeliana, edited by Selden, 1629; by Pbideaux, 1677* 
The best edition is by Rich. Chandleb, Oxf. 1763, fol. A 
useful and portable edition has been published by Fb. Ch. 
Waoneb, containing the Greek text, with a German translation 
and notes. Gk)ttingen^ 1790^ 8vo. 

9. Coins may likewise be regarded as a source 
of ancient history, as by the light they throw upon 
genealogy and chronology, the events known from 
other authorities may be better arranged and un- 
derstood. The importance of coins, therefore, 
becomes most sensible in those portions of his- 
tory where our information, in consequence of 


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the loss of the works of the original historians, is 
reduced to a few insulated facts and fragments. 

£z. Spanhsmii^ Dissertatio de Usu et Praslantia Numisma* 
twnu Londini^ 1707 et 1709, 2 vols. fol. The capital work, how- 
ever, on this subject, and which embraces the whole numismatic 
science of antiquity is : 

EcKHXi., De Doctrina Nutnmorum Veterum* Viennse, 1702 — 
1796, 8 vols. 4to. And the epitome : 

-)- EcKB^jj, Brief ElemenU of Anctent Numismatics. Vienna, 
1707* 8vo. Another very useful work is : 

J. C. Raschb, Lexicon Universal Rei Nummarice Feterum. 
1785, sq. 5 vols. 8vo. 

10. Chronicles or annals form the second great annait, 
division of written historical monuments. These 
presuppose the invention of letters, and the use 

of materials for wjriting upon ; consequently they 
are of a later date than mere inscriptions. They 
occur, nevertheless, in the earlier periods of na- 
tions; and from such annals, indited by public 
authority (state chronicles,) subsequent historians 
have generally drawn materials for their works. 
In many nations, and in nearly all the eastern 
ones, history has not even yet advanced beyond 
the composition of such chronicles. 

11. The third great division of historical writ- regular 
ings is formed of works composed on philosophical " ^"**' 
principles, which differ from mere annals by their 
containing not only a chronological narration of 
events, but also a development of their connec- 
tion with one another, their causes and effects. 

But few nations among the modems, and we know of none 
among the ancients, except the Greeks and Romans, that had 
any acquaintance with this sort of history. A fact which may 
be attributed, — 1st. To the government; for the more com- 
pletely the affairs of a nation are under the control of arbitrary 
power and caprice, whether of one or more individuals, so much the 
less apparent is a rational internal connection of events. Hence 


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philosophical history flourishes most under free goremments; 
and has not even a shadow of existence under pure despotic con- 
stitntions. 2nd. To the degree of civilization to which the na- 
tion may have attained : for the observing and unravelliog of the 
political connection of events presupposes a considerable progress 
in philosophical culture. 

Chronology 12. Sincc all cveiits are considered ia refer- 
graphy? ence to the time and place in which they oc- 
cur, it follows that geography and chronology 
are indispensable as auxiliary sciences in the 
study of history, especially the ancient. These 
sciences, however, need not, for this purpose, be 
considered in their full extent and detail^ but 
only so far as they are of use in determining and 
arranging events according to time and place* 
A fixed mode of computing time is therefore ne- 
cessary in ancient history, as well as a continuous 
geographical description of the countries which 
were the theatres of the principal events. 
Eraa. 13. No method of computing time was adopted 

generally in antiquity. Each nation, each state^ 
had its own era : yet, in the explication of an« 
cient history, there is an evident necessity that 
some common era should be fixed upon, by which 
a synchronistic view of the various events may be 
obtained. For this purpose, the years may be 
computed either from the creation of the worlds 
or before and after Christ. The latter method 
has the advantage not only of greater certainty^ 
but also of greater convenience. 

Of the various modes of computing time> the best known are 
those of the Greeks and the Romans ; the former by olympiads^ 
the latter by years from the foundation of Rome. The era of 
the olympikds commences at B.C. 77^; that of the foundation 
of Rome commences at B. C 753, according to Varro ; at B. C. 
752, according to Cato. — The era of the Seleucidce, in the Syrian. 


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introductkJjC^ - ^^^^^^^^ \\ 

empire, commeiices with B. C. 312. — ^Varions other eras, such as 
that of Nabonnasaar, oommendng with B. C. 747> ore fbunded 
on obsenrations preserved by Ptolemy, and made known by Soa« 
LiOEB, in his Docirina Tempamm, 

Chronology constitutes a distinct science: the best introduc- 
tion to which will be found in : 

f J. C. Oattereb, Epitome of Chronology. Gbttingen, 1777« 
A most excellent criticism on the ancient eras has lately been 
communicated to the public by : 

f L. Ideler, Historic Researches into the Astronomical Oh^ 
ttrvatwns of the Ancients. Beriin, 1806. 

f D. H. Hbgbwiscb, Introduction to Historical Chronology; 
1811. A very useful and portable work. 

[In English we have the laborious work of Dr. Hales : 

Hales (Willm.) New Analysis of Chronology, explaining 
ike History and Antiquities of the primitive Natitms of the World, 
etc. Loud. 1809-19, 4 vols. 4to. New edition, corrected and im« 
proved, 1890, 4 vols. 8vo. 

Blair's Chronology and History of the World, from the CrC" 
ation to the present Time. Lend. 1803, folio. 

And for the brilliant period of Oreece and Rome the satisfac- 
tory volumes : 

H. F. Glynton's Fasti Hellenici. The civil and literary 
ChronoU^ of Greece, from the Jifty^fifih to the hundred and 
tnenty-fourth Olympiad. Second edition, with additions. Ox- 
ford, 1827> 4to. And the continuation of the same work to the 
death of Augustus, Oxford, 1830, 4to. In this valuable work, 
much light is also thrown upon the chnmolc^ of the times an- 
terior to the period with which the first volume is principally 

14. In ancient geography there is much c^re GeognpKy. 
required to distinguish the fabulous from the^^and^* 
true. With regard to true geography, as an*™*' 
auxiliary science to history, all that can be ex- 
pected is some general information respecting the 
nature and peculiarities of the countries, respect- 
ing their political divisions, and finally, respect- 
ing the principal cities : — Long lists of the names 
of places would be quite superfluous. 


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Fabnloiu geography oonstitntes a part of the mythology of 
every natum^ and differs in each> because the ideas formed b7 
every early nation respecting the form and nature of the earth 
are peculiar to itself. True geography gradually comes to light 
as civilization increases, and discovery widens its horizon. — ^Ne- 
cessity of treating it historically, on account of the manifold 
changes to which the division and the hce of the countries of the 
ancient world have been at various periods subjected. 

Christoph. Cellabii NotUia Orbis Aniiqui, Lips. 1701 — 
I7O64 2 vols. 4to. cum obtervat. J«C. Schwarzii. Lips. 1771» et 
iterum 1773. This work was for a long time the only, and is 
still an indispensable, treatise on ancient geography. 

f H. Mannert, Geography of the Greeks and Romans. Nu- 
remberg, 1788 — 1802. This work, now completed in 15 volumes^ 
may be justly designated dassicsl, from the historicBl and critical 
learning which the author has everywhere displayed. Vol. I, 
contains Spain ; II, Gallia et Britain ; III, Oermania, Rhsetia, 
Noricum ; IV, The Northern parts of the World, from the Wes- 
sel to China; V, India and the Persian Empire to the Euphra- 
tes, 2 parts; VI, Asia Minor, 3 parts ; VII, Thrace, Illyria, Mace- 
donis^ Thessaly, Epirus ; VIII, Northern Gkeece, Peloponnesus, 
and the Archipelago ; IX, Italy and Sicily, Sardinia, etc 2 parts ; 
X, Africa, 2 parts. 

f F. A. Ukbrt, Geography of the Greeks and Romans, from 
the earliest periods to the time of Ptolemy : first part, first divi- 
sion, contains the historical, the second contains the mathemati- 
cal sections. Weimar, 1816;. with maps. 

G088SLIN, Giographie des Grecs analysSe. Paris, 1790, 4to. 
A development of the system of mathematical geography among 
the Greeks. Partly continued in 

Gk)8ssiiiN, Recherches sur la Geographic des Anciens. Paris, 
an. vi. vol. 1 — 4. 

J. RsNNEL, Geographical System of Herodotus. Lond. 1800, 

|[Reprinted in 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1830, revised. Here, tooy 
for the benefit of the English reader may be mentioned : 

Rennbl's Treatise on the Comparative Geography of Western 
Asiat with an atlas, London, 1831, 2 vols. 8vo. ; published since 
the author's death. And the learned and valuable volumes of 
Dr. Cramer, principal of New Inn Hall, and public orator of 
the University of Oxford ; they are, 


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Geographical and Historical Description of Ancient Greece^ 
with a mapy and plan of Athens. Oxford, 1826, 3 vols. 8vo. 

Geographical and Historical Description of Ancient Italy ^ 
with a map. Oxford, 1826, 2 vols. 8vo. 

Geographical and Historical Description of Asia Minor, with 
a map. Oxford, 1832, 2 vols. 8vo. 

The maps which acoompaiif these works approach yery nearly 
to perfection. 

Ab useful compendiums, there are : 

An Introduction to Ancient Geography, with copiow indexes 
of Ancient and Modem Names, by Pbtsb Ed. Laurbnt^ 
teacher in the Royal Naval Academy at Portsmouth. Oxford^ 
1813, 8vo. 

A Con^pendium of Ancient and Modern Geography, for the 
use of Eton School ; illustrating the most interesting points in 
History, Poetry, and Fable; preceded by an Introduction to the 
study of Astronomy, and containing plans of Athens, Rome, Sy^ 
racuse, and numerous diagrams explanatory of the motions of the 
heavenly bodies, by Aa&on Arrowbmith, Hydrographer to the 
King, 1 vol. Svo., with or without a copious index. London, 

Botlbb's (Dr. Sam.) Sketch of Ancient and Modem Geo^ 
graphy. Serenth edition, 8vo. Abo his Atlas of Ancient Geo^ 
graphy, consisting of twenty-one coloured maps, with a complete 
accentuated index. 8to.3 

We are indebted to d'Anville for the best charts of ancient 
geography : Atlas Orbis antiqui, twelve leaves, fol. 

[The Eton Comparative Atlas of Ancient and Modem Geo- 
graphy, with tlie index, published in several sizes ; and the Maps 
pablidied by the Society for the Promotion of Useful Know- 
ledge, are very useful and correct^ 

15. Ancient history may be treated either eth- Divisions 
nographically, that is, according to separate na- Manui. 
tioDs and states; or synchronistically, that is, 
according to certain general epochs. Each of 
these methods has its advantages and its disad- 
vantages* The two, however, may be combined, 
and formed into one system ; and as this seem^ 
the most convenient, it has been adopted in the 


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present work, which is accordingly divided as 
follows : 

First Book. — Histwy of the ancient Asiatic 
and African states and kingdoms anterior to Cyrus, 
or to the rise of the Persian monarchy, about the 
year B. C. 660 : comprising little more than insu- 
lated fragments. 

Second Book. — History of the Persian mon- 
archy, from B. C. 560 to 330. 

Third Book. — History of the Grecian states, 
both in Greece and other parts, to the time of 
Alexander, B. C. 336. 

Fourth Book. — History of the Macedonian 
monarchy, and of the kingdoms which arose out 
of its division, until they merged into the Roman 

Fifth Book. — History of the Roman state, 
both as a commonwealth and a monarchy, until 
the fall of the western empire, A. D. 476. 


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General Preliminary Remarks on the Geography of Asia. 

See the Introduction to Heeren's Researches into the Politics 
and Commerce of the Nations of Antiquity, prefixed to vol. 1 of 
the African Nations. Oxford, 1831. 

1. Asia is the largest and the most fa- asia. 
vourably situated of the great divisions of the ^^J^JId."^ 
globe Its superficial contents are 11,200,000 
square geogr. miles ; while those of Africa do not 
exceed 4,780,000; and those of Europe are 
not more than 2,560,000. As to situation, it 
comprises the greatest portion of the northern 
temperate zone. 

Compare it^ in this point of view, with the other quarters of 
the globe, especially Africa. — Advantages over the latter, in con- 


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BOOK !• 



DiyisioDt : 



sequence of iLe oonvenieiioe of its indented ahoreii--of its sur- 
rounding fruitful islands— of its deep gulfs and large streams — 
the few sandy deserts in its interior. 

2. Natural features, and consequent division of 
the land, according to the course of the larger 
mountain chains and of the principal rivers. 

Two great mountain chains run from west to east; in the 
norths the Altai, (nameless in antiquity) : in the south, Taurus. 
— Branches of hoth : the Caucasus^ between the Black and Cas- 
pian seas : Imaus extending along the golden desert (desert of 
Gobi) : the Paropamisus, on the north of India : the Ural (name- 
less in antiquity). — Of the rivers remarkable in ancient history, 
there are four flowing from north to south, namely, the Euphrates 
and Tigris, which fall into the Persian gulf; the Indus and 
Granges, which fall into the Indian sea : two which run from east 
to west, and discharged their waters into the Caspian sea, (but 
now into the sea of Aral,) namely, the Ozus (or Jihon) and the 
Jaxartes (or Sirr). 

3. This quarter of the globe is accordingly 
divided into Northern Asia, comprising the re- 
gions north of Altai ; Central Asia, or the coun- 
tries between the Altai and Taurus ; and Southern 
Asia, or the lands south of Taurus. 

4. Northern Asia, between the 76th and 60th 
parallels of north latitude, (Asiatic Russia and 
Siberia,) was almost, though not entirely, un- 
known in antiquity. — Some obscure hints, though 
partly true, respecting it, are found in Herodotus, 
the father of history. 

5. Central Asia, the regions extending between 
the 50th and 40th degrees of north latitude, 
Scythia and Sarmatia Asiatica, (Great Tartary 
and Mongol;) for the most part a boundless, 
barren table land, devoid of arable fields or 
forests ; and consequently a mere country of 


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pasture.— The inhabitants pastors, (nomads,) with- asia. 
out cities or fixed abodes ; recognizing no other 
political association than patriarchal government. 

Peculiar mode of life and character of nomad nations ; power- 
fdl influence which they have exercised, as oonquerora, on poli- 
tical history. — ^Whether we have a right to expect that the 
civilization of the human race will for ever continue to advance, 
when we consider that perhaps one half of it has from time im- 
memorial remained, and from its physical situation must for ever 
remain, in a nomad state. 

6. Southern Asia, or the regions from the 40th southern 
degree of N. lat. to about the equator. — Its natural 
features altogether different from those of central 
Asia. The great advantages of these regions 
compared with all other parts of the earth, in pos- 
sessing a soil and climate highly favourable for 
agriculture; and an abundance of various costly 
productions. To these circumstances .may be at- 
tributed, 1st. The adoption of fixed habitations 
and political associations in these countries, from 
the earliest times. 2ndly. Their becoming the 
principal seat of trade, from the infancy of ci- 
vilization to the discovery of America. 

Reflections upon the rise of political associations. — Whether, 
according to the general opinion, they were produced wlely by 
agriculture and the possession of land ; or, whether religion, by 
which I mean the common worship of one divinity as the national 
god, (oommunia sacra,) was not the main bond which united the 
earliest states of antiquity ? — How shall we account for the very 
remarkable hct, that in the earliest civil societies in the world, 
the priesthood is generally found to be a ruling caste. — Reflec- 
tions on early trade, particularly that of the east, before it was 
dianged, by the discovery of America and the new passage to 
India, from a land trade to a sea trade. — Observations upon an- 
cient commercial routes across Asia. — The banks of the large 
rivers destined by nature to become the seats of commerce for the 
interior ; <m the Oxus, Bactra and Maracanda, (Samarcand ;) on 



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ASIA, the Euphrates and Tigris^ Babylon. -— The aea Aorei on the 
western coast of Asia Minor and Phoenicia^ pointed out also by 
nature as places of commerce ; — ^line of Grecian and Phoenician 

7. Division of southern Asia. 1st. South- 
western Asia, from the Mediterranean to the In- 
dus ; 2nd. South-eastern Asia, from the Indus to 
the eastern ocean. 

A. South-western Asia is again subdivided into 
the countries — 1st. on this side the Euphrates — 
2ndly. between the Euphrates and Tigris — 3rdly. 
between the Tigris and the Indus. 

1. Countries on this side the Euphrates. 

AsiaMinor. (o) The pcuiusula of Asia Minor (Natolia). 
Principal rivers : the Halys and Sangarius. Coun- 
tries: three towards the west, Mysia, Lydia, 
Caria. Along the shore, the Greek seaports of 
Phocsea, Ephesus, Miletus, Smyrna, Halicarnas- 
sus, etc. Inland, the cities of Sardes in Lydia, 
of Pergamus in Mysia. 

Three towards the south, Lycia, Pamphylia, 
and Cilicia, with its capital Tarsus. 

Three towards the north, Bithynia, Paphlago- 
nia, Pontus ; with the Greek ports of Heraclea, 
Amisus, and Sinope. Two inland, Phrygia, to- 
gether with Galatia and the capital cities of Gor- 
dium and Celaenae ; Cappadocia, with the city of 

Islands. (b) Islands along the coast of Asia Minor: Les- 
bos, with the city of Mitylene; Chios, Samos, 
Cos, Rhodes, with cities of the same name. 

Syria. (c) Syria, together with Phoenicia and Pales- 

tine. 1st. Syria, properly so called. Cities: Da- 
mascus, Emessa, Heliopolis, (Baalbec). In the 

phcemcia. dcscrt. Palmyra. 2nd. Phoenicia, a mountainous 


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tract, extending along the shore. Mountains : asia. 
Libanus and Antilibanus. Cities: Tyre, on an 
island opposite the ancient Tyre, which was situ- 
ate upon the mainland ; Sidon, Byblus, Bery tus, 
Tripolis, Aradus. 3rd. Palestine. Mountains : Palestine. 
Carmel, Tabor. River : Jordan, which discharges 
its waters into the Dead sea. Division of Pales- 
tine ; first, according to the twelve tribes ; after- 
wards into the provinces, of Judaea, capital Je- 
rusalem: of Samaria; cities, Samaria, Sichem: 
and of Galilee. 

(^0 Peninsula of Arabia, abounding in vast sandy Arabia, 
deserts, and almost entirely occupied by nomad 
tribes. Its southern and eastern coasts render it, 
nevertheless, a most important seat of trade. In 
the north, Arabia Petraea, so called from the town 
of Petr^. Inland, Arabia Deserta. In the south, 
Arabia Felix; rich, both in natural productions, 
being the native land of almost every kind of per- 
fume, particularly frankincense ; and also as be- 
ing the ancient staple for the merchandise of In- 
dia. Cities : Mariaba, Aden, etc. In the east, 
the trading town of Gerra, and the islands near 
the shore, Tylos and Aradus, (Bahrein,) both like- 
wise marts for Arabian and Indian wares, parti- 
cularly cinnamon from Taprobane (Ceylon). 

2. Countries between the Euphrates and Tigris. 

(a) Mesopotamia ; in the interior a sterile table Mesopota- 
land, entirely occupied by nomad hordes. Cities "*** 

on the Euphrates: Thapsacus, Circesium, Cu- 
naxa ; in the north, Zoba or Nisibis. 

(b) Armenia, north of the foregoing. Very Armenia. 
mountainous ; for a long time without cities, but 

at last it had Tigranocerta. Rivers : the Cyrus 



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ASIA, and Araxes, falling into the Caspian; and the 
Phasis, falling into the Black sea. 
Babylonia, (c) Babylonia, the southern part of Mesopota- 
mia, from which it was separated by the Median 
wall. A level plain, remarkable for the richness 
of its soil ; formerly, by its high cultivation, its 
canals and lakes, and the erection of dams, the 
most fruitful, and, from its situation, the most 
opulent staple of inner Asia. Cities : Babylon 
on the Euphrates, Borsippa. 

Whether the account given by Herodotus, as an eyewitness, of 
the size and splendour of Babylon is not exaggerated ? — Manner 
in which the great Asiatic cities arose out of the royal encamp- 
ments of the nomad conquerors. 

3. Countries between the Tigris and the Indus. 
Assyria. (o) Assyrfa, or the province of Adiabene ; a ta- 
ble land. Cities: Nineveh, (Ninus,) Arbela. 

The name of Assyria is also frequently taken by the Greeks 
in a wider acceptation^ as comprising both Mesopotamia and Ba* 
bylonia ; it is sometimes even confounded with Syria. 

Susiana. (b) Susiaua, a fruitful district, with the city 
Susa on the river Choaspes, or Eulaeus (Ulai), 
one of the residences of the Persian monarchs. 

Persia. (c) Pcrsis, ruggcd and mountainous towards 

the north ; level and fruitful in the centre ; sandy 
towards the south. Rivers : the Cyrus and 
Araxes. Cities : Persepolis or Pasargada, the 
national palace and cemetery of the kings of 

The name of Persis was, in ancient as well as in modem geo- 
graphy, taken in a more extensive sense, as comprising all the 
countries between the Tigris and Indus, with the exception of 
Assyria. In this sense, it contains three countries towards the 
soaUi — Persis, properly so called; Carmania, Gedroaia: three 


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oentnd oonntries— Medla^ Aria, Arachosia: and three countries ASIA. 
towards the north — ^Parthia and Hyrcania, Bactria, Sogdiana. 

(d) Carmania, an extensive country, for the cannania. 
most part desert, ranging along the Persian gulf 

and Indian sea. Cities : Garmana, Harmozia. 

(e) Gedrosia, tract of land running along theCMroiia. 
coast between Garmania and India, and washed 

by the Indian sea. A mere sandy desert; to- 
wards the north, mountainous. Town, Pura. 

(/) Media, above Persis ; an extensive and very Media. 
fruitful country ; mountainous towards the north. 
Rivers : Araxes, Gyrus, and M ardus. Cities : 
Ecbatana, Rages. The northern district was 
likewise known by the name of Atropatene (Azer- 
beijan), or Lesser Media. 

(^) Aria, a smooth table land, with a lake and Ana. 
river, Arius : and one city. Aria or Artacoana. 

(A) Arachosia ; a rich and fertile country on the Arachosia. 
frontiers of India ; bounded towards the north by 
the Paropamisus chain. Cities: Arachotus and 
Prophthasia. The neighbouring highlands, occu- 
pied by a numerous population, (now Cabul and 
Kandahar,) are often regarded, in consequence of 
their being subject to the Persian dominion, as 
forming part of Persia. They are known by the 
name of Paropamisus. 

(i) Parthia and Hyrcania, rugged mountainous Panhia. 
districts to the north of Media ; but abounding in 
magnificent and fertile vales. Before and during 
the predominance of Persia, but little known and 
little valued; and without cities. It was at a 
considerably later period that the inhabitants of 
Parthia became a dominant nation. 

{k) Bactria, the country on the south bank of Bactna. 


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ASIA, the Oxus ; rich in natural productions, and one of 
the most ancient marts of Asia. River: Oxus. 
Cities : Bactra and Zariaspa. 

Bactria lies on the frontier of India, Little Thibet, Bukharia, 
(the north India of Herodotus and Ctesias,) and the desert of 
Gobi, (Herodotus's golden desert): the road to China nms 
through this country. Nature, by the geographical situation in 
which she has placed Bactria, seems to have destined it to be the 
great emporium for the wares of south-eastern Asia ; and in pro- 
portion as we penetrate into early history, we become convinced 
that Bactria, like Babylon, must have been one of the earliest 
seats of international commerce, and consequently, if not the 
birthplace, one of the cradles of infant civilization. 

sogdiana. (/) Sogdiaua, the territory between the upper 
Oxus and upper Jaxartes, the latter dividing it 
from central Asia. (A part of Great Bukharia.) 
Its peculiarities and advantages similar to those 
of the neighbouring Bactria. Capital : Mara- 
canda (Samarcand). 

B. South-eastern Asia, or Asia beyond the 
Indus, offers nothing remarkable for history till a 
later period. See Book v. Period iv. 

General Preliminary Observations upon the History and 
Constitution of the great Asiatic Empires. 

MagDUude 1. Asia Contained in ancient times, as it does 

of the em- ^ . ^ . . , i • /*» . 

pires in at present, empires of immense extent, differing 
materially both in this respect and in * their con- 
stitution from the civilized nations of Europe. 
Changes were frequent ; but the form of govern- 
ment continued nearly always the same. Some 
deeply rooted and active principles therefore must 

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have been in constant operation, to have given so asia. 
repeatedly, in these various revolutions, the same 
organization to the kingdoms of Asia. 

2. The great revolutions of Asia, with the ex- Nature of 
ception of that caused by Alexander, were effect- IuSom/**^ 
ed by the numerous and powerful nomad races 
which inhabited a large portion of that continent. 
Pressed by necessity or circumstances, they for- 
sook their own seats, founded new kingdoms, and 
carried war and conquest into the fruitful and cul- 
tivated lands of southern Asia, until, enervated 

by luxury, the consequence of the change in their 
mode of life, they were in their turn, and in, a 
similar manner, subjugated. 

3. This origin, common to all Asiatic kingdoms. Their ihort 
accounts for their immense extent, their rapid**" ^^^' 
establishment, and their generally brief duration. 

4. The internal organization must, for the same similarity 
reasons, have been nearly alike in all; and theconsutu- 
constant reappearance of despotism is accounted ^^' 
for, partly by the rights of conquest, partly by 

the vast extent of the subdued countries, which 
obliged the rulers to have recourse to satrap-go- 

5. To this, it must moreover be added, that ^^^^tt of 


among all the considerable nations of inner Asia, 
the paternal government of every household was 
corrupted by polygamy : where that custom ex- 
ists, a good political constitution is impossible; 
fathers bejng converted into domestic despots, 
are ready to pay the same abject obedience to 
their sovereign that they exact from their family 
and dependants in their domestic economy. 

To avoid confusion, it ^vill be necessary to define the terms 


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ASIA> despotism and despotic government. In theory, we mnst admit 
THREE essentially different kinds of government. Ist. The (ie*- 
poHc, in which the members of the state are not secured in the 
possession of their rights as men^ (personal freedom and security 
of property,) nor of their rights as citizens, (active participation 
in the legislative power). Such a constitution exists only by 
force, and can never be lawful. 2nd. The autocratic, in which 
the members of the state are in full possession of their rights as 
men, but not of their rights as citizens. This government, there- 
fore, arises from the union of the legislative and executive powers 
in the person of the ruler. In form, it is either monarchical or 
aristocratical (a pure monarchy, or a pure aristocracy). This kind 
of government b most likely to be established by usurpation ; it 
may, nevertheless, be acquired by succession, or even adopted by 
common consent : it may therefore be lawful. 3rd. The republic 
can, in which the members of the state are in possession of their 
rights, both as men and as citizens. This government necessarily 
presupposes a separation of the legislative and executive powers ; 
and with regard to its form, may be either monarchical or aris- 
tocratical, (a moderate monarchy, or a moderate aristocracy). — 
How far can a pure democracy be called a government, and com- 
prised under any of the foregoing heads ? — ^Explanation of the 
despotism in the Asiatic kingdoms, and the attempts made to 
limit it by religion and religious institutions. 

Rise, pro- 6. General features in the gradual internal de- 
S?if TO^ velopment of all empires formed by nomad con- 
querors, (a) At first the mere occupation of rich 
territories, and levying of tribute, {b) Hence the 
constitutions already established among the con- 
quered or tributary nations generally suffered to 
remain, (c) Gradual progress towards the adop- 
tion of a fixed abode and the building of cities, to- 
gether with the assumption of the customs and 
civilization of the conquered, (d) Division into 
provinces, and, as a necessary consequence, the 
establishment of satrap-government, (e) Insur- 
rections of the satraps, and the internal ruin of 
the state prepared thereby. (/) The influence 



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of the seraglio on the governmentH&*Ifi& same asia. 
effect, for its UDavoidable consequences are — effe- 
minacy and indolence in the rulers, (g*) Hence 
the dissolution of the empire, or its total annihila- 
tion by some violent attack from without. 

Fragments of the History of the ancient Asiatic Kingdoms 
previous to Cyrus. 

Soturoe8> and their critical examination : 1. Jewish writings, Pxbiod 
particularly the books of Kings^ Chroniclers, and the Prophets ; Q^yg, 

together with the Mosaic records. 2. Greek writers^ Herodotus, ' 
Ctesias, and Diodoms: later chroniclers, Syncellus, Ensebius^ 
Ptolemy. 3. Native writer, Berosns. Futility of all endeavours 
to arrange into one work the accounts of authors so entirely dif- 
ferent by birth and the times in which they flourished : a task 
attempted by the French writers, Sbvin, Frbrst, and De- 
BR0S8E, in their papers contained in the Mem. de TAcad. des 

VoLNBT, Recherckes nouvelles sur VHistoire ancienne, 1808 
—1814: very important and authentic, so far as regards the 
system of Herodotus's chronology. 

I. Assyrian monarchy. 

1 . With the Greeks, Assyrian is generally a Assyrians 
common name applied to the ruling nations about Greeli dif- 
the Euphrates and Tigris before the time of Cy- ^J^*/J7e 
rus. With the Jews, on the contrary, it signifies *^e^«^»- 

a distinct nation of conquerors, and the founders 
of an empire. Hence a necessary discrepancy 
between the Grecian and Hebrew statements. 

2. Assyrian history, according to Grecian au- Grecian 
ihorities, particularly Ctesias and Diodorus, is no- *^^°"°*" 
thing more than mere traditions of ancient heroes 

and heroines, who at some early period founded 
a large kingdom in the countries about the Eu- 


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26 MEDES. BOOK i. 

Period phrates and Tigris ; traditions without any chro- 

cy'riTs! nological data, and in the style of the east. Ni- 

nus — Semiramis — Ninyas — Sardanapalus. 

Acoording to Herodotus, an Aasyrian empire of 520 years' 
duration, 1237 — 717* Lists of Assyrian kings in the chronicles 
of Syncellus and Eusebius. 

Jewish ac- 3. Assyrian history, according to Jewish autho- 
rities. Chronological history of an Assyrian em- 
pire between B. C. 800 and 700.— Seat of the 
nation in Assyria, properly so called. — Capital : 
Nineveh on the Tigris. — Extension of their do- 
minion as far as Syria and Phcenicia. 

Line of Assyrian kings : 1. Pul, about 773. Invasion of Sy- 
ria. 2. Tiglath-Pileser, about 740. He overthrows the kingdom 
of Damascus. 3. Shahnaneser, about 720. He destroys the king- 
dom of Samaria. Transplantation of the inhabitants into inner 
Asia. 4. Sennacherib, about 714. Mighty expedition against 
Egypt, frustrated by a pestilence. 5. Esarhaddon. 

Contemporary : Jews, the divided kingdoms of Israel and 
Judah. — Greeks, decennial archons at Athens. — Romans, rise 
of the state and the two first kings. 

II. Median monarchy. 

Different 1. Thc name of Medes is undoubtedly often 

tio^^^f the used by the Greeks to designate one nation ; it is, 

Medes. however, frequently made use of as a common 

appellation of the ruling nations in eastern Asia, 

from the Tigris to the Indus, (or Persia, in the 

more extensive sense of that word,) before Cyrus. 

— With the Jews: nothing more than general 

hints of the Medes as a conquering nation. 

Great Da- 2. Although the statements of the Grecian 

to^htvee^^ writers, as well as of the Zendavesta, sufficiently 

theTi^u?^P''^v^ that long before the rise of the Persian 

power mighty kingdoms existed in these regions ; 

and particularly in the eastern part, or Bactria ; 


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yet we have no consistent or chronological history period 
of these states: nothing but a few fragments, ^^^vl 
probably of dynasties which ruled in Media, pro- 
perly so called, immediately previous to the Per- 

a, Herodotuis History of the Medes. Herodotus's Medes are 
unquestionably the inhabitants of Media^ properly so called. 
Division into six tribes : among these, that of the Magi. — Ruling 
nation after the overthrow of the Assyrians. — ^Capital of their 
empire, Ecbatana. — Boundaries: west, the Tigris and Halys; 
east, unknown. — ^Internal organization : graduated subjection of 
the various nations to one another, according to their distance 
from the seat of empire ; rigid despotism ; and imposition of tri- 
bute. Line of kings between B. C. 71? — ^60. Deioces, 53 y. 
the founder of Ecbatana, d. 657. — Phraortes, 22 y, down to 635. 
He conquers Persia. Cyaxares I. 40 y. down to 595. He esta- 
blishes military discipline among the Medes. Wages war with 
the Lydians, the Assyrians. — Irruption of the Scythians and 
Cimmerians, 625. — He takes Nineveh, 597* Astyages, 38 y, 
down to 560, when he was dethroned by Cyrus. According to 
Xenophon, Astyages was followed by another Median prince, 
Cyaxares II. 6. Ctesias's History of the Medes, deduced from 
Persian archives, and contained in Diodorus. Probably a differ- 
ent dynasty in eastern Asia. Line of kings, between B. C. 800 
and 560. Arbaces, conqueror of the Assyrians, 18 y. Man- 
daucus, 50 y. Sosarmes, 30 y. Artias, 50 y. Arbanes, 22 y, 
Artsns, 40 y. and Artynes, 22 y. Sanguinary wars with the 
nomad races of the east, the Sacee, and Cadusii. Artibamas, 14 y. 
Astyages, the last king. 

Contemporary : Jews, kingdom of Judah alone. — Qreeka, 
yearly archons, Draco, Solon. — Romans, kings from TuUus Hos- 
tilius to Servius Tullius. 

III. Babylonian monarchy. 

Periods : 1st. Previous to the Chaldsean con- Babyio- 
quest, which occurred about 630. 2nd. From the °""'* 
Chaldeean conquest to the Persian, 630 — 638. 

1. Babylon was not only spoken of in the most ut period, 
remote antiquity, but is mentioned in the Jewish fngmeDU. ' 


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28 BABYLONIANS. book i. 

PsBioD traditions as the earliest scene of political trea- 
Cyrvb. ties, and as the most ancient seat of intercourse 

for the nations of Asia. Traditions concerning 
Nimrod — and the erection of the tower of Babel. 
— Comparison of those traditions with the Baby- 
lonian mythology in Berosus. — Scanty historical 
notices of this period in the later Jewish writers; 
and probable subjection of Babylon to the As- 
syrian empire. 
2nd period, 2. In the second period, 630 — 638, the Baby- 
chaidcau. lonians were the ruling nation of western Asia. 
— The Chaldseans take possession of Babylon, 
there establish themselves, and ultimately extend 
their empire, by conquest, to the Mediterranean. 

Origin of the Chaldseans : whether that name was applied to 
a distinct nation, or to the northern nomads in general? — Line of 
Chaldeean kings. In the enumeration of these rulers, as given 
by Ptolemy, this line begins with Nabonassar, and the era bear- 
ing the name of that sovereign^ which commences in the year 
B. C. 747 '• (probably because^ under the reign of that prince^ the 
adoption of the Egyptian solar year first introduced among the 
Chaldffians an exact method of reckoning time). Neither Nabo- 
nassar himself, nor his twelve immediate successors^ are remark- 
able in history: the six last alone deserve notice. 1. Nabopo- 
lassar, 627 — 6(^- Settlement in Babylon ; and complete esta- 
blishment of the Chaldieo-Babylonian dominion, by his victory 
over Pharaoh-Nechoh, near Circesium, in 604. 2. Nebuchad- 
nezzar, 604 — 561. Brilliant period of the Chalda3o- Babylonian 
empire. He conquers Phoenicia and Old Tyre about 586 : Je- 
rusalem in 587 ; probable irruptions into Egypt. Construction 
of immense buildings and canals in and about Babylon. Rapid 
decline of the empire after his death, under — 3. Evil-Merodach, 
561 — 559. 4. Neriglissar, (probably the contemporary of Hero- 
dotus*8 Nitocris ;) — 555. Labosoarchad murdered, after a few 
months' reign. Nabonadius, (Herodotus's Labynetus; and pro- 
bably the Chaldaean Belshazzar;) 555 — 538. attacked and con- 
quered by Cyrus. Sack of Babylon by the Persians, 538. 


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See the sectitm oonoeming the Babylonians in A. H. L. Hsb- Psmioo 
Ren's Historical Researches, vol. i, part. 2. Ctbu * 

Contemporary : Jew8> last sovereigns of the kingdom of 

Judah. — Greeks^ Solon^ Pisistratus. — Romans^ Tarquinius Pris- 
cus and Servius Tullins. 

IV. States and kingdoms in Asia Minor. 

The number and variety of the inhabitants of No lasting 
this peninsula, was probably the reason why they f^"^ in 
never became united into one empire. The most ^"^Minor. 
important nations among them, were the Carians 
in the west ; the Phrygians in the centre, reach- 
ing as far as the Halys ; the Syro-Cappadocians 
beyond the Halys ; and the Thracians in Bithynia. 
Nevertheless we find here but three kingdoms 
deserving notice — the Trojan, the Phrygian, and 
the Lydian. 

1 . The Trojan empire comprised western My- Troy, 
sia: its history consists of mere traditions con- 
tained in poets, with very uncertain chronological 

Kings : Teucer^ about 1400. — Dardanns — Erichthonius — Tros 
(Troja) — ^Ilus (Ilium) — ^Laomedon — Priam. The destruction of 
Troy, after a ten years' war, occurred, it is probable, B. C. 1190. 

Contemporary : Jews, time of the Judges : before the founda- 
tion of Rome, 450 years. % 

2. The Phrygian empire. — Almost all the kings Phrygia. 
were named Midas and Gordius ; their succession 
cannot be accurately determined. After the death 

of the last, called Midas V., Phrygia became a 
province of the Lydian empire, about 560. 

3. The Lydian empire. — The Lydians (Maeoni- Lydia: 
ans) were a branch of the Garian tribe. Accord- 
ing to Herodotus, three dynasties ruled in Lydia ; threedynas. 
the Atyadae down to 1232 ; the Heraclidse down 

to 727 ; and the Mermnadae down to 557 : the 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

30 PHCENIGIA. book i. 

Period two first are almost wholly fabulous, and the pro- 
Cy'r" per history of Lydia may be said to commence 
with the last dynasty. 

Kings : Gyges^ down to 689. From this period followed al- 
most uninterrupted wars with the Greek settlements on the sea- 
coast. Gyges takes Colophon. Ardys down to 640. He takes 
Priene. Under his reign^ an irruption of the Cimmerians. Sa- 
dyattes down to 628. Alyattes down to 571 • Expulsion of the 
Cimmerians. Capture of Smyrna. Crcesus down to 557- He 
takes Ephesus, and subjugates Asia Minor as far as the Halys. 
Under his reign, the first rise of a Lydian empire^ which how- 
ever is overthrown by Cyrus. Asia Minor becomes a province 
of the Persian empire. 

Contemporary with which, in Asia, were the Medic and Ba- 
bylonian empires. — ^Among the Jews, the last period of the king- 
dom of Judah. — ^Among the Greeks, the yearly archons at Athens. 
— ^With the Romans, the kings. 

V. Phcenicia. 
Fragmenu The Phoenicians may be regarded as one of the 
cUq hTs^^ most remarkable nations of Asia during this pe- 
^"^^^ riod ; yet we have no complete, or even connected 
history of this people. But though a few scat- 
tered fragments are all we possess, we may from 
these trace out a general outline. 

The peculiar sources of Phoenician history. — How far Sancho- 
niathon deserves to be mentioned here ? — Hebrew writers, parti- 
cularly Ezekiel ; Greek writers ; Josephus — Eusebius, etc. and 
the fragments which he has preserved of Menander of Ephesus, 
and Dius, historians of Tyre. ^ 

MiONOT, Mimoires sur Us Phinidens ; inserted in M^m. de 
tAcad, des Inscript, t. xxxiv — xlii. A series of twenty-four 

The section concerning the Phoenicians in A. H. L. Hberbn's 
Researches on the Politics, etc, 

PhoBnician 1. Observations on the internal state of Phoe- 

of dtia!" nicia. It did not constitute one state, or, at least, 

one single empire ; but consisted of several, and 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


their territories. Alliances, however, were na- Pbmod 
turally formed between them, and hence a kind c"r " 
of supremacy of the more powerful, particularly of 

2. But though Tyre stood at the head, and Each dy 
claimed a certain degree of superiority, each se- entX't 
parate state still possessed its own particular go- '^ ^^ 
vernment. In all of them we meet with kings, 

who appear to have possessed but a limited au- 
thority, as we always find magistrates associated 
with them in power. Among a mercantile and 
colonizing people, it was impossible that absolute 
despotism should endure for any length of time. 
Of the separate states. Tyre is the only one of 
which we possess a series of kings; and evenT^nrian 
that series is not complete. °^' 

This line of kings, which we derive from Menander through 
Josephus^ commences with Abical^ the contemporary of David, 
about B. G. J 050. The most remarkable among them are: Hi- 
ram^ the successor of Abical ; — Ethbaal I. about 920 ; — Pygma- 
lion, Dido's brother^ about 900; — Ethbaal II. in whose reign 
Tyre was sacked by Nebuchadnezzar, 586. — Foundation of New 
Tyre — republican constitution under suffetes: tributary kings 
nnder the Persian rule ;— conquest of New Tjrre by Alexander, 
•^. The flourishing period of Phoenicia in general^ and of 
Tpe in particular^ falls therefore between 1000 — 332. 

Contemporary in inner Asia: monarchies of the Assyrians^ 
Medes, and the Babylonians. Jews : period of the kings affcer 
David. Greeks: from Homer to Solon. Romans: period of 
their kings in the last two centuries. 

3. During this period the Phoenicians spread Phoenician 
themselves by the establishment of colonies; some *^® °'"*'' 
of which, particularly Carthage, became as pow- 
erful as the mother states. 

General ideas concerning colonization. — 1. Colonies are ab- 
solutely necessary to every seafaring and commercial people, 


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Pbriod whenever their trade extends to distant countries. 2. They have 
cVr Y ^^^^ ^° established for the purpose of providing for the ex- 

oessive increase of the poor. 3. And they have sometimes arisen 

from political commotion^ when the malcontents^ either from 
free will, or force, have forsaken their country, and sought new 
settlements in distant regions. 

4. Geographical sketch of the Phoenician colo- 

inthe nies. They possessed, at a very early period, 
most of the islands of the Archipelago ; from 
which, however, they were subsequently expelled 
by the Greeks. The principal countries in which 

Spain; they had settlements were the south of Spain 
(Tartessus, Gades, Carteia); the north coast of 

Africa J Africa, west of the Lesser Syrtis (Utica, Carthage, 
Adrumetum); and the north-western coast of 

Sicily; Sicily (Panormus, Lilybaeum). It is likewise 
highly probable that they formed settlements to- 

probably in wards the east in the Persian gulf, on the islands 

gulf. * of Tylos and Aradus (Bahrein). 

Sea trade of 6. This skctch of the Phoenician colonies will 

the Phoeni- . • i /• 

cians: givc US somc idca of the extent of their sea trade 
and navigation ; which, however, extended much 
farther than their colonies. Among them, as 
among other nations, commerce took its rise in 
piracy ; even as late as the time of Homer, the 
Phoenicians appear to have been freebooters. The 
principal objects of their commerce were (a) the 
settlements in north Africa and Spain ; the latter 
more particularly, on account of its rich silver 
mines, (b) Beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the 
west-coast of Africa ; Britain and the Scilly is- 
lands, for the purpose of procuring tin, and, very 
probably, amber, (c) From Elath and Ezion-Ge- 
bar, ports situate at the northern extremity of the 
Arabian gulph, they undertook, in connection with 


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the Jews, voyages to Ophir, that is to say, to the period 
rich lands of the south, particularly Arabia Felix cVrui! 
and Ethiopia, (d) From the Persian gulf, they 
extended their commerce to the western peninsula 
of India and the island of Ceylon. Finally, (e) they double 
they made several extensive voyages of discovery, owS^HopI. 
among which, the most remarkable was the cir- 
cumnavigation of Africa. 

6. Of no less importance was the land trade. Their laod 
mostly carried on by caravans. The principal 
branches of it were: {a) The Arabian caravan 

trade for spices and incense, imported from Ara- 
bia Felix, Gerra, and the Persian gulf, (b) The 
trade through Palmyra with Babylon, which 
opened them an indirect communication by way 
of Persia, with lesser Bukharia and little Thibet, 
probably even with China itself, (c) The trade 
with Armenia and the neighbouring countries in 
slaves, horses, copper utensils, etc. 

7. To all this must be added their own manu- tJ>«ir manu- 
factures, particularly their stuffs and dyes ; (the 
purple, made of the juice of a marine shellfish ;) 

their manufactures of glass and toys, which, in 
their commerce with uncivilized nations, generally 
carried on by barter, were turned to good account. 
Many other important discoveries, among which 
the invention of letters holds the first rank, are 
attributed to the Phoenicians. 

VI. Syrians. 

1. The inhabitants of Syria dwelt in cities as Syria, an 
early as B. C. 2000, when Abraham wandered**'^*'*'*' 
over their country. This country did not form 
one single state, but consisted of several cities, 
each of which had its separate territory, and its 


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34 JEWISH HISTORY. book i. 

Pbeiod chief or king ; of these cities, Damascus, Hamath, 


Cybus. etc. are mentioned in the most remote antiquity. 
a frequent 2. The Syrians were, however, often subjected 
conquest: by foreign conquerors ; and their country was cer- 
10^! ^'^* tainly, at least in the time of David, a Jewish pro- 
vince. It shook off the yoke, however, in the 
time of Solomon ; when Rezon, who had formerly 
been a slave, obtained possession of Damascus. 
Kingdom of 3. After this, there arose the kingdom of Da- 
mascus, which comprised the greatest portion of 
Syria, the kings in the other cities becoming tri- 
butary to Damascus. The boundaries of the em- 
pire, too, were extended, and particularly at the 
expense of the divided kingdoms of Judah and 

The kings, whose names are taken from the books of Chroni- 
des, were : Rezon, about 980. Benhadad I. about 900. Hazael, 
about 850. Benhadad II. about 830. Rezin. Under this last, 
the kingdom of Damascus was overthrown by the Assyrian con- 
queror Tiglath-Pileser, about 740. 

Contemporary in Inner Asia: Assyrian kingdom. Jews: 
kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Greeks : settlement of the Asiatic 
colonies. — ^Lycurgus. 

VII. Jews. 
Periods of The history of the Jewish people^ begins with 
toiy. 'Abraham the father of their race; that of the 
Jewish state does not commence till after the con- 
quest of Palestine. It is divided into three pe- 
riods. I. History of the Jews, as a nomad horde, 
from Abraham till their settlement in Palestine, 
B. C. 2000—1500. II. History of the Jewish 
state as a federative republic under the high 
priests and judges, from B. C. 1500 — 1100. III. 
History of the Jewish state under a monarchical 
government, from B. C. 1100 — 600, first in oae 


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kingdom, — 975 ; afterwards as two separate king- Pbr»od 
doms, Israel and Judah, until the downfal of the cybus. 
latter, 588. 

Soarces of the Jewish history. — Their annals: — Books of 
Judges^ Samuel^ Chronides, Kings. How those books were oom- 
posed^ and whether their authors may be considered as contem- 
porary with the events they relate ? How far the Hebrew poets^ 
the prophets in particular, may be considered as historical autho- 
rity? — JosjsPHUS^ as an antiquarian in his Arckceologia, and as a 
contemporary historian in his Historia Belli Romani, 

Unfortunately there is not at present any satisfactory treatise 
on the Jewish history previous to the Babylonian captivity ; nor 
one written in an impartial spirit, without credulity or scepticism. 
The work of Berruybr, Hisloire du Peuple de Dieti, depuis 
son origine jusqu'd la Naissance de J, C. Paris, 1742, 10 vols. 
8vo.; and the continuation, depuis la Naissance de J, C. 10 
vols. ; and others of the same kind do not answer this description. 
RsLANDi Antiquit. Sacr, Heb. The writings of J. D. Mi- 
CHA£Li8, particularly his f Remarks on the Translation of the Old 
Testament, and his f Mosaic Law ; together with f Herder, On 
the Spirit of Hebrew Poesy, furnish many excellent materials. 

I. Period of the nomad state from Abraham to Jews as a 
the conqtcest of Palestine. — Under Abraham, Isaac, hoUde. 
and Jacob, nothing more at first than a single no- 
mad family ; which, however, during its sojourn 
in Lower Egypt, where, during four hundred and sojourn in 
thirty, or, according to others, two hundred and to2Kut 
fifty years, it roved about in subjection to the ^^^' 
Egyptian Pharaohs, — increased to a nomad na- 
tion, divided into twelve tribes. The nation, 
however, becoming formidable from the great in- 
crease of its numbers, the Pharaohs, following the 
usual policy of the Egyptians, wished to compel 
the Jews to build and inhabit cities. Unaccus- 
tomed to restraint, they fled from Egypt under 
the conduct of Moses ; and conquered, under him 



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36 JEWISH HISTORY. book i. 

Period aod his successor Joshua, Palestine, the land of 


Cyrus. prOHllSe. 

Moses and his legislation. — ^Wbat he borrowed and what he 
did not borrow from the Egyptians ? — The worship of Jehovah 
in the national sanctuary^ and by national festivals^ celebrated 
with ceremonies rigidly prescribed^ the point of union for the 
whole nation^ and the political bond which held the tribes to- 
gether. — The caste of Levites^ compared with the Egyptian caste 
of priests. 

J. D. MiCHAELis^ Mosaic Law. Grottingen^ 1778j etc. 6 vols. 
8to. ; translated into English by Dr. Albxanoer Smith. 
Lond. 1814, 4 vols. 8vo. The commentator frequently sees more 
than the lawgiver. 

Jew* as a II. Period of the federative republic. From the 

pubS. '* occupation of Palestine to the establishment of 
monarchy, 1500 — 1100. 

Heroic ag«. 1. General character of this period as the he- 
roic age of the nation, which, after the gradual 
adoption of fixed dwellings and agriculture, was 
engaged in constant feuds with its neighbours, the 
vagrant Arabs, the Philistines, and the Edomites. 
Impossibility of exterminating entirely the ancient 
inhabitants according to the intention of Moses. — 
Hence the worship of Jehovah was never the anljf 
religion in the land. 

Conititu- 2. Political organization. In consequence of 
the division of land, according to tribes, and their 
separation from one another, the government long 
remained patriarchal. Each tribe preserved its 
patriarch or elder, as in the nomad state. All, 
however, had, in the worship of Jehovah, one 
common bond, uniting them into one federate 
state. Magistrates were likewise appointed in 
the cities, to whom scribes are conjoined out of 
the Levite caste. 


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3. The permanent union of the nation, and pre- Pbriod 
servation of the Mosaic law, were likewise pro- ^yrvs. 
moted by the distribution of the Levite caste into Distribu- 
forty- eight separate towns, situated in various ^^i^|^* 
parts of the country, and by making the high 
priesthood hereditary in Aaron's family. 

4. But when at the death of Joshua the people Disturbed 

_. _ i»/» state of the 

were left without a common ruler, the tie of re- Jews at the 
ligion became insufficient to hold them together ; jodi^! 
especially as the weaker tribes became jealous of 
the more powerful. At this time the high priests 
appear to have had but little political influence ; 
and the national bond was only prevented from 
being dissolved by the dread of a foreign yoke. 

5. The Jews were sometimes independent, at Judges, 
other times tributary. In seasons of oppression 

and distress heroes arose, jealous for the worship 
of Jehovah, to deliver them from bondage. They 
acted as chief magistrates and rulers of a part, or 
even the whole of the nation, and as champions 
of the worship of the true God. The judges, par- 
ticularly Othniel, Deborah, and Sampson. — Con- 
cerning the marvellous in their history. 

6. Reestablishment of the worship of Jehovah Kings, 
by Samuel. He becomes judge, and rules as* ** 
Jehovah's minister. — His scheme of making the 
office of judge hereditary in his own family is 
defeated by the conduct of his sons. The na- 
tion demands a king, whom Samuel, as minister 

of Jehovah, is called upon to appoint. His crafty 
policy in the election, which he cannot impede. 
He chooses Saul, politically speaking, the most 
insignificant man of the nation ; but the tallest 
and most stately. A formal constitutional act. 


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38 JEWISH HISTORY. book i. 

Period according to the Mosaic command, is drawn up 
Cyr^u^s! And deposited in the national sanctuary. 

Causes which led the nation to demand a king. — Earlier at- 
tempts made, particularly by Abimelech, to obtain regal power. 

III. Period of the manarchy from 1 1 00 — 600. 

1. The Jewish state as one single kingdom from 
1100(1095;— 975. 

Saul: 1. Saulf the new king, strengthened himself on 

the throne by a victory over the Ammonites ; and 
a general assembly of the nation, in which Samuel 
laid down his office as judge, unanimously ac- 
knowledged his sovereignty. But Saul, no sooner 
became a conqueror than he threw off the tutelage 
of Samuel, and ventured himself to consult Jeho- 
vah. This was the occasion of a feud between 
them. Samuel, offended, privately anointed an- 
other young man, David the son of Jesse, as king. 
David acquires fame and popularity by his heroic 
conduct; but has much difficulty in escaping the 
jealousy of Saul. — Saul sustains himself amid 
constant wars with the neighbouring nations ; 
siaia about but at last defeated, he and all his sons, except 

one, lose their lives. 

Jewish go- 2. State of the nation and constitution under 

lud state Saul. — The king little more than a military leader 

under im. ^^^^^ |.jjg dircctiou of Jchovah ; without either 

court or fixed residence. — The people still a mere 

agricultural and pastoral race, without wealth or 

luxury ; but gradually assuming the character of 

a warlike nation. 

i>avid. 3. Saul was succeeded by David ; but not 

1066-1016. . , ^, ^ .^ / , 

without opposition. Eleven tribes declare for 


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Ish-bosheth, the remaining son of Saul ; and Da- Period 
vid is only acknowledged by his own tribe, Judah, cyb^u^s! 
It is not till seven years later, and the murder of 
Ish-bosheth by bis own people, that David is re- 
cognized as king by the whole nation. 

4. Complete formation of the nation, and asuteofthe 
change of constitution during the reign of David goyernment 
over the united kingdom, which lasted thirty-three '^^""'8:"- 
years. Jerusalem is made the seat of government 

and of the national sanctuary. Rigid observance 
of the worship of Jehovah, the exclusive religion 
of the nation, considered in respect to its political 

5. Vast aggrandizement of the Jewish state by Conquests, 
conquest. A war with Hadadezer opens the way 

to the conquest of Syria and Idumaea. Extent of 
the kingdom from the Euphrates to the Mediter- 
ranean; from Phoenicia to the Red sea. Gra- 
dual decline towards despotism and seraglio go- 
vernment; the political consequences of which 
become apparent about the end of David's reign, 
in the rebellion of his sons. 

6. Reign of Solomon. The brilliant govern- soiomoD, 
ment of a despot from the interior of his seraglio ; 
anwarlike, but civilized, and fond of parade. New 
oiganization of the kingdom for the support of 

the court. Connections formed with the neigh- 
bouring states, particularly with Tyre; hence a 
participation in the southern trade carried on from 
the ports of the Red sea, conquered by David; 
but only as a monopoly of the court. 

7. The capital enriched by the splendour of the Declension 
court; but the country oppressed and impover-®^ ******* 
ished, particularly the distant tribes. Gradual 

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40 JEWISH HISTORY. book i. 

Period internal decay hastened by the admixture of the 
Cyrus. woFshlp of foreign gods with that of Jehovah ; 
although Solomon, by the erection of the temple 
according to the plan of his father, seems to have 
wished to make the worship of the true God the 
only religion of the country. An unsuccessful 
attempt at rebellion made by Jeroboam ; and by 
the Edomites, who remain tributary under their 
own kings: actual secession, even during the 
reign of Solomon, of the conquered province of 
Syria by the foundation of the kingdom of Da- 
Rehoboam. g. Solomou is succcedcd by his son Reho- 
beam, who has scarcely ascended the throne, 
before the malcontents, increased in number by 
his imprudence, break into open rebellion. Jero- 
boam is recalled from Egypt, and ten tribes ac- 
knowledge him as their king. Only two tribes, 
Judah and Benjamin, remain faithful to Reho- 

II. The Jewish state as a divided kingdom^ 

Causes of 1. Rcciprocal relations between the two king- 

ytm^' doms of Judah and Israel. Although Israel was 

d^rand^ more extensive and populous than Judah, yet was 

Israel. Judah, in consequence of possessing the capital, 

richest of the two ; thus their power was nearly 

balanced ; and hence the struggle between them 

was the more obstinate. 

FoH<7of 2. The kings of Israel seek to confirm the po- 

ofisiae?: Htical divisiou of the nation, by establishing a 

new form of worship within their dominions, in 

order to restrain their subjects from visiting the 


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ancient seat of the national worship at Jerusalem; psrioi> 
hence they were considered as the enemies of cVrus* 
Jehovah. Several kings, however, even of Judahofthow 
were so impolitic as to mingle the worship of^^^^^^^- 
other gods with that of Jehovah. But oppres- 
sion itself serves to sustain the worship of Jeho- 
vah ; the number and political influence of the 
prophets increase in proportion as men feel, amid 
the turbulence of the times, need of the counsels 
of the true God; the idea of some future happier 
period under a mighty king — the idea of the Mes- 
siah and of his kingdom — is more fully developed 
by the lively recollection of the splendid reign of 
David. — Schools of the prophets. 

3. The rivalry and wars between those twoTermina- 
states not only continue with slight interruption, wm. 
but become more and more fraught with danger, 
in consequence of the alliances entered into with 
foreign princes, particularly with the kings of Da- 
mascus and Egypt. An end is at length put to 
these feeble kingdoms by the rise of vast empires 
in Inner Asia. 

Most important events in the history of the two kingdoms. 
I. Kingdom op Isbakl, 975 — ^22 ; under 19 kings, from dif- 
ferent families, who succeeded to the throne amid violent revo- 
lutions. 1. Jeroboam, d. 954. Settlement of the royal residence 
at Shechem ; of the sanctuaries at Bethel and Dan, and appoint- 
ment of priests, not belonging to the tribe of Levi. Constant 
wars with the kings of Judah. 2. Nadab, Jeroboam's son, mur- 
dered in 953 by 3. Baasha, d, 930. This prince, by his alliance 
with the kings of Damascus, brought the kingdom of Judah into 
great danger. 4. £lah murdered in 929 by one of his generals. 
5. Zimri, in whose place the army immediately elected 6. Omri: 
this prince, at the beginning of his reign, had a rival to the 
throne in Tibni, d. 925. Omri founded the new capital, Sama- 
ria, if. 918. He was succeeded by his son 7* Ahab : strong con- 
nections by marriage with the kings of Sidon ; introduction of 


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42 JEWISH HISTORY. book i. 

Pbriod ^q PhcBiiician worship of Baal. Wars witH Damascas, in whidi 
Cyrus. Ahab at last perishes, 897. Under Ahab a league formed with 
the king of Judah. He is succeeded by his sons, 8. Ahaziah, d 
896, and 9. Jehoram. The league with Judah continues. Je- 
horam is murdered by Jehu, 883. 10. Jehu : this king destroys 
the house of Ahab, which had given 4 kings to Israel, and does 
away with the worship of Baal. The kings of Damascus wrest 
from the kingdom of Israel the lands beyond Jordan. Jehu, d. 
856. He is succeeded by his son 1 1 . Jehoahaz, d, 840. The 
wars with Damascus continue unsuccessful to Israel. 12. Je- 
hoash, d. 825. He defeats the kings of Damascus and Judah. 
13. Jeroboam II. d. 784. He restores the kingdom of Israel to 
its ancient extent. After a turbulent interregnum of 12 years, 
he is succeeded by his son 14. Zechariah, 773 ; who was assas- 
sinated the same year, being the last remnant of the house of 
Jehu, which had given 5 kings to Israel. His murderer, 15. 
Shallum, after a reign of one month, is, in his turn, assassinated 
by 16. Menahem, d. 761 : under his reign the first expedition 
of the Assyrians, headed by Pul, whom he buys off by tribute. 
17* His son Pekahiah murdered in 759 by 18. Pekah, under 
whose reign falls the expedition of Tiglath-Pileser the Assyrian, 
and destruction of Damascus. Pekah is assassinated in 740 by 
19. Hoshea, who, after an anarchy of eight years, obtains pos- 
session of the throne. Hoshea endeavours, by an alliance with 
Egypt, to shake off the Assyrian yoke ; but Shalmaneser, king 
of Assyria, wages war against him, conquers Samaria, and puts 
an end to the kingdom of Israel^ whose inhabitants he transplants 
to Media in Inner Asia, 722. 

2. Kingdom of Judah under 20 kings of the house of Da- 
vid, 975 — 598. The regular line of hereditary succession is ge- 
nerally followed without dispute, and is only twice interrupted by 
Athaliah's usurpation, and the intervention of foreign conquerors. 
1. Rehoboam, d, 958. Jerusalem is still the seat of government ; 
but even during this reign the worship of Jehovah begins to fall 
into neglect, in consequence of the introduction of foreign gods. 
Besides the war with Israel, Jerusalem is attacked and plun- 
dered by Shishak, king of Egypt. 2. Abijah, d. 955. 3. Asa. 
This prince was attacked by the combined kings of Israel and 
Damascus, and, no doubt, would have sunk in the conflict, had 
he not succeeded in breaking their alliance ; d. 914. 4. Jehosh- 
aphat^ the restorer of the worship of Jehovah and framer of a 
league with the kingdom of Israel. His attempt to reestablish 


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the trade to Ophir^ on the Red sea, is unsucoessfol^ d. 891. 5. Pebiod 
Jehoram. The union with Israel is confirmed by the marriage cyhu"? 

of this prince with Ahab's daughter^ Athaliah ; but Idumsea, 

under his reign, secedes wholly from the kingdom of Judah, d. 
884. 6. His son Ahaziah is, in the next year, 883, assassinated 
by Jehu, the murderer and successor of Jehoram king of Israel. 
7. His mother, Athaliah, takes possession of the throne ; mur- 
ders the whole royal family ; only one son of Ahaziah, 8, Joash, 
is, in consequence of his youth, rescued from the carnage, se- 
cretly educated in the temple, and after seven years forcibly 
placed upon the throne, by means of a revolution wrought by 
the high priest, Jehoiada; and Athaliah is slaughtered, 877- 
Joash rules under the tutelage of the priests, which leads to the 
reestablishment of Jehovah's worship. This prince is menaced 
by Hazael king of Damascus^ and compelled to pay him tribute. 
Slain 838. 9. Amaziah : he defeats the Edomites, and is in his 
turn defeated by Jehoash king of Israel, by whom Jerusalem itself 
is sacked. He is slain in 811, and succeeded 10. by his son 
Azariah, (or Uzziah.) This prince was leprous, and d. J59. 
His son 11. Jotham, d. 7^3, became regent during the life of 
his father. The wars with Israel and Damascus recommence. 
12. Ahaz, d. 728. The league between the kings of Damascus 
and Israel induces Ahaz to call to his assistance Tiglath-Pileser 
king of Assyria, who overthrows the kingdom of Damascus, and 
subjects Israel and Judah to tribute. 13. Hezekiah, d. 699. 
He shakes off the Assyrian yoke : under his reign Shalmaneser 
destroys Samaria, 7^2 : and Shalmaneser s successor, Sennache- 
rib, undertakes his expedition against Egypt, 7H* Jerusalem 
is again besieged, but fortunately relieved by the total failure of 
the expedition. Isaiah prophecies during the reign of this prince. 
14. Manasseh, d. 644. During his 55 years' reign, the worship 
of the Phoenician god, Baal, becomes general ; that of Jehovah 
falls into contempt, and the Mosaic law into disuse. 15. Amon, 
murdered as early as 642. 16. Josiah restorer of the temple^ 
and of the worship of Jehovah. The book of the Law, which 
had been cast aside and neglected, is once more found, and a 
complete reform instituted according to its principles. Palestine 
however is the first country attacked by Necos, king of Egypt ; 
and Josiah falls in battle, 611. His son, 17. Jehoahaz, is, after 
s reign of three months, dethroned by Pharaoh-Nechoh, and 
Lis brother 18. Jehoiakim placed as a tributary prince on the 
throne. But in consequence of the rise of the Chaldieo-Babylo- 


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44 JEWISH H^STORY. book i. 

PsRioD nian empirei Pbaraoh-Nechoh k deprived of his Asiatic oon- 
cVru^ quests by the loss of the battle of Circesiuxn^ 606 ; and Jehoia- 
kirn beoomes tributary to Nebuchadnezzar^ d. 599. The prophet 
Jeremiah flourishes. 19. Jehoiachin^ son of the former Idng, 
after three months' reign^ is^ together with the greater part of 
the nation^ transplanted into Inner Asia by Nebuchadnezzar^ 
after a second expedition^ (commencement of the Babylonian 
captivity,) and, 20. Zedekiah, brother on the father's side to 
Jehoiachin, is seated on t&e thnme as a tributary prince. Form- 
ing, however, a league with Egypt, in order to throw off the 
Babylonian yoke, Nebuchadnezzar marches a third time against 
Jerusalem, conquers it, 588, and delivers it up to piUage and 
destruction. Zedekiah, after being deprived of his eye-sight^ 
and losing all lyis children by the hands of the executioner, is, 
together with the remaining portion of the nation, led in cap- 
tivity to Babylon. 

S. Bbrnhabdi Commentatio de causis quUms affectum git ut 
regnum JtuJUe diutius persUteret quam regnum Israel ; cum ta- 
bula geographica, Lovanii, 1825, 4to. A prize essay, containing 
also several valuable enquiries into the monarchical period of the 
Jewish state. 

f Bauer, Manual of the History of the Hebretv Natum^ vol. 
i — ^iii, 1800. The best introduction hitherto published, not only 
to the history, but also to the antiquities of the nation, from the 
rise to the fall of the state. 


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General Geographical OutUne of Ancient Africa. 

See A. H. L. Hbbben's HUtarical Researchet, etc African 
Nations. 2 vols. 8vo. Oxford, 1831. 

1. Although the Phoenicians had circumna- ^Z5:!£^ 
vigated Africa, the northern part only of that ^^*|vi^°^-^ 
quarter of the fflobe was known to antiquity. ancicDtB 

JL. - . ^^ , , ? with Africa. 

With that part, however, the ancients were better 
acquainted than we are at the present day, the 
coast being then occupied by civilized and com- 
mercial nations, who pushed their excursions far 
inland. This was the case in early times with the 
Carthaginians and the Egyptians; still more so 
with the Macedonian Greeks, under the Ptole- 
mies, and under the Romans. War, hunting, and 
commerce, were, generally speaking, the objects 
which gave rise to those excursions. 

2. Considered as a whole, Africa is very differ- General 
CDt from Asia, both in situation and form. Asia Africa, 
lies almost entirely within the temperate, while 
Africa is almost wholly under the torrid zone. 
Asia abounds in deep gulfs and large rivers; 
Africa constitutes a regular triangle, and in its 
northern half possesses but two large rivers, the 
Nile and the Niger. No wonder, then, that this 
portion of our globe should form, as it were, a 
world in itself, distinguished by its productions 

and its inhabitants. 

3. Physically considered, Northern Africa may Physical 
be divided into three regions, distinguished in^^'^P**^ 


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AFRICA, early antiquity by separate names. The maritime 
of North country along the Mediterranean, with the ex- 
ception of Tripolis, or the Regio-Syrtica, consists 
principally of very fertile districts, and was con- 
sequently, at all times, very thickly inhabited : 
hence in Herodotus it bears the name of the inha- 
bited Africa; it is now called Barbary. Above 
this, and under the 30th parallel of N. lat., suc- 
ceeds a mountainous tract, across which stretches 
the Atlas chain of mountains ; abounding in wild 
beasts and dates: hence Herodotus calls it the 
wild beast Africa: among the Arabs it is called 
the land of dates, {Biledulgerid.) Beyond this, 
and between the 30th and 20th degrees of N. lat. 
the sandy region extends right across Africa and 
Arabia : this part of Africa is therefore known, 
both among the ancients and moderns, under the 
name of Africa Deserta, or the Sandy Desert, 
(Sahara). The fruitful lands beyond the desert, 
stretching along the banks of the Niger, were 
almost wholly unknown to the Greeks : by them 
these parts were comprehended under the com- 
mon name of Ethiopia, although that name ap- 
plied more peculiarly to the districts above Egypt. 
The Greeks were, however, acquainted with some 
of the fruitful spots in the desert, the Oases ; such 
as Augila, Ammonium, and the Oases, properly 
so called, in Egypt. 
Political 4. There exists no political division which com- 
'**^*' prises the whole of Africa. The north coast alone 
was inhabited by civilized nations: Egyptians, 
Cyrenaeans, and Carthaginians; of which the first 
only were aboriginals. The rest of the inhabit- 
ants either roved about as nomad hordes, or 


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formed insignificant states, of whose existence we africa. 
have heard some account, though we possess no 
history of them. Along the shore, reckoning from 
the PUnthinetic gulf, Egypt is succeeded by : 1st. 
Marmarica, a tract without cities, consisting prin- 
cipally of sandy deserts, occupied by nomad 
hordes: this country extends from the 40 — 47** 
E. long, from Ferro. 2nd. The fertile territory 
occupied by the Greek colonies, called Cyrenaica, 
extended to the Greater Syrtis, 37 — 40'' E. long. 
Cities: Cyrenci Barca. 3rd. The territory of Car- 
thage, extending from the Greater Syrtis to the 
Fair Promontory, 25 — 40^ E. long. This territory 
comprised (a) the country between the Greater 
and Lesser Syrtis, (Regio Syrtica,) which consti- 
tutes the modern kingdom of Tripoli; a sandy 
tract, almost wholly occupied by nomads, (b) the 
territory of Carthage, properly so called, (king- 
dom of Tunis). A very fruitful country; the 
southern part, called Byzacena, the northern part 
Zeagitana. Cities: Carthage, Utica, etc. 4th. 
Nnmidia and Mauritania;' occupied during the 
Carthaginian age by nomad races. Along the 
shore some Carthaginian settlements. 


Preliminary remarks. Egypt in its superficial Geography, 
contents is equal to about two-thirds of Germany, 
and may therefore justly be ranked among the 
more extensive countries of the globe ; it greatly 
varies, however, in its physical properties. The 


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EGYPT, soil is only sufficiently fertile for tillage on the 
banks of the Nile» and as far as the floods of that 
river extend ; beyond that, on the west, is a sandy 
desert, on the east a chain of rocky mountains. 

coureeof From its entrance into Egypt at Syene, the Nile 
flows in one undivided stream to the city of Cer- 
casorus, 60 geogr. miles above its mouth, direct- 
ing its source from south to north through a valley 
from 8 to 16 geogr. miles broad, bounded on the 
west by deserts of sand, and on the east by moun- 
tains of granite. At Cercasorus the stream first 
divides itself into two main branches, which for- 
merly discharged their waters into the Mediterra- 
nean, the eastern near the city of Pelusium, the 
western near the city of Canopus (ostium Pelusia- 
cum €t Canopicum ;) from these two diverged se- 
veral intermediate branches ; so that in the time of 
Herodotus there existed seven mouths of the Nile, 
but the number has not always remained the same. 
The tract between the two extreme arms of the 
Nile bears, in consequence of its triangular form, 
the name of the Delta ; it was covered with cities, 
and highly cultivated. The fertile part of Egypt, 
inhabited by civilized men, was therefore confined 
to the Delta and the valley of the Nile, on the two 
banks of the stream from Syene to Cercasorus ; 
to which must be added some well watered spots 
in the centre of the western desert, known un- 
der the name of the Oases. In consequence of the 
perpetual absence of rain, particularly in Upper 
Egypt, the fertility of the Delta and the valley of 
the Nile depends on the overflowing of the river, 
which happens at stated periods. This com- 
mences at the beginning of August and continues 


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to the end of October; so that during three whole egypt. 
months the above-mentioned parts of the country 
ire under water. 

Egypt is divided into Upper, extending from Divisions of 
Syene to the city of Chemmis, (capital, Thebes, ^*^*' 
or Diospolis); Central from Chemmis to Cer- 
casorus, (capital, Memphis,) and Lower Egypt, 
which comprises the Delta, and the land on both 
sides : it was full of cities, among which the most 
remarkable was Sais. 

Next above Egypt lies Ethiopia, (jEthiopia su- Ethiopia, 
prfl JEgj/ptum); which, from the earliest times, 
principally through commerce, appears to have 
been closely connected with the former country. 
The regions immediately above Egypt, usually 
called Nubia, are little more than deserts of sand, 
still inhabited by roving hordes of nomad robbers. 
The rocky mountain chain, which forms the east- 
ern boundary of Egypt, stretches along the Red 
sea, and was formerly of great importance to 
Nubia, from its containing, just above the 
Egyptian frontier, productive gold mines. The 
Nile, in this country, makes a wide curve to 
the west, and becomes so full of shallows as to 
render navigation diflScult. The lands adjoining 
the river, however, are fertile and well inhabited ; 
and contain numerous ancient monuments. Still 
higher up, reckoning from 16** N. lat. the appear- 
ance of the country changes ; the region of fer- 
tility commences, and its costly productions, its 
gold and its perfumes, gave rise to a profitable 
commerce. Among these countries, Meroe, with 
its capital of the same name, was celebrated in the 
days of Herodotus. By Meroe is understood a 


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EGYPT, tract of land bounded by two rivers, the Nile on 
the west, and the Astaboras, (Tacazze,) which 
falls into the Nile, on the east ; for this reason it 
is frequently, although improperly, called an is- 
land. This country extended towards the sources 
of the Nile, or the modern province of Gojam, 
where, under the reign of Psammetichus, the 
Egyptian caste of warriors, having for the most 
part deserted, established themselves. Meroe 
itself, like the Egyptian states, was sacerdotal, 
with a king at its head. — The city of Axum, or 
Auxume, is not indeed mentioned at so early a 
period ; but if we may judge by the ruins that 
still remain, it was of equally high antiquity with 
the old Egyptian towns and with Meroe. The 
same observations apply to Adule, the harbour 
on the Arabian gulf. 
Divisions of The Egyptian history is divided into three pe- 
hifuMy?" riods of unequal duration ; the Jirst of which ex- 
tends from the earliest time down to the Sesos- 
tridae, that is to say, to about B.C. 1600: the 
second comprises the reigns of the Sesostridae, or 
the brilliant period of Egypt, down to Psam- 
metichus, 1500 — 650: the third brings us from 
Psammetichus down to the Persian conquest, 


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Ftom the earliest times down to the SesostricUg, about 
B. a 1500. 

Soarces: 1. Jewish writers. Moses, His records contain^ no Period 



doabt, a faithfiil picture of the Egyptian state in his day ; but 
no amtinuoos history can be deduced from them. — From Moses - 
down to Solomon (B. C. 1500 — 1000.) total silence^ with respect 
to Egypt, of the Hebrew writers. From Solomon down to Cy- 
rus, (B. C. 1000 — 550.) a few scanty fragments. — Importance 
and superiority of the Jewish accounts, so fieu* as they are purely 
historical, 2. Greek writers, (a) Herodotus. The first who 
published a History of the Egyptians. About seventy years after 
the destruction of the throne of the Pharaohs by the Persian con- 
querors, this author collected, in Egypt itself, the earliest ac- 
counts of the history of the country ; he received his information 
from the most capable persons, the priests; and wrote down 
fButhfully that information, such as he heard it. If, therefore, 
we would estimate at their proper worth the accounts given by 
Herodotus, it is necessary to enquire, what did the priests them- 
selves know of their earlier national history ? And this question 
cannot be answered until we have ascertained in what manner 
the historical records of the earlier periods were preserved among 
the Egyptians. 

The earliest history of the Egyptians, like that of all other 
nations, was traditional. They adopted, however, before any 
other nations, a sort of writing, hieroglyphics, or allegorical pic- 
ture writing ; in which the signs borrowed from natural objects 
served, as modern discoveries have proved, partly to represent 
sounds, (Jiiiroglyphex phon^tiques,) and partly to express ideas ; 
in the latter case they were either representative or allegorical. 
This mode of writing, by its nature, is not so complete as the 
purely alphabetical; since, 1. It can express only a narrow drcle 
of ideas, and these separately, without connection or grammatical 
inflection, at least with very few exceptions. 2. As it is not 
80 well adapted to writing as to painting or engraving, it is not 
so useful for books as for public monuments. 3. Being em- 

, s 2 


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52 EGYPTIANS. book i. 

Period blematic^ it is not intelligible ^vithont the help of a key, which 
Cyrus^ could only be preserved in some tradition connected with the 

monument, and which was exclusively possessed by the priests ; 

this key, therefore, could hardly be preserved many centuries 
without falsification. 4. The same image seems frequently to 
hav^ been used to express very different objects. — It follows, that 
the Egyptian history, as deduced from the lips of the priests, can 
hardly have been any thing more than records connected with, 
and depending upon, public monuments: consisting, therefore, 
of mere fragments, and reducible to no consistent chronology, 
it ultimately admitted only of allegorical translation, and conse- 
quently was very liable to be misinterpreted. Besides their 
hieroglyphics, the Egyptians certainly had two other species of 
writing : the hieratic, confined to the priests, and the demotic, 
used in common life. Both, however, seem to have been nothing 
more than running hands derived from the hieroglyphic system ; 
and we have no instance of the employment of either the one or 
the other in public monuments of the time of the Pharaohs. 
That the use of papyrus, a material on which all the above kinds 
of writing were employed, had its origin in the highest antiquity, 
or at least in the more brilliant period of the Pharaohs, we now 
know for certain, written documents belonging to those times 
having been obtained from the tombs. 

Champollion lb jbune. Precis du Systeme Hi^roglyphiqttt 
des ancienx Egyptiens. Paris, 1824. The main work on this 
subject, of which the Lettre a M. Dacier, 1822, is but the pre- 
cursor, and the two Lettres d M, le due de Blacas the continua- 
tion. The new method of deciphering has received its principal 
confirmation from the work of the British consul in Egypt, 
Salt, Essay on the Phonetic System of Hieroglyphics, 1825, 
on the authority of a comparison with the Egyptian monuments 
themselves. Hitherto, however, little more has been made out 
than the names and titles of the kings, distinguished by being 
always enclosed within a border. 

These preliminary remarks on the earlier Egyptian history, 
will derive abundant support from a perusal of the account given 
by Herodotus (ii, 99 — 150), of the Egyptian kings previous to 
Psammetichus. The study of that author proves beyond all 
doubt, that : I. The whole history is throughout founded on pub- 
lic monuments, and on monuments too, either in or near Mem- 
phis. We may even restrict ourselves to one single monument 
at Memphis, to the temple of Vulcan, or Phtha, the chief temple 


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of diat city. The history oommences with Menes, the founder Period 
of that edifice^ (c. 99.), and we are informed, respecting each of "'«**■ 

his successors, what was done towards the augmentation and 

embellishment of the building : those who made no addition to 
that temple, but left other monuments, (as the builders of the 
pyramids,) are denominated oppressors of the people, and con- 
temners of the gods : of those princes who left no monuments at 
all, the priests could give no otlier information than a catalogue 
of names. II. Hence this line of kings, although the priests 
gave it to Herodotus as such, is not without interruptions, but, 
as is clearly proved by a comparison with Diodorus, contains 
many wide chasms : therefore no chronological system can be 
erected upon such a basis. III. The whole history is inter- 
woven with narrations derived from hieroglyphic representations, 
and for that very reason allegorical, the meaning of which it is 
no longer possible to unravel, the priests themselves being either 
unable or unwilling to explain it, and even inclining,' it appears, 
to introduce false interpretations. To * this class of narrations 
belongs, for instance, that of the robbery of Rhampsinitus's trea- 
sury ; that of his journey into hell, where he played at dice with 
Ceres, (c. 121, 122) ; that concerning the daughter of Cheops, 
(c. 1270 ' concerning the blindness of Pheron, and the manner in 
which he was cured, etc. (c. 111.) To prove that this charge is 
not without foundation, it will suffice to adduce two examples ; 
one from c. 131, where Herodotus himself observes that such was 
the case; the other from c. 141, the true meaning of which we 
gather from other sources. £v^n in the time of Herodotus, it 
was customary with the priests to endeavour to conciliate the 
Greek and Egyptian authorities ; a fact in proof of which there 
are many arguments which cannot escape the critic : such, for 
instance, as the completely Grascised history of king Proteus, 
c 112 — 115. — The general result of the above observations on 
Herodotus's Egyptian history is, that it is nothing more than a 
narration connected with public monuments. To this inference 
but one objection can possibly be made, namely, that the Egyp- 
tian priests possessed, besides their hieroglyphics, an alphabetical 
mode of writing ,* consequently, that, over and above the public 
monuments, they might likewise refer to written annals ; but 
this objection is overthrown by Herodotus himself. All the in- 
formation the priests could give him beyond what has been above 
alluded to, consisted in the names of 330 kings subsequent to 


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54 EGYPTIANS. book i, 

Pekiod Menes ; these they read from a papyrus roll, but knew nothing 
Cyrvs' ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ kings who bore them^ because those sovereigns had 

left no monuments behind them, (c. 100.) 

(Jb) Besides Herodotus, Diodorus (lib. i.) likewise furnishes us 
with the names of some Egyptian kings. This author, who 
wrote 400 years subsequently to Herodotus, visited Egypt, and 
collected his history, partly from the oral and written documents 
of the priests of Thebes, partly from the more ancient Greek 
writers, and particularly Hecatseus. If we consider Herodotus's 
line of kings as not continuous or uninterrupted, all appearance 
of contradiction between the two historians vanishes. Diodoms, 
like Herodotus, did not intend to give a complete enumeration 
of the Egyptian kings ; but only of the most remarkable ; in- 
dicating, the interruptions by the number of generations which 
they contained. 

(c) Finally, different from both the above is the Egyptian 
Manethoj high priest at Heliopolis, who flourished under the 
reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, about B. C. 260. He wrote the 
Mgtfpiiaca, of which, besides several fragments in Josephus, the 
enumeration of the kings has been preserved in the chronicles of 
Eusebius and Syncellus. This catalogue is divided into three 
sections, (tomos,) each of which contains several dynasties, in all 
31, enumerated according to the different cities of Egypt. In 
each dynasty the number of kings belonging to it and the years 
of their reigns are marked. The authenticity of Manetho is now 
completely established ; since the names of the Pharaohs men- 
tioned by him have been deciphered on the Egyptian monu- 
ments. To this period belong the first seventeen dynasties ; in 
the eighteenth begins the second and brilliant period, to which 
the yet remaining monuments of Upper Egypt, bearing the names 
of the founders, are to be ascribed. It is worthy of observation, 
that in Herodotus we have the documents of the priests of Mem* 
phis, in Diodorus those of the priests of Thebes, in Manetho 
those of the priests of Heliopolis — ^the three principal seats of 
sacerdotal learning: — ^perfect consistency cannot, therefore, be 
expected in the accounts of those histmans. 

The modern writers on Egyptian antiquities, from Kirchbr, 
(Edipus jEgyptiacus, 1670, to Db Pauw, Recherches sur les 
Egyptiens et sur les Chinois, 1772, have too often substituted 
their own dreams and hjrpotheses for truth. The principal at- 
tempts at a chronological arrangement of the dynasties have been 


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made by Marbhau^ in his Canon Ckronicus; and by Gat- Period 
TSRBB, in his f Synchronistic History of the World, — Among ^"^" 
the principal works on this subject may be reckoned : 

Jabi^nski Pantheon Mythicum JEgyptiacum, 1750^ 8vo. 

Gattsbbr, Commentationes de Theogonia jEgypt. in Com-- 
meniai, SocieU Gotting, t. vii. 

De Origine et Usu Oheliscorum^ auctore G. Zoboa ; Romae, 

VEgypte sous les Pharaons, ou Recherches sur la Geographies 
la Religion^ la Langue, les EcritureSf et VHistoire de VEgypte 
mant V invasion de Catnbyse, par Champollion le jeunb, 
t i, ii. ]814. These two volumes^ dedicated to the geography, 
contain the restoration of the ancient Egyptian names of pro- 
vinces and cities deduced from Coptic authorities. 

Commentationes Herodoteas, scribebat Frid. Crbuzer. Mgyp^ 
Oca ei Hellenica, pars 1. Lips. 1819. A series of most acute 
and learned illustrations of different points in Egyptian antiquity, 
introduced by different passages of Herodotus. 

The volume in Hberbn's Historical Researches, etc. 1831, 
Tol. ii, concerning the Egyptians ; and particularly the introduc- 
tion on hieroglyphic writing. For the best representations of the 
Egyptian monuments, we are indebted to the French expedition. 
Those of Denon in his Voyage en Egypte, are far superior to 
those of Pococke and Norden ; but Denon's, in their turn, have 
been greatly surpassed in the magnificent work : 

Description de VEgypte, Aniiquitis, P. i, ii, iii. P. i, con- 
tains the monuments of Upper Egypt, from the frontiers of 
Nubia to Thebes ; P. ii, iii, contain the monuments of Thebes 

Bblzoni, Researches in Egypt, London, 1824, with an atlas. 

■f MiNUTOLi, Journey to the Temple of Jupiter Ammon^ and 
Egypt, \{m. 

L. BuRCKHARDT, Travels in Nubia, London, 1819. 

F. G. Gau, Antiques de la Nubie, Paris, 1824. A worthy 
continuation of the great French ^vork on Egypt. 

Fr. Caillaud, Voyage d MiroS et au Fleuve Blanc, Paris, 
1825, contains the description of the monuments of Meroe. 

1. Political civilization commenced in Egypt at Early civii- 
a much earlier period than that to which history Egypt: 
reaches ; for even in the days of Abraham, and 


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56 EGYPTIANS. book i. 

Period Still mofc SO in thosc of Moscs, the government 
Cy'rus* seems to have been so well organized, that a long 
period must necessarily have elapsed in order to 
raise the nation to that degree of civilization which 
we see it had then attained. It may, therefore, 
be safely asserted, that Egypt ranks among the 
most ancient countries of our globe in which po- 
litical associations existed; although we cannot 
determine with equal certainty whether they did 

of India, ^ot cxist Still earlier in India. 

Causes of 2. The causes which contributed to render 

dnu^uon. Egypt thus early a civilized state, may be found 
in the natural features of the country, and its fa- 
vourable situation, when compared with the 
rest of Africa. It is the only tract in all northern 
Africa situated on a large uninterrupted navigable 

The Nile: stream : had it not been for this, it would, like the 
other parts of Africa under the same parallel, have 
been a mere desert. To this must be added two 
extraordinary circumstances: on the one hand, 
the overflowing of the river so perfectly pre- 
pares the soil, that to scatter the seed is almost 
the only labour of the husbandman ; and yet, on 
the other hand, so many obstacles impede the 
progress of agriculture, (by the necessity of canals, 
dams, etc.) that the invention of man must neces- 

commerce, sarily havc been awakened. When agriculture, 
and the kind of knowledge requisite for its ulte- 
rior development had introduced a certain degree 
of civilization into Egypt, the situation of that 
country, between Asia and Africa, and in the 
neighbourhood of the rich land of gold and spices, 
must have been highly favourable to the purposes 
of international commerce ; hence Egypt appears 


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in all ages to have been one of the chief seats of Period 
the inland or caravan trade. cVrus* 

3. It is obvious, therefore, that in the fertile Egyptian 
valley of the Nile, the course of things must have cLme^rom 
been very different from what it v^ras in the desert ***• ^^^' 
of Libya. Several small states appear to have 

been formed in this valley long before the exist-- 
ence of any great Egyptian kingdom. Their ori- 
gin, as might naturally be supposed, is enveloped 
in an obscurity, which history can no longer en- 
tirely penetrate. It may still, however, be ga- 
thered from monuments and records, that Upper 
Egypt was first the seat of civilization ; which, ori- 
ginating in the south, spread by the settlement 
of colonies towards the north. It is probable 
that this took place in consequence of the migra- 
tion of some tribe, differing from the negroes, as is 
proved by the representations, both in sculpture 
and in painting, found on the yet remaining mo- 
numents of Egypt. 

4. The records of the high antiquity of political 
civilization, not only in India, but likewise in Ara- 
bia Felix and Ethiopia, particularly in Meroe, 

and the evident vestiges of ancient intercourse be- MigratioM 
tween the southern nations of our globe, prove [o^V.*** 
with sufficient evidence the truth of such migra- 
tions, although they cannot be chronologically de- 
termined. It is certain, however, that religion 
had no small share in producing them. The na- 
tional bond of union in Egypt not only continued 
in later times, entirely dependent upon religion, 
but was originally grounded upon it. Thus every 
step in political civilization must have depended, 


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58 EGYPTIANS. book i. 

Pbhiod if not solely, at least principally, on the caste of 
Cyrus. pHcsts and on their extension. 

Greneral development of the idea of division into castes. Ori- 
ginating at first in the variety of tribes settled in one and the 
same country, and their different modes of life. — ^Its farther pro- 
gress in despotic and in theocratic kingdoms. — Application to 
Egypt and to the Egyptian caste of priests, as an original, civil- 
ized tribe. 

A caste of 5. The peculiarity of this caste was the wor- 
troduce ship of Certain deities, the principal of which were 
gionind Ammon, Osiris, and Phtha, confounded by the 
iit^Jr Greeks with their Jupiter, Bacchus, and Vulcan. 
The spread of this worship, which was always 
connected with temples, affords, therefore, the 
most evident vestiges of the spread of the caste 
itself; and those vestiges combined with the re- 
cords of the Egyptians, lead us to conclude that 
this caste was a tribe which migrated from the 
south, from beyond Meroe in Ethiopia, and by 
the establishment of inland colonies around the 
temples founded by them, gradually extended and 
made the worship of their gods the dominant re- 
ligion in Egypt. 

Proof of the accuracy of the above theory deduced from mo- 
numents and express testimonies concerning the origin of Thebes 
and Ammon from IVIeroe ; it might have been inferred from the 
preservation of the worship of Ammon in the latter place. Mem- 
phis, again, and other cities in the valley of the Nile, are com- 
monly supposed to have been founded by detachments from 

Nome8. 6. This conjccturc, which agrees with the usual 
progress of population, is corroborated by the very 
ancient division of the country into districts, or 
nomes. This division was intimately connected 


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with the chief temples, each of which ^ 
a separate colony of the caste of priests^ 
the inhabitants of every nome belonged to the 
chief temple, and joined in the religious worship 
there performed. 

7. To the gradual extension of this civilized separate 
tribe, which comprised, not only the caste of the founded in 
priests, but certainly also that of the warriors, *^^^^' 
and perhaps some others, may be attributed the 
formation of several small states along the banks 
of the Nile; the central point of each being always 
such a colony as we have just now described; 
although each state consisted both of the aborigi- 
nal tribes of the neighbourhood, and of those that 
had migrated into the country. The bond which 
united every separate state was, therefore, as in 
most of those formed in the infancy of mankind, 
a common worship, in which all the members 
participated. But what, by reason of the pe- 
culiarities of soil and climate, could not take 
place in southern Africa, took place in Egypt: 
agriculture, and its progressive improvement, be- 
came the great support of civilization ; and, as 
being the true foundation of states, formed the 
principal political object of the ruling caste. 

R«fiitation of the idea, that the Egyptian priests were in poB« 
session of great speculative knowledge ; since their knowledge 
rather had constant reference to practical life^ and, therefore^ was 
in their hands the instrumentum dominalionis over the people, 
hj which they rendered themselves indispensable, and kept the 
former in a state of dependence. — Explanation of the close refer* 
ence which their gods^ their astronomical and mathematical sci« 
ences bore to agriculture. 

8. According to Manethos catalogues, these Manethos 
separate Egyptian states existed first in Upper u^^^'^ ^ 


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60 EGYPTIANS. book i 

Period and Middle Egypt ; in the former were Thebes, 

Cyrus. Elephantine, This, and Heraclea ; in the latter, 

Memphis. It is only in the last division of his 

work that we meet with states in Lower Egypt, 

such as Tanis, Mendes, Bubastis, and Sebennytus. 

To tliese states, therefore, no doubt, belong the 330 kings 
after Menes, whose names the priests read to Herodotus ; as also 
those whom Diodorus mentions as reigning previous to Sesostris, 
among whom are remarked Busiris II. founder of Thebes, and 
Uchoreus, the founder of Memphis. Eusebius and Syncellus 
have preserved from Manetho the names of several of those 
kings, which Marsham has endeavoured to compare and arrange. 

obscurity 9. In the absence of a certain and continuous 
chrono'iogy. chronology, it is impossible to determine accu- 
rately which of these states were contemporary, 
and which succeeded the others. There can be 
no question that Thebes was one of the es^rliest, 
if not indeed the most ancient of them all ; cer- 
tainly prior to Memphis, which was founded by 
it. According to the natural order of things, 
some of these states became wealthy and mighty, 
and swallowed up the others. Even at this early 
period, Thebes and Memphis had obtained a su- 
periority over the rest. 

This and Elephantine appear to have been united to Thebes ; 
as were the states of Lower £gvpt to Memphis. 

Memphis a 10. The Mosaic records prove, that even in Jo- 
sute il"jo- seph's time the state of Memphis (the real place, 
aSouueoo' ^^ appears, of his residence, not On, or Heliopolis,) 
B- c. comprised Middle and Lower Egypt. It possessed 
a numerous and brilliant court ; castes of priests 
and warriors. Its agriculture flourished, and se- 
veral of its institutions indicated a deeply-rooted 
civilization. But after the establishment of vassal- 


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age in this state by Joseph, when the class of free Pkkiop 
proprietors was destroyed, by making the king cVrus! 
the only landholder except the priests, the troubles 
which already threatened the kingdom must have 
assumed a more dangerous and alarming aspect. 

11. These troubles came from abroad. Egypt, invasions 
surrounded on all sides by nomad tribes, had nJmad. 
often suffered from their irruptions, which some- 
times poured in from the south, sometimes from the 

east. But never were these invasions so frequent 
and durable as in the period which immediately 
followed the administration of Joseph. Lower 
Egypt was overrun by the Bedouin Arabs, whose 
chieftains, called by the Egyptians Hyksos, set- Hyksos, or 
tied in the country, fortified Avaris, or Pelusium, 
and extended their dominion to Memphis, which 
they made probably the seat of their government. 
They are depicted as the oppressors of religion, 
and of the caste of priests ; but when we consider 
that Moses flourished in their time, we are led to 
infer that, like the Mongols in China, they must 
have gradually adopted Egyptian manners and 
civilization. They do not appear to have gained 
possession of Thebes in Upper Egypt; and it 
seems highly probable, that the long struggle 
against them was never, or at least but for a short 
time, suspended. 

The dominion of the Arabian Hyskos falls between B. C. 
1800 — 1600 ; and consequently was contemporary with Moses 
and the exodus of the Jews. Josephus gives 500 years to their 
dominion, in which he probably comprises the long periods of 
earlier wars. 

12. Defeat, and final expulsion of the Hyksos Expulsion 
from Upper Egypt by Thumosis king of Thebes. Hyksos: 
The consequence of this event was not only 


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and rising 
Of Egypt. 

Pbhiod the restoration of freedom and independence to 
Egypt, but also the union of the different states 
into one kingdom ; as the rulers of Thebes now 
became monarchs over all Egypt. This expul- 
sion of the Hyksos, which in itself cannot be con- 
sidered otherwise than as a vast national effort, 
must have been the more deeply impressed on 
the memory of the people, as it laid the founda- 
tion of the splendid period which Immediately 

The expulsion of the Hyksos appears to have been one of 
the chief subjects on which the Egyptian artists exercised their 
talents : it is supposed to have been represented upon one of the 
large temples in Thebes. Denon^ plate cxxxiii. 


From tfte SesostricUe until the sole dominion qfPsatnmeti^ 
chus. B. C. 1500—650. 

The sources for this period are the same as for the foregoing ; 
and the history still preserves the character of records handed 
down by hieroglyphics. To this period belongs the line of kings 
subsequent to Sesostris^ given both by Herodotus and Diodorus. 
Those two historians nearly agree, if we regard Herodotus's line 
of kings, not as uninterrupted, but as the fragments of a series 
deduced solely from public monuments: this will be demon- 
strated by the foUowing table, in which the predecessors of 8e« 
sostris have likewise been indicated. 



He was followed by three 
hundred and thirty kings be- 
longing to the previous period, 
concerning which our informa- 
tion is very incomplete: among 



Followed by fifty-two suc- 
cessors, ranging over a period 
of more than 1400 years. 

Busiris /. and eight succes- 
sors ; the last of whom was 


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those aoyereigns were eighteen 
Ethiopians, and one queen 
named Nitocris. 



Pkeron, son of Sesostris. 

Proteus, in the time of the 
Trojan war. 

Cheops, builder of the great 

Ckephres, brother to the 
foregoing^ builder of a pyra- 

Mycerinus, son of Cheops^ 
builder of a pyramid. 

Asyckis the legislator. 


Busiris II, the founder of 

Osymandyas and eight suc- 
cessors ; the bst of whom was 

Uchareus, founder of Mem- 

JEgyplus, grandson of the 
foregoing. After the lapse of 
twelve generations. 


Seven generations. 

Sesostris or Sesoosis. 

Sesostris II, son of the fore- 
going : he assumed his father's 

Interval comprising several 

Amasis, and the Ethiopian, 


Mendes or Manes, builder 
of the labyrinth. 

Anarchy which lasted five 

Proteus or Cetes, in the time 
of the Trojan war. 

Remphis, son of the fore- 

Seven generations, in the 
course of which flourished iVt- 
Uus, from whom the Nile de- 
rives its name. 

Chemmis or Chembes, from 
Memphis, builder of the great 

Cephren, brother to the fore- 
going, builder of a pyramid. 

Mycerinus, son of Chemmis^ 
builder of a pyramid. 
Bockoris the legislator. 





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Cyrus. AnysU, who was blind. 

period of 
the Pha- 


Interval of several genera- 
Sabaco, the Ethiopian. Sabaco, the Ethiopian. 

Any sis, king for the second 

Sethos, a priest of Vulcan. 
Dodecarchy. Dodecarchy. 

Psammeiickus of Sais^ sole Psammetichus of Sais> sole 

ruler. ruler. 

This comparative table demonstrates evidently^ not only that 
Herodotus's line is often interrupted^ but likewise that it is im- 
possible to establish any continuous chronology, since Diodonis, 
more than once leaves the number of generations undetermined. 
Great importance, nevertheless, attaches to the date fixed by 
Herodotus, ii, 13, where he declares that king Moeris flourished 
900 years before his own visit to Egypt : consequently between 
B. C. 1500 and 1450. And if, as seems highly probable, the age 
of Sesostris was the 15th century B. C. (see Zoeoa, de ObeOscis), 
it cannot be denied but that we have some general epochs ; and 
with these we must remain content until more satisfactory in- 
formation can be discovered on the monuments. It should like- 
wise be observed, that the discrepancy between the names of the 
kings mentioned by Herodotus and Diodorus, and those fur- 
nished by Manetho, may be accounted for by the fact, that the 
sovereigns were distinguished by different names on the monu- 
ments and in common life. 

Of the dynasties of Manetho, the 18th, 19th, 20th, and 22nd, 
belong to this period ; more especially the two first, which con- 
tain the most important of the Pharaohs. 

1. The following period, nearly to its termina- 
tion, was the brilliant age of Egypt, during which 
it formed but one empire; the kings being repre- 
sented as sovereign lords of the whole country. 
And, indeed, it was natural that the expulsion 
of the invaders should be followed by a period 
in which the military force and ardour of the 
nation would be developed, and directed to ex- 


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teraal conquest. The capital of the empire was, Period 
no doubt, Thebes, the great monuments of which cV^" 
were erected in this period; that honour, how- 
ever, seems to have alternately belonged to Mem- 
phis, Herodotus's line of kings being deduced 
from the monuments of that city, and more espe- 
cially from the temple of Phtha. 

The more powerful of the Pharaohs of this period^ and the 
fmmders of the most important monuments of Upper Egypt, on 
which their names are found, are the following: belonging to 
the 18th dynasty, somewhere about 1600 — 1500. 

AmenopkU /. His name is likewise found beyond Egypt on 
the temple of Amada, in Nubia. 

Thutmons L Ck)mmencement of the expulsion of the Hyksos. 

Amenophis II. The Afemnon of the Greeks. Complete ex- 
palsion of the Hyksos, and commencement of several of the 
great edifices. His name is also found on the monuments of 
Thebes, Elephantine, and even in Nubia, on the distant temple 
of Soleb. Builder of the palace of Luxor. 

ThutmoHs II, His name found in Camac, and on the obelisk 
at the Lateran. 

Rameues L Supposed to be the Danaus of the Greeks. Ex- 
pelled by his brother : 

Ramesses II, Miamun. Builder of the palace of M edinet- 
Aba in Thebes. One of the royal graves that have been opened 
belongs to this king. 

Amenophis III. Renewed invasion of the Hyksos ; he flees 
before them into Ethiopia ; but returns victorious with his son 

Belonging to the 19th dynasty, between 1500 and 1400. 

Harnesses III., called the Great, and sometimes Sesostris ; 
founder of the dynasty, liberator of Egypt, and a great con- 
queror. His name and titles, his wars and triumphs, are found 
on the temples and palaces of Luxor and Camac, in Thebes and 
Nubia. His son and follower : 

Ramesses IF. Pheron, rules lon^ in peace. His name is 
found in the great pillared hall of the palace of Carnac, and on 
many other buildings. 

Among his successors bul few names have been preserved 
until we come to Scheschonk or Sisac, of the 22nd dynasty, be- 



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66 EGYPTIANS. book i. 

PiRioD tween 970 and 950; he took Jenualem under the reign of Re- 

Cyr'^s. ^^^'^™' ^^^ therefore furnishes a fixed date. 

f R. V. L. (Rubble von Lilienstern)^ Graphic lUustra- 

tions of the most ancient History and Geography of Egypt and 
Ethiopia, with an atlas, 1827. A work containing every thing 
necessary for understanding the discoveries hitherto made in this 
department of history. 

Splendid 2. For this splendour, the empire was prin- 
^!»M^. cipally indebted to Sesostris» son of Amenophis. 
This prince is justly entitled to the surname of 
Great, which was given him by the Egyptians. 
No one will, to the letter, credit the narrative of 
his deeds, exaggerated as they were by the tra- 
ditions of the priests, or represented, as^ they still 
appear, on the buildings of Thebes ; but who can 
doubt the existence of a monarch of whom so 
many and such various monuments within and 
without Egypt bear witness ? 

Gritical examination of the accounts of the nine years* cam- 
paign, and conquests of Sesostris. His arms were principally 
directed against wealthy commercial countries; probably by 
land against Ethiopia, Asia Minor, and part of Thrace ; by sea 
against Arabia Felix^ perhaps even the Indian peninsula. Can 
the performance of these exploits be deemed improbable, in an 
age when western Asia did not contain a single great empire ? 
The vast undertakings attributed to Sesostris in the interior of 
his dominions ; extensive buildings, canab, division of the land, 
and imposition of taxes, according to a regular survey, prove that 
he must have been the sovereign of all Egypt. 

State of 3. Notwithstanding the great changes that were 
made, the constitution still bore the same general 
character, that of a sacerdotal aristocracy com- 
bined with a monarchy. Although the Egyptian 
kings, like the Indian princes, were distinct from 
the priests, yet their power was limited in various 
ways by that caste. The high priest shared the 
royal authority ; the king was shackled by reli- 

the coDiti* 


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gious ceremonies, both in public tuid private life ; periob 
he was obliged to evince his veneration for the cVk" 
established worship by the erection of public mo- 
numents ; and all the high offices of state were 
in the hands of the priests. It cannot be de- 
nied that on the personal character of the king 
depended much of his power; but how strong 
must have been this aristocracy, when even suc- 
cessful conquerors were obliged to conciliate its 
approbation ! 

4. It was probably about this time that thepivUion 
domestic relations of the people, the division into '''^ ^****** 
castes, was completed. The sacerdotal caste 
being in exclusive possession of all scientific 
knowledge, remained for that reason in possession 

of the offices of state. The caste of warriors 
could hardly have assumed its complete form be- 
fore the country was united into one empire : in 
like manner that of the navigators could not have 
been completely established before the canals 
were excavated ; although the origin of all may 
have been of a much earlier date. 

Ck>inpaiisoii of the accounts given by Herodotus and Diodorus 
of the division into castes. Not only precedence in time^ but 
likewise the discrepancies between the two, declare in favour of 

5. It appears, therefore, that the most prosper- PnwpenMis 
ous period of the kingdom of the Pharaohs must Egy*^,**^ 
be placed somewhere between B. C. 1500—900:^-^1^ 
although, according to Diodorus, even this period 

was interrupted by a long anarchy. The splen- 
dour of the empire was obscured towards the end. 
Sabaco, a foreign conqueror from Ethiopia, (pro- 
bably from Meroe,) subjugated Egypt ; after his 



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B.C. 650. 

departure from the country, Sethos, a priest of 
Phtha, contrary to all prefcedent, seated himself 
upon the throne. He was, consequently, con* 
sidered an usurper; he offended the caste of 
warriors, and could not have escaped the dangers 
of an irruption threatened by the Assyrian, Senna- 
cherib, had not a pestilence compelled the invader 
and his host to retreat. 

The dynasty of Sabaoo^ Seuechus, and Tarhaco in Meroe^ 
who as conquerors subjected Upper Egypt^ is comprised between 
B. C. 800 — ^700. Their names likewise have been already dis- 
covered on monuments; some at Abydos in Egypt, others in 

6. The Egyptian monarchy, however, at length 
fell, and was replaced by an oligarchy ; (or per- 
haps a return was only made to the division of the 
earlier kingdoms ;) twelve princes sharing among 
themselves the sovereign power. A certain de- 
gree of unity seems to have existed at first in this 
government ; but quarrels soon sprung up among 
the princes, and they compelled one of their 
number, Psammetichus of Sais, to take flight. 
The exiled prince, supported by Greek and Carian 
mercenaries, contrived to avenge his wrongs ; he 
drove away his rivals, and became the sole ruler. 


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From the reign of Psammetichus (m sole monarch to the 
Persian conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. B. C. 650 — 

Herodotus, (1. ii, c. 125, etc.) is still the principal authority for Pbbiod 
this portion of history. His statements, however, are no longer Cyru^. 

derived from hieroglyphics : they are purely historical. During 

the reign of Psammetichus, the Greeks who had migrated into 
Egypt gave rise to the caste of interpreters, ipfAvivtlq, who acted 
both as ciceroni for strangers, and as brokers between the Egyp- 
tians and Greeks : these people were enabled to give information 
respecting tbe bistory of the country. It is not, therefore, sur- 
prising that Herodotus should assure us, that from this time the 
history was authentic. — The names of the succeeding Pharaohs 
are likewise found on the monuments ; in the erection of which 
they rivalled their predecessors. 

Contemporary : Asia : rise and fall of the Chaldfieo-Babylonian 
empire; rise of the Persian monarchy. — Rome: kings from 
Numa Pompilius to Servius Tullius. — Athens: Draco; Solon; 
Pisistratus. — Jews : the last period and fedl of the kingdom of 
Judah ; Babylonish captivity. 

1. From this epoch Egypt remained uninter- Re^oiu- 
ruptedly one kingdom, the capital of which was ^^u 
Memphis, although Sais, in Lower Egypt, was the 
general residence of the royal family. Strangers, 
and more particularly Greeks, admitted into 
Egypt; partly as mercenaries, partly as mer- 
chants. Influence of this innovation upon the 
national character, and upon the political system 
in particular. A spirit of conquest gradually in- 
herited by the Egyptian kings, is directed princi- 
pally against Asia: hence the formation of a navy, 


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7a EGYPTIANS. book i- 

Period and wars with the great rising monarchies of Asia. 
Cyrus. Continued, but declining influence of the sacer- 
dotal caste, and proofs of the veneration of the 
kings for the priesthood deduced from the erection 
and embellishment of temples, particularly of that 
consecrated to Phtha in Memphis. 
Psammeti- 2. Psommetichus. He obtains sole power 

cKus d» 

B. c. 610. through the assistance of Greek and Carian mer- 
cenaries, who are continued as a standing army in 
the country. The caste of Egyptian warriors, 
taking umbrage in consequence, emigrate for the 
most part to Ethiopia, where they settle. The 
southern portico of the temple of Phtha is erected, 
and projects of conquest are formed against Asia. 

Necod. 3. Neco, son and successor of Psammetichus. 

^^* His extensive plans of conquest. First formation 
of a naval power; and unsuccessful attempt to 
unite by a canal the Mediterranean with the Red 
sea. Conquests in Asia as far as the Euphrates ; 
but quick secession of the conquered, in conse- 
quence of the loss of the battle of Circesium. 
6^'- Circumnavigation of Africa undertaken at his 
command by the Phoenicians, and successfully 

Psammis J. 4. Pmmmts his son and successor. Expedition 


against Ethiopia, and conquests in the interior of 
Awicsrf. 5. Reign of Apries, (the Pharaoh-hophra of the 
Hebrews). Plans of conquest against Asia; — 
siege of Sidon, and naval battle with the Tyrians ; 
— expedition against Cyrene in Africa ; its fatal 
result. A revolution caused thereby in Egypt, 
the inhabitants of which were averse to foreign 
wars, carried on mostly by mercenary aliens : the 


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revolution headed by Amasis. In the civil war Period 
which Apries now wages with his mercenaries c"*" 
against the Egyptians commanded by Amasis, 
he loses both his throne and life ; and with him 
ends the family of Psammetichus, which had 
reigned to this time. 

6. The usurper Amasis took possession of the Amasis d. 

B C 525 

sovereign power ; and although he had to contend 
with a strong party, who despised him on account 
of his low origin, he contrived by popular mea- 
sures, and by the respect he showed to the sacer- 
dotal caste, to establish himself upon the throne. 
— His monuments, both at Sais and Memphis. — 
The Egyptians and Greeks become better ac- 
quainted and more closely connected with each 
other, partly in consequence of the marriage of 
the king with a Greek woman ; but principally 
owing to the mouths of the Nile being opened to 
the Greek ^merchants, and the cession of Nau- 
cratis as a factory for their merchandise. Great 
and beneficial consequences to Egypt, which, 
under the long reign of Amasis, reaches its highest 
pitch of prosperity. This prince had already been 
engaged in disputes with the Persian conqueror, 
Cyrus, whose son and successor, Cambyses, led 
an expedition against Egypt, which Amasis, how- 
ever, luckily for himself, escaped by a seasonable 

7. His son Psammenitus, the last of the Egyp- Psammem- 
tian Pharaohs, is attacked by Cambyses in the *"*' 
very first year of his reign. After a single battle, 
fought at Pelusium, and a short siege of Memphis, 

the empire of the Pharaohs is overthrown, and52&. 
Egypt merges into a Persian province. The 


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72 EGYPTIANS. book i. 

Pbbiod powerful caste of the priests suffered most from 
cV«" the hatred of the conqueror ; but the persecution 
to which they were subjected must be attributed 
rather to policy than fanaticism, 
Egypt a 8. Condition and fate of Egypt as a Persian 
Cr"*^ province. After the death of Cambyses, the 
country received a Persian governor, and conse- 
quently became a satrapy. Immediately after 
the first tempest of war had blown over, Egypt 
was treated with mildness by the Persians. The 
country paid a moderate tribute, together with 
some royal gifts, among others the produce of the 
fisheries in lake Mceris ; nevertheless, repeated 
revolts occurred, which may be principally attri- 
buted to the hatred and influence of the sacer- 
ReToits dotal caste. The first took place under Darius 
484.' ^ Hystaspes, and was quelled by Xerxes. An in- 
463 to 456. crease of tribute was the consequence. The se- 
cond, under king Inarus, fomented and supported 
by the Athenians, happened during the reign of 
Artaxerxes I.; it was quelled by Megabyzus. 
414. The third occurred under Darius II. and in con- 
sequence of the support which the Egyptians re- 
ceived from the Greeks, was of longer duration 
than either of the former, the throne of the Pha- 
raoh's being in some measure restored. 

This third secession of the Egyptians lasted till 354. Dormg 
this period various kings were appointed ; Amyrtseus^ d, 406 ; 
Psammetichus^ about 400; Nephreus, about 397; Pausiris^ d, 
375 ; Nectanebus I. d, 365 ; Tachos, d. 363 ; Nectanebus II. 
conquered by Artaxerxes III. 354. 


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Sources. The first great republic which ancient records men- Pbriod 
tion as applying both to trade and war, is undoubtedly a phe- b^^^o** 

Domenon well deserving the attention of the historical enquirer. 

Our knowledge, however, of Carthaginian history is unfortunately 
very deficient, as we possess no author who has made it the prin- 
dpal object of his attention. The immediate subject of the 
Greek and Roman writers was the history of their own country, 
and they only allude to that of Carthage in so far as it is con« 
nected with their main topic. This observation applies as well 
to Polybius and Diodorus, as to Livy and Appian. Even the 
information given by Justin, the only author who says any thing 
concerning the early state of Carthage, is miserably defective, 
although taken from Theopompus. (Cf. Comment, de Jbntibus 
JvsTiNi in Commentat Soc. Getting . vol. xv.) Moreover, as 
Herodotus here fails us, we have not the writings of any author 
whatever who witnessed Carthage in the days of her prosperity : 
Polybias did not see that country till after the decline of its 
power ; the other historians, wrote long afterwards. But although 
an uninterrupted history of Carthage does not exist, we are yet 
able to trace the main outlines of the picture of that state. — The 
modem writers on Carthage are : 

HsNDRicH, de Republica Carthaginiensium, 1664. A use- 
fiil compilation. 

f History of the Republic of Carthage, 2 vols. Franckfort, 
1781. A mere history of the wars. 

Dampmartin, Histoire de la Uivalite de Carthage et de 
Rome, torn, i, ii. Very superficial. 

f W. BoBTTicHKR, Histortf of Carthage, part i. Berlin, 
IB27. The best work on the subject; in which use has been 
made of modern researches. 

Concerning the Carthaginians, see Heeren's African Na^ 
tions, 2 vols. 8vo. Oxford, 1 831 . 

The history of Carthage is most conveniently Periods of 
divided into three periods: I. From the founda- man hw^ 
tion of the city to the commencement of the wars ^^' 
with Syracuse, B. C. 880—480. II. From the 


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74 CARTHAGINIANS. book i. 

Period Commencement of the wars with Syracuse to 
Cvk'I" those with Rome, 480—264. III. From the 

commencement of the wars with Rome to the 

destruction of Carthage, 264 — 146. 


From the foundation of Carthage to the wars with Syra-- 
cuse, B. C. 880—480. 

Contemporary : Inner Asia : kingdoms of the Assyrians, Ba- 
bylonians, and first half of the Persian monarchy. Greeks : 
period from Lycurgus to Themistocles. Romans : period of the 
kings, and of the commonwealth until the establishment of the 
tribunes of the people. 

Early his. 1 . The foundatiou and primitive history of Car- 
th^. " thage, like all very early and important events in 
national history, have, by long tradition, been 
wrapt in the veil of romance. The account given 
of Dido, the supposed founder of the city, cannot 
be reduced to the standard of pure historical 
truth, though it appears to justify the inference 
that some political commotions in the mother city. 
Tyre, induced a party of emigrants to proceed to 
the northern shores of Africa ; where other Phoe- 
nician establishments had already taken place : 
here, by engaging to pay a yearly tribute, they 
purchased from the natives permission to found a 
city, the site of which was so happily chosen, 
that it only depended upon the inhabitants to 
raise it to that greatness which it afterwards at- 
Vast extent 2. It is probablc that Carthage advanced at 


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first by slow steps ; yet even at the end of this Pxriod 
first period she had reached to such a height of ^yuvI 
power, that she was mistress of a large territory of the Car- 
m Africa, and of foreign possessions still more doE^niras. 
extensive. Establishment of the Carthaginian 
dominion in Africa by the subjection of the neigh- 
bouring aboriginal tribes, and the foundation of 
Carthaginian settlements within their territories ; 
the natives, Liby-Phoenicians, gradually mingled 
with the inhabitants of those colonies, and im- 
bibed from them a love of agriculture and fixed 
abodes. The inhabitants of the fertile territory 
extending southward as far as the lake Triton, 
were, without exception, Carthaginian subjects. 

3. Her connection, however, with the ancient Relation of 
Phoenician towns along the coast, particularly wSh^bf 
Utica, was of a different nature. For although rian'coio- 
Cartbage possessed a certain authority over them, ^^. *>^ 
she did not claim absolute dominion, but rather 

stood at the head of a federation ; thus afford- 
ing a protection which must frequently have de- 
generated into oppression. 

4. In consequence of a treaty with the neigh- with the 
bouring republic of Cyrene, the whole territory lo^Vcy- 
extending between the two Syrtes was also ceded "°** 

to the Carthaginians. The Lotophagi and Nasa- 
mones, inhabitants of this district, preserved their 
nomad mode of life ; they must, however, from 
their trade with the interior parts of Africa, have 
been of the highest importance to Carthage. 

5. System of colonization, and, as a necessary Canhagi- 
result, that of conquest without Africa. It wasSw:*^*^^ 
evidently the aim of the Carthaginians to settle 

on islands, and to subject them to their dominion. 


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76 CARTHAGINIANS. book i. 

Period Thosc lyiog ID the westem part of the Mediterra- 
Cyrus, nean occupied the first place in their plan of con- 
sardiuh; qucst, wbich was completely executed in Sar- 
Baieares; diuia, the Balcarcs, smd other small islands; per- 
Corsica: haps iu Corsica ; in Sicily, however, they could 
^.®' ^*" never succeed to the full extent of their wishes. 
Canaries; There is also every probability that the Canary 
Madeira, islands and Madeira were entirely in their pos- 
session. On the other hand, the Carthaginians, 
previous to their wars with Rome, were in the 
practice of establishing separate settlements on 
the main land, partly in Spain, and partly on the 
western shore of Africa. In the latter, they 
adopted the policy of their ancestors, the Phoe- 
nicians, making the settlements so small, and 
confining them within such narrow bounds, that 
the mother country might always ensure their 
Conqueste 6. Thc glory of extending the territory of Car- 
and h»V thagc, by important conquests, belongs principally 
™**^' to the family of Mago, who, together with his two 
sons and six grandsons, established the dominion 
of the republic in Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa. 
This occurred about the same time that Cyrus, 
Cambyses, and Darius were laying the foundation 
Carthage of the Pcrsiau monarchy, with which Carthage 
^thPeraia, cvcu then entered into connection. The Cartha- 
— ^bf^^ ginians, therefore, made their first appearance, as 
extensive conquerors, in the fourth century from 
the foundation of their commonwealth ; and it is 
at this period that mention is made of their first 
Sea fight naval engagement, in which the Phocaeans were 
canhagi- ^ their adversaries. In the same period may be 
Pb^*«aM. dated the establishment of their colonies beyond 


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the Piliars of Hercules by Hanno and Himilco — Pb»iod 
both probably sons of Mago ; — by the former on Cyrub. 
the coast of Africa, by the latter on that of^Spain. colonies 
To the same period likewise is referred the first IJi^te ^^^ 
commercial treaty between the Carthaginians and gl^'^g, 
Romans, in which the former appear as already fj"* n**ty 

/I « 1 • . A /• • J • n ^^** Rome, 

masters of Sardmia, Africa, and a portion of 509. 

7. To complete these conquests, and to pre- Art. mm- 
serve them when completed, the formation and na7a?of 
support of vast fleets and armies were indispens- Carthage, 
ably necessary. According to the usual practice 

of those nations who apply both to trade and to 
war, the Carthaginian armies were composed for 
the most part of mercenaries. No nation, how- 
ever, followed this plan so extensively as the 
Carthaginians, for to them half Africa and Eu- 
rope furnished warriors. — Description of a Car- 
thaginian army ; development of the advantages 
and disadvantages of its organization. — Organiza- 
tion of their navy. The state supported very nu- 
merous fleets of war-ships, with a multitude of 
slaves who laboured at the oar, and were it seems 
public property. 

8. The political constitution of Carthage, like constitu- 
that of all wealthy trading states, was an ari- ^^^, 
stocracy composed of the noble and the opulent, 
though at all times combined with a certain ad- 
mixture of democracy. The affairs of the state suffetes; 
were confided to the hands of the two suffetes or 
kings, — ^who, in all probability, held their office 

for life — and to those of the senate (jSowx^)) which lenate ; 
contained within itself a more select council (the state coun. 
7fpow&.). The privilege of electing the magistrates^*^' 


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and civil 

court of the 
hundred : 

its object ; 

its evils. 

Finances of 

from the 
federates : 


resided with the people at large, who also shared 
the legislative power with the suiFetes. Civil and 
military power was usually divided : the offices 
of general and magistrate not being always, as at 
Rome, united in the same individual, — although/ 
such an instance might not be of impossible oc- 
currence : — to each military chief, on the contrary, 
was appointed a committee from the senate, on 
which he was more or less dependent. 

9. The high state tribunal of the hundred was 
instituted as a barrier to the constitution against 
the attempts of the more powerful aristocrats, 
particularly the military leaders ; indeed the bril- 
liancy of Mago's conquests seemed to threaten 
the republic with a military government ; and im- 
mediately previous to his time one of the gene- 
rals, Malchus, had actually made an attempt to 
enslave Carthage. The object of the institution 
was no doubt attained; but in later times the 
council assumed to itself a power which increased 
to absolute despotism. It is not improbable that 
this court likewise constituted the select com- 
mittee (the ytpava-ia) of the senate. 

10. Our information respecting the financial 
system of the Carthaginians is extremely meagre. 
The following seem to have been the principal 
sources of the public revenue. 1. The tribute 
drawn from the federate cities, and their African 
subjects. The former paid in money, the latter 
for the most part in kind ; this tribute was im- 
posed at the will of the government, so that in 
pressing cases the taxed nations were obliged to 
give one half of their income. 2. The case was 
the same with their external provinces, parti- 


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cularly with Sardinia. 3. The tribute furnished pbbiod 
by the nomad hordes, partly by those in the cy'ruJ! 
Regio-Syrtica) and occasionally also by those on the syrtic 
the western side. 4. The customs, which were dues^nd 
levied with extreme rigour, not only in Carthage, ^"*^°*' \ 
but likewise in all the colonies. 5. The products mines, 
of their rich mines, particularly those of Spain. 
In considering the financial system of the Cartha- 
ginians, it should not be forgotten that many of 
the nations with whom they traded, or who served 
in their armies, were unacquainted with the use 
of money. 

11. System and extent of their commerce. Trade of 
Their object was to secure a monopoly of the^*'***'^ 
western trade ; hence the practice of restricting 
the growth of their colonies, and of removing as 
much as possible all strangers from their com- 
mercial marts. Their trade was carried on partly 
by sea, and partly by land. Their sea trade, jy sea to 
arising from the colonies, extended beyond thejj"^"}"^ 
Mediterranean, certainly as far as the coasts of^°"**J 
Britain and Guinea. Their land trade was car- by land to 
ried on by caravans, consisting principally of the ^f^^^^ca^ 
nomad tribes resident between the Syrtes : the 
caravans travelled eastward to Ammonium and 
Upper Egypt, southward to the land of the Gara- 
mantes, (Fezzan,) and even still further into the 
interior of Africa. 


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80 CARTHAGINIANS. book i. 


From the breaking out of the wars with Syracuse, to the 
commencement of those with Rome, B, C. 480 — 264. 

Views of 1. The great object of GarthaginiaD policy 
u^nsSiy. during the whole of the above period, was to 
subdue Sicily; this object the nation pursued 
with extraordinary pertinacity, often approximat- 
ing to, but never obtaining, complete success. 
The growing power of Syracuse, which likewise 
aimed at the sole possession of the island, laid 
the foundation of that national hatred which now 
arose between the Sicilian Greeks and the Car- 
rout at Hi- 2. First attempt, arising out of the league 
Ge™n!^ formed with Xerxes 1. upon his irruption into 
B.C. 480. Greece. Gelon of Syracuse, in a victory more 
decisive even than that gained by Themistocles 
oyer the Persians at Salamis, routs the Carthagi- 
nians near Himera, and compels them to accede 
to a disgraceful peace. 
General ex- 3. This defeat was followed by a period of 
Ae'crrtfaa- tranquillity lasting seventy years, during which 
gimanem- ^^ ^^^^ jj^^j^ ^^^^^ Carthage. All that we can 

^0-410 ^^y ^^^^ ^"^y probability is, that in the mean time 
the struggle for territory between Cyrene and 
Carthage commenced and terminated to the ad- 
vantage of the latter state, whose dominion was 
generally extended and confirmed in Africa by 
wars with the aboriginal tribes. 


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4. But the accession of Dionysius I. to the Pbriod 
throne of Syracuse, and the ambitious project c^r" 
formed by him and his successors, of subjecting ^^^^ '^ 
to their rule all Sicily and Magna- Grecia, re-newed,4io. 
kindled once more the embers of war, which had 

only smouldered for a short time, to burst forth 
with additional violence. 

Repeated and bloody wars with Dionysius I. between the 
yean 410 — 368. Neither party able to expel the other : terms 
of the last peace ; that each party should remain in possession of 
what he then occupied. Second commercial treaty with Rome. 

Crafty advantage taken by the Carthaginians of the internal 
commotions at Syracuse during and subsequent to the reign of 
Dianyaius II : they endeavour to obtain their end ; but are 
thwarted by the heroism of Timoleon, 345 — 340. 

A new and frightful ^var with Agathocles^ the seat of which 
is transferred from Sicily into Africa itself; it at last terminates 
in fiavour of Carthage^ 311 — 307- 

The war with Pyrrhus, 277 — ^276, whose ambition gave rise to 
an alliance between Carthage and Rome^ contributed likewise to 
increase the preponderance of the Carthaginians in Sicily ; and 
probably the perseverance of that people> and their skill in pro- 
fiting by circumstances^ would at last have enabled them to 
attain their object, had not the seeds of war been thereby scat* 
tered between Carthage and Rome. 

5. What effect these Sicilian wars had upon 
the state we are not informed. They were pro- 
bably regarded in Carthage as a beneficial chan- 
nel for carrying off the popular fermentation ; — 
nevertheless, two attempts, both unsuccessful, Two at- 
were made by some of the aristocratical party, to rewCtion, 
overthrow the constitution; first by Hanno, 3^0,^^'^^^' 
and afterwards by Bomilcar, 308. — At the break- Kxceiient 
ing out, however, of the war with Rome, theJJ^yj^** 
commonwealth was so formidable and miffhty, »»" fi- 

nancea at 

that even the finances of the state do not appear the begin- 


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PsBtoD (o iii^yg i)ggQ g^|. iji affected; a circumstance of 


Crnv: the highest importance. What consequence was 
finfpl^ it to Carthage whether 100,000 barbarians more 
^'' or less existed in the world, so long as there re- 
mained plenty of men willing to suffer themselves 
to be sold, and she possessed money to purchase 



From the beginmng of the wars with Rome, to the downfal 
of Carthage, B. C. 264^— 146. 

cautei of 1 • The wars between Carthage and Rome were 
the Punic ^Yie necessary consequences of a desire of aggran- 
dizement in two conquering nations ; any one 
might have foreseen the struggle between the 
two rivals as soon as their conquests should once 
begin to clash. It is, therefore, a question of 
little importance, to enquire which was the ag- 
gressor ; and although Rome may not be entirely 
cleared of that charge, we cannot help observing 
that, according to the principles of sound policy, 
the security of Italy was hardly compatible with 
the sole dominion of the Carthaginians over the 
island of Sicily. 

First war with Rome, 264 — ^241, (twenty-three years,) waged 
for the possession of Sicily, and decided almost at its commence- 
ment by Hieros passing over to the Roman side. (For the his- 
tory of it^ see below, in the Roman history^ Book V. Period iij 
parag. 2 sq.) 


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f2. This war cost the republic, Sicily and the Pb»od 
sovereignty of the Mediterranean, by which the cVr" 
fate of its other external possessions was already ^^^^w 
predetermined. But that which appeared at the jf *h«fiiBt 
first view to threaten the greatest danger, was toCarthage. 
the total exhaustion of its finances; a circum- 
stance which will no longer surprise us, when we 
consider how many fleets had been destroyed and. 
replaced, how many armies had been annihilated 
and renewed. Carthage had never before been 
engaged in such an obstinate struggle as this; and 
the immediate consequences were more terrific 
even than the war itself. 

3. The impossibility of paying the mercenaries Drndfui 
produced a mutiny among the troops, which ra- BrcJ?!!) 
pidly grew into a rebellion of the subject nations, "■^^' 
who bad been most cruelly oppressed during the 

war. The consequence was a civil war of three 
years and a half, which probably would have 
spared the Romans the trouble of destroying Car- 
thage, had not the state been snatched from ruin 
by the heroism of Hamilcar. 

This war, which ksted from 240 to 237^ produced lasting con- 
sequences to the state ; it gave rise to the feud hetween Ha- 
milcar and Hanno the Great, which compelled Hamilcar to seek 
for support against the senate hj heooming the leader of a demo- 
cratic faction. 

4, The revolt spread abroad ; it reached Sar- Sardinia it 
uinia and caused the loss of that most important 
island, of which the Romans, flushed with power, 

took possession, in spite of the terms of the 

6. The influence of the family of the Barcas, Ri»e of the 
supported in their disputes with the senate by the Barcas. 



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80 CARTHAGINIANS. book i. 

Pxiioo by this peace her most fonnidable enemy on the 
c^vl soil of Africa itself. Massinissa had been elevated 

Masstnim to the dignity of king of Numidia ; and his endea- 
a DewTn- ^ vours to form his nomads into an agricultural 
KwDM po- People, and to collect them into cities, must have 
^»«y- changed the military system that Carthage had 
hitherto followed. Roman policy, moreover, had 
taken care that the article inserted in his favour 
in the last treaty of peace, should be so ambigu- 
ously worded, as to leave abundant openings for 
Hannibal at 9. Evcu after this disgraceful peace, the family 

the head of * , ^^ -n 11.-/1 1 

affairs; 01 the Barcas Still preserved their influence, and 
Hannibal was placed as supreme magistrate at 
"wk^th ^ *^^ ^^^^ of the republic. He attempts to reform 
oligarchy, the constitutiou and the finances, by destroying 
the oligarchy of the hundred, by whom the finances 
had been thrown into confusion. Complete as 
was the success of the first blow, it soon became 
apparent that aristocratic factions are not so rea- 
dily annihilated as armies. 

The democratic faction to which even the Barcas owed their 
first elevation^ was the cause of the d^eneracy of the Carthagi- 
nian constitution. By that faction the legislative authority of the 
senate and magistrates was withdrawn and transferred to the ordo 
judicum — ^probably the same as the high state tribunal of the 
hundred — which now assumed the character of an omnipotent 
national inquisition ; and the members being chosen for life ex- 
ercised oppressive despotism. This tribunal was formed of those 
who had served the office of ministers of finance, with whom it 
shared unblushingly the revenues of the state. Hannibal de- 
stroyed this oligarchy by a law, enacting that the members should 
hold their office but for one year; whereas before they held it 
for life. In the reform wrought by this law in the finances it 
was seen^ that after all wars and losses, the revenues of the re- 
public were still sufficient, not only for the usual expenditure 


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and tbe payment of tribute to Bome^ bnt abo for leaving a sur- Pkbio» 
plus in the public treasury. Ten years had hardly elapsed be- Cyrvb, 
fwe Carthage was enabled to pay down at once the whole of the 
tribute which she had engaged to furnish by instalments. 

1 0. The defeated party, whose interests were Hannibal 
now the same with those of Rome, joined the Ro- to a^^- 
mans, to whom they discovered Hannibal's plan ™* 

of renewing the war in conjunction with Antio- 
chus the Great, king of Syria. A Roman embassy 
was sent over to Africa, under some other pre- 
text> to demand that Hannibal should be given 
up. The Carthaginian general secretly fled toB. c.195. 
king Antiochus, at whose court he became the 
chief fomenter of the war against Rome ; although 
unsuccessful in his endeavour to implicate the 
Carthaginian republic in the struggle. 

See hereafter the history of Syria, Book IV, Period iii, sepa- 
rate kingdoms. I. Seleuddse, parag. 18 ; and Book V, Period 
ii, parag. 10 sq. 

11. In consequence of the absence of Hannibal, Roman in- 
Carthage fell once more under the dominion of completely 
tbe Romans, who contrived, by taking a crafty ad- S cai!^*** 
vantage of the state of parties, to give a show of *'''8*- 
generosity to the exercise of their power. Even 

the patriotic faction, if we may judge by the vio- 
lent steps which they took more than once against 
Massinissa and his partisans, seem to have been 
but a tool in the hands of Rome. 

12. Disputes with Massinissa, which led to the The Car- 
gradual partition of the Carthaginian territory in temto^ 
Africa. The manner in which this territory had ^^^J 
been acquired, facilitated the discovery of claims ^"^ 
upon each of the component parts ; and the inter- 
ference of Rome, sometimes disinterested, but of-* 


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85 CARTHAGINIANS. book i. 

p«RioD tener swayed by party feeling, ensured the pos- 
c^vl session of the territory to the Numidian. 

£yen in 199, a disadvantageous treaty framed with Massiniasa 
for fifty years : nevertheless the rich province of Emporia is lost 
in 193. — ^Loss of another province unnamed> to which Massinissa 
inherited some claims from his father. — Seizure of the province 
of Tysca, with fifty cities, about 174. Probable date of Cato*8 
embassy, who returned in disgust, because his decision had been 
rejected, and became the fomenter of a project to destroy Car- 
thage. — New disputes about 152. — Massinissa's party is expelled 
Carthage. — ^War breaks out in consequence, during which the 
king in his ninetieth year personally defeats the Carthaginians ; 
and what with famine and the sword, Hasdrubal's army, which 
had been surrounded by the enemy, was nearly exterminated ; in 
the mean while the Roman ambassadors, who had come to act as 
mediators, obeying their private instructions, looked on with 
quiet indifference. 

Destruction 13. Though it is evident that the party spirit 
thageV raging between Cato and Scipio Nasica bad a 
Uufd Punic considerable influence in hastening the destruc- 
tion of Carthage ; and though it is equally clear 
that Massinissa's late victory paved the way for 
the immediate execution of that project ; yet it is 
difficult to unravel the web, by which, long be- 
fore the declaration of war now about to follow, 
treachery prepared the final scene of this great 
brought tragedy. Was the account that Cato at his return 
bMj l^' gave of the resuscitated power of Carthage con- 
^T^? ^" sonant to truth ? Was not the sudden secession 
of Ariobarzanes, the grandson of Syphax, who 
was to have led a Numidian army to defend Car- 
thage against Massinissa, previously arranged with 
Rome ? Was not the turbulent Gisgo, who first 
incited the populace to insult the Roman ambas- 
sadors, and then opportunely rescued them from 
the fury of the mob, in the pay of Rome ? These 


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questions give rise to suspicions, although they pkeiod 
cannot satisfactorily be answered. At any rate, cy7p' 
it may be said, that the conduct of Rome, after 
war had broken out, corroborates the suspicion. 
The whole history of the last period sufficiently , 
proves, that it was not so much the debased cha- 
racter of the nation, as party spirit, and the avarice 
of the great, which produced the fall of Carthage. 
Advantage was taken of that party spirit and ava- 
rice by Roman policy, which, although acting ac- 
cording to the dictates of blind passion, knew 
how to profit by dark and base intrigue. 

Third war witli Rome and destruction of Carthage^ 150 — 146. 
See hereafter the Roman history^ Book V, Period ii, parag. 19 sq. 


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90 PERSIAN EMPIRE. book i 


History of the Persian Empire, from B. C. 660-dSO. 

Fbok Sources. Preservation of historic records among the Persians 
^a"^' . themselves under the form of royal annals ; origin and nature of 
ANDER. those annals. As these have been destroyed^ we are obliged to 
deduce the history from foreign writers^ some of whom> however, 
availed themselves of the Persian annals. 1. Greeks: their 
authority as writers, contemporary, but not always sufficiently 
acquainted with the east, (a) Ctesias. His court history com- 
piled from Persian annals, would be the principal work did we 
poesess the whole ; we have, however, only an extract from it 
preserved by Photius. {hi) Hbbodotus : who probably availed 
himself of similar sources in some portion of his work, (c) Xsn- 
OPHON. To this period of history belong, not only his Anabasis 
and Hellenica, but also his Cyropaedia, or portraiture of a happy 
empire and an accomplished ruler, according to eastern ideas, ezhi« 
bited in the example of Cyrus : of use so far as pure historic re- 
cords are interwoven with the narrative, {d) Diodgbus, etc. 
2. Jewish writers. The books of Esdbas and Nehemiah ; and 
more particularly that of Esthbb, as containing a fiiithful repre- 
sentation of the Persian court and its manners. 3. The accounts 
of the later Persian chroniclers, Mibkhond in particular> who 
flourished in the thirteenth century of the christian era, can have 
no weight in the scale of criticism ; they are nevertheless inter- 
esting, inasmuch as they make us acquainted with the ideas that 
the inhabitants of the east form of their early history. 

The modern authors on Persian history are principally those 
who have written on ancient history in general : see p. 2. A 
treatise on Persian history, deduced from eastern sources, wiU 
be found in the Ancient Universal History, vol. iv. 

Bbissonius, de Regno Persarum, 1591, 8vo. A very labori- 
ous compilation. 

The section concerning the Persians in f Hbbbbn, Ideas, etc 
vol. i, part 1. 

QMalcolm, Sib John, History of Persia, from the earliest 
ages to the present times. Lend. 1816, 4to. 2 vols. ''A valuable 


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L State of the Persian nation previous to Cy- ^»^* 
rus ; a highland people, subject to the Medes, to Albx- 
dwelling m the mountainous parts of the province oriSwo — 
of Persis, and leading wholly, or for the most ^rle Per- 
part, a nomad life. Division into ten clans, •>">»• 
among which that of the Pasargada, the noblest The borfe 
and ruling horde, is particularly remarkable onsargifdsr 
account of the figure it makes in subsequent his- 
tory. — The result of this division was a patriarchal 
government, the vestiges of which remain visible 
in the whole of the following history of the Per- 
sians. Permanent distinction between the tribes 
in reference to their mode of life, observable even 
during the most flourishing period of the Persian 
state : three of the nobles or warriors, thre^ of 
the husbandmen, and four of the shepherds. 
Argument thence deduced, that the history of the 
Persians as a dominant nation, is that of Me h^ the 
nobler clans alone, and of the PASABOADiE more ^ 

2. The personal history of Cyrus, the founder Cyrus, 
of the Persian monarchy, was, even in the time ofcT^s- 
Herodotus, so obscured under the veil of romance, ^^ *"* 
that it was no longer possible to detect the real ^nqJlerora ; 
truth. It is, however, evident, that the course of 
the revolution wrought by him was, on the whole, 
the same as was followed in all similar empires 
founded in Asia. Gengis-khan, in a later age, 
was placed at the head of all the Mogol hordes ; 
in the same manner was Cyrus elected chief of 
all the Persian tribes, by whose assistance he 
became a mighty conqueror, at the time that the founds the 
Babylonian and Median kingdoms of Inner Asia m^i^^' 
were on the decline, and before the Lydian 


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93 PERSIANS. book ii. 

From empire^ under Croesus, had been firmly esta- 

Cyrus V T 1 J 
To Albs- bllSneCl. 


Descent of Cyrus from the family of Aduemenes^ ( Jamshid ?). 
That family belonged to the Pasargads tribe^ and therefore re- 
mained the mling house. 

Of the Me- 3. Risc of the Persian dominion, in conse^ 

triinem- qucuce of the overthrow of the Medo-Bactrian 

Sroy^* empire, after the defeat of Astyages at Pasargada. 

B.C. 661. Rapid extension by further conquest* Subjection 

dianem-^ of Asia Minor after the victory won by Cyrus in 

P**!'. person over Croesus, and capture of the Greek 

Greeks colouies by the generals of the Persian monarch. 

abolTss?- Conquest of Babylon and all the Babylonian pro- 

of Babylon, yinces. The Phoenician cities submit themselves 

of their own accord. Even in Cyrus's time, 

therefore, the frontiers of the Persian empire had 

been extended in southern Asia to the Mediterra- 

cynisis nean, to the Oxus, and to the Indus; but the 

»laiD in bat- • • ^ ^l j • l i 'a* ^i 

tie with the campaign agamst the nomad races, mhabitmg the 
Massagetae, gteppcs of Central Asia, was unsuccessful ; and 
Cyrus himself fell in the contest. 

It cannot be denied but that in the narration of the separate 
wars waged by Cyrus, discrepancies are found in Herodotus and 
Ctesias; those two authors, however, agree in the main facts : 
and^ indeed^ the differences which exist between them cannot be 
considered always as direct contradictions. 

iiiePer- 4. Immediate consequences of this great revo- 
thereiigUm, lutiou in respcct both of the conquerors and the 
d^tyof conquered. Among the former, even in the time 
^^^' of Cyrus, the civilization and luxury of the Medes, 
Medes. their legislation and national religion, and the 
sacerdotal caste of the magi, who were guardians 
of that religion, had been introduced, and the 
whole system of the Persian court had been re- 
modelled upon that of the Medes. 


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Description of Zoroeater's kgislation, and of the magian na- From 

tional religion, according to the Zend-avesta. How far the ^YRUi 

dogmas of Zoroaster can be considered as dominant among the akder. 

Persians ? — Proof that they were adopted only by the nobler 
tribes, more particularly the Pasargadae. Their great and bene- 
ficial influence on agriculture. 

Amqustil du Perron, Zend-avesta, ouvrage de Zordastrr, 
traduit en Francois tur r original Zend. Paris, 1771* 4to. This 
work has been much improved by the critical discussions added 
to the Grerman translation by J. L. Klsuker. Compare the 
dissertations on Zoroaster by Mriners and Tychsbn, in Cotn- 
meni, Soc. Goiting, and Hbbrbn, Ideas, etc. vol. i. 

Hyds, De Religione veterum Persarutn; Oxon. 1700, 4to. 
Replete with learned research, and the first work that excited 
enquiry on the subject. 

-f J. S. Rhode, Sacred Traditions of the East ; Breslau, 
1821. An excellent work for the study of the Zend-avesta, the 
magian religion, and the antiquities of the Medes and Persians. 

5. First political constitution of the Persian Expedients 

* adopied to 

empire under Cyrus. No general new organiza- teeppossei- 
tion ; but for the most part the original institu- con^quered 
tions are preserved among the conquered, who **'"'°"**' 
are compelled to pay tribute. Royal officers, 
appointed to collect the tribute, are associated Tribute, 
with the generals, who with numerous armies 
keep in subjection the inhabitants of the con- 
quered countries. For the support of the empire standing 
large standing armies are kept in pay, besides ™" 
which, recourse is frequently had to the trans- Transferor 
planting of whole nations ; while, as was the case tiow! "*' 
with the Jews, some who had been formerly trans- 
planted are restored to their country. With the 
same view injunctions are issued, as in the case 
of the Lydians, to effect the enervation of warlike 
races by a luxurious and effeminate system of 

6. Cyrus leaves two sons, the elder of whom. 


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94 PERSIANS. book ii. 

cv*R^8 Cambyses, succeeds as king; the younger, Smer- 
To Alex- dis, (the Tatiyoxarcts of Ctesias,) becomes inde- 
^ pendent lord of Bactria and the eastern territo- 
ries ; but is soon after murdered by the command 
of his elder brother. 
CAMBT8B8 7. Uudcr Cambyses the conquering arms of 
^22?^ the Persians are directed against Africa. Egypt 
^^«" becomes a Persian province, and the neighbouring 
Libya, together with Cyrene, assume the yoke of 
their own accord. But the twofold expedition 
against the opulent commercial establishments. 
Ammonium in the west, and Meroe in the south, 
is wholly unsuccessful ; that against Carthage is 
arrested in its commencement by the refusal of 
the Tyrians to join the naval armament. A colony 
^ of six thousand Egyptians is transplanted into 
His policy 8. The cruelty with which Cambyses is ac- 
ISgthT^"*' cused of treating the Egyptians was directed 
pSSh^: rather against the powerful caste of the priests, 
than against the whole nation; and originated 
more in political than in religious motives. It 
hit vices must be observed, however, that we ought to be 
mi^ch^ex- particularly on our guard against all the evil that 
aggerated. jg related of Cambyscs, inasmuch as our informa- 
tion respecting that prince is derived entirely from 
his enemies, the Egyptian priests. 
Usurpation 9. The usurpatiou of the Pseudo-Smerdis, (or 
TanyoxarceSy) was an attempt of the magi to re- 
place a Median dynasty on the throne, by means 
death of of a plot hatched within the seraglio. It was the 
camhyses, Q^j^^g^giQ^ ^f j^q accidcut which cost Cambyscs his 

life, after a reign of seven years and a half: (or, 
according to Ctesias, of eighteen.) 


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10. The Pseudo-Smerdis kept bis seat on the frok 
throne eight months, during which he attempted to alez- 
to bring over the conquered nations to his interest ^'"'^*' 
by a remission of all tribute for three years ; but smerdxs, 
the discovery of his cheat gave rise to a conspi- of Jghr'^ 
racy of seven of the chief Persians, who could S^nbV the 
not brook the rule of a Mede, and the usurper lost JJJJ^^*"" 
his life. 

11. It could not be expected that the political Noprogress 
organization of the kingdom should advance tolTanL^ 
completion during the reign of Cambyses, who ^^*|jjj^^j 
was almost always absent in the prosecution of ^^*^*'Jj*p- 
war; or during the brief rule of the Pseudo- Smeidia. 
Smerdia. It remained, therefore, in the same 

state as under Cyrus. But the introduction of The Per- 
the Median court-ceremonial among the ruling fo^^n^ 
tribe of the Persians, and the adoption of fixed ''^°^^*''' 
dwellings by that tribe, rendered it necessary that 
royal residences should be erected for the recep- 
tion of the king's court ; among these Persepolis, Penepoiis 
(see above, p. 20,) probably commenced by Cy- " ^^^' 
rus, was completed under Darius and Xerxes. 

The best drawings of the monoineiits of Persepolis^ remarkable 
alike for their architecture^ their sculpture^ and their inscriptions 
in the arrow-beaded character^ are to be found in the Travels of 
Chabdin and Nibbuhr. Illustrations : 

f Hbrdbr's PersepoliSj in the collection of his works^ vol. i. 

f Hbebbn^ Ideas, etc. Part I. vol. i. Great assistance in 
studying the inscriptions^ is furnished by 

Db Sacy, M^moires sur diverses AnttquiUt de la Perse ; 
Paris^ 1793^ 4to. It must be observed^ however, that this work 
is confined to the illustration of the later monuments^ belonging 
to the Sassanidas. The most successful attempt at deciphering 
the arrow-beaded inscriptions of the old Persic^ since Tychsbn, 
MuBNTBBy and Lichtbnstbin, will be found in 


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96 PERSIANS. book ii. 

From f ^BOTBFBND^ On the IntcrpreUUioH of ike Arrow-headed 

Cyrus Characters, particularly of the Inscriptions at PersepoUs, oon- 

ANDKR. tained in the appendix to Heerbn, Ideas, etc vol. ii. with an 

"" accompanying Zend alphabet. 

Thesevw 12. After a very remarkable debate held by 
Cdcounciithe seveu conspirators, concerning the form of 
ture^fom'of g^^v^^n^^i^t which should be established, Darius, 
mJnt? ^^^ ®^^ ^^ Hystaspes, one of the family of the 
Achaemenides, was raised to the throne by an 
oracle ; this king endeavoured to strengthen his 
right to the sceptre by marrying two of Cyrus's 
?622"486^ 13. The reign of Darius I. which lasted thirty- 
a great six ycars, (according to Ctesias 31 ,) is remarkable 
and c^i^ for the improvements made both in the external 
qaeror: ^^^ internal administration of the Persian empire. 
In the former, by the great expeditions and con- 
quests, which extended the Persian realm to its 
utmost limits ; in the latter, by several important 
institutions, established for the internal organiza- 
tion of the state. 
the first 14. The expeditions of the Persians under Cy- 

AaTcwrics ^"® w^^^ directed against the countries of Asia; 
fiiio'S! those of Cambyses against Africa. But those 
«>p«: undertaken by Darius I. were directed against 
Europe, though the Persian territory was at the 
same time extended in the two other quarters of 
and is em- the woHd. In the reign of this king likewise 
wUh^tSe commenced those wars with the Greeks, so fatal 
Gr^r° *^ ^^® Persians; constantly fomented and sup- 
ported by emigrant or exile Greeks, who found 
an asylum in the Persian court, and there con- 
trived to raise a party. — First example of the kind 
exhibited shortly after the accession of Darius, in 


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the case of Syloson^ brother to Polycrates, who FmoM 
had been tyrant of Samos : at his request the to alex- 
island was taken possession of by the Persians, ^'"'"* 

aDd delivered up to him after the almost total de* 
struction of the male population. 

15. Great revolt in Babylon, which would notBabyionse- 
submit tamely to a foreign yoke. After a siege is reduced: 
of twenty-one months, Darius by stratagem re- 
gains possession of the city. The power of 
Babylon and the importance of its situation in- 
creased the jealousy with which it was guarded 

by the Persian kings ; so much so, that they 
were wont to reside there a certain portion of the 

16. First great expedition of Darius undertaken campaign 
against the Scythians inhabiting the lands north ^ySUn^? 
of the Black sea: the former irruption of the^^^' 
Scythians into Asia afforded a pretext for the 

war, which, therefore, was considered as a gene- 
ral national undertaking. Unsuccessful as therhePer- 
Persian arms were in this vast expedition against though un- 
the Scythians, and disgraceful as was the retreat ^^bi"£**' 
from the barren steppes of the Ukrain, yet the themselves 

* * ' -^ m Europe. 

power of Darius was established in Thrace and 
Macedonia, and the Persians obtained firm foot- 
ing in Europe. 

CoDoeniii^ the peculiar character of the Persian national wars, 
or great campaigns, in which all the conquered nations were 
obliged to participate, contrasted with the other wars waged by 
Persian troops alone. 

17. The next expedition made by Darius was campaiga 
more successful. It was carried on along the^^t^l 
banks of the Indus, down which river Scylax, a^**^**'^^' 
Greek, had previously sailed on a voyage of 
discovery. The highlands north of the Indus 


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98 PERSIANS. book n. 

FioM were then subjected to the Persian dominion, 
toAlex- and the Indus became the boundary of the 
^'*'*'*' kingdom. About the same time that Darius 
was engaged on the Danube and the Indus, 
Aryandes, his viceroy in Egypt, led an expedi- 
•gainst tion agaiust Barca, to avenge the murder of king 
Af^!*^ Arcesilaus; a Mrar Mrhich terminated in the de- 
struction of the city, and the transplantation of 
its inhabitants into Asia. 
sec68tionof' 18. Howcvcr trifling the first occurrence which 
Groeks* ^ gavc risc to the revolt of the Asiatic Greeks, 
^c^soa— j^ was much more important in its consequences. 
It was set on foot by Aristagoras, lieutenant- 
governor of Miletus, who was secretly sup- 
ported by his relation, the offended Histiaeus, 
then resident at the Persian court. The share 
who.u- taken by the Athenians in this rebellion, which 
Adiensffira Icd to the buming of Sardes, was the origin of the 
^SJ^'' national hatred between Persia and European 
Greece, and of the long series of wars that en- 
butare sued. The confederates were this time defeated; 
roTt^^o/ but the naval battle off the island of Lada, could 
^^"' hardly have had such a fatal result, had not the 
league been previously corrupted by the craft and 
gold of Persia. Be that as it may, this war 
ended in the reduction of the lonians, and the 
destruction of Miletus, their flourishing capital ; a 
city which in those days, together with Tyre and 
Carthage, engrossed the trade of the world. 
Fintcam- 19^ First attack upon Greece, particularly 
a^mst Athens. Darius, already enraged against the 
Athenians by the firing of Sardes, is still further 
instigated by the suggestions of the banished ty- 
rant of Athens, Hippias, the son of Pisistratus. 



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This prince, who had fled to the Persian court, From 
was evidently the animating spirit of the whole to a\k. 
undertaking. Although the first attempt, made ^'"*"* 

under the command of Mardonius, was thwarted under Mar- 
by a tempest, yet the mighty expedition which fnu^^ted 
afterwards followed, was undertaken with so much ^t ^* 
more prudence, and conducted with so muchf***^'^^- 

* Second 

knowledge of the country, that no one can fail to campaign, 
recognize the guiding hand of Hippias. Even the 
battle of Marathon, which seems to have been Battle of 
but a diversion on the side of the Persians, would sept. 29°' 
not have decided the war, had not the activity of ^^' 
Miltiades defeated the principal design of the 
enemy upon Athens. 

20. It may be said that Darius, by these foreign Progress of 

,_.-. -_ -. , 1.1, 1 thePereians 

wars, debilitated the kingdom which he endea- towards a 
voured to extend; this circumstance, however, ^tUu- 
it cannot be denied, increases the merit which he ^^^ 
has of perfecting the internal organization of the 
empire. His reign constitutes precisely that pe- 
riod which must enter into the history of every 
Domad race that has attained to power, and is 
advancing towards political civilization ; a period 
at which it becomes visible that the nation is en- 
deavouring to obtain a constitution, however gra- 
dual the progress towards it. 

21. Division of the empire into twenty ^^^ra- Division of 

1 1 • ... t. 1 ^ •(_ ^ the empire 

pies, and the imposition of a regular tribute onintoMcrs. 
each. This division at first depended solely on'"*'' 
that of the various tributary races, but from it 
gradually arose a geographic division, in which 
the ancient distinction of countries was for the 
most part preserved. 

Proofs that the division into satrapies was originally a mere 



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From arrangement for the civil government and collection of taxes, 
TO Ale' - *^^^*^°^ ^^^ military power. Duties of the satraps. The at- 
AND£B. tention they were to pay to the cultivation and improvement of 
the land ; to the collection of the imposts ; to the execution of 
the royal commands relating to provincial afiairg. An abuse of 
this institution, at a later period, placed in the hands of these 
satraps the command also of the troops. — Various means of keep- 
ing the satraps in a state of dependence : royal secretaries ap- 
pointed for each, who were to be the first to receive the king's 
commands. — Periodical visits paid to the provinces by commis- 
sioners under the direct appointment of the king, or by the king 
himself accompanied with an army. — Establishment of conriers 
in every part of the empire, for the purpose of securing a safe 
and rapid communication with the provinces, as was the case 
also in the Mongol countries ; (not a regular post, however, the 
institution here alluded to being intended only for the coort.) 

Persian 22. The PcFsian finance continues to preserve 
the con-' those peculiarities which naturally result from the 
supJI^Ao formation of an empire by a nomad race of con- 
conquerors. queers, dcsifous of living at the expense of the 
conquered, and under a despotic form of govern- 

Collection of tribute, mostly in kind, for the support of the 
court and the annies ; and in precious metals, not coined, but in 
their raw state. Application of the treasure thus collected to- 
wards constituting a private chest for the king. Various other 
royal imposts. — Mode of providing for the public expenditure by 
assignments on the revenues of one or several places. 

Artmiii- 23. Organization of the military system, con- 
formably to the primitive state of the nation, and 
the necessity now felt of keeping the conquered 
countries in subjection by means of standing ar- 

Military organization of the Persian nations, by means of a 
decimal division pervading the whole. — Royal troops cantoned in 
the open field, according to a certain division of the empire, or 
stationed as garrisons in the cities, and distinct from the encamp- 
ments. — Manner in which the troops were supported at the cost 
and by the taxes of the provinces. — Introduction of mercenaries 


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and Greeks, more particularly among the Persians^ and fatal con- From 
sequences of that measure. Military hoosehold of the satraps ^\^^^ 
snd grandees. — Institution of a general conscnption m national ander. 
vars. Formation of the Persian navy, consisting of the Phceni- ' 

asm, and not unfrequently of the Asiatic Greek fleets. 

24. From the time of Darius, the court of the xhePersian 
kings of Persia attained its complete form, and ^a'^uo ^d 
the government soon after was wholly concen- ^^^^^J^^^ 
trated in the seraglio. Yet the mode of life which "»« ""y- 
the kings led, surrounded by a court, taken prin- 
cipally if not wholly from the tribe of the Pasar- 

gadae, and changing their residence according to 
the revolutions of the seasons, still preserved the 
traces of nomad origin. 

Babylon, Susa, and Ecbatana, the usual residences; Perse- 
polis DOW used as a royal cemetery. The court supported by the 
most costly productions of each province ; hence arose the rigid 
.aremonial observed at the royal table. — Internal organization of 
the seraglio. — Influence of the eunuchs and queen-mothers on 
the government. 

25. Already had Darius commenced prepara- Revolt of 
lions to wreak his vengeance on Athens, when a ^^488 : 
revolution broke out in Egypt, and hindered him 

from prosecuting his design. He died after no- death of 
minating for his successor Xerxes I. grandson of J^g"^*' 
Cyrus, and his eldest son by a second wife, 
Atossa, whose influence over her husband was 

26. Xerxes I. A prince educated in the serag- xerxmi. 
lio, who knew nothing beyond the art of repre-^®^"^^' 
sen ting the pomp of royalty. Subjection of recovers 
Egypt, and severe treatment of that country un- ^Kyp**^^^- 
der the satrap Achaemenes, brother to Xerxes. 

27. Xerxes' famous expedition against Greece 
was again the result of the cabals and intrigues of 
the Greek exiles, the Pisistratidae, the soothsayer 


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Onomacritus, the Thessalian princes or Aleuadse, 
who contrived to exert their influence on the 
king's mind, and to raise a party in their favour 
among the grandees. But the progress of the 
campaign showed that no Hippias was at the 
head of the invading army, although the Persian 
king did certainly succeed in his avowed object, 
the capture and destruction of Athens. 

Critique on the detailed account given by Herodotus of this 
expedition^ as a national undertaking in whicli all the subjugated 
nations were obliged to take a share. — Preparations which last 
for three years in the Persian empire ; league framed with Car- 
thage for the subjection of the Sidlian Greeks, 483 — 481. The 
expedition itself in 480; over Asia Minor and the Hellespont, 
through Thrace and Macedonia. — Muster of the army and divi- 
sion of the troops according to nations at Doriscus ; the detailed 
description of which found in Herodotus, was most probably bor- 
rowed from some Persian document. — The pass of Thermopylae 
taken by treachery; on the same day a naval engagement off 
Artemisium. — ^Athens captured and burnt. Battle of Salamis, 
Sept. 23, 480. Retreat of Xerxes ; an army of picked men left 
behind, under the command of Mardonius. — Fruitless negotia- 
tions with the Athenians. — Second campaign of Mardonius : he 
is routed at Platieee, Sept. 25, 479; and that event puts an end 
for ever to the Persian irruptions into Greece : on the same day 
the Persian army is defeated, and their fleet burnt at Mycale in 
Asia Minor. 

Persia now 28. The consequences of these repeated and 
coD^ntnte unsuccessful expeditions, in which almost the 
A^MbJrl whole population was engaged, roust be self-evi- 
dent. The empire was weakened and depopu- 
lated. The defensive war which the Persians for 
thirty years were obliged to maintain against the 
Greeks, who aimed at establishing the inde- 
pendence of their Asiatic countrymen, completely 
destroyed the balance of their power, by com- 
pelling them to transfer their forces to Asia 


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M inor» the most distant western province of the Fkom 


empire. to alkx- 

29. Little as the Greeks had to fear from the ''''''**• 

Persian arms, the danger with which they were SePcwiaM 
now threatened was much more formidable, when SJ'g^wL. 
the enemy began to adopt the system of bribing 
the chieftains of Greece; a system which suc- 
ceeded beyond expectation in the first trial made 
of it with Pausanias, and perhaps was not wholly 
unsuccessful with Themistocles himself. — But the 
Persians soon found in Cimon an adversary who cimon 
deprived them of the sovereignty of the sea ; who p^ia uw* 
in one day destroyed both their fleet and their '^tSTSi? 
army on the Eurymedon ; and by the conquest of i>atUeof the 
the Thracian Chersonese, wrested from them the do^n?469. 
key of Europe. 

30. What little we know further concerning the Bloody 
reign of Xerxes, consists in the intrigues of the p^^m * 
seraglio, which now, through the machinations of"^^* 
queen Amestris, became the theatre of all those 
horrors which are wont to be exhibited in such 
places, and to which Xerxes himself at last fell a Xenet 
victim, in consequence of the conspiracy of Arta- ^^ 
banes and the eunuch Spamitres. 

Was Xerxes the Ahasuerus of the Jews ? — On the difference 
between the names of the Persian kings in Persian and Chaldee; 
not to be wandered at when we consider that they were mere 
titles or surnames, assumed by the soyereigns aflter their ac- 

31. Artaxerxes I. surnamed Longimanus. Iuarta- 
consequence of the murder of his father and his b! c'Jes 
elder brother, in the conspiracy of Artabanes, this '^^^' 
prince ascended the throne, but was unable to 

keep possession of the sceptre without assassi* 


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fbom Dating, io his turn, Artabanes. His reign, which 

TO albx- lasted forty years, exhibits the first symptoms of 

■ ^''°"' the decline of the empire, which this king, al- 

rel^Penia though posscssed of many good qualities, had not 

dU^J^*^ the talent or spirit to arrest. 

Rebeiuons 32. At the Very commencement of his reign 

T^nc^.^"^ rebellions are excited in the provinces; in the 

mean while the war with Athens continues. Two 

battles are required to repress the insurrection of 

his brother Hystaspes in Bactria. 

Second M- 33. Secoud revolt of Egypt, excited by the 

£mt, Libyan king, Inarus of Marea, in conjunction 

• ^^ • y^i^j^ tijg Egyptian, Amyrtaeus, and supported by 

an Athenian fleet. Although the confederates 

did not make themselves masters of Memphis, 

they defeated the Persian army, commanded by 

the king's brother, Achsemenes, who lost his life 

in the battle ; they were at last overpowered by 

Megabyzus, satrap of Syria, and shut up together 

with Inarus in the town of Byblus. Inarus and 

partly his party were admitted to capitulation; but 

queUed, * , . i /. • , 

456. Amyrtffius, havmg taken refuge m the morasses, 

continued to make head against the Persians. 
Persian 34. The Grecian war takes, once more, an un- 
aray'de- favourablc turn for the Persians : Cimon defeats 
cf^n!^^ the enemy's fleet and army near Cyprus. The 
449. fear of losing the whole of the island accordingly 

compels Artaxerxes I. to sign a treaty of peace 
Disgraceful with Athcus, in which he recognizes the inde- 
Ai^***^ pendence of the Asiatic Greeks, and agrees that 
^^- his fleet shall not navigate the iBgsean sea, nor 

his troops approach within three days' march of 

the coast. 
35. But the haughty and powerful Megabyzus, 


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enraged at the execution of Inarus, in violam^^^^^^ 
the promise made by him to that prince, excites to alxx- 
a rebellion in Syria ; repeatedly defeats the royal ^^^^^' 
armies, and prescribes himself the conditions upon tbe^rsrex- 
which he will be reconciled to his sovereign. Jl^eiUoM* 
This was the first great example of a successful B!cr447. 
insurrection excited by one of the Persian sa- 
traps ; and chequered as were the subsequent 
fortunes of Megabyzus, his party continued to 
subsist after his death in the persons of his sons. 
He possessed in the centre of the court a support 
in the dowager queen Amestris, and the reigning 
queen Amytis ; (both notorious for their excesses ;) DeaUi of 
who kept Artaxerxes I. in a constant state of tu- 424.*"*^' 
telage to the hour of his death. 

36. Revolutions in the government now sue- Xkrxes 
ceed each other with rapidity and violence. '^^' 
Xerxes IL the only legitimate son and successor 

of Artaxerxes, is slain, after forty-five days' reign, 
by his bastard brother Sogdianus ; the latter, in Sogoia- 
his turn, after a reign of six months, is deposed ^^^' 
by another bastard brother, Ochus, who ascends 
the throne, and assumes the name of Darius II. 

37. Darius II. surnamed the Bastard, or No-Diriusii. 
thus. He reigns nineteen years under the tute- 
lage of his wife, Parysatis, and of three eunuchs, 

one of whom, Artoxares, even attempts to open a 
way to the throne, but is put to death. In this Rapid de- 
period the decline of the state advances with hur- state. 
ried steps ; partly by reason of the extinction of 
the legitimate royal line, partly by the increased 
practice of placing more than one province, toge- 
ther with the military command, in the hands of 
the same satrap. Although the repeated insur- 


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Faom rections of the satraps are repressed, the court, 

TO A* Bx- by the breach of faith to which it is obliged to 

^'"'"' have recourse, in order to succeed in its measures, 

exhibits to the world a convincing proof of its in- 

B. c. 422. firmity. The revolt of Arsites, one of the king's 

brothers, who was supported by a son of Mega- 

414. byzus, and that of Pisuthnes, satrap of Lydia, are 

quelled only by obtaining treacherous possession 

of their persons. 

38. In consequence of the weak state of the 
empire, the fire, which had hitherto been smoul- 
dering under the ashes, burst forth in Egypt. 
Amyrtaeus, who had remained till now in the mo- 
Third revolt rasses, issued forth, supported by th6 Egyptians; 
414.^^^' and the Persians were again expelled the land. 
Obscure as the subsequent history may be, we 
see that the Persians were obliged to acknow- 
ledge, not only Amyrteeus, but his successors. 
[See page 72]. 
Fdoponne- 39. The Persians must have regarded it as a 
TomUeto bappy event, that the Peloponnesian war, kindled 
intereTte.*" ^^ Grecce during the reign of Artaxerxes, and 
protracted through the whole of that of Darius II. 
had prevented the Greeks from unitedly falling 
upon Persia. It now became, and henceforward 
continued to be, the chief policy of the Persians 
to foment quarrels and wars between the Grecian 
republics, by siding at various times with various 
parties ; and the mutual hatred of the Greeks 
rendered this game so easy, that Greece could 
hardly have escaped total destruction, had the 
Persian plans been always as wisely laid as they 
were by Tissaphernes ; and had not the caprice 
and jealousy of the satraps in Asia Minor gene- 



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rally bad more effect than the commands of the f»om 

court. TO Alex- 

Alliance of the Persians with Sparta^ framed by Tissaphernes, '— 

441 ; but in consequence of the policy of Alcibiades^ and the 
artfiil principles of Tissaphernes, followed by no important re- 
salts, until the younger Cyrus^ satrap of all Asia Minor^ was by 
Lysander^ 4/07, brought over to the Spartan interest. (See below^ 
the Grecian history^ III. Period^ parag. 23.) 

40. Artaxerxes II. surnamed Mnemon. A1-a»ta. 
though this prince was the eldest son of Darius, b.c.40&' 
his right to the throne might, according to the"^^' 
Persian ideas of succession, have appeared du- 
bious, since his younger brother. Gyrus, had the 
advantage over him of being the first born subse- 
quent to the accession of his father. Relying Anabatis of 
on the support of his mother Parysatis, Cyrus, ^™*' 
even without this claim to the throne, would, no 

doubt, have asserted his pretence to the sovereign 
power. It would have been, in all probability, a 
fortunate event for the Persian empire, had the 
fate of battle, in the ensuing war between the two- 
brothers, assigned the throne to him whom nature 
seems to have pointed out as the fittest person. 

History of this war according to Xenophon. Battle of Cunaza, 
in which Cyrus fiedls^ 401. Retreat of the ten thousand Greek 
mercenaries in the service of Cyrus^ under the guidance of Xeno- 


41. During the whole of this reign, Artaxerxes, weak reign 
now firmly seated on the throne, remained under xerxefTii. 
the tutelage of his mother, Parysatis, whose in- 
veterate hatred against his wife, Statira, and 
against all who had any share in the death of her 
darling son, Cyrus, converted the seraglio into a 
theatre of bloody deeds, such as can be conceived 

and committed only in similar places. 


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From 42. The insurrection and rout of Cyrus pro- 
To aIex- duced a corresponding change in the political re- 
^^^^''' lations between the Persian court and Sparta : 
which, however, were now determined, not so 
much by the will of the monarch himself, as by 
the satraps of Asia Minor, Tissaphernes and Phar- 
nabazus, of whose jealousy Sparta knew how to 
take advantage. The former, by his severity to- 
wards the Asiatic Greeks, who had supported the 
War with cause of Cyrus, excited a war with Sparta, in 
|^'c?40o. which he himself fell a victim. The death of the 
satrap is not, however, succeeded by tranquillity; 
Agesiiaus for Agcsilaus commands in Asia, and threatens to 
396-^394. overthrow the Persian throne itself. The policy 
of the Persians is shown by the war which they 
foment in Greece against Sparta: Conon is placed 
at the head of their fleet, and extricates Persia 
from her difiiculties better than could have been 
Peace of douc by her own generals ; in the peace of An- 
as?. ^* **' talcidas she herself dictates the terms, by which 
the Grecian colonies of Asia Minor, together with 
Cyprus and Clazomense, are again delivered into 
Policy of her possession. The rising power of Thebes 
keeping on undcr Epamiuoudas and Pelopidas, with whom 
good terms pgj.gjg^ kccps up a friendly connection, ensures 
Thebes. |jgj. {^^^ ^^y future blow at the hands of the 
War with Spartans. — War for the possession of Cyprus with 
Cyprus, ^ Evagoras, who, however, by the subsequent peace 

retains the sovereignty of Salamis. 
War with 43. The war against the Cadusii in the moun- 

iheCadusii, . -^ , . tt 

384. tarns of Caucasus, proves that Artaxerxes II. was 

Attempt to not fitted for military command ; and his attempt 

Egyjft, to recover Egypt from king Nectanebus I. which 

was defeated by the feud between Iphicrates 


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and Artabazus, evinces that the most numerous Jbo** 


Persian host could achieve nothing without the toAlex- 
assistance of Grecian troops and Grecian generals. ^*"'^''' 
—It could hardly be expected that an empire 
should endure much longer^ when in the court all 
was ruled by the desire of revenge in the women ; 
when the political organization was already so 
corrupt, that the satraps waged war against each 
other; and when those generals who gave any 
proof of talent received no better reward than 
that of Datames. 

44. In fact, it seemed not unlikely that the The succes- 
Persian empire would fall asunder a little before throne of ^ 
the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon. A quarrel diluted, 
about the succession arose in the court between !^**™*** 


the three legitimate sons of the king, the eldest i^e downfai 
of whom, Darius, was put to death : the standard pire before 
of rebellion was erected in the western half of the AnJ^^. 
empire, and joined by all the governors of Asia 
Minor and Syria, supported by Tachos, king of 
Egypt, to whose assistance the Spartans had sent RebeUioa 
Agesilaus. The insurrection, however, was quelled dispe*ted% 
ia consequence of the treachery of the chief leader, S^^**®*^' 
Orontes, who was bribed over to the court. 

45. In the midst of these commotions diedARTA- 
Artaxerxes II.: his youngest son, Ochus, tookm^Xut 
.possession of the throne, and assumed the name ^6^^— sas. 
of Artaxerxes III. This king conceived that he 

could not establish his power but by the total 
destruction of the royal family, numerous as it 
was. He was contemporary with Philip of Ma- contempo- 
cedon, in whom he soon found a more formidable phuip"uie 
rival than any he could have met with in his own AiexJ^ier 
family. ^« Great, 


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F*oM 46. The new insurrection fomented by Arta- 


TO albx- bazus in Asia Minor, was accompanied with sue- 

iJm^' ^^^^ ®® ^^^S ^^^y ^^ ^* ^^® backed by the The- 
tioninAiiabans; but the reception which Artabazus met 
B. 0.358. with at the hands of Philip soon betrayed the 

secret intentions of the Macedonian king. 
S^hfpto- ^'^' ®"* *^® extensive rebellion of the Phoeni- 
nicians and cians and Cyprians, in conjunction with Egypt, 
356. ' compelled the king to undertake another expe- 
dition, which succeeded almost beyond expecta- 
tion ; although in this case the object was again 
attained principally by treachery and by Grecian 

Treachery of Mentor, the leader of the confederates : the con- 
sequent capture and destruction of Sidon, followed by the sub- 
jection of Phoenicia, 356. Capture of Cyprus by Grecian troops, 
under the command of Phocion and the younger Evagoras^ 354. 
Expedition of the king in person against Egypt : victory of Pe- 
lusium, won over king Nectanebus II. with the help of Grecian 
mercenaries. Egypt becomes^ once more^ a Persian province. 

The Per- 48. This restoration of the empire to its former 

on" m?r limits was followed by a period of tranquillity, 

itel^Mfe^t *b® result of force, as Mentor and the eunuch Ba- 

bounds. goas, holding the king in complete dependence. 

The kinff divided the kingdom, as it were, between them- 

l^e"euiiac/ sclvcs ; Until Bagoas was pleased, by poison, to 

BagMB, remove Artaxerxes out of his way. 

piMwAr- 49. After the assassination of the royal family, 

S^ne,*but Bagoas placed on the throne the king's youngest 

MOD after an(j q^\j surviving son, Arces. Bagoas was de- 

with him. sirous of reigning in the name of that prince; but 

after the lapse of two years, he found it necessary 

to depose him, and to substitute in his place a 

distant relation of the reigning family, Darius 


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Codomannus, who commenced his reign by put- Fkom 
ting to death the wretch himself. to Alsx- 

50. Darius III. Codomannus, not having been ^^^^^' 
educated, like his predecessors, in the seraglio, m. 336. 
gave proof of virtues which entitled him to a 
better fate. Attacked in the second year of his?^¥^- 

*' dom in- 

reign by Macedon, against which Persia hadvadedbj 
hitherto made no preparation for resistance, — the Great, 
unless, perhaps, the dagger which pierced Philip ^^' 
was pointed by Persian hands, — Darius was un- 
able at once to reestablish a kingdom which of 
itself was mouldering away. And yet, had not 
death defeated the invasion of Macedonia by his 
general, Memnon, it might have been matter of 
doubt, whether Alexander would ever have shone 
as the conqueror of Asia. — After the loss of two Aiexan- 
battles, in which he fought in person, Darius III. nkJnesS?* 
fell a victim to the treachery of Bessus, and the ^^^^ 
burning of Persepolis made known to Asia that the 
realm of Persia was destroyed, and that the east 
must acknowledge a new lord and master. 

For the history of the war, see below : the history of Macedon. 


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112 GRECIAN STATES. book mr. 



Geograpkieal Outline. 

GREECE. Greece is bounded on the north by the Cam- 

Boundarie$ buniEn mountains, which separate it from Mace- 
reece: ^^^j^. ^^ ^^ south and cast by the ^gaean, on 

its dimen- the wcst by the Ionian sea. Greatest length from 
south to north = 220 geog. miles, greatest breadth 
from west to east, s= 140 geog. miles. Superficial 

rivers: contcuts, = 29,600 square miles. — Principal 
rivers : the Peneus, which discharges its waters 
into the ^gaean, and the Achelous, which flows 

physicaiad- into the Ionian sea. Advantages in respect to 

▼anta^. f^^^jfy^ resulting from the mildness of the cli- 
mate, between 37 — 40"* N. lat.; from the number 
of small streams ; from the qualities and variety 
of the soil, in which this country has been so 
much more blessed by nature than any other of 
similar extent, that every branch of cultivation 
may be prosecuted equally and in conjunction. — 
Advantages in reference to navigation and com- 
merce : situated in the vicinity of the three 
quarters of the world, on three sides washed by 
the sea, and by reason of its irregular, indented 
coast, abounding with commodious ports and 

Divisions. It may be divided into Northern Greece, from 
the north boundary to the chain of (Eta and 
Pindus, between the Ambracian gulf west, and 


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the Maliac east. Central Greece, or Hellas, down Greece. 
to the isthmus of Corinth : and the southern pen- 
insula, or Peloponnesus. 

Northern Greece comprises two countries ; Northihn 
Thessaly east, Epirus west. ""'*' 

1. Thessaly, the largest and one of the most Thessaiy. 
fruitful of the Grecian countries. Length from 
north to south 60 geog. miles ; breadth from west 

to east 64 geog. miles. Rivers : the Peneus, Api- 
danus, and several smaller streams. Mountains : 
Olympus, residence of the fabulous gods, and 
Ossa in the north ; the chain of (Eta, Othrys, and 
Pindus in the south. Division into five pro- 
vinces : 1 . Estiaeotis ; cities : Gomphi, Azorus : 
2. Pelasgiotis ; cities : Larissa, Gonni, the vale 
of Tempe : 3. Thessaliotis ; cities : Pharsalus, 
etc. 4. Phthiotis ; cities : Pherae, etc. 6. The 
foreland of .Magnesia, with a city of the same 
name. Other territories, such as Perrhaebia, etc. 
for instance, derived their names from the non- 
Greek races who inhabited them. 

2. Epirus. Next to Thessaly, the largest, al- Epimi. 
though one of the least cultivated countries of 
Greece : 48 — 60 geog. miles long, and the same 

in breadth. Divisions : Molossis ; city, Am- 
bracia : Thesprotia ; city, Buthrotum ; in the in- 
terior, Dodona. 

Central Greece, or Hellas, comprises nine Central 

1. Attica, a foreland, extending towards the Attica, 
south-east, and gradually diminishing. Length, 
60 geog. miles; greatest breadth, 24 geog. miles. 
Rivers : Ilissus, Cephissus. Mountains : Hymet- 
tus, Pentelicus, and the headland of Sunium. 


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114 GRECIAN STATES. book hi. 

GREECE. City : Athens, with the harbours Piraeus, Phale- 
reus, and Munychius ; in the other parts no 
towns, but hamlets, ^>oi, such as Marathon, Eleu- 
fiis, Decelea, etc. 

Megaris. 2. Megaris, close to the isthmus of Corinth. 
The smallest of the Grecian countries ; 16 geog. 
miles long, and from 4 — 8 broad. City, Megara. 

Boeotia. 3. BcBotia, a mountainous and marshy country, 
52 geog. miles long, and from 28 — 32 broad. 
Rivers : Asopus, Ismenus, and several smaller 
streams. Mountains: Helicon, Cytfaaeron, etc. 
Lake : Copais. — Boeotia was, of all the Grecian 
countries, that which contained the greatest num- 
ber of cities, each having its own separate terri- 
tory. Among these, the first in importance, and 
frequently mistress of the rest, was Thebes on the 
Ismenus. The others, Plataese, Tanagra, Thespiae, 
Chaeronea, Lebadea, Leuctra, and Orchomenus, 
are all celebrated in Grecian history. 

Fhocis. 4. Phocis, smaller than Attica ; 48 geog. miles 
long, from 4—20 broad. River: Cephissus. 
Mountain : Parnassus. Cities : Delphi, on Par- 
nassus, with the celebrated oracle of Apollo. 
Crissa, with the harbour of Cirrha, and up the 
country Elatea. The other cities are insignificant. 

i^i»t 6, 6. The two countries called Locris. The 

and 2nd. t -n - • /• i -r - 

eastern on the £«unpus, territory of the Locn 
Opuntii and Epicnemidii is the lesser of the two; 
being but little larger than Megaris. City: Opus; 
pass, Thermopylae. The western Locris on the 
Corinthian gulf, station of the Locri Ozolae, is 
from 20 — 24 geog. miles long, and from 16 — 20 
broad. Cities : Naupactus on the sea, Amphissa 
up the country. 


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7. The small country of Doris, or the Tetra- Greece, 
polis Dorica, qn the south side of mount CEta, ^o™- 
from 8 — 12 geog. miles long, and the same in 

8. iEtolia, somewhat larger than Boeotia ; from ^EtoUo. 
40—52 geog. miles long, and from 28 — 32 broad ; 

but the least cultivated country of all. Rivers : 
Achelous, which skirts Acarnania, and the Eve- 
nu8. Cities : Calydon, Thermus. 

9. Acarnania, the most western country of Hel* Acamania. 
las, 32 geog. miles long, from 16 — 24 broad. 

River : Achelous. Cities : Argos Amphilochicum, 
and Stratus. 

The peninsula of Peloponnesus contains eight pelopon- 
countries. """*' 

1. Arcadia, a mountainous country, abounding Arcadia, 
in pastures, and situate in the centre of the pe- 
ninsula; greatest^length, 48 geog. miles ; greatest 
breadth, 36 geog. miles. Mountains: Cyllene, 
Erymanthus, etc. Rivers: Alpheus, Eryman- 

thus, and several smaller streams. Lake : Styx. 
Cities: Mantinea, Tegea, Orchomenus, Hereea, 
Psophis; subsequently Megalopolis, as a com- 
mon capital. 

2. Laconia, likewise mountainous. Greatest Laconia. 
length, 66 geog. miles ; greatest breadth, 36 geog. 
miles. River: Eurotas. Mountains: Taygetus, 

and the headlands Malea and Tenarium. Cities : 
Sparta on the Eurotas ; other places : Amyclaa, 
Sellasia, and others of little importance. 

3. Messenia, west of Laconia ; a more level iviesseoia. 
and extremely fertile country, subject to the 
Spartans from B. C. 668. Greatest length, 28 
geog. miles: greatest breadth, 36 geog. miles. 



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116 GRECIAN STATES. book in. 

GREECE, City : Messene. Frontier places, Ithome and 
Ira: of the other places, Pylus (Navarino) and 
Methone are the most celebrated. 

£!»• 4. Elis, with the small territory of Triphylia, on 

the west of the Peloponnesus. Length, 60 geog. 
miles : greatest breadth, 28 geog. miles. Rivers : 
Alpheus, Peneus, Sellis, and several smaller 
streams. Cities : in the north, Elis, Cyllene, and 
Pylus. On the Alpheus, Pisa and the neighbouring 
town of Olympia. In Triphylia, a third Pylus, 

AigoUs. 5. Argolis, on the east side of the peninsula ; 
a foreland opposite to Attica, with which it forms 
the Sinus Saronicus. Length, 64 geog. miles: 
breadth, from 8 — 28 geog. miles. Cities : Argos, 
Mycenae, Epidaurus. Smaller but remarkable 
places ; Nemea, Cynuria, Troezen. 

Ackaia. 6. Achaia, originally Ionia, called likewise 
^gialus, comprises the north coast. Length, 56 
geog. miles: breadth, from 12 — 24. It contains 
twelve cities, of which Dyme, Patrae, and Pellene 
are the most important. 

sicyonia. 7. The little country of Sicyonia, 16 geog. miles 
long» 8 broad, with the cities of Sicyon and Phlius. 

Corinth. 8, The small territory of Corinth, of the same 
extent as the foregoing, adjoining the isthmus 
which connects Peloponnesus with the main land. 
City : Corinth, originally Ephyra, with the ports 
of Lecheeum and Cenchreae ; the former on the 
Corinthian, the latter on the Saronic gulf. 

Islands. The Grcck islauds may be divided into three 
classes; those which lie immediately off the 
coasts, those which are collected in groups, and 
those which lie separate in the open sea. 

^/J*« 1. Islands off the coasts. Off the west coast 


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ID the Ionian sea : Corcyra, opposite Epirus, 32 Greece. 
geog. miles long, from 8 — 16 broad. City: Cor-Coreyw; 
cyra. A Corinthian colony. Opposite Acarna- Uucadia; 
nia; Leucadia, with the city and headland of 
Leucas. — Cephalonia or Same, originally Scheria, Ceoiujoiiia 
with the cities of Same and Cephalonia. In the **^*' 
neighbourhood lies the small island of Ithaca. — 
Opposite Elis : Zacynthus. Off the south coast : zacjnthas; 
Cythera, with a town of the same name. Off the Cythew; 
east coast, in the Saronic gulf : ^gina and Sala* ^^f and 
mis. Opposite Bceotia, from which it is sepa- 
rated by the strait named Euripus, Eubcea, theEaboea; 
most extensive of all ; 76 geog. miles long, from 
12 — 16 geog. miles broad. Cities: Oreus, with 
the headland of Artemisium on the north, in the scyathui, 
centre Chalcis, Eretria. Off Thess^y, Scyathus im^^sa- 
and Halonesus. Farther north, Thasus, Imbrus, uJ^' 
Samothrace, and Lemnos. *^^' 

2. Clusters of islands in the ^gaean sea : the Graupt. 
Cyclades and Sporades; the former of which com- Cyciadet 
prise the western, the latter the eastern islands ^r* 
of the Archipelago. The most important among 
them are, Andros, Delos, Pares, Naxos, Melos, 

all with cities of the same names* 

3. The more extensive separate islands: l.Seitarate, 
Crete, 140 geog. miles long, from 24 — 40 broad. Crete; 
Mountain : Ida. Cities : Cydonia, Gortyna, Cnos- 

sus. 2. Cyprus, 120 geog. miles long, from 20 — Cypm. 
80 broad. Cities : Salamis, Paphos, Citium, and 
several smaller places. 

Conoeming the principal Greek islands off the coast of Asia 
Minor, see above, p. 18. 

f Pb. Carl. Hsbm. Krusb, Geographtco^Antiquarian deli- 
neoHon ofancietU Greece and its coionies, with reference to mo- 


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118 GREEKS. BOOK in. 

ORfitlCE. dem discoveries. lUastrated with maps and plates : first part, 
1826. General Geography: second part^ first division, 1826. 
Second division, 1827. Special G^graphy of Central Greece. 
A most minute and careful description of Greece, founded on 
modem discoveries. 


The most ancient traditional kistorjf, down to the Trojan 
wary about B. C. 1^0. 

First Sources : On the formation and progress of history among the 
^"'^'^' Greeks. Preliminary enquiry into the peculiarities of Grecian 
mythology in a historical point of view, as comprising the most 
ancient history of the national tribes and heroes. A history rich 
. in itself, on account of the number of tribes and their leaders; 
but embellished and altered in various ways by the poets, parti- 
cularly the great early epic writers, and afterwards by the tra- 
gedians. — ^First advance of history from tradition, wrought by this 
logographi, especially those of the Ionian dties, Hecatmis, Pheie- 
cydes, etc. until Hbbobotus, so justly called the Father of His- 
tory, raised it at onoe to such a lofty pitch of eminence. (Gompaxe 
f The historical Art of the Greeks considered in its Rise and Pro- 
gress, by G. F. Creuzer ; 1803.) Nevertheless, in Herodotus, 
and even later writers, history continued to savour of its origin; 
and so fEur as the realm of tradition extended, even Theopompns 
and Ephorus felt no disinclination to borrow their materials from 
mythologists or poets. It need scarcely be observed, that in this 
first period the history is merely traditional. 

Among the moderns, the English have most suooessfiilly treated 
the subject of Grecian history : the principal works are : 

John Gillies, The History of Ancient Greece^ its colonies 
and conquests, from the earliest accounts till the division of the 
Macedonian empire in the east, including the history of literature, 
philosophy, and the fine arts. London, 1786, 2 vols. 4to. and 

William Mitford, The History of Greece. Lond<ni, 1784, 


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4 Toh. 4to. Several new editions have sinoe appeared. Trans- First 
kted into German, Jena, 1800, sqq. by H. L. Eichstddt. Mit- ^"'^°' 
ford is perhaps superior in learning, copiousness, and solidity, 
bat he certainly is greatly surpassed by Gillies in genius and taste, 
and more especially in a proper conception of the spirit of anti- 
quity. £Few English critics will here coincide with our author.^ 

Dn Pauw, Recherches sur les Grecs, 1701, 2 vols. 8vo. Re- 
plete with partial views and hypotheses. 

f HsBBBN, Researches into the politics, intercourse, and trade 
of the most celebrated nations of antiquity : 3 vols. Ist part, 4th 
edit 1826. [Translated into English, Oxford, 1830, 8vo.] 

Maiiy important enquiries on various portions of Grecian his- 
tory and antiquities will be found in the great collection : 

Obonovii Thesaurus Antiquitaium Grascarum, 12 vols, folio. 

Others are contained in the transactions of different learned 
societies ; particularly in 

Mimotres de FAcadSmie des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres, 
Paris, 1709, sqq. 49 vols. 4to. 

Commentarii, (4 vols.) Commentarii novi, (8 vols.) Commenta- 
iiones, (16 vols.) and Commentationes recentiores Societatis Sci- 
entiarum Gotting. (5 vols.) 

1. Although Greece was originally inhabited £ariy inha- 
by several insignificant races, two principal tribes g!Sm.^^ 
claim our attention, the Pelasgi and the Hellenes. 
Both probably were of Asiatic origin ; but the 
difference of their language characterized them as 
different tribes. The Pelasgi were the first that pblaboi. 
extended their dominion in Greece. 

First seat of the Pelasgians in the Peloponnesus, under Ina- 
dius, ahout B. C. 1800. According to their own traditions, they 
made their first appearance in this quarter as uncultivated sa- 
Tages; they must, however, at an early period, have made some 
progress towards civilization, since the most ancient states, Argos 
and Sicyon, owed their origin to them ; and to them, perhaps, 
with great probability, are attributed the remains of those most 
ancient monuments generally termed cyclopian. — Extension of 
this tribe towards the north, particularly over ^ttica ; settlement 
in Thessaly under their leaders Aqheus, Phthius, and Pelasgus ; 
bere they learned to apply themselves to agriculture, and re- 


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about B. C. 
and obtain 
the ascend- 


xnained for a hundred and fifty successive years; about 1700 — 

2. The Hellenes, — subsequently so called from 
Hellen, one of their chieftains, — originally the 
weaker of the two tribes, make their jSrst appear- 
ance in Phocis, near Parnassus, under king Deu- 
calion ; from whence they are driven by a flood. 
They migrate into Thessaly, and drive out the 

. Pelasgi from that territory. — The Hellenes soon 
after this become the most powerful race ; and 
spreading over Greece, expel the Pelasgi from 
almost every part. The latter tribe maintain their 
ground only in Arcadia, and the land of Dodona; 
some of them migrate to Italy, others to Crete, 
and various islands. 

3. The Hellenic tribe is subdivided into four 
principal branches, the JEolians, lonians, Dorians, 
and Achceans, which continue afterwards to be 
distinguished and separated by many peculiarities 
of speech, customs, and political government. 
These four tribes, although they must not be con- 
sidered as comprising all the slender ramifications 
of the nation, are derived by tradition from Deu- 
calion's immediate posterity ; with whose per- 
sonal history, therefore, the history of the tribes 
themselves and their migrations is interwoven. 

This derivation of the tribes will be better understood by an 
inspection of the following genealogical table : 









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4. The gradual spread of the various branches First 
of the Hellenic tribe over Greece was effected by ^'*'^''* 
several migrations, between B. C. 1500 — 1300; 
after which they preserved the settlements they 
had already obtained until the later migration of 
the Dorians and Heraclidae, about 1100. 

Principal (kUafor the history of the separate tribes in 
this period. 

1. iEoLus follows his fSather Hellen into Phthiotis, which con- 
sequently remains the seat of the iBolians; they spread from 
thence over western Greece^ Acarnania> ^tolia, Phocis, Locris^ 
Elis in the Peloponnesus^ and likewise over the western islands. 

2. DoRUB follows his father into Estiaeotis^ the most ancient 
seat of the Dorians. They are driven firom thence after the 
death of Dorus by the Perrhsebi ; spread over Macedonia and 
Crete; part of the tribe return^ cross mount (Eta^ and settle 
in the Tetrapolis Dorica^ afterwards called Doris^ where they 
remain until they migrate into Peloponnesus^ under the guidance 
of the Heradide; about 1100. (See below, p. 127). 

3. XuTHUs, expelled by his brothers, migrates to Athens^ 
where he marries Creusa, daughter of Erectheus, by whom he 
has sons. Ion and Achssus. Ion and his tribe, driven out of 
Athens, settle in that part of Peloponnesus called JEgialus, a 
name which by them was converted into Ionia, and in later times 
exchanged for Achaia. The Achaeans preserve their footing in 
Laconia and Argos, until the time of the Dorian migration. 

f L. D. HusLLHAN, Early Grecian History, 1814. Rich in 
original views and conjectures, beyond which the early history 
of nations seldom extends. • - 

f D. C. Otfried MvRhhJin, History of the Hellenic Tribes 
and Cities, 1820, voL 1. containing, Orchomenus and the MinycB; 
vols. 2, 3, containing the Dorians, 1825. 

5. Besides these original inhabitants, colonies colonies 
at the same q^dy period came into Greece from gI2^! 
civilized countries, from Egypt, Phcenicia, and 


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13d GREEKS. BOOK in. 

FimsT Mysia. The settlements of these strangers oc- 
^"""'' cnrred probably between B. C. 1600— 1400. 

Establishment in Attica of the colony of Cecrops^ from Sais in 
Egypt, about 1660; in Argos, of the colony of Danans, likewise 
from Egypt^ aboat 1600. — The colony of Gadmn8> from Plusni* 
daj settles in BcEOtia about 1560. — The colony of Pelops, from 
Mysia, settles in Argos about 1400. 

Proerewof 6. The mythology of the Hellenes proves be- 
almiD^the yond a doubt, that they were at first savages, like 
Hellenes, ^j^^ Pelasgi, since they had to learn even the use 
of fire from Prometheus ; yet it is equally clear 
that they must, even in the earliest period, parti- 
cularly from 1300 — 1200, when they had ceased 
to migrate, have made the first important steps 
towards the attainment of a certain degree of 
civilization. About the time of the Trojan war 
they appear to have been still barbarians, though 
no longer savages. 
Was the 7. The origin and progress of this national or- 
d^iibalaon gauizatiou, and the influence wrought upon it by 
foiS^^*^' settlers from foreign countries, are diflScult sub- 
8«>^^ ' jects to determine. If we allow that Cecrops was 
the first who introduced marriage in Attica, and 
that agriculture and the cultivation of the olive 
were discovered in that country, it unquestion- 
ably follows, that the Hellenes were indebted to 
strangers for the foundation of domestic civiliza- 
tion. And when we consider that the families 
which subsequently held sway were descended 
directly from the most powerful of these strangers, 
their lasting influence can hardly be a matter of 
doubt. It must, however, be observed, that what 
the Greeks borrowed from foreigners they pre- 
viously stamped with their own peculiar chwac- 


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BOOK in. GREEKS. 193 

ter, 8o that it became, as it were, the original F»t¥ 
property of the nation. The question, therefore, — '"^'" 
is deprived of much of the importance which it 
assumes at the first glance. 

8. The case was the same with regard to all Hdienic ra- 
the branches of intellectual civilization, particu- iSl^fnia 
larly religion. That many deities and religious ^"®*''*^ 
rites were introduced into Greece from Egypt, 

Asia, and Thrace, and generally through Crete, 
hardly admits of a doubt ; but they did not there* 
fore remain Egyptian, Asiatic, or Thracian ; they 
became Grecian gods. Hence it appears that the 
investigation of those relations can hardly lead to 
any important conclusion. It is a fact, however. No sacer- 
of the highest importance, that whatever gods the in Gre^! 
Greeks adopted, no separate order of priesthood 
was established among them, still less any caste 
laying claim to the exclusive possession of know*- 
ledge. Several traces, nevertheless, make it pro- 
bable, that many of the most ancient sanctuaries 
were settlements of Egyptian, Phoenician, or 
Cretan priests, who imported with them their 
own peculiar forms of worship. And notwith*- 
standing this worship consisted merely of out- 
ward ceremonies, many ideas and institutions 
whidi were attached to it, became, in this man- 
ner, the common property of the nation. 

9. It was principally, therefore, by religion, inanence of 
that the rude mind became in some degree po- ^ 
lished. But it was the ancient minstrels, (ii^M,) 
Orpheus, Linus, etc., who, by disseminating reli- 
gious principles, contributed so much towards 
abolishing revenge, and with it the perpetual 

state of war^Kre which had hitherto distracted the 


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124 GREEKS. book iiu 

F1A8T country. These it was who in their mysteries 
^""^°' contrived in some measure to impress the narrow 

circle of the initiated with the advantages result- 
ing from a civilized life. 

Saintb-Croix^ Recherches sur les Mystires du PaganUme, 
Psm, 1765* Translated into German, with valuable observa- 
tions^ by C. O. Lenz ; Gotha^ 1790. 

of the on- 10. The influence of religion, through the me* 
^^' dium of oracles, especially those of Dodona and 
Delphi, was not less powerful. The two latter, 
with that of Olympia, were perhaps, originally 
ancient settlements of priests, such as have been 
already alluded to. The necessity of consulting^ 
these sanctuaries naturally led men to regard the 
oracles as the common property of the nation, 
to which every one should have access ; it follow- 
ed therefore as an inevitable consequence, that 
the direction of affairs in which all were engaged, 
depended principally on those oracles. 

A. VAN Dalen, De Oraculis veierum Etknicorum Disserta^ 
tiones 6. Amstel. 1700. A very valuable work. A comprehen- 
sive diasertatiim on the subject, however, is still wanting : a por- 
tion of it is treated of in 

J. Gboddbk, De Oraculorum veierum, quce in HerodoH lUnrU 
continentur, natura, commentatio ; Getting. 17B6. 

oftbcreii- IL It happened with Greece as with other 
tivah:**" countries; the tender plant of civilization grew 
up under the shelter of the sanctuary. There the 
festivals were celebrated, and there the people 
assembled; and there various tribes, who had 
hitherto been strangers to one another, met in 
peace, and conversed on their common interests. 
Hence arose spontaneously the first idea of a law 
of nations, and those connections which led to its 


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development. Among these connections, that of ^i»t 
the Amphictyons at Delphi was the most import- — !!I2^ 
afit, and continued the longest : it is probable 
that it did not assume its complete form till a 
later period ; yet it appears in early times to have 
adopted the principle, that none of the cities be- 
longing to the league should be destroyed by the 

t Fb. Wilh. Tittmann, Upon the Amphictt^onic League ; 
1812. A dissertation which gained the prize of tiie Academy of 
Sdenoes at Berlin. 

12. To religion must likewise be added navi- of naviga- 
gation, and the consequent intercourse which**®"' 
brought the nation into contact with strangers^ and 
prepared it to receive civilization. It cannot be 
denied that the navigators continued long to be 

mere pirates; but as Minos of Crete cleared the about b.c. 
sea of freebooters, the want of another state of ^^^' 
things must have been felt long before. 

13. In the mean time the chivalrous spirit ofAgeof cM- 
the nation was gradually aroused ; and developed "" ^' 
the first bloom of its youthful vigour in the heroic 

ages. An affection for extraordinary undertakings 
was excited; and conducted the chieftains, not 
only individually, but also in confederate bodies, 
beyond the limits of their father-land. These un- 
dertakings were not only important in themselves, 
but their advantages were increased by their 
being preserved in the songs of their bards by 
means of a national poesy, such as no other peo- 
ple possessed, and such as contributed to the fur- 
ther development of the national genius. 

Expedition of the Argonauts to Colchis, somewhere about 
B.C. 1250 ; war of the seven confederate princes against Thebes 


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126 GREEKS. BOOK lu. 

FxBiT about 1225 ; the town, however, was not token nntU tke leoond 
^^^Q**' attempt made by the sons of the chiefs (Epigoni) in 1215. 

14. Thus every thing was now ripe for some 
great national undertaking of all the combined 
Hellenic nations ; and that object was attained in 
Effecuof the war against Troy. The most important result of 
^Tro)tn ^^^^ expedition was the kindling of one common 
national spirit, — a spirit which in spite of dissen- 
sions and feuds, was never wholly extinguished, 
and which must almost necessarily have arisen 
from an expedition carried on in so distant a 
B. c. 1194 field, which lasted ten years, in which all were 
—1184. JQjQej^ and which was crowned with such signal 
success. From the time of the Trojan war down- 
wards the Hellenes always looked upon them- 
selves as but one people. 

General view of the political state of Greece about the tine 
of the Trojan war. — ^Division into several small states, the moat 
powerful of which were Argos and Mycene. — ^All those states 
were governed by hereditary chieftains or princes from a certain 
family (kings, ^a^iXc7(,) who combined the offices of leaders in 
war and judges in peace. Their autjiwty being more or less 
extended in proportion to the qualities they possessed, and par- 
ticularly to their valour in battle. — Manner of life among the 
people : a nation dwelling in cities, but at the same time culti- 
vating the land and tending cattle ; applying also to wzr, and 
already somewhat advanced in the art <^ navigation. 

A. W. ScHLBOBii, De Geograpkia Homeri Cowunentatw. 
Hannov. 1788. A review of the political geography of Greece 
at this period.— On the topography of Troy : 

Lechbvalibr^ Description de la Plaine de Troie. Translated 
and accompanied with notes by Hetnb> Leipzig, 17M- Com- 
pare Clabxe, Travels, vol. i, c. 4 — 6, who has thrown donbts 
on the system of Lechevalier, which has, however^ been again 
confirmed by Lbakb, Travels in Mia Minor. 


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BOOK lu. GREEKS. 127 


From the Trojan war to the breaking out of the Persian 
wary B. a 1200—500. 

Sooroes. On no portion of the Grecian history is oar in- Second 


formation so scanty as upon this kmg period, in which we can be . 
hardly said to have more than a general knowledge of many of 
the most important events. As in the foregoing period, its com- 
mencement is but a traditional and poetical history. It was not 
till towards the end of it that the use of writing became common 
among the Greeks ; add to which the period itself was not rife 
in great national undertakings, such as might atford appropriate 
materials for th^ poet or historian. Besides the scattered in- 
formation which may be gathered from Herodotus, Plutardi, 
Strabo, and abore all from the introduction to Thucydides's his- 
tory, Pausaaiias must not be forgotten ; who, in his description 
of Greece, has preserved an abundance of most valuable docu- 
ments relating to the separate histories of the minor states. The 
Books of Diodorus belonging to this period are lost. 

f Pb. WiiiHELH TiTTMANN, Delineation of the Grecian 
Forms of Government, 1822. An industrious collection of all 
the information we possess respecting this subject. 

t W. Wachsmuth, Grecian Antiquities with regard io Po^ 
Utics, 4 vols. An excellent work. 

1. Hietory of the Hellenic states within Greece. 

1. The Trojan war was followed by a veryRiTuairof 
stormy period, in consequence of the many dis-cLi©^: 
orders prevalent in the ruling families, espe- nSJ^ ^* ^* 
cially in that of Pelops. But more violent com- 
motions soon arose y caused by the attempts of 
the rude tribes of the north, particularly of the 
Dorians combined with the iBtolians, who, under 
the guidance of the descendants of Hercules, 


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128 GREEKS. BOOK in. 

Second cxiIed from Argos, strove to obtain possession of 


Peloponnesus. Those commotions shook Greece 
during a whole century, and as the seats of most 
of the Hellenic tribes were then changed, the 
consequences were lasting and important. 

First unsuccessful attempt under Hyllus, son of .Hercules, 
about 1180. — Repeated attempts, until at last the claims of the 
Heraclids are made good by the grandsons of Hjllus, viz. Tele- 
phus and Cresphontes, together with Eurysthenes and Prodes, 
sons of their brother Aristodemus, 1 100. 

Conw- 2. Consequences resulting to the Peloponnesus 

£u^pwt from this migration. The territories of Argos, 
reroution. gparta, Messcnc, and Corinth, wrested from the 
Achseans who had hitherto inhabited them, be- 
become the property of the Dorians ; Elis falls 
to the share of the iEtolians, who had accompa- 
nied the former. The Achaeans expelled, in their 
turn expel the lonians and settle in the country 
since called Achaia ; the fugitive lonians are re- 
ceived by their ancient kinsmen the Athenians. — 
But among the consequences of this migration of 
the Hellenic races must be reckoned likewise the 
Colonies establishment of Greek colonies in Asia Minor ; 
an occurrence of the highest importance to the 
ulterior development of the nation. This colo- 
nization was commenced by the ^olian Hellenes, 
whose example was soon after followed by the 
lonians, and even by the Dorians. 
For the history of these colonies^ see the following section. 

Monarchies 3. Although the effect of these migrations and 

byrepub- wars, in which the ruder tribes oppressed the 

'^*' more civilized, must inevitably have been, not 

only to interrupt the progress of civilization, but 

even almost entirely to annihilate it, yet in this 


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QDiversal movement the foundation was laid of second 

that constitution of things which afterwards ex !^!2^ 

isted in Greece. The tribes which had migrated, 
as well as those which had been expelled, re- 
mained at first under the dominion of their here- 
ditary princes, some for a longer, others for a 
shorter time. In the two centuries, however, 
immediately subsequent to the migrations, B. G. 
1100 — 900, republican constitutions took the place 
of hereditary clanship in all the Grecian coun- 
tries, the distant Epirus excepted. These repub- 
lics continued to exist amid the various revolutions 
which happened ; and the love of political free- 
dom, deeply impressed on the minds of the peo- 
ple, constituted from this time the principal fea- 
ture in the national character, 

4. The sequel proves, that the principal cause Ongin of 
of this change so important for Greece,— this re^wl^! 
change, by which her future internal policy was 
for ever determined, originated in the progress 
made by the newly come tribes towards civic life, 
and consequently at the same time towards na- 
tional civilization. In this newly constituted 
order of things, each city, with the territory 
around it, formed a separate state, and framed 
its own constitution ; hence there arose as many 
free states as cities. 

The notion that Greece contained the same number of states 
as countries is completely fiedse^ although it cannot be denied that 
the mode of expression in most writings upon Greek history 
seems to authorize the assertion. It is true thi^t some of those 
countries, such as Attica, M^aris, Laconia, may be each re- 
garded as a separate state, because each constituted the territory 
of one city. The others, however, such as Arcadia, Bceotia, etc 
did not each form ona state, but comprised as many separate 
states as there were free and independent cities^ each of which. 


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130 GREEKS. BOOR iii. 

Second with its territory^ formed one. Still, however, it must be ob- 
^^^'°°' served, (a) that the natural ties of kindred subsisted ; Arcadians, 

Boeotians, etc. spoke of one another as countrymen. (6) Vo- 
luntary connections were entered into between different cities, 
and sometimes all the cities of a country, as, for instance, in 
Achaia, so that the whole formed one confederation ; each indi- 
vidual city nevertheless still preserved its own system of laws 
and government. Again, (c) in consequence of a greater share 
of power^ one city assumed a sort of dominion over the other ; 
as, for instance, that of Thebes over the Boeotian cities. This 
dominion, however, was always precarious, and depended upon 
the state of affairs, {d) It must likewise be observed, that 
the constitution of each separate city underwent many changes, 
wrought generally by influential citizens, (tyrants,) who not 
only possessed themselves of the supreme power, but also con- 
trived frequently to make it for some time hereditary in their 
femilies. Every one will easily discern that the above are the 
fundamental principles of Greek history, which cannot be too 
clearly conceived, or too correctly defined ; since it is self-evi- 
dent what a wide field was by such a constitution of things 
thrown open to practical politics. The more improbable the at- 
tainment of fixed constitutions in the separate cities was, the 
more frequent must have been the political attempts ; (attempts 
facilitated by the narrow extent of the state ;) and the more fre- 
quently those attempts failed, the more extensive in this in- 
tellectual people became the mass of political ideas ; the results 
of which in later times were the legislative codes of Solon and 

UnitYofthe 5. Although Greece was thus parcelled out 
cS BtatM. into a number of small states, united by no com- 
mon political bond, yet there existed a certain 
unity of the Hellenic race, a certain national 
spirit: this was produced in part by national 
festivals and games, occurring at stated periods, 
among which those in honour of Jupiter at Olym- 
pia were the chief. The nation at these appeared 
in all its splendour; and all Hellenes, but no 
others, were allowed to join in them. This union, 
too, was promoted by the extension of the Am- 


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phiclyonic council : and the reason why this last Sicotfo 

institution was not followed by all the conse- - 

quences which might have been expected from 
it, may perhaps be found in what naturally takes 
place in every great confederation whenever any 
of the component states become too powerful. 

The Amphictyonic council was certainly not a otates-general, 
in which all national affairs were discussed. Its immediate office 
was to attend to the temples and the oracles of Delphi. But 
then it must be observed^ Ist^ that from this council originated 
the Grecian ideas of the law of nations ; over the preservation 
of which the Amphictyons watched. 2. In consequence of its 
poh'tical influence on the oracle, this council, in certain cases, 
was enabled to take a share in the affairs of different states. 
3. The Amphictyons always formed a national institution, since 
none but Hellenes were admitted. 

St. Croix, Des andens gouvernemens fidiratifs, ti de la U^ 
gidalion de Crete, Paris, 1796. One of the most invaluable in- 
quiries, not only into the institutions of the Amphictyons, but 
also into other matters of Grecian history connected with them. 

6. Among the different states of Greece, Sparta sparta and 
and Athens, even at this period, became cele- ^ *"' 
brated, not only for their greater power, but also 

for their superior constitutions and their laws : 
and though it may not perhaps be strictly true, 
that the history of the rest of Greece is connected 
with that of these two cities, yet they certainly 
possess the highest claim to our attention. 

7. History of Sparta. The Achaeans at first were Revolutions 
governed by princes of the house of Perseus, but v^me^t of 
after Menelaus's accession to the throne in virtue ®p*^- 

of his wife, by princes of the house of Pelops. 
When the latter had been expelled by the Do- 
rians, Laconia fell by lot to the sons of Aristode- 
mus, Procles and Eurysthenes, between whose noo. 
families the royal power was divided, so that two 



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182 GREEKS. book iii. 

sbcond longs constantly reigned in common, one from 
each family. 

Fftiniliefl of the Prodidn and iEgide; the latter so called 
£roin Agts^ the son and successor of Eurysthenes. 

f J. C. F. Manbo^ An Essay on the History and Con^iiluHon 
of Sparta, Leipzig^ 1800 sqq. 3 vols. The most important work 
upon this subject, and which likewise contains mudi information 
upon various points of Grecian history connected with it. 

Craoiub, De Republica Lacedamoniorum, 1642. 

Mbursius, De regno Laconico ; and Miscellanea Laconica, 
Both laborious compilations. 

Conquesto 8. The DoHans now gradually conquered, and 
rians. ^ established themselves in many cities of the pe- 
ninsula ; forming, if not the whole population, at 
least the only part of it that enjoyed any power, 
as the Acheeans that remained were reduced to 
slavery. No long time, however, elapsed ere the 
city of Sparta usurped an authority over the 
whole country, which it ever afterwards pre- 
served; the other towns, formerly considerable, 
becoming unfortified, defenceless, and insignifi- 

Relation between the Spartan dtisens of the capital as a 
ruling body, and the Lacedaemonians, or ^f&ucct, inhabitants of 
the country, as subjects who paid tribute and military service. 
Even in the time of Agis, the successor of Eurysthenes, this 
subjection was effected by force ; the inhabitants of Helos were 
made slaves, as a punishment for their opposition ; while the 
otha«, by the sacrifice of their political freedom, preserved their 
personal liberty, however confined it might be. 

Repeated 9. The history of the two following centuries, 
s^rt^l!"* to the time of Lycurgus, exhibits nothing but the 
repeated wars of the Spartans with their neigh- 
bours the Argives; their domestic broils, occa- 
sioned by the too unequal division of property, 
by the feuds, and the diminished power of the 


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BOOK m. GRBEKS. 138 

kings, and which lasted until Lycurgus, the uncle sbconi> 


and guardian of the minor king, Gbarilaus, about 
the year 880, gave to Sparta that constitution to 
which she was principally indebted for her sub* 
sequent splendour. 

IllMstraiiom of the principal features in the Spartan constUu^ 
ium. Some preliminary obsenrations are neceeaary. (a) As the 
legislation of Lycorgns occurred at so early a period, and ai his 
kws were not written^ bat conveyed in apophthegms, (^^ou,) 
which were confirmed by the oracle of Delphi, many things of 
later origin have been attributed to Lycurgos. (5) Much that is 
rightly attributed to him was not original, but deduced from an- 
cient Dorian institutions, which being now upon the decline, 
were reestablished by force of law. Hence it follows, that the 
legislation of Lyenrgus must naturally have had many points 
of resemblance with that of the Cretans, likewise of Dorian 
origin, although much, as we are told, was directly borrowed from 
them, (c) The principal object of the laws of Lycurgus was to 
ensure the existence of Sparta by creating and supporting a 
rigorous and anconrupted race of men. Hence those laws had a 
more peculiar reference to private life and physical education, 
than to the constitution of the state, in which the l^slator ap- 
pears to have introduced but few alterations. 

In reference to the constitution : 1. The relation whidi had 
hitherto existed between the Spartans as a dominant people, and 
the Lacedaemonians as subjects, was preserved. 2. The twe 
kings, from the two ruling families, were likewise continued, as 
leaders in war and first magistrates in peace. On the other hand, 

3. to Lycurgus is attributed the institution of a senate, (ytp^^a-ta,) 
eoDsJsting of twenty-eight members, none of whom could be less 
than sixty years old, who were to be chosen by the people for 
life, and were to constitute the king's council in public affiurs. 

4. Whether the college of the five Ephori annually chosen, was 
originally instituted by Lycurgus, or at some later period, is a 
qaestion impossible to decide, but of little importance, since the 
great power of this college, to which every thing was finally re- 
ferred as the highest tribunal of the state, was certainly assumed 
afier the time of Lycurgus. 5. Besides the above, there were 
likewise the popular assemblies, convened according to the divi- 
sion into ipvXa^ and Sfia^, at which none but Spartans could assist: 


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154 GREEKS* BOOK iii. 

Second their privileges extended no further than to approve or reject the 
^^'""°' ■ measures proposed to them by the kings and the senate. 

In the laws relating to private life, Lycurgus aimed at making 
the Spartans a society of citizens, equal as far as possible with 
respect to their property and mode of life, and each deeply im* 
pressed with the conviction that he was the property of his 
country, to which he was bound to yield an unconditional obe- 
dience. Hence, 1. The new division of land, 9000 portions to 
the Spartans, and 30,000 to the I/acedsmonians ; permission 
being given to dispose of those portions by entail or gift, but 
not by sale. 2. The removal as far as possible of every species 
of luxury, particularly by means of the daily public tables 
{ava-aiTia) of all the citizens, according to their divisions, in which 
the commons were settled by law. 3. The complete organization 
of domestic society in relation both to husband and wife, parents 
and children, which was so framed as to further, even at the cost 
of morality, the grand political object, the production of vigorous 
and healthy citizens. 4. Hence, finally, the condition of the 
slaves, comprehended under the general name of helots, who, 
although they may be regarded nearly as serh, were likewise the 
property of the state, which had the right of claiming their ser- 
vices in war.-^Easy, however, as it is to enumerate thus gene- 
rally the principal heads of the Spartan constitution, the want of 
sufiicient documents renders it difficult and oftentimes impossible 
to answer a crowd of questions, which present themselves on our 
penetrating more deeply into the subject. Still, however, its 
long duration, (nearly four hundred years,) without any observ- 
able change, is more remarkable even than the constitution itself. 
More remarkable, inasmuch as the Spartans soon after this time 
appear as conquerors. Indeed, it could no longer be expected 
that any durable peace should exist in Greece, while the centre 
of the country was occupied by a military commonwealth, whose 
citizens must have been, by the restlessness common to man^ im- 
pelled to war, since all the occupations of household life and of 
agriculture were left to the care of slaves. 

Besides the works mentioned above, p. 119. 

Hbyne, De Spartanorum republica Judicium; inserted in 
Commenlat Soc. dotting, vol. ix. Intended to correct the partial 
opinions of De Pa uw. 

spartansm 10. Soou after the time of Lycurgus com- 


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BOOK uu GREEKS. 135 

menced the war of the Spartans with their neigh- Smond 
hours, the Argives, the Arcadians, but more par- p^i'"^; 
ticularly the Messenians. The wars with these *^*- 
last appear to have originated in an old grudge 
on the part of the Dorian tribe, proceeding from 
the unequal division of lands at the occupation of 
Peloponnesus : it is nevertheless evident, that 
the quarrel between the two nations was mainly 
fostered by the ambition of the Spartan kings, 
who wrought upon a superstitious multitude by 
oracular responses and interpretations. 

Unimportant wsn with Tegea and Argos ; and disputes with 
Measene^ 783—745. 

First Messenian war, 742 — 722, terminated by the capture of 
the frontier fortress Ithome, after the voluntary death of the 
Messenian king, Aristodemus. — The Messenians become tribu- 
tary to the Spartans^ and are obliged to give up one half of the 
revenues of their lands. — ^Occurrences during this war : 1. Insti- 
tution, according to some authorities, of the college of Ephori as 
vicegerents of the kings in their absence, and arbitrators in the 
quarrels which might arise between the kings and the senate. 
2. The power of the people so far limited as to restrain the 
popular assemblies from making alterations in the resolutions • 
proposed to them by the senate or the kings, and confining them 
merely to a vote of approval or rejection. 3. Insurrection of the 
Parthenii and Helots becomes the motive for sending out colo- 
nies ; a measure to which Sparta had more than once resorted 
for the purpose of maintaining domestic tranquillity. 

Second Messenian war, 682 — 668, waged by the Messenians 
under the command of their hero Aristomenes, by the Spartans 
under that of Tyrtseus, who fanned the flame of war until the 
contest was terminated by the capture of the strong town Ira. 
The Messenian territory is divided among the conquerors, and 
the conquered inhabitants become, like the helots, agricultural 

11. Although the territory of the Spartans was sparu take* 
greatly increased by these Messenian wars, the am©^ the 
nation seems to have been a long time before it ^^"^ 


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1S6 GREEKS. book ui. 

sbcoiio recovered from the struggle, and to have raised 
— *"^°' itself by slow steps to the first rank among the 
Dorian states, extending its boundaries at the 
expense of the Argives and Arcadians. 

Wars with Tegea for the most part unsuccessful ; and with 
Argos^ for the possession of Thjrrea and the island of Cythera ; 
by the accession of which the Spartan territory receired an im- 
portant augmentation^ about 550. 

First iotw- 12. These wars within Peloponnesus were not 

ferenco of 

S|^ in of such a nature as to give rise to any remarkable 
outthe^ 'changes in the Spartan constitution, and for a 
peninsula, j^^^g ^^^^^ jj^^ uatiott refusod to take any share in 

foreign affairs. But no sooner did king Cleo- 
menes, who in the end procured the deposition of 
his colleague, Demaratus, interfere in the affairs 
of the Athenians, than the seeds of strife were 
sown between these two republics. The Persian 
war next ensued, in which Sparta was obliged 
to bear a part, although Cleomenes had refused 
to participate in the insurrection of Aristago- 
ras : that struggle, together with the idea of su-- 
premacy in Greece which now took its rise, in- 
troduced a series of political relations before 
Histoiy of 13, The history of Athens during this period is 
*°** rendered important rather by domestic revolu- 
tions, which gradually tended to convert the 
state into a republic, than by external aggrandize- 
ment. The situation and peculiarities of Attica, 
which rendered it less exposed than other parts 
of Greece to the attacks and forays of wandering 
hordes, favoured the gradual and tranquil growth 
of national prosperity ; the traces of which are 
•incontestable, though it would be difficult for the 


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most profound research to point out the whole Sxcond 
course of its progress so perspicuously as the his — ^^^^ 
torian might wish. 

The history of Athens, of course, constitutes a main part of the 
works mentioned above, p. 119. Besides which : 

W. Young, The history of Athens polUicalltf and philosophi' 
calfy considered. London, 1796. 4to. Argumentation rather 
than history. 

CoRBiNi, Fasti AUicL Florent. 1747- 4 vols. 4to. A most 
carefol chronological essay* 

1. Period of kingly government down to 1068. The history 
of Athens as a state begins properly with Theseus, who suc- 
ceeded his father JEgeus, about B. C. 1300. Although certain 
institutions, such as that of the areopagus, the division of the 
people into nobles, (e^arp/^,) husbuidmen, (yt^pyot,) and me- 
dianics : (^fuoi;^<') a division which recals to our memory the 
Egyptian institution of castes, are perhaps of an earlier date, and 
may be ascribed to the colony of Cecrops. Theseus was, how- 
ever, in some measure the founder of the state, since, instead of 
the four districts, WfMi,) hitherto independent of one another, he 
constituted the city of Athens as the only seat of government. 
Among his successors the attention of the student is directed to 
Mnestheus, who fell before Troy ; and the last king, Codrus, 
who by a voluntary sacrifice of his life rescued Attica from the 
inroads of the Dorians, 1068. 

2. Period of archons for life, taken from the &mily of Codrus, 
thirteen of whom ruled ; 1068 — 752. The first was M edon. the 
last, AlcmsBon. These ardions succeeded, like the kings, by in- 
heritance, but were accountable for their administration, (^ct^ 
$vm,y--At the commencement of this period occur the migra- 
tions of the lonians from Attica to Asia Minor, 1044. See 

3. Period of the decennial archons, seven of whom succeeded 
between 752 — 682. These likewise were taken from the family 
of Codrus. This period is devoid of any remarkable occurrences. 

4. Period extending to Solon, 682 — 594. that of nine archons 
yearly chosen, but so arranged that the prerogatives of the former 
kings, and the preceding archons, were divided among the three 
first of the nine. With respect to this, as well as to the other 
dianges above mentioned, we know little of the causes which 
produced them, or of the manner in which they were brought 


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138 GREEKS. book in. 

Sbcono about. Rise of an oppressive aristocracy, (like that of the pa- 
'— tricians at Rome, immediately after the expulsion of the kings,) 

both the archons and the members of the areopagus being elected 
only from noble families. First attempt at legislation by Draco, 
622, which appears only to have consisted in a criminal code, 
rendered unavailing by its severity. — The insurrection of Cylon, 
598, in consequence of the manner in which it was quelled, 
turned out most injurious to the aristocratical party, inasmuch as 
the nobles drew upon themselves the pollution of blood, which, 
even after the purification of Epimenides, 593, was long used as 
a pretext for commotion. The political factions of the Pedini, 
of the Diacrii, and of the Parhali, produced an anarchy at Athens, 
during which the neighbouring Alegarians took possession of the 
island of Salamis; a conquest which, however, was subsequently 
wrested from them by Solon. 

Solon's 14. From this state of anarchy Athens was 

B.c.^694! rescued by Solon; a man to whom not only 
Athens, but the whole hufnan race, are deeply 
indebted. He was chosen archon, and at the 
same time commissioned to remodel the constitu- 
tion of Athens : and the successful manner in 
which he executed this task, laid the foundation 
of the happiness of his native country. 

Review of the prominent features in Solon's legislation. Its 
main object was to abolish the oppressive aristocracy, without 
however introducing a pure democracy. 1. Provisional laws : 
abolition of the statutes of Draco, those against murder excepted : 
law enacted for the relief of debtors, (a-^ia-axBela, novae tabulae,) 
not so much by cancelling the debts as by diminishing their 
amount by a rise in the value of money ; and likewise by en- 
suring the personal liberty of the debtor. 2. Fundamental laws, 
both in reference to the constitution and in reference to private 
life and private rights. — ^Constitution of the state, (a) Orga- 
nization of the people by means of divisions : according to pro- 
perty into four classes ; the Pentacosimedimni, or those who had 
a yearly income of 500 medimni ; the Equites, (imrc^,) who had 
400 : the Zeugitie, who had 300 ; and the Tbetes, (capite censi,) 
whose yearly revenue did not amount to so much. — The ancient 
divisions according to heads, into wards, (ijfvXeu,) of which there 


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were fonr^ and aecxKrdinff to residence into demi, (hundreds^) of Second 

11 1 t J Period. 

which a handred and seventy are enumerated, were preserved. 

(b) None but citizens of the three first classes could fill all the 
offices <^ state ; but all were admitted to the popular assemblies, 
and had a right of voting in the courts of judicature, (c) The 
nine archons annually chosen, who acted as supreme magistrates, 
although not permitted to assume military office at the same 
time, remained at the head of the state ; the first bearing the 
name of iirt»yvfMf, the second of ^aanXev^, the third of voXi/Aopx^^f 
the remaining six that of Oca-fMBtrat. Combined with the archons 
was (d) The council, (povX^,) which consisted of a body of four 
hundred persons annually taken from the three first classes of 
citizens ; (a hundred from each ward ;) these were chosen by 
lot, but were obliged to submit to a rigid examination (UKiiJuta-U) 
before they entered upon office. The archons were obliged to 
consult the four hundred on every occurrence ; and nothing 
could be carried down to the commons until it had been previ- 
ously debated in this council, (e) To the people, consisting of 
the whole four classes, was reserved the right in its assemblies 
{iKKXria-(ai) of confirming the laws, of electing the magistrates, of 
debating all public affairs referred to them by the council, and 
Iike\?i8e the public distribution of justice. (/) The areopagus 
was, according to Solon's plan, to be the main buttress of the 
constitution ; that tribunal had hitherto been a mere tool in the 
hands of the aristocracy. It was composed of retired archons, 
and remained not only the supreme tribunal in capital cases, but 
likewise was charged with the superintendence of morals, with 
the censorship upon the conduct of the archons who went out of 
office, and had the prerogative of amending or rescinding the 
measures that had been approved of by the commons. The 
power of this court, which might easily have become equal to the 
college of Ephori at Sparta, might at first have been supposed 
too extensive, had not experience shown the fatal consequences 
of the reduction of that power by Pericles. This alloy of aristo- 
cracy and democracy certainly gives proof of a deep insight into 
the nature of republican constitutions ; but Solon is not less en- 
titled to praise for his endeavours to place the helm of govern- 
ment in the hands only of the most enlightened and prudent 
citizens. It must likewise be observed, that the code for private 
life given by Solon exhibits the genius of a man who regarded 
polity as subordinate to morals, and not, like Lycurgus, morals as 
subordinate to polity. 


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140 OREBKS. BOOK m. 

Sbcovd Sam. Pbtctub, Be LegUms AuicU, 1635. fol. The best com- 
— **'°''* pilation and illmtratioii of the fragmeBts remaining of the Attic 

Chr. Bunubn, De jure Aikenietuium heredUario, ex Isao 
cteierisque oratoribus Gnecu ducto, Goett. 1813. The law of 
inheritance was a principal feature in Solon's legislatioa ; the 
explanation of it requires a profound acquaintance with the con- 
stitution, so far as it was connected with government bj dans 
or families. 

An explanation of the Athenian constitution will be likewise 
found in the above-mentioned works of Tittmann^ Kruse, and 

Tyranny 15. The legislation of Solon, like all other state 
S^i^ reforms, was not followed by the total extinction 
^^Pbutra- q{ party spirit. It was natural that the commons, 
now free, should wish to try their strength with 
the aristocratical party, and that, after the defeat 
of the latter, Pisistratus, who headed the com- 
mons, should grasp the rudder of the state with- 
out, therefore, necessarily abrogating the con- 
stitution of Solon. Modern history has proved 
with sufficient evidence, that the frame-work of a 
republic may easily subsist under the rule of an 
usurper. And would that no republics might 
fall into the hands of a worse tyrant than Pisis- 
tratus ! 

First exaltation of Pisistratus, 661, procured by his obtaining 
a body guard ; flight of the Alcm«onide under Megades. Pi- 
sistratus expelled, 560. Second exaltation of Pisistratus pro- 
cured by his matrimonial connection with the family of M^;ac]es, 
556 — 552. — His second expulsion by Megacles, 552 — 538. — His 
third exaltation ; obtains the power by force of arms, and pre- 
serves it to the day of his death, 538 — 528. Flight of the Alc- 
msBonidffi into Macedonia, where they attach the malcontents to 
their party. Pisistratus is succeeded by his sons Hipparchus 
and Hippias, who rule conjointly until 514, when the elder is 
murdered by Harmodius and Aristogiton. The exiled Alcmco- 
nidae, having bribed the Delphian oracle, gain over the Spartans 


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BOOK in. GREEKS. 141 

to tlwir interest : backed by a Spartan aimy^ tbey take poasenion S>oovd 
of Athens in 510 ; Hippias is deposed^ and flies over to the Per- — — — '- 

16. This return of the Alcmaeonidae was fol-Cha&^in 
lowed by a change in the constitution of Solon, sdtutior'* 
Clisthenes, the son of Megacles, with a view of 
quenching party spirit by a new combination of 

the citizens, increased the number of wards to 
ten, and that of the members of the council to 
five hundred. — But the Athenians had to pur- 
chase the continuance of their freedom by a strug- 
gle with Sparta, who, united with the Boeotians 
and Chalcidians, and aided by iEgina, sought to 
reestablish monarchy in Attica; first in the person b.c.527 
of Isagoras, the rival of Clisthenes, and after- """^^* 
wards in that of the exiled Hippias. But the 
glorious success of the republic in this first strug- 
gle in the cause of liberty, gave an additional 
impulse to the national spirit. Impelled by that 
spirit, Athens suffered herself to be induced to 
share in the war of freedom carried on by the 
Asiatic Greeks under Aristagoras ; and the auda- 
city which led to the firing of Sardis, drew upon 500. 
Attica the vengeance of the Persians, without 
which, doubtless, neither Athens or Greece would 
ever have risen to that degree of eminence which 
they ultimately attained. 

17. Of the history of the other states of Greece Histoiy of 
we have at best but few data, and even these in gkci^ 
most instances are very scanty. Towards the"*^* 
end of this period Sparta and Athens had, un- 
doubtedly, exalted themselves above the rest, and 

were recognized, one as the first among the Do- 
rian, the latter as the first among the Ionian 


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142 GREEKS. book in. 

sbcohd states; yet did Sparta more than once meet 

with rivals in Messene, Argos, and Tegea : while 

Athens had to contend with Megara and Mgma,. 
Sparta and Athens had, nevertheless, not only 
the best constitutions, but possessed also a more 
extended territory than any other of the great 

Principal data for the history of the smaller states, 
I. Within the Peloponnesus, 

a. Arcadia. The Arcadian traditions enumerate a line of 
kings or hereditary princes, said to have ruled over the whole of 
Arcadia ; the line commences with Areas and his son Lycaon, 
whose successors kept possession of the supreme power, and 
shared more or less in the ancient feuds^ of the Hellenic princes. 
Upon the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians, Arcadia was 
the only land that did not suifer by the irruption : an advantage 
for which it was probably indebted more to its mountains, than 
to the skill of Cypselus its king. The successors of that pnnce 
took a part in the wars between the Messenians and Spartans, 
siding with the former : but in the second Messenian war, the 
last Arcadian king, Aristocrates II. having betrayed his allies, 
was in consequence stoned to death by his subjects, and the regal 
dignity was abolished in 668. Arcadia now became divided into 
as many small states as it contained cities with their respective 
districts ; among these Tegea and Mantinea were the chief, and 
probably held the others in a certain state of control, without, 
however, depriving them wholly of their independence. As 
might have been expected in a pastoral nation, the constitution 
was democratical. In Mantinea there were -wardens of the peo- 
ple, (dtj/Aioi^jK/oi,) and a senate, (jSovX^.) The wars of separate cities 
are frequently mentioned, but no general confederation united 

f See A. VON Beeitenbauch, History of Arcadia, 1791. 

6. Argos. Even previously to the Dorian migration, the 
country of Argolis was parcelled out into several small kingdoms, 
such as those of Argos, Mycenas, and Tiryns. In Argos, the 


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oldest Grecian state next to Sicyon, ruled Uie forefathers of Per- Sicond 
seus, who exchanged the kingdom of his ancestors for Tiryns : *'""' 
here his successors continued to reign till the time of Hercules, 
whose sons, expelled by Eurystheus, sought an asylum among 
the Dorians. — In Mycenae, said to have been built by Perseus, 
the throne was occupied by the family of Pelops : and at the 
period of the Trojan war, this little state, to which Corinth and 
Sicyon then belonged, was the most powerful in Greece, and go- 
verned by Agamemnon. The migration into this country by 
Pelops from Asia Minor, must have been attended with important 
consequences, since it has given a name to the whole peninsula : 
the object of Pelops, as we may infer from the riches he brought 
with him, was probably to establish a trading settlement. — At 
the Dorian conquest Argos fell to the share of Temenus, the 
Achaeans were expelled, and the country was peopled by Dorians. 
As early as the reign of Cisus, son of Temenus, the royal power 
was so limited, that the successors of that prince hardly pre- 
served any thing but the mere name : about 984 the regal dignity 
was wholly abrogated, and its place supplied by a republican 
constitntiony concerning the domestic organization of which we 
know nothing more than that at Argos the government was in 
the hands of a senate, (jSovX^,) of a college of eighty citizens, (ot 
oT^irorra,) and of magutrates, who bore the name of &pr^ifoi : in 
Epidauros, however, there was a body of one hundred and eighty 
citizens who chose from among themselves the senate, the mem- 
bers of which were called ^pn/yoi. As in the other states of 
Greece so in ArgoHs, there were as many independent states as 
there were cities ; in the north Argos, Mycenae, and Tiryns ; in 
the south Epidaurus and Troezen. The two last preserved their 
independence ; but Mycenae was destroyed by the Argives in 425, 
and the inhabitants of Tiryns were forcibly transplanted to Argos. 
The district of Argos, therefore, comprised the northern portion 
of the country called Argolis ; but not the southern portion, which 
belonged to the towns situated therein. 

c. Corinth. In this place, previous to the time of the Do- 
rian migration, the house of Sisyphus held the royal power ; and 
even at that early period Corinth is extolled by Homer for its 
wealth. The Dorians drove out the original inhabitants; and 
Aletes, belonging to the race of Hercules, became king about 
1080 ; the posterity of that prince held the sceptre down to the 
fifth generation. Ailer the death of the last king, Telessus, 777, 


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SiooND ti^e family of the Baochiadae, Ukewise a brancb of the femfly of 

^ Hercules, took possession of the govemment and introduced an 

oligarchy, electing annually from among themselves a Prytane. 
At last, in 657, Cypselus got the upper hand ; he was succeeded, 
627} by his son Periander; both &ther and son were equaUy 
conspicuous for their avarice and cruelty. Periander (d. 587) 
was succeeded by his nephew Psammetichus, who reigned till 
684, when the Corinthians asserted their freedom. With regard 
to the internal organization of the republic, little more is known 
than that there were at Corinth assemblies of the commons and a 
senate, (yepova-ia) : the govemment appears to have been the 
aristocracy of a trading state ; for even the Bacchiadsy at least 
some of them, were merchants. — The Corinthian commerce con- 
sisted chiefly in the exchange of Asiatic and Italian goods, and 
therefore was mostly carried on by sea : for such a trade the dty 
of Corinth offered many advantages, particularly if we consider 
the state of navigation in those times ; but the sea trade of 
Corinth, however profitable to the citizens, and even to the 
state, in consequence of the customs, cannot be considered as 
very extensive. — ^The colonies of Corinth in the west were prin- 
cipally Corcyra, Epidamnus, Leucas, Syracuse ; in the east Po- 
tidaea : these colonies would fain have asserted a sort of indepen- 
dence, but never succeeded for any length of time in so doii^. 

From the possession of these colonies, and from the necessity 
of protecting the trader from pirates, Corinth grew to be a naval 
power ; she invented triremes, and at the early date of 664 gave 
battle to the Corcyrasans at sea. On the other hand, her wan by 
land were generally waged with the assistance of foreign subsi- 
diaries ; and from the £Eudlity with which she was enabled to pay 
her mercenary troops, she was the more ready to interfere in the 
domestic wars of Chreece. 

d. Sicyon. Tradition represents this state, together with Ar- 
gos, as the most ancient in Greece ; the catalogues of early kings 
and princes, who are said to have reigned at this place, make it 
probable that in early antiquity some settlements of priests were 
made in this quarter. In the times previous to the migration of 
the Dorians, Sicyon was first inhabited by the lonians ; at the 
Trojan war, however, it made part of Agamemnon's kingdom. 
At the Dorian irruption, Phalces, son of Temenus, took posses- 
sion of Sicyon, which then became a Dorian city. After the 
abrogation of the kingship, the date of which is not precisely 


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known, the constitution assumed the fonn of an uncurbed demo- 3xcoif d 
cracy, which, as usual, paved the way for the usurpation of one ' 

individual. Orthagoras and his posterity, the last and most cele- 
brated of whom was Clisthenes, ruled over Sicyon during a whole 
century ; 700 — 600. After the restoration of her freedom, Si- 
cyon frequently suffered from revolutions ; and the period of her 
liighest splendour was during the latter days of Greece, when she 
became a member of the Achsean league. 

e. Achaia. During the spread of the Hellenes, this country, 
which till then had borne the name of ^gialus, was taken pos- 
session d[ by Ion, who had been expelled from Athens, and his 
tribe, who fix>m their leader took the name of lonians : the coun- 
try remained in the hands of the lonians until the Dorian migra- 
tion, when the Achseans, driven out of Argos and Laconia, pressed 
into the northern parts of Peloponnesus under Tisamenus, son 
of Orestes : they settled in the land of the lonians, and the power 
of the chieftain descended to his posterity, until the tyranny of 
the last sovereign of that race, Gyges, (of date undetermined,) 
produced the abolition of monarchy. Achaia thereupon was par- 
celled into twelve small republics, or so many cities with their 
respective districts, each of which comprised seven or eight can- 
tons. All these republics had democratic constitutions, and were 
mntnally united by a league, founded on the most perfect equa- 
lity, and which nothing but the policy of the Macedonian kings 
could dissolve ; and even this dissolution gave rise to the Achcean 
league, of such high importance in subsequent times. The 
Achaeans lived in peace and happiness, inasmuch as they had not 
the vanity, before the Pelopoimesian war, to interfere in the 
&&irs of foreign states : their constitutions were so renowned, 
that they were adopted by several other Grrecian cities. 

/. Elis. The inhabitants in earlier times bore the name of 
Epeans, which, like that of Eleans, was traced to one of their 
ancient kings. The names of their most ancient hereditary 
princes, Endymion, Epeus, Eleus, Augias, are celebrated by the 
poets. It appears that this country was divided into several 
small kingdoms, since, at the period of the Trojan war it con- 
tained four, to which however must be added 'Pylus in Triphylia, a 
territory usually reckoned as beloi^;ing to Elis. At the epoch 
of the Dorian migration the iEtolians, who had accompanied the 
Dorians, headed by their chieftain Oxylus, settled in Elis ; but 
permitted the ancient inhabitants to remain in the country. 


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BicoiTD Among the successors of Ozylus was Iphitos die contemporary of 
— *"^^' Lycuxgns, and celebrated as the restorer of the Olympian games, 
to the celebration of which Elis was indebted for the tranquil 
splendour diat distinguished her from this time: her territory 
being regarded as sacred, althou^ she had occasional disputes 
with her neighbours* the Arcadians, for precedence at the games. 
After the abolition of the royal power supreme magistrates were 
chosen, to whose office was added the charge of superintending 
the games : (Hellanodicse). These magistrates were at first two; 
they were afterwards increased to ten, one from each tribe, 
although their number frequently changed with that of the tribes 
themselTes. There must likewise hare been a senate, consistin g 
of ninety persons, who held their places for life, since Aristotle 
makes mention of that branch of the Elean constitution. The 
dty of Elis was fbrst built in 477, before which time the Eleans 
resided in several small hamlets. 

II. Central Crreece, or Hellas. 

a. Megazia* Until the epoch of the Dorian migration, this 
state generally formed part of the domain of the Attic kings; or 
at leaat was governed by princes of that house. Immediately 
previous to that event, the Megarians, after the assassination of 
their last sovereign, Hyperion, placed the government in the 
hands of magistrates elected for stated periods. At the time of 
the Dorian irruption» under the reign of Codrus, Megam was oc- 
cupied by Dorians, more especially those of Corinth, who con- 
sequently reckoned the dty among their colonies, and during the 
sway of the Bacchiadae endeavoured to keep it in a state of 
dependency; a circumstance which gave rise to several wars. 
Nevertheless Megara supported her rank as a separate state, both 
in those and many subsequent wars among the Greeks, in which 
she took a share both by sea and land. About the year 600, 
Theagenes, step-fitther of the Athenian Cylon, had possessed 
himself of the supreme power : after the expulsion of that tyrant, 
the r^ublican constitution was once more restored, but soon 
after merged into the lowest species of democracy. Megan, 
however, even at the period of the Persian war, in which it took 
a glorious share, appears to have recovered the character of a 
well-ordered state, although we have no information lespectii^ 
its internal organization. 


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BOOK m. GREEKS. 147 

&. BoBotia. Hiitmy mentions tererel Tery early raees in Bceo- Sbcom d 
tia, SBch as the Aones, Hyantes, eftc. ; with these wen mingled * 
PfaceniciaB enignuits, who had come into the oonntry under the 
guidanee of Cadmns. The stock of Cadmus became the mling 
family, and remained so for a long time : the history of his de- 
aeendanta, who were kings of ThebeSi and comprised mider their 
dominion the greatest part of Boeoday constitates a main branch 
of ChredaB mythobgy : among them were (Edipos, Laius, Eteo^ 
elea, and Polynioes* After the capture of Thebes by the Epi- 
gtMii, 131d, the Bceotians were expelled by Thradan hordes^ and 
settled at Ame in Thesaaly ; at the time of the Dorian migration 
they returned to the land of their fOTeCathers, and mingled with 
the ^Mians of those quarters. Not long after, upon the death 
of Xuthus, royalty was abolished, 1126. Boeotia was now di- 
vided into as many small states as it contained cities ; of these, 
next to Thebes, the most eminent were the towns of Platsrae, 
The^iae, Tanagra, and Chaeronea, each of which had its own 
separate district and peculiar form of goyemmmt ; but all those 
constitutions appear to have been commuted into oligarchies 
about the time of the Persian war. Such had been the case even 
with Thebes, although she had received as a legislator, Philolaus 
from Corinth ; but the code given by this individual cannot have 
been attended with the desired effect, as the government was 
continually fluctuating between a licentious democracy and an 
overbearing oligarchy. The Boeotian cities were, however, mu- 
tually united by a league, at the head of which stood Thebes, 
who gmdually converted her right of precedence into a right of 
power, although her ambitious attempts were resisted to the last 
extremity by the separate cities, and by Platsese in particular: 
hence sprung many wars. The general affairs were decided upon 
in four assemblies, (jSovXa),) held in the four districts into -wtdch 
Bcsotia was divided ; these assemblies in conjunction elected 
deven Boeotarchs, who stood at the head of the federation as su- 
preme magistrates and field marshals. The great extent and 
population of their territory might have enabled the Boeotians to 
act the first part on the theatre of Greece, had they not been im- 
peded by their pernicious form of government, by the envy felt 
against Thebes, and by the want of union which naturally ensued. 
Tet in subsequent times the example of Epaminondas and Pelo- 
pidas gave pioof that the genius of two men was sufficient to sur- 
mouBt all these obstacles. 


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148 GREEKS. 

BOOK ni. 

Second c. Phocis was originally ruled by kings descended, it is said, 
^^'^'*' from Phocus, the leader of a colony from Corinth. The so- 
vereign power was abolished about the time of the Dorian mi- 
gration ; but the form of the republican constitution which suc- 
ceeded remains undetermined ; and of the undertakings of the 
Phocians previous to the Persian invasion, we know nothing more 
than that they waged war with the Thessalians, and were suc- 
cessfrd. As history never mentions the Phocians but in the 
aggregate, the whole territory must have formed but one inde- 
pendent state. To that state, however, the dty of Delphi, which 
had its own constitution, did not belong : the dty of Crissa 
with its fertile district, and the harbour of Cirrha, constituted a 
separate state, which became opulent by practising extortions 
upon the pilgrims to Delphi : this state lasted till 600, when, in 
consequence of the insults of the Crissseans to the Delphian ora- 
cle, a war was proclaimed against them by the Amphictyons, 
which ended in 590 with the rasing of Crissa ; the land of which 
was thenceforward added to the sacred glebe of Delphi. 

d, Locris. Although we learn from early history that the 
Locrians also had their kings, — among whom Ajax, the son of 
Oileus, is renowned in the Trojan war, — and that they likewise 
in subsequent times adopted a republican form of government ; 
yet the date of that revolution, and the manner in which it was 
brought about, are not known. The three tribes of Locrians re- 
mained politically distinct. The Locri Ozolse, west of Phocis, 
possessed the most extensive territory ; each city of which stood 
independent, though Amphissa is mentioned as the capital. The 
country of the Locri Opuntii, eastward, consisted of the district 
appertaining to the dty of Opus ; of their domestic organisation, 
as well as that of their neighbours, the Locri Epicnemidii, we 
know nothing. 

e. ^tolia. The ^tolians remained the most rude and und- 
vilized of all the Hellenic races ; they were little more than a 
band of freebooters, and carried on their predatory excursions 
both by sea and land. Renowned as are the names of their ear- 
liest heroes, ^tolus, Peneus, Meleager, Diomede, the nation 
has no place in the history of the flourishing times of Greece. 
Nor did they acquire any celebrity until the Macedo-Roman 
period, when the various insignificant tribes of which they were 
composed gathered themselves together and chose one com- 
mon leader, for the purpose of carrying on a war with the 


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Achseans. The earlier period of their history seems, however, B«cond 

to afford no previous example of such an union ; their political ^ 

constitution in those times is wholly unknown. 

yi Acamania. This country derived its name from Acaman, 
son of Alcmaeon, both of whom are adduced as its earliest kings. 
In the Trojan age it appears beyond a doubt, that some part at 
least of this country was subject to the governors of the island of 
Ithaca. When and how a republican government was introduced 
among the Acamanians, and what were the peculiarities of that 
government we know not. All that can be distinguished through 
the veil of time is, that here likewise the different cities, the 
most important of which was Stratus, had each its own form of 
government. Those cities upon particular emergencies were wont 
to combine ; and out of that practice in later times, during the 
Macedonian period, grew up a permanent confederation. The 
dty and district of Argos Amphilochicum constituted a separate 
state, which endured a long time, and flourished greatly ; it de- 
rived its name from Amphilochus, the founder. The inhabitants, 
however, being driven out by the Ambracians, whom they had 
themselves called in, sought assistance at the hands of the Acar- 
nanians, who with the help of Athens, replaced the exiles in pos- 
session of their city, which thenceforward was inhabited in com- 
mon by Amphilochians and Acamanians, and was almost con- 
stantly engaged in war with Ambracia. 

III. Northern Greece. 

a. The importance of Thessaly in the earliest history of Greece, 
may be gathered from the principal data enumerated above for 
the history of the Pelasgi and the Hellenes. From this country 
it was that the Hellenes proceeded and spread over Greece ; and 
here likewise they maintained their original seat. In the Trojan 
age Thessaly contained ten small kingdoms, governed by heredi- 
tary princes, several of whom, such as Achilles and PhiLoctetes, 
were among the most renowned heroes of the time. In the pe- 
riod subsequent to die Trojan war and the Dorian migration, 
Thessaly must have experienced political revolutions similar to 
those of the other Grrecian countries ; but neither the time nor 
the manner in which those revolutions occurred can be ascer- 
tained. All that can be deduced from the subsequent history is^ 


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Second that if the Th^ssalian cities ever did recover their political ftee- 
BRioD. ^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ unable to maintain it ; for in the two moat emi- 
nent cities, Pherse and Larissa, with whose hjntorf that of the 
whole country is closely connected, the supreme power had fallen 
into tiie hands of arbitrary individuals, who appear to have kept 
possession of it almost without interruption. Even before the 
breaking out of the Persian war, Laiissa was under the rule of 
the Alenadse ; a family who claimed descent from Hercules, and 
are specially denominated by Herodotus kings of the Thessalians. 
They preserved their power until the Maced<Hiia& period* — ^In 
Pfaerse there arose about the year 380, a tyrant, by the name of 
Jason, who extended his dominion not only over Thesealy, but 
likewise over several of the neighbouring barbarous tribes. The 
sceptre of Ja6<m passed rapidly and successively into the hands 
of his three brotiiers, Polydorus, Polyphron, and Alexander. The 
last was first driven out of Larissa by the Aleuade, assisted by 
the Macedonians ; was afterwards worsted in war by Pelopidas ; 
and finally, at the instigation of his wife Thebe, was murdered, 
856, by her brothers, Lycophron and Tisiphonus. The two mur- 
derers then assumed the supreme power, but were, in compliance 
with the request of the Aleuadie, deposed by Philip of Maeedon. 
— Some other such tyrants are met with at intervals in the rest 
of the ThessaliaB cities, such as PkarsahUf etc* 

b, Epirus. This country was oocuiHied by several tribes, partly 
Crreek and partly barbarian. The most powerAil of these was 
that of the Molossi, who were governed by kings of the house of 
the iBacidae, descendants of Pyrxfaus, the son of Achilles. This 
Greek &mily was the only one that held the kingly power for a 
permanency ; it must be observed, however, that previous to the 
Macedonian period, those sovereigns were by no means lords of 
the whole of Epirus ; for the other non-Hellenic races, such as the 
Thesprotii, Orestii, etc. had their own separate kings. Moreover 
the Corinthian colony of Ambrada constituted a distinct state, 
generally governed as a republic, although sometimes subject to 
the rule of tyrants. But, in consequence of an alliance framed 
with the Macedonian kings, the whole of Epirus, and even Am- 
bracia itself, was placed under the sceptre of the Molossian kings; 
and some of those princes, Pyrrhus II. more especially, torn to 
be mighty conquerors. See below. 


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BOOK m. OKBEKH. 151 

IV. Greeian Islands. 

Both the islattds off the coast of Greece, and thoie <^ the At" Second 
chipelago, all underwent the same political revolutions as nr* Pe^'op* 
cnned in the states on the main land. But those events did not 
take place till after the more ancient non-Hellenic inhabitants^ 
sach as the Phoenicians, Carians, etc. had been driven out) and 
the land had been taken possession of by the Hellenes. In the 
more extensive islands, which contained several cities, thero ge*- 
nerally arose as many small republics as there were towns, and 
those little states wet« wont to enter into mutual alliances. The 
smaller islands, containing but one city^ formed each one small 
independent state, the territory of which comprised the whole 
island* The respective independence of these islands ceased to 
exist at the period of the Trojan war ; for after the Athenians 
had by their success placed themselves at the head of confederate 
Greece, and possessed themselves of the sovereignty of the sea* 
these smaller states, although called confederates, were treated 
Httie better than subjects, except that their political constitutions 
were not changed. — ^Among the islands of the Grecian coast, the 
most remarkable in history are the following : 

a. Coieyiu, a colony of Corinth, important for its naval power 
and trade, in which it rivalled the mother state itself: a rivalry 
which occasioned many feuds and wars, and was even one of the 
principal motives that led to the Peloponnesian war. About the 
time this struggle began Corcyra had attained the height of her 
power, being able, without foreign aid, to man a fleet of 120 
galleys. The constitution appears, as at Corinth, to have been 
aristocratic, or oligarchical : but after the Persian war a demo- 
eratic faction arose, which produced the most violent internal 
commotions, and ended in the total ruin of Corcyra. 

h. iBgina. This small island was, after the Dorian migration^ 
occupied by colonists from Epidaurus; it however soon shook 
off the yoke of the mother city, and rapidly grew by commerce 
and navigation, to be one of the first Grecian states. .£gina was 
for a long time the rival of Athens ; over whom her naval power 
enabled her to maintain a superiority until the time of the Per- 
sian war. Humbled, however, by Themistocles, 48S, she could 
no longer support herself against the preponderating influence of 


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Second Athena ; and although subsequently she made another stand for 
KHioD. independence, 458, the consequences were but an increase of op- 

pression. Neither must it be forgotten, that .£gina suffered 
much, even before the Persian war, from internal broils, caused 
by the bitterness of party spirit engendered between the aiisto- 
cratic and democratic £eu!tions. 

C. O. Mueller, ^gineticorum libera 1817. This treatise 
contains not only the political history, but likewise that of trade 
and arts. 

c. Euboea. The different cities of this island, Chalds and 
Eretria in particular, had each its separate domestic constitution : 
in the two towns above mentioned the constitution was aristo- 
cratic, since the government was in the hands of the opulent, 
(Hippobatae ;) nevertheless we hear of tyrants in Chalds. A^r 
the Persian war Euboea became dependent upoh Athens, whjch 
drew from that island a portion of her supplies and provisions. 
The oppression of the Athenians stirred up the minds of the 
Euboeans to rebellion, and the islanders were in the sequel ever 
ready to throw up their allegiance when a suitable opportunity 
presented itself; such an opportunity was seized in 446, when 
the island was recovered by Pericles ; and the attempt was re- 
newed in the Peloponnesian war. 

d. The Cyclades were first colonized by Crete, during the 
reign of Minos. The Carian race had in earlier times spread 
over these islands, but were gradually driven out by Hellenic 
invaders, belonging principally to the Ionian and Dorian funilies. 
The most important was Delos, chief seat of the lonians. Shel- 
tered under the protection of Apollo, this place became the 
centre of an extensive trade, and during the Persian war, 479, 
was selected for the treasury of Greece. Next was Paros, fiuned 
for its marble, and for the stand it made against Miltiades, 489, 
although it afterwards shared the fate of the other islands, and 
passed under the dominion of the Athenians. We know little of 
the constitution of the other smaller islands ; each of them con- 
tained one city of the same name as the island which constituted 
its territory. 

e. Crete. The inhabitants of Crete were not pure Hellenes, 
but of alloyed origin, such as Curetes, Pelasgi, etc. mingled vith 
whom were Hellenes, of the Dorian and ^olian stock. In the 
earlier periods, Crete had her kings, the most celebrated of whom 
were Minos, about 1300, probably first sovereign of the whole 


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jBooKm. GREEKS. ^^IV 

island; has brother Rhadamanthus, Idomeneus, Meriones/ifii^ 
Mowed Idomeneus to the Trojas war, and succeeded him upon . 
tbe dirone: the last king Etearchus, about 800, after whose 
death a republican form of government was introduced. Under 
these kings Crete was powerful on sea : to Minos is ascribed the 
honour of having by his fleets purged the .£gaean of pirates, oc- 
cupied the islands, and ensured security to the mariner. To him 
likewise is attributed the Cretan legislation, the model, it is said, 
of that given to Sparta by Lycurgus. But the uncertainty as to 
what does and what does not belong to Minos, is in this case 
eren greater than in that of Lycurgus ; many of the laws referred 
to Minos are probably nothing more than ancient Dorian institu- 
tions. The insular situation which in some measure ensured 
Crete from foreign inroads, and the proximity of Egypt and 
Phoenicia must indubitably have contributed to expand the germ 
of political civilization. The abolition of the kingly office seems 
to have been the effect of internal conmiotions, to which Crete 
continued to be frequently exposed, even under a republican 
finrm of government. Those commotions originated in the jea- 
lousy between the two largest cities, Grortina and Cnossus, which, 
when united, ruled the rest ; but when at war, shook the whole 
island, untU the city of Cydonia, passing over to one of the sides, 
gare a turn to the balance. The laws instituted by Minos re- 
specting private life were enforced in all the cities of the island ; 
but declined at an earlier period than in the country. Each 
city had its own constitution ; each possessed it senate, (ycpoi/o-ia^) 
at the head of which were ten censors, (x^o-fMi,) chosen from cer- 
tain fEunilies : these cosmi were not only prime magistrates, but 
likewise invested with the command in war, not often, it is true, 
waged by the Cretans against other nations, but, for that reason, 
more frequently with one another ; a circumstance which must 
haTe necessarily contributed to corrupt, not only their constitu- 
tion, bat likewise their national character. 

Meursii Creta, RhaduSj Cyprus j 1675, 4to. Very laborious 
compilations. New light, however, has been thrown upon the 
subject by the inscriptions published in 

Chxshull'b Antiq, Asiattcce ; 1728, folio. A work which has 
been made use of by 

St. Caoix, Des anciens gouvernemens^ etc. (See above, 
p. 131,) The principal work upon Crete. 


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154 6R£SKS. book hi. 

Stcoirb f C. HofiCK, Crete. An attempt to explain the mytholosy, 
^^*'^''' history, etc. of this ishind, 1828. 

/. Cypras. This island, like Cretei was inhabited by a race of 
mixed origin, who, eyen in the time of Herodotus, traced their 
descent from Phoenicians, AMcans, (Ethiopians,) from Greeks 
ont of Arcadia, Attica, and the island of Salamis ; of which last 
the city of Salamis, founded by Teucer about 1 160, was a colony. 
There can be no doubt, that in earlier times the Phoenicians were 
for a long period the dominant race in the island ; since in the 
flourishing days of Tyre the Cyprians rebelled against their 
oppressors, at the same time that Psahnanezer led an expedition 
against the former dty, about 720 : moreover, even in the present 
day, Phoenician monuments are still found in the island. From 
that tune to the Persian period, there appears to have been a dose 
connection between this island and the Phoenicians, although the 
Cyprians preserved their independence. Several smaller king<> 
doms afterwards arose in various cities of the island ; the number 
of which in subsequent times amounted to nine, and under 
Amasis, about 550, were tribntary to the Egyptians ; and under 
Cambyses, 525, to the Persians : notwithstanding this species of 
subjection, the various states preserved their own kings. During 
the Persian dominion, the Cyprians more than once joined in the 
insurrections against the Persians ; more particularly the kings 
of Salamis, now become the most powerftd. So early as the yesr 
500, Onesilus joined the Ionian rebels, but was defeated. In the 
wars which afterwards ensued between the Persians and Greeks, 
Cyprus was firequently attacked by the combined G^cian fleets; 
as in 470 by Pausanias, and during the reign of Evagoras I. 449| 
by Cimon, who died at the siege of Citium ; yet the Persians were 
not driven out, but appear to have kept their footing even aftef 
the peace of 449. Among the subsequent kings of Salamis was 
Evagoras II. (400 — 890,) who was master of the greatest portion 
of the island ; but as in the peace of Antalcidas Cyprus was 
ceded to the Persians, he was obliged to wage a hot war against 
them, in which he lost every thing but Salamis. Finally, the 
Cyprians, in 356, took a part in the insurrection of the Phoeni- 
cians, and Egyptians : thereupon the Persians sent an aimy 
against them, under the command of a younger Evagoras, (who 
had been banished by his uncle Protagoras,) and under that of 
the Athenian Phocion Salamis was besieged, but matters were 
made up by a negotiation. The nine small kingdoms of the 


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BOOK m. GRJSXKa 156 

island contiiiued to exist tiU tiie time of Alexander, wIkmii they 8bcorj> 
Toluatarily jdned dining the siege of Tyte, 832, and thencefor- ^'*'^"' 
ward Cypma constituted a part of the Macedonian monarchy. 

9. History of the Grecian Colonies. 

To assist the student in obtaining a general view of the events 
connected with the Greek colonies, the history of them will be 
here carried on through the subsequent period. 

Kaoul Rochstte, HtMtowe critique de rStablissement des Co- 
lonies Grecques^ Pans, 1815, 4 vols. The most comprehensive 
treatise on the subject : it comprises the earlier Pelasgian and the 
later Macedonian colonies, as well as those of the Hellenes. 
There is much erudition displayed in this work, but sufficient at- 
tention IS not paid to the value of the authorities made use of. 

f D. H. Hbo£wiscb, Geographic and Hiitoric Documents re- 
lative to the Colonies of the Greeks^ Altona, 1808, 8vo. A brief 
review of the subject. 

St. Ceoix, De Fitat et du sort des Colonies des anciens peu^ 
pleSf Paris, 1786. A series of valuable and important enquiries. 

1. No natian of antiquity ever founded so many HUtorie 
colonies as the Greeks : these colonies became so oTt^'GraTk 
important in various respects, that an acquaint- ^^^^^* 
ance with them is indispensably requisite towards 
understanding the more early history of the world. 

Not only is the history of the civilization of the 
mother country and that of early trade intimately 
connected with these settlements, but some of 
tbem grew to such power as to have the greatest 
influenGe on political history. 

2. The Grecian colonies, to which the follow- 
ing observations apply, are those founded by the 
Hellenes in the time which elapsed between the 
Dorian migration and the Macedonian period. It 


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156 GREEKS. book ni. 

Second appears Certain that before the date of that mi- 

gration some Pelasgian, and perhaps even some 

Hellenic settlers passed over into Italy. The 
history of these colonies however is not only in- 
volved in obscurity, but it is besides knovi^n that 
they ceased after a time to be Greek. The later 
settlements of the Macedonians were of a quite 
different nature from those of the Hellenes, to 
which we now allude. 
Hellenic 3. The Hcllcnic race spread alike to the east 
CO omes. ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Grcecc, their settlements, how- 
ever, were confined to the shores of the Mediter- 
ranean and Black sea. The countries in which 
their principal colonies were established, were 
Asia Minor and Thrace in the east ; the coasts of 
Lower Italy and Sicily in the west. Nevertheless 
particular settlements were to be found scattered 
here and there on the shores of most other coun- 
Origin of 4. The Grecian colonies had their origin either 
nies. in political motives, being generally made in ac- 
cordance with the express command or advice of 
an oracle, (for the propagation of the religion of 
the parent state was always connected therewith,) 
or, in commercial speculations ; the former was 
the case, almost without exception, with the set- 
tlements made by the mother country herself; 
the latter, with those which had branched out of 
such colonies as had already exalted themselves 
by their commerce. In fact, almost all the Gre- 
cian colonies applied more or less to trade, even 
when that was not the sole object of their founda- 
Relations 5. The conucction existing between the colo- 


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nies and the mother cities was generally deter- second 
mined by the same causes that led to their foun- 

dation. In those cases where a city had been colony and 
founded by malcontent or banished emigrants, all "***"p°^*' 
dependence on the mother country was naturally 
out of the question ; and even in the colonies es- 
tablished for the purposes of trade, that depend- 
ence was but feeble and brief; the mother cities 
failing in power, if not in will, to enforce it. The 
very independence of so many colonies, made (al- 
most without exception) in countries preeminently 
favoured by nature in productions and climate, 
and so situated as to oblige the inhabitants to na- 
vigation and commerce, must have given a great 
impulse to the civilization of the Hellenic race, 
and may be regarded as the main cause of its 
rapid progress and wide extension ; wider indeed 
than that of any other nation of the ancient world. 
What a variety of political ideas must have been 
formed among a people whose settlements, more 
than a hundred in number, had each its own pe- 
culiar form of government. 
6. Of the Greek colonies, the most ancient, and importance 

, . , of the Asi- 

m many respects the most important, were those aUc Greek 
along the western coast of Asia Minor, extending "^*°*®'***- 
from the Hellespont to the boundary of Cilicia. 
Here, ever since the Trojan war, which first 
made these countries generally known, Hellenes 
of the three great families, ^olians, lonians, and 
Dorians had planted settlements. These were 
the most important for trade ; and here likewise 
in the native country of Homer, the father of Gre- 
cian civilization, of Alcaeus, and of Sappho, poesy, 
both epic and lyric, expanded her first and fairest 


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1S8 GREEKS. Boo< in. 

s^v» blossoms ; and hence too, the mother country her- 

self received the first impulse of moral and culti- 

Tated taste. 

1. Hie MoMan colonies. Their original foundation dates about 
1124: they appear to have been a consequence of the Dorian 
migration, having been established during that great moyement 
in Greece. The Pelopida?* who had been driven out of Pelo- 
ponnesus, Orestes, his son Penthilus, his grandson Archelaus, 
and his great grandson Grais, successively headed the emigrants, 
who proceeded slowly by land, divided, it appears, into several 
companies, with which some Boeoduis and others graduaQy 
coalesced. In Asia they occupied tibe coasts of Mysia and 
Caria; a strip of land which from thence derived the ^pel- 
lation of jSIolis. They moreover possessed the islands of Les- 
bos, Tenedos, and the Hecatonnesi. On the main land, in the 
quarter named from them JE^lis, they erected twelve cities, the 
most eminent of which were Cyme and Sm3niia ; the latter, 
however, afterwards fell into tlie hands of the lonians. But 
their chief settlements were on the island of Lesbos ; here they 
inhabited five cities, at the head of which, and likewise of 
all their other colonies, stood Mitylene. They had likewise 
spread inland as &r as mount Ida. All these towns were inde- 
pendent of one another, and possessed their own pecsoliar forms 
of government : our information, however, respecting these con- 
stitutions extends no frirther than to enable us to ascertain that 
they were subject to many disorders, which it was often at- 
tempted to quell by nominating rulers of unlimited power, under 
the title of ^symnetas. These were elected sometimes for a 
stipulated period, at others for life ; the most celebrated of the 
number was Pittacus of Mitylene, who flourished about 600, and 
was the contemporary of Sappho and Alcseus. The .^loliaBS 
maintained their independence till the time of Cyrus, with the 
exception of Smyrna, which as early as 600, was captured and 
destroyed by the Lydians, and not rebuilt till four hundred years 
afterwards, when it was restored by Antigonus, and entered upon 
its flourishing period. The cities of the main land were com- 
pelled to acknowledge the supremacy of the Persian conqueror ; 
but not the islands. The ^olian cities were not leagued toge- 
ther by any permanent bond ; it was only in peculiar cases that 
they debated in ccmunon. Mitylene, which tihey all regarded as 


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tbeir capatal, was the only one of their oolooiea that became zich Sboomd 
by trade, and fonni^ble by its naval power. Yet in 470 it was ^**'^'^' 
tiibutwy to Athens ; having seceded in 428, at the time of the 
Feloponnesian war, it wimi recaptured and almost levelled to the 
earth by the Athenians. 

2. The Ionian colonies. These were, no donbt, founded at a 
later period than those of the .^lians ; like them, however, 
they were a consequence of the Dorian migration. The lonians, 
driven out of Peloponnesus by the Achaeans, had withdrawn to 
Athens, from whence, sixty years afterwards, that is to say about 
1044, they proceeded by sea to Asia, headed by Neleus and others 
of the sons of Codrus. They were joined, however, by some 
Tbebans, Phocians, Euboean Abantes, and various other Greeks. 
In Asia they settled on the southern coast of Lydia and the 
northern shore of Caria ; which, together with the islands of Sa- 
mos and Chios, took from them the name of Ionia. Here they 
built twelve cities on the main land ; namely, reckoning from 
north to south, Phocea, Erythrao, Clacomene, Teos, Lebedns, 
Colophon, Ephesus, Priene, Myus, Miletus, and in the islands, 
Samos and Chios. They possessed in common one sanctuary, 
the Panionium temjde of Neptune, built on the headland of My- 
cale. Here they celebrated their festivals, and assembled to 
deliberate upon matters affecting the general interest, although 
it must stiU be remembered that each city was in itself inde« 
pendent. This independence was maintained until the tfme of 
the Lydian dynasty of the Mermnadse, and that of C3mxs, under 
whose leign they were compelled to submit to the Persian yoke. 
Still, under the Persian rule, they for the most part preserved 
their own form of government, and were subject oidy so much as 
they had to pay tribute. Nevertheless they seised every oppor« 
tonity of delivering themselves from this species of thraldom ; 
and hence their history in the following period is closely inter- 
woven with that of Greece. The political constitution was, no 
doubt, at an early period republican in all; but these colonies 
likewise were oppressed by continual factions, and* frequentiy 
hy tyrants. Among the towns situate on the continent, the 
most remarkable were Miletus, Ephesus, and Phocsea. Mi- 
letus was the principal seat of trade. It had been founded by 
the Carians before the arrival of the loniana; but was by the 
latter raised to opulence and power. The most flourishing period 
of its eaduBtence was between 700 — 500: in the latter year it was 


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160 GREEKS. BOOK iii. 

SscovD implicated in the insurrection of Aristagoras against the Persians, 
^*'^** in consequence of which it was destroyed in 496. From that 
time Miletus never recovered its ancient splendour. Neverthe- 
less, in the days of her prosperity Miletus vras, next to Tyre and 
Carthage, the first emporium of the world. Her sea trade was 
chiefly carried on in the Euxine, and the Palus Maaotis, whose 
shores, on all sides, were occupied by her colonies, amounting, 
according to some authorities, to more than a hundred. By 
means of these settlements she monopolized the whole of the 
northern trade in pulse, dry fish, slaves, and furs. Her land 
trade was carried on by the great military road, constructed by 
the Persians, far into the interior of Asia. Four harbours ad- 
mitted her vessels ; and her naval power was so great, that she 
had been known, more than oftce, to fit out, unaided, fleets of 
from eighty to a hundred sail. — Phocaea. The flourishing pe- 
riod of this establishment was contemporary with that of Miletus; 
but ended at the rise of the Persian dominion, 540, when the 
Phocaeans, rather than submit to the Persian yoke, chose to for- 
sake the city of their fathers and migrate to Corsica, although 
one half of the inhabitants repented of their resolution and re- 
turned. Phocaea had the most extensive trade by sea of all the 
Gtrecian cities ; they were to the west what the Milesians were 
to the north. Their navigation extended as far as Gades ; and 
they not only visited the coasts of Italy, Gaul, and Corsica, but 
even founded colonies in these countries ; as for instance, Alcria 
in Corsica, Elea in Italy, and, above all, MassHea, (Marseilles,) on 
the coast of Gaul. — Ephesus. This city was likewise originally 
founded by the Carians, but subsequently occupied by the lo- 
nians. Its independence was maintained until the time of Croe- 
sus, who annexed it to his other conquests about 560. The con- 
stitution was aristocratic ; the government being in the hands of 
a senate, (yepoiJo-ia,) combined with the magistrates, (^/WXijTei) : 
and the family which had once possessed the throne preserved 
certain prerogatives. Ephesus was not so important in a com- 
mercial point of view as Phocaea and Miletus ; but was much 
celebrated for its temple of Diana, which in 355 was fired by 
Erostratus, and afterwards rebuilt with more sumptuous splen- 
dour. The flourishing period of Ephesus appears to have com- 
menced at this time, long after that of Miletus and Phocaea had 
terminated ; for both in the Macedonian and Roman ages Ephe- 
sus was regarded as the first city of Asia Minor. — Of the cities 


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on the islands, Samoa was the most important, . for its trade, Sicond 
and for its nayal power. The period of its splendour was under — ^^12h. 
the reign of the tyrant Polycrates, 540 — 523, whose sway ex^ 
tended over the sea and islets of the neighbourhood. Syloson, 
brother to the tyrant, having by the assistance of the Persians, 
517i obtained possession of Samos, the island was almost depo- 
pulated. Soon afterwards Samos became dependent upon the 
Athenians, who in 440 introduced a democratic form of govern- 
ment, and made it the rendezvous for her troops and fleets 
during the war with Sparta. — Chios was scarcely inferior to Sa- 
mos, either in power or wealth. It submitted to the Persian 
yoke with the rest of the Ionian colonies ; but was so powerful, 
that in 500, at the insurrection of Aristagoras, ninety-eight sail 
of the combined fleet belonged to Chios. After the defeat of 
Xerxes, 469, it entered into the Athenian league, from which it 
endeavoured to secede in the Peloponnesian war, 412. The 
naval power of the Chians was still considerable; and those 
islanders had the high honour of not sufiering prosperity to in- 
flate them with overweening ambition. 

F. G. Rahbach, De Mileto ejusque coUmits^ 1790, 4to. 

3. The Dorian colonies. These were situated in Asia Minor, 
upon the southern coast of Caria, and in the islands of Cos and 
Rhodes, but were all planted at a later period than the Ionian 
colonies, and, no doubt, were the result of successive migrations. 
The Dorians appear to have gradually spread beyond Pelopon- 
nesus, over the islands of the Archipelago to the Asiatic coast : 
in Rhodes they erected the cities of lalyssus, Camirus, and Lin- 
dus ; in Cos a city of the same name ; on the main land two 
cities, Halicamassus and Cnidus. These six ancient colonies 
had, like the lonians, one common sanctuary, the temple of 
Apollo Triopius, where they celebrated their festivals and held 
their deliberative assemblies. Halicamassus, however, was after- 
wards excluded from the confederation. They remained inde- 
pendent until the Persian period, although the constitutions of 
the separate cities were subject to violent revolutions ; thus at 
Cnidus the oligarchy was converted into a democracy ; Halicar- 
nassns was likewise generally subject to the Carian sovereigns, 
among whom Mausolus and Artemisia are names familiar to all. 
—The three cities in Rhodes appear never to have grown to any 
importance ; that of Rhodes, not built till after the irruption of 
Xerxes into €rreece, 480, soon eclipsed the others : its flourish- 


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162 GREEKS. book hi. 

SscoND ing period began after the death of Alexander. At no period of 
^'*'^'*- early history could the Dorian colonies, or those of the .£olians» 
compete in wealth and commerce with the lonians. 

7. The shores of the Propontis, the Black sea, 
and the Palus Maeotis, were likewise covered 
with Grecian settlements. Nearly all these were 
colonies of the city of Miletus alone, and were, 
without exception, all of them the marts of a 
prosperous trade. Although the date of each 
cannot be precisely defined, they must have arisen 
between the eighth and sixth centuries before the 
Christian era. They were not only sovereigns of 
the Black sea, but likewise extended their trade 
over the whole of southern Russia, and eastward 
to the regions beyond the Caspian sea ; that is, 
to great Bukharia. 

On the Propontis stood Lampsacus (adjoining the Hellespont) 
and Cyzicus, on an island connected with the continent by means 
of bridges. The latter town certainly was one of the most beau- 
tiful and flourishing cities of Asia ; but this did not occur until 
the Roman age, and was in consequence of the fostering protec> 
tion of the Romans. — Opposite to Cyzicus, on the Thradan cosst, 
was Perinthus, subsequentiy called Heraclea ; at the mouth of 
the Thracian Bosporus stood Byzantium, over against which 
was Chalcedon. The prosperity of all these towns affords suffi- 
cient proof of the skill with which sites were chosen for the esta- 
blishment of colonies. 

Heyne, Antiquities Byzantina : Commentationes duce, 1809. 
The first of which contains the fragments of the earlier history of 

The colonies of tiie Black sea were : on the southern coast of 
Bithynia, Heradea, in the territory of the Maryandini. This 
place preserved its republican constitution amid frequent broils 
and revolutions, brought about by the oligarchic and democratic 
£su;tions, until about B. C. 370, when the democrats having gained 
the upper hand, a path was opened to Clearchus, who became ty- 
rant, and abrogated the senate, (jSovX^ ;) the fiamily of the tyrant 
continued for a long time in possession of power^ after he himself 


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had been murdered by two disciples of Plato. — In Papblagonia Second 
vas Sinope, tbe most power^ of all the Grecian settlements on — ^^'°'^' 
the Black sea, of which it long held the sovereignty. The free- 
dom and independence of this place lasted to about 100, when it 
fell under the dominion of the kings of Pontus, and afterwards 
under that of the Romans. The principal source from which it 
derived its wealth were the shoals of migratory fish (vijX^fu;^^,) 
which, issuing from the Palus Mseotb, spread along the shore of 
the Black sea down to the Thracian Bosporus. — In Pontus was 
Amisus, the mother city of Trapezus, and which shared the &te 
of Sinope. — On the eastern coast stood the cities of Phasis, Dios- 
curias, and Phanagoria : this last was the principal mart of the 
slave trade, and, during the Macedonian period, the staple for 
Indian conmiodities imported across the Oxus and the Caspian 
sea. — In the Chersonesus Taurica stood Panticapseum, capital 
dty of the little Grecian kingdom of Bosporus, whose kings 
(among whom Spartacus, about 439, and more especially Leucon, 
about 350, are celebrated) remained in alliance with Athens till 
Mithridates the Gfieat laid there the foundation of his dominion. 
—On the northern coast was the city of Tanais, on the mouth of 
a river of the same name at the bottom of the Palus Maeotis. 
Olbia was situated at the mouth of the Borysthenes. These two 
places, and Olbia in particular, were of the highest importance 
for the inland trade, which issuing frt>m thence in a nortliem and 
easterly direction, was extended to the very centre of Asia. — 
The colonies of the western coast, such as Apollonia, Tonu, and 
Sahmdessus, were of less notoriety. 

8. The coast of Thrace and Macedonia, washed 
by the ^gaean sea, was likewise covered with 
Grecian colonies, from various cities, and espe- 
cially from Corinth and Athens. The Athenians 
having obtained in the Persian war the sove- 
reignty of the sea, endeavoured to establish their 
dominion in this part of the world ; hence the 
cities in that quarter were closely implicated in 
the quarrels and wars excited, first by the jealousy 
between Sparta and Athens, and afterwards by 
that which sprang up between Athens and Ma- 
cedonia, in the reign of Philip. 

M 2 


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164 GREEKS. book hi. 

Second On the Thracian coast of the Chersonesus, regarded as the 
"^'°°' key of Europe, and ranging along the Hellespont, were the 
towns of Sestos, Cardia, and ^gospotamos ; farther to the west 
stood Maronea and Abdera, the latter a colony of Teos. Of hi 
greater importance, however, were the towns on the Macedonian 
coast, Amphipolis, Cfaalcis, Olynthus, Potidsea. The first of these 
towns, founded about 6. C. 464, was a colony from Athens, which 
endeavoured to keep it in a state of dependence. Chalcis was a 
colony from a city of the same name in Euboea. In 470 it was 
dependent on Athens ; but in 432, the inhabitants having raised 
the standard of rebellion, forsook their houses and voluntarily 
withdrew to Olynthus. — Olynthus derived its name from the 
founder, one of the sons of Hercules : in the course of time it 
ranked among the most powerful cities of Thrace, although it was 
tributary to the Athenians. It took a share in the war between 
Athens and Sparta, and continued to be a flourishing city nntii 
548, when it was taken by Philip of Macedon, and destroyed. — 
Potidsea was a colony of Corinth, from which it received annual 
magistrates, {ivibiifjuii^pyoi,) having become tributary to Athens 
after the Persian war, it revolted in 431 : obliged to yield to the 
Athenian arms, its inhabitants were expelled, and their place sup- 
plied by an Athenian colony. It now became a possession of 
Athens, and remained so till it was taken by Philip in 358. 

9. The Grecian settlemeDts westward of the 
mother country were, almost without exception, 
made at a later period than those in the JEgesn 
and Black seas : they reached nevertheless to an 
equal degree of splendour; and though their 
trade was not so extensive, it was equally profit- 
able : these colonies not only rivalled those we 
have above described, in wealth, but surpassed 
them in power, being generally characterized by 
the wisdom and prudence displayed in their re- 
spective constitutions. The foundation of most of 
them may be dated between B. C. 750 and 660; 
consequently at a period when all the cities in 
the mother country had already been republican- 
ized : and at a time when there could be no lack 


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of domestic troubles, which would furnish suffi- Second 
cient motives for emigration. — «r>od^ 

1. Grecian settlements in Lower Italy. The most numerous 
and important of these were scattered around the bay of Taren- 
tum ; they extended likewise along the western coast of Italy up 
to Naples. These colonies were variously traced to the Dorian^ 
Achaean^ and Ionian families : they were likewise distinguished 
by political characteristics, the government in the Dorian settle- 
ments being generally more aristocratic, in the rest more demo- 
cratic : it must be observed, however, that, with respect to the 
various revolutions which the respective constitutions underwent, 
it is hardly possible to give any general information, excepting 
so fifur as r^trds the earliest times. Of Dorian origin were Ta- 
rentum, and its colonies Heradea and Brundusium. Of Achaean 
origin were Sybaris and Groton, together with the colonies of the 
latter, Laus, Metapontum, Posidonia ; which last founded in its 
tarn, Terina, Caulonia, and Pandosia. Of Ionian origin were 
Thurii, (built on the site where Sybaris had formerly stood,) 
Rhegium, Elea, Cume, and its branch settlement of Neapolis. 
Locri Epizepbyrii, a colony of the Locri Ozolie, may be regarded 
as an ^lian city. The most remarkable of these cities in re- 
spect of general history are : 

a, Tarentum, founded by the Parthenii, from Sparta, about 
707. It waged several wars with the aboriginal tribes in the 
vicinity, the Messapians, Lucanians, etc. and grew to be one of the 
richest and most powerful of the maritime towns. The brilliant 
period of Tarentum appears to have fallen between 500 and 400. 
Excess of wealth subsequently introduced luxury, which extin- 
guished the national spirit. Nevertheless Tarentum preserved 
its independence until 273, when, after the war with Pyrrhus, 
it fell under the Roman dominion. The constitution was ori- 
ginally a moderate aristocracy ; but was commuted soon after the 
Persian war into a democracy, which was, however, curbed by 
prudent restrictions. Tarentum had its senate, (jSoi^Xi^,) without 
whose consent war could not be undertaken; its magistrates 
elected half by lot, half by majority of votes given in the assem- 
blies of the commons. Among its most celebrated citizens is 
reckoned the Pythagonean Archytas, who, after the year B. C. 
390, was frequently at the head of the state, filling the offices of 
general and supreme magistrate. The constitution appears to 
have preserved its form until the Roman period, although the 


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Second national spirit was greatly oomipted by a luxury almost exceed- 

'— ing the limits of credibility. 

b. Croton, founded 710 by the Achaeans^ under the guidance 
of Myscellus from Rhype in Achaia. This city must have at- 
tained to very great power during the very first century of its 
existence; since in the battle of Sagra against the Locrians, 
which may with probability be dated about 600^ the Crotomates 
were able to set on foot an army of 120,000 men. Neither does 
the defeat which they there suffered appear to have debilitated 
the settlement for any length of time ; for in 510^ with nearly 
the same number of forces, they attacked the Sybarites^ and de- 
stroyed their city. The original constitution was, no doubt, a 
moderate democracy ; but we are unacquainted with the details 
of its organization. Pythagoras was the reformer of customs, 
moral and political, not only at Croton^ but in several other of 
the Italico-Greek cities. This philosopher arrived at Croton 
about 540, and there laid the foundation of the league or secret 
association named after him; the object of which was, not to 
change the form of government in the Italian cities, but to create 
men capable of managing the helm of state. This reform and 
influence of the Pythagorseans lasted about thirty years, when 
their order underwent the same fate as generally befieQls a secret 
association founded with a political view. Probably about 510 
the Pythagorsean league was broken asunder by the democratic 
faction under Cylon. The consequence was universal anarchy, 
not only in Croton, where, about 494, a certain Clinias usurped 
the supreme power, but likewise in the other cities : these dis- 
orders, however, were quelled by the intervention of the Achse- 
ans ; and the Achaean colonies not only adopted the laws of their 
mother cities, but likewise soon afterwards signed a league in the 
temple of Jupiter Homorius, about 460 : it appears that Croton, 
having already recovered from the blow it had received, was at 
the head of this league. In this happy posture affairs remained 
till about 400. After the kings of Syracuse had commenced 
their attacks on Magna Griecia, Croton was repeatedly captured; 
as in B. C. 389 by Dionysius I. and about 321 ; and again, in 
299, by Agathocles. Finally, after the war with Pyrrhus, 2/7* 
it became dependent on Rome. 

c. Sybaris was founded about 720, like the foregoing, by the 
Achsans, who were mingled with Troezenians : this settlement 
existed till 510, when it was destroyed by Croton. Soon after 
its foundation it became one of the most extensive, populous, and 


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Iiunuious dtiesy so much ao^ that the effeminacy of the Sybarites Sicono 
became proTerbial. Sybaris appears to have been at the height of — f!i2£i 
her prosperity from about 600—550 ; she then possessed a re- 
spectable territory, comprising four of the neighbouring tribes^ 
and twenty-five cities or places. The extraordinary fertility of 
the soil, and the admission of all strangers to the rights of citizen- 
ship, tended to increase the population so much> that Sybaris, 
ih the war against Groton, is said to have brought into the field 
300,000 men. The vast wealth possessed, not only by Syboris^ 
but by the other cities in this quarter, was probably derived from 
the great trade in oil and wine carried on with Africa and Gaul : 
that such was the case at Agrigentum we know with certainty. 
The constitution of Hybaris was likewise, it appears, a moderate 
democracy : towards the year 510 one Telys took possession of 
the supreme power, and drove out five hundred of the optimates, 
who fled to Croton. The Crotoniates received the exiles, and 
the Sybarites having put to death their ambassadors, a war was 
kindled between the two cities, and ended in 610 by the defeat 
of the Sybarites and the destruction of their city. 

d. Thurii, founded near the site of ancient Sybaris in 446 by 
Athens, although the inhabitants were of mixed origin ; a cir» 
comstance which gave rise at first to many domestic broils, the 
citizens disputing as to who was the real founder ; at last, 433, 
the Delphian oracle declared the city to be a colony of Apollo. 
The constitution was at first a moderate democracy ; but this was 
soon converted into an oligarchy, all the power and the best lands 
having been taken possession of by the Sybarite fisunilies who 
had joined the settlement. The Sybarites were, however, again 
expelled, and Thurii grew into importance by the confluence of 
several new colonies out of Greece ; its constitution was me- 
liorated by the adoption of the laws of Charondas of Gatana. 
The principal enemies of the Thurians were the Lucanians, by 
whom they were beaten, 390. The desultory attacks of that 
tribe obliged them, 286, to crave the assistance of the Romans, 
which soon after afforded the Tarentines an excuse for attacking 
them. Thurii now formed a part of the Roman dependencies, 
snd after suffering much in the Garthaginian wars, was at last, 
B.C. 190, occupied by a Roman colony. 

e. Locri Epizephyrii. The question of their origin is subject 
to dispute : the causes of this uncertainty are, that here, as in 
most other of the cities, various bands of colonists arrived at va- 
rious times, and those bands themselves were composed of a mix- 


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Second ture of aeveral Grecian stocks. The diief colony was sent out, 
— "'°'^' B. C. 683, by the Locri Ozolse. After suffering much from vio- 
lent internal commotions, Locri found, about 660, a lawgiver in 
Zaleucus, whose institutions remained more than two centuries 
inviolate. The constitution was aristocratic, the administration 
being in the hands of a hundred families. The supreme magis- 
trate was called cosmopolis. The senate consisted of a thousand 
members, probably elected firom the commons, with whom re- 
sided, either wholly or partially, the legislative power. The 
maintenance of the laws was, as in other Grecian cities, com- 
mitted to the nomophylaces. Locri was certainly neither so 
wealthy nor so luxurious as the cities above mentioned ; but she 
was honourably distinguished by the good manners and quiet 
conduct of her citizens, who w6re contented with their govern- 
ment. The flourishing period of this city lasted till the time of 
Dionysius II. who having been driven out of Syracuse, fled with 
his dependents to Locri, the native country of his mother : by 
his insolence and licentiousness of manners the eity was brought 
to the verge of niin ; after his return to Syracuse, 347, the Lo- 
crians avenged their wrongs upon his family. Locri afterward 
maintained its recovered independence until the time of Pyrrhus, 
who, 277> placed a garrison in the town ; the Locrians, howev^, 
put the troops to the sword, and passed over to the Roman side : 
the city was in consequence sacked by Pjrrrhus in 275. From 
that time Locri remained a confederate town dependent on Rome, 
and suffered much in the second Punic war. 

/. Rhegium, a colony from Chalds in Euboea, 668 : here also 
the government was aristocratic, the supreme power being in the 
hands of a council of a thousand men, selected only from Messe- 
nian fiunilies, which had joined the original settlers. Hence arose 
an oligarchy, of which Anaxilaus took advantage to assume the 
sole dominion, 494, in which he was succeeded by his sons. These 
having been driven out, 464, commotions ensued, which, after a 
time, were quelled by adopting the laws of Charondas. Rhe- 
gium now enjoyed a period of happiness, which lasted till B. C. 
392, when it was captured and destroyed by Dionysius I. Dio- 
nysius II. restored it in some measure ; but in 281 the city was 
taken possession of by a Roman legion, who being sent for the 
purpose of garrisoning the place, murdered the inhabitants. The 
soldiers were punished with death, 271 ; but Rhegium thence- 
forth remained in a state of dependence upon Rome. 

g. Cumae, founded as early as 1030, from Chalcis in Euboea. 


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This city attained at an early period to a high d^ree of power Second 
and prosperity ; its territory being of considerable extent^ its ^"^^°'*' 
navy respectable^ and Neapolis and Zande (or Messana) among 
its colonies. The government was a moderate aristocracy : this 
constitution was subverted about 544^ by the tyrant Aristode- 
mus ; but restored after his assassination. Cume was subject to 
repeated annoyances from the petty Italian nations ; and in 564 
she was invaded and defeated by the Etruscans and Daunians 
combined ; in 474 she beat the Etruscans at sea : but in 420 
was captured by the Campanians ; together with whom she be- 
came a dependent of Rome in 345. Cumse, nevertheless^ in con- 
sequence of its harbour of Puteoli, preserved a share of import- 
ance^ even under the Roman dominion. 

Hbyne^ Prolusiones 16 de dviiaium Gracarum per magnam 
Grctdam el Siciliatn insiiiutis et legibus. Collected in his Opus- 
cula, vol. vii. 

2. Grecian settlements in Sicily. These occupied the eastern 
and southern shores of the island: they were founded in the 
same period as those of Magna 6r»cia> and belonged partly to 
the Dorian^ partly to the Ionian stocks. Of Dorian origin were 
Messana and Tyndaris^ from Messene ; Syracuse^ who in her 
tarn founded Acrse^ Gasmenee^ and Camarina, from Corinth; 
Hybla and Thapsus from Megara ; Segesta from Thessaly ; He- 
raclea Minoa from Crete; Gela, which founded Agrigentum^ 
horn Rhodes ; and Lipara^ on the small island of that name^ 
from Cnidus. Of Ionian origin were Naxus> the founder of 
Leontini; Catana and Tauromenium, from Chalds; Zancle, 
(after its occupation by Messenian colonists, called Messana,) 
foimded by Ciimae, and in its turn founder of Himera and Mylae. 
The most remarkable of these towns in ancient history are : 

a. Syracuse, the most powerful of all the Greek colonies, and 
consequently that concerning which our information is the most 
copioDs. The history of Syracuse, on which, as that town was 
for a long time mistress of the greatest part of the island^ de- 
pends nearly the whole history of Sicily, comprises four periods. 
1. From the foundation, B. C. 735, to Gelon, 484 ; a space of 
two hundred and fifty-one years. During this period Syracuse 
was a republic, but does not appear to have risen to any very 
great height of power : yet she founded the colonies of Acr», 
^, Casmenae, 645, and Camarina, 600. The assistance of her 
parent city, Corinth, and Corcyra, alone prevented her falling a 
prey to Hippocrates, sovereign of Gela; and even then she was 


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170 GREEKS. BOOK iii. 

Second obliged to cede Camarina^ 497- The constitution was aristo- 
^'^'QP* cratic ; but not free from domestic troubles. The administration 
was in the hands of the opulent, (yafiipoi ;) but these were^ about 
485^ expelled by the democratic faction and their own mutinous 
slaves. They fled to Casmenie, and by the help of Gelon, sove- 
reign of Gela, were restored to their homes ; Gelon retaining the 
power in his own hands. 2. From Gelon to the expulsion of 
Thrasybulus, 484 — 466. The three brothers, Gelon, Hiero, and 
Thrasybulus, successively ruled over Syracuse. Gelon^ 484 — 
477* He was at once the founder of the greatness of Syracuse, 
and of his own power : this he effected partly by increasing the 
population, bringing in new inhabitants from other Greek cities, 
and partly by the great victory he won over the Carthaginians, 
in alliance with the Persians, 480. At this early period Syra- 
cuse was so powerful, both by sea and by land, as to justify Grelon 
in claiming the office of generalissimo of Greece, when Sparta 
and Athens came to solicit his aid. His beneficent reign not only 
gained him the love of the Syracusans during his life, but like- 
wise procured him heroic honours after death at the hands of a 
grateful people. He died in 477f and was succeeded by his 
brother Hiero I. who had till then ruled over G^la. The reign 
of this prince ^vas splendid, his court was brilliant, and a foster- 
ing protection was extended to arts and sciences. Hiero's power 
strengthened by the establishment of new citizens, both in Syra- 
cuse and its subordinate towns of Catana and Naxus, whose ori- 
ginal inhabitants are translated to lioontini. — Wars waged against 
There, 476, and his son Thrasidaeus, tyrants of Agrigentum : 
after the expulsion of Thrasidaeus, that town forms an alliance 
with Syracuse; the Syracusan fleet sent to the assistance of 
Cumie, wins a victory over the Etruscans. Hiero, dying in 467, 
was succeeded by his brother Thrasybulus, who, after a short 
reign of eight months, was expelled for his cruelty by the Syra-^ 
cusans and the confederate cities. 3. From the expulsion of 
Thrasybulus to the elevation of Dionysius I. ; Syracuse a free 
democratic state : from 466 — 405. Reestablishment of republican 
forms of government in Syracuse and the other Grecian cities ; 
accompanied, however, with many commotions and civil wars, 
proceeding from the expulsion of the new citizens and the resto- 
ration of the ancient inhabitants to their property. — Increasing 
power and prosperity of Syracuse, who is now at the head of the 
confederate Grecian cities in the island^ and soon endeavours to 
convert her precedence into supremacy. The new democratic 


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oonstitntion quickly suffers from the diseases incident to that Sbcond 
form of government ; a vain attempt is made to apply a remedy '^' 

by the introduction of the petalismus, B. C. 454 ; in the mean 
time the Siculi^ aboriginal inhabitants of Sicily, unite in closer 
league under their leader Ducetius; attempting to expel the 
Oreeks^ 451^ they engage the Syracusans in reiterated wars; the 
anns of Syracuse are successful, her authority is confirmed by the 
subjection of the ambitious Agrigentum, 446^ and by her naral 
victory over the Etruscans. First but unsuccessful attempt of 
the Athenians to interpose in the domestic affairs of Sicily, by 
siding with Leontini against Syracuse, 427 ; eleven years after- 
ward occurs the great expedition against Syracuse, 415 — 413, 
caused by the disputes between Segesta and Selinus ; the expe- 
dition ends in the total rout of the Athenian fleet and army, (see 
below,) and the power of Syracuse reaches its zenith. A consti- 
tutional reform takes place, 412, brought about by Diodes, 
whose laws were subsequently adopted by several other of the 
Sicilian cities. The magistrates were chosen by lot. The rest 
of the laws, which appear to have had reference to the criminal 
code, were the production of a committee over which Diocles pre- 
sided ; these enactments were so beneficial to Syracuse, that the 
author of them was honoured with a temple after his death. Yet 
as early as 410, a renewal of the differences between Segesta and 
Selinus afforded a pretext for war with Carthage, from whom the 
Segestani h^ besought assistance ; by this war the whole state 
of affairs in Sicily was subverted. The rapid strides made by 
tbe Carthaginians, who, under the command of Hannibal the son 
of Gisgo, took, 409, Selinus and Himera, and even Agrigentum, 
406, ei^endered domestic factions and commotions within Syra- 
cuse ; and amid those disorders the crafty Dionysius succeeded 
first in obtaining the office of general, and then, after supplanting 
bis colleagues, the sovereign power of Syracuse, 405. 4. From 
Dionysius I. to the Roman occupation, 405 — ^212. Dionysius I. 
405—368. Ominous commencement of his reign, by a defeat at 
Gela and the mutiny of his troops. — ^A plague wasting the Car- 
tbaginian army, he is enabled to patch up a peace, B. C. 405, by 
wbich it is agreed, that Carthage, besides her territory in the 
island, shall retain all the conquests made during the war, to- 
gether with Gela »nd Camarina. But the project of expelling 
the Carthaginians out of Sicily, in order to subject the whole 
island, and to fall upon Magna Grecia, kindles a long series of 
wars both with Carthage and the cities of Magna Grecia. Second 


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Secnod war with Carthage against Hannibal and Himiloo^ 3&Q — 3d2. 
^^'^°* Dionysins loses all that he before had conquered, and is himself 
besi^ed in Syracuse; but a plague once more attacking the 
Carthai^nians, rescues him from his predicament, 396 ; deeds of 
hostility continued notwithstanding till 392^ when a peace was 
signed, by which Carthage ceded the town of Tauromenium. — 
From 394, desultory attacks on the confederate Grecian cities in 
Lower Italy, particularly on Rhegium, the chief seat of the 
Syracusan emigrants, which, after repeated iuvBsions, is at last 
compelled to yields 387* Third war with Carthage, 383, against 
Mago ; Dionysius wins a victory, which is however followed by 
a greater defeat ; and the war ends the same year by the adop- 
tion of a peace, according to which each party is to retain what 
he then had ; the Halycus is fixed as the boundary line ; so that 
Selinus and a portion of the territory of Agrigentum remain in 
the hands of the Carthaginians. Fourth war : inroad upon the 
Carthaginian states ; it ends, however, in the signing of a treaty. 
The decision of these wars generally depended on the side taken 
by the Siculi, the most powerful aboriginal race in Sicily. Dio- 
nysius I. having died by poison, 368, was succeeded by Dio- 
nysius II. his eldest son by one of his two wives, Doris of Locri, 
but under the guardianship of his step-uncle Dio, the brother of 
Dionysius's other wife Aristomache. Neither Dio or his friend 
Plato, who was three times invited to Syracuse, were able to im- 
prove the character of a prince whose mind had been corrupted 
by bad education. — Dio is banished, 360. He returns, 357, and, 
in the absence of Dionysius, takes possession of Syracuse, all but 
the citadel. Dionysius now has recourse to stratagem ; he excites 
in the city distrust of Dio, and foments dissension between him 
and his general Heraclidas ; meanwhile he himself withdraws to 
Italy, taking with him his treasures. Dio is compelled to retire 
from the city, which is sacked by the troops garrisoned in the 
citadel ; hereupon the Syracusans themselves fetch back Dio; he 
possesses himself of the citadel and wishes to restore the repub- 
lican government, but soon falls a victim to party spirit, being 
murdered by Callipus, B. C. 354, who usurped the government 
till 353, when he is driven out by Hipparinus, a brother of Dio- 
nysius, who keeps possession till 350. After ten years' absence, 
Dionysius II. by a sudden attack, becomes once more master of 
the city, 346. The tyranny of this prince, and the treachery of 
Icetas of Gela, whom the Syracusans called in to their aasistance, 
but who leagues himself with the Cartliaginians, and the for- 


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midable attempts of the latter^ compel the citizens to apply to Skcond 
the mother city Corinth : Corinth sends to their assistance Timo- "^"v 
leon with a small force^ 345. Rapid change of aflairs wrought 
by Timoleon : he beats Icetas and the Carthaginians : in 343 
Dionysios is forced to deliver up the citadel and evacuate the 
country; he retires to Corinth^ where he leads a private life. 
Restoration of the republican government^ not only in Syracuse, 
where the laws of Diocles are reinstituted, but also in the rest of 
the Grecian cities : the revolution confirmed by a great victory 
over the Carthaginians, 340. In the midst of the execution of 
his plans Timoleon dies, 337; the most splendid example of a 
republican that history affords ! From 337 — 317; almost a chasm 
in the history of Syracuse. Wars wth Agrigentum ; the usurpa- 
tion of Sosistratus, disturbs the peace, both external and internal. 
The character of the Syracusans was already too foully corrupted 
for one to expect that liberty could again be established among 
them, without the personal superintendence of a Timoleon. They 
deserved the fate that befell them, when, in 317, that daring ad- 
venturer Agathocles assumed the sovereign power, which he 
maintained till 2B9. Renewal of the plan for expelling the 
Carthaginians from the island, and subjecting Magna Griecia. 
Hence arises a new war with Carthage, in which Agathocles is 
defeated, 31 1> and besieged in Syracuse: by a bold stroke he 
passes over into AMca, accompanied by part of his fleet and 
army, and there with general success prosecutes the war until 
307: the insurrection of most of the Grecian cities in Sicily re- 
calls him from the theatre of war ; his views in Africa are conse- 
quently defeated. In the peace of 306 both parties retain what 
they had at the beginning of the war. The wars in Italy are 
confined to the sacking of Croton, and a victory won over the 
Bnittii ; and are rather predatory expeditions than regular wars. 
In the year 289, Agathocles died by poison, and his murderer, 
Mfienon, seized the power ; he is expelled by the general Icetas, 
and flies over to the Carthaginians. Icetas rules as pretor till 
278, when, in his absence, the government is usurped by Thy- 
nion, who meets ^vith a rival in the person of Sosistratus ; in the 
mean while the mercenaries of Agathocles (the Mamertini) pos- 
sess themselves of Messana, and the Carthaginians press forward 
to the very gates of Syracuse. The Syracusans invite Pyrrhus 
of Epirus over from Italy ; that prince takes possession of the 
whole of Sicily as far as Lilybseum ; but having by his haughti- 
ness incurred general hatred and disgust, he is obliged to eva- 


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Sbcond ciiate the island^ B. C. 275. The Syncosans now appoint 
^'^"QP* Hiero> a descendant of the ancient royal family, to the office of 
general: after defeating the Mamertini he is called to the 
throne, 269. At the breaking out of the war between Carthage 
and Rome, the new king forsakes his alliance with Carthage, 
and, passing over to the Roman side, thereby purchases a long 
and tranquil reign until 215, when he dies of old age. Under 
this wise prince Syracuse enjoyed a degree of happiness and 
prosperity which none of her demagogues had been able to effect 
After his death the Carthaginian party became predominant; 
Hieronymus the grandson of Hiero is murdered, 214, and Han- 
nibal's intrigues enable the Carthaginian party to keep the upper 
hand, by contriving to place at the head of affairs his friends 
Hippocrates and Epicydes, who entangle Spacuse in a war with 
Rome ; and the city, after a long siege, celebrated by the inven- 
tions of Archimedes, is brought to ruin, 212. — The history of 
Syracuse is a practical compendium of politics : what other state 
ever underwent so many and such various revolutions? 

The history of Syracuse was at an early period disfigured by 
partiality. For the topography, see f Bartel's Letters from 
Calabria and Sicily, vol. iii. with a plan. 

-j- A. Arnold, History of Syracuse, from its foundation to the 
overthrow of liberty by Dionysius, Gotha, 1816. 

MiTFOBD, History of Greece : the fourth volume contains the 
history of Syracuse, and a defence of the elder Dionysius. It 
would seem that even now it is difficult to write this history in 
an impartial spirit. 

6. Agrigentum, a colony of Gela, founded 582. The first dty 
of Sicily next to Syracuse, of which it was frequently the rival. 
Its first constitution was that of the mother city ; that is to say, 
Dorian or aristocratic It fell, however, soon after its foundation, 
under the dominion of tyrants ; the first of whom noticed in his- 
tory is Fhalaris, who flourished probably 566 — 534. He was 
succeeded by Alcmanes, 534 — 488, who was followed by Alcan- 
der, an indulgent ruler, in whose reign the wealth of Agrigen- 
tum seems to have already been considerable. More renowned 
than the foregoing was Theron, the contemporary and stepfathtf 
of Gelon ; he ruled from B. C. 488 — 472 : in conjunction with 
Gelon he routed the Carthaginian army, 480, and subjected Hi- 
mera. His son and successor, Thrasydeeus, was beaten by Hiero 
and expelled, 470; whereupon the Agrigentines, as allies of 
Syracuse, introduced a democracy. The period foUowing, 470 — 


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405^ 18 that in which AgrigentQiny blessed with political freedom, Sbcond 

attained the highest degree of public prosperity. She was one of ^'^'^°- 

the most opulent and luxurious cities in the world, and in the 

display of public monuments one of the most magnificent. For 

her wealth she was indebted to the vast trade in oil and wine 

that she carried on with Africa and Gaul, in neither of which 

were those productions hitherto naturalized. In the year 446 

the Agr^ntines, excited by envy, fell upon the Syracusans, but 

were defeated. In the war with Athens they took no share ; but 

in the Carthaginian invasion of Sicily, 405, Agrigentum was 

taken and destroyed ; from this blow she recovered but slowly, 

and never ^ectually. By Timoleon she was, in some measure, 

restored, 340 ; and under Agathocles, 307, was able to head the 

cities combined against him, but was beaten. After the death 

of Agathocles, a tyrant, >by the name of Phintias, took possession 

of the sovereign power ; and was attacked, 278, by Icetas of 

Syracase. At the breaking out of the first Punic war, Agngen- 

tum was used by the Carthaginians as a military depot ; but was 

taken by the Romans as early as 262. 

c. The fiate of the other Sicilian cities was more or less de- 
pendent on that of Agrigentum and Syracuse : they all had ori- 
ginally republican forms of government ; but though the Ionian 
colonies had a celebrated legislator in the person of Charondas, 
(probably about 660,) they had the same fortune with the rest, 
of being frequently oppressed by tyrants, either from among their 
own citizens, or by those of Syracuse, who often used to drive 
ont the old inhabitants, and introduce a new population more de- 
voted to their interest : hence must have sprung manifold wars. 
The forcing history shows how grievously they likewise suffered 
in the wars between Syracuse and Carthage. Following the 
dates of their respective foundations, they may be thus arranged : 
^de, (after 664, known by the name of Messana,) the earliest, 
though of uncertain date ; Naxus, 736; Syracuse, Hybla, 735 ; 
Leontini, Catana, 730 ; Gela, 690 ; Acrse, B. C. 665 ; Casmenae, 
645; Himera, 639; Selinus, 630; Agrigentum, 582. The 
dates of the rest cannot be ascertained with any degree of 

3. On the other islands and coasts of the Mediterranean we 
ineet with various insulated Grecian settlements ; in Sardinia, 
the cities Garalis and Olbia: the date of their foundation un- 
Wwn; in Corsica, Alaria, (or Alab'a,) a colony of Phocsans 
founded, 561 ; hither the inhabitants of the mother dty betook 


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Sbcono themselves in 641 ; and subsequently, after tlie naval engage- 
^"*'°°' ment with the Etruscans and Carthaginians, withdrew, some to 
Rh^um, others to Massilia, 536. 

4. On the coast of Gaul stood Massilia, founded by the Pho- 
caeans, who had been driven out of Corsica after the above men- 
tioned naval engagement, 536 ; or rather, there was on the same 
site an old settlement which was now increased. Af assilia ra- 
pidly grew in wealth and power. Our information respecting 
the wars she waged on the sea against Carthage and the Etrus- 
cans is but of a general kind. Her territory on the main land, 
although rich in wine and oil, was limited in extent ; she esta- 
blished, nevertheless, several colonies along the shores of Spain 
and Gaul, among which Antipolis, Nicaea, and Olbia are the best 
known. The trade of Massilia was carried on partly by sea, and 
partly by land, through the interior of Gaul. The constitution was 
a moderate aristocracy. The chief power was in the hands of six 
hundred individuals ; the members of this council were called 
timuchl, they held their places for life, were obliged to be mar- 
ried men with fieimilies, and descended at least to the third ge- 
neration from citizens. At the head of this council stood fifteen 
men, three of whom were chief magistrates. As early as 218 
Massilia was in alliance with Rome, under whose fostering pro- 
tection she grew in prosperity ; her freedom was preserved to her 
until the war between Pompey and Caesar ; having sided with 
the former, she was stormed, 49, by Caesar*s army. She soon re- 
trieved herself, and, under the reign of Augustus, Massilia was 
the seat of literature and philosophy, in which public lectures 
were there given as at Athens. 

Aug. Brubknbr, HUtoria Reipublicw Masnliensium, Got- 
ting. 1826. A prize essay. 

5. On the Spanish coast stood Saguntum, (ZatcwBl^,) a colony 
from the island of Zacynthus ; the date of its foundation is un- 
determined. It became opulent by its commerce; but at the 
opening of the second Punic war, B. C. 219, was destroyed by 
Hannibal, as being an ally of Rome. 

6. On the coast of Africa lay Cyrene, founded at the sugges- 
tion of the Delphic oracle in 631, by the island of Thera. The 
constitution was at first monarchical. Kings: Battus I. the 
founder, 631 — 591. In whose family the sceptre remained. 
Arcesilaus I. d. 575. Under the reign of his successor, Battus 
II. surnamed the happy, {d, 554,) the colony was much strength- 
ened by new comers from Greece. The Libyans, bereaved of 


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their lands, seek for help at the hands of Apries, who is de- Second 
feated by the Cyrenieans, 570> and in consequence loses his . ^^*'"" 
crown. — Arcesilaus II. d. 550. Rebellion of his brothers, and 
foundation of Barca, an independent town ruled by its o^vn se- 
parate kings. Secession of the Libyan subjects. He is put to 
death by his brother or friend Learchus, who in his turn is poi- 
soned by Erjrxo the widow of Arcesilaus. Her son, Battus III. 
snmamed the lame, (d* about 529,) succeeds to the throne. The 
royal power confined within narrow limits by the laws of Demo- 
nax of Mantinea : the king retains nothing more than the reve- 
nue and priestly office. His son Arcesilaus III. becomes of his 
own accord tributary to> the Persians ; in conjunction with his 
mother, Pheretime, he seeks to reestablish the regal supremacy, 
but is expelled ; nevertheless he regains possession of Cyrene. 
In consequence of his cruelty he is assassinated in Barca, about 
516. Pheretime seeks for help from the Persian satrap of Egypt, 
Aryandes, who by craft gets possession of Barca ; the inhabitants 
are carried away and translated into Bactria, 512. Soon after 
Pheretime dies. It seems probable that another Battus IV. and 
Arcesilaus IV. must have reigned at Cyrene, to whom Pindar's 
fourth and fifth Pythian Odes are addressed : their history, how- 
ever, is veiled in obscurity. Cyrene then received a republican 
constitution, probably somewhere about 450 ; but we are unac- 
quainted with the internal details of the government. Yet 
though Plato was invited by the Cyrenseans to give them laws, 
and though they had for their legislator Democles of Arcadia, 
thej appear never to have been blessed with a good and stable 
constitution. .Not only is mention often made of domestic trou- 
bles, as in 400, when amid the uproar excited by Ariston most 
of the aristocratic party were cut off; but we likewise frequently 
meet with tyrants. Concerning the external affairs of this state 
we know nothing but a few general facts relative to the border 
wars with Carthage. Subsequently to Alexander, Cyrene be- 
came a part of the Egyptian kingdom ; so early as the reign of 
Ptolemy I. it was added to that realm by his general Ophelias, 
about B. C. 331. It now continued to receive various rulers 
from the family of the Ptolemies (see below) until the reign of 
Ptolemy Physcon, when it became a separate state, the bastard 
•on of that prince, Apion by name, having made it over to the 
Homans, 97* Cyrene possessed a considerable share of trade, 
consisting partly in the exportation of country produce, more es- 
pecially the Silphium, (Laser,) partly in a varied intercourse 



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178 GREEKS. book hi. 

Sbcond witib Carthage, Ammoniimi, and thence with the interior of 
^''^'^'^* Africa. The former splendour and importance of this city and 
the neighbouring country are testified by an abundance of meet 
noble ruins ; a more accurate research into which every ^end of 
antiquity must desire. 

Hardion, Histaire tie Cyrene, in Mim, de VAcadivne des 
Inscriptions, t. iii. 

J. P. Thbiob> Historia Cyrenes, inde a tempore quo condita 
urbs est, usque ad astatem, qua in provincuB fortnam a Romanis 
redacta est : particula prior, de initiis colonio! Cyrenen deducts, 
et Cyrenes Battiadis regnantibus historia, Havniae, 1819. The 
best work on Cyrene. It is hoped that the author will not dis- 
apppoint our expectations of the second part, which is to contain 
the period of republican government. QThe whole was completed 
in 1828. The learned and ingenious author has neglected no au- 
thority whether ancient or modem, and is particularly cautious 
and judicious in his researches.]] 

A ray of light has lately, for the first time, been thrown on 
the remains still found in Cyrenaica by Della Cri«i«a, Fiaggio 
di Tripoli ; translated by Spieker, in the f Journal of the latest 
travels by sea and by land, Sept. 1820. 

W. Bbbohey, Proceedings to explore the northern coast rf 
Africa from Tripoli eastward, 1827. 

F. R. Pacho, Relation d^un voyage d Marmarique et Cyre- 
naique, 1828. A most accurate description. 

T. Ehrbnbbrg, Travels through North Africa, in the 
years 1820—1825, by Dr. W. F. Hemprich and Dr. C. G. 
Ehrenberg. Berlin, 1828. 


From the commencement of the Persian wars to tike time of 
Alexander the Great^ B. C. 500—336. 

Sources. The chief writers in this period are : For the history 
of the Persian wars to the battle of Flataate, 479, Herodotus. 
For the period between 470 and the breaking out of the Pelo- 
ponnesian war, we must, in the absence of contemporary authors, 


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BOOK m. GREEKS. 179 

consider DiodoruB Sicnlus as the principal authority. — The be- Tiiird 

gimiing of the II th book, which commences with the year 480, ,0"'/^^^ 

(the 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and lOth books being lost,) to the middle awper. 

of the 12th; the chronology of this author, however, must in 

several cases be rectified after Thucydides*s summary in lib. i. 

For the period of the Peloponnesian war, 431 — 410, the history 

of Thucydides is the capital work ; but it must be accompanied 

by Diodorus, from the middle of the 12th book to the middle of 

the Idth.— From the year 410 to the battle of Mantinea, 362, 

the principal sources are the Hellenics of Xenophon, and ooca- 

donally his Anabasis and Agesilaus; together with Diodorus, 

from the middle of the 13th book to the end of the 15th. For 

the years intervening from 362 — 336, no contemporary historian 

has been preserved ; Diodorus's 16th book must therefore here be 

considered as the chief source : for the timea of Philip, however, 

recourse may likewise be had to the speeches of Demosthenes 

and JSschines. The Lives of Plutarch and Nepos often touch 

upon this period, but cannot be regarded as authentic sources ; 

of still less authority are the abridged documents given by Justin 

and some others. 

The modem authors on this> the brilliant period of Greece, 
are, of course, the same as have been enumerated above : (see 
p. 118.) To whom must here be added : 

Potter, Arckmologia Grasca ; or the Antiquities of Greece : 
2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1722. Translated into German by J. J. Ram« 
bach, 3 vols. 1775. 

Babthblemy, Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis en Grice. (Be- 
tween the years B. C. 362 and 338.) Paris, 1788, 5 vols. Ac- 
companied with charts and plans, illustrating the topography of 
Athens, etc. This work is conspicuous for a rare union of good 
taste and erudition ; unattended, however, with an equal share 
of critical acumen and a correct appreciation of antiquity. 

f History of the Origin, Progress, and Fall of Science in 
Greece and Rome, by C. Meiners. Gottingen, 1781. It con- 
tains also a delineation of the political state of affairs ; but does 
not extend beyond the age of Philip. 

The principal works on the monuments of ancient Greece are : 

Le Roy, Les Rnines des plus beaux Monumens de La Grece. 
Paris, 1758, 2ud edit. 1770^ fol. The first in point of time ; but 
^ surpassed by : 

J. Stuart, The Antiquities of Athens measured and deli^ 



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180 GREEKS. book m. 

TfliBD neaied ; 3 vols. Lond. 1762 : the 4tb voL paUished in 1816. 
TO Alex- ^ beauty and accomcy of execution superior to all. 
▲Nj>ER. R. Dalton^ Antiquities and Views of Greece and Egypt, 
1691, foL The Egyptian monuments are confined to those of 
Lower Egypt. 

R. ChandI/BB, Ionian Antiquities, London, 1796, 1797^ 
2 vols. fol. A worthy companion to Stuart. 

Choisbul Gouffibb, Forage pUtoresque dans la Grece, 
vol. i, 1779: vol. ii, 1809. Confined principally to the islands 
and Asia Minor. 

Beneficial ]. From a multitude of small states, never 
the Penian united but Continually distracted by civil broils— 
uvasioD. ^^j g^^i^ ^j. ^^^ beginning of this period were 

the states of Greece — any thing important could 
hardly be expected without the occurrence of 
some external event, which, by rallying the di- 
vided forces round one point, and directing them 
toward one object, should hinder them from mu- 
tually exhausting one another. It was the hostile 
attempt of Persia that first laid the foundation of 
the future splendour of Greece; certain states 
then grew so rapidly in power, that upon their 
particular history hinges the general history of all 
the rest. 

Causes which led to the Persian war. Share taken by Athens 
in the Ionian insurrection and. firing of Sardes, B. C. 500. (see 
above^ p. 98.) Intrigues of Hippias, first with the satraps^ and 
afterwards at the Persian court itself. — First expedition, that of 
Mardonius^ thwarted by a storm^ 493. 

Athens and 2. Not cveu the summous to acknowledge the 
a£ne*rej6ct Persian authority was sufficient to rouse the na- 
^PeSfaf* t*^°2il energy of the Greeks. All the islands, and 
B. c. 491. most of the states on the main land, submitted 
to the yoke; Sparta and Athens alone boldly re- 
jected it. The Athenians, unassisted, under their 
leader Miltiades, acquainted from his youth with 


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the Persians and their mode of warfare, and with Third 
the superiority of the arms of his countrymen, be- toTlbx- 


came the saviours of Greece. 

Qaarrel of Athens and Sparta with ^gina> which sides with 
the Persians^ 491 ; and consequent deposition of Demaratu8> king 
of Sparta, by his colleague Cleomenes. 

Persian expedition of Datis and Artaphemes under the guid- 
ance of Hippias : frustrated by the battle of Marathon, B. C. 
Sept. 29, 490, and the failure of an attempt upon Athens. 

3. The immediate consequence of this victory Expedition 
was a naval expedition against the islands, more I^^by^MU- 
particularly Paros, to which Miltiades, out of a *^**' 
private grudge, persuaded the Athenians. It was 
undertaken for the purpose of levying contribu- 
tions ; and seems to have given the Athenians the 

first idea of their subsequent dominion of the sea. 
The Athenians punished Miltiades for the failure 
of this expedition, although the effect of their own 
folly ; yet was this act of injustice a source of hap- 
piness to Athens ; as the fall of Miltiades made 
room for the men who laid the solid foundation of 
her glory and greatness. 

4. As usual in every democratic state rising to internal 
power, the history of Athens now becomes that At^nt. 
of eminent individuals, standing at the head of 
affairs, as generals or demagogues. Themistocles, 

who united to an astonishing degree in his own 
person the most splendid talents of statesman and 
general, with a spirit of intrigue, and even of 
egotism ; and Aristides, whose disinterestedness, 
even in those days, was singular at Athens, were 
the real founders of the power of this common- 
wealth. Athens, however, was more indebted to 
the first than to the latter. 


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182 GREEKS. book m. 

Thihd Rivaliy of these two men, 400-486. While Tfaemistodes at 
TO Alex- ^^^ head of the Athenian fleet prosecutes the design of Miltiades 

^^•pgR- against the islands^ the management of state affairs is confided to 
Aristides. On the return^ however, of Themistocles as conqneror, 
Aristides is by ostracism banished Athens, 486. Tbemtstodes 
alone, at the head of affairs, pursues his plan for making Athens 
a maritime power. In consequence of a war against the object 
of popular hatred, .£gina, B. C. 484, he prevails on the Athe- 
nians to devote the income from the mines to the formation of a 
navy. While Athens is thus rising to power, Sparta suffers from 
the insanity of one of her kings, Cleomenes, (succeeded in 482 by 
his half brother Leonidas,) and the arrogance of the other, Leo- 

Second ex- 5. Tho glory of frustrating the second mighty 
^mono pg|.gij^u . i jjyasion of Grecce under Xerxes I. be- 
fetted^by longs to Themistocles alone. Not only his great 
d«™B*^c ^^^^^ victory off Salamis, but still more the man- 
480. ner in which he contrived to work upon his coun- 
trymen, proves him to have been the greatest 
man of the age, and the deliverer of Greece, now 
united by one common bond of interest. — All 
national leagues are weak in themselves : yet how 
strong may even the weakest be made when held 
together by one great man, who knows how to ani- 
mate it with his own spirit ! 

Themistocles' plan for the copduct of the war ; first, a common 
union of all the Hellenic states ; a measure which succeeds to a 
certain degree, the honour of the command being left to the 
Spartans; secondly, the sea made the theatre of war. — Gal- 
lant death of Leonidas with his three hundred Spartans and 
seven hundred Thespians, July 6, 480. An example of heroism 
which contributes as much to the greatness of Oreeoe as the yic- 
,tory of Salamis. About the same time naval ei^agements off 
Artemisium in Eubcea, with two hundred and seventy-one sail. 
The leaders of the Greeks are kept to their posts merely by Ini- 
bery ; the means of purchasing their services being for the most 
part furnished by Themistocles himself. — Athens, deserted by 
its inhabitants, is taken and burnt by Xerxes, July 20. Retreat 


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of the Oredan fleet into the bay of Salamis : revocation of aU Third 
exiles, Aristides among the rest. — Politic measures adopted by ^'f '°°>^ 
Themistocles to hinder the dispirited Greeks from taking flight, ander. 
and at the same time to secure to himself, in case of need, ' 
an asylum with the Persian monarch. — Naval engagement and 
victory off Salamis, Sept. 23, 480, with three hundred and eighty 
sail, (one hundred and eighty of which were Athenian,) against 
the Persian fleet, already much weakened : retreat of Xerxes. — 
Poets and historians have disfigured these events by fanciful ex- 
aggerations : still, however^ they may show us how commonly 
human weakness is attended with human greatness ! 

6. The victory of Salamis did not conclude the BatUcsof 
war; but the negotiations entered into during the Mycaie,^ 
winter months with the Persian general, Mardo- fi,^*?©!^^' 
nius, left in Thessaly, and with the Asiatic 
Greeks, to excite them to throw off the yoke, 

show how far the confidence of the nation in its 
own strength had increased. But by the battle 
fought on land at Platseae, under the command 
of the Spartan, Pausanias, (guardian to Plistar* 
chus, son of Leonidas,) and the Athenian, Aris- 
tides; together with the naval battle at Mycale 
on the same day, and the destruction of the Per- 
sian fleet, the Persians are for ever driven from 
the territory of Greece, though the war continues 
for some time longer. 

7. The expulsion of the Persians wrought an sparu has 
entire change in the internal and external rela- aDC7to47o. 
tions of Greece. From being the aggressed the 
Gfeeks became the aggressors ; to free their 
Asiatic countrymen is now the chief object or 
pretext for the continuation of a war so profit- 
able; the chief command of which abides with 
Sparta until B. C. 470. 

Athens rebuilt and fortified by Themistocles despite of Spar- 
tan jealousy^ 478 : formation of the Pirsus, an event of still 


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184 GREEKS. book hi. 

Third greater importance^ 477* — Naval expedition under PauBaoias, 

Pkriod, accompanied by Aristides and Cimon^ undertaken against Cyprus 

ANDER. &nd Byzantium, for the purpose of expelling the Persians, 470. 

Treachery and fall of Pausanias, 469. In consequence of the 

Spartans* haughtiness, the supreme command devolves upon the 


Athens as- 8. This transfer of the command to Athens had 
chi^f com- a decided effect on all the subsequent relations 
of Greece, not only because it augmented the 
jealousy between Sparta and Athens, but because 
Athens exercised her predominance for a purpose 
entirely different from that of Sparta. — Establish- 
ment of a permanent confederacy, comprising most 
of the Grecian states without Peloponnesus, espe- 
cially the islands, and an adjustment of the con- 
tributions to be annually furnished by each, with 
the view of prosecuting the Persian war, and 
liberating the Asiatic Greeks from the Persian 
yoke. Although the common treasury was first 
established at Delos, the superintendence of it 
was confided to Athens ; and such a manager as 
Aristides was not always to be found. — Natural 
consequence of this new establishment: 1. What 
had hitherto been mere military precedence, be- 
comes in the hands of Athens a right of political 
prescription, and that, as usual, is soon converted 
into a sovereignty. Hence her idea of the su- 
premacy of Greece, (A/^x^ t^$ 'Ex^iJo?,) as connected 
with that of the sea, (6aXaa-<roKpar(a,) 2. The op- 
pression of the Athenians, sometimes real, at 
other times presumed, after a short time, rouses 
the spirit of discontent and contumacy among 
several of the confederates: hence, 3. The gra- 
dual formation of a counter league, headed by 


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Sparta, who maintains her supremacy over the third 
greatest part of the Peloponnesus. to"lm'- 

9. The changes introduced into the internal or- ^'"***' 


ganization are not to be determined solely by the quences 
palpable alterations made in any of Lycurgus's change, 
or Solon's institutions. In Sparta, the general 
frame-work of Lycurgus's constitution subsisted ; 
nevertheless the power was virtually in the hands 
of the ephori, whose dictatorial sway placed 
Sparta in the formidable posture she now as- 
sumed. — At Athens, in proportion as the import- 
ance of foreign relations increased, and amid the 
protracted struggles between the heads of the de- 
mocratic and aristocratic parties, the real power, 
under the outward appearance of a democracy, 
gradually centered in the hands of the ten an- 
nually elected generals, (^rrpariry**,) who with more 
or less effect played the parts of demagogues. 

Abrogation of the law that excluded the poorer citizens from 
official situations, B. C. 478. 

Expulsion of Themistocles, implicated in the fieill of Pausanias, 

principally through the intrigues of Sparta : he is first banished 

by ostracism, 469, but in consequence of further persecution he 

flies over to the Persians^ 406. „ .„. 


10. The following forty years, from 470 — 430, penodof 

« . , . . 1 i* A • A Athens. 

constitute the flourishing period of Athens. A 
coDcurrence of fortunate circumstances happen- 
ing among a people of the highest abilities and 
proQioted by great men, produced here phenomena, 
such as have never since been witnessed. Politi- 
cal greatness was the fundamental principle of the 
commonwealth; Athens had been the guardian, 
and the champion of Greece, and she wished to 
appear worthy of herself. Hence in Athens alone 
were men acquainted with public splendour, exhi- 


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186 GREEKS. book iii. 

Third bitcd in buildings, in spectacles, and festivals, the 
TO Alex- acquisitiou of which was facilitated by private 


frugality. This public spirit animating every citi- 
zen, expanded the blossoms of genius ; no broad 
line of distinction was anxiously drawn between 
private and public life ; whatever great, whatever 
noble was produced by Athens, sprung up ver- 
dant and robust out of this harmony, this buxom 
vigour of the state. Far different was the case 
with Sparta; there rude customs and laws ar- 
rested the development of genius : there men 
were taught to die for the land of their fore- 
fathers : while at Athens they learnt to live for it. 
Athenian H. Agriculturc contiuued the principal occu- 
civi iza ion. p^^^j^j^ ^f ^^^ citizcus of Attica ; other employ- 
ments were left to the care of slaves. Commerce 
and navigation were mainly directed towards the 
Thracian coast and the Black sea ; the spirit of 
trade, however, was never the prevailing one. 
As affairs of state became more attractive, and 
men desired to participate in them, the want of 
intellectual education began to be felt, and so- 
phists and rhetoricians soon offered their instruc- 
tion. Mental expertness was more coveted than 
mental knowledge ; men wished to learn how to 
think and to speak. A poetical education had 
long preceded the rise of this national desire; 
poesy now lost nothing of its value : as heretofore 
Homer remained the cornerstone of intellectual 
improvement. Could it be that such blossoms 
would produce other fruits than those which ri- 
pened in the school of Socrates, in the master- 
pieces of the tragedians and orators, and in the 
immortal works of Plato ? 


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12. These flowers of national genius burst forth Tri«d 
in spite of many evils, inseparable from such a to^Alex- 
constitution established among such a people. (^^^^^'-^ 
Great men were pushed aside ; others took their tte persons 
places. The loss of Themistocles was supplied of affion. 
by M iltiades's son Cimon ; who to purer politics 
united equal talents. He protracted the war 
against the Persians in order to maintain the 
union of the Greeks ; and favoured the aristocratic 
party at the same time that he affected popularity. 
Even his enemies learnt by experience, that the 
state could not dispense with a leader who 
seemed to have entered into a compact for life 
with victory. 

Another expedition under Cimon ; and victory by sea and land 
near the Eurymedon, B. C. 469. He takes possession of the 
Hellespontine Chersonesus, 468. Some of the Athenian con- 
federates already endeavour to secede. Henee^ 467i the con- 
quest of Caristus in fiuboea ; subjection of Naxos^ 466, and from 
465 — 463j siege and capture of Thasos^ under Cimon. The 
Athenians endeavour to obtain a firmer footing on the shore of 
Macedooia ; and for that purpose send out a colony to Amphi- 
polis, 465. 

Great earthquake at Sparta ; gives rise to a ten years' war^ 
viz. the third Messenian war or revolt of the Helots^ who fortify 
themselves in Ithome, 465 — 455 : in this war the Athenians^ at 
the instigation of Cimon^ send assistance to the Spartans^ 461, 
who refiue the proffered aid. The democratic party seise the 
opportunity of casting on Cimon the suspicion of being in the 
interest of Sparta ; he is banished by ostracism^ 461. 

13. The death of Aristides^ and the banishment ArUtides 
of Cimon, concur in elevating Pericles to the^l^'^' 
head of affairs ; a statesman whose influence had 
begun to operate as early as 469. Less a general 
than a demagogue, he supported himself in au- 
thority during forty years, until the day of his 


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TO Alex- 

dies, 429. 

death, and swayed Athens without being either 
archon or member of the areopagus. That under 
him the constitution must have assumed a more 
democratic character, is demonstrated by the fact 
of his exaltation as leader of the democratic 
party. The aristocrats, however, contrive until 
444 to set up rivals against him in the persons of 
the military leaders, Myronides, Tolmidas, and 
more particularly the elder Thucydides, 

Change in the spirit of administration under Perides^ both in 
reference to internal and external relations. A brilliant manage- 
ment succeeds to the parsimonious economy of Aristides; and 
yet^ after the lapse of thirty years^ the state treasury was full.— 
Limitation of the power of the areopagus by Ephialtes, B. C. 461. 
The withdrawal of various causes which formerly came under the 
jurisdiction of that tribunal must have diminished its right of 
moral censorship. — Introduction of the practice of paying persons 
who attended the courts of justice. 

With regard to external relations, the precedence of the Athe- 
nians gradually advanced toward supremacy ; although their rela- 
tions with all the confederates were not precisely the same. Some 
were mere confederates; others were subjects. — Augmentation 
in the imposts on the confederates^ and transfer of the treasury 
from Delos to Athens, 461. The jealousy of Sparta and the 
discontent of the confederates keep pace with the greatness of 

Unsuccessful attempt to support by the help of an Athenian 
fleet and troops, Inarus of Egypt in his insurrection against the 
Persians, 462—458. 

Wars in Greece : the Spartans instigate Corinth and Epidaa- 
rus against Athens. The Athenians, at first defeated near Halieei 
in their turn rout the enemy, 458, and then carry the war against 
.^ina, which is subdued, 457. In the new quarrel between 
Corinth and Megara respecting their boundaries, the Athenians 
side with Megara ; Myronides conquers at Cimolia, 457* ^^' 
pedition of the Spartans to the support of the Dorians against 
Phocis; and hence arises the first rupture between Athena, 
Sparta, and Boeotia. First battle of Tanagra^ in which the 
Spartans are victorious in the same year^ 457- The BoBotians, 


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incited by the Spartans^ are in the second battle of Tanagra Third 
worsted by Myronides, 456. The recall of Cimon, at the sugges- /™°''' 
tion of Pericles himself^ in consequence of the first defeat. ander. 

14. Cimon recalled from exile, endeavours tocimonra- 
reestablish the domestic tranquillity of Greece, and ^ 

at the same time to renew the war against the Per- 
sians. He succeeds in his attempt after the lapse 
of five years; and the consequence is a victorious 
expedition against the Persians. He defeats their b. c. 450. 
fleet off Cyprus, and routs their army on the 
Asiatic coast. The fruit of this victory is the 449. 
celebrated peace with Artaxerxes I. (see above, 
p. 104.) Ere that peace is concluded Cimon dies, 
too soon for his country, while occupied with the 
siege of Citium. 

Termination of the third Messenian war in favour of Sparta, 
by the cession of Ithome, B. C. 455. Meantime Athens con- 
tinues the war with Peloponnesus; Tolmidas and Pericles 
making an incursion by sea on the enemy's territory, 455 — 454. 
At the same time Pericles, by sending out colonies to the Hel- 
lespont, endeavours to secure more firmly the Athenian power in 
that quarter : a colony is likewise sent out to Naxos, 453. — 
Cimon negotiates a truce, which is adopted first (451) tacitly, 
afterwards formally, (450,) for ^ve years. The result of this 
trace is his victorious expedition against the Persians, and the 
consequent peace with that nation. Although the conditions of 
the peace prescribed by Cimon were sometimes infringed, they 
appear to have been ratified by all parties. 

15. The conclusion of peace with Persia, glo- state of 
rious as it was, and the death of the man whose thT^ace ' 
grand political object was to preserve union among ^*^^«"»*- 
the Greeks, again aroused the spirit of internal 

strife. For notwithstanding nearly twenty years 43i. 
intervened before the tempest burst with all its 
fury, this period was so turbulent during its course, 
that Greece seldom enjoyed universal peace. 


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TO Al&x- 


While Athens by her naval strength was main- 
taining her ascendancy over the confederates, and 
- while some of those confederates were raising the 
standard of rebellion and passing over to Sparta, 
every thing was gradually combining towards the 
formation of a counter league, the necessary con- 
sequence of which must have been a war, such as 
the Peloponnesian. Up to this time Athens was 
at the height of her power ; she was governed by 
Pericles, who, in every thing but the name, was 
sole ruler during this period, and for that reason 
she experienced few of the evils resulting from 
a democratic constitution. Who, indeed, could 
overthrow a demagogue whose presence of mind, 
even in the greatest good fortune, never once de- 
serted him ; who knew how to keep alive among 
his fellow-citizens the conviction that, however 
exalted they might be, it was to him alone they 
were indebted for it ? 

During the five years' truce the sacred war for the possession 
of the Delphian oracle took place^ and it is given by the Spartans 
to the city of Delphi ; but after their return is given back again 
by the Athenians to the Phodans, B. C. 448. The Athenians 
commanded by Tolmidas^ are defeated by the Boeotians^ 447- 
This expedition, undertaken in opposition to the advice of Peri- 
cles, contributes to increase his influence ; particularly as he re- 
duces to obedience the revolted Euboea and Megara, 446. End 
of the five years' truce with Sparta ; and renewal of hostilities, 
445 ; further warlike proceedings are repressed by a new thirty 
years' peace, which lasts, however, only fourteen years. — Com- 
plete suppression of the aristocratic party, by the banishment of 
the elder Thucydides, 444 ; the whole administration of the state 
consequently centres in the hands of Pericles. — Democracy in 
the confederate states favoured; forcibly introduced in Samos, 
which, after a nine months' siege, is obliged to submit to Pericles, 
440. — ^Commencement of the war between Corinth and Corcyra, 
on the subject of Epidamnus, 436, which the Corcyneans take 


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ponession of after winning a nayal victory, 435. The Athenians Taiao 
take part in the quarrel^ and side with the Corcyraeans, 432. ^^"J,^^*, 
The rapture with Corinth, and the policy of Perdiccas II. king awdbij. 
of Macedonia, lead to the secession of the Corinthian colony of 
Potidasa, which previously belonged to the Athenian confederacy: 
the war thereby is extended to the Macedonian coast. Engage- 
ment near Potidsa, and siege of that town, 432. The Corinthians 
direct their steps to Sparta, and excite the Spartans to war ; which 
is further accelerated by the attack of the Thebans upon Platsie, 
the confederate of Athens, 431. 

16. The history of the twenty-seven years' war, Peiopoi 
known by the name of the Peloponnesian, or great bl^cTTsi 
Grecian war, which swept away the fairest flowers ""*^^* 
of Greece, is the more deserving attention from 

its being not merely a struggle between nations, 
but likewise against certain forms of government. 
The policy of Athens, which to establish or pre* 
serve her influence in foreign states, excited the 
multitude against the higher orders, had on all 
sides given rise to two factions, the democrat or 
Athenian, and the aristocrat or Spartan ; and the 
mutual bitterness of party spirit produced the 
most violent disorders. 

17. The respective relations of the two head Power and 
states of Greece to their confederates, were atAthMs^and 
this time of a very opposite nature. Athens, as ^^*^" 

a naval power, was mistress of most of the islands 
and maritime cities, which, as tributary confe- 
derates, rendered for the most part a forced obe- 
dience. Sparta, as a land power, was allied with 
most of the states on the continent, which had 
joined her side of their own accord, and were 
not subject to tribute. Sparta therefore presented 
herself as the deliverer of Greece from the Athe- 
nian yoke. 


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Tbxbd ConfederateB of the Athenians : the uknds Chios, Samoe, Les- 

to*Alm'- ^' ^^ *^^^ ^^ *^^ Archipelago, (Thera and Melos excepted, 

▲NDBR. which stood neutral,) Corcyra, Zacynthus ; the Grecian colonies 

in Asia Minor, and on the coast of Thrace and Macedonia ; in 

Greece itself, the cities of Naupactus, Plat«», and those of Acar- 

nania. — Confederates of the Spartans: all the Peloponnesians, 

(Argos and Achaia excepted, which stood neutral,) M^ara, Lo- 

cris, Phods, Boeotia, the cities of Ambracia and Anactoriom, 

and the island of Leucas. 

Internal 18. Skctch of the internal state of Athens and 

Athens and Sparta at this period. The power of Athens de- 
®P*^- pended mainly on the state of her finances ; with- 
out which she could not support a fleet, and with- 
out a fleet her ascendancy over the confederates 
would of course fall to ground. And although 
Pericles^ notwithstanding his lavish public ex- 
penditure, was able to enter upon the war with 
6,000 talents in the treasury, experience could 
not fail to show that, in such a democratic state 
as Athens was now become under Pericles, the 
squandering of the public money was an unavoid- 
able evil. This evil was produced, however, at 
Athens much less by the peculations of individual 
state ofiicers than by the demands of the multi- 
tude, who for the most part lived at the expense 
of the state treasury. On the other hand, Sparta 
as yet had no finance ; and only began to feel the 
want of it as she began to acquire a naval power, 
and entered upon undertakings more vast than 
mere incursions. 

Financial system of the Athenians. Revenue: 1. llie tribute 
paid by the confederates (^opoi) increased by Pericles from four 
hundred and sixty to six hundred talents. 2. Income from the 
customs, (which were farmed^) and from the mines at Laurium. 
3. The caution money of the non-citizens : (jucroiicoi.) 4. The 
taxes on the citizens, {tla-^pat,) which fell almost entirely on the 


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ridi, more pardcalarly on the firtt chsa, the members of which TmiiD 
were not only to bear the burthen of fitting out the fleets (rp«epa^ Period,^ 
x/eu,) but li^ere likewise to furnish means for the public festivals ander. 
and spectacles^ (x^pny^*) The whole income of the republic at 
this time was estimated at 2^000 talents. But the disbursements 
made to the numeroos assistants at the courts of jnstice (the prin- 
cipal means of existence with the poorer dtizens, and which^ 
more than any thing else, contributed to the licentiousness of the 
democracy and the oppression of the confederates, whose causes 
were all brought to Athens for adjudication,) together with the 
expenditure for festivals and spectacles, even at this time, ab- 
8<Hrbed the greatest port of the revenue. 

f F. BoBXH, Public Economy of the Athenians, 2 'parts^ 
Berlin, 1816. The chief work on the subject. []Ably translated 
by J. C. Lewis, esq. of Christ Church in this university .^ 

Athenian Letters, or the Epistolary Correspondence of an 
Agent of the King of Persia, residing at Athens during the Pe- 
loponnesian toar. London, 1798, 2 vols. 4to. The production 
of several young authors; first printed, but not published, in 
1741. This sketch comprises, not only Greece, but likewise 
Persia and Egypt. 

19. First period of the war until the fifty years' First period 
peace. Beginning of the war unsuccessful tOB.c.^i^ 
Athens during the first three years, under the^^^* 
conduct of Pericles, in whose defensive plan we 

may perhaps discern the infirmities of age. The 
Athenians^ however, suffered less from the annual 
inroads of the Spartans than from the plague, to 
which Pericles himself at last fell a victim. The 429. 
alliance of the Athenians with the kings of Thrace 
and Macedonia extended the theatre of war ; on 
the other hand, Sparta had already conceived the 4do. 
idea of an alliance with Persia. 

20. The death of Pericles was, for the nextconw- 
seven years, during which the place of that great ^^deaA 
man was supplied by Cleon a currier, followed °^ ^®"^*^' 
by all the evils of an uncurbed democracy. The 
atrocious decrees with redpect to Mitylene, which 427. 


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194 GREEKS. book m. 

Third after scccding, had been recaptured/ and the in- 
TO Alex- surrection of the Corcyraean populace against the 
^^^^^' rich, characterized the party spirit then dominant 
in Greece better than the few insignificant events of 
424. a war conducted without any plan. Sparta, how- 
ever, found in young Brasidas a general, such as 
are wont to arise in revolutionary times. His pro- 
secution of the war on the Macedonian coast 
might have brought great danger to Athens, had 
422. he so early not fallen a victim to his own gal- 

Capture of Ampfaipolis by Brasidas, and exile of Tliucydides, 
424. Engagement near Amphipolis between Brasidas and 
Cleon ; and death of those two generals, 422. 

Pe«»not 21. The peace now concluded for fifty years 
b!c!422. could not be of long duration, as many of the con- 
federates on either side were discontented with 
Aicibiades its tcrms. All hopc of tranquillity must have 
of LfiurT been at an end when the management of Athenian 
*^* affairs fell into the hands of a youth like Aicibi- 
ades, in whom vanity and artifice held the place 
of patriotism and talent, and who thought war 
the only field in which he could gain credit. 
Against him what availed the prudence of Nicias? 
^-Happy was it for Athens that during the whole 
of this period Sparta never produced one man 
who could match even with Aicibiades ! 

Attempt of some states, Corinth especiaUy, to set Argos at the 
head of a new confederacy; this measure Athens likewise fa- 
vours, 421. — Violation of the peace, 419 ; the war indirect until 
415, and limited to assisting the confederates on either side. — 
Alcibiades's plan of giving Athens the preponderance in Pelo- 
ponnesus, by an alliance with Argos, is defeated by the battle 
of Mantinea, 417* — Exterminating war of the Athenians waged 
against the Melians, who wish to presenre their neutrality. 


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BOOK ni. GREEKS. 195 

whereas neatrality in the weaker party now becomes a crime. Third 

416. Period, 

TO Al^EX- 

22. Alcibiades's party brings forward at Athens ^'''>«'^- 

the project of conquering Sicily, under the pre- u^ifsicUy. 
tence of succouring the Segestani against the Sy- 
racusans. This rash expedition, in which the 
hopes both of the Athenians and of its instigator 
Alcibiades were blighted, gave to Athens the first 
great blow, from which she never after, even with 
the utmost exertion of her strength, recovered ; 
especially as Sparta also was now become a naval 

Early interference of the Athenians with the concerns of the 
Sicilian Greeks. — A fleet and army under the command of Ni- 
cias> Lamachusj and Alcibiades, sent agaiost Sicily, 415. — Ac- 
cosation, recall, and flight of Alcibiades to Sparta : formal rup- 
ture of the peace by an inroad of the Spartans into Attica, where 
they fortify Decelea, 414. Unsuccessful siege of Syracuse, 414 ; 
and total annihilation of the Athenian fleet and army by the 
assistance of the Spartans under Gylippus, 413. 

23. Fatal as in the present circumstances the Athens af- 
blow struck in Sicily must appear to have been bs\c«7." 
to Athens, yet the calamity was surmounted by 
Athenian enthusiasm, never greater than in times 
of misfortune. They maintained their supremacy 
over the confederates ; but the part which Alci- 
biades, in consequence of the new posture his 
own personal interest had assumed at Sparta, 
took in their affairs, brought about a twofold do- 
mestic revolution, which checked the licentious 

Alliance of the Spartans with the Persians, and indecisive en- 
gagement oflT Miletus. — Flight of Alcibiades from Sparta to Tis- 
saphernes; his negotiations to gain the satrap over to the in« 
terests of Athens, 411. — Equivocal policy of Tissaphemes. — 
Negotiations of Alcibiades with the chiefs of the Athenian army 



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196 GREEKS. book ui. 

Thx»p at Samo8> and the oonBequent revolutioa at Athens^ and orer- 
to"lex- *^^ ^^ *^® democracy by the appointment of the supreme 

▲NDBR. council of four hundred in place of the fiovX^, and of a committee 
of five thousand citizens in place of the popular assembly, 411.— 
The army assumes the right of debate ; names Alcibiades to be 
its leader ; but declares again for democracy.*— Great commodons 
at Athens in consequence of the discomfiture of the fleet at Ere- 
tria, and the secession of Euboea. Deposition of the college of 
four hundred, after a despotic rule of four months ; — Reform- 
ation of the government ; — Transfer of the highest power to the 
hands of the five thousand ; — Recall of Alcibiades, and recoa- 
dliation with the army. 

BriUiant 24. BrilUaDt pcriod of Alcibiades's command. 
SjcibiiSes, The reiterated naval victories won by the Athe- 
^w.*^^ nians over the Spartans under Mindarus, who, 
mistrusting Tissaphernes, now forms an alliance 
with Pharnabazus, satrap of the north of Asia 
Minor, oblige the Spartans to propose peace, 
410. which haughty Athens, unluckily for herself, re- 

Two naval engagements on the Hellespont^ 411. — Great vic- 
tory by sea and land won near Cyzicus^ 410. — Confirmation of 
the Athenian dominion over Ionia and Thrace by the capture of 
Byzantium, 480. Alcibiades returns covered with glory ; but in 
the same year is deposed, and submits to a voluntary exile, 407* 

Anabasis of 25. Arrival of the younger Cyrus in Asia Mi- 
407T' nor ; the shrewdness of Lysander wins him over 
to the Spartan interest. The republican haugh- 
406. tiness of Lysander's successor, Callicratidas, 
shown to Cyrus, was a serious error in policy; 
for, unassisted by Persian money, Sparta was 
not in a condition to pay her mariners, nor con- 
sequently to support her naval establishment 
406. After the defeat and death of Callicratidas, the 
405—403. command is restored to Lysander, who terminates 
the twenty seven years' war triumphantly for 


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BOOK m. GREEKS. 197 

Naval victory of Lysander over the Athenians at Notium^ 40? ; Tbibd 

in consequence of which Aldbiades is deprived of the command. P^j^'od, 

—Appointment of ten new leaders at Athens ; Gonon among the andbr. * 

number. — ^Naval victory of Callicratidas at Mitylene ; Conon is " 
shut up in the harbour of that place, 406. — Great naval victory 
of tbe Athenians ; defeat and death of Callicratidas at the ^gi- 
nu88« islands^ near Lesbos^ 406. — Unjust condemnation of the 
Athenian generals. — Second command of Lysander^ and last de- 
ceive victory by sea over the Athenians at ^gospotamos on the 
Hellespont, Dec. 406. — The loss of the sovereignty of the sea is 
acoomjKinied by the defection of the confederates, who are suc- 
cessively subjected by Lysander, 406. — ^Athens is besieged by 
Lysander in the same year, 406 ; the city surrenders in May, 
404.-* Athens is deprived of her walls ; her navy is reduced to 
twelve sail ; and, in obedience to Lysander s commands, the oon« 
stitution is commuted into an oligarchy, under thirty rulers, (ty- 

26. Thus ended a war destructive in its moral, End of the 
still more than in its political, consequences, nla^^ 
Party spirit had usurped the place of patriotic 
feeling ; as national prejudice had that of national 
energy. Athens being subdued, Sparta stood at 
the head of confederate Greece ; but Greece very 
soon experienced the yoke of her deliverers to be 
infinitely more galling than that of the people hi- 
therto called her oppressors. What evils must 
not have ensued from the revolutions Lysander 
now found it necessary to effect in most of the 
Grecian states, in order to place the helm of go- 
vernment in the hands of his own party under the 
superintendence of a Spartan harmost? — How 
oppressive must not have been the military rule 
of the numerous Spartan garrisons ? — Nor could 
any alleviation of tribute be hoped for, now that 
in Sparta it was acknowledged that the " state 
must possess an exchequer." — The arrogance and 
rapacity of the new masters were rendered more 


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Third grcvious bv theiF being more uncivilized and des- 
toAlbx- titute. 


History of the reign of terror at Athens under the thirty ty- 
rants^ 403. — ^What happened here must likewise have happened 
more or less in the other Grecian cities> which Lysander found 
it necessary to revolutionize. In all quarters his party consisted 
of men similar to Critias and his colleagues^ who appear to have 
been long before united in clubs {iraipeiai) intimately connected 
with each other; from which were now taken the most daring 
revolutionists^ in order to place them everywhere at the head of 

EzDoinon 27. Happy revolution in Athens, and expulsion 
ty tyranti. of the thirty tyrants by Thrasybulus, favoured by 
the party at Sparta opposed to Lysander, and 
B.C. 403. headed by king Pausanias. Restoration and re- 
form of Solon's constitution; general amnesty. 
It was easy to reestablish forms ; — to recall the 
departed spirit of the nation was impossible ! 

Ed. Ph. Hinrichs^ De Theramenis, Critia el ThrasybuU, 
virorum tempore belli Peloponnesiaci inter Grcecos illustrium, 
rebus el ingenio, Commenlalio, Hamburgi, 1820. An inquiry 
which exhibits much research and impartiality. 

War of the 28. The defeat of the younger Cyrus entangles 
in^p^a, the Spartans in a war with the Persians, the same 
year that, after the death of king Agis, Agesilaus 
takes possession of the regal dignity. We wil- 
lingly forget his usurpation as we follow him 
in his heroic career. None but a man of genius 
could have instructed Sparta how to support for 
so long a time the extravagant character which 
she had now undertaken to play. 

Opening of the war with Persia by Tissaphernes's attack on 
the .£olian cities of Asia Minor, 400. — Command of Thimbi^n, 
who, 398, is succeeded by the more successful and fortunate Der- 
cyllidas. — Availing himself of the jealousy between Tissaphemes 
and Artabazus, he persuades the latter to a separate truce, 397- 
-—Command of Agesilaus; his expedition into Asia, from the 


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spring of 396 nntil 394. The conviction which he obtained of Third 
the domestic weakness of the Persian empire in the sucoessfol ^^J^'O''* 
inirasion of Phrygia^ 395^ seems to have matured in the mind of andbr. 
Agesilans the idea of overtmming the Persian throne ; this design 
lie would have accomplished had not the Persians been politic 
enoogh to kindle a war against Sparta in Greece itself. 

29. The Corinthian war, waged against Sparta Corinthiui 
by Corinth, Thebes, and Argos, to which Athens ^*'' 
and the Thessalians unite, terminated by the 
peace of Antalcidas. The tyranny of Sparta, and 387. 
more particularly the recent devastation of Elis, 
a sacred territory, were the alleged pretexts; 
but the bribes of Timocrates, the Persian envoy, 
were the real causes of this war. 

Irruption of the Spartans into Boeoda ; they engage and are 
routed at Haliartus^ 3di. Lysander falls on the field of battle ; 
and Agesilaus is recalled out of Asia. — His victory at Coronea 
ensures to the Spartans the preponderance by land ; but the dis- 
comfiture of their navy near Gnidus at the same time^ gives to 
their enemies the sovereignty of the sea: Conon, who com- 
manded the combined Persian and Athenian fleets^ avails himself, 
with consummate skill, of this success to reestablish the inde- 
pendence of Athens, 393. — Sparta endeavours by apparently 
great sacrifices to bring over the Persians to her interests : the 
peace at last concluded by the efforts of the skilful Antalcidas, 
(see above, book ii, parag. 42), was readily agreed to by the 
Spartans, as they gave up only what otherwise they could not 
bare retained. The preponderance of Sparta on the continent 
of Greece was established by the article which invested them 
with the power of seeing the conditions of the treaty fulfilled : 
the stipulated freedom of the Grecian cities was but an apparent 
disadvantage ; and now that the Asiatic colonies were given up, 
the contest for power in Greece itself must be decided by land, 
and not by sea. 

30. The quarrels which, after the peace ofB.c.386. 
Antalcidas, Sparta began to have with Mantinea ^®^ 
and Phlius, and still more so her participation in 
those between the Macedo- Greek cities and the383--38o. 


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200 GREEKS. book hl 

]SlioD, over-powerful Olynthus, prove too plainly the ar- 
^aJ^r"' rogance with which Sparta behaved to the weaker 
states. But the arbitrary appropriation of the 
citadel of Thebes by Phoebidas, — an act not in- 
deed commanded, yet approved by Sparta, — was 
attended with more serious consequences than 
382. were at first expected. Would that all authors 
of similar breaches of good faith and the law of 
nations were visited with the same vengeance ! 
Rirairy of 31. Pcriod of the rivalry of Sparta and Thebes, 
T^ebei*" from the year 378. The greatness of Thebes was 
the work of two men, who knew how to inspire 
their fellow-citizens and confederates with their 
own heroic spirit : with them Thebes rose, with 
them she fell. Rarely does history exhibit such 
a duumvirate as that of Epaminondas and Pelopi- 
das. How high must our estimation of Pytha- 
goras be, even had his philosophy formed but one 
such man as Epaminondas ! 

Liberation of Thebes from Spartan rule by the anoccwfiil at- 
tempt of Pelopidaa and his fellow-conspirators, 378. Vain at- 
tempts against Thebes^ by the Spartans under Cleombrotus^ 370, 
and Agesilaus> 377 &n<i 376. The defensive war conducted by 
Pelopidas^ during which he established the Theban supremacy in 
BoBotia, and brought over the Athenians, (whose fleet, 376, beat 
that of the Spartans,) deserves our admiration more than the 
winning of a battle. — The vast plans of Thebes were not un- 
folded, however, till Epaminondas was at the head of affairs. 

Seran de la Tour, Histoire d* Epaminondas, Paris, 1752. 

f Mbissner, Life of Epaminondas. Prague, 1801, 2 parts. 
In which the authorities are duly considered. 

f J. O. ScHEiBEL, Essays towards a better understanding of 
the Ancient World, 1809. The second part contains an essay 
upon the history of Thebes, as the first does on that of Corinth. 

General 32, A general peace is concluded in Greece 
u^e°me- through the mediation of the Persians, (who wish 


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to obtain auxiliaries against the Egyptians,) ™IR^/£nE& "Jf^^ 
the condition that all the Grecian cities shall be'^ i^ iiii " ^ 
free : it is acceded to by Sparta and Athens, but dit^^by 
rejected by Thebes, because she cannot admit the ^^^'^^^ 
condition without again falling under the Spartan 
yoke. In fact, the lofty language used by Epa- 372. 
minondas, as envoy to Sparta, shows that it was 
problematic whether Sparta or Thebes should 
now be at the head of Greece. Could the idea, 
therefore, of a perfect equality between the states 
of Greece be other than chimerical ? 

33. The long struggle maintained so gloriously Epammon- 
by Epaminondas against Sparta is remarkable 371— 362* 
both in a political and military point of view. 
The power of Sparta was abased ; Epaminondas 
invented a new system of tactics, (out of which 
soon after sprang the Macedonian art of war;) 
and as soon as be found confederates in Pelo- 
ponnesus itself, he made his way to the very gates 
of Sparta* 

Victory won by the Thebans at Leuctra> July 8, 371 > and an- 
aihihtioii of what hitherto had been called the supremacy of 
Sparta. — First irruption into Peloponnesus preceded by alliances 
with Arcadia, Elis^ and Argos. — The attack upon Sparta itself 
is QDSuocessful ; but the freedom of Messene is restored^ 

34. Sparta in distress forms an alliance with spartainai- 
Athens, under the stipulation that the command Athens. 
shall alternately be in the hands of the two con- 
federates ; conditions, no doubt, humiliating to 
Spartan pride ! It however affords them the 
means of frustrating Epaminondas's new attempt 
on Corinth and the Peloponnesus. Even Dio- 
nysius I. of Syracuse, thinks himself bound to as- 
sist the Spartans as being Dorians. 


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Third 35. Thebes played a no less brilliant part in the 
TO Alex- north than she did in the south. And had the 


attempts to liberate Thessaly from the rule of the 
tyrant, Alexander of Pherae, been attended with 
success, Thebes would have received a vast in- 
crease of power. Even in Macedonia she acted 
as arbitress. 

First and successful expedition of Pelopidas into Thessaly, 
368. — After the decision of the disputed succession to the Mace- 
donian throne, yoong Philip is brought as hostage to Thebes, and 
educated in the house of Epaminondas. — Pelopidas is sent as 
ambassador, and taken prisoner by Alexander ; hence the second 
expedition of the Thebans, in which Epaminondas rescues the 
army and delivers his friend, 367* 

Alliance of. 36. AlHancc of Thebes with Persia success- 
Pei^*'^ fully brought about by Pelopidas. In the in- 
trigues of the opponents at the Persian court, the 
object of each was to bring that court over to his 
own interest. Yet the domineering tone in which 
the Persians wished to dictate peace, had not the 
consequences that might have been expected; 
and although Sparta consented to her confede- 
rates remaining neutral, she would not forego her 
claims on M essene. The establishment of a navy 
would have been of more important consequences 
to Thebes than this alliance, had not all these 
plans, together with the greatness of Thebes, been 
B.C. 365. swept away by the premature death of her two 
leading men. 

Last expedition of Pelopidas against Alexander of Phers, in 
which he himself falls, 364. — New irruption into Peloponnesus 
caused by the commotions in Arcadia. — Battle of Mantinea, and 
death of £paminondas, June 27, 362. — General peace in Greece 
mediated by the Persians ; Sparta does not assent to it on acooont 


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of Messene, bnt sends Agesilaus to Egypt^ there to support the Thibd 
insiirrection of Tacshos. t^Alex- 

37. The result of this bloody struggle for the gj^^p- 
supremacy of Greece was, that neither Sparta Greece af- 
nor Thebes obtained it; the former of these states between 
being weakened by the loss of Messene, the latter sp^. ^ 
by the loss of its leaders, and both strained by 
their violent exertions. The situation of Greece 
after this war seems to have been thus far 
changed, that no state had the predominance ; an 
independence proceeding from enervation. Even 
Athens, who by means of her naval power still 
preser\'ed her influence over the cities on the 
coast and in the islands, lost the greater part in 
the war of the allies, together with three of her 
most celebrated leaders, Ghabrias, Timotheus, 
and Iphicrates, whose places were ill supplied by 

Confederacy of the islands Cos, Rhodes, and Cliios, and the 
city of Byzantium ; their secession from Athens, 358. — Unsuc- 
cessful siege of Chios, before which Chabrias falls, 358 ; of By- 
zantium, 857* Athens suffers a still greater injury from the 
cabals of Chares against his colleagues Timotheus and Iphicrates^ 
and from her imprudent participation in the insurrection of Arta- 
bazas, 356. The threats of Artaxerxes III. force Athens to make 
a peace, in which she is obliged to acknowledge the freedom of 
ber confederates. 

38. At the very time when the growing power sacred war. 
of Macedonia under Philip ought to have united —346. 
all the Grecian states, had such an union been 
within the range of possibility, Greece plunged 
into another civil war of ten years' duration, which 
is known by the name of the sacred or Phocian 
war. The Amphictyonic assembly, whose duty 
it was to maintain peace, and whose influence had 


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204 GREEKS. book ui. 

Tmira been in tbe present circumstances reinstated, 
TO Albx. abused its authority by kindling discord. The 

^'"'"'' hatred of the Thebans, who sought for new op- 
portunities of quarrel with Sparta, and the am- 
bition of the Phocian Philomelus, were tbe real 
causes which led to the war, which the policy 
of Philip knew how to prolong till the precise 
moment favourable to his own particular views 
arrived. The treasures of Delphi circulating in 
Greece, were as injurious to the country as the 
ravages which it underwent. A war springing out 
of private passions, fostered by bribes and subsi- 
diary troops, and terminated by the interference 
of foreign powers, was exactly what was requisite 
for annihilating the scanty remains of morality and 
patriotism still existing in Greece. 

Sentence of the Ampliictyons against Sparta on account of the 
fonner surprise of the citadel of Thebes by Phoebidas; and 
against Phods on account of the tillage of the sacred lands of 
Delphi, 357. — Philomelas is elected general of the Phodans; the 
rifling of the treasury of Ddphi enables him to take into his pay 
Athenian and other auxiliaries, and to carry war against the 
Thebans and their confederates, the Locrians, etc under pre- 
tence of their being the executors of the Amphictyonic decrees. 
Philomelus having fidlen, 353, is succeeded by his brother OncH 
marchus, more skilful than himself in intrigue and war: bat 
Onomarchus having fallen, 352, in the battle with Philip in 
Thessaly, is followed by Phayllus. Philip even thus early en- 
deavours to push through Thermopylae into Greece, but is re- 
pelled by the Athenians. He executes this plan after his peace 
with Athens, 347, and having procured the expulsion of the 
Phocians from the Amphictyonic council, gets their place and 
right of vote to be transferred to himself. 

Philip's ad- 39. From the very first advance of Philip, the 

vancejnto f^^^ ^( Qrecce couW scarccly afford matter for 

doubt ; although the eloquence of ]>emo8tbenes 


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warded it off until the second invasion, caused by ^""^ 
the Amphictyonic sentence passed on the Lo- toAlu- 
crians. (See below, book iv. parag. 16.) The 57073557 
battle of Chseronea laid the foundation of Mace- 
donia's complete ascendancy over the Grecian 
republics : by the appointment of Philip to be s^e. 
generalissimo of Greece in the Persian war, that 
ascendancy was, as it were, formally acknow- 
ledged ; nor did it end with the assassination of 
that prince. 


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From its origin to the death of Alexander the Great. 
B. C. 800-32S. 

FiasT Sources. We have no historian who wrote, particularly^ on 

'— Macedonia^ before the time of Alexander. The facta relative to 

the earlier history previous to Philip are collected from Diodo- 
rus, Justin, Thucydides, and Arrian ; from Diodorus more espe- 
cially. In consequence of the loss of the other historians, Dio- 
dorus is the chief authority for the history of Philip; the 
speeches of Demosthenes and iBschines must likewise be con- 
sulted, but not made use of without caution and judicious histo* 
rical criticism. With respect to Alexander the Great, as so many 
writers on his reign have been destroyed by time, Anrian must 
now be considered as the chief authority, on account of the care 
he has shown in the selection of his authorities, conjointly with 
the seventeenth book of Diodorus. Plutarch's biography contains 
several valuable additional facts ; and even the superficial Cor- 
tins might furnish us with abundance of information, did his ac- 
counts offer higher claims to our credit. 

Origin of 1. An Hellenic colony from Argos, headed by 
dom^aSout the Temenid©, a branch of the Heraclidee, settled 
B.C.813. jjj Emathia, and laid the feeble foundation of the 
Macedonian empire> which was in time to rise to 
such power. Not only did the settlers keep their 
footing in the country, in spite of the aboriginal 
inhabitants ; but their princes gradually extended 
their territory, by subjecting or expelling several 
of the neighbouring tribes. Their earlier history, 


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not excepting even the names of their kings, is Fiut 
buried in obscurity till the time of the Persian _??^^-, 

The three first Macedonian kings, Caranus said to have mled 
twenty-eight years, Coenus twenty-three, Tyrmas forty-five, 
were unknown to Herodotus, who names as founder of the Ma- 
cedonian monarchy, Perdiccas, 729 — 678. Of this prince and 
his sncoessors Argeeus, d. 640, Philip I. d, 602, ^ropus, d. 576, 
and Alcetas, d. 547> nothing more is known than that they waged 
war, with various success against the neighbouring Pierians and 
liljrians, who had their own kings. 

2. When the Persians commenced their incur- situation at 
sions into Europe, Macedonia, by its situation, the Persian 
must have been one of the first countries they *'*^**"*"* 
ravaged. Accordingly, as early as the reign of 
Darius Hystaspis, the Macedonian kings were 
tributary to the Persians ; and were indebted for 
their deliverance from that yoke, not to their own 
valour, but to the victories of the Greeks. The 
battle of Platseae restored independence to theB.c.479. 
Macedonian kingdom, although that independ- 
ence was not formally acknowledged by the Per- 

Immediately after the Scythian campaign^ 5\3, Amyntas 
(d. 498,) became tributary to the Persians ; his son and succes- 
sor, Alexander, {d. 454,) was in the same state of subjection, and 
was even compelled to join the expedition of Xerxes. 

3. But the expulsion of the Persians still left sitnatioa 
Macedonia exposed to the attacks of other for- treat of the 
midable neighbours; on one side there was the^®"**"*" 
Thracians, among whom, under Sitalces, and his d. 424. 
successor, Seuthes, arose the powerful kingdom 
of the Odrysae; on the other, the Athenians, 
who, availing themselves of their extensive navy, 
reduced to subjection the Grecian settlements 


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on the Macedonian shores. Harassing as these 
neighbours were to the Macedonian kings, they 
proved to be the very instruments by which Ma- 
cedonia became so early and so deeply involved 
in the affairs of Greece. 

Commencement of the differences with Athens^ under the 
reign of Perdiccas 11^ 454 — 413 ; Athens having supported bis 
brother Philip against him — Defection of Potidaea, and fortifica- 
tion of OlynthuSj into which the Greeks from Chalcis and other 
cities are transplanted^ 432. Potidesa being forced to surrender 
to Athens^ 431^ Perdiccas contrives to play so skilful a part in 
the Peloponnesian war just now commencing, that he outwits the 
Athenians, parrying the attack of Sitaloes by a marriage of bis 
sister with Seuthes, the heir to that prince, 429. His allianoe 
with Sparta, 424, is very detrimental to the Athenians, Brandas 
wresting Amphipolis from their hands; nevertheless Perdiccas 
chooses rather to conclude a peace with Athens, 423, than to 
throw himself entirely into the arms of his new allies. 

Aicheiaus 4; Archclaus, the successor of Perdiccas, in- | 
foundation troduccd agriculturc and civilization among the 
nia^.c/ Macedonians, who were never, however, recog- 
413—400. nixed by the Hellenes as their legitimate bre- 
thren : highways and military roads were con- 
structed ; forts were erected ; and the court be- 
came the seat of literature. In these days the 
Macedonian kingdom seems to have comprised 
Emathia, Mygdonia, and Pelagonia, to which 
may be added some of the neighbouring tribes, 
who, although governed by their own kings, were 
tributary. The power of the kings was insignifi- 
cant when unaided by the nobles, among whom, 
as was the case with all the hereditary princes of 
Greece, they merely held the right of precedence. 
How difficult was it, even in Alexander's time, to 
erase from the minds of the Macedonian nobility 
the recollection of their former importance ! 


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5. The mutder of Archelaus was followed by a first 

stormy period, wrapped in obscurity: the un ^^12^ 

settled state of the succession raised up many 
pretenders to the throne, each of whom easily 

found the means of supporting his claims, either 
in some of the neighbouring tribes^ or in one of 
the Grecian republics. 

.£ropn8> as guardian to the young king Orestes^ nsurps the 
Bopreme power, B. C. 400 — 394. After his death, and the mur* 
der of his son Pausanias, 393, the throne was seized by Amyn- 
taa II. son of Philip, and brother to Perdiccas II. who was 
nevertheless unable to maintain his power until he had gained 
a victory over Argseus, the brother of Pausanias, who was backed 
by the Illyrians, 390—369. The war with Olynthus, 383--^380, 
could not be brought to a successful conclusion until he had 
formed an alliance with Sparta. 

6. The three sons of Amyntas II, Alexander, 
Perdiccas, and Philip, successively ascended the 
throne after the death of their father ; but so vio- 
lent were the commotions during the reigns of 
the two former, that the future existence of Ma- 
cedonia as a kingdom might have been regarded 
as problematical: it is certain that they were 
obliged to submit to the payment of tribute to 
the Illyrians. 

Alexander, in opposition to his rival, Ptolemy of Alorus, 
placed on the throne by Pelopidas, sends his youngest brother 
Philip as hostage to Thebes : in the same year he is deposed by 
Ptolemy, 368. Reign of Ptolemy, 388—365, with the stipula. 
tion imposed, 367^ by Pelopidas, that he shall only hold the 
sceptre in reserve for the two younger brothers. Murder of 
Ptolemy, 365, by Perdiccas III. who is nearly overwhelmed 
by Pausanias, another and earlier pretender to the crown ; he is 
at last firmly seated on the throne by the Athenians, under Iphi- 
crates, 364. But as early as 360 he falls in the war against the 
niyrians, leaving behind him a son, Amyntas, still a minor, and 
a younger brother Philip, who escapes from Thebes in order to 
gain possession of the throne. 


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p^"" ^' "^^^ reign of Philip, which lasted twenty- 
Phiiij^; — four years, is one of the most instructive and in- 
teresting in the whole range of history, as well on 
account of the prudence he displayed, as for the 
manner in which his plans were arranged and 
executed. Though it may be difficult to trace in 
his morals the pupil of Epaminondas, yet it is im- 
possible to view without feelings of astonishment 
the brilliant career of a man, who, under the al- 
most hopeless circumstances in which he com- 
menced his course, never lost his firmness of 
mind, and who in the highest prosperity pre- 
served his coolness of reflection. 

The history of Philip, even in his own days, was distorted to 
his disadvantage by orators and historians. Demosthenes oould 
not, Theopompus would not, be impartial ; and the information 
contained in Diodorus and Justin is mostly derived firom the 
work of the latter. 

Oliyibb, Hisloire de Philippe, roi de Macidoine. Paris, 
1740, 2 vols. 8vo. A defence of Philip. 

Db Burt, Histoire de Philippe, el d^ Alexandre le grand. 
Paris, I76O, 4to. A very mean performance. 

Th. Lbland, The Historic of the Life and Reign of Philip 
king of Macedon. London, 1761^ 4to. Dry, but exhibiting much 
reading and strict impartiality. 

In MiTFORD, History of Greece, vol. iv, Philip has found his 
most zealous panegyrist and defender. It would seem that, even 
in the present day, it is impossible to write an impartial history 
of this monarch. 

8. Melancholy posture of the Macedonian af- 
fairs at the beginning of Philip's reign. Besides 
victorious foes abroad, there were at home two 
pretenders to the throne, Argaeus, backed by- 
Athens, Pausanias, supported by Thrace ; and 
Philip himself, at first, was merely regent, and 
not king. In the two first years, however, every 


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thing was changed, and Macedonia recovered her first 


independence. The newly-created phalanx en- 
sured victory over the barbarians ; recourse was 
had to other means than force for success against 
the suspiciousness of Athens and the neighbour- 
ing Greek settlements, particularly against the 
powerful Olynthus. It is in the conduct of these 
affairs that the peculiar sagacity of Philip is dis- 

After the defeat of AfgftxiB, peace is pordiased fnm Athens 
by ft momentary recognition of the freedom of Amphipolis, 960* 
— Removal of Pausanias by means of an accommodation with 
Thraoe. — By the conquest of the Pseonians and lUyrians^ 359, 
the boundaries of Macedonia are extended to Thrace, and west- 
ward to the lake Lychnitis. — ^As early as 360 Philip was pro- 
claimed king. 

9. Development of Philip's further plans of Pjjj^yo^ 
aggrandizement. — By the gradual subjection of 
the Macedo-Greek cities^ he proposed, not only 
to make himself sole master in Macedonia, but 
also to remove the Athenians from his domain. — 
The first object of his policy against Greece was 
to get himself acknowledged as a Hellen, and Ma- 
cedonia as a member of the Hellenic league. 
Hence the subsequent tutelage in which Mace- 
donia held Greece was not converted into a 
formal subjection, a proceeding which would have 
savoured too much of barbarian origin. — The exe- 
cution of all these plans was facilitated by the 
possession of the Tbracian gold mines, which en- 
abled Philip to create finances as well as the 

Capture of Amphipolis, 358; in the. mean while Athens is 
amused with promises, and Olynthus with the momentary cession 
of Potidsa, which had likewise been captured : this event is foU 
lowed by the conquest of the mountainous districts, abounding in 



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gold, which extend from the Nestus to the Strymon, and far- 
. nished an annual income of nearly 1^000 talents. 

himself of 

takes ad- 
▼anttge of 
the sacred 


10. The interference of Philip in the affairs of 
Thessaly dates from the year 357 ; the possession 
of that country was an object equally important 
for the furtherance of his views upon Greece, as 
for the improvement of his finances. He first 
stepped forth as the deliverer of Thessaly, and 
ended in making it a province of Macedonia. 

Expulsion of the tyrants from Pherse^ at the request of the 
Alenads, 356 ; the tyrants^ however^ receive support in the sacred 
war from the Phodans under Onomarchus. The final defeat 
of Onomarchus, 352, makes Philip master of Thessaly ; he places 
Macedonian garrisons in the three chief places, and thus supports 
his authority in the country until he is pleased to make it en- 
tirely a Macedonian province, 344. 

11. The protraction of the sacred war in 
Greece furnished Philip with an excellent oppor- 
tunity of promoting his views upon that country ; 
although his first attempt at an irruption, too 
precipitately undertaken, was frustrated by the 
Athenians. The capture of Olynthus, notwith- 
standing the assistance afforded it by the Athe- 
nians, after a season of apparent inaction, insured 
the safety of the frontiers in his rear ; and by a 
master stroke of policy, almost at the very mo- 
ment in which he was driving the Athenians out 
of Euboea, he found means to enter with them 
into negotiations, which, after repeated embas- 
sies, were closed by a peace, opening to him the 
way through Thermopylae, and enabling him to 
raise a party favourable to himself within the very 
walls of Athens. 

12. First descent of Philip into Greece, and 
termination of the sacred war by reducing the 


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Phocians. The place which he now obtained in fimt 
the Amphictyonic council, had been the height 
of his wishes ; and the humility of Sparta proved 
how firmly his ascendancy over Greece was al- 
ready established. 

13. Brief view of the state of Greece, and more fosten a 
particularly of Athens, after the sacred war ; de- S2isi"| 
scription of the means by which Philip succeeded 

in creating and supporting parties favourable to 
his own interests in the Grecian states. Bribery 
was not his only instrument; what he gave he 
borrowed from others; the main feature of his 
policy was, that he seldom or ever recurred to the 
same means. Scheming and consistent even in 
his drunken revels, he hardly ever appears under 
the same form. 

Dreadful consequences to the morals of the Greeks, resulting 
from the spirit of party, the decline of religion, and the vast in- 
crease in the circulating medium, produced by the treasures of 
Delphi and Macedonia. — Estimate of the power of Athens dur- 
ing the period of Demosthenes and Phocion. It seems that, un- 
fortunately, the eloquence and political acuteness of the former 
was not accompanied \vith sufficient talents for negotiation ; the 
latter, perhaps, did not place confidence enough in his country, 
while Demosthenes placed too much. In spite of public indo- 
lence and effeminacy, Athens was still enabled to support her 
rank as a maritime power, the navy of Philip not being equal to 

-f A. O. Bbckeb, Demosthenes as a Statesman and an Orator. 
An historico-critical introduction to his works : 1815. A very 
useful work, both as a history and as an introduction to the po- 
litical orations of Demosthenes. 

14. New conquests of Philip in Illyria and u thwarted 
Thrace. The Adriatic sea and the Danube ap-^^^*^ 
pear to have been the boundaries of his empire 
on this side. But the views of the Macedonian 


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FiBST king were directed less against the Thracians, 
— *"'^°* than against the Grecian settlements on the Hel- 
lespont; and the attack of the Athenian Dio- 
pithes furnished him a pretext for making war 
against them. The siege, however, of Perinthus 
and Byzantium, was frustrated by Phocion, to the 
great vexation of Philip ; an event which aroused 
the Athenians, and even th^ Persians, from their 
bnt obtains js, PoHcy of Philip after thia check.— At the 

the com- j r 

mandinthevery time that, engaged in a war against the bar- 
cred war; bariaus ou the Danube, he appears to have wholly 
lost sight of the affairs of Greece, his agents re- 
double their activity, ^schines, richly paid for 
his services, proposes in the Amphictyonic coun- 
cil, that, to punish the sacrilegious insults of the 
Locrians to the Delphian oracle, he should be 
elected leader of the Greeks in this new sacred 
war. Following his usual maxim, Philip suffers 
himself to be entreated. 
andfaUs 16. Sccond expedition of Philip into Greece. 
G^ce. His appropriation of the important frontier town 
of Elatea soon showed that, for this time at least, 
he was not contending merely for the honour of 
Apollo. — Alliance between Athens and Thebes 
brought about by Demosthenes. — But the defeat 
of Chseronea in the same year decided the de- 
pendence of Greece. Philip now found it easy to 
play the magnanimous character towards Athens. 
Philip*! 17. Preparations for the execution of his plan 

a^io^ against Persia, not as his own undertaking, but as 
^*"*' a national war of the Hellenes against the barba- 
rians. Thus, while Philip, by obtaining from the 
Amphictyons the appointment of generalissimo 


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of Greece agaiqst the Persians, secured in an ho- Fiatr 
nourable manner the dependence of the country, — !?I£^ 
the splendour of the expedition flattered the na- 
tion at whose expense it was to be conducted. 
It is a question, indeed, whether Philip's own pri- 
vate views extended much further ! 

18. The internal government of Macedonia, iDtenai 
under so skilful and successful a conqueror, must Macedonia 
necessarily have. been absolute. No pretender JJpf*' ^*"' 
would dare to rise up against such a ruler, and 

the body guard {u^^^^ established by him at the 
beginning of his reign, and taken from the Mace- 
donian nobility, contributed much to keep up a 
proper understanding between the prince and the 
nobles. The court became a military staff, while 
the people, from a nation of herdsmen, was con- 
verted into a nation of warriors. — Philip was un- 
fortunate only in his own family ; but the blame 
is not to be attributed to him if he could not agree 
with Olympias. 

19. Philip murdered by Pausanias at ^g», PhUjp mur- 
probably at the instigation of the Persians, while b! c.m 
celebrating the marriage of his daughter. 

20. The reign of Alexander the Great, in Alexander: 

336—- 323 

the eyes of the historical inquirer, derives its 
great interest, not only from the extent, but 
from the permanence, of the revolution which he 
effected in the world. To appreciate properly 
the character of this prince, who died just as he 
was about to carry his mighty projects into ex- 
ecution, is no easy task ; but it is totally repug- 
nant to common sense to suppose that the pupil 
of Aristotle was nothing more than a wild and 
reckless conqueror, unguided by any plan. 


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FiMT St. Croix^ Examen crUique des ancietu iMtarient d^AUxan^ 
P£Riop> dre-le-grand, 2nd. edition^ consid^rabletnent augmentie. Paris, 

1804^ 4to. The new edition of this^ which is the principal work 
on the history of Alexander^ and important in more respects than 
one^ contains more than the title implies^ though hj no means a 
strictly impartial estimate of that prince's character. 

Disturb- 2 1 . Violent commotions at court, in the conquered 
M^o- countries, and in Greece, after the death of Philip. 
man court. Q^^^^^ ^^ jj jg po^^r appeared to be, the preserva-- 

tion of it depended entirely on the first display of 
character in his successor. Alexander showed 
himself worthy to inherit the sceptre by his victo- 
rious expedition against the Thracians ; (to whom, 
and more especially to his alliance with the 
Agrians, he was afterwards indebted for his light 
horse;) and by the example which he exhibited 
to Greece in his treatment of Thebes. 
Alexander, 22. Appointment of Alexander in the assembly 
u^moof at Corinth to be generalissimo of the Greeks. 
Greece, y^j yf\\zi his father would probably have turned 
to a very different account, he allowed to remain 
a mere nominal office. — Development of his plan 
of attack upon Persia. — The want of a navy, soon 
experienced by Alexander, would probably have 
frustrated his whole project, had not Memnon's 
counterplan of an inroad into Macedonia been 
thwarted by the celerity of the Macedonian king. 
Battle of the 23. Passagc ovcr the Hellespont, and com- 
Granicus. n^^ncement of the war. The tranquillity of his 
kingdom and of Greece appeared to be secured, 
Antipater being left at the head of affairs. — The 
victory on the Granicus opens to Alexander a 
path into Asia Minor ; but the death of Memnon, 
which soon after followed, was perhaps a greater 
advantage than a victory. 


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24. The victory of Issus, gained over Darius in Fibbt 
person, appears to have given Alexander the first ""^°' 
idea of completely overturning the Persian throne, usus. 
as was proved by the rejection of Darius's offers ' 

of peace. When indeed have not the plans of 
conquerors been dependent on the course of 
events? Yet Alexander must have been pretty 
certain of his future victory, since he permitted 
Darius to escape, while he sat down seven months 
before Tyre, in order to make himself master of 332. 
the sea ; and, after the conquest of Egypt without 
a battle, to which the possession of Tyre opened 
the way, to build Alexandria, and erect to himself 
a monument more lasting than all his victories. 

Althougli Alexandria perhaps in the end may have surpassed 
the expectations of the founder, yet the selection of the site, fa- 
vourable only for navigation and commeroe, shows that an eye 
was originaUy had to those objects. 

25. Invasion of Inner Asia, facilitated by the ]>eciiive 
tacit submission of the ruling tribes, and by the amIL. 
state of cultivation in which the country was 
found. On the plains of Arbela the Macedonian octi,3di. 
tactics were completely triumphant. It might 

now be said that the throne of Persia was over* 
turned; and the unexpectedly easy capture of 
Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, was surely of 
more importance for the moment than the pursuit 
of a flying king. 

Insurrection of the Greeks quelled by Antipater ; Alexander 
himself falls in with the malcontent envoys to Darius in the in« 
terior of Asia. 

26. The subjection of the north-eastern pro- Penia 
vinces of the Persian empire would perhaps have]^^*"*^' 
been attended with the greatest difficulties, had 


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First not the astODishing activity of the conqueror 
''"°°' crushed iu their birth the schemes of the treach- 

B.C.330. erous Bessus, who, after the assassinatiou of Da- 
rius, wished to erect a separate kingdom in Bac- 
tria. The Jaxartes was now the northern bound- 
329. ary of the Macedonian monarchy, as it had hi- 
therto been that of the Persian. Besides, the 
possession of the rich trading countries, Bactria 
and Sogdiana, was in itself an object of vast im- 

Daring this expedition^ the execution of Philotas and his fa- 
ther Parmenio took plaoe^ though both were^ probably^ guiltless 
of the conspiracy laid to their charge^ 330. After the death of 
Darius^ Alexander met with almost constant opposition in his 
own army : the majority of the troops fiemcying that that event 
precluded the necessity of any further exertions. Cautious as 
Alexander was in his treatment of the Macedonian nobles^ we 
may discern, not however by the mere example of Glitus^ how 
difficult they found it to banish from their memory the relations 
in which they had formerly stood to their kings. 

Alexander 27. Alexander's expedition against India had, 

marches i i • • • • • 

agaiost no doubt, its ongin in that propensity to romantic 
328^326. enterprise which constituted a main feature in his 
character. Yet what could be more natural than 
that a close view of Persian splendour, the con- 
quest of such wealthy countries, and the desire of 
prosecuting his vast commercial designs, should 
gradually mature in the mind of the Macedonian 
king the plan of subjecting a country which 
was represented as the golden land of Asia. To 
this likewise the scantiness of geographic inform- 
ation must have greatly contributed ; if he pressed 
forward to the eastern seas, the circle of his do- 
minion would, it was supposed, be complete. — It 
appears very certain that Alexander was destitute 


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of a sufficient knowledge of the country when he ^»>^ 
entered upon this expedition. — swod^ 

Alexander's invasion was directed against Northern India^ or the 
Panjab ; in those days a populous and highly cultivated country ; 
now the seat of the Seiks and Mahrattas ; and then« as now, in« 
habited by warlike races. He crossed the Indus at Taxila (At- 
tock,) passed the Hydaspes (Behut or Chelum^) and, availing 
himself of the quarrels between the Indian princes, defeated the 
king. Poms. He then proceeded across the Acesines ( Jenaub) 
and Hydraotes (Rauvee). The eastern verge reached in this ex- 
pedition was the river Hyphasis (Beyah ;) here, having already 
proceeded half way to the Ganges, the conqueror was, by a 
mutiny in his army, compelled to retreat. His return was 
through the country of the Malli (Multan) as &r as the Hydas- 
pes, when the majority of his troops took ship, and were floated 
along that stream into the Acesines, and from thence into the 
Indus, which they followed down to its mouth. 

Remnel, JH fmoir qf a Map of Hindosian, London, 17d3, 
(3d. edit.) and 

St. Croix, Exatnenf etc. (see p. 216.) furnish all the neces- 
sary historical and geographical explanations relative to the Per- 
sian and Indian campaigns of Alexander. 

28. Although Alexander was obliged to give up Conse- 
the project of conquering India, yet the connec- 2Sr«pedi- 
tion between Europe and the east, which has****"* 
continued from that time, was the work of his 
hands. While the communication on land was 
secured by the establishment of various settle- 
ments, the communication by sea was opened by 
the voyage of his admiral, Nearchus, from the 
Indus to the Euphrates. In the mean time 
Alexander himself proceeded to Persis and Baby- 
lon, across the desert, and the unexplored pro- 
vinces of Gedrosia and Carmania. 

Nearchus s voyage (our knowledge of which is derived from his 
own joarnal> preserved in Arrian's Indica) lasted from the be* 


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FiBST ginning of October, 326, to the end of Febraary, 336 : nearlj ike 
^^'^^' same time was occupied in the almost incredible land march of 

the king. 

ViNCBNT, The Voyage of Nearchus from the Indus to ihe 
Euphrates. London, 1797, 4to. Exhibiting the most learned 
researdies, and illustrated with excellent diarts. 

Aiexand6r'i 29. After the abandonment of India, the whole 

policy in the . .^ i» . , i , . , 

conquered cifcuit of Alexanders conquests was precisely 
countnes : ^j^^^ ^^ ^j^^ former Persian empire ; his later pro- 
jects were probably directed against Arabia alone. 
However easy it had been to make these con- 
quests, it was a more diflScult task to retain them; 
for Macedonia, exhausted by continual levies of 
men, could not furnish efficient garrisons. Alex- 
ander removed this difficulty, by protecting the 
conquered from oppression ; by showing proper 
respect to their religion ; by leaving the civil 
government in the hands of the native rulers who 
had hitherto possessed it; and by confiding to 
Macedonians the command only of the garrisons 
left in the chief places, and in the newly esta- 
blished colonies. To alter as little as possible in 
the internal organization of countries was his fun- 
damental principle. 
hiB views. 30. Simple as Alexander's plans were in the 
outset, their simplicity was more than compensated 
by the magnitude and importance of their results. 
Babylon was to be the capital of his empire, and 
consequently of the world. The union of the 
east and the west was to be brought about by 
the amalgamation of the dominant races by inter- 
marriage, by education, and, more than all, by 
the ties of commerce, the importance of which 
much ruder conquerors, in Asia itself, soon learnt 


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to appreciate. In nothing probably is the Rape- First 
riority of his genius more brilliantly displayed, — 5?!2?i 

than in his exemption from all national prejudice, 
particularly when we consider that none of his 
countrymen were in this respect to be compared 
with him. To refuse him this merit is impossible, 
whatever judgment we may form of his general 

31. Sudden death of Alexander at Babylon by Death of 
fever ; under the peculiar circumstances of the AprirSi!'' 
time, the greatest loss mankind could experience. ^'^'^^' 
From the Indus to the Nile the world lay in 
ruins; and where was now the architect to be 
found, that could gather up the scattered frag- 
ments and restore the edifice ? 

Alexander's disorder may be easily accounted for by the hard- 
ships he had undergone, and the impure air to which he exposed 
himself in cleaning out the canals about Babylon. He certainly 
was not poisoned ; and in the chai^ of immoderate drunkenness 
brought against him^ we must take into acooount the manners of 
the Macedonian and Persian courts. Was it not the same with 
Peter the Great ? In estimating his moral character we must 
bear in mind the natural vehemence of his passions^ ever inclined 
to the most rapid transitions ; nor should we forget the nnavoid- 
sble influence of constant success upon mankind. 


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History of the Macedonian monarchy^ from the death 
qf Alexander the Great to the battle of Ipsus, B. C. 

SiooND To enable the reader to take a general view, the history of the 
^"'^°* European events is resumed belovr, under the head of the history 
of Macedonia Proper. 

Sources. Diodorus, lib. xviii — ^xx. is the great authority 
for this portion of history. He compiled mostly, for this period, 
from a contemporary historian, Hieronymus of Cardia. He is 
followed by Plutarch in the Lives of Eumenes, Demetrius, and 
Phocion; and by Justin, lib. xiii, etc. Of Arrians history of 
Alexander's successors, nothing unfortunately remains but a few 
fragments in Photius. 

f Manmbrt, History of Alexander's successors. Nuremberg, 
1787* Composed with the usual judgment and learning of that 

Meafures 1. The vcry first measure adopted after the 
the Seath of death of Alexander contained within itself the 
Alexander, g^^^g ^f jjj jj^^ jjj.^ revolutions that afterwards 

ensued. Not only were the jealousy and am- 
bition of the nobles aroused, but even the inter- 
ference of the army was exhibited in the most 
terrific manner. Although the idea of the su- 
premacy of the royal family was cast off only by 
degrees, yet the dreadfully disturbed state in 
which that family stood, rendered its fall un- 

State of the rayal feunily at the death of Alexander. He left 
his wife Roxana pregnant, who at the end of three months 
brought into the world the rightful heir to the sceptre, Alexan- 
der ; he left likewise an illegitimate son, Hercules ; a bastard 


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half-brother, Arrfaidaeiu; his mother, the haughty and cruel Sxcond 
Olympias, and a rister, Cleopatra, both widows ; the artful £u ^^^ 

rydice, (daughter to Cyane, one of Philip's sisters,) subsequently 
married to the Idng, Arrhidsus; and Thessalonica, Philip's 
daughter, afterwards united to Cassander of Macedonia. 

2. The weak Arrhidaeus, under the name of A"hid«u» 

and Alex- 
Philip, and the infant Alexander were at last apdcr joint 

proclaimed kings, the regency being placed in *"^' 

the hands of Perdiccas, Leonnatus, and Meleager; 

the last of whom was quickly cut off at the insti- Pmdiccas 

gation of Perdiccas. Meanwhile Antipater, with ^^^^ 

whom Craterus had been ioined as civil ruler, had Antipite* 

in £urope* 

the management of affairs in Europe. 

3. The sequel of the history becomes naturally violent re- 
that of satraps, who fell out among themselves, ^^ ^^^^ 
all being ambitious to rule, and none willing to 

obey. Twenty-two years elapsed ere any massy 
edifice arose out of the ruins of the Macedonian 
monarchy. In few periods of history are the re- 
volutions of affairs so violent, in few periods, 
therefore, is it so difficult to unravel the maze of 
events. For this purpose the most convenient 
division of the history is into three periods : the 
first extending to the death of Perdiccas, 321 : 
the second to the death of Eumenes, 315: the 
third to the defeat and death of Antigonus at the 
battle oflpsus, 301. 

4. First grant of the provinces made by Per- Bi^ision of 
diccas. The vanity of this man seems to have iq- v^^.c^^^. 
duced him to select the office of regent, in order 

that no separate province might fall to his share ; 
he placed his whole reliance on having the com- 
mand of the royal army, although it had already 
given so many proofs of its determination to com- 
mand rather than to obey. 


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Sboow D In this diWdon Ptolemy aon of Lagiu reoeiTed Egypt ; Lom- 
' • natuSj Mysia ; Antigonu8> Phrygia, Ljch, and Pamphylia ; Lj- 

sjrmachus^ Macedonian Thrace ; Antipater and Cratenis remained 
in possession of Macedonia. — The foreigner^ Eumenes, woold 
hardly have received Cappadoda, although yet to be oonqnered, 
had Perdiccas been able to dispense with his services. The re- 
maining provinces either did not come under the ]|ew division, or 
else their governors are unworthy of notice. 

Finta4stsof 6. The first acts of Perdiccas's government 
showed how little depeadeace he could place on 
the obedience of men who hitherto had been his 
colleagues. The general insurrection among the 
mercenaries who had been settled by Alexander 
insnrrac. in Upper Asia^ and now wished to return to their 
jISJ^Asia.^ homes, was, no doubt, quelled by Python's de- 
struction of the rebels ; but it was not Python's 
fault that he did not make himself independent 
master of the scene of mutiny. 
Ditobedi- ^- ^*^^^ ^^^^ refractory was the behaviour of 
J?<»^jJ^°^ Leonnatus and Antigonus, when they received 
Leoanatus. ordcrs to put Eumcues in possession of his pro- 
vince. Antigonus was too haughty to obey ; and 
Leonnatus preferred going over into Europe to 
marry Cleopatra; there, however, he almost im- 
mediately met with his death in the Lamian war. 
(See below, book iv. period iii. parag. 2.) Per- 
diccas, therefore, was himself obliged to undertake 
the expedition with the royal army; he succeeded 
B. c. 322. by the defeat of Ariarathes. 
Peidicca* 7. Ambitious views of Perdiccas, who, in order 
^2^aeo-to ascend the throne by a marriage with Cleo- 
g^^^l'patra, repudiates Nicaea, the daughter of Anti- 
pater. Cleopatra actually came over to Asia; 
but Perdiccas, being obliged, at the request of 
the army, to marry Eurydice, Philip's niece, after 


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the murder of her mother Cyane, to the king second 
Arrhidaeus, found her a troublesome rival and — 5^12^ 

opponent in the government. 

8. Attempts of Perdiccas to overthrow Anti- seekfttorum 
genus and Ptolemy, by accusing them before the ^ndlKote- 
army. Antigonus passes over to Antipater in"^* 
Macedonia ; and gives rise to the league between 
Antipater, Craterus, and Ptolemy, against Per- 
diccas and Eumenes. 

9. Commencement and termination of the first war be- 

war. Perdiccas himself marches against Egypt, SJT^V 
leaving his friend Eumenes to command in Asia ^^' 
Minor: meanwhile Antipater and Craterus fall 
upon Asia ; the former advances towards Syria 
against Perdiccas ; the latter is defeated and slain 
by Eumenes. Before the arrival, however, of 
Antipater, Perdiccas, after repeated and vain at- 
tempts to cross the Nile, falls a victim to the in- 
surrection of his own troops. — ^Thus three of the 320. 
principal personages, Perdiccas, Craterus, Leon- 
natus, were already removed from the theatre of 
action ; and the victorious Eumenes, now master 
of Asia Minor, had to maintain, unaided, the 
struggle against the confederates. 

10. Second period, from the death of Perdic- B.c.320— 
cas to that of Eumenes. — Python and Arrhidaeus ^^^* 
quickly resigning the regency, it is assumed by reJSt.^"* 
Antipater. — New division of the provinces at Tris- 320. 
paradisus in Syria. Seleucus receives Babylon ; 
Antigonus is promised, besides his former posses- 
sions, all those of the outlawed Eumenes. 

1 1 . War of Antigonus with Eumenes. The lat- 
ter, defeated by treachery, shuts himself up in the 
mountain fastness of Nora, there to await more 


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SiooHD favourable times ; and Antigonus remains master 
— of all Asia Minor: in the mean time Ptolemy 

ventures to take possession of Syria and Phcenicia. 
Antipater 12. Death of the regent Antipater, in the same 
320*. year, (320 ; ) he bequeaths the regency to his friend, 
PoLTtPBR. the aged Polysperchon, to the exclusion of his own 
genu ^' son Gassander. Antigonus now begins to unfold 

his ambitious plans ; he endeavours vainly to win 

over Eumenes, who deceives him in the negotia- 
319. tions, and seizes the opportunity of leaving his 

mountain fastness. 

13. Eumenes's plan to strengthen himself in 
Upper Asia; as he is on the way he receives 
tidings of his being appointed generalissimo of the 
royal troops. What better man could Polysper- 
chon have selected for the office than he who in 
his conduct towards Antigonus exhibited so strik- 
ing an example of attachment to the royal house? 

14. Exertions of Eumenes to maintain him- 
self in Lower Asia, ineffectual, the naval victory 

B.C. 318. won by Antigonus over the royal fleet, com- 
manded by Clitus, depriving him of the empire 
of the sea. He bursts into Upper Asia ; where, 
in the spring, he unites with the satraps, who had 
317. taken arms against the powerful Seleucus of Ba- 

15. Antigonus following up the royal general, 
Upper Asia becomes the theatre of war. Victo- 
rious as was at first the stand made by Eumenes, 
neither valour nor talent were of any avail against 
the insubordination of the royal troops, and the 
jealousy of the other commanders. Attacked in 
winter quarters by Antigonus, he was, after the 
battle, delivered into the hands of his enemy by 


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the mutinous Ar^yraspidse, who had lost their smom© 

baggage: he was put to death, and m him thesis: 

king's family lost its only loyal supporter. 

16. Great changes had also taken plaoe in the 
royal family. Her enemy Antipater having de- 
ceased, Olympias, invited by Polysperchon, who 
wished to strengthen himself against Cassander, 
had returned from Epirus, and put to death Ar- 3i7. 
rhidsus together with his wife, Eurydice : in the 
year following she was besieged in Pydna by 
Cassander, and being obliged to surrender, was 

in her turn executed ; meanwhile Gassander held di5. 
Roxana and the young king in his own power. 3i5--aoi. 

17. Third period, from the death of Eumenes Predomi- 
to that of Antigonus. — ^The rout of Eumenes ^ti|onw. 
seemed to have established for ever the power of 
Antigonus in Asia ; still animated with the fire of 
youth, though full of years, he saw himself re- 
vived in his son Demetrius, fond of boisterous 
revelry, but gallant and talented. — Even Seleucus b. c. 315. 
thought it time to consult his safety by flying 

from Babylon into Egypt. 

18. Ghanges introduced by Antigonus into the 
upper provinces ; return to Asia Minor, where his 
presence seemed indispensable, by reason of the 
aggrandizement of Ptolemy in Syria and Phoe- 
nicia, of the Macedonian Gassander in Europe, 
of Lysimachus in Mysia, and the Garian Gassan- 
der in Asia Minor. — He repossesses himself of 
Phoenicia, a country of the first importance for 
the constructicm of a fleet. 

Siege of Tyre, 314— 313: it lasts fourteen months; a proof 
tbat the city was certainly not razed by Alexander. 

19. The fugitive Seleucus forms a league 



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skcohi> ^agaiDst AntigoDus and Demetrius, between Pto- 

^lemy, the two Cassauders, and Lysimachus. But 

Antigonus frustrates their combination, himself 
driving out the Carian Cassander, and bis son 
marching against Ptolemy. 

Victory won by Ptolemy over Demetrius at Gaza, 312 ; after 
which Seleucus marches back to Babylon, and^ although subse- 
quently followed up by Demetrius, permanently maintains his 
footing in Upper Asia. — On the other hand, Ptolemy, at the first 
approach of Antigonus with the main body, surrenders bade Syria 
and Phcenicia, 312. 

^**?d^ 20. A general peace concluded between Anti- 
311. ' gonus and his enemies, Seleucus only excepted, 
from whom Upper Asia is to be again wrested. 
The first article, that each should retain what he 
had, demonstrates pretty evidently that the treaty 
was dictated solely by Antigonus ; the second, 
that the Greek cities should be free, was preg- 
nant with the seeds of a new war, ready to burst 
forth at every favourable opportunity ; the third, 
that the young Alexander should be raised to the 
throne upon attaining his majority, was probably 
the death warrant of the hapless prince, who, that 
same year, together with his mother, was mur- 
dered by Cassander. — Shortly after, at the insti- 
gation of Antigonus, Cleopatra was put to death, 
in order that Ptolemy might be thwarted in bis 
object, which depended on a matrimonial con- 
nection with that princess. 
Disputeson 21. Evcu the cxecutiou of the articles must 
tioaof ' have given rise to hostilities; Ptolemy wishiDg 
'^*' to force Antigonus, and he, on his side, to compel 
Cassander, to withdraw the garrisons from the 
Grecian towns ; a condition which neither party 
felt inclined to fulfil. Grecian freedom was now 


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but a name ; this, however, is not the only ex- »»«>»» 

ample history furnishes of political ideas making 

the greatest stir long after they have survived 
their own existence; for then they become ex- 
cellent tools in the hands of artful designers. 

Expe^tion of Demetrius to liberate Athens^ 308. The day 
when he announced freedom to the Athenians^ moat hare been 
the happiest of his life ! Few portions of history present such a 
scope for the contemplation of human nature as the twofold so- 
journ of Demetrius at Athens. 

22. The growing power of Ptolemy on the 
sea, and the capture of Cyprus, determines Anti- 
gonus to an open rupture : he commands his son 
to drive Ptolemy out of the island. 

Naval victory of Demetrius off Cyprus, 307, perhaps the 
greatest and most bloody in history ; nevertheless, as little deci- 
sive to the general question as are most naval battles. The as- 
sumption of the royal title, first by the conqueror^ afterwards by 
the conquered, and ultimately by all the rest^ was but a mere 
form now that the royal £unily was extirpated. 

23. The conquerors having failed in their pro- Rhodes 
ject of subduing Egypt, made the wealthy repub- ***'^**- 
lie of the Rhodians, as an ally of that country, 

the victim of their fury. But though in the re- 
nowned siege of their capital, Demetrius earned 
his title of Poliorcetes, the noble defence of the b. c. 3*05. 
Rhodians afforded an illustrious example of the 
power of discipline in conjunction with well- 
guided patriotism. The invitation of the Athe- 
nians came seasonably to Demetrius; he raised 
the blockade and proceeded to complete the li- 
beration of Greece, the necessity of which be- 304. 
came every day more pressing. 

24. Second sojourn of Demetrius in Greece. Demetniu 
The expulsion of Cassander's garrisons from the SJ^.^ 

ID Tints 


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8BC01ID Grecian cities, and more particularly from those 
— '"^°' - in Peloponnesus ; the appointment of Demetrius 
as generalissimo of Greece, for the conquest of 
Macedonia and Thrace ; proved not only to Cas- 
sander, but also to the other princes, that their 
common interest loudly called upon them to re- 
sist the over-powerful Antigonus. 
Leajgtte 25. Third grand league of Cassander, Ptolemy, 

Anti{^nu8, and Seleucus, against Antigonus and his son; 
^^' brought about by Cassander. How easily, even 
after the violent irruption of Lysimachus into 
Asia Minor, might Antigonus have dispersed the 
gathering storms, had not his presumption led 
him to place an overweening reliance on his own 
good fortune ! 
Junction of 26. Juuctiou of Scleucus of Babylon and Ly- 
tnd L^- simachus, in Phrygia. Antigonus, to concen- 
^^''*' trate his forces, recalls his son, who had pushed 
on to the borders of Macedonia. The cautious 
Ptolemy, on the other hand, is afraid to invade 
Syria ; and, in consequence of a false report, that 
Lysimachus had been defeated, retires full of 
alarm, into Egypt. 
Battle of 27. Great and decisive battle fought at Ipsus 
B?c!aoi. in Phrygia, in the spring of 301, which costs An- 
tigonus his life, and annihilates his empire, as 
the two conquerors divide it between themselves, 
without taking any account of the absent con- 
federates. Asia Minor, as far as mount Taurus, 
falls to the share of Lysimachus ; and all the rest, 
with the exception of Cilicia, which is given to 
Plisthenes, Cassander's brother, is left to Se- 
leucus. — Demetrius, by the help of his navy, 
escapes into Greece. 


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28. The almost unbroken series of wars which second 


bad raged from the time of Alexander, must have Domestic 
precluded the possibility of much being effected SJ^^nhe 
with respect to domestic organization. It ap-"^"*^'"^- 
pears to have been nearly, if not wholly, military. 
Yet were the numerous devastations in some 
measure compensated by the erection of new ci- 
ties, in which these princes vied with one an- 
other, impelled partly by vanity to immortalize 
their names, partly by policy to support their do- 
minion, most of the new settlements being mili- 
tary colonies. Nevertheless this was but a sorry 
reparation for the manifold oppressions to which 
the natives were exposed by the practice of quar- 
tering the army upon them. The spread of the 
language and civilization of the Greeks deprived 
them of all national distinction; their own lan- 
guages sinking into mere provincial dialects. 
Alexander's monarchy affords a striking example 
of the little that can be expected from a forced 
amalgamation of races, when the price of that 
amalgamation is the obliteration of national cha- 
racter in the individuals. 

Hetnb, Opum regni Macedonici auctarum, attriiarwn et 
evertarum, causae probabtUs ; in Opusc. t. iv. This collection 
contains several other treatises on Grecian and Macedonian his- 
tory, which cannot be all separately ennmerated. 


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History of the kingdoms and states which arose upon the 
dismemberment of the Macedonian Monarchy defter the 
battle of Ipsus. 


B. C. 312-^. 

Pmiod. Soubcbs. Neither for the history of the Syrian, nor for that 

~~ of the Egyptian and Macedonian kingdoms, has any emineDt 

writer been preserved. The fragments of the lost books of Dio- 
dorus, and, from the time that these kingdoms became allies of 
Rome, those of Polybius, several narratives of Livy, the Syriaca 
of Appian, and a few of Plutarch's Lives, are the principal au- 
thorities ; too frequently we are obliged to rely upon the extracts 
of Justiu. For the history of the Seleucidee, in consequence of 
the political connection between these princes and the Jews, the 
Antiquities of Josephus and the book of Maccabees become of 
importance. Besides these authorities, the many coins that have 
been preserved of these kings, afford much information respecting 
their geneal<^ and chronology. 

Of modem publications on the subject, the principal work is 
Vaillant, Imperium Seleucidarum sive historia regum Syrias, 
1681, 4to. llie enquiry is principally grounded on coins, as is 
the case with 
Fboblioh, Annates rerum et regum Syrke. Vienn», 1754. 

NiclStorf ^' '^^^ kingdom of the Seleucidae was founded 
in Upper Asia by Seleucus Nicator. It was an 
extensive empire; but, being composed of various 
countries united only by conquest, it could possess 
but little internal stability except what it derived 
from the power of its rulers. That power fell 
with the founder; and the transfer of the seat of 


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empire from the banks of the Tigris to Syria, en- 
tangled the Seleucidse in all the political disputes 
of the western world, and facilitated the insurrec- 
tion of the upper provinces. The history of this 
kingdom divides itself into the periods before and 
after the war with Rome ; although at the break- 
ing out of this war the seeds of its decline and 
fall had already been sown. 

Seleucus received^ 321, Babylon as his province ; but after the 
defeat of Eumenes was obliged to take to flighty 315, in order to 
avoid subjection to the conqueror Antigonus. But his moderate 
government had rendered him so popular, that after the victory 
won by Ptolemy over Demetrius at Gaza, 312, he could safely 
venture to return with only a few adherents to Babylon. In this 
year commences the kingdom of the Seleucidae. 

2. In the ten following years, and while Anti- ^j^^^ ^^ 
gonus was busied in Asia Minor, Seleucus laid the seieu- 
the foundation of his power over all Upper Asia, ^ 
with a facility to which the detestation excited 

by the rigid government of Antigonus mainly 
contributed. After his victory over Nicanor ofB.c.313. 
Media, all in that quarter declared spontaneously 
for him ; and the unsuccessful expedition of De* 311. 
metrius taught Antigonus himself, that it would 
no longer be prudent to assert his claims. As 
early as 307, Seleucus was in possession of all 
the countries between the Euphrates, Indus, and 

3. Great campaign in India undertaken by Se- campaign 
leucus against king Sandracottus. He penetrated ^f^ 
as far as the Ganges, and the close alliance he®-^-®^- 
formed with the Indian sovereign lasted a long 

time after, and was kept up by embassies. The 
great number of elephants which he brought back 


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Tbibd with him was not the only advantage accniing 
^""^''' from this expedition ; the intercourse with the 
east seems to have been permanently reesta- 
Seat of go- 4. By the battle of Ipsus Seleucus added to 
^ov^^ his dominions the greater part of the territories 
*^*J^y"*' of Antigonus ; — Syria, Cappadocia, Mesopotamia, 
and Armenia. Unfortunately Syria now became 
the head province, notwithstanding Coele-Syria 
and Phoenicia were left in the hands of Ptolemy. 
How widely different would have been the course 
of historic events, had the seat of empire re- 
mained at Seleucia on the Tigris, and the Eu- 
phrates continued to be the western boundary of 
the Seleucidse ! 

5. Reciprocal relations between the several 
kings, who now combine in forming a kind of po- 
litical system, in which continued exertions to 
maintain a balance of power by alliance and mar- 
riage are plainly discernible. 

Connection between Seleucus and Demetrius Poliorcetes^ by 
the marriage of the former with the beautiful Stratonioe^ daugh- 
ter of the latter ; made with the view of counterbalancing a 
similar connection between Ptolemy and Lysimachos ; Lysima- 
chus and his son Agathocles having united themselves with two 
daughters of Ptolemy. 

Long peace 6. The eighteen years of tranquillity enjoyed 
301-^283. by Asia after the battle of Ipsus, prove that Se- 
leucus was one of the few followers of Alexander 
who had any genius for the arts of peace. He 
either founded or embellished a vast number of 
cities, the most important of which were the 
capital, Antiochia in Syria, and the two Seleucias, 
one on the Tigris, the other on the Orontes : the 


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flourishing prosperity of several of these places p,'\"^ 
was the result of the restoration of eastern trade ; 
Dew channels for which appear to have been 
opened at this period on the main streams of Asia, 
and more particularly on the Oxus. 

7. The home department of his empire was The empire 
organized into satrapies, of which there were^^^J^^® 
seventy-two. But Alexander's maxim, '* to give 

the satrapies to natives," was wholly forgotten by 
his followers ; and the Seleucidae were not long 
before they experienced the evil consequences of 
swerving from that practice. Under such a prince 
as Seleucus scarce any kingdom could of itself 
fall to pieces ; but the king himself paved the way 
for the dismemberment of his empire, by ceding 
Upper Asia, together with his consort Stratonice, b.c.398. 
to his son Antiochus ; not, however, without the 
previous approbation of the army. 

8. War with Lysimachus, kindled by ancient copqvest of 
jealousy, and now fomented by family feuds. The ^"*^*™*- 
battle of Curopedion cost Lysimachus his throne 2d2. 

and his life ; and Asia Minor became a part of the 
Syrian realm. But as Seleucus was crossing over 
to Europe, to add Macedonia to his dominions, he 
fell by the hand of an assassin, Ptolemy Ceraunus, 28i. 
and with him the splendour of his kingdom was 

9. The reign of his son, Antiochus I. surnamed Antiochus 
Soter, seemed not unprosperous, inasmuch as the 281-^262. 
empire preserved its former extension ; but in 

any state founded upon conquest, the failure of 
new attempts at an increase of territory is a sure 
token of approaching ruin ; and this was the case 
here. — In such a state, the more immediately all 


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THrtD depends on the person of the ruler, the more 

rapid and sensible are the effects of degeneration 

in a family like that of the Seleucidae. 

The late conqaests of his father in Asia Minor entangled An- 
tiochtts in new wars; although^ by the marriage of his step- 
daughter Phila with Antigonus Gonatas^ he ceded his claims on 
Macedonia,, 277-*— Fruitless attempt at subjecting Bithynia, 
279 ; the king of that country, Nicomedes, calls in the Gauls, 
who had invaded Macedonia, and gives them a settlement in Ga- 
latia, 277> where they keep their footing, even after the victory 
won over them by Antiochus, 275, and by their participation in 
the wars, as mercenaries, become of importance. — ^The newly 
risen state of Pergamus likewise thrives, at the expense of the 
Syrian empire, in spite of Antiochus's attack, 263 ; and the in- 
road into Egypt, for the purpose of supporting the rebel Maga^, 
is anticipated by Ptolemy II. 264. 

Antiochus 10. Antiochus IL surnamed Oc^c. Durin&r bis 
B. c. 262 reign the sway was in the hands of women ; and 
"^*^- the diseased state of the interior of the empire 
became palpable by the secession of various east- 
Riicofthe em provinces, out of which arose the Parthian 
aDdBae- ^nd Bactriau kingdoms. The boundless luxury 
uwn ung- ^£ ^j^g court hurricd on the decline of the ruling 
family ; having once begun to sink, it could not 
without diflSculty have retrieved its virtue inde- 
pendently of the matrimonial connections now 
constantly formed from within itself. 

Ascendancy of his stepsister and wife Laodioe, and of his sister 
Apame, relict of Magas; the latter involves him in war with 
Ptolemy II. to vindicate her claims upon Cpene ; it ends by 
Antiochus's marriage with Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy^ and 
his repudiation of Laodice, 260 — ^252. Having, after the death 
of Ptolemy^ 247^ put away Berenice and taken back Laodice ; the 
latter, distrusting his motives, cuts him off by poison. — The se- 
cession of Parihia happened in consequence of the expulsion of 
the Macedonian governor by Arsaces, founder of the house of the 


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Anaddie : that of Bactria, on the other hand, was brought about Third 
bj the Macedonian governor himself, Theodotus, who asserted — ^ — - 

his independence. (Concerning these two kingdoms, see below, 
book iv. period iii. Dist. Kingdoms iv. parag. 4, 5.) At first, the 
former of these kingdoms comprised but a part of Parthia ; the 
latter only Bactria, and, perhaps, Sogdiana ; both, however, were 
soon enlai^^ at the expense of the Selencide. 

11. Seleucus II. surnamed Callinicus. HisSeieuciu 
reign, t^^enty years in duration, is one unbroken b. c?247' 
series of wars; in which the kingdom, already "^^^* 
enfeebled, was subverted, . partly by the struggle 

with Egypt, caused by the hatred between Lao- 
dice and Berenice ; partly by the jealousy of his 
brother Antiochus Hierax; and partly by vain 
attempts at recovering the upper provinces. 

Assassination of Berenice, and most unfortunate war thereby 
kindled with Ptolemy Evergetes of £gypt, 247—244 The as- 
sistance which Seleucus obtains from his junior brother, Antio- 
chus, governor of Asia Minor, induces Ptolemy to a truce, 243 ; 
but another war ensues between the two brothers, in which An- 
tiochus, at first conqueror, is himself soon afterwards conquered 
in his turn, 243—240 ; and during this contest, Eumenes of 
Peigamus greatly increases his territory at the expense of Syria, 
242. — His first campaign against Arsaces, who had farmed an 
aDiance with the Bactrian king, ended in a defSeat, 238, regarded 
by the Parthians as the real epoch of the foundation of their 
Idngdom. In the second campaign, 236, he himself foil into the 
bands of the Parthians, and remained a prisoner till the day of his 
death, 227- 

12. His elder son Seleucus III. surnamed Ce- Seieacus 
raunus, on the point of taking the field against m!"""*' 
Attalus king of Pergarous, was removed by poi- 
son. But the dominion of the Seleucidae was 224. 
reestablished in Asia Minor by his mother's fra- 
ternal nephew, Achaeus ; and the crown ensured 

to the younger brother Antiochus, governor of 


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Tb»d 13. The long reign of Antiochus III. surnamed 
j-^I2^ the Great, is not only the most eventful in Syrian 
the Great, history, but likewise marks an epoch, by the 
fs?!'^^*" relations now commencing between Syria and 
Rome, — ^To earn the title of great was a task of 
no extreme difficulty in such a line of princes. 
inrarrec- 14. Great power of Hermias the Carian, Mrho 
diTttid ^* soon became so formidable to the young monarch, 
PenM. ^1^^^ Yj,Q was obliged to rid himself of him by mur- 
der. The great stand made by the brothers, 
Molo and Alexander, satraps of Media and Per- 
sia, who probably had an understanding with 
Hermias, threatened the king with the loss of all 
the upper provinces : it ended in the defeat of 
Molo, Hermias being at last no longer able to 
220. hinder the king from marching against him in 
War with 15. The intrigues of Hermias excited Achaeus 
mL;in.' to rebellion in Asia Minor: but Antiochus held 
of'SSr^ it more important, first to execute the plan he 
Minor, 220. jjg^^ prcviously traccd, of ejecting the Ptolemies 
219. from their possessions in Syria ; great as the suc- 
cess which at first attended this expedition, it 
217. was completely traversed by the battle of Rapbia. 
— Combining with Attains of Pergamus, Antio- 
chus then defeated Achaeus, who, being shut up 
216. in the citadel of Sardes, was treacherously deli- 
vered into his hands. 
Campaign 16. Great campaign of Antiochus in the upper 
^r pro^^ provinces, in consequence of the seizure of Media 
2i°^205. ^y Arsaces III. — Hostilities ended in a compact, 
by which Antiochus agreed formerly to cede Par- 
210. thia and Hyrcania ; Arsaces, on his side, pledging 
himself to furnish assistance against Bactria.— 


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But the war with Bactria was also followed by a tbibd 
peace, leaving the king, Euthydemus, in posses- — '"^°' 
sion of his crown and dominions. — The expedition 
now undertaken by Antiochus, in company with 
Demetrius of Bactriana^ against India, extended, 
probably far up the country, and was attended 
with important consequences to Bactriana. (See 
below, history of Bactria, book iv. per. iii. Dist. 
Kingdoms iy. parag. 5. 

The result of these great expeditions was the 
establishment of the supremacy of the Seleucidee 
ia Upper Asia; those countries excepted which 
had been formally resigned. 

On his Tetum throng Aradbotns and Carmania, where he win- 
tered^ he likewise undertook a naval expedition on the Persian 
golf: here Gerrha, in possession of its freedom, appears a flou- 
rishing place of trade. 

17. Resumption of the plan against Egypt, war with 
after the death of Ptolemy Philopator ; and alii- ^*' 
ance with Philip of Macedonia, then carrying on 

war in Asia. Antiochus, it is true, attained his 
end in the expulsion of the Ptolemies from their 
possessions in Syria, Coele-Syria, and Phoenicia ; 
but then, his success brought him in contact with 
Rome, an event of decisive importance to himself 203— 198. 
and his succeteors. 

18. Growth of the disputes between the king war with 
and Rome, proceeding from the conquest of the ^"®* 
major part of Asia Minor and the Thracian Gher- 
sonesus; meanwhile Hannibal had taken refuge 197. 

at the Syrian court, and the probability daily in- 
creased of a great league being formed against 
Rome, although that power, after conquering Gar- b. c. 195. 
thage, 201, and Macedonia, 197, had succeeded 


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Tbibd in winniDg over Greece even, by the magic spell 

— o{ freedom. But Antiochus ruined all : instead of 

following Hannibal's advice, and attacking the 
Romans on their own ground, he stood on the de- 
fensive, and suffered himself to be invaded by 
them in Asia. His defeat at Magnesia near 
Mount Sipylus compelled him to accede to such 
190. conditions as Rome chose to dictate, and the 
power of the Syrian empire was for ever broken. 

For the history of this war, see below in the Roman history. 
Book y. per. ii. parag. 10, 1 1. 

conditioni 19. The couditious of the peace were: 1st. 

^?^e.That Antiochus should evacuate Asia Minor; 
(Asia cis Taurum.) 2nd. That he should pay 
down 15,000 talents ; and to Eumenes of Perga- 
mus four hundred. 3rd. That Hannibal and some 
others should be delivered up, and the king's 
younger son Antiochus, be given as an hostage. — 
The loss of the surrendered countries was a con- 
sequence of this peace, less disadvantageous to 
the Syrian kings, than the use made of it by the 
conquerors. By adding the greatest part of the 
ceded territories to those of the kings of Pergamus, 
the Romans raised up alongside of their enemy a 
rival, whom they might at their own will use as a 
political engine against him. — Rome took care 
likewise that the stipulated sum should be paid 
by instalments in twelve years, to the end that 
Syria might be kept in a permanent state of de- 

Seieucus 20. Murdcr of the king, 187. The reign of his 

187^7?.' elder son, Seieucus IV. surnamed Philopator, was 
a period of tranquillity ; peace arising from weak- 
ness. — Though once he unsheathed his sword in 


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defence of Pharnaces king of Pontus, against Eu- Tuird 
menes, his fear of Rome soon compelled him to ^*'"^°' 

restore it to the scabbard. He exchanged his son 
for his brother at Rome ; but fell a victim to the 
ambition of his minister Heliodorus. 

21. Antiochus IV. surhamed Epiphanes. Edu- Antiochus 
cated at Rome, he sought to combine the popular ife^m.' 
manners of a Roman with the ostentatious luxury 

of a Syrian; and thereby became an object of 
universal hatred and contempt. Our information 
respecting his history is too meagre to allow of our 
deciding whether most of the evil reported of him, 
in the Jewish accounts especially, may not be 
exaggerated. At any rate, among all his faults, 
we may still discern in him the germs of good 

22. War with Egypt, springing out of Ptolemy His war 
Philometor's claims upon Coele-Syria and Pales- ^j^* 
tine. Obscure as many parts are in the history ^''^-i^- 
of this war yet it is evident that success attended 

the arms of Antiochus, and that he would have 
become master of Egypt had not Rome inter- 

The pretext for war^ on the Egjjitian side^ was, that those 
provinces had by Antiochus III. been promised as a dowry to 
Cleopatra, sister of Antiochus and the mother of Philometor : 
Antiochus Epiphanes^ on his side, laid claim to the regency of 
Egypt, as uncle to the young king, who, however, was- soon de- 
clared of age. — Opening of the war, and victory won by Antio- 
chus at Pelusium, 171 ; in consequence of which Cyprus is be- 
trayed into his hands.7— -Pelusium is fortified with a view of in- 
suring the possession of Ccele-Syria, and of facilitating an irrup- 
tion into Egypt. — Another victory, 170, and Egypt subdued as 
far as Alexandria. Philometor driven by a sedition out of Alex- 
andria, where his brother Physcon is seated on the throne, falls 
into the hands of Antiochus, who concludes with him a most ad- 


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▼antageous peace, and takes his part against Phjsocm. Hence 
. siege is laid to Alexandria, 169 ; attended wi^h no success. 
Upon the retreat of Antiochus, Philometor, concludii^ a separate 
peace with his brother, according to which both are to rule in 
conjunction, is admitted' into Alexandria. Antiochus, bitterly 
enraged, now declares war against both brothers, who craTe as- 
sistance from Rome: he once more penetrates into Egypt, 168; 
where the Roman ambassador, Popillius, assumes so lofty a tone, 
that the Syrian king is glad to purchase peace by the surrender 
of Cyprus and Pelusium. 

his intoler< 

23. The religious intolerance of Epiphanes, 
exhibited in his wish to introduce the Grecian 
worship everywhere among the subjects of his 
empire, is the more remarkable, as such instances 
were less frequent in those times. This intoler- 
ance seems to have taken its rise, not only in the 
love of pomp, but in the cupidity of the king, who 
by that means was enabled to appropriate to him- 
self the treasures of the temples, no longer invio- 
late, since the defeat of his father by Rome. The 

B.c. 167. consequent sedition of the Jews, under the Mac- 
cabees, laid the foundation of the future inde- 
pendence of that people, and contributed not a 
little to weaken the Syrian kingdom. 

See below; History of the Jews, book iy. per. iv; Small 
states Jews, parag. 6. The deep decay of the finances of the 
SeleucidsB^ palpable from the latter days of Antiochus the Great, 
may be accounted for well enough, by the falling off of the re- 
yenue, accompanied with increased luxury in the kings, (an in- 
stance of which is furnished in the festivals celebrated by Antio- 
chus Epiphanes at Daphne, 166,) and in the vast presents con- 
stantly sent to Rome, in addition to the tribute, for the purpose 
of keeping up a party there. 

24. His expedition also into Upper Asia, Persis 
especially, where great disorders were likewise 
excited by the introduction of the Grecian reli* 


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gion, had for its object not only the recovery of thibd 
Armenia, but the rifling of the temples. He died, ^^.^^^'^' 
howev^er, on his way to Babylon. b.c.i66. 

25. The real heir to the throne, Demetrius, Antiochus 
being detiiined at Rome as an hostage, Epiphanes "^*°'' 
was first succeeded by his son Antiochus V. sur- 164— i6i. 
named Eupator, a child nine years old. During 

his short reign, the quarrels of his guardians, the 
despotism of the Romans, the protracted war with 
the Jews, and the commencing conquests of the 
Parthians, reduced the kingdom of the Seleucidae 
to a powerless state. 

Contest between Lysias, r^ent in the absence of Epiphanes, 
and Philip, appointed by the king, previously to his death, as 
guardian of the young prince, terminated by the defeat of Philip, 
162. — Eupator's right acknowledged at Rome, in order that the 
guardianship might fall into the hands of the senate, who admi- 
nister the goyemment by means of a commission sent over into 
Syria, and completely deprive the king of all power of resistance. 
Octavius, head of the commission, put to death, probably at the 
instigation of Lysias. — ^While the Parthian king, Mithridates I. 
is prosecuting his conquests at the expense of the Syrian king- 
dom in Upper Asia, Demetrius secretly escapes out of Rome, 
takes possession of the throne, and causes Eupator and Lysias to 
be put to death, 161. 

26. Demetrius I. surnamed Soter. He sue- Demetriai 
ceeded in getting himself acknowledged at Rome, leflliso. 
on which all now depended. The attempts to 
extend his power, by supporting Orofernes, the 
pretender to the crown of Cappadocia, against 

the king Ariarathes, had their origin partly in 
family relations, but still more, as w^s the case 
with almost all political transactions of those 
times, in bribery. By this act he only drew upon 
himself the enmity of the kings of Egypt and 
Pergamus; as, moreover, he was hated by his sub- 



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Third jects On accouiit of his intemperance, the chances 
— ^'^'°°' of success were greatly in favour of the shame- 
B. 0.164. ful usurpation of Alexander Balas, brought about 
by Heraclidas the expelled governor of Babylon, 
and backed by the yet more shameful conduct of 
the Roman senate, who acknowledged his title to 
the throne. The Syrian kingdom was now fallen 
so low, that both king and usurper were obliged 
to court the favour of the Jews under Jonathan, 
hitherto regarded as rebels. In the second battle 
Demetrius lost his life. 
Alexander 27. The usurpcr Alexander Balas endeavoured 
150—145. to confirm his power by a marriage with Cleo- 
patra, daughter of Ptolemy Philometor : but he 
soon evinced himself more unworthy even than 
his predecessor of wielding the sceptre. While 
he abandoned the government to his favourite, 
the detested Ammonius, the eldest remaining son 
of Demetrius succeeds not only in raising a party 
against the usurper, but even in prevailing on 
Philometor to side with himself, and give him in 
marriage Cleopatra, whom he takes away from 
Balas. The consequence of this alliance with 
!«• Egypt was the defeat and downfal of Balas, al- 
though it cost Philometor his life. 

The account, that Philometor wished to conquer Syria for 
himBelf^ must probably be understood as meaning that he had 
formed the design of recovering the ancient Egyptian posses^ 
sions, Coele-Syria and Phoenicia. Otherwise, why should he 
have given his daughter to a second pretender to the throne? 

Demetrius 28. Demctrius II. surnamed Nicator, 145— 
145^126. 141, and for the second time, 130 — 126. The dis- 
banding of his father's mercenaries having roused 
the indignation of the army, the cruelty of his 


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favourite Lastbenes kindled a sedition in the ca- Third 
pital, which could not be quenched without the 

assistance of the Jews, under their high priest and 
military chieftain, Jonathan. — While affairs were 
in this posture, Diodotus, subsequently called bc. 146. 
Tryphon, a dependent of Balas, excited an insur- 
rection, by bringing forward Antiochus, the lat- 
ter's son, and even, with the help of Jonathan, 
seating him on the throne of Antioch : soon after, 144. 
Tryphon, having by treachery got Jonathan into i48. 
his power, removed Antiochus by murder, and 
assumed the diadem himself. — Notwithstanding 142. 
Demetrius kept his footing only in a part of Syria, 
he was enabled to obey the call of the Grecian 
colonists in Upper Asia, and support them against 
the Parthians, who had overrun the country as 
far as the Euphrates. — Although victorious in the 
commencement of the contest, he was soon after 
taken by the Parthians, and remained ten years 140—130. 
a prisoner, though treated meanwhile as a king. 

29. In order to maintain herself against Try- Antiochui 
phon, Cleopatra marries the younger, and better 139. 
brother, Antiochus of Sida, (Sidetes) ; he being 
at first in alliance with the Jews, — who, however, 
were soon after subdued — defeats and overthrows 
Tryphon. Being now lord and master of Syria, 
he undertakes a campaign against the Parthians ; 
at the commencement, befriended by the subjects 132. 
of the Parthians, he is successful, but soon after- 
wards is attacked in winter quarters by those 
very friends, and cut to pieces, together with all isu 
his army. 

If the accounts of the wanton licentiousness of his army are 
not exaggerations, they furnish the clearest proof of the military 


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Thibd despotiflm of thoee times. By oontinued pillage and extortion, 
^'*'°'*' the wealth of the country had been collected in the hands of the 
soldiers ; and the condition of Syria must have been pretty nearly 
the same as that of Egypt under the Mamluk sultans* 

Demetrius 30. Meanwhile Demetrius II. having escaped 
Stored, from prison, again seated himself on the throne. 
—126. But being now still more overbearing than be- 
fore, and meddling in the Egyptian affairs, Ptole- 
my Physcon set up against him a rival in the 
person of Alexander Zebinas a pretended son of 
126. Alexander Balas ; by him he was defeated and 

The Parthian king Phraates II. had, at first, liberated Deme- 
trius, to whom his sister Rhodogune was united by marriage, in 
order that, by appearing in Syria, he might oblige Antiochus to 
retreat. Antiochus having fallen, Phraates would fiEiin have re- 
captured Demetrius, but he escaped. 

126—85. 31. The ensuing history of the Seleucidas is a 
picture of civil wars, family feuds, and deeds of 
horror, such as are scarcely to be paralleled. The 
utmost verge of the empire was now the Eu- 
phrates; all Upper Asia acknowledging the do- 
minion of the Parthians. The Jews, moreover, 
having completely vindicated their independence, 
the kingdom was consequently confined to Syria 
and Phoenicia. So thoroughly decayed was the 
state, that even the Romans — whether because 
there was no longer anything to plunder, or be- 
cause they conceived it more prudent to suffer 
the Seleucidae to wear themselves out in mutual 
quarrels — do not seem to have taken any account 
Syria be- of it. Until, at the conclusion of the last war with 

comes a 

Roman Mithridatcs, they thought proper formally to an- 

. province, -i. x ^i. • 

64. nex it to their empire as a province. 

War between Alexander Zebinas and the ambitious relict of 


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Demetriusj Cleopatra^ who with her own hand murders her eldest Third 
son SeleucQs> B. C. 125^ for pretending to the crown, which she '^'*- 

Dow gives to her younger son^ Antiochus Oryphus ; the new 
king, however, soon saw himself compelled to secure his own life 
by the murder of his mother, 122; Alexander Zebinas having 
been the year, before, 123, defeated and put to death. After a 
peaceful rule of eight years, 1 22 — 1 14, Antiochus Oryphus is in- 
volved in war with his half-brother Antiochus Gyzicenus, son of 
Cleopatra by Antiochus Sidetes: it ends. 111, in a partition of 
territory. But the war between the brothers soon burst out 
anew, and just as this hapless kingdom seemed about to crumble 
into pieces, Gryphus was murdered, 97- — Seleucus, the eldest of 
his five sons, having beaten and slain Cyzicenus, 96 ; the eldest 
son of the latter, Antiochus Eusebes, prosecuted the war against 
the sons of Gnrphus ; Eusebes being at last defeated, 90, the 
surviving sons of Oryphus fell to war among themselves, and the 
struggle continued until the Syrians, weary of bloodshed, did 
what they ought to have done long before, viz. made over the 
sovereign power to Tigranes the king of Armenia, 85. Yet 
Ensebes's widow, Selene, retained Ptolemais till 70; and her elder 
son Antiochus Asiaticus, at the time that Tigranes was beaten 
by LucuUus, in the Mithridatic war, took possession of some 
provinces in Syria, 68 ; these were wrested from him after the 
total defeat of Mithridates by Pompey, when Tigranes was 
obliged to give up his claim, and Syria became a province of the 
Roman empire, 64. Antiochus Asiaticus died 58 ; his brother 
Seleucus Cybiosactes, having married Berenice, was raised to 
the Egyptian throne, but murdered at her command, 57 ; and 
thus the family of the Seleucidse was completely swept away. 

II. History of the Egyptian kingdom under the Ptolemies^ 

The sources of this history are for the most part the same as 
in the forgoing section ; see above, p. 232 ; but unfortunately 
still more scanty ; for in the first place, less information can here 
be derived from the Jewish writers; secondly, as on the coins 
struck under the Ptolemies no continuous series of time is 
marked, but only the year of the king's reign, they are by no 
means such saf^uards to the chronology as those of the Seleu- 


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Third ^dsd. With respect to some few events, important illuBtratioiu 
^'*^°''' are supplied by inscriptions. 

By modem writers, the history of the Ptolemies has been 
composed under a form almost entirely chronological, and by no 
means treated of in the spirit which it deserves. 

Vaillant, Hisforia PtolenuBorum, fol. Amstelodam. 1701. 
Illustration by the aid of coins. 

Champolion Figbac, Annates des Lagides, au ChrofwlogU 
des Rois d^Egypte, mccesseurs d^ Alexandre le Grand, Paris, 
1819, 2 vols. This treatise, which was honoured with a prize 
by the Academie des Inscriptions, has by no means exhansted 
the whole of the subject. See 

J. Saint-Martin, Examen Critique de Vouvrage de M. Ch. 
F. inlituU Annates des Lagides. Paris, 1820. 
• Lbtbonnb, Reckerckes pour servir d Vkistoire de tEgyple 
pendant la domination des Grecs et des Romains, tiries des in- 
scripiions Grecques et Latines, relatives d la chronologie, a Vetat 
des arts aux usages civils et retigieux de ce pays. Paris, 1828. 
It cannot be denied that the author has thrown a much clearer 
light on the subjects mentioned in his title. 

Fiourirfimg 1. Egypt, under the Ptolemies, fulfilled, and 
Enrpt perhaps more than fulfilled, the designs projected 
Ptoioni^. by Alexander; it became not only a mighty 
kingdom, but likewise the centre of trade, and of 
science. The history of Egypt, however, confines 
itself, almost solely, to that of the new capital, 
Alexandria ; the foundation of that city produced, 
imperceptibly, a change in the national character, 
which never could have been wrought by main 
force. In the enjoyment of civil welfare and reli- 
gious freedom, the nation sunk into a state of 
political drowsiness, such as could scarce have 
been expected in a people who so often rose up 
against the Persians. 

Alexandria, originally, was no doubt a military colony ; it was 
not long, however, before it became a general place of resort for 
all nations, such as was scarcely to be met with in any other town 
of that day. The inhabitants were divided into three classes ; 


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Alexandrines^ (that is to say^ fbreignen of all nations^ who had Third 
settled in the place ; next to the Greeks, the Jews were, it ap- ^'"'^'*' 
pears, the most numerous,) Egyptians, and Mercenaries in the 
king's service. The Greeks and Macedonians divided into wards 
(^Xa«), constituted the citizens; they were under municipal 
government ; the others, such as the Jews, formed bodies corpo- 
rate according to their respective nations. The more important, 
in so many respects, that Alexandria is for history, the more it 
is to be regretted that the accounts respecting it, which have 
reached us, are so far from satisfactory ! — Concerning the topo- 
graphy of ancient Alexandria : 

BoNAMY, Description de la viUe d^Alexandrie in the Mhn, de 
tAcadimie des InscripL vol. ix. * Compare : 

f J. L. F. IManso, Letters upon ancient Alexandria, in his 
Vermischte Sckrijten, vol. i. 

2. Ptolemy I. surnamed Soter, the son ofptoiemy 
Lagus, received Egypt for his share, at the first b.c* 323 
division after the death of Alexander. Aware of""^®^ 
the value of his lot, he was the only one of 
Alexander's successors that had the moderation 
not to aim at grasping all. No doubt he was, by 
the ambition of the other princes, entangled in 
their quarrels, but his conduct was so cautious, 
that Egypt itself was never endangeried. Twice 
attacked in that country, first by Perdiccas, after- 321. 
wards by Antigonus and Demetrius, he availed so?- 
himself successfully of his advantageous position, 
and moreover, in this period, added to his do- 
minion several countries without Africa, such as 
Phoenicia, Judsea, Coele-Syria, and Cyprus. 

The possession of Phcenida and Ckele-Syria, by reason of their 
forests, was of indispensable necessity to Egypt as a naval power. 
They frequently changed masters. The first occupation of thoae 
provinces by the Egyptian government, occurred in 320, soon 
after the rout of Perdiccas by Ptolemy's general Nicanor, who 
took the Syrian satrap Laomedon prisoner, established his foot- 
ing in the whole of Syria, and placed garrisons in the Phoenician 


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Tbiei> cities. In 314 it was again lost to Antigonus, after bis retam 
P»«ioi>» out of Upper Asia, and the si^e of Tyre. Ptolemy baying 
defeated Demetrius at Gaaa, 312, repossessed himself of those 
oountriesj but soon after evacuated them on the appearance of 
Antigonus, to whom they were ceded by the peace of 311. At 
the conclusion of the last grand league against Antigonos, 303, 
Ptolemy once more occupied them : but alarmed at a fiftlse report, 
that Antigonus had gained a victory, he retreated into Egypt, 
leaving nevertheless troops in the cities. After the battle of 
Ipsus, 301, those countries were made over to him, and con- 
tinued in the hands of the Ptolemies until they were lost at the 
second invasion of Antiochus the Ghreat, 203. 

Cyprus, (see p. 154) like most other islands, acknowledge 
submission to those who possessed the sovereignty of the sea, and 
therefore could not escape the dominion of the Ptolemies. It 
was taken possession of by Ptolemy as early as 313. Still the 
separate cities of the islands preserved their kings, among whom 
Nicocles of Paphos, having entered into a secret league with 
Antigonus, was put to death, 310., After the great seafight, 
307, Cyprus fell into the hands of Antigonus and Demetrius. 
Subsequently to the battle of Ipsus, 301, it remained indeed at 
first in the power of Demetrius ; but that prince being gone over 
to Macedonia, Ptolemy, 294, seized an opportunity of recovering 
it, and the island from that time remained under the dominion 
of Egypt. Availing themselves of their naval strength, the 
.Egyptian kings frequently exerted sovereign power over the 
coasts of Asia Minor, especially Cilicia, Caria, and Pamphylia, 
which appear to have absolutely formed a part of their territory 
under the second Ptolemy. It is, however, hardly possible to 
define with accuracy what were their real possessions in those 

Gyrene and 3. Ptolemy likewise extcDds his territory within 
ne^Sto' Africa, by the capture of Cyrene ; in conse- 
£gyp^ quence of which Libya, or the neighbouring 
countries betwixt Cyrene and Egypt, fell under 
his dominion. It is probable, also, that even in 
his reign the frontier of the Egyptian empire was 
advanced into Ethiopia ; but for this assertion we 
have no positive authority. 


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The fall of Cyrene was brought about by domestic broils : at Third 
the time the place was besieged by lliimbron^ a portion of the ^'"*^°* 
exiled nobles fled to Ptolemy ; the Egyptian prince commanded 
that they should be reinstated by his general Ophelias, who took 
possession of the town itself^ 321. An insurrection in 312 was 
quelled by Agis, Ptolemy's general : nevertheless it would appear 
that Ophelias had almost established his independence^ when^ 
by the treachery of Agathodes^ with whom he had entered into a 
league against Cartilage, he perished, about 308. Cyrene was 
now seized by Ptolemy, and given to his son Magas, who ruled 
over it fifty years. 

4. With respect to the internal government of Con»titu- 
Egypt, our information is far from complete. The ^wo-* 
division into districts or nomes was continued ; ™®°^ 
subject perhaps, in some cases, to alterations. 
The power of the king appears to have been un- 
limited ; the extreme provinces were adminis- 
tered by governors, appointed by the sovereign ; 
similar officers were probably placed at the head 
of the various districts of Egypt itself; but hardly 
any document relative to the home department of 
that country has reached our time. High public 
situations, at least in the capital, appear exclu- 
sively reserved to Macedonians or Greeks; no 
Egyptian is ever mentioned as holding office. 

There were four magistrates at Alexandria: the Exegetes, 
whose office was to provide for the wants of the city ; the Chief 
Judge ; the Hypomnematographus — (Registrar of the archives ?) 
—and the ^rpanry^ yv/crcpiv^f, no doubt, the supervisor of the 
police, whose duty it was to watch over the peace of the city at 
night. We have the express testimony of Strabo, that these 
offices, which continued under the Romans, had already existed 
under the kings ; whether their establishment can be dated as 
far back as the time of Ptolemy I. is a question that does not 
admit of a solution. — The number of the districts or nomes ap- 
pears to have been augmented ; probably with a political view, 
in order that no governor or monarch should be invested with too 
great a share of power. 


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1252 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. j»ook iv. 

Third 5. fie that as it may, it is an undoubted fact, 
The priest- that the ancient national constitution and admi- 
^^JJI^^ nistration were not entirely obliterated. The 
caste of priests, together with the national reli- 
gion, continued to exist; and though the in- 
fluence of the former was considerably dimin- 
ished, it did not entirely cease. A certain sort of 
worship was, by appointed priests, paid to the 
kings, both in their lifetime and after their death. 
Memphis, though not the usual residence of the 
court, remained the capital of the kingdom ; there 
the ceremony of coronation was performed ; and 
its temple of Phtha was still the head sanctuary. 
What influence had not the religion of the Egyp* 
tians upon that of the Greeks ! It were difficult 
to say which nation borrowed most from the 
chancter 6. The regeneration of Egypt from the state of 
ofthePto- general ruin into which she had been plunged, 
and the permanent tranquillity she enjoyed during 
nearly thirty years, the duration of the reign of 
Ptolemy I. — at a time when the rest of the world 
was harassed by continual wars, — must have 
heightened her prosperity under so mild and be- 
neficent a ruler. But Ptolemy was certainly the 
only prince who could have taken advantage of 
these favourable circumstances. Though a sol- 
dier by profession he was highly accomplished, 
was himself a writer, and had a genius for all the 
arts of peace, which he fostered with the open- 
handed liberality of a king : while amidst all the 
brilliant splendour of his court, he led himself the 
life of a private individual. 
Increase of Alexandria by the importation of vast numbers of 


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BOOK rrr II. PTOLEMIES. ' 253 

oolonists ; especially JewsJ — Erection of several superb buildings, Third 
more particularly the Serapeum. — Measures taken for the ex- ^" ^'Q"- 
tension of trade and navigation. — The twofold harbour on the 
sea^ and on the lake Mareotis. — The Pharus built. 

7. But what more than any thing else distin- Literature 
guished Ptolemy from his contemporaries was his •''*^°"'^* 
regard for the interests of science.* The idea of 
founding the Museum sprung out of the neces- 
sities of the age, and was suited to the monarch- 
ical form of government now prevalent. Where 

iu those days of destruction and revolution could 
the sciences have found a shelter/ if not under 
the protection of a prince ? But under Ptolemy 
they found more than a shelter, they found a ral- 
lying point. Here accordingly the exact sciences 
were perfected : and although the critic's art 
which now grew up could not form a Homer or a 
Sophocles, should we, had it not been for the 
Alexandrines, be at present able to read either 
Homer or Sophocles ? 

Foundation of the Museum, (Society of the learned,) and of 
the first library in Bruchium, (afterwards removed to the Sera* 
peum ;) probably under the direction of Demetrius . Phalereus. 
A proper estimation of the services rendered by the Museum is 
yet wanting :' what academy in modem Europe, however, has 
done so much ? 

Hetne, Degenio Sasculi PtoUmceorfim. In OpuscuL t. i. 
Matter, Esxai hularique sur Vicole iAhxandrie, 1820. 

8. Ptolemy II. surnamed Philadelphus, son of Ptolemy 
Berenice, the second wife of his father, had phus, ^" 
ascended the throne in 286 as joint king. HyszI^a^ 
reign, which lasted thirty-eight years, was more 
peaceful even than that of his predecessor, whose 


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Th»o spirit seemed to inspire him in every thing, save 

^that he was not a warrior: but, by that very 

reason, the arts of peace, trade, and science were 
promoted with the greater energy. In his reign 
Egypt was the first power by sea, and one of the 
first by land, in the world ; and even though the 
account given by Theocritus of its thirty-three 
thousand cities may be regarded as the exag- 
geration of a poet, it is very certain that Egypt 
was in those days the most flourishing country in 

The commeroe of Alexandria was divided into three main 
branches: 1. The land-trade over Asia and Africa. 2. The sea- 
trade on the Mediterranean. 3. The sea-trade on the Arabian 
gulf^ and Indian ocean. — ^VTith regard to the land-trade of Asia, 
especially that of India carried on hj caravans, Alexandria was 
obliged to share it with various cities and countries : since one of 
its chief routes traversed the Oxus, and Caspian, to the Black 
sea ; while the caravans, travelling through Syria and Mesopo- 
tamia, spread for the most part among the seaports of Phcenicis 
and Asia Minor. — ^The trade over Africa extended hr west, and 
still farther south. Westward it was secured by the dose con- 
nection between Cj^rene and Alexandria ; and no doubt followed 
the same roads as in earlier times : of far greater importanee was 
that carried on with the southern countries, or Ethiopia, into the 
interior of which they now penetrated, principally for the purpose 
of procuring elephants. The navigation on the Arabian and 
Indian seas had likewise for its immediate object the Ethiopian 
trade, rather than the Indian. — The measures taken by Ptolemy 
with this view, consisted partly in the building of harbours 
(Berenice, Myos Hormos) on the Arabian gulf; partly in esta- 
blishing a caravan from Berenice to CSoptos on the Nile, down 
which latter the goods were further transmitted to their destina- 
tion ; for the canal connecting the Red sea with the Nile, al- 
though, perhaps, completed at this [time, was nevertheless but 
little used. The grand deposit for these wares was the lesser 
harbour of Alexandria, united by a canal with the lake Mareotis, 
which in its turn communicated by another canal with the Nile ; 
so that the account we receive of the lesser harbour being more 


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thronged and full of bustle than the larger one, need not exdte Third 
our surprise. With regard to the trade on the Mediterranean, it - 

was shared between Alexandria, Rhodes, Corinth, and Carthage. 
The chief mann&ctories appear to have been those of cotton 
stuffs, established in or near the temples. 

The best inquiry into the trade of Alexandria will be found in 
J. C. D. De Schmidt, Opuscula, ret maxime Aegtfptiarum iilus^ 
trantia, 1766, 8vo. 

9. It would be important to know what, in a Revenue 
state like Egypt, was the system of imposts, ° ^^** 
which under Philadelphus produced 14,800 silver 
talents, (four millions sterling,) without taking into 
account the toll paid in grain. In the extreme 
provinces, such as Palestine, the taxes were an- 
nually farmed to the highest bidder, a mode of 

levy attended with great oppression to the people. 
The case appears to have been very different with 
regard to Egypt itself; the customs, however, 
constituted the main branch of the revenue. 

10. The wars waged by Ptolemy II. wereEventeof 
limited to those against Antiochus II. of Syria, ofVSST- 
and Magas of Cyrene, half-brother to the Egyp- ^^'p^''"- 
tian king ; the former sprung out of the latter. 
Luckily for Egypt, Ptolemy II. was of a weak 
constitution, and by his state of health was inca- 
pacitated from commanding his armies in person. 
—Under his reign the first foundation was laid, 

by means of reciprocal embassies, of that connec- 
tion with Rome which afterwards decided the fate 
of Egypt. 

Magas had, afiier the defeat of Ophelias, received Gyrene, 308. 
He had married Apame, daughter of Antiochus I., and in 266 
had raised the standard of rebellion with the intention of invading 
Egjrpt itself, when an insurrection in Marmarica compelled him 
to retreat; he contrived, notwithstanding, to prevail upon his 


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Third father-in-law to undertake an expedition a^inst Egypt^ which, 
Pehiod. however, was frustrated by Philadelpbus, 264. To terminate this 
contest, Magas was about to unite his daughter Berenice with 
the eldest son of Philadelphus ; Apame, wishing to thwart the 
negotiation, fled over to her brother, Antiochus II. whom, after 
her husband's death, 258, she excited to a war against Egypt, 
which closed in 252. — The embassy to Rome originated in the 
victory won by the Romans over Pyrrhus, 273 ; it was answered 
by another from the Romans, 272. 

chancter 11. The SOD inherited from his father all but 
pi^add^^ the simplicity of domestic life : under the reign of 
phut. Philadelphus, the court was first thrown open to 
that effeminate luxury, which soon wrought the 
destruction of the Ptolemies as it had previously 
done that of the Seleucidae ; at the same time was 
introduced the pernicious practice of intermar- 
riages in the same family, by which the royal 
blood was more foully contaminated here even 
than in Syria. Philadelphus set the first example, 
by repudiating Arsinoe the daughter of Lysima- 
chus, and then marrying his own sister, likewise 
named Arsinoe ; this princess preserved her influ- 
ence over the king as long as she lived, although 
she did not bring him an heir, but adopted the 
children of her predecessor. 
Ptolemy 12. Ptolcmy III. surnamed Evergetes. Under 
B^^aS' him, Egypt, from being merely mercantile, as- 
■"^^^' sumed the character of a conquering state ; not- 
withstanding his warlike spirit*, he was not unin- 
spired with that genius for the arts of peace pecu- 
liar to his family. His conquests were directed 
partly against Asia in the war with Seleucus II. 
and extended as far as the borders of Bactria ; and 
partly, it is probable, against the interior of Ethi- 
opia, and the western coast of Arabia. Countries 


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so wealthy, and with which commerce had made ^hird 

men so well acquainted, could hardly escape the ' 

arms of such a formidable power as Egypt ; yet 
she seems to have made scarcely any other use 
of this extension of territory, than to insure the 
safety of her commercial routes. 

The main source of the history of Ptolemy Evergetes, is the 
inscription on the monument erected by that prince at Adule 
in Ethiopia: it contains a chronological list of his conquests, 
a copy of which has been preserved to us by Cosmas Indioo- 
pleostes; modem researches, however, have shown the pro- 
bability of its having consisted of two inscriptions, one referring 
to Evergetes, the other to a later king of Abyssinia. — ^According 
to this monument, Ptolemy inherited from his f&ther, besides 
Egypt itself, Libya, that is to say, western Africa as far as 
Gyrene, Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, Lycia, .Caria, Cyprus, and the 
Cyclades. — War with Seleucus Callinicus caused by the murder 
of Berenice (see above, p. 237.) ; lasted until the ten years' trace, 
246 — 240. During this war, he conquered the whole of Syria as 
far as the Euphrates, and most of the maritime countries in Asia 
Minor, from Cilicia to the Hellespont : an easy prey to a naval 
power. Whether the conquest of the countries beyond the Eu- 
phrates, Blesopotamia, Babylonia, Persis, Susiana, and Media 
as far as Bactria, was effected in these four years, or not till be- 
tween 240 and 230, is a question which cannot be determined 
with certainty. If we may judge by the booty brought back, 
this campaign was rather a foray than a regular expedition for 
conquest, though Ptolemy, indeed, appointed governors in Cilicia 
and Babylonia; yet the peculiar situation of affairs in Asia 
at the time, Seleucus being at war with his brother Antiochus 
Hierax, and the Parthian and Bactrian kingdoms being also in a 
state of infant feebleness, afforded unusual opportunities for an 
expedition of this sort. 

The southern conquests, so far as they may be referred to 
Eveigetes, were effected during the last period of bis reign, in a 
separate war. They comprised : 1st. The greatest part of mo- 
dem Abyssinia, — ^for as the catalogue of nations commences with 
that of Abyssinia, it necessarily follows that Nubia had already 
been subjected to Egypt. — The mountain range along the Ara- 
bian gulf, the plain of Sennaar as £ir as modern Darfur> the Lofty 


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Thibd chain of mountains to the sonth, beyond the fountains of the 


• Nile. All these conquests were made by the king in person; 
and from those distant lands to £gypt^ commercial roads were 
opened. 2nd. The western coast of Arabia^ from Leuke Kome 
to the southern point of Arabia Felix, was conquered by his 
generals and admirals : here, likewise, the security of the com- 
mercial roads was established. 

Monumeniutn AduUtanum, published in Fabricius, B, Grac. 
t. ii. 

MoNTFAUGON^ ColL Pair. t. i. and in Chishull, AiUiqitU. 

The assertion that the monument bears two different inscrip- 
tions is made by Salt, in the narrative of his travels contained 
in the Travels of Lord Valentia, 

13. Egypt was singularly blessed in having 
three great kings, whose reigns filled one whole 
century. A change now ensued ; but that change 
was brought about by the natural course of 
events ; in fact, it could scarcely be expected that 
the court should remain untainted by such luxury 
as must have prevailed in a city, which was the i 
main seat of trade, and the deposit of the trea- i 
sures of the richest countries. I 

pwiT^ 14. Ptolemy IV, surnamed Philopator. A de- | 
B.c.221-1 bauchee and a tyrant, who, during the greater 
portion of his reign, remained under the tutelage 
of the crafty Sosibius, and, after the decease of 
that individual, fell into the yet more infamous 
hands of Agathocles and his sister Agathoclea. 
Philopator being contemporary with Antiochus 
the Great, the dangers that threatened Egypt 
under such a reign seemed to be doubled ; they 
were, however, averted by the ill-deserved vic- 
tory of Raphia (see above, p. 238). 
Ptolemy 15. Agathoclcs and his sister would fain have 
2<t^Jm! taken into their own hands the guardianship of 


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his son Ptolemy V. surnamed Epiphanes, a child ^■"'^ 

only five years old ; but the people having risen 
up and made a terrible example of them, the 
office of guardian viras confided to the younger 
Sosibius and to Tlepolemus. The reckless prodi- 
gality of the former soon gave rise to a feud be- 
tween him and his colleague, who was at least 
cunning enough to keep up appearances. Mean- 
while the critical posture in which the kingdom 
was placed, by the attack of the enleagued kings 
of Syria and Macedonia, compelled the nation toB.c.203. 
defer the regency to Rome and the senate, who 
had hitherto carefully cherished an amicable con- 202. 
nection with Egypt. 

The regency confided to M. Lepidus^ 201^ who hands over the 
adminuttration to Aristomenes of Acamania. The sequel will 
show how decidedly important this step was for the ulterior des- 
tinies of Egypt. By the war of the Romans against Philip, and 
their differences with Antiochus, £gypt was^ no douht^ for the 
present extricated from her embarrassment ; but nevertheless in 
198 she lost her Syrian possessions, notwithstanding Antiochns 
III. had promised to give them as a dowry to Cleopatra, the affi- 
anced bride, and subsequently the consort of the young king of 

To this time, or about 197> belongs the celebrated inscription 
on the Rosetta stone, erected by the caste of priests as a tribute of 
gratitude for past benefits, after the consecration of the king at 
Memphis upon his coming of age : a monument important alike 
for palaeography, and for the knowledge of Egyptian administra- 

Ambilhon, Eclaircissemens sur rinscHplion Grecque du mo- 
nument inmvS d Ratette. Paris, 1803. 

HsYNB, Cammentatio de inscriptione Grasca ex Aegypio Lofi" 
dinutn apportaia, in the Commentat, Societ. Golting. vol. xv. 

16. The hopes conceived of Epiphanes, were chanctor 
grievously disappointed as he grew up to man-nei.'^^ 
hood. His guardian Aristomenes fell a victim to 184. 



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thihd 20. His younger brother Ptolemy VIII. sur- 
— named Physcon, and likewise Evergetes II, a 

Ph^n, monster both in a moral and a physical sense, 
B.C. 146— ^^^ j^^j hitherto been king of Cyrene, now pos- 
sessed himself of the throne of Egypt by marry- 
ing his predecessor's widow and sister, Cleopatra, 
whom, however, after having murdered her son, 
he repudiated for her daughter of the same name. 
This prince accordingly, once more united the di- 
vided kingdom ; but at the same time that he was 
purchasing the sanction of Rome by vile adula- 
tion, he maintained himself at Alexandria by 
means of military law, which soon converted the 
city into a desert, and obliged him to attract 
foreign colonists by large promises. Another 
130. bloody massacre, however, produced an insurrec- 
tion in the town, which compelled the king to flee 
to ^ypi'us* ^^^ Alexandrines, meanwhile, raising 
to the throne his repudiated wife Cleopatra. 
Physcon, nevertheless, with the assistance of his 
mercenaries, recovered the sceptre, and wielded 
it to the day of his death. 

That a prince of such a character should nevertheless be a 
friend to science, and himself an author, must ever be regarded 
as a singular phenomenon ; yet his exaction of manuscripts, and 
his treatment of the learned, whole crowds of whom he expelled, 
betray the despot. 

Ptolemy 2 1 . His widow, the younger Cleopatra, to gratify 
116—81.' the Alexandrines, was obliged to place on the throne 
the elder of her two sons, Ptolemy IX. surnamed 
Lathyrus, who was living in a sort of banishment 
at Cyprus : to the younger, Ptolemy Alexander 
116. 1, who was her favourite, she accordingly gave the 
island of Cyprus. But Lathyrus not choosing to 


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obey her in everything, she compelled him to ex- Tbibo 
change Egypt for Cyprus, and gave the former to b.c'To'?. ' 
her younger son. But neither was the new king 
able to brook the tyranny of his mother : as she 
threatened even his life, he saw no other means 
of escape than to anticipate her design ; but fail- 89. 
ing in bis project, he was obliged to take to flight, 
and, after a vain attempt to recover the throne, 
perished. The Alexandrines then reinstated in 88. 
the government his elder brother Lathyrus, who 
ruled till the year 81, possessing both Egypt and 

Revolt and three yean' siege of Thebes in Upper Egypt, still 
one of the most wealthy cities even in those days^ but idFiter its 
capture almost levelled to the earth ; about 86. — Complete sepa- 
ration of Cyrenaica from Egypt : this province had been be- 
queathed by Physcon as a separate branch-state to his illegitimate 
son, Apion^ 117; that prince, after a tranquil reign, bequeathed 
it, in his turn, to the Romans, 96, who at first allowed it to re- 
tain its independence. 

22. Lathyrus left one daughter born in wed- objure 
lock, Berenice, and two illegitimate sons, Ptolemy SJThistoiy. 
of Cyprus and Ptolemy Auletes. Besides the ®^— ^• 
above, there was a lawful son of Alexander I. of 
the same name as his father, and at that time re* 
siding at Rome with the dictator Sylla. The fol- 
lowing history is obscured by clouds, which, 
amid the contradiction of accounts, cannot be en- 
tirely dispelled. Generally speaking, Egypt was 
now a tool in the hands of powerful individuals at 
Rome, who regarded it but as a financial specu- 
lation whether they actually supported a pre- 
tender to the Egyptian crown, or fed him with 
vain hopes. All now saw that Egypt presented 


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T«i»» a ripe harvest ; but they could not yet agree by 
whom that harvest should be reaped. , 

The first successor of liathynis in Egypt was his Intimate 
daughter Cleopatra Berenice^ 81 : at the end of six months, how- 
ever, Sylla, then dictator at Rome, sent fais dient Alexander 11. ! 
to Egypt, 80; that fMince married Berenice, and with her ascended 
the throne. Nineteen days after Alexander murdered his consort, 
and, according to Appian, was himself about the same time cut , 
off by the Alexandrines, on account of his tyranny. We after- 
wards hear, notwithstanding, of a king Alexander, who reigned 
until 73, or> according to others, until 66 ; when, beii^ driven 
out of Egypt, he fled to Tyre, and called upon the Romans fbr 
that aid, which probably through Caesar's intercession, would 
have been granted, had not the supplicant soon after died at the 
place of his refuge. He is said to have bequeathed by will his 
kingdom to Rome ; and although the senate did not accept the 
legacy, it does not appear to have formally rejected the offer ; in 
consequence of which, frequent attempts were made at Rome for 
effecting the oocupatioud — ^Either, therefore, Appian's account 
must be fake, and this person was the same Alexander II. or he 
was some other person bearing that name, and belonging to the 
royal house. — Be this as it may, after the death of Lathyrus the 
kingdom was dismembered: and one of his illegitimate sons, 
Ptolemy, had received Cyprus, but that island was taken from 
him, 57> and converted into a Roman province : the other, Pto- 
lemy Auletes, seems to have kept his footing either in a part of 
Egypt, or in Cyrene, and was probably the cause of Alexander's 
expubion, at whose decease he ascended the throne; although 
the Syrian queen Selene, sister to Lathyrns, asserted her soni 
claims at Rome, as l^itimate heir to the throne of Egypt. With 
Caesar's assistance^ Auletes, however, succeeded in obtaining the 
formal acknowledgment of his right at Rome, 59. But the mea- 
sures taken by the Romans with regard to Cyprus, gave rise to 
a sedition at Alexandria, 57, in consequence of which Anletes, 
being compelled to flee, passed over into Italy : or, perhaps, he 
was ordered to take this step by the intrigues of some Roman 
grandees, anxious of an opportunity to reinstate him. Pompey's 
attempts, with this view, are thwarted by Cato, 56. Meanwhile 
the Alexandrines placed Berenice, the eldest daughter of An- 
letes, on the throne ; she married first Seleucus Cybiosactes, at 


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being die kwfal heir; and after putting that prince to death. Third 
united henelf to Archelaus, 57* — Actual restoration of Auletes ■■ "^^ 
by the purchased aadstance of Gkibinius, the Roman governor of 
Sjria ; and execution of Berenice, whose husband had fallen in 
the war> 54. Not Jong after, this miserable prince, no less 
effeasinate than tyrannical, died, 51 . 

J. R. FoBSTBS, Commentatio de suceuwribus Piolemasi VII. 
Inserted in Comment. Soc. Golting, vol. iii. 

23. Auletes eadea?oured by his last testament cieopatn, 

B C 51 

to insure the kingdom to his posterity, nominating si. ' 
as his successor, under the superintendence of the 
Roman nation, his two elder children. Ptolemy 
Dionysos, then thirteen years old, and Cleopatra, 
seventeen, who were to be united in wedlock : 
his two younger children, Ptolemy Neoteros and 
Arsinoe, he recommended to the Roman senate. 
Notwithstanding these measures, Egypt would 
not have escaped her fate upwards of twenty 
years longer, had not the impending calamities 
been diverted by the internal posture of affairs 
at Rome, and still more by the charms and policy 
of Cleopatra, who through her alliance with Caesar 
and Antony not only preserved but even aggran* 
dized her kingdom. From this time, however, 
the history of Egypt is most closely implicated 
with that of Rome. 

Feuds between Cleopatra and her brother, excited and fo- 
mented by the eunuch Pothinus, in whose hands the administra- 
tion was : they lead to open war : Cleopatra> driven out, flees to 
Syria, where she levies troops : Cttsar in pursuit of the conquered 
Poinpey arrives at Alexandria, and in the name of Rome, as- 
sumes the part of arbitrator between the king and queen, but 
suffers himself to be guided by the artifices of Cleopatra, 48. 
Violent sedition in Alexandria, and Ciiesar besi^^ in Bruchium, 
the malcontent Pothinus having brought Achillas, the com-* 
mander of the royal troops into the city. The hard stn^le in 
which Cciar was now engaged, demonstrates not only the bit* 


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Egypt be- 
comes a 

teraess of the long rankling grudge of the Alexandrines against 
. Rome^ but shows also how decisive, to the whole of Egypt, were 
the revolutions of the capital. Ptolemy Dionysoe having fallen 
in the war, and Caesar being victorious, the crown fell to Cleo- 
patra, 47, upon condition of marrying her brother^ when he 
should be of age : but as soon as the prince grew to manhood, 
and had been crowned at Memphis, she removed him by 
poison, 44. 

24. During the life of Caesar, Cleopatra re- 
mained under bis protection, and consequently in 
a state of dependence. Not only was a Roman gar- 
rison stationed in the capital city, but the queen 
herself, together with her brother, were obliged to 
visit him at Rome. After the assassination of 
Caesar, she took the side of the triumviri, not 
without endangering Egypt, threatened by Cas- 
sius who commanded in Syria; and after the 
death of her brother, succeeded in getting them 
to acknowledge as king, Ptolemy Caesarion, a 
son whom she pretended to have had by Caesar. 
— But the ardent passion conceived by Antony 
for her person, soon after the discomfiture of the 
republican party, now attached her inseparably 
to his fortunes; which, after vainly attempting 
to win over the victorious Octavius, she at last 

The chronology of the ten years in which Cleopatra lived, far 
the most part, with Antony, is not without difficulty, but, ac- 
cording to the most probable authorities, may be arranged in the 
following manner. Summoned before his tribunal, on account of 
the pretended support afforded by some of her generals to Cas- 
sius, she appears in his presence at Tarsus, in the attire, and 
with the parade, of Venus, 41 ; he follows her into Egypt. In 
the year 40, Antony, called back to Italy by the breaking oat of 
the Perusine war, is there induced, by political motives, to 
espouse Octavia ; meanwhile Cleopatra abides in Egypt. In the 
autumn of 37, she goes to meet him in Syria, where he was 


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making ready for the war against the Parthian8> until then pro- Thirb , ^ 
secuted by his lieutenants ; here she obtained at his hands l^^^^^fyO»* \r 
nida — Tyre and Sidon excepted^ — ^together with Gyrene an3^ ■ ""^ 
Cyprus; and in 36 went back to Alexandria^ where she re- 
mained during the campaign. The expedition ended^ Antony 
returned into Egypt and resided at Alexandria. From thence 
it was his intention to attack Armenia in 35 ; this design^ how- 
ever^ he did not effect until 34, when, after taking the king pri- 
soner, he returned in triumph to Alexandria, and presented to 
Cleopatra, or to his three diildren by her, all the countries of 
Asia from the Mediterranean to the Indus, already conquered 
or to be conquered. Preparing then to renew, in conjunction 
with the king of Media, his attack on the Parthians, he is pre- 
vailed upon by Cleopatra to break with Octavia, who was to 
bring over troops to him, 38. A war between him and Octavius 
being now unavoidable, the Parthian campaign already opened 
is suspended, and Cleopatra accompanies Antony to Samoa, 32, 
where he formally repudiated Octavia. From hence she fol- 
lowed him in his expedition against Octavius, which was de- 
cided by the battle of Actium, fought September 2, 31. — Octa- 
vius having pursued his enemy into Egypt, Alexandria was be- 
sieged, 30, and after Antony had laid violent hands on himself, 
the place surrendered; and Cleopatra, not brooking to be dragged 
a prisoner to Rome, followed the example of her lover, and pro< 
cured her own death. 

25. Even in this last period, Egypt appears to Flourishing 
have been the seat of unbounded wealth and ef- Egypt, 
feminacy. The line of infamous princes who had 
succeeded to the third Ptolemy were unable to 
destroy her prosperity. Strange, however, as this 
seems, it may be easily accounted for when we 
consider that the political revolutions scarcely 
ever overstepped the walls of the capital, and that 
an almost perpetual peace ruled in the country : 
that Egypt was the only great theatre of trade ; 
and that that trade must have increased in the 
same proportion as the spirit of luxury increased 
in Rome, and in the Roman empire. The power- 


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Tmiad ful effects wrought od Egypt by the growth of 
Roman luxury, are most convincingly demon- 
strated by the state of that country when it had 
become a Roman province ; so far from the trade 
of Alexandria decreasing in that period, — though 
the city suffered in the first days after the con- 
quest — it subsequently attained an extraordinary 
and gigantic bulk. 

III. History of Macedonia and of Greece in general^ from 
the death of Alexander to the Roman conquest , B. C. 

The sources for this history are the same as have been quoted 
above : see p. 232. Until the battle of Ipsns, 901, Oiodonis is 
still our grand authority. But in the period extending from 901 
to 224, we meet with some chasms : here almost our only sources 
are the fragments of Diodorus, a few of Plutarch's lives, and the 
ioaccurate accounts of Justin. From the year 224, our main 
historian is Polybius ; and even in those parts where we do not 
possess his work in its complete form, the fragments that have 
been preserved must always be the first authorities consulted. 
Livy, and other writers on Roman history, should aooompanj 

Among modern books, besides the general works mentioned 
above p« 1. we may here in particular quote: 

John Gast, D. D. The History of Greece^ from the acceS" 
sum of Alexander of Macedon, till the final subjection to the 
Roman power, in eight books, London, 17B2, 4to. Although 
not a master-piece of composition, yet too important to be passed 
over in silence. 

Extent of 1. Of the three main kingdoms that arose out 
Macedonia, gf Alexander's monarchy, Macedonia was the most 
insignificant; not only in extent^ — particularly as 
till B. G. 286 Thrace remained a separate and 
independent province, — but likewise in popula- 
tion and wealth. Yet, being, as it were, the 
head country of the monarchy, it was considered 


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to hold the first rank; and here at first resided Third 
the power which, nominally at least, extended 

over the whole. As early, however, as the year 
311, upon the total extermination of Alexanders 
family, it became a completely separate kingdom. 
From that time its sphere of external operation 
was for the most part confined to Greece, the his- 
tory of which, consequently, is closely interwoven 
with that of Macedonia. 

Posture of affairs in Greece at Alexander's decease : Thebes 
in rains : Corinth occupied by a Macedonian garrison : Sparta 
bnmih'ated by the defeat she had suffered at the hands of Anti- 
pater in her attempt at a revolt against Macedonia; under Agis 
II. 333 — 331 : Athens on the other hand flourishing, and al- 
though confined to her own boundaries, still by her fame, and 
her naval power, the first state in Greece. 

2. Although at the first division of the pro- Antipater. 
vinces, Craterus, as civil governor, was united 
with Antipater, the latter had the management of 
affairs. And the termination, as arduous as itLamian 
was successful, of the Lamian war, — kindled im- b!c. 323. 
mediately after the death of Alexander, by the 
Greeks, enthusiastic in the cause of freedom, — 
enabled him to rivet the chains of Greece more 
firmly than they had ever been before. 

The Lamian war — the sparks of which had been kindled by 
Alexander's edict, granting leave to all the Grecian emigrants, 
twenty thousand in number, nearly the whole of whom were in 
the Macedonian interest, to return to their native countries, — 
was fanned to a flame by the democratic party at Athens. Urged 
by Demosthenes and Hyperides, almost all the states of central 
and northern Greece, Boeetia excepted, took up arms in the cause ; 
and their example was quickly foUowed by most of those in Pe- 
loponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Argos, Corinth, and 
the Achseans. Not even the Persian war produced such general 
unanimity ! The gallant Leosthenes headed the league.-^-Defeat 
of Antipater, who is shut np in Lamia ; Leosthenes, 'li^Twever, 


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Third fiills in the siege of that place, B. C. 323, and although Leonatas 

-who with the view of ascending the throne by his marriage 
with Cleopatra, had come to the assistance of the Macedonians — 
was beaten and slain, 322, the Gh^eks were finally overwhelmed 
by the reinforcements, brought to Antipater out of Asia, by 
Craterus. And Antipater having fully succeeded in breaking 
the league, and negotiating with each separate nation, was ena- 
bled to dictate the terms. Most of the cities opened their gates 
to Macedonian troops ; besides this, Athens was obliged to pur- 
chase peace through the mediation of Phocion and Demades, by 
an alteration in her constitution, — ^the poorer citizens being ex- 
cluded from all share in the government, and for the most part 
translated into Thrace— and by a pledge to deliver up Demos- 
thenes and Hyperides; whose place Phocion occupied at the 
head of the state. — The ^tolians, the last against whom the 
Macedonian wars were directed, obtained better terms than they 
had ventured to expect, Antipater and Craterus being obliged to 
hurry over to Asia in order to oppose Perdiccas. 

oi^piat 3. That hatred which, even in the lifetime of 
Epi^s. Alexander, had sprung up between Antipater and 
Olympias, in consequence of his not permitting 
the dowager queen to rule, induced her to with- 
draw to Epirus; her rankling envy being still 
more embittered by the influence of the young 
queen Eurydice. See above, p. 224. Antipater, 
dying shortly after his expedition against Perdic- 
cas, in which his colleague Craterus had fallen, 
Antipater ^^^ hc himsclf had been appointed regent, nomi- 
na*^°Po- >^2it68 his friend, the aged Polysperchon, to suc- 
Wsperchon ^ged him as regent and head guardian, to the ex- 

hu tucces- ^ ° ^ ' 

■or, elusion of his own son Cassander. Hence arose 

316.' a series of quarrels between the two, in which, 
unfortunately for themselves, the royal family 
were implicated and finally exterminated, Cas- 
sander obtaining the sovereignty of Macedonia. 

Cassander having secured tLe interest of Antigonus and Ptole- 
my, makes his escape to the former, 319 : he had previously en- 


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dearoured also to raise a party in Macedonia and Greece^ parti- Third 
cularly by getting his friend Nicanor to be commander at Athens. ^^*'°'*' 
— Measures taken by Polysperchon to oppose him ; in the first 
place, he recalls Olympias out of Epirus, but the princess dares 
not come without an army ; in the next place, he nominates Eu- 
menes commander of the royal troops in Asia (see above, p. 225) ; 
he likewise endeavours to gain the Grecian cities, by recalling 
the Macedonian garrisons, and changing the governors set over 
them by Antipater. These latter, however, were in most of the 
cities too firmly established to suffer themselves thus to be de« 
posed ; and even the expedition into Peloponnesus, undertaken 
by Polysperchon to enforce his injunctions was attended but with 
partial success. — In the same year occurs a twofold revolution in 
Athens, whither Polysperchon had sent his son Alexander, no- 
minally for the purpose of driving out Nicanor, but virtually to 
get possession of that important city. In the first place, Alex- 
ander and Nicanor appearing to unite both for the attainment of 
one and the same object, the democratic party rise up, and over- 
throw the rulers, hitherto taken from Antipater s party, and 
headed by Phocion, who is compelled to swallow poison: soon 
after, however, Cassander occupies the city, excludes from the 
administration all that possess less than ten mines, and places at 
the head- of affairs Demetrius Phalereus, who, from 318 to 307> 
raled with great prudence. — Not long after, Olympias returns 
with an army from Epirus; the Macedonian troops of Philip 
and Eurydice having passed over to her side, she wreaks her re- 
venge on the royal couple, and on the brother of Cassander, all of 
whom she puts to death, 317* Cassander, nevertheless, having 
obtained reinforcements in Peloponnesus, takes the field against 
her ; she is besieged in Pydna, where, disappointed in the hope 
of being relieved either by Polysperchon or by .^acidas of Epirus, 
both of whom were forsaken by their men, she is obliged to sur- 
render, 316. Cassander, having caused her to be condemned by 
the Macedonian people, has her put to death. 

4. Cassander being now master, and, from cassander. 
302, king of Macedonia, confirmed his dominion 
by a marriage with Thessalonice, half-sister to 
Alexander, and at the same time endeavoured to 
corroborate as far as possible his authority in 
Greece. Polysperchon and his son Alexander, 


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Third it IS true. Still made head in Peloponoesus ; but 
^'"'°°' the states without the peninsula, ^tolia excepted. 

were all either allies of Cassander, or occupied 
by Macedonian troops. After the defeat of the 
B.C.314. league against Antigonus, in which Cassander 
had borne a part, general peace was concluded, 
with the proviso, that the Grecian cities should 
be free, and that the young Alexander, when of 

311. age, should be raised to the throne of Macedonia: 
this induced Gassander to rid himself both of the 
young prince and his mother Roxana by murder : 
but he thereby exposed himself to an attack from 
Polysperchon, who, availing himself of the discon- 
tent of the Macedonians, brought back Hercules, 
the only remaining illegitimate son of Alexander. 
Gassander diverted the storm by a new crime, 
instigating Polysperchon to murder the young 
Hercules, under promise of sharing the govern- 
ment : Polysperchon, however, unable to possess 
himself of the Peloponnesus which had been pro- 
mised him, appears to have preserved but little 
influence. Gassander met likewise with formid- 
able opponents in the persons of Antigonus and 
his son ; and although delivered by the breaking 
out of the war with Ptolemy from the danger of 

308. the first invasion of Greece by Demetrius, his 
situation was more embarrassing at the second 

307. irruption ; from which, however, he was extricated 
by the circumstance of Antigonus being obliged 
to recall his son, on account of the newly formed 
league (see above, p. 230). 

Antigonus, on his return from Upper Asia, declares loadly 
against Gassander, B. C. 314 ; despatches his general Aristode- 
mus to Peloponnesus, and frames a league with Polyspercbon 


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and his son Alexander ; the latter, however, Cassander succeeds Tuird 
in winning over by a promise of the command in Peloponnesus. - 

Alexander was soon after murdered, but his wife Cratesipolis 
succeeded him, and commanded with the spirit of a man. Mean- 
while, Cassander carried war against the ^tolians, who sided 
v/ith Antigonus, 313; but Antigonus, 312, having sent his gene- 
ral Ptolemy into Greece with a fleet and army, Cassander lost 
his supremacy. In the peace of 311, the freedom of all the 
Grecian cities was stipulated; but this very condition became 
the pretext of various and permanent feuds ; and Cassander hav- 
ing murdered the young king, t(^ther with his mother, drew 
upon himself the arms of Polysperchon, who wished to place 
Hercules on the throne, 310 ; but the pretender was removed in 
the manner above described, 309. — Cassander now endeavouring 
to reestablish his power over Greece, Demetrius Poliorcetes was 
by his father sent into that country in order to anticipate Pto- 
lemy of Egypt, in the enforcement of the decree for the freedom 
of the Greeks, 308 ; the result at Athens was the restoration of 
democracy, and the expulsion of Demetrius Phalereus. — From 
any further attack of Demetrius, Cassander was delivered by the 
war which broke Out between Antigonus and Ptolemy, (see 
above, p. 229.) and had the leisure, once more, to strengthen his 
power in Greece, until 302, when Demetrius arrived a second 
time, and, as generalissimo of liberated Greece, pressed forward 
to the borders of Macedonia ; Demetrius was, however, recalled 
by his fiEither into Asia, and at the battle of Ipsus, 301, lost all 
his dominions in that quarter of the world. Yet although Athens 
closed her harbours against him, he still maintained his posses- 
sions in Peloponnesus, and even endeavoured to extend them ; 
from thence, in 297j he sallied forth, and once more took posses- 
sion of his beloved Athens, and after driving out the usurper 
Lachares, forgave her ingratitude. 

5. Cassander survived the establishment of his Cassander 
throne by the battle of Ipsus only three years : ij^ii* Jhc 
and bequeathed Macedonia as an inheritance to ^^I^J^,^ 
his three sons, the eldest of whom, Philip, shortly 

after followed his father to the grave. 

6. The two remaining sons, Antipater andA°*|p«*«' 
Alexander, soon worked their own destruction, ander. 


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: 274 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. book it. 

Third ^ Antipatcr having murdered his own mother Thes- 

salonice, on account of the favour she showed his 

brother, was obliged to flee ; he applied for help 
to his father-in-law Lysimachus of Thrace, where 
he soon after died. Meanwhile Alexander, fancy- 
ing that he likewise stood in need of foreign as- 
sistance, addressed himself to Pyrrhus, king of 
Macedonia, and to Demetrius Poliorcetes, both of 
whom obeyed the call only with the expectation 
of being paid. After various snares reciprocally 
laid for each other, the king of Macedonia was 
murdered by Demetrius, and with him the race 
B. c. 295. of Antipater became extinct. 
Demetrius, 7. The army proclaimed Demetrius king; and 
in his person the house of Antigonus ascended 
the throne of Macedonia, and, after many vicissi- 
tudes, established their power. His seven years* 
reign, in which one project succeeded the other, 
was a constant series of wars ; and as he never 
could learn how to bear with good fortune, his 
ambition was at last his ruin. 

The kingdom of Demetrius comprised Macedonia, Thessaly, 
and the greatest part of the Peloponnesus ; he was also master 
of Megara and Athens. — Twofold capture of Thebes, which had 
been rebuilt by Cassander^ 293, and 291 ; unsuccessful attempt 
upon Thrace, 292. His war with Pyrrhus, 290, in whom men 
fancied they beheld another Alexander, had already alienated 
the affections of the Macedonians ; but his grand project for the 
recovery of Asia induced his enemies to get the start of him; 
and the hatred of his subjects compelled him secretly to escape 
to Peloponnesus, to his son Antigonus, 287* Athens, taking ad- 
vantage of his misfortunes, drove out the Macedonian garrison, 
and, by the election of archons, reestablished her ancient consti- 
tution ; although Demetrius laid siege to the town, he allowed 
himself to be pacified by Crates. Having once more attempted 
to prosecute his plans against Asia, he was obliged, 286, to sur- 


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render to Seleucus his &ther-in«law, who, out of charity, kept Tbib» 
him till the day of his death, 284. P^^'op- 

8. Two claimants to the vacant throne nowPyrrhusof 
arose, viz. Pyrrhus of Epirus and Lysimachus offifaM?, 
Thrace ; but although Pyrrhus was first pro- ^ 
claimed king, with the cession of half the domi- 
nions, he could not, being a foreigner, support his 
power any longer than the year 286, when he was 
deposed by Lysimachus. 

The sovereigns of Epirus, belonging to the family of the 
JEacidx, were properly kings of the Molossi. See above, p. 150. 
They did not become lords of all Epirus, nor consequently of any 
historical importance, until the time of the Peloponnesian war. 
After that period Epirus was'governed by Alcetas I. about 384, 
who pretended to be the sixteenth descendant from Pjrrrhus, the 
son of Achilles; Neoptolemus, father to Olympias, by whose 
marriage with Philip, 358, the kings of Epirus became intimately 
connected with Macedonia, d, 352 ; Arymbas, his brother, d. 
342; Alexander I. son of Neoptolemus, and brother-in-law to 
Alexander the Great ; he was ambitious to be as great a con- 
queror in the west as his kinsman was in the east, but he fell in 
Lucania, 332. .^cides, son of Arymbas, d. 312. Pyrrhus II. 
his son, the Ajax of his time, and, we might almost say, rather an 
adventurer than a king. After uninterrupted wars waged in 
Macedonia, Greece, Italy, and Sicily, he fell at last at the 
storming of Argos, 272. He was followed by his son Alexan- 
der II. in the person of whose successor, Pyrrhus III. 219, the 
male line became extinct. Although the daughter of this last 
prince, Deidamia, succeeded to the throne, the Epirots were not 
long before they established a democratic government, which en- 
dured till such time as they were, together with Macedonia and 
the rest of Greece, brought under the Roman yoke, 146. 

9. In consequence of the accession of Lysiraa- Lysima. 
chus, Thrace, and for a short time even Asia ^ "*' 
Minor, were annexed to the Macedonian kingdom. 
But rankling hatred and family relations soon 282. 
afterwards involved Lysimachus in a war with 



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B.C. 281. 

Seleucus Nicator, in which, at the battle of Curo- 
pedion» he lost both his throne and his life. 

Execution of the gallant Agathocles^ eldest son of Lysimachos; 
at the instigation of his step-mother Arsinoe: his widow Ly- 
Sandra and her brother Ptolemy Cerannus^ who had already been 
driven out of Egypt by his step-mother Berenice^ go over, fol- 
lowed by a large party, to Seleucus, whom they excite to war. 

10. The victorious Seleucus, already lord of 
Asia, now causing himself to be proclaimed like- 
wise king of Macedonia, it seemed as if that 
country was again about to become the head seat 
of the whole monarchy. But shortly after he 
had crossed over into Europe, Seleucus fell by 
the murderous hand of Ptolemy Ceraunus, who, 
availing himself of the treasures of his victim, and 
of the yet remaining troops of Lysimachus, took 
possession of the throne ; by another act of trea- 
chery he avenged himself of Arsinoe, his half- 
sister; but just as he conceived himself securely 
established, he lost both his crown and his life 
by the irruption of the Gauls into Macedonia. 

The irruption of the Crauls, threatening desolation not ozdy to 
Macedonia but to the whole of Greece, took place in three sac- 
cessive expeditions. The first under Cambaules, (probably 280,) 
advanced no further than Thrace, the invaders not being suffi- 
ciently numerous. The second in three bodies ; against Thrace 
under Ceretriua ; against Pnonia under Brennus and Adchorius; 
against Macedonia and lUyria under Belgius, 279. By the last- 
mentioned chieftain Ptolemy was defeated ; he fell in the con- 
test. In consequence, Meleager first, and Antipater subse- 
quently, were appointed kings of Macedonia ; but both, on ac- 
count of incapacity, being soon afterwards deposed, a Macedonian 
noble, Sosthenes, assumed the command, and this time liberated 
his country. But the year 278 brought with it the main storm, 
which spent its fury principally on Greece : Sosthenes was de- 
feated and slain : and although the Oreeks brought all their 


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Hnhed forces into the fields Brennas and Aciclioriiis bant into Thibd 

Greece on two different sides; and pushed on to Delphi, the ob- J^'^'.. 

ject of their expedition ; from hence, however, they were com- 

peUed to retreat ; and most of them were cut off by hunger, cold, 

or the sword. Nevertheless a portion of those barbarians stood 

their ground in the interior of Thrace, which, consequently, was 

for the most part lost to Macedonia : another portion, consisting 

of various hordes, the Tectosags, Tolistobii, and Trocmi, crossed 

over to Asia Minor, where they established themselves in the 

country called after them Galatia (see above, p. 236). Although 

there can be no doubt that the Tectosagse must have come from 

the innermost parts of Gaul, the mode of attack demonstrates 

that the main tide of invaders consisted of the neighbouring 

races ; and, in fact, in those days the countries from the Danube 

to the Mediterranean and Adriatic were mostly occupied by 

Gauls. — Greece, though she strained every nerve, and with the 

exception of Peloponnesus, was united in one league, could scarcely 

bring forward more than 20,000 men to stem the torrent. 

11. Antigonus of Gonni, son to Demetrius, now Antigoniis 
seated himself on the vacant throne of desolated 
Macedon; he bought off his competitor, Antio- 
chus I. named Soter, by treaty and marriage. 
Successfully as he opposed the new irruption of 
the Gauls, he was dethroned by Pyrrhus, who, 
on his return from Italy, was a second time pro- B.c.a74. 
claimed king of Macedonia. That prince, how- 
ever, having formed the design of conquering the 
Peloponnesus, and, after an ineffectual attack on 
Sparta, which was repelled with heroic gallantry, 272. 
wishing to take possession of Argos, fell at the 
storming of the latter place. 

Extraordinary as these frequent revolutions appear, they may 
be easily accounted for by the mode of warfare in those days. 
Every thing depended on the armies ; and these were composed 
of mercenaries, ever willing to fight against him they had de- 
fended the day before, if they fmcied his rival to be a more 
valiant or fortunate leader. Since the death of Alexander, the 


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Tbird Macedonian phalanx waa no longer dependent on ita capUins, 
Pg»'OP' bat they on their men. The impoverishment of the ooantrieB, in 
consequence of war, was such, that the soldier s waa almost the 
only profitable trade ; and none prosecuted that trade more ar- 
dently than the Gauls, whose services were ever ready for any 
one who chose to pay for them. 

12. After the death of Pyrrhus, Aotigonus 
Gonoatas recovered the MacedoniaD throne, of 
which he and his descendants kept uninterrupted 
possession, yet not till after a violent contest with 
Alexander, the son and successor of Pyrrhus. 
But no sooner were they secure from foreign 
rivals, than the Macedonian policy was again 
directed against Greece, and the capture of 
Corinth seemed to insure the dependence of the 
whole country, when the formation of the iEto- 
lian, and the yet more important Achaean, league, 
gave rise to relations entirely new, and of the 
highest interest, even for the universal history of 
the world. After so many storms, the sua of 
Greece was about to set in all his splendour ! 

The ancient confederacy of the twelve Achaean cities (see 
above, p. 145.) had subsisted until the death of Alexander, but 
was dissolved in the subsequent commotions ; particularly when, 
after the battle of Ipsus, 301, Demetrius and his son made Pelo- 
ponnesus the principal seat of their power. Some of these cities 
were now garrisoned by those princes, while in others arose 
tyrants, generally favourable to their interests. In 281, four 
asserted their freedom and renewed the ancient federation ; 
which, five years afterwards, was gradually joined by the rest, 
Antigonus being busied elsewhere, in consequence of his occupa- 
tion of the Macedonian throne. But the league did not become 
formidable till the accession of foreign states. This took place, 
in the first instance, with Sicyon, through the exertions of the 
liberator of that town, Aratus, who now became the animating 
spirit of the federation ; and in 243 brought over Corinth, after 
the expulsion of the Macedonian garrison, and Megara. After- 


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wards the league gradually acquired strengtb, by the junction of Tbird 
teveral Grecian cities, AUiens among others, 229 ; and thereby ^"^'<>p*. 
excited the jealousy of the rest. And as Aratus, who was more 
of a statesman than a general, and possessed but little independ- 
ence, had in the very outset joined the party of Ptolemy II. the 
league soon became involved in the disputes of the great powers, 
and was too often but a mere tool in their hands. The main 
principles on which it was founded were the following : 1 . Com- 
plete political equality of all the federate cities ; in this respect 
it essentially differed from all the earlier federations in Greece. 
2. Unconditional preservation of the domestic government in 
every one of the cities. 3. The meeting twice a year of deputies 
from all the cities, at ^gium, and afterwards at Corinth ; for 
transacting all business of common interest, particularly foreign 
affairs, and also for the purpose of electing the strategus, or mili- 
tary leader and head of the union, and the ten demiurgi, or supreme 
magistrates. — But what more than all contributed to exalt this 
league, founded on pure liberty, was the virtue of Aratus, 213, 
Philopoemen, 183, and Lycortas, 170; men who breathed into 
it the spirit of union, until, enfeebled by Roman policy, it was 

f Brjkitenbauch, Historic of the Ackasans and their league, 

The ^tolian league was formed about 284, in consequence of 
the oppressions of the Macedonian kings. The ^tolians had 
likewise a yearly congress, panaetolium, at Thermus ; where they 
chose a strategus and the apocleti, who constituted the state 
council. They had, besides, their secretary, ypafAfAuniJi; and 
supervisors, ttpopoi, whose particular functions are, however, mat- 
ter of donbt. This federation did not increase like the Achaean, 
none but iBtolians being admitted. The more unpolished this 
piratical nation remained, the more frequently it was used as the 
tool of foreign, and particularly of Roman, policy. 

13. Antigonus, in the latter part of his reign, Demetnui 
had recourse to various means, and more espe- 243-233. 
daily to an alliance with the -Sltolians, for the 
purpose of counterpoising the Achaeans. He died 
in his eightieth year, and was succeeded by his 
son, Demetrius II. who waged war upon the 


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thxed JEtolians, now, however, supported by the Achae- 

— ' ans ; and endeavoured to repress the growth of 

the latter, by favouring the tyrants of particular 

cities. The remainder of the reign of this prince 

is little more than a chasm in history. 

The vulgar assertion that this prince conquered Cyrene and 
Lihya, originates in a confusion of names ; his uncle Demetrius^ 
son of Polioroetes of Ptolemais, being mentioned by Plutarch as 
king of Cyrene. The history of that town, from 258 to 142, is 
enveloped in almost total darkness : cf. Prolog. Trogi, 1. xxvi. ad 
calcem Justini. 

Antigonus 14. Demctrius's son Philip was passed over; 

B.C. 233 his brother's son, Antigonus II. surnamed Doson, 
being raised to the throne. This king was occu- 
pied the most of his time by the events in Greece, 
where a very remarkable revolution at Sparta, 
as we learn from Plutarch, had raised up a for- 
midable enemy against the Achaeans ; and so 
completely altered the relative position of affairs, 
that the Macedonians, from having been oppo- 
nents, became allies of the Achaeans. 

Sketch of the situation of Spartan affairs at this period : the 
ancient constitution still continued to exist in form ; but the 
plunder of foreign countries^ and particularly the permission to 
transfer landed estates^ obtained by Epitadeus, had produced 
great inequality of property. The restoration of Lycurgus's con- 
stitution had^ therefore^ a twofold object ; to favour the poor by 
a new agrarian law and release firom debts^ and to increase the 
power of the kings by repressing that of the ephori. — First at-^ 
tempt at reform 244, by king Agis III; attended in the be- 
ginning with partial success, but eventually frustrated by the 
other king, Leonidas, and terminating in the extinction of Agis 
and his family, 241. Leonidas^ however^ was succeeded^ 236, 
by his son Cleomenes^ who victoriously defeated the plans of 
Aratus to forc^ Sparta to accede to the Achiean league, 227 ; 
this king, by a forcible revolution, overthrew the ephori, and 
accomplished the project of Agis, at the same time increasing 


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the SpBrtauB by the admission of a number of periaed ; atid en- Thibd 
forcing the laws of Lycurgus referring to private life ; but as in ^**'^'^' 
a small republic a revolution cannot be confirmed without some 
external war^ he attacked the Achaeans as early as 224 ; these 
being defeated^ implored^ through Aratus, the help of Antigonus; 
Cleomenes in consequence was^ at the battle of Sellasia> 229, 
obliged to yield to superior force, and with difficulty escaped 
over to Egypt ; while Sparta was compelled to acknowledge her 
independence as a gift at the hands of Antigonus. Such was 
the miserable success of this attempt made by a few great men 
on a nation already degenerate. The quarrels between the ephori 
and king Lycurgus and his successor Machanidas, placed Sparta 
in a state of anarchy, which ended, 207, in the usurpation of the 
sovereign power by one Nabis, who destroyed the ancient form 
of government. Let him who would study great revolutions 
commence with that just described ; insignificant as it is, none 
perhaps furnishes more instructive lessons. 

Plutarohi Agis et Cleomenes. The information in which 
is prindpaUy drawn from the Commentaries of Aratus. 

15. Philip II. son of Demetrius. He ascended PWiip ii. 

B C 221— • 

the throne at the early age of sixteen, endowed 179/ 
with many qualities, such as might, under favour- 
able circumstances, have formed a great prince. 
Macedonia had recruited her strength during a 
long peace ; and her grand political aim, the su- 
premacy of Greece, secured by the connection of 
Antigonus with the Achaeans, and by the victory 
of Sellasia, seemed to be already within her grasp. 
But Philip lived in a time when Rome was pur- 
suing her formidable plans of aggrandizement: 
the more vigorous and prompt his eflTorts were to 
withstand that power, the more deeply was he 
entangled in the new maze of events, which em- 
bittered the rest of his life, and at last brought 
him to the grave with a broken heart, converted 
by misfortune into a despot. 

16. The first five years of Philip were occupied Wari>rte 


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TaxiD by his participation in the war between the 
Achaeans and iEtolians, called the war of the two 

B.c!^r' leagues; notwithstanding the treachery of his 
^^^^' minister Apellas and his dependents, the prince 
was enabled to dictate the conditions of peace, 
according to which both parties were to remain 
in possession of what they then had. The con- 
clusion of this peace was hastened by the news 
of Hannibal's victory at Thrasy menus, Philip being 
then instigated to form more extensive projects 
by Demetrius of Pharus, who had fled before the 
Romans, and soon acquired unlimited influence 
with the Macedonian king. 

The war of the two leagues arose out of the piracies of the 
^tolians on the Messenians, the latter of whom the Achsam 
undertook to protect, 221. The errors committed by Aratos 
compelled the Achieaus to have recourse to Philip, 220 ; whose 
progress, however, was for a long time impeded by the artifices 
of Apellas's faction, who wished to overthrow Aratus. The 
Acarnanians, Epirots, Messenians, and Scerdilaidas of Ulyria, 
(who, however, soon after declared against Macedonia,) com- 
bined with Philip and the Acheans ; the ^tolians, on the other 
hand, commanded by their own general, Scopas, had for their 
allies the Spartans and Eleans. — The most important conse- 
quence of this war for Macedonia was, that she began again to 
be a naval power. — About the same time a war broke out be- 
tween the two trading republics of Byzantium and Rhodes (the 
latter supported by Prusias I. of Bithynia) insignificant in itself, 
but which, as a commercial war, originating in the duties im- 
posed by the Byzantines, was the only one of its kind in this 
age, 222. The Rhodians, so powerful in those days by sea, com- 
pelled their adversaries to submit. 

Negotia- 17, The negotiations between Philip and Han- 
S^n'phi- nihal concluded with an alliance, in which reci- 
fi^»Md procal help was promised towards annihilating 
214. Rome, But Rome contrived to excite so many 
foes against Philip on the borders of his own 


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kingdom, and availed herself so skilfully of her ^hi»d 

naval power, that the execution of this plan was 

prevented until it became possible to attack the 
Macedonian king in Greece ; where he had made 
himself many enemies, by the domineering tone 
he bad assumed towards his allies at the time 
that, sensible of his power, he was about to enter 
upon a wider sphere of action. 

Commencement of hostilities by Rome^ against Philip : imme- 
diately that the alliance of Philip and Hannibal was known, a 
squadron with troops on board was stationed off the coast of 
Macedonia^ by which the king himself was defeated at Apollo- 
nia, 214. — Alliance of Rome with the ^tolians, joined likewise 
by Sparta and Elis, Attains king of Pergamns, and Scerdilaidas 
and Pleuratus, kings of Illyria, 211. On Philip's side were the 
Achseans^ with whom Philopoemen more than supplied the loss 
of Aratus^ occasioned, 213, by the Macedonian king; to them 
were joined the Acamanians and Beotians. — Attacked on every 
side, Philip successfully extricated himself from his difficulties ; 
in the first place, he compelled the ^tolians, who had been 
abandoned by Attalus and Home, to accept separate terms, 
which, shortly after, Rome, consulting her own convenience, 
converted into a general peace, inclusive of the allies on either 
side, 204. 

18, New war of Philip against Attalus and the War with 
RhodianSy carried on for the most part in AsiaB.c.203— 
Minor ; and his impolitic alliance with Antiochus ^^' 
III. to attack Egypt. But can Philip be blamed 

for his endeavours to disarm the military servants 
of the Romans ? Rome, however, did not grant 
him time to effect his designs ; the Macedonian 
king was taught at Chios^ by woeful experience, 202. 
that his navy had not increased proportionably 
with that of the Rhodians. 

19. The war with Rome suddenly hurled the war with 
Macedonian power from its lofty pitch ; and by ^'!!i97. 
laying the foundation of Roman dominion in the 


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tkbd east, wrought a change in almost all the political 

• '- relations of that quarter. The first two years of 

the war showed pretty evidently, that mere force 
could scarcely overturn the Macedonian throne. 
B.C. 198. But T. Quintius Flaminius stepped forward; with 
the magic spell of freedom he intoxicated the 
Greeks; Philip was stripped of his allies; and 
197. the battle of Cynoscephate decided everything. 
The articles of the peace were: 1. That all Gre- 
cian cities in Europe and Asia should be inde- 
pendent, and Philip should withdraw his garri- 
sons. 2. That he should surrender the whole of 
his navy, and never afterwards keep more than 
500 armed men on foot. 3. That he should not, 
without previously informing Rome, undertake 
any war out of Macedonia. 4. That he should 
pay 1,000 talents by instalments, and deliver up 
his younger son Demetrius as an hostage. 

The Roman allies in this war were : the ^tolians, Athenians, 
Rhodians, the kings of the Athamanes, Dardanians, and Per- 
gamos. — The Achseans at the beginning sided with Philip, bat 
were subsequently gained over by Flaminius. See below, in the 
Roman History* 

20. Soon after, the freedom of Greece was 
solemnly proclaimed at the Isthmian games by 
i9tf. Flaminius: but loud as the Greeks were in their 
exultations, this measure served merely to trans- 
fer the supremacy of their country from Mace- 
donia to Rome : and Grecian history, as well as the 
Macedonian, is now interwoven with that of the 
Romans. To foster quarrels between the Greek 
states, with the especial view of hindering the 
Achaeans from growing too formidable, now be- 
came a fundamental principle at Rome; and 


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Roman and anti-Roman parties having quickly p^"" 

arisen in every city, this political game was easily 


Flaminius even took care tbat the Achnans should have an 
opponent in the person of Nabis, although under the necessity of 
waging war against him previous to his return into Italy, 194. 
— In 192, war between Nabis and the Acheeans ; followed after 
the murder of Nabis, at the hands of the iBtolians, by the acces- 
sion of Sparta to the Ach»an league. — But about the same time 
Greece once more became the theatre of foreign war; Antio- 
chus having firmly seated himself in the country, and enleagued 
himself with several tribes, but more particularly the ^to- 
lians, inspired with bitter and long-standing hatred against the 
Romans. These last, however, after the expulsion of Antiochus 
from Greece, 191, paid dearly for their secession ; nor was peace 
granted them by Rome till after long and unsuccessful supplica- 
tions, 189. 

21. While war was pending between the Ro-Fate©f 
mans and Antiochus, Philip, in the character of ^ 
one of the numerous allies of Rome, ventured to 
increase his territory at the expense of the Atha- 
manes, Thracians, and Thessalians. To keep 
him in good humour he was permitted to effect 
those conquests; but after the termination of 
the war the oppression of Rome became so gall* b. c. 19o. 
ing, that it could not be otherwise than that all 
his thoughts should centre in revenge, and all his 
exertions be directed towards the recovery of 
power. Meanwhile the violent measures adopted 
for repeopling his exhausted kingdom — such is 
the punishment of ambition which usually awaits 
even the victorious! — the transplantation of the 
inhabitants of whole cities and countries, and the 
consequent and unavoidable oppression of several 
of his neighbours, excited universal complaints; 
and where was the accuser of Philip to whom 


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''■'■■* Rome would not now lend a ready ear? — His 

younger son, Demetrius, the pupil of Rome, and 
by her intended, it is probable, to succeed to the 
crown, alone diverted the impending fate of Ma- 

B.C. 183. cedonia. But after the return of that prince from 
his embassy, the envy of his elder and bastard 
brother, Perseus, grew into an inveterate rancour, 
such as could not be quenched but by the death 
181. of the younger. The lot of Philip was indeed 
hard, compelled as a father to judge between his 
two sons; but the measure of human woe was 
filled, when after the death of his favourite child 
he discovered that he was innocent; are we to 
179. wonder that sorrow should soon have hurried him 
to a premature grave ! 

Roniwipo- 22. The same policy which was observed by 

licy ftff&inst , , 

the Achcan the Romaus towards Philip, they pursued towards 
m^^' the Achaeans, with whom, since the termination 
of the war with Antiochus, they had assumed a 
loftier tone ; and this artful game was facilitated 
by the continual quarrels among the Greeks them- 
selves. Yet the great Philopoemen, worthy of a 
better age, maintained the dignity of the league 
at the very time that the Romans presumed to 
speak as arbitrators. After his decease they 
found it easy to raise a party among the Achaeans 
183. themselves, the venal Callicrates offering his ser- 
vices for that purpose. 

The Achseans was oontinuallj embroiled either with Sparta or 
with Mesaene : the grounds of difference were, that in both of 
thoae states there were fections headed by persons who, oot of 
personal motives, and for the most part hatred to Philopcemen, 
wished to secede from the league ; on the other hand, the pre- 
« vailing idea among the Achseans was, that this league ought to 

comprise the whole of the Peloponnesus. In the war against the 


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Messeiiian8> 183^ Philopoemen, at the age of seventy, was taken Tb»d 
prisoner by the enemy and put to death. F»inop. 

Plutarchi, Pkiloposmeti, Nearly the whole of which is com- 
piled ^m the lost biography of Polybius. 

23. The last Macedonian king, Perseus, had £•7*'?' 

^ B.C. 179 

inherited his father's perfect hatred of the Ro- —168. 
mans, together with talents, if not equal, at least 
but little inferior. He entered into the specula- 
tions of his predecessor, and the first seven years 
of his reign was occupied in constant exertions 
to muster forces against Rome ; with this view 
he called the Bastarnse out of the north, in order 
to settle them in the territories of his enemies the 
Dardanians; he endeavoured to form alliances 
with the kings of lUyria, Thrace, Syria, and Bi- 
thynia; above all, he strove by negotiations and 
promises to reestablish the ancient influence of 
Macedonia in Greece. 

The settlement of the Bastams (probably a German race, re- 
sident beyond the Danube) in Thrace and Dardania, in order 
with them to carry war against the Romans^ was one of the plans 
traced out by Philip, and now partially executed by Perseus. — 
In Greece the Macedonian party, which Perseus formed chiefly 
out of the great number of impoverished citizens in the country, 
would probably have gained the upper hand, had not the fear in- 
spired by Rome, and the active vigilance of that power, inter- 
posed an effectual bar. Hence the Achseans, apparently at least) 
remained on the Roman side; the ^tolians, by domestic fac- 
tions, had worked their own destruction ; the case was the same 
with the Acamanians ; and the federation of the Boeotians had 
been completely dissolved by the Romans, 171* On the other 
hand, in Epirus the Macedonian party was superior ; Thessaly 
was occupied by Perseus; several of the lliracian tribes were 
friendly to him; and in king Gentius he found an ally who 
might have been highly useful, had not the Macedonian prince, 
by an ill-timed avarice, deprived himself of his assistance. 

24. The commencement of open hostilities was Defeat at 


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Thi»d hastened by the bitter hatred existing between 

^^^^jj^ Perseus and Eumenes, and by the intrigues of 

Pidna. the latter at Rome. Neglect of the favourable 

moment for taking the field, and the defensive 

system, skilfully in other respects as it was 

planned, caused the ruin of Perseus, as it had 

done that of Antiochus. Nevertheless he pro- 

B. c. 172 tracted the war to the fourth year, when the bat- 

"" tie of Pidna decided the fate both of himself and 

his kingdom. 

Miserable condition of Peneas until his capture at Samo- 
tbrace ; and afterwards until his death at Rome, 166. 

25. According to the system at that period fol- 
lowed by Rome, the conquered kingdom of Mace- 
donia was not immediately converted into a pro- 
vince ; it was first deprived of all offensive power, 
by being republicanized and divided into four 
districts, wholly distinct from one another, and 
bound to pay Rome half the tribute th6y were 
before wont to furnish to their kings. 
Faiiofth« 26. It was in the natural order of things that 
ieagiM.° the independence of Greece, and more especially 
that of the Achaean league, should fall with Per- 
seus. The political inquisition of the Roman com- 
missaries not only visited with punishment the de- 
clared partizans of Macedonia ; but even to have 
' stood neutral was a crime that incurred suspicion. 
Rome, however, amid the rising hatred, did not 
deem herself secure until by one blow she had 
rid herself of all opponents of any importance. 
Above a thousand of the most eminent of the 
Achaeans were summoned to Rome to justify 
themselves, and there detained seventeen years 
167—?^' in prison without a hearing. While at the head 


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of the league, stood the man who had delivered Third 
them up, Callicrates, (rf. 150.) a wretch who could, ^'^'"''' 
uumoved, hear " the very boys in the streets taunt 
him with treachery." — A more tranquil period, it 
is true, now ensued for Greece, but it was the 
result of very obvious causes. 

27. The ultimate lot both of Macedon and Greece be- 
Greece was decided by the system now adopted R^aiT 
at Rome, that of converting the previous depend- ?S)^i48. 
ence of nations into formal subjection. The in- 
surrection of Andriscus in Macedonia, an indivi- 
dual who pretended to be the son of Perseus, was 
quelled by Me tell us, the country being consti- 
tuted a Roman province ; two years afterwards, at 
the sack of Corinth, vanished the last glimmer of 
Grecian freedom. 

The last war of the Adbaeana arose out of certain quarrels with 
Sparta, 150, fomented hy Dieus^ Critolaos^ and Damocritus, who 
had returned bitterly enraged from the Roman prison ; in these 
disputes Rome interferedj with the design of wholly dissolving 
the Achiean league. The first pretext that offered for executing 
this scheme was the ill-treatment of the Roman ambassadors at 
Corinth, 148; war, however, still raging with Carthage and 
Andriscus, the Romans preserved £w the present a peaceful tone. 
But the party of Dittus and Critolaus would have war; the 
plenipotentiaries of Metellus were again insulted, and the 
Achaeans declared war against Sparta and Rome. In the very 
same year they were routed by Metellus, and their leader Cri- 
tolaus fiell in the engagement; Metellus was replaced in the 
command by Mummius, who defeated Dieeus the successor of 
Critolaus, took Corinth and razed it to the ground, 146. The 
consequence was, that Greece, under the name of Achaia, became 
a Roman province, although to a few cities, such as Athens, for 
instance, some shadow of freedom was still left. 


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ly. History of some smaller or more distant Kingdoms 
and States erected out of the Macedonian monarchy. 

Third SOURCES. Besides the writers enumerated above^ (see p. 232.) 
'^''' Memnon^ an historian of Heraclea in Pontus, deserves particular 
mention in this place, (see p. 162) : some extracts from his work 
have been preserved to us by Photins> Cod. 224. In some indi- 
vidual portions, as, for instance, in the Parthian history, Justin^ 
is our main authority ; as are likewise Ammianus Marcellinus, 
and the extracts from Arrian*s Parthica, found in Phodus. The 
coins of the kings are also of great importance ; but unfortunately 
Vaiilant*8 Essay shows, that even with their assistance the chro- 
nology still remains in a very unsettled state. For the Jewish 
history, Josephus (see p. 35.) is the grand writer : of the Books 
of the Old Testament, those of Ezra and Nehemiah, together 
with the Maccabees, although the last are not always to be de- 
pended upon. 

The modem writers are enumerated below, under the heads of 
the different kingdoms. Much information is likewise scattered 
about in the works on ancient numismatics. 

Smaller 1 . Bcsidcs the three main empires into which 

out of Alex- the monarchy of Alexander was divided, there 
jrre!'**™ likewise arose in those extensive regions several 
branch kingdoms, one of which even grew in time 
to be among the most powerful in the world. To 
these belong the kingdoms of, 1. Pergamus. 
2. Bithynia. 3. Paphlagonia. 4. Pontus. 5. Cap- 
padocia. 6. Great Armenia. 7. Little Armenia. 
8. Parthia. 9. Bactria, 10. Jewish state sub- 
sequent to the Maccabees. 

* As Justin did no more than eztiact from Trogus Pompeius, a questioo 
presents itself of great consequence to various portions of ancient history ; what 
authorities did Trogus Pompeius follow 1 The answer will be found in two 
treatises by A. L, L. Heeren : De fontibut et avetoritate Trogi Pompeii, eitu- 
que epitamatoris Justini, inserted in Comment, Soe. Gott. vol. 15. 


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We are acquainted with the history of these kingdoms^ the Third 
Jewish state alone excepted^ only so far forth as they were im- 
plicated in the concerns of the greater empires ; of their internal 
history we know little^ often nothing. With respect to many of 
them^ therefore^ little more can be produced than a series of 
chronological data^ indispensable, notwithstanding, to the general 

2. The kingdom of Pergamus, in Mysia, arose Kingdom of 
during the war between Seleucus and Lysima- b!^2S3 
chus. It owed its origin on the one hand to the ^^^' 
prudence of its rulers, the wisest of whom luckily 
reigned the longest; and, on the other, to the 
weakness of the SeleucidsB : for its progressive 
increase it was indebted to the Romans, who in 
aggrandizing the power of Pergamus acted with a 
view to their own interest. History exhibits 
scarcely one subordinate kingdom whose princes 
took such skilful advantage of the political cir- 
cumstances of the times; and yet they earned 
still greater renown by the anxiety they showed, 
in rivalling the Ptolemies, to foster the arts of 
peace, industry, science, architecture, sculpture, 
and painting. How dazzling the splendour with 
which the small state of Pergamus outshines 
many a mighty empire ! 

Philetsems, lieutenant of Lysimachus^ in Pergamus, asserts 
his independence; and maintains possession of the citadel and 
town, 28a— 263. His nephew, Eumenes I. 263—241, defeats 
Antiochus I. at Sardes, 263, and becomes master of .^olis and 
the circumjacent country. His nephew. Attains I. 241 — 197> 
after his victory over the Galatians, 239^ becomes king of Perga- 
mus: a noble prince, and one whose genius and activity em- 
braced everything. His wars against Achseus brought him in 
alliance with Antiochus III. 216. Commencement of an alliance 
with Rome, arising out of his participation in the ^tolian league 
a^inst Macedon, 211, in order to thwart Philip's project of con-* 
quest. Hence, after Philip's irruption into Asia, 203^ participa- 



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Third tion on the side of Rome, in the Macedonian war. His son £a- 
— ^^^°^' menes II. the inheritor of all his father's great qualities succeeds 
him, 197 — 1^8. As a reward for his assistance against Anlio- 
chus the Great, the Rpmans presented him with almost aU the 
territories possessed by the vanquished king in Asia Minor, 
(Phrygia, Mysia, Lycaonia, Lydia, Ionia, and a part of Caria,) 
which thereafter constituted the kingdom of Pergamus; this 
prince extended his frontiers, but lost his independence. In the 
war with Perseus he was scarce able to preserve the good wiU of 
the senate, and therewith his kingdom. His brother. Attains II. 
158 — 138, a more faithful dependent of Rome, took part in 
nearly all the concerns of Asia Minor, more especially Bithynia. 
His nephew, Attains III. 138 — 133, a prince of unsound mind, 
bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans, who, after vanquishing 
the lawful heir, Aristonicus, 130, took possession of it, annexing 
it to their empire, under the shape of a province called Asia. — 
Great discoveries and vast establishments made at Peigamus. 
Rich library; subsequently transferred by Antony to Alexandria, 
as a present for Cleopatra. Museum. Discovery of parchment, 
an invaluable auxiliary to the preservation of works of literature. 

Choiseuil Goufpier, Vof/age pUtoresque de la Grece, vol. 
ii. 1809. Containing excellent observations, both on the monu- 
ments and history of Pergamus, as well as on those of all the 
neighbouring coasts and islands. 

Sevin, Reckerckes sur les rois de Pergame, inserted in the 
Mint, de VAcad. des Inscript vol. xii. 

From the fall of Tyreand the unsuccessfiil attempt of Deme- 
trius, B. C. 307, to the establishment of Roman dominion in the 
east, 300 — ^200, was the brilliant period of Rhodes ; alike im- 
portant for political wisdom, naval power, and extensive trade. 
At the head of the senate (jSovXi)) were presidents, (v^t^reupcK,) 
who went out of office every half year, and were honoured with 
precedence in the meetings of the commons. Friendship with 
all, alliance with none, was the fundamental maxim of Rhodian 
policy, until subverted by Rome. Thus was preserved the dig- 
nity of the state, together with its independence and polidcal 
activity — where do we not meet with Rhodian embaaaies ? — and 
permanent splendour, resulting from the cultivation of arts and 
sciences. What proofs of general commiseration did not Rhodes 
enjoy after that dreadful earthquake, which threw down even the 
jBimous colossus, 227! Long did her squadrons command the 
^gsean; over that sea, the Euxine, and die western parts of the 


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Mediterranean as far as Sicily^ her commerce extended^ consist- Third 
ing in the rich exchange of commodities between three qaarters ^^'*'^°- 
of the globe. Her revenue proceeded from the customs^ and was 
abundant; until, blinded by avarice, she sought to obtain at 
Persea a territory on the mainland ; an ambition of which the 
Romans availed themselves to her detriment, by presenting her 
with Lycia and Garia, 190. And yet did this republic outlive that 
of Rome ! Great, indeed, is the chasm left in general history by 
the loss of the internal history of this island I 

P. D. Ch. Paulsen, Commentatio exkibens Rkodi description 
nem Macedonica estate, Gottingce, 1818. A prize essay. 

3. The other small kingdoms of Asia Minor are 
fragments rather of the Persian than of the Ma- 
cedonian monarchy ; for Alexander's march fol- 
lowing another direction, they were not formally 
subjugated by that conqueror. The lines of their 
kings are generally traced back to an early period 
of the Persian age ; but, properly speaking, their 
rulers in those days were nothing more than vice- 
roys : selected indeed, for the most part, from the 
royal family, they bore the title of princes, and, 
in the gradual decline of the empire, not unfre- 
quently threw up their allegiance. Nevertheless 
these kingdoms do not appear as really inde- 
pendent until after the time of Alexander. Con- 
nected with the Grecian republics Heraclea, Si- 
nope, Byzantium, etc. they formed, both in the 
Macedonian and Roman ages, a system of small 
states, often distracted by internal wars, and still 
oftener mere tools in the hands of the more 

1 . Bithynia, As early as the Persian period, mention is made 
of two kings in Bithynia, Dydalsus and Botyras. The son of 
the latter, Bias, B. C. 378 — 328, made head against Caranus, 
one of Alexander's generals ; as did also his son Zipoetas, e?. 281, 
against Lysimachus. — Lycoihedes I. d, 248. He called the Gauls 


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Third over ftom Thrace, 278, and with their assistance deposed his 
^**'^°* brother Zipoetas ; the Gaols in consequence kept their footing in 
Galatia, and were for a long time an object of terror to Asia 
Minor. Zelas, d, about 252 ; established his dominion after a 
war with his half-brothers. Prusias I. son-in-law and ally of 
Philip II. of Macedon, d. 192. He sided with the Rhodians 
in the commercial war against Byzantium, *222, (see above, 
p. 282.) and directed his arms, 196, against Heraclea, a Grecian 
city in Bithynia, with a respectable territory along shore. Pru- 
sias II. waged war against Eumenes II. at the instigation of 
Hannibal, who had fled to his court, 184 ; he was subsequently 
about to deliver up the fugitive to the Romans ; had not Hanni- 
bal put a period to his existence, 183 : this king likewise waged 
war against Attains II. 158 ; in both these contests Rome acted 
as mediator. Prusias, who had the meanness to style himself a 
freedman of the Romans, was dethroned by his own son, Nico- 
medes II. (f. 92 ; a confederate of Mithridates the Great, with 
whom, nevertheless, he afterwards fell out concerning the appro- 
priation of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. Nicomedes was mur- 
dered by his son Socrates, who was, however, compelled to flee ; 
in consequence of which Nicomedes III. succeeded to the crown. 
Deposed by Mithridates, who supported his half-brother Socrates, 
he was reinstated by Rome, 90. Having, however, at the insti- 
gation of the Romans, 89, attacked Mithridates, he was defeated 
and expelled in the first Mithridatic war, now kindled ; but in 
the peace of 85, he was again reinstated by SuUa. At his death, 
75, he bequeathed Bithynia to the Romans ; and this legacy gave 
rise to the third Mithridatic war. 

Vaillant, Imperium Arsacidarum, vol. ii. See below. 

Sevin, Recherches mr les rots de Bithyme; inserted in the 
M&m, de VAcadhnie des InscripL vol. xii. 

2. Paphlagonia, Even in the Persian age, the rulers of this 
country were but nominally subject. After Alexander's death, 
B. C. 323, it fell into the hands of the kings of Pontus ; it was, 
however, subsequently, again ruled by its own monarchs ; among 
whom we hear of Morzes, about 179 ; Pylsemenes I. about 131 : 
who assisted the Romans in the war against Aristonicus of Per- 
gamus. — Pylaemenes II. d. before 121 ; who is said to have be- 
queathed his kingdom to Mithridates V. of Pontus. Hence 
Paphlagonia came to be implicated in the fortunes of Pontus, 
(see just below,) until after the &11 of Mithridates the Great, 63, 


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that kingdom was converted into a province, with the exception Third 
of one of the southern districts, to which the Romans left some - 
shadow of j&eedom. 

3. Ponius. The later kings of this coimtry derived their origin 
from the family of the Achsemenidse, or house of Persia. In the 
Persian age they remained dependent or tributary princes : and 
as such we must consider Artabazes, son of Hystaspes, d. 480, 
Mithridates I. d, 868, and Ariobarzanes, d. d37f mentioned as 
the earliest kings of Pontus. Mithridates II. sumamed Ctistes, 
d. 302, was one of the first to acknowledge subjection to Alex- 
ander ; after the death of the conqueror he sided with Antigonus, 
who treacherously caused him to be murdered. His son, Mithri- 
dates III. d, 266, (the Ariobarzanes of Memnon,) not only main- 
tained himself after the battle of Ipsus against Lysimachus, but 
likevrise possessed himself of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. Mi- 
thridates IV. father-in-law to Antiochus the Great, waged an un- 
successful war against Sinope. The year of his death is unde- 
termined, Phamaces, d. about 156. He conquered Sinope 183 ; 
and that town then became the royal residence. War with Eu- 
menes II. whom Rome had made so powerful, and with his allies ; 
terminated by a treaty, according to which Phamaces ceded 
Paphlagonia, B. C. 179. Mithridates V. d. about 121. He was 
an ally of the Romans, from whom, after the defeat of Aristonicus 
of Phrygia, he contrived to obtain Great Phrygia. Mithridates 
VI» sumamed Eupator, about 121 — 64. He bore the title of 
Great, an epithet to which he was as fully entitled as Peter I. in 
modem history; indeed he resembled the Russian prince in 
almost everything except in good fortune. His reign, although 
of the highest importance to general history, is, particularly in 
the portion previous to the wars with Rome, replete with chrono- 
logical difficulties. — At the age of twelve years he inherits from 
his &ther not only Pontus, but likewise Phrygia, and a rever- 
sionary title to the throne of Paphlagonia, vacated by the death 
of Pylsemenes II. — During his nonage, 121 — 112, while by 
voluntarily inuring himself to hardships, he contrived to elude 
the treacherous hostility of his guardians, Rome deprived him of 
Phrygia. His conquests in Colchis and on the eastem side of 
the Black sea, 112 — 110. — Conunencement of the Scythian wars. 
Called by the Greeks of Crimea to their assistance, he expelled 
the Scythians; subjected several insignificant Scythian princes 
on the mainland; and entered into alliances with the Sarmatic 


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Third and even Germanic races aa far as the Danube, 108 — 105» having 
Period. ^Jj^q^^ q^ yiew to the inirasion of Italy fix»m the north. — ^Thia war 
ended, he travels over Asia, (Asia Minor ?) about 104 — 103. — ^At 
his returui after punishing widi death his fedihless sister and wife, 
Laodice, he makes good his pretensions to Paphlagonia, whidi he 
divides with Nicomedes II. 102. The Roman senate demanding 
the restoration of that province, Mithridates not only refuses to 
accede, but likewise takes possession of CbUatia ; meanwhile Ni- 
comedes places on the throne of Paphlagonia one of his own sosrs, 
whom he gives out to be a son of Pylsemenes II. and doiomi- 
nates Pylsemenes III. — Rupture with Nicomedes II. 101 ; the 
subject of dispute, Cappadocia, which, after removing the king, 
Ariarathes VII. his brother-in-law, with the assistance of Gor- 
dius, Mithridates himself now wished to possess ; he is anticipated, 
however, by Nicomedes II. who marries Laodice, Ariarathes*s 
widow. — Mithridates, notwithstanding, expels his rival, under 
pretence of holding the kingdom for his sbter's son, Aiiamthes 
YIII. whom at the end of a few months he puts to death at a 
private conference, 94 ; he defeats the brother of the murdered 
prince, Ariarathes IX. and then places on the throne, under the 
name of Ariarathes X. his own son, who is given out to be a third 
son of Ariarathes VII ; in opposition to whom Nicomedes sets up 
another pretended Ariarathes. The Roman senate, meanwhile, 
declare both Paphlagonia and Cappadocia free, B. C. 92 ; attend- 
ing, however, to the desires of the Cappadodans, they sanction 
the election of Ariobarzanes to the crown ; and he is put in pos- 
session of the kingdom by Sylla, as propraetor of Cilida, likewise 
in 92. — Mithridates, on the other hand, forms an alliance with 
the king of Armenia, Tigranes, to whom he gives his daughter in 
marriage; and employs him in expelling Ariobarzanes. — He 
himself, after the death of Nicomedes II. 92, supports the claims 
of the deceased king's exiled son, Socrates Chrestus, against the 
bastard Nicomedes III. and in the mean time takes possession of 
Paphlagonia. Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes are reinstated by a 
Roman embassy, 90, Mithridates, in order to gain time against 
Rome, causing Socrates to be put to death. The hostilities of 
Nicomedes, instituted by Rome, gave rise to the first Roman ymr^ 
89 — 85, carried on in Asia and Greece, and brought to a coadn- 
sion by Sylla. By the peace of 85, Mithridates restores Bi- 
thynia, Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia. — War with the revolted 
Colchians and Bosporans, 84. — Second war with Rome brongbt 


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about by the Roman governor, Murena, 83 — 81. Mithridates Third 
hereupon appoints his son, Machares, king of Bosporus, (Crimea,) ^"^'*^'^' 
whom he afterwards himself causes to be put to death, 66 ; he 
was likewise, in all probability, the instigator of the migration of 
the SarmatBB out of Asia into Europe, in order to maintain his 
conquests in that quarter, about 80. Fresh disputes with Rome 
about Cappadocia, of which Tigranes takes possession, and third 
war with Rome, 75 — 64. The contest ended in the down&J of 
Mithridates, caused by the treachery of his son Phamaces ; 
Pontus became a Roman province ; although tiie Romans, in the 
sequel, appointed over a portion of the country princes from the 
royal house, Darius, Polemo I. Polemo II. until Nero reduced 
it again wholly to the state of a province. 

Yaillakt, Imperiwn Achamenidarum in his Imperium At^ 
sacidarumj tom. ii. With the assistance of the coins. 

For the history of Mithridates the Great, previously treated 
without sufficient chronological accuracy, see De Brosses, His^ 
toire de la RSp. Romainef and more especially 

Joan. Eknst. Woltersdorf, Commentatio vitam Mithridatis 
Magnif per annos digestam^ sistens ; prcemio ornata ah A* PhiL 
Ord. OotiingcBy A. 1812. 

4. Cappadoda. Until the time of Alexander this country 
remained a province of the Persian empire, although the governors 
occasionally made attempts at insurrection. The ruling family 
was here likewise a branch of the royal house ; Ariarathes I. was 
particularly distinguished about B. C. 354. The prince contem- 
porary with Alexander was Ariarathes II. who, being attacked 
by Perdiccas and Eumenes, fell in the contest, 322. Neverthe- 
less, his son, Ariarathes III. supported by the Armenians, re- 
covered the sceptre about 312. The son of this king, Ariaramnes, 
formed a matrimonial connection with the Seleucidas, uniting his 
son Ariarathes IV. with the daughter of Antiochus Oc^^. Ariara- 
thes IV. during his lifetime, associated in the government his son 
Ariarathes V. d, 162. who married Antiochis, daughter to An- 
tiochus the Great : this princess, finding herself at first barren, 
procured two supposititious sons, one of whom, Orophemes, sub- 
sequently wrested the sceptre from the legitimate and later bom 
son, Ariarathes YI. but was afterwards expeUed by the rightful 
heir, 157- In the war against Aristonicus of Pergamus, 131, he 
fell, as an ally of the Romans, leaving behind him six sons ; five of 
whom were cut off by his ambitious relict Laodice ; the sixth 


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Third however, Aiiaxathes YII. ascended the throne, and was married 
^'^'"^'^' to Laodice, sister of Mithridates the Great, at whose instigation 
he was murdered hy Crordius, under pretence of placing on the 
throne his sister's son, Ariarathes VIII ; this last prince was soon 
after treacherously put to death hy Mithridates, 94, and his hio- 
ther Ariarathes IX. defeated 98, died of a hroken heart ; Mithri- 
dates then placed on the throne his own son, Ariarathes X. a lad 
eight years old. The independence of Cappadocia having mean- 
while heen proclaimed at Rome, the inhahitants of the countiy, 
in order to preclude domestic hroils, themselves elect a king, ap- 
pointing to that dignity Ariobarzanes I. who was installed by 
Sylla, 92, and, backed by the Romans, kept his footing in the 
Mithridatic wars. In 6B he made the crown over to his son, 
Ariobarzanes II. who was slain by the army of Brutus and Cas- 
sius, 48, as was his brother, Ariobarzanes III. 84, by Mark 
Antony ; Antony then appointed Archelaus to be king, who en- 
ticed to Rome by Tiberius, A. D. 17, was there assassinated; 
and Cappadocia then became a Roman province. 

5. Armenia was a province of the Syrian empire until the de- 
feat of Antiochus the Great by Rome, 190. That defeat was 
followed by the accession of Antiochus's lieutenants, Artaxias 
and Zariadras ; and now arose the two kingdoms of Armenia 
Migor and Armenia Minor (the latter on the west bank of the 
Upper Euphrates). In Armenia Major the fiEunily of Artaxias 
kept possession of the throne, under eight (according to others 
ten) consecutive kings, until B. C. 5. — ^The only remarkable 
prince of this line was Tigranes I. 95 — 60, son-in-law and ally 
of Mithridates the Great, and lord of Asia Minor, Cappadocia, 
and Syria. He was, however, at the peace of 63^ obliged to give 
up all, so that Armenia was dependent on the Romans, and re- 
mained so until B. C. 5, when it became the object of contention 
between the Romans and Parthians, being ruled at intervals by 
kings appointed by both parties, who endeavoured thereby to 
protect their own provinces. Finally, in A. D. 412, Armenia be- 
came a province of the new Persian empire. — In Asia Minor the 
descendants of Zariadras ruled dependentiy on Rome ; after its 
defection under Mithridates the Great it usually formed part of 
some one of the neighbouring kingdoms, until in the reign of 
Vespasian it was converted into a province of the Roman empire. 
Vaillant, Elenchus regum Armenice Majoris, in his Hist. 
Imp, Arsacidarum, 


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4. Besides the above small kingdoms, two Third 
mighty empires arose in Inner Asia, both out Ba'^lT 
of Alexander's monarchy, and at the same time : ^^ ^'^ 
these were the Parthian and the Bactrian ; each pire». 
having previously constituted a part of the empire 
of the Seleucidae, from which they seceded under 
Antiochus II. The Parthian kingdom, or that of 
the Arsacidae, B. C. 256— A. D. 226, at the maxi- 
mum of its extension, comprised the countries 
between the Euphrates and Indus. Its history, 
so far as we are acquainted with it, is divided 
into four periods (see below) ; but unfortunately 
our information is so imperfect respecting all that 
relates to the Parthians, except their wars, that 
even the most important particulars are beyond 
the reach of conjecture. 

Main &ct8 in the history and constitution of the Parthian king- 
dom, a. Like the ancient Persian empire, the Parthian arose out 
of the conquests made by a rude mountain race of Central Asia, 
whose Scythian (probably Tatarian) origin, betrayed itself even in 
later times by their speech and mode of life : their conquests, 
however, were not effected with the same rapidity as those of the 
Persians, b. This empire increased at the expense of the Syrian 
in the west, and of the Bactrian in the east ; but its dominion was 
never permanently established beyond the Euphrates, Indus, and 
Oxus. c. The wars with Rome, commencing in B. C. 53, and 
springing out of disputes for the possession of the Armenian 
throne, were for a long time unfortunate for the Romans. Success 
did not accompany the arms of Rome until she had discovered the 
art of raising her own parties within the kingdom itself, by lend- 
ing her support to pretenders, an art rendered comparatively easy, 
by the unfavourable situation of the Parthian capital Seleucia 
and the neighbouring town of Ctesiphon, the real head quarters 
of the court, d. The empire was indeed divided into satrapies, 
eighteen of which are enumerated; nevertheless it comprised 
likewise several small kingdoms, which preserved their own 


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Third nilers, only that they were tributary, such, for instance, as Per- 
^^'^'"°' sis, etc. The Graeco-Macedonian settlements were also in pea- 
session of great privileges, and of their own civic governments; 
Seleucia more especially, where the coins of the Parthian so- 
vereigns were struck, e. The constitution was monarchal-aris- 
tocratic, something like that of the Poles, in the period of the 
Jagellons. At the king*s side sat a supreme state council, (^ewz- 
tus, in all probability what was called the megistanes^ who had 
the power of deposing the king, and the privilege, it is supposed, 
of confirming his accession previous to the ceremony of corona- 
tion, performed by the field-marshals (jsurenai). The right of 
succession was only so far determined as belonging to the house 
of the Arsacidas ; the many pretenders to which this uncertainty 
gave rise, produced factions and domestic wars, doubly injurious 
to the empire when fomented and shared by foreigners. /. ^Ith 
regard to Asiatic commerce, the Parthian supremacy was of im- 
portance, inasmuch as it interrupted the direct intercourse he- 
tween the western and eastern countries : it being a maxim of 
the Parthians not to grant a passage through their country to any 
stranger. This destruction of the trade occurs in the third pe- 
riod of the empire, being a natural result of the many wars with 
Rome, and the distrust thence ensuing. The East India trade, 
in consequence, took another road through Palmyra and Alex- 
andria, which were indebted to it for their splendour and pros- 
perity, g. It is probable that this was the reason why exce^ive 
luxury took a less hold on the Parthians than on the other ruling 
nations of Asia, notwithstanding their predilection for Grecian 
manners and literature, at that time generally prevalent through- 
out the east. 

Line of the kings. I. Syrian period ; that of reiterated wars 
with the Seleucidae, until 130. Arsaces I. 256 — 253, founder of 
the Parthian independence, by procuring the death of the Syrian 
viceroy, Agathocles, to which he was instigated by the insult 
offered to his brother Tiridates. Arsaces II. (Tiridates I.) bro- 
ther of the foregoing, d. 216. He possessed himself of Hyrcania, 
about 244, confirmed the Parthian power by a victory on Seleu- 
cus Callinicus, 238, whom he took prisoner, 236» Arsaces III. 
(Artabanus I.) d. 196. In his reign occurred the unsuccessful 
attempt of Antiochus III. who, in the treaty of 210, was obliged 
to renounce all claims on Parthia and Hyrcania, in return for 
which Arsaces lent his assistance to Antiochus in the war against 


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Bactria. Arsaces IV. (Priapatius,) d. about 181. Arsaces V. Third 
(Phraates I,) d. about 144 ; he conquered the Mardians on the '^°* 

Caspian. His brother, Arsaces VI. (Mithridates I.) d. 136. He 
raised the hitherto confined kingdom of Parthia to the rank of a 
mighty empire, having, after the decease of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
164, by the capture of Media, Persis, Babylonia, and other 
countries, extended the frontiers westward to the Euphrates, and 
eastward to the Hydaspes, beyond the Indus. The invasion of 
Demetrius II. of Syria, supported by an insurrection of the con- 
quered races, ended, 140, in the capture of the aggressor. Arsa- 
ces VII. (Phraates II.) d, about 127. Invasion of Antiochus 
Sidetes, 132, who was at first successful, but being soon after- 
wards cut off together with his whole army, 131, the Parthian 
empire was for ever freed from the attacks of the Syrian kings. 

II. Period of the eastern nomad wars ; iix)m 130 — 63. After 
the Mi of the Bactrian empire, which had hitherto formed the 
eastern rampart of the Parthians, violent wars took place with 
the nomad tribes of Central Asia (Scythse, Dahse, Tochari, etc.) 
in which Arsaces VII. was slain. Arsaces VIII. (Artabanus II.) 
shared the same fate about 124. Arsaces IX. (Mithridates II.) 
d. 87. This prince appears to have restored tranquillity to tlie 
east after bloody wars ; he met, however, with a powerful rival 
in Tigranes I. of Armenia. In his reign occurred the first trans- 
actions between the Parthians and Romans, 92, Sylla being pro- 
praetor of Cilicia. Arsaces X. (Mnasciras,) d. about 76, waged 
a long war for the succession with his follower on the throne, the 
septuagenarian, Arsaces XI. (Sinatroces,) d. about 68. Unsuc- 
cessful war with Tigranes I. In consequence of civH wars, and of 
that with Tigranes, together with the formidable power of Mithri- 
dates the Great, the Parthian empire was now greatly weakened. 
Arsaces XII. (Phraates III.) d. 60, contemporary with the third 
Mithridatic war. Although both parties eagerly courted his al- 
liance, and he himself was engaged in the contest with Tigranes, 
he, notwithstanding, observed an armed neutrality, and made the 
Parthian empire continue to be respected as fax as the Euphrates. 
Neither Lucullus nor Pompey durst attack him. The fall of 
Mithridates and of his empire, 64, constitutes, however, an epoch 
in the Parthian history, the Romans and Parthians having now 
become immediate neighbours. — ^Arsaces XIII. (Mithridates II.) 
d, 54, deposed after several wars, by his younger brother Orodes, 


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TiiiiiD and at last put to death, after the capture of Babylonia, where 

^"'°'^- ■ he had taken refuge. 

III. Roman period ; from B. C. 53, to A. D. 226 ; comprising 
the wars with Rome. Arsaces XIV. (Orodes I.) d. 36. In his 
reign the first war with Rome, caused by the invasion of Cras^ 
, sus ; it ends in the annihilation of the invading army and general, 

53. In consequence of this victory the Parthians acquired such 
preponderance, that during the civil wars they were frequently 
masters on this side of the Euphrates, and in 52 — 51 proceeded 
to attack Syria. — In the war between Pompey and Caesar they 
sided with the former, and thus frimished the latter with a pre- 
text for his Parthian expedition, which, however, waa prevented 
by his murder in 44 ; again in the war between the triumviri 
and Brutus and Cassius, 42, they took the republican side. After 
the defeat of Brutus and Cassius, the Pardiians, at the instigation 
of the Roman general and ambassador Labienus, and commanded 
by him and Pacorus, (eldest son to Arsaces,) spread over the 
whole of Syria and Asia Minor, 40 ; but, after violent exertions, 
were driven back by Ventidius, Antonyms general, 39, 38 ; Pa- 
corus lost his life, and his father died of grief. Arsaces XT. 
(Phraates IV.) d. A. D. 4, contemporary of Augustus. He con- 
firmed his power by murdering his brothers and their depend- 
ents ; his views were likewise furthered by the failure of An- 
tony's expedition, B. C. 36, which ended pretty nearly in the 
same manner as that of Crassus. The remainder of his reign 
was disturbed by a pretender to the throne, Tiridates, who, after 
his defeat, 25, found an asylum at the court of Augustus. The 
threatened attack of Augustus was diverted by Phraates's re- 
storation of the standards taken from Crassus, 20; a dispute, 
however, subsequently arose respecting the possession of the Ar- 
menian throne, A. D. 2, on which account Caius Caesar was de- 
spatched into Asia, and accommodated matters by a treaty. The 
ultimate fate both of the king and the empire was principally 
decided by a female slave, Thermusa, sent as a present from Au- 
gustus ; this woman, wishing to ensure the succession to her own 
son, prevailed upon the king to send his four sons to Rome as 
hostages, under the pretext of anticipatiftg domestic troubles, 18. 
— ^A practice which from that time became fr^uent, the Parthian 
kings thinking it a convenient mode of ridding themselves of 
dangerous competitors, while the Romans knew how to make the 


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proper use of them, — Thermusa's son having grown up, she re- Thibd 
moved the king, and seated Phiaataces on the throne, under the — ^ — — 
name of Arsaces XVI ; he was, however, put to death hy the 
Parthians, A. D. 4 ; and the crown given to one of the Arsacidae, 
Orodes II, (Arsaces XVII.) who was, however, immediately af- 
terwards slain by reason of his cruelty. In consequence, Vono- 
nes I. the eldest of the sons of Phraates sent to Rome, was 
called back and placed on the throne (Arsaces XVIII.); but 
that prince having brought with him Roman customs and luxury, 
was expelled, A. D. 14, with the assistance of the northern no- 
mads, by Artabanes III. (Arsaces XIX.) d. 44, a distant rela- 
tion : the fugitive took possession of the vacant throne of Arme- 
nia, but was soon after driven from thence likewise by his rival. 
Tiberius took advantage of the consequent disorders to send Ger- 
manicus into the east, A. D. 17* from whence he wa^ never to re- 
turn. The remainder of the reign of Artabanus was very stormy, 
Tiberius on the one hand taking advantage of the . factions 
between the nobles to support pretenders to the crown ; the 
revolts of the satraps, on the other hand, giving proof of the de- 
clension of the Parthian power. After his death war raged be- 
tween his sons; the second, Vardanes, (Arsaces XX.) d, 47* 
made good his pretensions to the crown, and took North Media, 
(Atropatene ;) he was succeeded by his elder brother Gotarzes, 
(Arsaces XXI.) d. 50, to whom Claudius unsuccessfully opposed 
Meherdates, educated as an hostage at Rome. Arsaces XXII. 
(Vonones II.) succeeded, after a reign of a few months, by Arsa- 
ces XXIII. (Vologeses I.) d. 90. The possession of the Arme- 
nian throne, given by this prince to his brother Tiridates, by the 
Romans to Tigranes, grandson of Herod the Great, excited a 
series of disputes, which began so early as the reign of Claudius, 
A. D. 52, and under Nero broke out into open war, waged with 
some success on the Roman side by Corbulo, 56 — 64, and closed 
by Tiridates going, after the death of Tigranes, to Rome, and 
there accepting the crown of Armenia as a gift at the hands of 
Nero, 65. Arsaces XXIV. (Pacorus,) d. 107, contemporary with 
Domidan. All that we know of him is, that he embellished the 
city of Ctesiphon. Arsaces XXV. (Cosroes,) d, about 121. The 
claims to the throne of Armenia implicated him in a war with 
Trajan, 114, during which Armenia, together with Mesopotamia 
and Assyria, were converted into Roman provinces. Trajan's 
consequent and successful inroad into the interior parts of the 


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Thibd Parthian dominiona, 115 — 116, followed by the captiue of Ctesi- 
PgRiop. p]^QQ^ m^^ f^Q appointmoit of Parthamaspates as king, appean 
to have been facilitated by the domestic commotions and civil 
wars which had for a long time harassed the empire. NeTer- 
theless, in the following year, 117, Hadrian was compelled to give 
up all the conquered coimtry ; the Euphrates was again acknow- 
ledged as the boundary ; Parthamaspates was appointed king of 
Armenia ; and Cosroes, who had taken refuge in the upper satra- 
pies, was reinstated on the throne, of which he seems ever after 
to have kept quiet possession. Arsaces XXVI. (Vologeses 11.) 
d, 149. Parthia under his reign, and Rome under that of Anto- 
ninus Pius, remained on good terms. Arsaces XXYII. (Volo- 
geses III.) d, 191. Under the reign of this king, the contem- 
porary of Marcus Aurelius and L. Verus, the war with Rome was 
again kindled, 161, by Verus, and carried on in Armenia and 
Syria ; Cassius, the legate of Verus, at last got possession of 
Seleuda, and demolished that city, 165. — ^Arsaces XXVllI. 
(Ardawan or Vologeses IV.) d. 207. This king having taken 
the part of Pescenninus Niger, in the war between him and Sep- 
timius Severus, was, after the defeat of his friend, 194, routed in 
a war with Septimius Severus, 197, and the chief towns of Parthia 
were sacked by the invaders. He is, without authority, repre- 
sented as succeeded by a Pacorus, who took the name of Arsaces 
XXIX. : his real successor, however, appears to have been Ar- 
saces XXIX. (Vologeses V.) d, 216. Domestic wars among bis 
sons, fomented by Caracalla. Arsaces XXX. (Artabanus IX.) 
At the beginning of his reign, this prince likewise was contem- 
porary with Caracalla, who, in order to pick a quarrel, demanded 
his daughter in marriage; according to some, Arsaces refused 
her, in consequence of which the Roman emperor undertook a 
campaign into Armenia ; according to others, Arsaces having as- 
sented, and escorted his daughter to Caracalla, was, by an abo- 
minable stroke of treachery, cut off, together with all his train, 
A. D. 216. Caracalla having been murdered, 217, his successor, 
Macrinus, signed a peace with the Parthians. But Arsaces sub- 
sequently raised his brother Tiridates to the throne of Armenia; 
this act spurred the Persian Artaxerxes, son of Sassan, to rebel- 
lion ; the Parthian king, defeated in three battles, fell in the last, 
thus putting a period to the family and dominion of the Arsa- 
ddae, 226, and Artaxerxes became the founder of the New Per- 
sian kingdom, or that of the Sassanidae. The revolution was 


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accompaoied not only irith a change of dynasty, but with a total Thzbd 
subversion of the constitution. Pbbiod. 

Vaillant, Imperium Arsaddarum et AcJuxmenidarumy Paris, 
1725, 2 vols. 4to. The first part comprises the Arsacidas ; the 
second the kings of Bithynia, Pontus, and Bosporus. It is an 
attempt, not altogether faultless, to arrange the series of kings, 
by the assistance of coins. 

•f- C. F. RicHTER, HtstoficO'Critical essay upon the dynasties 
of the Arsactdce and Sassanidce^ according to the Persian, Gre- 
cian^ and Roman authorities. A prize essay. Leipzic, 1804. 
A comparative research into the eastern and western sources. 
The chronology in the above sketch has been corrected by this 
work, in conjunction with 

Th. Chr. Tychsen, Commentatianes de Nummis Persarum et 
Arsaddarum ; inserted in Commentate Nov, Soc, Sc, Getting. 
vol. i. iii. 

5. The Bactrian kingdom arose nearly at the Bactna. 
same time as the Parthian, 254 ; its origin, how- 
ever, was of a different nature, — the independ- 
ence of this state being asserted by the Grecian 
governor, who was consequently succeeded by 
Greeks; — its duration likewise was much shorter, 
extending only from B. C. 254 to B. C. 126. 
Scarce any fragments have been preserved of the 
history of this empire, the borders of which ap- 
pear at one time to have extended to the banks 
of the Ganges, and the frontiers of China. 

Founder of the empire, Diodatus or Theodotus I. B. C. 254 ; 
he threw off his allegiance to the Syrian king, under Antiochus 
II. He appears to have been master not only of Bactria, but 
also of Sogdiana. He likewise threatened the Parthians ; after 
his decease, 243, his son and successor, Theodotus II. signed a 
treaty and alliance with Arsaces II. but was nevertheless deprived 
of his crown by Euthydemus of Magnesia, about 221. Antiochus 
the Great, at the conclusion of the Parthian war, directed his 
anns against Euthydemus, 209 — 206 ; the contest ended in a 
peace, by which Euthydemus, after delivering up his elephants, 


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Tried was tiot only left in possession of the crown, but was allied to tJie 
Period, gy^j^j^ family by the marriage of his son Demetrius witih a 

daughter of Antiochus. Demetrius, though a great conqaeror, 
does not seem to have been king of Baetria ; his dominions com- 
prised, it is probable, Nor& India and Malabar, whose histoiy 
now becomes closely connected with that of Baetria, although 
consisting only of mere fragments. The throne of Baetria fell to 
Apollodotus, and after him to Menander, who extended his con- 
quests as far as Serica, while Demetrius was establishing his do- 
minion in India, [as sovereign of which country he is represented 
in a medal lately discovered,] and where, about this time, sevenl 
Greek states appear to have existed, perhaps ever since the expe- 
dition of Antiochus III. 205. Menander was succeeded, about 
181, by Eucratidas, under whose reign the Bactrian empiie at- 
tained its greatest extension ; after defeating the Indian kiog, 
Demetrius, who had been the aggressor, he, with the assistance 
of the Parthian conqueror, Mithridates, (Arsaces VI.) annexed 
India to his own empire, 148. On his return, he was murdered 
by his son ; the same, probably, that is mentioned afterwards by 
the name of Eucratidas II. He was the ally of Demetrius 11. of 
Syria, and the main instigator of his expedition against the Far- 
thians, 142 ; Demetrius being defeated by Arsaces YI. Eaciad- 
das was, in consequence, deprived of a portion of his territoiy ; 
overpowered soon after by the nomad races of Central Asia, the 
Bactrian empire fell to the ground, and Baetria itself, together 
with the other countries on this side of the Oxus, became a prey 
to the Parthians. 

Th. Sieo. Bater, Historia regni Grcecorum BiKtrianu Pe- 
tropol. 1738, 4to. The few remaining fragments are in this work 
collected with industry and arranged with skill. 

[Tod, Account of Greeks Parthian, and Hindu Medalty in 
Transactions of the R. Asiatic Society, vol. i. part ii, p. 516. 

Tychsen, De Nummis Greeds et Barharis in Bochara iwjjer 
retectis, in Comment. Nov, Soc. Sc. Gotting. vol. vi.] 

Kin|dom of 6. The restored kingdom of the Jews was like- 
wise a fragment of the Macedonian monarchy; 
and although it ranked only with the smaller 
states, its history in various respects deserves our 
attention, few nations having had so powerful an 


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BOOK IT. IV. JUD^A. 307 

influence on the progress of human civilization, thmd 
The foundation of the independence of the Jews — ^^^^ 
was not, it is true, laid before the year 167 ; 
yet their domestic constitution had previously 
assumed its main features, and their history, 
reckoning from the return of the Babylonian cap- 
tivity, accordingly divides itself into four periods: 
1. Under the Persian supremacy, 536 — 323. 2. 
Under the Ptolemies and SeleucidaB, 323 — 167. 
3. Under the Maccabees, 167 — 39. 4. Under 
the Herodians and Romans, 6. C. 39. to A. D. 70. 

First period under the Persians. By permission from Cyms, 
a colony of Jews belonging to the tribes of Benjamin, Judah, and 
Levi, returned to the land of their fore&thers, 536 : this col(my, 
headed by Zorobabel, of the ancient royal family, and the high 
priest Joshua, consisted of about 42,000 souls ; the far more im- 
portant and wealthy portion of the nation preferred to remain on 
the other side of the Euphrates, where they had been settled to 
seventy years, and continued to be a numerous people. The new 
settlers found it difficult to keep their footing, principally in con- 
sequence of differences, produced by the intolerance they them- 
selves evinced at the building of the temple, with their neighbours 
and kinsmen the Samaritans, to whom the colony was only a 
cause of expense. The Samaritans, subsequently, having erected 
a separate temple at Garizim, near Sichem, about 336, not only 
separated completely, but laid the foundation of an inveterate 
hatred between the two nations. Hence the prohibition to re- 
build the city and temple, brought about by their means, under 
Cambyses, 529, and Smerdis, 522, and not taken off until 520, 
in the reign of Darius Hystaspes. The new colony did not re- 
ceive a pennanent internal constitution till the time of Ezra and 
Nehemiah ; both brought in fresh colonists, the former in 478, 
the latter in 445. The country was under the dominion of the 
satraps of Syria; but in the increasing domestic declension of the 
Persian empure, the high priests gradually became the virtual 
rulers of the nation. Nevertheless, even at the time of Alexan- 
der's conquest, 832, the Jews seem to have manifested proofs of 
fidelity to the Persians. 



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Third Second period under the Ptolemies and Seleudds, 323 — 167. 

Period, ^f^^ ^^ death of Alexander, Palestine, in consequence of its 
situation, generally shared the fate of Phoenicia and Coele-S3rria, 
(see ahove, p. 249.) heing annexed to Syria. — Capture of Jeru- 
salem, and transplantation of a vast colony of Jews to Alexan- 
dria hy Ptolemy I. 312 ; from thence they spread to Cyrene, and 
gradually over the whole of North Africa, and even into Ethio- 
pia. From 311 — 301 the Jews remained, however, suhject to 
Antigon\is. After the overthrow of his empire, they remained, 
301 — 203, under the dominion of the Ptolemies ; the most con- 
spicuous of their high priests during this interval wer^ Simon the 
Just, d, 291, and aflterwards his son, Onias I. d. 218, who, by 
withholding the tribute due to Ptolemy III. exposed Judsea to 
imminent danger. — In the second war of Antiochus the Ghreat 
against Egypt, 203, the Jews, of their own free will, acknow- 
ledged themselves his subjects, and assisted in driving out the 
Egyptian troops, who, under their general, Scopas, had again 
possessed themselves of the country, and the citadel of Jerusalem, 
198. Antiochus confirmed the Jews in the possession of all their 
privileges; and although he promised their country, together 
with Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, to Ptolemy Epiphanes, as the 
future dowry of his daughter, Judeea still remained under the 
Syrian supremacy ; except that the revenue was for a time di- 
vided between the Syrian and Egyptian kings. — The high priests 
and self-chosen ethnarchs or alabarchs were at the head of the 
people ; and we now find mention made for the first time of a 
senate, or the sanhedrim. But the rout of Antiochus the Great 
by the Romans was also the remote cause of the subsequent mis- 
fortunes of the Jews. The consequent dearth of money in which 
the S3rrian kings found themselves, and the riches of the temple 
treasures, the accumulation of the sacred income and gifts, made 
the office of high priest an object of purchase under Antiochus 
Epiphanes : hence arose quarrels between the pontifical &nilies, 
and out of those sprung factions, which Antiochus Epiphanes was 
desirous to turn to his own account, by the introduction of Gre- 
cian institutions among the Jews, in order thereby to promote the 
subjection of that people, now raised by its privileges almost to 
the rank of a state within that of Syria. Deposition of the liigh 
priest, Onias III. 175 ; his brother Jason having obtained the 
mitre by purchase, and the introduction of Grecian customs : 
Jason, however, was in his turn supplanted by his brother Mene- 


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BOOK IT. IV. JUD^A. 309 

laos, 172. During the civil war arising oat of these events, An- Taib» 

tiochus Epiphanes, at that time conqueror in Egypt, (see above, - 

p. 241.) takes possession of Jerusalem, 170, being provoked by 
the behaviour of the Jews to Menelaus, the high priest of his own 
appointment : the consequent oppression of the Jews, who now 
were to be Hellenized by main force, soon occasioned the rise 
under the Maccabees. 

Third period under the Maccabees, 167 — ^39. Commencement 
of the rebellion against Antiochus IV. brought about by the 
priest Mattathias, 167, who was almost immediately succeeded, 
166 — 161, by his son Judas Maccabaeus. Supported by the 
fanaticism of his party, Judas defeats in several battles the gene- 
rals of Antiochus, who was absent in Upper Asia, where he died, 
164 ; the Jewish leader is even said to have been favoured by 
Rome. The primary object of the insurrection was not, however, 
political independence ; they fought only for religious freedom. 
Under Antiochus Y. the sedition continued successful, both 
against the Syrian king and the high priest Alcimus, his creature, 
163 ; Judas having died soon after his defeat by Demetrius I. 
was succeeded by his brother Jonathan, 161 — 143. The death 
of the high priest, Alcimus, 160, opened the path of Jonathan to 
that office, which he received in the ensuing war between Deme- 
trius I. and Alexander Balas, 143, (see above, p. 244, 245.) both 
rivals courting his alliai^ce : Jonathan sided with Balas, and con- 
sequently, from being merely the leader of a party, came to be 
head of the nation, which still, nevertheless, continued to pay 
tribute to the kings. Notwithstanding the favour he had shown 
to Balas, after the overthrow of that pretender, he was confirmed 
in his dignity by Demetrius I. 145 ; to whose assistance he 
marched at the subsequent great revolt in Antioch. Jonathan 
however, in 144, passed over to the side of the usurper, Antio- 
chus, the son of Balas, (see above, p. 245.) and was by embassy 
presented with the friendship of the Romans in the same year, 
but by the treachery of Tryphon was taken and put to death, 
143. His brother and successor, Simon, 143 — 135, having de- 
clared against Tryphon, was by Demetrius II. not only confirmed 
in his dignity, but excused from paying tribute ; he likewise re- 
ceived the title of prince, (ethnarch ;) and appears to have struck 
coins. After the capture of Demetrius, Antiochus Sidetes allowed 
Simon to remain in possession of those privileges so long as he 
stood in need of his assistance against Tryphon ; but after the 


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Third death of that usurper, he caused bim, 130» to be attacked by 
^»»'0P' Cendebsdus, who was defeated by the sons of Simon. Sinum 
having been murdered by his son-in-law, Ptolemaeus, who aspired 
to the government, 135, was succeeded by his son, John Hyrea- 
nus, 185 — 107, who was compelled again to acknowledge sub- 
mission to Antiochus Sidetes ; but after the defeat and death of 
that prince by the Parthians, 180, he asserted his entire inde- 
pendence. The deep decline of the Syrian kingdom, the constant 
dvil wars by which it was distracted, and the renewed league 
with the Romans, not only enabled Hyrcanus easily to maintain 
his independence, but likewise to increase his territory, by the 
conquest of the Samaritans and Idumseans. But with him ended 
the heroic line. Scarcely was he delivered from foreign oppres- 
sion, when domestic broils arose ; the Pharisees and Sadducees 
had hitherto been mere religious sects, but were converted into 
poHdcal Actions by Hyrcanus, who, offended with the Pharisees, 
probably in consequence of their wish to separate the pontifical 
and princely offices, went over to the Sadducees ; the former sect, 
the orthodox, were as usual supported by the many ; the latter, 
the innovators, in consequence of the laxity of their principles, 
were &voured by the wealthy. Hyrcanus's eldest son, the cruel 
Aristobulus, 107, assumed the royal title, but soon after dying, 
106, was succeeded by his younger brother, Alexander Janns&us, 
106 — 79, His reign was an almost unbroken series of insignifi- 
cant wars with his neighbours, this prince wishing to play the 
conqueror ; and having likewise had the imprudence to irritate 
the powerful party of the Pharisees, these made him the object 
of public insult, and excited a tumult, 92, which was followed 
by a bloody civil war which lasted six years. Jannseus, it is 
trae, maintained himself during the struggle; but the opposite 
party was so fiar from being annihilated, that, at his death, when 
passing over his sons, the feeble Hyrcanus (who possessed the 
pontifical dignity) and the ambitious Aristobulus, he bequeathed 
the crown to his widow Alexandra, it was with the understanding 
that she should join the party of the Pharisees : during her reign, 
therefore, 79 — 71, the Pharisees held the reins of government, 
and left her only the name. Provoked at this, Aristobuhis, 
shortly before the death of the queen, endeavoured to obtain 
possession of the throne, and ultimately obtained hia end^, not- 
withstanding Alexandra nominated Hyrcanus to be her successor. 
Hyrcanus, at the instigation of his confidant, the Idnnuean Anti- 


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BOOK nr. IV. JUDjSA. 311 

pater, who was the progenitor of the Herodians, and assisted by Tbibd 
the Arabian prince Aietas, waged war against his brother, 65, and P»»xop« 
shat him up in Jerusalem: but the Romans were arbitrators, 
and Pompey, then all-powerfal in Asia, decided for Hyrcanus, 
64 ; the party of Aristobulns, however, refusing to accede, the 
Roman general took possession of Jerusalem; nude Hyrcanus 
high priest and prince, under condition that he should pay tri- 
bute ; and took as prisoners to Rome Aiistobulus and his sons, 
who, however, subsequently escaped and caused great disturb- 
ances. The Jewish state being now dependent on Rome, re- 
mained so, and the yoke was confirmed by the policy of Antipater 
and his sons, who followed the general maxim of entire devotion 
to Rome, in order thereby to succeed in wholly removing the 
reigning family. As early as 48, Antipater was appointed pro- 
curator of Judea by Caesar, whom he had supported at Alexandria, 
and his second son Herod, governor in Galilee, soon became suf- 
ficiently powerful to threaten Hyrcanus and the sanhedrim, 45. 
He gained the fiivour of Antony, and thus maintained himself 
amid the tempests which, after the assassinatiou of Csesar, 44, 
shook the Roman world, powerful as the party opposed to Um 
were : that party, however, at last, in lieu of the ill-fated Hyrca- 
nus, the only surviving son of Aristobulus, placed Antigonus at 
their head, and, assisted by the Parthians, then flourishing in 
power, seated him on the throne, 39. Herod having fled to 
Rome, not only met with a gracious reception at the hands of the 
triumviri, but was by them appointed king. 

Fourth period under the Herodians, B. C. 39 to A. D. 70. 
Herod the Great, B. C. 39 to A. D. 1. put himself in possession 
of Jerusalem and all Judaea, B. C. 37, and confinned his power 
by marrying Mariamne of the house of the Maccabees. Not^ 
withstandiDg his severity shown to the party of Antigonus, and 
the house of the Maccabees, the total extinction of which Herod 
deemed necessary for his own safety; yet so greatly did the 
wasted country stand in need of peace, that for that very reason 
his reign may be said to have been a happy one. Availing him- 
self of the liberality of Augustus, whose &vour he contrived to 
obtain after the defeat of Anthony, B. C. 31, Herod gradually 
increased the extent of his kingdom, which at last comprised 
Judsea, Samaria, Galilee, and beyond the Jordan, Peraea, Ituraea, 
and Trachonitis, (that is to say, the whole of Palestine,) together 
with Idumsea ; from these countries he derived his income with- 


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Third oat being obliged to pay any tribute. The deference consequentlj 
— "^°°' shown by Herod to Rome, was but the effect of a natural policy, 
and his conduct in that respect could be objected to him only by 
bigoted Jews. To his whole family, rather than to himself indi- 
vidually, are to be attributed the executions which took place 
among its members ; happy had it been if the sword had smitten 
none but the guilty and spared the innocent. In the last year 
but one of his reign is placed the birth of Christ (according to 
the usually adopted computation, made in the sixth century by 
Dionysius Exiguus. But the more accurate calculations of modem 
chronologists show that the real date of the Saviour's birth was 
probably four years earlier). — According to his will, with some 
few alterations made by Augustus, his kingdom was divided 
among his three surviving sons ; Archelaus, as ethnarch, receiving 
the greater moiety, Judasa, Samaria, and Idumaea; the two 
others, as tetrarchs, Philip a part of Galilee and Trachonitis, An- 
tipas the other part of Galilee, and Peraea, together with Ituraea; 
subsequently to which division, the various parts did not, in con- 
sequence, all share the same fate. — Archelaus, by misgovem- 
ment, soon lost his portion, A. D. 6 ; Judaea and Samaria were 
consequently annexed as a Roman province to Syria, and placed 
under procurators subordinate to the Syrian governors : among 
these procurators, the most fomous is Pontius Pilate, about A. D. 
27 — 36, under whom the founder of our religion appeared and 
suffered, not as a political — although accused of being so — ^but as 
a moral reformer. On the other hand, Philip retained his te- 
trarchy until the day of his death, A. D, 34, when his country 
had the same lot with Judaea and Samaria. Soon after, that is 
to say, in A. D. 37, it was, however, given by Caligula, with the 
title of king, to Agrippa, (grandson of Herod by Aristobulus,) as 
a recompense for his attachment to the &mily of Germanicus ; 
and when Antipas, who wished to procure a similar &vour for 
himself but instead of it, was deposed, 39, Agrippa received his 
tetrarchy also, 40, and soon afterwards, by the possession of the 
territory which had belonged to Archelaus, became master of the 
whole of Palestine. Agrippa having died in A. D. 44, the whole 
country being appended to Syria, became a Roman province, and 
received procurators, although Chalcis, 49, and subsequently also, 
53, Philip's tetrarchy, were restored as a kingdom to his son 
Agrippa II. d, 90. The oppression of the procurators, and of 
Gessius Florus in particular, who obtained the office, A. D. 64, 


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BOOK IV. IV. JUD^A. 813 

excited the Jews to rebellion, which, 70, ended in the capture 
and destruction of their city and temple by Titus. The spread 
of the Jews oyer the whole civilized world of that time, although 
previously commenced, was by this event still further increased ; 
and at the same time the extension of Christianity was prepared 
and &cilitated. Even after the conquest, Jerusalem not only 
continued to exist as a city, but was also still considered by the 
nation as a point of union ; and the attempt, under Adrian, to 
establish a Roman colony there, produced a fearful sedition. 

Baskaoe, Histaire des Jutfs depuis /. C jusqtC it present. 
La Haye, 1716, 15 vols. 12mo. The first two parts only, pro- 
perly speaking, belong to this period ; but the others likewise 
contain several very valuable historical researches. 

Prideaux, The Old and New Testament connected in the 
history of the Jews and their neighbouring nations, Lond. 1714, 
2 vols. This work, together with that above quoted, have always 
been esteemed the grand books on the subject. The French 
translation of Prideaux's Connection is, by its arrangement, more 
convenient for use than the original : this translation was pub- 
lished at Amsterdam, 1722, 5 vols. 8vo. under the title of Pri- 
deaux, Histoire des Juifs et des peuples voisins depuis la dica- 
dence des Royaumes ^Israel et de Juda, jusqu' d la mort de J. C, 

•\ J. D. MicHAELis, Translation of the Books of Esdras, JVe- 
hemiahf and Maccabees, contains in the observations several his- 
toric discussions of high importance. 

-f- J. Remond, Essay towards a history of the spread of Ju- 
daism, from Cyrus to the total decline of the Jewish state, 
Leipzig, 1789. The industrious work of a young scholar. 

To the works enumerated p. 34, 35, must be added, for the 
more ancient history of the Jews : 

J. L. Bauer, Manual of the history of the Hebrew nation, 
from its rise to the destruction of its state, Nuremberg, 1800, 
2 parts, 8vo. As yet the best critical introduction, not only to 
the history, but also to the antiquities of the nation. 

^ In the works of J. J. Hess, belonging to this subject, namely, 
History of Moses ; History of Joshua ; History of the Rulers 
ofJudah, 2 parts ; History of the Kings of Judah and Israel : 
the history is throughout considered in a theocratic point of 

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314 ROMAN STATE. book v. 



tniroduetory remarks an the Geography ofAfunewt Italy. 

General Italy coQStitutes a peomsula, bounded on the 
Italy?* ^ north by the Alps, on the west and south by the 
Mediterranean, and on the east by the Adriatic 
sea. Its greatest length from north to south is 
600 geogr. miles ; its greatest breadth, taken at 
the foot of the Alps, is 320 geogr. miles ; bat that 
of the peninsula, properly so called, is not more 
than 120 geogr. miles. Superficial contents, 
81,920 sq. geogr. miles. The principal moun- 
tain range is that of the Apennines, which, di- 
verging occasionally to the west, or east, stretch 
from north to south through Central and Lower 
Italy. In the earlier times of Rome, these moun- 
tains were covered with thick forests. Main 
streams : the Padu8*(Po) and the Athesis, (Adige,) 
both of which discharge their waters in the Adri- 
atic; and the Tiberis, (Tiber,) which falls into 
the Mediterranean. The soil, particularly in the 
plains, is one of the most fertile in Europe ; on 
the other hand, many of the mountain tracts 
admit but of little cultivation. In that period 
when the Mediterranean was the grand theatre 
of trade, Italy, by her situation, seemed destined 
to become the principal mart of Europe ; but she 

_ Digiti 

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never in ancient times availed herself sufficiently 
of this advantage. 

It is divided into Upper Italy, from the Alps to Dinnons 
the small rivers of Rubicon and Macra; (this* 
part, however, of Italy, until presented with the 
right of citizenship under Caesar, was, according 
to the Roman political geography, considered as 
a province ;) into Central Italy, from the Rubicon 
and the Macra down to the Silarus and Prento ; 
and into Lower Italy from those rivers to the 
southern land's end. 

I. Upper Italy comprises the two countries, Gallia Cis- 
alpina and Liguria. 

1. Gallia Cisalpina, or Togata, in contradis* cisaipme 
tinction to Gallia Transalpina. It bears the name ^*'**' 
of Gallia, in consequence of being for the most 
part occupied by Gallic races. This country is 
one continuous plain, divided by the Padus into 
two parts, the northernmost of which is therefore 
denominated Gallia Transpadana, (inhabited by 
the Taurini, Insubres, and Cenomani,) while the 
southern part (inhabited by the Boii, Senones, 
and Lingones) is known by the name of Gallia 
Cispadana. Various streams contribute to swell 
the Padus ; from the north the Duria, (Durance,) 
the Ticinus, (Tessino,) the Addua, (Adda,) the 
OlliuSy (Oglio,) the Mintius, (Minzio,) and several 
less important rivers; from the south, the Ta- 
narus, (Tanaro,) the Trebia, etc. The Athesis, 
(Adige,) the Plavis, (Piave,) and a number of 
smaller mountain streams, roll their waters di- 
rectly into the Adriatic. 


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316 ROMAN STATE. book t. 

The cities in Gallia Cisalpina were, generally 
speaking, Roman colonies ; and most of them 
have preserved to this day their ancient names. 
Among these are reckoned in Gallia Transpadana, 
principally, Tergeste, Aquileia, Patavium, (Pa- 
dua,) Vincentia, Verona, all east of the Athesis ; 
Mantua, Cremona, Brixia, (Brescia,) Mediola- 
num, (Milan,) Ticinum, (Pavia,) and Augusta 
Taurinorum, (Turin,) all west of the Athesis. In 
Gallia Cispadana we meet with Ravenna, Bono- 
nia, (Bologna,) Mutina, (Modena,) Parma, Pla- 
centia, (Piacenza). Several of the above places 
received municipal rights from the Romans. 
Liguiuu 2. Liguria. This country deduced its name 
from the Ligures, one of the old Italic tribes : it 
extended from the river Varus, by which it was 
divided from Gallia Transalpina, down to the 
river Macra ; northward it extended to the Padus, 
and comprised the modern territory of Genoa.— 
Cities : Genua, an extremely ancient place ; Ni- 
caea, (Nice,) a colony of Massilia; and Asta, 

II. Centred Italy comprises six countries ; Etrurian La- 
tium, and Campania on the west; Umbria, Picenwn, 
and Samnium on the east. 

Etraria. 1. Etruria, Tuscia, or Tyrrhenia, was bounded 
north by the Macra, which divided it from Ligu- 
ria; south and east by the Tiberis, which sepa- 
rated it from Latium and Umbria. Main river, 
the Arnus, (Arno). It is for the most part a 
mountainous country; the seashore only is level. 
This country derives its name from the Etrusci, 


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a very ancient people, composed, it is probable, 
of an amalgamation of several races, and even 
some early Grecian colonies, to vv^hich latter they 
were indebted, not indeed for all their arts, but 
for that of writing ; to commerce and navigation 
the Etrusci were indebted for their opulence 
and consequent splendour. Cities : between the 
Macra and Arnus, Pisae, (Pisa,) Florentia, FaBsu- 
lae ; between the Arnus and Tiberis, Volaterrae, 
(Volterra,) Volsinii, (Bolsena,) on the Lacus Vol- 
siniensis, (Lago di Bolsena,) Clusium, (Chiusi,) 
Arretium, (Arrezzo,) Cortona, Perusia, (Perugia,) 
in the neighbourhood of which is the Lacus Thra- 
simenus, (Lago di Perugia,) Falerii, (Falari,) and 
the wealthy city of Veii. Each of the above 
twelve cities had its own individual ruler, lucumo; 
although frequent associations were formed among 
them, yet no firm and lasting bond seems to have 
united the nation into one. 

2. Latium, properly the residence of the Latini, Latiam. 
from the Tiberis north, to the promontory of Cir- 
ceii, south ; hence that country was likewise de- 
nominated Latium Vetus. Subsequently, under 
the name of Latium was likewise reckoned the 
country from Circeii, down to the river Liris, 
(Latium Novum ;) so that the boundaries came to 
be, north, the Tiberis, south, the Liris : the seat 
of the Latins, properly speaking, was in the fruit- 
ful plain extending from the Tiber to Circeii; 
around them, however, dwelt various small tribes, 
some eastward, in the Apennines, such as the 
Hernici, Sabini, iBqui, and Marsi ; others south- 
ward, such as the Volsci, Rutuli, and Aurunci. — 
Rivers: the Anio (Teverone) and Allia, which 


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318 ROMAN STATE. booiv. 

fall into the Tiber, and the Liris, (Garigliano,) 
which empties itself into the Mediterranean. Ci- 
ties in Latium Vetus: Rome, Tibur, Tusculum, 
Alba Longa, Ostia, Lavinium, Antium, Gabii, Ve- 
litrae, the capital of the Volsci, and several smaller 
places. In Latium Novum: Fundi, Terracina, 
or Anxur, Arpinum, Minturnae, Formiae. 
Campania. 3. Campania. The country lying betweea the 
Liris, north, and the Silarus, south. One of the 
most fruitful plains in the world, but at the same 
time greatly exposed to volcanic eruptions. Ri- 
vers: the Liris, the Vulturnus, (Voltorno,) the 
Silarus, (Selo). Mountain : Vesuvius. Campania 
derived its name from the race of the Campani. 
Cities : Capua the principal one ; and also Lin- 
temum, Cumae, Neapolis, Herculaneum, Pompeii, 
Stabiae, Nola, Surrentum, Salemum, etc. 

The three eastern countries of Centred Italy are asfotUm: 

umbria. 1. Umbria. It is bounded, north, by the river 
Rubico, south, by the river ^sis, (Gesano,) divid- 
ing it from Picenum, and by the Nar, (Nera,) di- 
viding it from the Sabine territory. It is for the 
most part plain. The Umbrian race had in early 
times spread over a much larger portion of Italy. 
Cities: Ariminium, (Rimini,) Spoletium, (Spo- 
leto,) Narnia, (Narni,) and Ocriculum, (Otriculi.) 

Picenum. 2. Piceuum. Bouudcd, north, by the ^is, 
south, by the Atamus, (Pescara.) The people are 
called Picentes. This country consists in a fer- 
tile plain. Cities : Ancona and Asculum Picenum, 


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3. Samnium, the name of a mountain tract ex- samniam. 
tending from the Atarnus, north, to the Frento, 
south ; although that country reckoned among its 
inhabitants, not only the rude and powerful Sam* 
nites, but also several less numerous races; for 
instance, the Marrucini and Peligni in the north, 
the Frentani in the east, and the Hirpini in the 
south. Rivers : the Sagrus and the Tifemus. 
Cities : AUifae, Beneventum, and Caudium. 

III. Lower lialy, or Magna Orecia, comprised/our coun- 
tries; Lucama and BrutHum on the western side, Apulia 
and Calabria on the eastern. 

1. Lucania. Boundaries: north, the Silarus, Lucania. 
south, the Laus. For the most part a mountain 
tract. It derived its name from the race of the 
Lucani, a branch of the Ausones, or chief nation 

of Lower Italy. Cities: Paestum, or Posidonia, 
still renowned for its ruins, and Helia, or Velia. 

2. Bruttium, (the modern Calabria,) or the Bnttiiim. 
western tongue of land from the river Laus to the 
southern land's end at Rhegium. The river 
Brandanus constitutes the eastern frontier. A 
mountainous country, deriving its name from the 
Bruttii, (a half savage branch of the Ausones,) 

who dweh in the mountains^ while the seashores 
were occupied by Grecian settlements. Cities : 
Consentia, (Cosenza,) Pandosia, Mamertum, and 
Petilia. (Concerning the Greek colonies see 
above p. 155.) 

3. Apulia. The country ranging along theApuha. 
eastern coast, from the river Frento to the com- 
mencement of the eastern tongue of land ; an ex- 


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320 ROMAN STATE. book t. 

tremely fertile plain, and particularly adapted to 
grazing cattle. Rivers : the Aufidus (Ofanto) and 
the Cerbalus. This country is divided into two 
parts by the Aufidus, the northern called Apulia 
• Daunia, the southern called Apulia Peucetia. Ci- 
ties: in Apulia Daunia; Sipontum and Luceria: 
in Apulia Peucetia; Barium, Cannae, and Ve- 
Calabria. 4. Calabria or Messapia, the smaller eastern 
tongue of land, which terminates in the promon- 
tory of lapygium. Cities : Brundusium (Brindisi) 
and Callipolis (Gallipoli). Concerning Tarentum 
and other Grecian colonies, see above, p. 155. 

Three large islands are likewise reckoned as 
appertaining to Italy : they are Sicily, Sardinia, 
and Corsica. According to the political geogra- 
phy of the Romans they were, however, consi- 
dered as provinces. Although the above islands 
were, along the coast, occupied by aliens, the ab- 
originals, under their own kings, maintained a 
' footing in the inland parts ; among these the Si- 
culi, said to have migrated from Italy, were the , 
most celebrated ; they remained in Sicily, and 
gave their name to the whole island. Concerning 
the cities, the more important of which were, 
some of Phcenician, but the most part of Grecian, 
origin, see above, p. 30, and p. 155, sqq. 


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From the foundation of Rome to the conquest of Italy and 
the commencement of the wars with Carthage, B. C. 754 
—264, or A. U. C. 1-490. 

Sources. The most copious author, and, if we except his First 
system of deducing everything connected with Rome from '^'^* 
Greece, the most critical of all those who have written on the 
earlier history of Home and Italy, is Dionysius Halicaimassensis, 
in his ArchcBologia : of this work only the first eleven books, 
reaching down to the year 443, have been preserved ; to these, 
however, must be added the fragments of the m'ne following 
books, xii — xx. discovered in 1816, and published by the Abbate 
Mai of Milan. Next to Dionysius is Livy, who as far as lib. iv, 
c. 18, is our main authority, till B. C. 292. Of the Lives of 
Plutarch the following belong to this period, Romulus, Numa, 
Coriolanus, Poplioola and Camillus; which for the knowledge 
and criticism they display, are perhaps more important even than 
Livy and Dionysius, see A. H. L. Heerbn, Defontibus et auc- 
iariiate vitarum Plutarchi, inserted in Comment Recentiores Sac, 
Scient, Golt, Comment, /. //. Greed, IIL IV. Romani; re- 
printed also as an appendix to the editions of Plutarch by Reiske 
and Hutten, Gottingen, 1821, ap, Dieterich, The sources of the 
most ancient Roman history were extremely various in kind. 
The traditions of the Fathers were preserved in historical ballads ; 
(no mention is ever made of any grand epic poem ;) and in this 
sense there existed a bardic history ; by no means, however, 
wholly poetic, for even the traditions of Numa s Institutes are 
without the characteristics of poetry. The art of writing was in 
Italy of earlier origin than the city of Rome ; how far, conse- 
quently, the public annals, such as the Libri Pont\ficum, ex- 
tended back in early time remains undetermined. Several of 
the memorials are, beyond a doubt, mere family records, whether 
preserved by vocal tradition or in written documents. To the 
above must be added monuments, not only buildings and works 
of arts, but also treaties engraved on tables ; of which, neverthe- 
less, too little use seems to have been made. The Romans having 
learnt the art ^ writing from the Oreeks, their history was as 



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322 ROMAN STATE book t. 

First frequently written in Greek as in Latin ; and that not cmly by 
— '^'*^°' Greeks^ such aa^ in the first plaoe^ Diodes of Peparethus^ but 
likewise by Romans, such as Fabius Pictor, at all early period 
From these last sources Dionysius and Liyy compiled. The 
more ancient Roman history given by these authorities restSj 
therefore, in part> but by no means entirely, on tradition and 
poetry ; still further amplified by the rhetoric style, that of the 
Greeks more especially. At what epoch the Roman history lays 
aside the poetic character can hardly be determined with cer- 
tainty ; it may be traced even in some parts of the period ex- 
tending from the expulsion of the kings to the conquest by the 
Gauls. — For the purposes of chronology, great importance at- 
taches to the/a5/t Romani, contained partly in inscriptions, {fas6, 
CapUolini,) partly in manuscripts, lliey have been collected 
and restored by Pighius, Noris Sigonius, etc. in Grjevii, Tkes, 
A. R, vol. xi. ; likewise in Almelovesn, FaH. Rom. I. II. 
Amstel. 1705, etc. 

PiOHii Annales Romanorum, Antwerp, 1 61 5, fol. 2 vols. 
An essay towards a chronological arrangement ; it reaches down 
to Vitellius. 

The Roman history has been copiously treated of by the mo- 
dems in many works besides those on universal ancient history 
before enumerated, (p. 2.). We shall mention only the more im- 

RoLLiN, Histoire Romaine, DepuU la foundation de Rome 
jusqu' d la balaille d'Actium, 13 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1823, edit 
revue par Letronne. This history, which extends to B. C. 89, 
has been continued and terminated by Crevieb. Although the 
critical historian might suggest much that is wanting in this 
work, it nevertheless contributed to advance the study. 

Ed. Ferguson, The History of the Progress and Temnna- 
iion of the Roman Republic. London, 1783, 4to. On the whole, 
the best work on the history of the Roman republic ; it has su- 
perceded the earlier work of Goldsmith. 

P. Ch. Levesque, Histoire de la R^publiqtte Romaine, 3 vols. 
Paris, I8O7. He who would still wish to admire with blind en- 
thusiasm the glory of ancient Rome, had better not read this 

B. G. .NiEBUHB, Roman History. 

Rather criticism than history ; the author seems to be perpe- 


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tually endeayourimr to overtlurow idl that has hitherto been ad- Vimt 

^ ^ Period. 

mitted. The spirit of acuteness is not always that of truth ; and 
men do not so lightly assent to the existence of a constitution 
which not only is contrary to the broad view of antiquity — ^infer- 
ences drawn from some insulated passages not being sufficient to 
orertum what is corroborated by all the others — ^but likewise^ ac- 
cording to the author's own avowal^ stands opposed to all analogy 
in history. But truth gains even where criticism is wrong ; and 
the value of some deep researches will not for that reason be 
overlooked. — Consult on this subject : 

-f- W. Wachsmxjth, Researches into the more Andenl History 
ofBame, Halle, 1819. 

C. F. Th. Lachmann, Commentatio de foniibus T. Livii in 
prima Historiarum Decade. Gottingse, 1821. A prize essay. 

For the works upon the Roman constitution see below^ at the 
end of this and at the beginning of the third period. 

Abundance of most important writings upon Roman antiqui- 
ties will be found in the great collections : 

Gbjbvii Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum. Lugd. Batav. 
1694, sq. 12 vols. fol. and likewise in 

Salbnobe, Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum, Venet. 
1732, 3 vols. fol. 

Many excellent papers, particularly in 

Mhnoires de VAcadimie des Inscriptions. 

With the exception of Nabdini, Roma Fetus, inserted in 
GaBvii Thes. A. R. t. iv. the best work on the topography of 
ancient Rome is 

Vsnuti, Descrizione Topogrqfica delle AntichUd, di Roma. 
P. I. II. Roma, 1763 ; and especially the new edition of that 
work by Visconti, 1803. There is also : 

•j" S. H. L. Adleb, Description of the city of Rome. Altona, 
1781, 4to. 

The best representation of the monuments of ancient Rome 
will be found in 

PiBANBSf, AntichUd di Roma, 3 vols. fol. 

1. In certain respects, the history of Rome is<5cnerai 

* , character- 

always that of one town, inasmuch as until the istic of Ro- 
period of the Caesars, the city continued mistress to^. 



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524 ROMAN STATE book v. 

FiRiT of her extensive territory. The main parts of the 
— ""^''' internal constitution of Rome were formed during 
this first period ; which, considered in an histo- 
rical point of view, can hardly be said to be void 
of interest. Whether every fundamental institu- 
tion had its origin precisely at the epoch to which 
it is attributed, is a question of little importance ; 
it is sufficient to observe, that they certainly arose 
in this period ; and that the steps by which the 
constitution was developed are, upon the whole, 
determined beyond the possibility of a doubt. 
Romani 2. Exaggerated and embellished as the most 
origin. ancient traditions of the Romans respecting their 
origin may be, they all agree in this, that the 
Romans belonged to the race of the Latini, and 
that their city was a colony of the neighbouring 
Alba Longa. Long before this the custom seems 
to have obtained with the Latini, of extending the 
cultivation of their country by colonies. 

The primitive history of Rome is as difficult to reduce to pure 
historic truth as that of Athens, or any other city of antiquity ; 
this proceeds from its being principally founded on traditions, 
handled by poets and rhetoricians, and likewise differing from 
one another; as may be seen in Plutarch's Romulus. As the 
knowledge of those traditions, such as they are found in Diony- 
sius and Livy, attaches to so many other subjects, it would be 
improper to pass them over in silence ; and that they contained 
truths as well as poetic ficticms is proved most evidently by the 
political institutions of which they narrate the origin, and which 
certainly reached back to those times. To attempt to draur a 
line of demarcation between mythical and historic times would 
be to mistake the real nature of mythology. 

L. DB Bbauport, Sur Vincertiiude des cinq premiers necles de 
Vhistoire Ramaine, nouv. ed. k la Haye, 17^0, 2 vols. 8vo. Every 
thing that can be said against the credibility of the primitive 
Roman history has been developed by Beaufort with abundant^ 
and often with laboured, acuteness. 


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3. During the first two hundred and forty-five Fibw 
years subsequent to its foundation this city was j^.^""^°' 
under the rule of governors, denominated kings ; »<>«»«• 
these, however, were not hereditary, still less 
were they invested with unlimited power, al- 
though they exerted themselves to become both 
perpetual and absolute. On the contrary, in this 
period was framed a municipal constitution, de- 
monstrative of the existence, even at this early 
date, of a considerable degree of political civiliza- 
tion ; in its principal parts this constitution was, 
no doubt, — as in every colony, — copied from that 
of the mother city. Its principal features were : 
a. Establishment and internal organization of the 
senate, b. Establishment and progress of the 
patrician or hereditary nobility, which, supported 
by the privilege of administering the sacred af- 
fairs, and by the introduction of family names, 
quickly formed, in opposition to the plebeians, a 
political party ever growing in power, although 
not, therefore, a mere sacerdotal caste, c. Or- 
ganization of the people (populus), and modes of 
popular assembly {comitia\ founded thereupon ; 
besides the original division according to heads 
into tribus and curia ^ another was subsequently 
introduced according to property into classes and 
centuria, out of which, besides the more ancient 
comitia curiata^ arose the very artificially con- 
structed comitia eenturiata. d. Religious insti- 
tutions, (religianes^) which being most closely con- 
nected with the political constitution, formed a 
state religion, by means of which everything in 
the state was attached to determined forms, and 
received a higher sanction. Nor must we omit 


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326 ROMAN STATE book y. 

First e. the relations in private life established by law, 

^the clientship, marriage, and especially paternal 

authority. In consequence of those domestic re- 
lations, a spirit of subordination and discipline, 
from the earliest times, pervaded the people ; and 
to that spirit the Romans were indebted for the 
glory to which they attained. 
S ATba**°° *• Notwithstanding many little wars with their 
Longa. immediate neighbours the Sabines, iEqui, and 
Volsci, together with various cities of the Etrusci, 
and even with the Latins themselves, Rome added 
but little to her territory : nevertheless she took 
the first step towards her aggrandizement; irom 
the time of the destruction of Alba Longa, she 
aimed at being the head of the collected cities of 
the Latins, and finally attained the object of her 

Line of kings. Romulus, 754 — 717- Fint estaUishment of 
the colony ; augmentation in the number of the citizens, pro- 
duced by the establishment of an asylum, and an union with 
part of the Sabines. Numa Pompilius, d, 679. By represent- 
ing this prince as the founder of the religion of the Roman state^ 
that religion received the high sanction of antiquity. TuIIob 
Hostilius, d, 640. The conquest and destruction of Alba lays 
the foundation of Roman supremacy in Latium. Ancus Martius, 
d, 618. He extends the territory of Rome to the sea; the 
foundation of the port of Ostia proves that Rome already applied 
to navigation, the object of which was perhaps as yet rather 
piracy than trade. Tarquinius Priscus, d. 578. A Gredan by 
descent. Under his conduct Rome was already able to enter the 
field against the confederate Etrusci. Servius Tullius,. d. 53i 
The most remarkable in the line of Roman kings. He pkced 
Rome at the head of the confederacy of the Latins, which he 
confirmed by cammunia sacra. On his new division of the 
people according to property were raised the highly important 
institutions of the census and comitia centuriata. The necessity 
of this measure is demonstrative of the great and increasing 
prosperity of the Roman citizens ; there can be no doubt, hov- 


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ever^ that by its adoption the frame of the republic was abready First 
onnpleted. Tarquinius Superbus^ (the tyrant,) — 509. This in- ^'^'op* 
dividual, having taken forcible possession of the throne as nephew 
to Priscus, endeavoured to confirm his power by a close connec- 
tion with the Latins and Volsci ; by this, as well as by his ty- 
ranny, he offended both the patrician and plebeian parties. His 
deposition, and the consequent reformation of the government, 
were however, properly speaking, brought about by the ambition 
of the patricians. 

Aloarotti, Saggio 9opra la durata dt* regni di rk di Rama. 
(Op. t. iii.) Chronological doubts. Can the raising of difficul- 
ties deserve the name of criticism ? 

5. The only direct consequence to the internal consular 
constitution of Rome, proceeding from the aboli- menl^' 
tion of royalty was, that that power, undetermined ' 
as it had been while in the hands of the kings, 
was transferred to two consuls, annually elected. 
Meanwhile the struggle for liberty, in which the 
new republic was engaged with the Etrusci and 
Latins, contributed much to arouse the repub- 
lican spirit which henceforward was the main 
feature of the Roman character — the evils of po- 
pular rule being in times of need remedied by the 
establishment of the dictatorship. The party, 498. 
however, which had deposed the ruling family, 
took wholly into their own hands the helm of 
state; and the oppression of these aristocrats, 
shown principally towards their debtors, who had 
become their slaves, (nexi,) — notwithstanding the 
lex de provocatione established by Valerius Pop- 
licola, ensuring to the people the highest judicial 
power — was so galling, that after the lapse of a 
few years it gave rise to a sedition of the com- so?, 
mons, {plebis,) the consequence of which was the 
establishment of annually elected presidents of <^3. 
the people (tribuni pkbis). 


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3^8 ROMAK STATE book y. 

First Fint commercial treaty with Carthage^ 506, in which Rome 
P'^'^'QP* appears certainly as a free state, bnt not yet as sovereign of all 
Latinm ; the most important monument of the authenticity of 
the earlier Roman history. 

Heynb, Fadera Carthaginientium cum Romanis super navi* 
gatione et mercatura facta : contained in his Opusc t. iii. Cf. 
f A. H. L. Hberbn, Ideas, etc. Appendix to the second vol. 

Rise of the 6. The further development of the Roman con- 
con^iui- stitution in this period, hinges almost wholly on 
^^^' the struggle between the new presidents of the 
commons and the hereditary nobility; the tri- 
bunes, instead of confining themselves to defend 
the people from the oppression of the nobles, soon 
began to act as aggressors, and in a short time 
so widely overstepped their power, that there re- 
mained no chance of putting an end to the strug- 
gle but by a complete equalization of rights. A 
long time elapsed ere this took place ; the aris- 
tocracy finding a very powerful support both in 
the clientship and in the religion of the state, 
operating under the shape of auspices. 

Main facts of the contest : 1 . In the trial of Coriolanus tbe 
tribunes usurp the right of summoning some patricians before 
the tribunal of the people. — Hence arise the comitia Iribuia; 
that is to say, either mere assemblies of the commons, or assem- 
blies so organized that the commons had the preponderance. 
This institution gave the tribunes a share in the legislation, 
subsequently of such high importance, those officers being allowed 
to lay proposals before the commons. 2. More equitable distri- 
bution among the poorer classes of the lands conquered from the 
neighbouring nations, (the most ancient leges agrarke,) suggested 
by the ambitious attempts of Cassius, 486. 3. Extension of the 
prerogatives of the comitia tribuia, more especially in the elec- 
tion of the tribunes, brought about by Volero, 472. 4. Attempts 
at a legal limitation of the consular power by Terentillus, (lex 
TerentiUai) 400, which, after a long struggle, at last leads to 
the idea of one common written code, 452, which is likewise 


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realized in spite of the oppositioii at first made by the patri- First 



f Chr. F. Schulzb^ Struggle between the Democracy and 
Aristocracy of Rome, or History of the Romans from the Ex^ 
pulsion of Tarquin to the Election of the first Plebeian Consul. 
Altenburgh^ 1802, 8vo. A most satisfactory development of this 
portion of Roman history. 

7. The code of the twelve tables confirmed the Code of the 
ancient institutions, and was in part completed by S^J***' 
the adoption of the laws of the Greek republics, 
among which Athens in particular is mentioned, 
whose counsels were requested by a special de- 
putation. In this, however, two faults were com- 
mitted ; not only were the commissioners charged 

with drawing up the laws elected from the patri- 
cians alone^ but they were likewise constituted 
sole magistrates, with dictatorial power, (sine pro- 
vocatione;) whereby a path was opened to them 
for an usurpation, which could be frustrated only 
by a sedition of the people. 

Doration of the power of the Decemviri, 451 — 447* The 
doubts raised as to the deputation sent to Athens are not suffi- 
cient to invalidate the authenticity of an event so drcumstan- 
tially detailed. Athens, under Pericles, was then at the head of 
Greece ; and, admitting the proposed design of consulting the 
Oreek laws, it was impossible that Athens should have been 
passed over. And indeed, why should it be supposed, that a 
state which fifty years before had signed a commercial treaty 
with Carthage, and could not be unacquainted with the Grecian 
colonies in Lower Italy, might not have sent an embassy into 

The yet remaining fragments of the code of the twelve tables 
are collected and iUustrated in Bacbii Hist. Jurisprudentice Ro* 
mance; and in several other works. 

8. By the laws of the twelve tables the legal its enact- 
relations of the citizens were the same for all; but 
as that code seems to have contained very little 


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380 ROMAN STATE book v. 

First in reference to any peculiar constitution of the 
— state, the government not only remained in the 

hands of the aristocrats, who were in possession 
of all offices, but the prohibition, according to the 
new laws of marriage between patricians and ple- 
beians, appeared to have raised an insurmount- 
able barrier between the two classes. No won- 
der, then, that the tribunes of the people should 
have immediately renewed their attacks on the 
patricians ; particularly as the power of those po- 
pular leaders was not only renewed, but even 
augmented, as the only limit to their authority 
was the necessity of their being unanimous ia 
their acts, while each had the right of a negative. 

Besides the other laws made in favour of the people at the re- 
newal of the tribunicia potestas, 446, that which imported vt 
quod tribuiim plebes jusnsset, populum teneref, frequently re- 
newed in subsequent times, and meaning, in modem language, 
that the citizens constituted themselves, must, it would appeari 
have thrown the supreme power into the hands of the people; 
did not the Roman history, like that of other free states, afibrd 
examples enough of the little authority there is to infer from the 
enactment of a law that it will be practically enforced. 

Dissensions 9. The main subjects of the new dissensions 
tricTims'^u^d between patricians and plebeians, excited by the 
plebeians, trjijm^g Cauulcius, wcrc now the cannubia patrum 
cum plebe, and the exclusive participation of the 
patricians in the consulship, of which the tribunes 
demanded the abolition. The repeal of the for* 
mer law was obtained as early as 445, {les Canu- 
Ida ;) the right of admission to the consulship was 
not extended to the Plebeians, till after a struggle 
annually renewed for eighty years ; during which, 
when, as usually was the case, the tribunes for- 
bade the military enrolment, recourse was had to 


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a transfer of the consular power to the yearly first 
elected commanders of the legions ; a place to — ^il2EL 

which plebeians were entitled to aspire^ (tribuni 
inilitum consulari potestate.) — Establishment of the Censors. 
office of C£NsoRs» designed at first for nothing 
more than to regulate the taking of the census, 
and invested with no higher authority than what 
that required, but who soon after, by assuming 
to themselves the censura Tnorum, took rank 
among the most important dignitaries of the 

10. Meanwhile Rome was engaged in wars. Petty wan. 
insignificant but almost uninterrupted, arising out 
of the oppression, either real or imaginary, which 
she exercised as head of the neighbouring federate 
cities, (socii,) comprising not only those of the 
Latins, but likewise, after the victory of lake Re- 
gillus, those of the other nations : the cities em- 
braced every opportunity of asserting their inde- 
pendence, and the consequent struggles must 
have depopulated Rome, had not that evil been 
diverted by the maxim of increasing the comple- 
ment of citizens by admitting the freedmen, and 
not unfrequently even the conquered, to the en- 
joyment of civic privileges. Little as these feuds, 
abstractedly considered, deserve our attention, 
they become of high interest, inasmuch as they 
were not only the means by which the nation 
was trained to war, but also led to the founda- 
tion of that senatorial power, whose important 
consequences will be exhibited hereafter. 

Among these wars attention must be directed to the last, 
that against Veil, the richest city in Etruria ; the siege of that 
place, which lasted very nearly ten years, 404 — 395, gave rise 


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382 ROMAN STATE bookt. 

First to the introduction among the Roman military- of wmter cam* 

Pbbiod. paigning, and of pay ; thus, on the one hand, the prtMecation of 

wars more distant and protracted became possible, while on the 

other the consequences must have been the levy of higher taxes, 


Rome burnt 1 1 • Not long after, however, a tempest from the 
GaSs. north had nearly destroyed Rome. The Senno- 
nian Gauls, pressed out of northern Italy through 
Etruria, possessed themselves of the city, the 
capitol excepted, and reduced it to ashes; ao 
event which made so deep an impression on the 
minds of the Romans, that few other occurrences 
in their history have been more frequently the ob- 
ject of traditional detail. Camillus, then the de- 
liverer of Rome, and in every respect one of the 
chief heroes of that period, laid a double claim to 
the gratitude of his native city, by overruling, 
after his victory, the proposal of a general migra- 
tion to Veii. 
Feuds re- 12. Scarcely was Rome rebuilt ere the ancient 
^^^ feuds revived, springing out of the poverty of the 
citizens, produced by an increase of taxation con- 
sequent on the establishment of military pay, and 
by the introduction of gross usury. The tribunes, 
Sextius and Licinius, by prolonging their term of 
office to five years, had established their power; 
while Licinius, by an agrarian law, decreeing that 
no individual should hold more than five hundred 
jugera of the national lands, had ensured the po- 
A consul pular favour ; so that at last they succeeded in 
^n^firom obtaining, that one of the consuls should be chosen 
from the commons ; and although the nobility, by 
the nomination of a praetor from their own body, 
and of (BdiUs curuks, endeavoured to compensate 


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for the sacrifice they were obliged to make, yet Fibbt 
the plebeians having once made good a claim to 

the consulship, their participation in the other 
magisterial offices, (the dictatorship, 353, the cen- 
sorship, 348, the preetorship, 334,) and even the 
priesthood, (300,) quickly followed as a matter of 
course. Thus at Rome the object of political 
equality between commons and nobles was at- 
tained ; and although the difference between the 
patrician and plebeian families still subsisted, 
they soon ceased to form political parties. 

A second commercial treaty entered into with Carthage, 345, 
demonstrates that even at this time the navy of the Romans was 
anything but contemptible ; although its principal object as yet 
was mere piracy. Roman squadrons of war however appear 
more than once within the next forty years. 

13. Far more important than any wars in which samnite 
Rome had hitherto been engaged, were those 
soon about to commence with the Samnites. In 
former contests the object of Rome had been to 
establish her supremacy over her immediate 
neighbours ; but in these, during a protracted 
contest of fifty years, she opened a way to the 
subjugation of Italy, and laid the foundation of 
her future greatness. 

Commencement of the wars against the Samnites^ the Cam- 
panians having called the Romans to their assistance against that 
nation, 343. These wars^ carried on with vigorous exertion and 
varioiis success, lasted, with but short intermissions, till 290. 
This is the true heroic age of Rome, ennobled by the patriotic 
valour of Decius Mus, (father and son, both voluntary victims,) 
Papirius Cursor, Q. Fabius Maximus, etc. The consequences of 
this struggle were : a. The Romans learnt the art of mountain 
warfare, and thereby for the first time acquired a peculiar system 
of military tactics ; not, however, till they had been, 321, obliged 
to pass under the furcas Caudinas. b. Their relations were 


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834 ROMAN STATE b«>ok v. 

First miire firmly established with their neighbours the Latins and 
— — — '" Etrurians^ by the complete conquest of the former^ 340, and by 
repeated victories over the latter, more especially in 306. c. 
Great national federations having arisen in Italy, particularly 
during the last period of the Samnite wars, the Romans entered 
into connection with the more distant nations of the country ; 
with the Lucanians and Apulians, by the first league, 323, with 
the Umbri, from the year 308 ; and although the nature of this 
connection frequently varied, the different nations were perpe- 
tually struggling for independence, and were consequently at en- 
mity with Rome. In this period, moreover, commenced the 
practical illustration of the leading ideas of Rome upon the politi- 
cal relations in which she placed the conquered with regard to 

waragainst 14. AftCF the subjectiou of the Samnites, Rome, 
tines, who wishing to confirm her dominion in Lower Italy, 
by p'ynhua. was thereby, for the first time, entangled in war 
with a foreign prince ; the Tarentines, too feeble 
to maintain alone their footing against the Ro- 
mans, called Pyrrhus of Epirus to their assistance. 
He came^ indeed, but not so much to further the 
views of the Tarentines as to advance his own ; 
but even in victory, he learnt by experience that 
the Macedonian tactics gave him but a slight pre- 
ponderance, which the Romans soon transferred 
to their own side, exhibiting the truth of the prin- 
ciple, that a good civic militia, sooner or later, 
will always get the upper hand of mercenary 

The idea of calling upon Pyrrhus for assistance was the more 
natural, as the predecessor of that prince, Alexander I. (see 
above p. 275.) had endeavoured, but without success, to effect 
conquests in Lower Italy. In the first war with Pyrrhus, 280— 
278, two battles were fought, the first at Pandosia, 280, the other 
at Asculum, 279; in both of which Rome was unsuccessful. 
But Pyrrhus, after crossing over into Sicily, 278, (see above, p. 
173, 174.) once more returned into Italy, 275, when he was de- 


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feated tiy the Romans at Beneventum^ and compelled to evacuate ^ii^st 
Italy^ leaving a garrison at Tarentum. That city, however, soon '— 

afterwards, 272^ fell into the hands of the Romans, whose domi- 
nion was consequently extended to the extremity of Lower Italy. 

15. The chief means to which^ even from the Roman co< 
earliest times, the Romans had recourse for the ^^^^^' 
foundation of their dominion over the conquered^ 

and at the same time for the prevention of the too 
great increase of the needy classes at Rome, was 
the establishment of colonies of their own citizens, 
which, being settled in the captured cities, served 
likewise as garrisons. Each colony had its own 
distinct internal constitution, modelled, for the 
most part, upon that of the mother city itself; 
hence to keep the colonies in perfect dependence 
naturally became an object of Roman policy. 
This colonial system of the Romans, necessarily 
and spontaneously arising out of the rude custom 
of bereaving the conquered of their lands and 
liberty, assumed its main features in the Samnite 
war, and gradually embraced the whole of Italy. 
Closely connected with this system was the con- 
struction of military highways, (vice militareSy) one 
of which, the Appian Way, was constructed so 
early as 312, and to this day remains a lasting 
monument of the greatness of Rome at that 

Even at the time of Hannibal's invasion, the number of Roman 
colonies amounted to 53: but several which had been settled 
returned to the mother city. 

Heynb, De Romanorum prudentia in coloniis regendis : in- 
serted in Opusc. vol. iii. Cf. Prolunones de veterum coloniarum 
jure ef usque cautis, in his Opusc, vol. i. 

16. But the relations existing between Rome Relations 

° between 


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886 ROMAN STATE book ▼. 

First and the Italian nations were extremely various in 

Period. ,.,-*^ .. , . . ,- 

Rome anf faPQ" !• A few cities and nations enjoyed the 
wSioM^ full privileges of Roman citizenship ; in some in- 
stances, however, without the right of voting in 
the cofnitia (municipia). 2. The privileges of the 
colonies (Jus coloniarum) were of a more restricted 
nature; the colonists were indeed in possession 
of their own civic government, but had no further 
share whatever either in the comitia or magistra- 
cies of Rome. The other inhabitants of Italy 
were either federates {sociiy fcedere juncti) or sub- 
jects (dedititii). The first (a) preserved their in- 
ternal form of government ; but on the other hand 
(b) were obliged to furnish tribute and auxiliary 
troops (tributis et armis juvare rempublicam). 
Their further relation with Rome depended upon 
the terms of the league. The most advantageous 
of these terms were 3. in favour of the Latins, 
although each of their cities had its own separate 
league (jus Latii ;) as 4. the rest of the Italian 
nations had their jus Italicum. On the other 
hand, 5. the subjects, dedititii^ were deprived of 
their internal constitutions, and were governed 
by Roman magistrates, (prce/ecti,) annually re- 

G. SiooNius, De atUiquo jure civium Romanorutn ; and his 
treatise De antiquo jure ItaUas, inserted both in his Opera and 
in Oravii Thes, Ant. Rom. t. ii. contain the most learned re- 
searches on the details of these relations. 

The Roman 17. The internal constitution of Rome itself, 

Slnade- now Completed, bore the character of a demo- 

Bjociacy. QY^Qy^ inasmuch as equality of rights existed both 

for nobles and commons. Yet this democracy was 

modified by expedients so various and wonderful 


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— the rights of the people, of the senate, of the First 

n . - 1 . 1 t 1 Period. 

magistrates, fitted so nicely into each other, and 

were so firmly supported by the national religion, 
connecting every thing with determinate forms — 
that there was no reason, at that time, to fear the 
evils either of anarchy, or, what is much more 
astonishing when we consider the warlike cha- 
racter of the people, those of military despotism. 

The rights of the people consisted in the legislative power^ so 
far as fundamental national principles were concerned, and in the 
election of the magistrates. The distinction between the comiiia 
irtbuia (as independent of the senate) and the comiiia centU'- 
riala (as dependent on the senate) still existed as to form^ but 
had lost all its importance^ the difference between patricians and 
plebeians being now merely nominal, and the establishment of 
the tribus urbarue, «%3, excluding the too great influence of the 
people (Jbrensit f actio) upon the comitia tributa. The rights of 
the senate consisted in administering and debating all transitory 
national affairs, whether foreign relations, (war and peace only 
excepted, in which the consent of the people was requisite,) 
financial concerns, or matters regarding domestic peace and secu- 
rity.. Btit the manner in which the senate was supplied must 
have made it the first political body at that time in the world. 
The rights and rank of magistrates were founded on their greater 
or lesser augpicia, no public affair being entered upon except 
auspicato. Consequently he only who was in possession of the 
former could hold the highest civic and military power ; (tmpe- 
rium civile et mUiiare ; suis auspiciis rem gerere ;) as dictator, 
consul, praetor ; such was not the case with those who had only 
the lesser auspicia. The union of civil and military power in 
the person of the same individual was not without its inconveni- 
ences, but military despotism was in some measure guarded 
against by the prohibition of any magistrate possessing military 
command within Rome itself. We must not dismiss this subject 
without observing/ that as the Roman constitution arose merely 
out of practice, there never having been any completely written 
charter, we cannot expect that all the details should be clearly 
ascertained ; to attempt, therefore, in de&ult of such authority, 
to describe all the minutiae would be the surest way to fall into 


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338 . ROMAN STATE book t. 

First Of the numerous works on the Roman oonstitution and on 
^'"'°°- Roman antiquities^ we shall mention : 

De Beaufort, La RSpublique Ramaine, ou plan ginSral de 
Vancien gouvernement de Rome. La Haye, 1766, 2 vols. 4to. 
A most copious work, and one of the most solid in regard to the 
matters discussed ; although it does not emhrace the whole of the 

Histoire critique du gouvernement Romain; Paris^ 1765. 
Containing some acute observations. 

Du Gouvernement de la republique Romaine, par A. Ad. de 
Tbxibr, 3 vols. 8vo. Hamburg, 1796. This contains many 
enquiries peculiar to the writer. 

Some learned researches respecting the principal points of the 
Roman constitution, as Sigonius and Gaucuius de comiliu Ro- 
manorum, Zamocius de Senatu Romano, etc. will be found col- 
lected in the first two vols, of Orjevius, Antiq, Roman. 

For the popular assemblies of the Romans, an antiquarian 
essay by Chr. Ferd. Schulze, Grotha, 1815, chiefly according to 
Niebuhr, may be consulted. 

Among the numerous manuals of Roman antiquities^ Nieu- 
PORT, explicatio riluum Romanorum, ed, Gesner, Berol. 17^» 
promises at least as much as it performs. Of those which profess 
to treat of Roman antiquities in general, none have yet risen 
above mediocrity. Jurisprudence, however, has been much more 
successfully handled. We cite the two following excellent oom- 
pendiums : 

Bachii, Historia Jurisprudentue Romante. Lips. 17^ 

t C. Hugo, Elements of the Roman Law ; 7th edit. Berlin, 

Digitized by 


900K V. TO THE GRACCHI. 339 



From t/ie commencement of the war mth Carthage to the 
rise of the civil broils under the Gracchi, B, C, 264 — 
134. Year of Rome, 490-620. 

Sources. The principal writer for this highly interesting Second 

period, in which was laid the foundation of the universal domi — — '— 

nion of Rome, is Polybius as far as the year 146, not only in the 
complete books preserved to us, which come down to 216, but 
also in the fragments. He is frequently followed by Livy, lib. 
xxi — ^xlv. 218 — 166. Appian, who comes next, does not confine 
himself merely to the history of the war ; Floras gives us only an 
abridgement. The lives of Plutarch which relate to this portion 
of history, are Fabius Maximus, P. ^Emilius, Mabcbllus, 
M. Cato, and Flaminius. 

Of modern writers we dare only mention one : — and who is 
worthy to be ranked beside him ? 

Montesquieu, Considerations sur les causes de la grandeur 
etdela dicadence des Remains. 

1. The political division of Italy laid the foun- 
dation for the dominion of Rome in that country ; 
the want of union and political relations in the 
world paved the way to her universal empire. 
The first step cost her much, the succeeding fol- 
lowed easily and rapidly ; and the history of the stmggiebe- 
struggle between Rome and Carthage only shows tiiage and 
on a larger scale what the history of Greece ex- ^^°™®' 
hibits on a smaller. The whole of the following 
history confirms the fact, that two republics can- 
not exist near each other, without one being de- 
stroyed or subjected : but the vast extent of this 'ts extent. 



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340 ROMAN STATE book t. 


struggle, the important consequences which fol- 
lowed, together with the wonderful exertions 
made, and the great men engaged on both sides, 
gave it an interest which cannot be found in that 
hJ^**art?w ^^ any other nations. Though the power and re- 
sources of both states were nearly equal in ap- 
pearance, they were widely different in quality 
and circumstances. Carthage, besides her domi- 
nion over the seas, had also a better furnished 
treasury, by which she was enabled to enlist into 
her service as many mercenaries as she pleased : 
Rome, on the contrary, strong in herself, had all 
the advantages possessed by a nation of warriors 
over one partly commercial, partly military. 
Thefirit 2. The first war of twenty-three years between 
^thiJT^ the two republics, arose from very slight causes : 
264—241?* *t soon, however, became a struggle for the pos- 
session of Sicily, which in the end naturally ex- 
tended itself to the dominion of the sea. Rome, 
by the aid of her newly-built fleet, having ob- 
tained for some time this power, was enabled to 
attack Africa, and succeeded in driving the Car- 
thaginians from Sicily. 

The occupation of Messina by the Romans, 264, gave rise to 
this war. The defection of Hiero king of Syracuse from the 
side of Carthage^ and his joining the Romans^ first gave the latter 
the idea of expelling the Carthaginians from the island. The 
victory near Agrigentum, and capture of that city in 262, seemed 
to facilitate the execution of this project : it also convinced the 
Romans of the necessity of their having a naval power. We 
shall the less wonder at their forming a fleet in Italy, where wood 
was then plentiful, if we remember their previous experience in 
naval affairs ; these were not the first vessels of war which they 
constructed^ but only the first large ones which they built upon 
a Carthaginian model. The first naval victory of the Romans 
under Duilius^ by the aid of grappling machines^ 260. Hie 


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project then conceived of carrying tbe war into Africa was one of Second 
the great ideas of the Eoman8> and from that time it became a — — — '- 

ruling maxim of the state^ to attack the enemy in his own terri- 
tory. The second and very remarkable naval victory of the Ro- 
mans, 257^ opened the way for them to Africa, and shows their 
naval tactics in a very brilliant light : but the unfortunate issue 
of their expedition to Africa, restored the equilibrium ; and the 
struggle for the dominion of the sea became the more obstinate, 
as success did not altogether favour one party. The result of the 
contest appears to have turned upon the possession of the eastern 
promontories of Sicily, Drepanum, and Lilybseum, which were 
in a manner the bulwarks of the Carth^nians, and seemed im- 
pregnable since Hamilcar Barca had taken the command of them, 
247- The last naval victory of the Romans, however, under the 
consul Lutatius, 241, having cut off the communication between 
Sicily and Carthage, and the finances of both parties being com- 
pletely exhausted, a peace was concluded upon the conditions : 
1. That the Carthaginians should . evacuate Sicily and the small 
islands adjacent. 2. That they should pay to Rome, by instal- 
ments in ten years, for the expenses she had been at in carrying 
on the war, the sum of 2,200 talents. 3. That they should not 
make war against Hiero king of Syracuse. 

3. The issue of this war placed the political 
connections of Rome in a new situation, and ne- 
cessarily extended her influence abroad. The 
length of the war and the manner of its conclu« 
sion had, moreover, inspired a national hatred, 
such as is only found in republics ; the conviction 
also that they could not remain independent of 
one another, must have become much more strik- 
ing, as the points of contact had greatly increased 
since the beginning of the war. Who does not 
know the arrogance of a republic after the first 
essay of her power has been crowned with suc- 
cess ! Rome gave a striking example of this by 
her invasion of Sardinia in the midst of peace. 
These successes had also a sensible effect on the ^^\uc. 


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cesses on 
the consti- 

342 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Period ^^"^^^ constitutioD. FoF although in appearance 
its form was not in the least changed, yet the 
power of the senate now acquired that prepon- 
derance which the ruling authority of a republic 
never fails to do after long and successful wars. 

Origin and nature of the governments of the first Roman pro- 
vinces> in part of Sicily and in Sardinia. 

Chastise- 4. An Opportunity was soon afforded the Ro- 
mjTiL pi-^ mans, in the Adriatic sea, of making use of their 
"^^' superior naval power, in chastising the pirates of 
lUyria under their queen Teuta. By effecting 
this, they not only secured their authority over 
that sea, but at the same time formed their first 
political relations with the Grecian states ; rela- 
tions which soon afterwards became of great im- 

Commencement of the first Illyrian war^ 230, which ended with 
the subjugation of Teuta, 226. The war, however, again broke out, 
222, against Demetrius of Pharus, who conceived himself inad- 
equately rewarded by Rome for the services he had rendered her 
in the preceding war. The Romans found him a much more 
dangerous adversary than had been expected, even after his ex- 
pulsion and flight to Philip, 220, (see above, p. 282.) Through- 
out this war, Rome appeared as the deliverer of the Grecian 
states, which had suffered extremely from the plunder of these 
freebooters; Corcyra, Apollonia, and other cities placed them- 
selves formally under her protection, while the Achaeans, JEto- 
lians, and Athenians vied ^vith each other in shounng their gra- 

Relations 5. In the mean time, while Carthage endeavoured 
Greece, to make up for the loss of Sicily and Sardinia by 
extending her Spanish dominions, which the 
jealousy of Rome restrained her from carrying 
beyond the Ebro (p. 84.), Rome herself had a 
new war to maintain against her northern neigh- 


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hours the Gauls, which ended after a violent con- second 
test with the establishment of her authority over — ^^122l 
the north of Italy. 

From the first Gallic war to the burning of Rome, 390, the 
Gauls had repeated their attacks in 300 and 348, even to the 
conclusion of the peace in 336. But in the latter part of the 
Samnite war, a formidable confederacy having taken place among 
the Italian tribes, some of the Gauls enlisted as mercenaries in 
the service of the Etruscans, while others allied themselves to 
the Samnites. This led them to take part in these wars in 306, 
302, and 292, until they were obliged, together with the Etrus- 
cans, to sue for peace in 284, before which time the Romans had 
sent a colony into their country, near Sena. This peace lasted 
till 238, when it was disturbed by the incursion of the transalpine 
Gauls ; without, however, their coming to any war with Rome. 
But in 232, the proposition of Flaminius the tribune, {lex Fla-' 
minia), to divide the lands conquered from the Senones, became 
the cause of new disturbances. Upon this occasion, the Gauls 
entered into an alliance with their transalpine countrymen, the 
Gaesates on the Rhone, who had been accustomed to engage as 
mercenaries. These having crossed the Alps, the dreadful war 
of six years (226 — ^220) began, in which, after defeating the 
Gauls near Clusium, 225, the Romans pursued them into their 
own territory, and encamped upon the Po, 223. The Gauls 
having been again completely overthrown by Marcellus, were 
obliged to sue for peace ; when the Roman colonies of Placentia 
and Cremona were established. The number of men capable of 
bearing arms in all Italy subject to the Romans during this war 
amounted to 800,000. 

6. Before this storm was totally appeased, in Hannibal 
which it is probable that Carthaginian policy was ^^^d 
not altogether inactive, Hannibal had obtained the ^^ ^^' 
chief command in Spain. From the reproach of 
having first begun the war, he and his party 
cannot be cleared ; Rome, in the situation she 
then was, could hardly desire it; he however 
who strikes the first blow is not always the real 
aggressor. The plan of Hannibal was the de- 


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344 ROMAN STATE book v. 

sbcond structioQ of Rome ; and by making Italy the 
an/mlles principal seat of the war, he necessarily turned 
Italy th6 tjjg scale in his favour ; because Rome, obliged 

SCal Oi Wttf • 

to defend herself, left to him all the advantages 
of attack. The preparations she made for de- 
fence, show that it was not believed possible he 
could execute his enterprise by the route which 
he took. 

The history of this war^ 218 — ^201, of which no later trans- 
action has been able to destroy the interest, is divided into three 
parts : the history of the war in Italy ; the contemporary war in 
Spain ; and from 203, the war in Africa. Hannibal's invasioQ 
of Italy in the antumn, 218 — engagement near the river Tidnns 
and the battle of Trebia, in the same year. Battle near the lake 
Thrasymenus in the spring, 217- Seat of the war transferred 
to Lower Italy, and the defensive system of the dictator Fabius 
until the end of the year. Battle of Canns, 216, followed by 
the conquest of Capua and the subjection of the greater part of 
Lower Italy. The defensive mode of warfare afterwards adopted 
by the Carthaginian, arose partly from his desire to form a junc- 
tion with his brother Asdrubal and the Spanish army, and partly 
from his expectation of foreign support by means of alliances, 
with Syracuse, after the death of Hiero, 215, and with Philip of 
IVIacedon, 216. These hopes, however, were frustrated by the 
Romans. — Syracuse was besieged and taken, 214 — ^212, (see 
above, p. 174.) and Philip kept employed in Greece, (see above, 
p. ^82.) In addition to this, the Romans retook Capua, not- 
withstanding the audacious march of Hannibal towards Rome, 
211, and he had now no succour left except the reinforcement 
which Asdrubal was bringing firom Spain. The latter, however, 
was attacked immediately upon his arrival in Italy, near Sena, 
by the consuls Nero and Livius, and left dead on the field, 207- 
From this time the war in Italy became only of secondary im- 
portance, as Hannibal was obliged to act on the defensive in 

The Course of Hannibal over the Alps ascertained, by J. 
Whittaker. London, 1794, 2 vols. 8vo. The author endea- 
vours to prove that the passage of Hannibal was over the great 
St. Bernard, and criticises the opinions of other writers. 


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£We may likewise mention the learned treatise : — Sscond 

A Dissertation on the Passage of Hannibal over the Alps, 

By H. L. WicKHAM, M. A. and the Rev. J. A. Cramer, M. A. 

second edition, Oxon.^ 

The war in Spain began nearly about the same time between 
Asdrubal and the two brothers, Cn. and P. Cornelius Scipio, 
and was continued, with various success, till the year 216, the 
issue depending much upon the disposition of the Spaniards 
themselves. The plan of Carthage after the year 216, was to 
send Asdrubal with the Spanish army into Italy, and to supply 
its place by an army from Africa ; two victories, however, gained 
by the Scipios near the Ebro, 216, and the Illiberis, 215, pre- 
vented this from being effected, till at last both fell under the 
superior power and cunning of the Carthaginians, 212. But the 
arrival of the youthful P. Cornelius Sdpio, who did not appear 
merely to his own nation as an extraordinary genius, entirely 
changed the face of affairs, and the fortunes of Rome soon be- 
came attached to his name, which alone seemed to promise vic- 
tory. During his command in Spain, 210 — ^206, he won over 
the inhabitants while he defeated the Carthaginians, and for the 
furtherance of his great design, contracted an alliance with Sy- 
phax in Africa, 206. He was unable, however, to prevent the 
march of Asdrubal into Italy, 208, which nevertheless rendered 
it an easy task for him to subdue all Carthaginian Spain as far 
as Gades, 206, and thus procured him the consular dignity at his 
return, 205. 

The carrying of the war into Africa by Sdpio, notwithstand- 
ing the opposition of the old Roman generals, and the desertion 
of Syphax, who at the persuasion of Sophonisba again went over 
to the Carthaginians (whose loss however was well repaid by 
Masinissa, whom Scipio had won over to his side in Spain), was 
followed by an important consequence ; for after he had gained 
two victories over Asdrubal and Syphax, 203, and taken the 
latter prisoner, the Carthaginians found it necessary to recall 
Hannibal from Italy, 202 ; and the battle of Zama terminated 
the war, 201. The following were the conditions of peace : 
1. That the Carthaginians should only retain the territory in 
Africa annexed to their government. 2. That they should give 
up all their ships of war, except ten triremes, and all their ele- 
phants. 3. That they should pay, at times specified, 10,000 
talents. 4. That they should commence no war without the 


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346 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Skcond consent of Rome. 5. That they should restore to Masinissa all 
^ ^'^"'^°' the houses^ cities^ and lands that had ever been possessed bj 
himself or his ancestors. — The reproach usually cast upon the 
Carthaginians^ of having left Hannibal unsupported in Italy, in 
a great measure vanishes^ if we remember the plan formed in 
216, to send the Spanish army into Italy, and to replace it by 
an African one : a plan formed with much ability, and followed 
with as much constancy. We may add to this, that the Bardne 
faction maintained its influence in the government even to the 
end of the war. But why they, who by the treaty of peace gave 
up five hundred vessels of war, suffered Scipio to cross orer 
firom Sicily^ without sending one to oppose him, is difficult to 

Power of 7. Notwithstanding her great loss of men, and 
crewed by the devastation of Italy, Rome felt herself much 
the war. jj^^^q poWerful at the end of this war than at the 
beginning. Her dominion was not only esta- 
blished over Italy, but extensive foreign countries 
had been brought under it ; her authority over the 
seas was rendered secure by the destruction of the 
naval power of the Carthaginians. The Roman 
form of government, it is true, underwent no 
change, but its spirit much, as the power of the 
senate became almost unlimited; and although 
the dawn of civilization had broken over Rome, 
since her intercourse with more civilized fo- 
reigners, the state still remained altogether a na- 
She be- tiou of warriors. And now, for the first time, 
miHtoiyV appears in the page of history the fearful pheno- 
pubiic. menon of a great military republic ; and the his- 
tory of the next ten years, in which Rome over- 
threw so many thrones and free states, gives a 
striking proof, that such a power is the natural 
enemy to the independence of all the states within 
the reach of her arms. The causes which led 
Rome from this time to aspire after the dominion 


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of the world are to be found neither in her geo- '^s«^V*VL 

graphical situation, which for a conquering power 

by land seemed rather unfavourable ; nor in the 
inclination of the people, who were opposed to 
the first war against Philip ; but singly and en- 
tirely in the spirit of her government. The means, 
however, whereby she obtained her end, must 
not be sought for merely in the excellence of her 
armies and generals, but rather in that uniform, 
sharp- sighted, and dexterous policy, by which Her policy. 
she was enabled to frustrate the powerful al- 
liances formed against her, notwithstanding the 
njany adversaries who at that time sought to form 
new ones. But where could be found such an- 
other council of state, embodying such a mass 
of practical political wisdom, as the Roman senate 
must have been from the very nature of its organ- 
ization ? All this, however, would not have been state of the 

rest of the 

suflBcient to have subjugated the world, if the world, 
want of good government, the degeneracy of the 
military art, and an extremely corrupt state of 
morals among both rulers and people, in foreign 
states, had not seconded the efforts of Rome. 

View of the political state of the world at this period. In 
the west, Sicily (the whole island after 212), Sardinia, and Cor- 
sica, from the year 237^ and Spain, divided into citerior and 
ulterior (the latter rather in* name than in fact), had become 
Roman provinces 206 ; the independence of Carthage had been 
destroyed by the last peace, and her subordination secured by 
the alliance of Rome with Masinissa ; Cisalpine Gaul, formed 
into a province, served as a barrier against the inroads of the 
more northern barbarians. On the other side, in the east, the 
kingdom of Macedonia, and the free states of Greece, forming 
together a very complicated system, had opened a connection 
with Rome since the lUyrian war, 230, and Philip's alliance 
with Hannibal, 214. Of the three powers of the first rank. 


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348 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Second Macedonia, Syria, and Egypt, the two former were allied against 
1- the latter, who, on her part, maintained a good understanding 

with Rome. The states of secondary rank were, those of the iE- 
tolian league, the kings of Pergamus, and the republic of Rhodes, 
with some smaller, such as Athens : these had allied them- 
selves to Rome since the confederacy against Philip, 21 1. The 
Achaean league, on the contrary, was in the interests of Ma- 
cedonia, which Rome always endeavoured to attach to herself, in 
order to make head against those of the first rank. 

]|^Yog 8. A declaration of war against Philip, notwith- 

Fhiiip, standing the opposition of the tribunes of the peo- 
ple, and an attack upon Macedonia itself, accord- 
ing to the constant maxim of carrying the war 
into the enemy's country, immediately followed. 
They could not, however, drive Philip so soon 
from the fastnesses of Epirus and Thessaly, which 
were his bulwarks. But Rome possessed in T. 
T. Quintius Quintius Flaminius, who marched as^ainst Philip 
198, as the deliverer of Greece, a statesman and ge- 
neral exactly fitted for a period of great revolu- 
laysthe tious. By the permanency of his political in- 
of Roman flucuce hc bccamc indeed the true founder of the 
power in « j^^^^g^jj powcr in the east. Who could better 
cajole men and nations, while they were erecting 
altars to him, than T. Quintius ? So artfully in- 
deed did he assume the character of a great 
genius, such as had been given by nature to 
Scipio, that he has almost deceived history itself. 
The struggle between him and Philip consisted 
rather in a display of talents in political stratagem 
and finesse than in feats of arms : even before the 
179. battle of Gynoscephalae had given the finishing 
stroke, the Romans had already turned the ba- 
lance in their favour, by gaining over the Achaean 
198. league. 


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The negotucCioiis between Rome and Macedonia, from the Second 
year 214, give the first striking examples of the abUity and . ^'*^'^^* 

address of the Romans in foreign policy ; and they are the more 
remarkable, as the treaty with the iBtolians and others, 211 (see 
above, p. 283), was the remote cause of the transactions which 
afterwards took place in the east. The peculiar system adopted by 
the Romans, of taking the lesser states under their protection as 
allies, must always have given them an opportunity of making 
war on the more powerful whenever they chose. This in fact 
happened in the present case, notwithstanding the peace con- 
cluded with Philip, 204. The chief object of the Romans in 
this war, both by sea and land, was to drive Philip completely 
out of Greece. The allies on both sides, and the conditions of 
peace, were similar to those concluded with Carthage (see above, 
p. 284). The destruction of the naval power of her conquered 
enemies became now a maxim of Roman policy in making peace; 
and she thus maintained the dominion of the seas without any 
great fleet, and without losing the essential character of a domi- 
nant power by land. 

9. The expulsion of Philip from Greece brought 
that country into a state of dependence upon 
Rome ; an event which could not have been better 
secured than by the present of liberty which T. 
Quintius conferred upon its inhabitants at the 
Isthmian games. The system of surveillance, 
which the Romans had already established in the 
west over Carthage and Numidia, was now adopted 
in the east over Greece and Macedonia. Roman 
commissioners, under the name of ambassadors, 
were sent into the country of the nations in alli- 
ance, and were the principal means by which this 
system of espionage was carried on. These how- 
ever did not fail to give umbrage to the Greeks, 
particularly to the turbulent iEtolians ; more espe- 
cially as the Romans seemed in no hurry to with- 
draw their troops from a country which they had 
declared to be free. 


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850 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Second Liberty was expressly granted to the state which had taken 

. the part of Philip, namely, to the Achseans ; to the others it was 
naturally understood to belong. It was nevertheless three years, 
194, before the Roman army evacuated Greece and withdrew 
from the fortified places. The conduct of T. Quintius during 
this period fully shows what he was. The Greeks indeed had 
much want of such a guardian if they wished to remain quiet : 
his conduct, however, in the war against Nabis, 195, shows tLat 
he had not really at heart the tranquillity of Greece. 

War with 10. The treaty of peace with Philip contained 
^^*' the seeds of a new and greater war with Syria ; 
but though this seemed inevitable at that time, 
it did not break out till six years afterwards; and 
in but few periods of the history of the world is 
so great a political crisis to be found, as in this 
short interval. The fall of Carthage and Ma- 
cedonia had shown the rest of the world what it 
had to expect from Rome ; and there was no 
lack of great men sufficiently endowed with cou- 
Dangerofarage and talents to resist her. The danger of a 
lea^e* * formidable league between Carthage, Syria, and 
R^me* perhaps Macedonia, was never so much to be 
feared, as when Hannibal, now at the head of 
affairs, laboured to effect it with all the zeal which 
his hatred of Rome could inspire ; and they might 
calculate with certainty beforehand on the acces- 
which she sion of many smaller states. Rome, however, by 
™*'* * her equally decided and artful policy procured 
Hannibal's banishment from Carthage, amused 
Philip by granting him some trifling advantages, 
and gained over the smaller states by her ambas- 
sadors. By these means, and by taking advan- 
tage of the intrigues in the court of Syria, she 
prevented this coalition from being formed. An- 
tiochus was therefore left without assistance in 


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Greece, except from the ^tolians, and a few other secokd 
unimportant allies ; while Rome drew from hers, ^"^^°' 
especially the Rhodians and Eumenes, advan- 
tages of the greatest consequence. 

The first cause of contention between Rome and Antiochus 
was the liberty of Greece, which the former wished to extend to 
the Grecian cities of Asia, and to those in particular which had 
belonged to Philip, and afterwards to Antiochus ; while the latter 
contended, that Rome had no right to intermeddle with the af- 
^Eiirs of Asia. The second cause of dispute was the occupation 
of the Thracian Chersonesus by^ Antiochus, 196, in right of some 
ancient pretensions ; and Rome, on her part, would not tolerate 
him in Europe. This quarrel therefore commenced as early as 
196, but did not become serious till the year 105, when in con- 
sequence of Hannibal's flight to Antiochus, together with the 
turbulence and excitement of the ^tolians, whose object it was 
to embroil the rival powers, the political horizon was completely 
overcast. What a fortunate thing it was for Rome that such 
men as Hannibal and Antiochus could not understand each 

Hetnb, de faderum ad Romanarum opes imminuendas tnt/o- 
rum eventis eorumque causis ; in Opusc. vol. iii. 

IL This war was much sooner brought to a 
termination than the Macedonian, owing to the 
half-measures adopted by Antiochus. After hav- b.c. i9u 
ing been driven from Greece by Glabrio, and 
after two naval victories had opened to the Ro- 
mans the way to Asia, he felt inclined to act on 
the defensive ; but in the battle near Magnesia at Battle of 
the foot of Mount Sipylus, L. Scipio gathered the ^^'^"'*' 
laurels which more properly belonged to Glabrio. 
The total expulsion of Antiochus from Asia Minor, 
even before this victory, had been the chief ob- 
ject of the war. The conditions of peace (see conditioM 
above, p. 284.) were such, as not only weakened ** ^**^' 
Antiochus, but reduced him to a state of depend- 


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S52 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Sbcomd Daring this contest in the east, a sanguinary war was going os 
Pbbiod> 'jj ^Jj^ wea|; from the year 201 in Spain^ where the elder Calo 
oommandea ; and from 193 in Italy itself, against the Ligurians. 
Whatever may be said upon the means made use of by Rome to 
increase the number of her citizens, it will always be difficult to 
comprehend, not only how she could support all these wars with- 
out being thereby weakened, but how at the same time she could 
found so many colonies I 

Moderation 12. EvcQ after the termination of this war, 

Rome refrained with astonishing moderation from 

appearing in the light of a conqueror : it was only 

for the liberty of Greece, and for her allies, that 

she had contended ! Without keeping a foot of 

land for herself, she divided, with the exception 

of the free Grecian cities, the conquered Asia 

Minor between Eumenes and the Rhodians; 

the manner, however, in which she dealt with 

the iEtolians, who after a long supplication for 

peace were obliged to buy it dearly, shows that 

she also knew how to treat unfaithful allies. The 

War war against the Gauls in Asia Minor was not less 

oilliu i^* necessary for the preservation of tranquillity in 

^r^c. ***^^ country, than it was injurious to the morals 

189. and military discipline of the Roman army. They 

here learned to levy contributions. 

200—190. 13. Thus, within the short space of ten years, 

was laid the foundation of the Roman authority 

in the east, and the general state of affairs en- 

Home the tircly chaugcd. If Rome was not yet the ruler, 

the wo^id! she was at least the arbitress of the world from 

the Atlantic to the Euphrates. The power of the 

three principal states was so completely humbled, 

that they durst not, without the permission of 

Rome, begin any new war; the fourth, Egypt, 

had already, in the year 201,. placed herself under 


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the guardianship of Rome ; and the lesser powers skcond 
followed of themselves : esteeming it an honour ^""°''' 
to be called the allies of Rome. With this name 
the nations were lulled into security^ and brought 
under the Roman yoke ; the new political system 
of Rome was founded and strengthened, partly 
by exciting and supporting the weaker states 
against the stronger, however unjust the cause 
of the former might be, and partly by factions 
which she found means to raise in every state, 
even the smallest. 

Although the policy of Rome extended itself everywhere by 
means of her commissioners, or ambassadors, yet she kept a 
more particular guard against Carthage by favouring Masinissa 
at her expense, against the Achaean league by favouring the 
Spartans, and against Philip of Macedon by favouring every one 
who brought any complaint against him (see above, p. 285). 

14. Although these new connections and this 
intercourse with foreign nations greatly aided the 
diffusion of knowledge and science, and was fol- 
lowed by a gradual improvement in her civiliza- 
tion, yet was it nevertheless, in many respects, 
detrimental to the internal state of Rome. The 
introduction of the scandalous Bacchanalia, which 
were immediately discovered and forbidden, shows 
how easily great vices may creep in among a 
people who are only indebted for their morality to 
their ignorance. Among the higher classes also 
the spirit of intrigue manifested itself to an asto- 
nishing degree; particularly by the attacks di- 
rected against the Scipios by the elder Cato, 
whose restless activity became the instrument of 
his malignant passions. The severity of his cen- 
sorship did not repair the evils caused by bis im- 
morality and pernicious politics. 

A a 


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354 ROMAN STATE boor v. 

Second Voluntary exile of Sdpio Africanus to Lintemum, 187- He 
Period. ^^^ there, 183, the same year in which Hannibal falls under the 

continued persecution of Rome. His brother Scipio Asiaticus is 
also unable to escape a trial and condemnation, 185. One would 
have expected a sensible effect from the exile of these two great 
men ; but, in a state where the ruling power is in the hands of a 
body like what the Roman senate was, the change of individnaU 
is but of little consequence. 

New broil* 15. Ficsh disputcs arosc, as early as 185, with 

186. * ^' Philip of Macedon, who soon found that they had 
spared him no longer than it suited their own 
convenience. Although the intervention of Phi- 
lip's youngest son, upon whom the Romans had 
formed some design, prevented the powers from 
coming to an immediate rupture, and war was 

Hw death, still further delayed by Philip's death, yet the 
national hatred descended to his successor, and 
continued to increase, notwithstanding an alliance 

Open war, concludcd with him, until the war openly broke 
out (see above, p, 287). 

The first circumstance which gave umbrage to Philip was the 
small portion they permitted him to conquer in Athamania and 
Thessaly during the war against Antiochus. But what sharpened 
his animosity, much more than the object in dispute, was the 
conduct of the Roman commissioners, before whom he, the long, 
was called upon to defend himself as an accused party, 184- 
The exclamation of Philip, that ^' the sun of every day had not 
yet set," showed his indignation, and at the same time betrayed 
his intention. The interval previous to the breaking out of the 
war was an3rthing rather than a time of peace for Rome ; for 
besides that the Spanish and Ligurian wars continued almost 
without intermission, the revolts which broke out in Istna, 17B, 
and in Sardinia and Corsica, 176, produced much bloodshed. 

secondMa- 16. In the second Macedonian war, which 


war, ends cudcd with the destruction of Perseus and his 
kingdom (see above, p. 288), it required the ac- 


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tive efforts of Roman policy to prevent a powerful seconw 
confederacy from being formed against her; as min'of the 
Perseus used all his endeavours to stimulate, not !?'i!?*^°™' 

' 168. 

only the Grecian states, and Thrace and lUyria, 
but also Carthage and Asia, to enter into alliance 
with him. Where was it that Rome did not at 
this crisis send her ambassadors ? She did not, 
indeed, succeed so far as to leave her enemy c^uite 
alone, but prepared new triumphs for herself over 
the few allies she left him. The devastated Epirus, 
and Gentius king of lUyria, suffered dearly for the 
assistance they had lent him; the states also which 
had remained neuter, the Rhodians and Eumenes, 
were made to feel severely that they were the 
mere creatures of Rome. 

Beginning of the Macedonian war, 171^ before Rome was pre- 
pared ; a deceitful truce, which raised the indignation even of 
the elder senators, was the means resorted to for gaining time. 
Notwithstanding this, the war at first, 170 and 169, was favour- 
able to Perseus; but he wanted resolution and judgment to 
enable him to turn his advantages to account. In 168, Paulus 
Emilias, an old general, against the usual custom of the Romans, 
took the command. Bloody and decisive battle near Pydna, 
Jane 22, 168. So completely may one day overturn a kingdom 
which has only an army for it« support ! Contemporary with this 
war, and highly fortunate for Rome, was the war of Antiochus 
Epiphanes with Egypt. No wonder that Rome did not, till 168, 
through Popilius, command peace between them ! (See above, 
p. 261.) 

17. The destruction of the Macedonian mon- lu conae- 
archy was attended with consequences equally ^"*'*^^' 
disastrous to the conquerors and the conquered. 
To the first it soon gave the notion of becoming 
the masters of the world, instead of its arbiters ; 
and it exposed the latter, for the next twenty 



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556 ROMAN STATE book r. 

pm!od y^^^^» *^ ^^' *^® ^^^'^ inseparable from such a 
catastrophe. The system of politics hitherto pur- 
sued by Rome could not last much longer ; for if 
nations suffered themselves to be brought under 
the yoke by force, it was not to be expected that 
they would long be held in dependence under the 
specious name of liberty. But the state of things 
after this war was such as contributed to hasten a 
change in the form of the relations which existed 
between Rome and her allies. 

The republican constitution given to the already mined and 
devastated Macedonians (see above, p. 288.) and lUyrians, and 
which> according to the decree of the senate, '' showed to all 
people that Rome was ready to bestow liberty upon them/' was 
granted upon such hard conditions, that the enfranchised nation 
soon used every endeavour to procure themselves a king. Greece 
however suffered still more than Macedonia. Here> during tbe 
war, the spirit of faction had risen to the highest pitch ; and the 
arrogant insolence of the Roman party, composed for the most 
part of venal TiTetches, was so great, that they persecuted not 
only those who had espoused an opposite feiction, but even tboie 
who had joined no faction at all. Rome nevertheless could not 
believe herself secure, until she had destroyed, by a cruel artifice, 
all her adversaries (see above, p. 288). 

18. Entirely in the same spirit did Rome pro- 
ceed against the other states from whom she had 
anything to fear. These must be rendered de- 
fenceless ; and every means of effecting that pur- 
pose was considered justifiable by the senate. 
The quarrels between the successors to the throne 
of Egypt were taken advantage of to cause dis- 
sensions in that kingdom (see above, p. 260); 
while Syria was retained in a state of tutelage, 
by keeping the rightful heir to the throne at 
Rome ; and its military power neutralized by 
means of their ambassadors (see above, p. 243). 


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19. From these facts we may also conclude, sicowix 

that the injuries now meditated against Carthage ^ 

were not separate projects, but rather formed part 

of the general system of Roman policy at this 
period, although particular events at one time re- 
tarded their execution, and at another hastened it. 
History, in recounting the incredibly bad treat- 
ment which Carthage had to endure before her 
fall, seems to have given a warning to those na- 
tions who can take it, of what they may expect 
from the domination of a powerful republic. 

Cato was chief of the party which sought the destruction of 
Carthage, both from a spirit of envy against Scipio Nasica> whom 
he hated for his great influence in the senate ; and because^ when 
ambassador to Carthage^ he thought they did not treat him with 
sufficient respect. But Masinissa's victory, 152 (see above, 
p. 88), and the defection of Utica, brought this project into im- 
mediate play. Beginning of the war, 150, the Carthaginians 
having been previously inveigled out of their arms. The city, 
however, was not captured and destroyed till 146, by P. Scipio 
^milianus. The Carthaginian territory, under the name of 
Africa, was then made a Roman province. 

20. During this third war with Carthage, hos- Ancwwar 
tilities again broke out in Macedonia, which donia an/" 
brought on a new war with Greece, and entirely ^'®^' 
changed the state of both these countries. In 
Macedonia, an impostor named Andriscus, who 
pretended to be the son of Philip, placed himself 

at the head of that highly disaffected people, 
assumed the name of Philip, and became, parti- 
cularly by an alliance with the Thracians, very^-^-^^* 
formidable to the Romans, until overcome by 
Metellus. Rome wishing to take advantage of 
this crisis to dissolve the Achaean league, the 
Achaean war broke out (see above, p. 289)* This 


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358 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Second war was bcguii by Metellus, and terminated by 

Terminated Mumoiius with the dcstruction of Corinth. By 

suuctiol? of reducing both Macedonia and Greece to the form 

Corinth, ^f provinces, Rome now gave evident proof that 

no existing relations, nor any form of government, 

can prevent nations from being subjugated by a 

warlike republic, whenever circumstances render 

it possible. 

It might have been expected, that the destruction of the two 
first commercial cities in the world, in the same year, would have 
been followed by important consequences to the course of trade ; 
but the trade of Carthage and Corinth had already been drawn 
to Alexandria and Rhodes, otherwise Utica might, in some re- 
spects, have supplied the place of Carthage. 

War in 21. While Romc was thus destroying thrones 

* and republics, she met in Spain with an antago- 
nist — a simple Spanish countryman named Viria- 
thus — whom, after six years' war, she could only 
A.C.140. rid herself of by assassination. The war, never- 
theless, continued after his death against the Nu- 
mantines, who would not be subjected, but were 
133. at last destroyed by Scipio ^milianus. 

The war against the Spaniards, who of all the nations subdued 
by the Romans defended their liberty with the greatest obsti- 
nacy, began in the year 200, six years after the total expulsion 
of the Carthaginians from their country, 206. It was exceedingly 
obstinate, partly from the natural state of the country, which was 
thickly populated, and where every place became a fortress ; 
partly from the courage of the inhabitants ; but above all, owing 
to the peculiar policy of the Romans, who were wont to employ 
their allies to subdue other nations. This war continued, almost 
without interruption, from the year 200 to 133, and was for the 
most part carried on at the same time in Hispania Citerior, where 
the Celtiberi were the most formidable adversaries, and in His- 
pania Ulterior, where the Lusitani were equally powerful. Hos- 
tilities were at the highest pitch in 195, under CbXo, who reduced 


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Hkpania Citerior to a state of tranquillity in 185 — l*J9, when Sscond 
the Celtiberi were attacked in their native territory ; and 155 — PgRiop. 
150, when the Romans in both provinces were so often beaten, 
that nothing was more dreaded by the soldiers at home than to 
be sent there. The extortions and perfidy of Servius Oalba 
placed Viriathus, in the year 146, at the head of his nation, the 
Lusitani: the war, however, soon extended itself to Hispania 
Citerior, where many nations, particularly the Numantines, took 
up arms against Rome, 143. Viriathus, sometimes victorious and 
sometimes defeated, was never more formidable than in the 
moment of defeat ; because he knew how to take advantage of 
his knowledge of the country, and of the dispositions of his coun- 
trymen. After his murder, caused by the treachery of Caepio, 
140, Lusitania was subdued ; but the Numantine war became 
still more violent, and the Numantines compelled the consul 
Mancinus to a disadvantageous treaty, 137* When Scipio, in 
the year 133, put an end to this war, Spain was certainly tran- 
quil ; the northern parts, however, were still unsubdued, though 
the Romans penetrated as far as Galatia. 

22. Towards the end of this period, the Ro- Atuiu»iii. 
mans obtained at a much cheaper rate the pos- u^^om to 
session of one of their most important provinces ; ^^' 
for the profligate Attains III. king of Pergamus, 
bequeathing them the whole of his kingdom (on 
what account is uncertain, see above, p. 292.), ^ ^, ,33 
they immediately took possession of it, and kept— ^30. 
it in spite of the resistance of the legitimate heir 
Aristonicus, merely ceding, as a recompense, 
Phrygia to Mithridates V. king of Pontus. Thus, 
by a stroke of the pen, the largest and finest part 
of Asia Minor became the property of Rome. 
If this extraordinary legacy was the work of 
Roman policy, she paid dearly enough, in the 
long run, for this accession to her power and 
riches, by the destruction of her morals, and the 
dreadful wars to which this legacy gave rise 
under Mithridates. 


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360 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Second 23. The foreign possessions of Rome, besides 
rq^*^"' Italy, comprised at this time under the name of 
provinces, provinces, a name of much higher signification 
in the Latin language than in any other, Hispania 
Citerior and Ulterior, Africa (the territory of Car- 
thage), Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, Liguria, and 
Cisalpine Gaul, in the west; and in the east, 
Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia (territory of Perga- 
Howeo- mus). The inhabitants of these countries were 
"^ ' entirely subject to Rome. The administration 
of them was carried on by those who had en- 
joyed the office of consul, and by praetors, sub- 
ordinate to whom were the quaestors, or col- 
lectors of the revenue. The highest military and 
civil p^ers were united in these governors; a 
principa^ause of that horrible oppression which 
was soon felt. Troops were always kept up in 
the provinces; and the Latin language every- 
where introduced (except only where Greek was 
spoken), that the inhabitants might be made as 
much like Romans as possible. 

Till nearly the end of this period^ praetors were expressly ap- 
pointed to each province. It was not till after the origin of tbe 
qucgsliones perpetuas, that it became the custom for the praetors 
who had vacated office, to succeed to the provinces {proprcS' 
tores), a principal cause of the degeneracy of the Roman con- 

C. SiGONiuSj di ^Aniiqmo jure pravindarKm in Grcevii Thes, 
Antiq, Rom. vol. ii. 


Roman re- 24. The acquisitiou of these rich countries 
naturally had great influence in augmenting the 
revenue of the Romans. Though Rome was not 
indeed a state, like Carthage, altogether de- 
pendent upon finances, yet she kept these ad- 


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justed iD a wonderful manner; a spirit of nice Sxcond 
order being observed in this as well as in every —^^L^ 
other department of her administration. If in 
extraordinary emergencies recourse were had to 
native loans, to a change in the value of money, 
or a monopoly of salt, order was soon restored ; 
while the booty obtained from conquered coun- 
tries was also a great source of the public income 
so long indeed as it was reserved for the state, 
and did not become the prey of the generals. 

Sources of the Roman revenue {vecligalia) were: 1. Tribute 
a. from the Roman citizens ; that is to say^ a property-tax im- 
posed by the senate according to the urgency of the case (which, 
however, was remitted> for a long time, after the war with Per- 
seus, 168, being no longer necessary), b. Tribute o^he allies 
{socii) in Italy : which seems also to have been a pd^Rty-tax ; 
differing in different places, c. Tribute of the provinces: in 
some a heavy poll-tax, in others taxes on property ; in all, how- 
ever, they were paid in natural productions, mostly ordinary, 
though sometimes extraordinary, as well for the salary of the 
governor as for the supply of the capital. 2. The revenue from 
the national domains {ager publicus), both in Italy (especially 
Campania) and in the provinces ; the tythes {decumas) of whidi 
were paid by means of leases for four years, granted by the oen« 
sors. 3. The revenue from the customs (porioria)^ collected in 
the seaports and frontier towns. 4. 'The revenue arising from 
the mines {melalld), particularly the Spanish silver mines ; the 
proprietors of which were obliged to pay a duty to the state. 
5. The duty upon enfranchised slaves (jiurum vicesimarium). 
All receipts flowed into the national treasury, the cerarium ; all 
outgoings were exclusively ordered by the senate ; and the peo- 
ple were consulted as little with regard to them as they were re- 
specting the imposts. The officers employed were the qucestores, 
under whom were the scribce, divided into decurias, who, though 
certainly subordinate, had nevertheless great influence. Their 
8ervices> as they were not yearly changed, must have been India* 
pensable to the qucestores for the time being; and the whole 
management of affairs> at least in detail> must have fellen into 
their hands. 


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862 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Upon the finances of Rome, the best work at present is : — 

P. BuBMANNi, Fectigalia Populi Romanu heyden, 1734, 

Two excellent treatises have since appeared in (jerman npcm 
this subject : — 

f D. H. Heoewisch, Essay upon Roman Finances. Antona, 
1804, and 

f R. BossE, Sketch of the System of Finance in the Roman 
State, Brunswick, 1803, 2 parts. Both include the periods of 
the republic and the monarchy. 


From the beginning of the civil broils under the Gracchi, 
to the fall of the republic. B. C. 134—30. Year of 
Rome, 620—724. 

Thibd Souaces. Concerning the first half of this important period 
Period. q£ ^Jj^ republic, down to the time of Cicero, we are sadly in 
want of precise information. Not one of the contemporary 
writers has been preserved to us, nor indeed any one of the 
later historians who have compiled a history of the whole period. 
Appian, de Bellis CivUibus ; Pi/Utarch, in his Lives of ike 
Gracchi; and the spirited Compendium of Vel. Patbrculus, 
are, for this portion, our principal authorities ; and even the im- 
perfect summaries of the lost books of Livy, so masterly supplied 
by Freinshemius here become of importance. For the times 
which follow, the Jugurtha and Caialine of Sallust, are two ex- 
cellent historical cabinet pieces, and become the more valuable 
for the insight they at the same time give us of the internal con- 
dition of Rome. His great work, however^ The Histories, is, 
with the exception of a few precious fragments, unfortunately 
lost. For the times of Cjbsar and Cicero, we have the Com- 
mentaries of the first, and the Orations and Letters of the latter; 
both fertile sources of information. What is left us of Did Cas- 
sius's History, b^ins with the year 69 before Christ. Of Pi«u- 


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TABCH 8 Lives, besides those of the Gracchi^ the following are Thxrp 
connected with this period : C. Marius^ Sylla, Lucullus, Pbriop. 
Crassus, Sertorius> Cato of Utica, Cicero^ Brutus, and 
Antonius. Upon the sources for these lives, see my treatises 
cited above, p. 321. 

Among the moderns, the greater part of this period is parti- 
cularly treated of by : — 

Ds Brosses, Hisloire de la RSpuhlique Ramaine dans le 
cours du VII^ Steele par Sallusle, k Dijou, 1777* 3 vols. 4to. 

In German by J. C. Schleuter, 17^0, etc. with remarks, 
4 vols. The editor of this capital work had an idea of trans- 
lating Sallust, and supplying what is lost. It contains, besides 
a translation of Jugurtha and Cataline, the period between both, 
of which Sallust treats in his Histories: that is, from Sylla's 
abdication, B. C. 7d — 67 ; and is equally important for its own 
merits and for the period to which it belongs. 

Vbrtot^ Hisloire des revolutions arrivSes dans le gquverne- 
ment de la lUpuhlique Romaine, Paris, 1796, 6 vols. 12aio. Al- 
though tills justly esteemed work includes the foregoing period, 
it is particularly valuable for the present. 

Mably> Observations sur les Romains. Geneve, 17^1> 2 vols. 
8vo. A survey of the internal history ; ingenious, but as super- 
ficial as the Observations sur les Grecs by the same author. 

1. The foregoing period is composed of the citu ware, 
history of foreig'n wars alone ; in this, on the con- 
trary, Rome appears in a continual state of in- 
ternal commotion. And if foreign hostilities in* 
terrupt this state of things for a short time, it is 
only that it may be renewed with more violence, 
till at last it ends in a furious civil war. As the Power or 
almost boundless power of the senate had laidci^t^^ 
the foundation of an exceedingly hateful family *"»*«**cy, 
aristocracy, against which the tribunes of thewUchis 
people arrayed themselves, in the character of t£ftribun» 
powerful demagogues, there arose a new struggle ^f^. 
between the aristocratic and democratic parties, 
which almost immediately grew into two powerful 


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364 ROMAN STATE booe v. 

TnxRD factions. This contest, from its extent and its 
— ""'''' consequences, soon became much more important 
than the ancient one between the patricians and 
the plebeians. 

This ikmily aristocracy gradually arose from the power of the 
magistrates, who now not only enjoyed a 7ery high political im- 
portance, but, by the government of the provinces, acquired 
immense wealth. The present aristocracy, then, consisted of the 
ruling families (nobiles) concentrated in the senate. The struggle 
with the opposite party, the people {pUbs), became so much the 
more violent in consequence of the great abuses which had 
crept into the administration, particularly in the division of the 
lands of the republic ; the ruling families securing to themselves 
the fruits of all the victories and conquests, while the power of 
the democracy, by the vast accumulation of people (without the 
means of livelihood, although voting in the comitid), especially 
of enfranchised slaves^ who, though strangers, mostly without 
power or property, formed, nevertheless, the greater part of 
what was then called the Roman people. 

6. Al. Rupbrti, Stemmata gentium Romanarum. Goett 
1795, 8vo. Almost indispensable for obtaining a dear insight 
into the history of the Roman families, and of course into that 
of the state. 

First dis- 2, Commencement of the disturbances under 
u^ndOTxTs. *^® tribunate of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, whom 
S'^^^^Sq former connections had long made the man of the 
He desires peoplc. His dcsire was to relieve the distress 
Se'dutress ^^ ^he lower orders ; and the means whereby he 
^J^^'^®' hoped to do this was a better division of the 
lands of the republic, now almost exclusively in 
the hands of the aristocracy. His reform, there- 
fore, naturally led at once to a struggle with that 
party. Tib. Gracchus however soon found, by 
experience, that a demagogue cannot stop where 
he would, however pure his intentions may be 
at first; and no sooner had he obtained a pro- 


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longation of his term of office, in opposition to Tbiiid 
the usual custom, than he fell a sacrifice to his "'°°' 

and dies in 

undertaking. theattempt; 

The first agrarian law of Graccbas was confirmed by the 
people, notwithstanding the fruitless opposition of his colleague 
Octaviua^ who was deposed ; it decreed, that no person should 
possess above ^ve hundred acres of land, nor any child above half 
that quantity. This law was, in fact, only a renewal of the 
ancient lex Licinia ; in the condition, however, in which Rome 
now was, it bore much harder upon the property usurped by the 
great families, than it did in former times. Appointment of 
a committee for dividing the national lands, and for enquiring 
also at the same time which were the property of the state {ager 
puhlicus) and which v/ere not. New popular propositions of the 
elder Ghracchus^ especially that for the division of the treasures 
left by king Attalus of Pergamus, with the view of securing his 
continuance in office ; great insurrection of the aristocratic party 
under Scipio Nasica, and murder of Tiberius Gracchus, on the 
day of electing the new tribunes of the people. 

3. The fall of the chief of the new party, hi» fail does 
however, occasioned any thing rather than its de- Su p^^ 
struction. Npt only was there no mention of an 
abrogation of the agrarian law, but the senate 
was obliged to allow the place in the commission^ 
which had become vacant by the death of Grac- 
chus, to be filled up ; and Scipio Nasica himself 
was sent out of the way, under the pretext of an 
embassy to Asia. The party of the senate did, 
indeed, find a powerful suppolrt for a short time b. c. 132. 
in the return of Scipio iBmilianus {d. 129) from 
Spain ; but its greatest support was found in the 
difficulties of the law itself, which prevented its 

Great revolt of the slaves in Sicily under Eunns, 134 — 131. 
This contributed not a little to keep alive the dissensions, as it 
«howed the necessity of a reform. 

Digitized by 


366 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Thtud 4. Evident endeavours of the tribunes of the 
j^^^^T^ people to increase their power, Gracchus having 
buMs en- qq^ awakened them to a sense of it. Not satis- 
increase fied with a seat and voice m the senate, Carbo 
fifcl^aor wished that the renewing of their dignity should 
be passed into a law. By the removal, however, 
of the chiefs of the lower party, upon honour- 
able pretexts, new troubles were put off for some 

First establishment of the Roman power in Transalpine Gaol 
by M. Fulvius Flaccus, on the occasion of his being sent to the 
assistance of Massilia, 128. Southern (raul became a Roman 
province as early as 122^ in consequence of the defeat of the 
Allobrogi and Averni by Q. Fabius, who had been sent against 
them to support the iBdui, the allies of Rome. Capture of the 
Balearian isles by Metellus, 123. Quiestorship of C. Gracchus 
in Sicily, 128—125. 

c. Grac- 5, Thcsc palliative remedies, however, availed 
nothing after the return of C. Gracchus from 
Sicily with a full determination to tread in the 
footsteps of his brother. Like him, it is true, 
he fell a victim to his enterprise ; but the storm 
that he raised during the two years of his tri- 
bunate fell so much the more heavily, as the 
popular excitement was more general, and from 
his possessing more of the shining talents ne- 
cessary to form a powerful demagogue than his 

First tribunate of C. Gracchus, 123. Renewal of the agnrian 
law, and rendering its provisions more strict. Nevertheless, as 
he increased the fermentation by his popular measures and by 
acting the demagogue, and obtained the renewal of the tribunate 
for the following year, 122, he so far extended his plan, as to 
render it not only highly dangerous to the aristocracy, but even 
to the state itself. Establishment of distributions of com to the 


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poor people. Plan for the formation of the knights (ordo eques- Thxhb 
tru) into a political body, as a counterbalance to the senate, by ^''^'"p* 
conferring on it the right of administering justice, {judicia,) 
which was taken from the senate. Still more important project 
of granting to the Italian allies the privileges of Roman citizen* 
ship ; and also the formation of colonies, not only in Campania^ 
but also out of Italy, in Carthage. The highly refined policy of 
the senate, however, by lessening this man of the people in the 
eyes of his admirers, through the assistance of the tribune Livius 
Dmsins, pevented his complete triumph ; and, once declining> 
Gracchus soon experienced the fate of every demagogue, whose 
complete fall is then irretrievable. General insurrection, and 
assassination of C. Gracchus, 121. 

6. The victory of the aristocratic faction wasvictoiyof 
this time not only much more certain and bloody, ^tic*fac- 
but they turned the advantages it gave them to ^^^' 
such good account, that they eluded the agrarian 
law of Gracchus, and indeed, at last, completely 
abrogated it. But the seeds of discord already 
disseminated, especially among the Italian allies^ 
could not be so soon checked, when once the 
subjects of these states had conceived the idea 
that they were entitled to a share in the govern- 
ment. How soon these party struggles might 
be renewed, or indeed a civil war break out, de« 
pended almost entirely upon foreign circum- 
stances, and the chance of a bolder leader being 

Agrarian law evaded : at first by repealing an act which pro- 
hibited the transfer of the national lands already divided, whereby 
the patricians were enabled to buy them again ; — afterwards by 
the lex Thoria : complete stop put to all further divisions, a land- 
tax, to be distributed among the people, being instituted in its 
stead ; but even this latter was very soon annulled. 

f D. H. Heoewisch, History of the Civil Wars of the 
Gracchi. Altona, 1801. 


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368 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Tbxko f History of the Revolution of the Gracchi in my Miscella- 
^"'°''' neous Historical Works. Vol. iii. 1821. 

^frart^- ^' Visible effects of this party spirit upon 
spirit in public morals, which now began to decline the 

corrupting * • -ii • . , . - 

the nation, oiorc rapidly, in proportion to the increase of 
foreign connections. Neither the severity of the 
censorship, nor the laws against luxury {leges 
sumtuarice), nor those which now became neces- 
sary against celibacy, could be of much service in 
this respect. This degeneracy was not only to be 
found in the cupidity of the higher ranks, but also 
in the licentiousness of the lower orders. 

Luxury in Rome was first displayed in the public administra- 
tion (owing to the excessive accumulation of wealth in the trea- 
sury, especially during the Macedonian wars) before it infected 
private life ; and the avarice of the great long preceded the latter. 
The sources horn whence they satisfied this passion were found 
in the extortions of the governors of provinces, their great power, 
and the distance from Rome rendering the leges repelundarum of 
but little effect. Probably the endeavours of the allied princes 
and kings to gain a party in the senate was a still more fruitful 
source, as they could obtain their end only by purchase, and so 
gave a new impulse to the cupidity and intriguing disposition of 
the members of that council. But private luxury requires every- 
where some time to ripen. It attained its height immediately 
after the Mithridatic wars. 

f D. Meinbr, History of the Corruption of the Morals and 
Constitution of the Romans. Leips. 1782. 

■f M BiEROTTO, Morals and Manners of the Romasis at dif- 
ferent periods of the Republic. Berlin, 177®* Which consider 
the subject in several points of view. 

f C. A. BoTTiGEB, Sabina, or, morning scenes at the toilette 
of a rich Roman lady. Leips. 1806, 2 vols. A true and lively 
description of the luxury of the Roman ladies, but principally at 
its most brilliant period. It has been translated into French. 

TheAfrican 8. This corruption was manifested in a striking 


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manner in the next great war that Rome entered 'Third 
mto, which was in Africa, against Jugurtha of war against 
Numidia, the adopted grandson of Masinissa ; b^^'^^Ij 
and soon after against his ally Bocchus of Mauri- — loe. 
tania. This war, kindled and maintained by the 
avarice of the Roman nobles, which Jugurtha had 
already had an opportunity of knowing at the 
siege of Numantia, paved the way to the aggran- 
dizement of C. Marius, a new demagogue, who, c. Marius 
being also a formidable general, did much more 
barm to the state than even the Gracchi. 

Commencement of the quarrel of Jugurtha with the two sons 
of Micipsa^ and assassination of Hiempsal^ one of them^ 118. — 
When the other, Adherbal, arrived at Rome, I17j the party of 
Jugurtha had aLready succeeded, and obtained a partition of the 
kingdom. New attack upon Adherbal, who is besieged in Cirta, 
and, notwithstanding the repeated embassies of Rome to Jugur- 
tha, is compelled to surrender, and is put to death, 112. The 
tribune C. Memmius constrains the senate to declare war against 
Jugurtha ; but Jugurtha purchases a peace of the consul Calpur- 
niua Piso, 111. — Nevertheless Memmius hinders the ratification 
of the peace, and Jugurtha is required to justify himself at 
Rome. He would probably, however, have bought his acquittal, 
if the murder of his kinsman Massiva, 1 10, by the help of Bo- 
milcar, had not rendered it impossible. The war is renewed 
under the consul Sp. Albinus and his brother Aulus, 110, but with 
very little success, until the incorruptible Q. Metellus took the 
command, 109, who would have put an end to it, notwithstand* 
ing the great talents now displayed as a general by Jugurtha, 
and his alliance with Bocchus, 108, had he not been supplanted 
by Marius, who obtains the consulship by his popularity, 107* 
Mariua is obliged to have recourse to perfidy to get Jugurtha 
into his hands, who is betrayed by Bocchus, 106. Numidia is 
divided between Bocchus and two grandsons of Masinissa, 
Hiempsal and Hiarbas. 

9. The elevation of Marius to the consulate not obtains the 
only humbled the power of the aristocracy, but 



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370 ROMAN STATE book v. 

J"'*"* also showed, for the first time, that the way was 

open to a man of low birth {homo novus) to the 

highest offices ; the method, however, which he 
had taken to form his army, entirely against the 
Roman custom, that is, of composing it of the 
lower orders (capite censis) must have rendered 
him doubly formidable. Nevertheless, he would 
scarcely have eflFected so great a change in the 
constitution, if a new and terrible war had not 
rendered his services indispensable : — this was 
cfmbri^d'^^ threatened invasion of the Cimbri and Teu- 
Teutones; tones the most powerful nations of the north, 
during which a new and violent rebellion of the 
slaves was raging in Sicily : — for after the defeat 
of so many Roman armies, the people believed 
that no one but the conqueror of Jugurtha could 
save Italy ; and M arius knew so well how to turn 
this to account, that he remained consul during 
four successive years. 

The Cimbri, or Cimmerians, probably a nation of Gemun 
origin, from beyond the Black sea, originated a popular migration 
which extended from thence as far as Spain. Their march was 
perhaps occasioned, or accelerated, by the Scythian war of 
Mithridates ; and their course, like that of most nomad races, 
was from east to west along the Danube. They bad already, in 
113, defeated the consul Papirius Carbo, near Noreia in Styria. 
In their progress towards the west they were joined by German, 
Celtic, and Helvetic tribes (the Teutones, Amhrones, and Tig^- 
rians), — ^Attack Roman Gaul, 109, where they demand settle- 
ments and defeat Junius Silanus the consul. — Defeat of L. 
Cassius Longinus and M. Aurelius Scaurus, 107- — Great defeat 
of the Romans in Gaul, 105, occasioned by the disagreement of 
their generals, the consuls, Cn. Manlius and Q. Servius Cepio. 
Marius obtains the command, and remains consul from 104—101. 
The migrations of the Cimbri — a part of whom reach the Pyre- 
nees, but are driven back by the Celtiberians, 103 — give Marius 


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time to complete his army. In 102, aftef diridiiig themaehv*, Tnm 
they iint attempted to penetrate into Italy: the Teatones J^££l 
through Provence, and the Cimbri by Tyrol.— Great defeat and 
slaughter of the Teutones by Marius, near Aix, 102. — The Cim- 
bri, on the contrary, effect an invasion and make progress till 
Marius comes to the help of Catulus. Great battle and defeat of 
the Cimbri near the Po, July 30, 101. 

J. MtTLLER, Bellum Cimbricum. Tigur, 1772. A youthfiul 
essay of that celebrated historian. Compare 

t Mannbbt, Geography, etc. part iii. 

10. Although during this war the power of the'i'^yj^^" 
popular party had sensibly increased, yet the>uiate. 
storm did not break out until Marius bought 
his sixth consulate. Now, even in Rome it- 
self, he wished to avenge himself upon his 
enemies ; and what could the senate do, when it 
had at its head a demagogue in the consul him-* 
self? — His league with the tribune Satumius, and 
the praetor Glaucias, forming already a true tri- 
umvirate, would have overthrown the republic 
after the expulsion of Metellus, if the unbridled 
licentiousness of the rabble connected with his 
allies had not obliged him to break with them, 
lest he should sacrifice the whole of his popu- 

The meaauf ea of this eabel^ who wished to appear as if trend- 
ing in the steps of the Gracchi, were principally directed against 
Q. MeteUus, the chief of the party of the senate^ and who^ since 
the African war^ had been the mortal foe of Marins. After the 
exile of Metellus^ occasioned by his opposition to a new agrarian 
law^ this faction nsurped the rights of the people, and lorded it 
in the committees ; until, at a new election of consuls, a general 
revolt, favoured by Marius himself, took place of all the weU- 
disposed citizens against them; Saturnius and Glaucias were 
besieged in the capitol, forced to surrender, and executed. The 



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372 ROMAN STATE booxt. 

Thied return of Metelltu from his voluntary exile soon followed, 92, 
Pebiop. om^ against the will of Marius, who was obliged to retiTe into 

B.C. 98— 11. The few years of tranquillity which Rome 
now enjoyed, brought to maturity many benefits 
and many evils, the seeds of which had been 
already sown. On one hand the rising eloquence 
of Antonius, Crassus, and others, was employed 
with effect against the oppressors of the pro- 
vinces in the state trials (questiones) ; and some 
generous spirits used all their endeavours to heal 
the wounds of Sicily, Asia, and other provinces, by 
a better administration ; while, on the other hand, 
the power of the ordo equestris became a source of 
much abuse : for besides their right to sit in the 
tribunals (Judiciis), which C. Gracchus had con- 
ferred upon them, they had also obtained the 
farming of the leases, and thereby the collection 
of the revenue in the provinces ; by which means 
they were enabled not only to oppose every re- 
form that was attempted in the latter, but even 
at Rome to hold the senate in a state of de- 
pendence. The struggle which now arose be- 
tween them and the senate respecting the judicia 
(or right to preside in the tribunal), was one of 
the most fatal to the republic, as this right was 
abused by them for the purpose of satisfying their 
personal rancour, and oppressing the greatest 
men. The tribune M. Livius Drusus the younger. 
It is true, wrested from them half their power ; 
but, alas ! the manner in which he did it kindled 
into a flame the fire which had been smouldering 
from, the time of the Gracchi. 

Acquisition of Cyrene by the testament of king Apion^ 97; 


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notwithstanding which it maintained its independence, although Third 
probably by paying a tribute. Adjustment of the differences ^'*'°'^' 
between the kings of Asia Minor by the praetor Sylla, 92 (see 
above, p. 294). 

12. Revolt of the Italian tribes, who desire to warofthe 
obtain the right of Roman citizens ; whereupon 91-48.' 
the bloody war of the allies ensues. Although 
the oppression of Rome had been preparing this 
war for a long time, yet it was an immediate 
consequence of the intrigues of the Roman de- 
magogues, who since the law of the younger 
Gracchus, had, with the view of making them- 
selves popular, continually flattered the allies 
with the hope of sharing the privileges of Roman 
citizenship. It was however soon seen, that the 
allies were not at a loss among themselves for 
leaders, capable of forming great plans and exe- 
cuting them with vigour. Italy was about to 
become a republic, with Corfinium for its capital 
instead of Rome. Neither could Rome have 
saved herself from such an event, but by gradu- 
ally permitting the allies to enjoy the complete 
freedom of the city. 

AJter the civil wars of the Gracchi, large bands of the allies 
were continually flocking to Rome. These were in the pay of the 
demagogues, whom the lex Licinia, 95, had banished from Rome, 
and thereby laid the foundation of the revolt. From that time 
the conspiracy among these tribes b^;an, and attained without 
interruption such a degree of maturity, that the carelessness of 
Rome can only be accounted for from the party fury which then 
existed, and which the lex Faria, 91, enacted against the pro- 
moters of rebellion, served only to inflame the more. The mur- 
der of the tribune Livius Drusus, 91, a very ambiguous charac- 
ter, brought the affair to an open rupture. In this alliance were 
the Marsi, Picentes, Peligni, Marriidni, Frentani, the Samnites, 
who played a principal part, the Hirpini, Apuli, and the Lu- 


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374 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Taibd cam. In this war> wbich wu so much the more bloody, as it vu 

nostlj composed of separate eontests and si^es» espedall j of the 
Roman colonies, Cn. Pompeius the elder, L. Cato, Marios, and, 
above aU, SyUa, particularly distingoished themselves on the side 
of the Romans ; and among the generals of the allies Pompadias, 
C Papios, etc^-Conoession of the freedom of the dty, first to 
such allies as remained &ithful, the Latins, Umbrians, etc. bj 
the lex Julia, 91 ; afterwards, by degrees, to the remainder bj 
the lex Plolia. Some, nevertheless, still continued in arms. 

Hjsyne, de Belli Socialis causis et eventu, in Opusc, t. iii. 

13. The war now just ended, essentially changed 
the constitution of Rome, as she no longer re- 
mained, as hitherto, the exclusive head of the 
whole state ; and although the new citizens were 
only formed into eight tribes, yet their influence 
must soon have been felt in the committees, on 
account of the readiness with which they pro- 
moted factions. Besides this, the long-cherished 
private hatred between Marius and Sylla was 
greatly strengthened by this war, as Sylla's fame 
was considerably raised thereby, while that of 
Marius was proportionably diminished. An op- 
portunity was only wanted, like that which the 
first Pontine war soon furnished, to stir up a new 
civil war, which threatened to destroy the liberty 
of Rome. 
AUianccof 14. AUiauce of Marius with the tribune Sulpi- 
SuipiciM cius, with the view of wresting from Sylla the 
SyUaT command of the forces against Mithridates, al- 
B.c.88. ready conferred upon him by the senate. The 
ease with which Sylla, at the head of an army on 
which he could depend, expelled the chiefs of 
this party, seems to have left him ignorant of the 
fact, that the party itself was not thereby de- 
stroyed. However judicious may have been his 


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other measures, the elevation of Ginna to the con- J^^^^ 


sulship was an error in policy of which Italy had ' 
still more reason to repent than himself. How 
much blood might have been spared if Sylla had 
not unseasonably wished to become popular I 

Proposition of Sulpicius for an indiscriminate distribution of 
the new citizens and freemen among all the tribes of Italy^ 
tliat he might thereby gain a strong party in his favour, which, 
by a violent assembly of the people, transfers the command from 
Sylla to Marius. March of Sylla upon Rome, and expulsion of 
Marina, who, by a series of adventures almost surpassing belief, 
escapes to Africa and is proscribed with his son and ten of his 
partisans. Reestablishment of the power of the senate, whose 
number is made up by three hundred knights. SyUa, after 
having caused his friend C. Octavius and his enemy L. Cinna to 
be elected consuls, hastens back to Greece. 

15. First war against Mithridates the Great. >'»»* ^w 

^ -, 1 . . 1 « . t against Mi- 

Sylla gams several victories over that kmg s thndates. 
generals in Greece ; wrests from him all his ^^^^' 
conquests, and restricts him to his hereditary do- 
minions. Rome since the time of Hannibal had His great 
met with no such powerful opponent as the king 
of Pontus, who in a few months had become 
master of all Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece, 
and threatened even Italy itself; we must besides 
consider, that the war on the side of Rome was that of 
carried on in a manner altogether different from vid^! 
that of any previous one ; as Sylla, after the vic- 
tory of the opposite party, being himself pro- 
scribed in Rome, was obliged to continue it with 
his own army, and his own private resources. 
The unfortunate countries which were the theatre 
of this war, felt as many calamities during the 
struggle, as Italy was doomed to suffer after its 


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376 ROMAN STATE book ▼. 

Third Commenoement of the war by Mithridates before the termina- 
Pkbiop ^£^q ^£ ^^^ ^f ^^ allies, 89, by taking poasesaion of Cappadocia 
and Paphlagonia. He was not less formidable by his alliance 
with the tribes along the Danube, and his navy, than by his land 
forces; and the irritation of the people of Asia against Rome 
rendered his enterprise still more easy. Double yictorY over 
Nioomedes king of Bithynia and the Roman general M. Aquilius, 
followed by the conquest of all Asia Minor except the isle of 
Rhodes. Massacre of all the Roman citizens in the states of 
Asia Minor. Expedition of the king's army into Greece, under 
the command of his general Archelaus, who makes Athens the 
theatre of the war, 88. Siege and capture of that unfortunate 
town by Sylla, 1st March, 87* Repeated great defeats of 
Mithridates's army under the command of Archelaus, near Chal- 
cis, and afterwards near Orchomenus, by Sylla, 86, whose general 
plan was formed upon the entire destruction of his enemies. 
Negotiations for peace commenced by Archelaus, and finally 
settled at a personal conference between Sylla and Mithridates. 
The adverse party in Rome, however, had in the mean time sent 
a new army into Asia Minor, to act as weU against Sylla as 
against Mithridates, under the command of L. Valerius Flaccus, 
who, however, is assassinated by his lieutenant Fimbria. The 
latter gains some advantages over the king, but, being shut up 
by Sylla, kills himself. Owing to the licentiousness of his army, 
which Sylla dared not restrain ; and the heavy contributions ex- 
acted by him in Asia Minor after the peace, in order to carry 
on the war in Italy, 84; together with the bodies of pirates 
formed out of the fleet disbanded by Mithridates, these unfor- 
tunate countries were almost ruined ; the opulent cities more 

New mo- 16. But duHng this war a new revolution took 

Rome"* place in Rome, which not only overthrew the 

order reestablished by Sylla, but also, by the 

under Gin- victory of the deoiocratic faction under Cinna and 

Mariul Marius, gave rise to a wild anarchy of the people, 

and which the death of Marius, alas, too late for 

Rome! only rendered more destructive; as the 

leaders themselves could no longer restrain the 

savage hordes of their own party. However 


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dreadful the prospect of the return of Sylla flight 
seem, it was nevertheless the only hope that 
remained for all those who had not joined the 
popular faction, or had not some connection with 
its leaders. 

Revolt of Cinna, brought on by the proscriptions^ soon after 
the departure of Sylla ; Ginna^ by distributing the new citizens 
into all the tribes^ hoped to raise himself a party ; but C. Octa- 
vius, at the head of the senate and ancient citizens, drove him 
from Rome, and forced him to give up the consulship, 87* He 
however soon raised a powerful army in Campania, and recalled Ma- 
rins from exile. Capture and pillage of Rome, already weakened 
by famine, and horrible massacre of the inhabitants ; after which 
Marius and Cinna name themselves consuls and banish Sylla. 
Death of Marius, 13th Jan. 86. C. Papirius Carbo succeeds him 
in the consulship. The mediation of the senate is useless, as the 
chiefs of both parties can only hope for security by the annihilation 
of their adversaries. The murder of Cinna by his own soldiers, 
84^ entirely deprives the dominant faction of a competent leader. 
Neither the cowardly Carbo, although he remained consul alone^ 
nor the stupid Norbanus, nor the youth C. Marius (the son), had 
sufficient personal authority for that purpose; and Sertorius 
leaves Italy in good time to kindle a new flame in Spain. 

17. Return of Sylla to Italy, and a terrible syiit'i m- 
civii war, which ends only with the extermination SJSdydvU 
of the democratic faction, and his own elevation JJ'**'^* 
to the perpetual dictatorship. Although his ene- 
mies had so much advantage over him in point of 
numbers, yet their party was so little consoli- 
dated, that he with his veterans could not fail to 
obtain an easy victory. The slaughter during this 
war fell for the most part upon the Italian tribes, 
who had joined the party of Marius, and this 
afforded Sylla the means of giving settlements to 
his own soldiers ; but most of the horrors of this 
revolution which fell to the share of Rome, were 
reserved till the day of victory was past. Sylla's Jription.'*" 


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378 ROMAN STATE. book t. 

Third proscription, which should only have puDished his 
— '' — ^personal enemies, was the signal for a general 
massacre, as every one took that opportunity to 
rid himself of his private foes ; and avarice did as 
much as vengeance. Who in these days, so ter- 
rible to Italy, was sure of his life or property ? 
And yet, when we consider the dreadful circum- 
stances which attended the foregoing dominion of 
the people, deduct all that was done without 
Sylla's knowledge, and consider how much he was 
obliged to do in order to satisfy his army, we 
shall find it difficult to say how far he deserves 
the reproach of wanton cruelty. 

Sylla*s arrival ; victory over Norbanus immediately after, and 
seduction of the army of the consnl Sdpio^ 82. After this 
almost every person of distinction declared in his fBvour, and the 
young Pompey having brought to him an army which he hid 
himself raised, his party acquired more consideration, and himself 
more power. Victory over the younger Marius, near Sacripor- 
turn, who throws himself into Praeneste, where he is besieged. 
But the great and decisive battle gained before the gates of 
Rome, over the Samnites under the command of Telisinns^ is 
followed by the fall of Prseneste and the capture of Rome. 
After the proscription which immediately ensued, Sylla is created 
perpetual dictator, and secures his power in Rome by the eman- 
cipation of ten thousand slaves, whose masters he had proscribed; 
and in Italy by colonies of his veterans, whom he establishes at 
the expense of his enemies. 

Keformin 18. Great rcform in the constitution during the 
tution: two ycars' dictatorship of Sylla* The aristocracy 
79. ' " of the senate, which he filled up with knights, 
tbTtenaic ^^^ °^* ^^^Y reestablished, but he also stopped 
*e«torcd. ^jjg sourccs froHi which the great disorders of the 
Sulla's ab- dcmocracy had hitherto proceeded. It seems 
di^cation, probable that his natural indolence, which led 


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him to prefer a life of luxurious ease to one of J"»^ 

*■ Peaiop. 

laborious activity, when he was no longer spurred 
to the latter by bis passions, was the chief cause 
of his voluntary abdication. He had, however, 
the great advantage over M arius, of not being the 
sport of his own feelings. The conduct of Sylla, 
indeed, was so consistent throughout, that it satis- 
factorily shows he knew very well what was his 
ultimate aim — which Marius never did. 

Internal regulations of Sylla by tlie leges Comelioe. 1. Law 
to restrain the influence of the tribunes, by taking from them 
tlieir legislative power. 2. Law respecting the succession to the 
magistracy; the anmber of prsetors fixed to eight, and the qosi- 
stors to twenty. 3. Lex de majestate, especially to limit the 
power of the governors of provinces, and to abolish their exactions. 
4. Lexdejudiciis, whereby the judicia were again restored to the 
senate. 5. Several police regulations, de sicariU, de ven^iis, 
etc for the preservation and tranquillity of Rome, upon whidi 
everything depended. 6. The lex de civUate, taking from the 
Xiatins and several Italian cities and tribes the privileges of 
Roman citizens, upon which they set so much store, although 
we scarcely know in what they consisted. Foreign mars : War 
in Africa against the leaders of the democratic faction, Cn. Do- 
mitins and king Hiarbas, which is ended by a triumph to Pom- 
pey, 80. Second war against Mithridates begun by Murena, 
in hopes of obtaining a triumph, to whom Archelaus came over ; 
but which, under the command of Sylla, terminates in an accom- 

19. Nevertheless it was impossible that the a itate like 
enactments of Sylla should be long observed ; as poJ^tT 
the evil lay too deep to be eradicated by laws, Jf^nT!*' 
A free state like that of Rome, with no middle 
clasS) must, from its nature, be exposed to con- 
tinual convulsions, and these will be more or less 
violent in proportion to its greatness. Besides, 
as in the last revolution almost all property had 


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580 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Tbied changed hands, there was spread orer all Italy a 
Cou*ter-re- Powerful party, who desired nothing so much as 
^^?jd«-a counter-revolution. And to this we may add, 
many. that there were many young men, such as Lu- 
cullus, Crassus, and above all Pompey, who had 
opened to themselves a career during the late 
troubles, which they would scarcely yet wish to 
bring to a close. It will not then appear strange, 
that immediately after the death of Sylla (f 88), a 
^miUui consul, M. ^milius Lepidus, should form the de- 
sign of becoming a second Marius; a design which 
could only be frustrated by the courage and acti- 
vity of such a patriotic citizen as Q. Lutatius 
Gatulus, his colleague. 

Attempt of Lepidus to rescind the acts of Sylla^ 78- Defeated, 
first before Rome and again in Etniria, by Gatolos and Pompey , 
77» after which he dies in Sardinia. 

civUwarof 20. But much more daugerous f Or Romc might 
Spain. have been the civil war kindled by Sertorius in 
Spain, if the plan of that exalted republican to 
invade Italy had succeeded. Even Pompey him- 
72. ' "" self* after a six years' struggle, would hardly have 
prevented it, had it not been for the worthless- 
ness of the Roman vagabonds who surrounded 
him, and his assassination by Perpenna. The 
rapid termination of the war after the fall of its 
conductor, is a circumstance much more credit- 
able to Sertorius than to the conqueror Pompey. 

The forces of Sertorius in Spain, consisted not only of the 
party of Marius which he had collected, but more essentially of 
the Spaniards, particularly the Lusitanians, whom he had in- 
spired with an unbounded confidence in himself. Very variable 
success of the war against Metellus and Pompey, who receive 
but very little support from Rome, 77 — 75. Negotiation of Ser- 


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toriiu with Mithridates the Greats and interchaiige of embassies Thimd 
without any important result^ 7^- Sertorios assassinated by ^»*'Q°- 
Perpenna, 72. 

21. Before, however, the flame of war was The third 
totally extinguished in the west, Mithridates war; com! 
kindled a new and much fierce;;* one in the east ; ^^i^^te 
at the same time a war of slaves and gladiators J*t'^A6 
was raging with terrible fury in Italy itself; and ?"**«•» 
whole fleets of pirates not only ravaged the Italian 
coasts, but threatened Rome herself with a fa- 
mine, and obliged her to have recourse to a mode 
of naval warfare altogether peculiar. All these 
enemies were not without intelligence with one 
another ; and colossal as was the power of the re- 
public at that time, and rich as Rome was in dis- 
tinguished men, it seems probable that the storm 
which beat on every side between 75 — 71, would ^"J^iy 
have razed her to the ground, if a stricter alliance of Rome. 
could have been formed between Sertorius, Spar- 
tacus, and Mithridates. But the great difficulty 
of communication which at that time existed, and 
without which probably a republic such as the 
Roman never could have been formed, proved of 
more assistance at this crisis than at any other. 

The third Mithridatic war, occasioned by the will of Nioo- 
medes king of Bithynia, who had bequeathed his kingdom to 
Rome (see above, p. 294), was carried on in Asia Minor, first by 
Lucollus, 74 — 67> and afterwards by Pompey, 66 — 64. Mithri- 
dates, being better prepared, had already concluded an alliance 
with Sertorius in Spain, 7^. But the deliverance of Cyzicns by 
Lucullus, 73^ and the defeat of the king s fleets intended to act 
against Italy, not only frustrated all his original plans, but were 
followed by the occupation of his own dominions, 72 and 71, by 
the enemy, notwithstanding a new army which Mithridates col- 
lected, mostly from the nomad hordes of Northern Asia. Fli^t 


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Tbim» of MithHdfttes to Tigranes, 71> who positiyely nfvastd to delivvr 
^'*'^'^ him up, and formed an alliance with him, 70 ; while the Par- 
thian, Arsaces XII. held both parties in suspense by negotia- 
tions. Victory of Lucullus over the allied sovereigns, near Tigra- 
nooerta, 69, and Artaxata, 68 ; but the mutinies whidi now 
broke out among his troops not only hindered him from foUowiag 
up these advantages, but turned the scale so much in Mitfarida- 
tes's favour, that in 68 and 67 he quickly regained almost all his 
dominions, even while the Roman commissioners were on their 
route to take possession of them. Lucullus, by his reform in the 
finances of Asia Minor, raises a powerful party against himself ia 
Rome, and thereby loses his command. 

Thewmie 22. The war of the slaves and gladiators, which 

war, B. C. . 

73—71. happened nearly at the same time, was, from the 
theatre of action being in its neighbourhood, 
equally dangerous to Rome ; it became still more 
terrible from the violence with which these out- 
raged beings sought to revenge their wrongs, and 
more formidable from the talents of their leader, 
Spartacus ; and the conclusion of this struggle 
seemed, therefore, of so much importance to 

terminated Rome, that it gave M, Crassus a much higher in- 
fluence in the state than he could ever have ob- 
tained by his riches alone. 

Commencement of this war by a number of rnna\vay gladiators, 
who, being strengthened by an almost general revolt of the 
alayes in Campania, 7^, soon became very fbrmidable. The de- 
feat of four generals, one after the other, throws epoi to Spir- 
tacns the road to the Alps, and enables him to leave Italy ; bnt 
the greedineaa of booty manifested by his hordes, who wislied to 
]dandtf Rome, obliged him to return. Crassns takes tbe com- 
maad and rescaes Rome, 72 ; upon which Spartacns retires into 
Lower Italy, hoping to form a junction with the pirates, and te 
carry the war into Sicily, but is deceived by them, 7L His 
complete overthrow near the Silarus, 71* Pompey, then letura- 
ing from Spain, finds means to seiase a sprig of the laurel efaaplet 
which by right should have adorned only the brow of Cnttos ; 


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henee arises a misimderstaiidiiig between these two commandersy Taiks 
during their consulate^ 70, which threatened to be dangerous to ^'*'^'** 
the state. 

23. The war against the pirates of Sicily and th© war 

- . °. . ^ . . iV. 1 against the 

Isauna was not only very important m itself, butpuratet; 
still more so in its consequences. It procured 
for Pompey a legal power such as no Roman ge- 
neral had ever before enjoyed ; and the quick and 
glorious manner in which he brought it to a close, terminated 
opened for him the way to the great object of his ^ °"^' 
ambition — the conduct of the war in Asia against 

The extraordinary power acquired by these pirates was owing 
partly to the great negligence of the Romans in sea aflairs^ (see 
page 340), partly to the war against Mithridates, who had taken 
the pirates into his pay, and partly also to the Roman oppressions 
in Asia Minor. War had been undertaken against them as early 
as 7^9 by P. Servilius ; but his victories, though they procured 
him the title of Isauricus, did them but b'ttle arm. They were 
to be dreaded, not only for their piracies, but because they also 
ofl^ed an easy means of communication between the other ene- 
mies of Rome from Spain to Asia. The new attack of the praetor 
M. Antonius upon Crete, proved a complete failure ; but it was 
the cause of that hitherto independent island being again at- 
tacked, 68, by Metellus, and reduced to a Roman province, 67* 
Pompey takes the command against the pirates with extraordi- 
nary privileges, obtained for him by Gabinius, and finishes the 
war in forty days, 67- 

24. After these triumphs over so many enemies, ^^}^^ mj. 
Mithridates was the only one which now re- 
mained; and Pompey had here again the good 
fortune to conclude a struggle already near its 

end ; for notwithstanding his late success^ Mithri- 
dates had never been able completely to recover 
himself. His fall undoubtedly raised the power 


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384 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Third of Rome iu Asia Minor to its highest pitch : but 

Period. . , , , , . . ' 

It brought her, at the same time, mto contact 

with the Parthians. 

Pompey obtains the conduct of the war against Mithridates 
with very extensive privileges^ procured for him by the tribune 
Manilius (lex Manilla), notwithstanding the opposition of Ca- 
tulus^ 67* His victory by night, near the Euphrates, 66. Sub- 
jection of Tigranee, while Mithridates flies into the Crimea, 65, 
whence he endeavours to renew the war. Campaign of Pompey 
in the countries about the Caucasus, 65 ; he marches thenoe into 
Syria, 64. Mithridates kills himself in consequence of the de- 
fection of his son Phraates, 63. Settlement of Asiatic affairs 
by Pompey : besides the ancient province of Asia, the maritime 
countries of Bithynia, nearly all Paphlagonia and Pontus, are 
formed into a Roman province, under the name of Bithynia; 
while on the southern coast Cilida and Pamphylia form another 
under the name of Cilicia ; Phoenicia and Syria compose a third, 
under the name of Syria. On the other hand. Great Armenia 
is left to Tigranes ; Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes ; the Bosphonis 
to Phamaces ; Judaea to Hyrcanus (see page 310) ; and some 
other small states are also given to petty princes, all of whom 
remain dependent on Rome. The tribes inhabiting Thrace daring 
the Mithridatic war, were first defeated by Sylla, 85, and their 
power was afterwards nearly destroyed by the proconsuls of Ma- 
cedonia: as by Appius, in 77; by Curio, who drove them to 
the Danube, 75 — 73 ; and especially by M. Lucullus, ^i^iile his 
brother was engaged in Asia. Not only the security of Mace- 
donia, but the daring plans of Mithridates rendered this ne- 

stateof 25. The fall of Mithridates raised the republic 

^^' to the highest pitch of her power : there was no 

longer any foreign foe of whom she could be 

afraid. But her internal administration had un- 

changes in dcrgouc great changes during these wars. Sylla*s 

tiSonT*' aristocratic constitution was shaken by Pompey, 

the restore, in a most csscntial point, by the reestablishment 

po^^of * of the power of the tribunes, which was done be- 

^^" cause neither he nor any leading men could ob- 


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tain their ends without their assistance. It was Third 
by their means that Pompey had procured such ^"''*"'' 
unlimited power in his two late expeditions, that 
the existence of the republic was thereby endan- 
gered. It was, however, a fortunate circumstance 
for Rome, that Pompey's vanity was sufiSciently 
gratified by his being at the head of affairs, where 
he avoided the appearance of an oppressor. 

Reiterated attempts of the tribune Sidnius to annul the con- 
stitution of Sylla defeated by the senate^ 76. But as early as 
75 Opimius obtained that the tribunes should not be excluded 
from honourable offices^ and that the judgments (Judida) should 
be restored to the knights {eqvUei), The attempts of Licinius 
Macer, 72> to restore the tribunes to all their former powers, 
encoimtered but a short opposition ; and their complete reesta- 
blishment was effected by Pompey and Crassus during their con- 
sulate, in 70. 

26. This victory of the democratic faction, how- Thisvictoiy 
ever, in consequence of the use made of it by mocrats* 
some leading men, necessarily led the way to an o^garch/.'' 
oligarchy, which after the consulate of Pompey ^^• 
and Crassus became very oppressive. Catiline's catiime'B 
conspiracy, which was not matured till after se- ^^^^^y- 
veral attempts, would have broken up this con- 
fined aristocracy, and placed the helm of state 
in the hands of another and still more dangerous 
faction : a faction composed in part of needy pro- 
fligates and criminals dreading the punishment 
of their crimes, and partly of ambitious nobles. 
It occasioned a short civil war; but procured 
Cicero a place in the administration. With whatcicero. 
pleasure do we forgive the little weaknesses and 
failings of one so gifted with talents and great 
virtues! of one who first taught Rome, in so 

c c 


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386 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Third many ways, what it was to be great in the robe 
'— of peace ! 

Catiline's first conspiracy, in which Ciesar and Crassus seem 
to have been implicated, W, as well as in the second, 65 : failure 
of the former by chance— of the latter through Pisos death. 
The third broke out in 64^ as well in Rome, where the conspi- 
rators, having no armed force, were soon suppressed by the vigi- 
lance and activity of Cicero, 63, as in Etruria, where a victory 
of the proconsul Antonius over Catiline^ who was left dead on 
the field, concluded it, 62. 

Effects of 27. The suppression of this conspiracy, how- 
waron'tbe ever, did not stay the effect which the recently 
mauien. concludcd Asiatic war had upon Roman man- 
ners. The luxury of the east, though united with 
Grecian taste, which had been introduced among 
the great by Lucullus ; the immense riches poured 
into the treasury by Pompey ; the tempting ex- 
amples of unlimited power, which single citi- 
zens had already exercised ; the purchase of the 
magistracy by individuals, in order, like Verres, 
after the squandering of millions, to enrich them- 
selves again in the provinces; the demands of 
the soldiers upon their generals; and the ease 
with which an army might be raised by him who 
had only money enough to pay it ; all these cir- 
cumstances must have foreboded new and ap- 
proaching convulsions, even if the preceding 
storms in this colossal republic, in which we 
must now judge of virtues and vices, as well as 
of riches and power, by a very magnified stand- 
ard, had not formed men of that gigantic cha- 
Great men ractcr they did: — men like Cato, who strus^gled 
nod: Cato. alone to Stem the impetuous torrent of the revo- 
lution, and was sufiSciently powerful to retard its 
Pompey. progrcss for a time; or, like Pompey, who by 



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good fortune and the art of acquiring influence, Third 
arose to a degree of authority and power never — ^5i^^ 
before attained by any citizen of a free state ; or, 
like Crassus, '' who only considered him as rich Crassus. 
that could maintain an army by his own private 
means/' founding their pretensions on wealth ; or, 
finally, like the aspiring and now powerful Caesar, casar. 
whose boundless ambition could only be sur-. 
passed by his talents, and courage, " who would 
rather be the first in a village than the second 
in Rome." The return of Pompey from Asia, 
threatening the senate with a new dictator, ap- 
peared an eventful moment. 

Attempt of Pompey^ through the tribune Metellus Nepos^ to 
be allowed to return to Rome at the head of his army^ frustrated 
by the firmness of Cato^ 62. 

28. The arrival of Pompey in Rome renewed Pompey's 
the struggle between the senate and that powerful ldie8°tht" 
general, although he had disbanded his army on J^T/n him 
landing in Italy. The ratification of his manage- *°fg^j^ "' 
ment of afiairs in Asia, which was the chief point ^i. ' 

of contention, was opposed by the leading men of 

the senate, Cato, the two Metelli, and Lucullus, 

which induced Pompey to attach himself entirely 

to the popular party, by whose means he hoped 

to obtain his end ; Caesar's return, however, from Cesar's n- 

his province of Lusitania, entirely changed theLwiiinu. 

face of affairs. ^^' 

29. Close union between Caesar, Pompey, and Triumvirate 
Crassus ; that is, a secret alliance, formed by the Pom^? 
interposition of Caesar. That which formed the *°^ ^™*' 
height of the ambition of Pompey and Crassus 

was only regarded by Caesar as the means by 
which he might be able to effect his. His con- Cesar's 



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388 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Third sulatc — a kind of dictatorship under the mask of 
SoMttiTte g^^^t popularity — necessarily paved the way to 
fi». * his future career, as by giving him the govern- 
obtaini him mont of the two Gauls and Illyria for five years, 
inenU)?Se it opcued a wide field for conquest, and gave him 
ud myria an opportunity of forming an army devoted to his 

for five ^ill 

Caesar's abode and campaign in Gaul from the spring of 58 tiU 
the end of the year 50. By arresting the emigration of the Hel- 
vetians, and by the expulsion of the (Germans, under Ariovistus, 
from Gaul, 58, Caesar gained an opportunity of intermeddling in 
the internal affairs of that country, and afterwards of subduing 
it, which was completed by his victory over the Belgas, 57> and 
the Aquitani, 56 ; so that Caesar was at liberty to undertake his 
several expeditions, as well in Britain, 55 and 54, as in Grermany, 
54 and 53. But the repeated revolts of the Gauls, 53—51, 
especially under Vercingetorix, 52, occasioned a war no less ob- 
stinate than their first conquest. Roman policy continued the 
same throughout. The Grauls were subdued, by the Romans ap- 
pearing as their deliverers ; and in the country they found allies 
in the .£dui, Allobr<^es, etc. 

30. The triumvirate, in order to establish their 
power upon a solid foundation, took care, by the 
management of the tribune Clodius, to get rid of 
the leaders of the senate, Cato and Cicero, before 
the departure of Caesar ; and this they did by 
giving the former a kingdom to govern, and by 
procuring the banishment of the latter. They 
must however soon have discovered, that so bold 
a demagogue as Clodius could not be used as a 
mere machine. And, indeed, after Caesar's de- 
parture he raised himself so much above the tri- 
umvirs, that Pompey was soon obliged, for his 
own preservation, to permit Cicero to return from 
exile, which could only be effected by the most 
violent efforts of the tribune Milo. The power of 


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Clodius, however, was but little injured thereby, p^^""^ 
although Pompey, to put a stop to the source of 
these disorders, and revive his own popularity, 
procured the nomination of himself as prcefectus 
annonce^ or superintendent of provisions. 

Exile of Cicero^ the greater part of which he spent in Mace- 
donia^ from April, 58, till 4th Sept. 57* Ptolemy king of Cy- 
prus deposed, and that island reduced to a Roman provinoe by 
Cato, on the proposition of Clodius, 57 (see page 264). The 
personal dislike of Clodius and the riches of the king were the 
causes that brought upon him this misfortune. 

Middlbton's Life of Cicero, 2 vols. 8vo. This work is al- 
most a complete history of Rome during the age of Cicero ; for 
whom the writer discovers an undue partiality. 

f M. TuLLius CiCBRO, all his Letters translated, in chrono^ 
logical order, and illustrated with notes, by C. M. Wibland. 
Zurich, 1808. With a preliminary view of the life of Cicero. 
Of all Germans the writings of Wieland, whether original or 
translations (and to which can we give the preference ?) afford 
the most lively insight into Greek and Roman antiquity at va- 
rious periods. What writer has so truly seized its spirit, and 
placed it so faithfully and elegantly before his readers? His 
labours on the Letters of Cicero (whose foibles he exposes with 
a rigorous and unflinching hand) serve to make us much better 
acquainted with Rome, as it then was, than any Roman history. 

31. A jealousy arises between the triumvirate, Jeaiouiy of 
as Caesar, though absent, still found means tovinte.^"^ 
keep up his party at Rome in such watchful ac- 
tivity, that Pompey and Crassus considered it 
impossible to maintain their own influence, ex- 
cept by procuring such concessions as had been 
made to him. Harmony once more restored by 
an accommodation at Lucca, as the parties found 
it necessary to preserve a good understanding 
with each other. 

The terms of this accommodation were; that Caesar should 
have his government prolonged for another Ave years ; and that 
Pompey and Crassus should enjoy the consulship for the ensuing 


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390 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Third jear^ the former receiving the provinces of Spain and Africa; 

^"^'"'^* and the latter that of Syria, for the purpose of carrying on a war 
against the Parthians. In proportion as these conditions were 
kept secret, there remained less secrecy respecting the alliance 

Second 32. Second consulate of Pompey and Crassus. 

Pomwy***''^!* was only amidst violent storms that they could 
and Crai- effect their purposes ; as it depended upon which 
B.C. 55. faction should first gain or keep possession of the 
forum. The resistance they met with from the 
inflexible disposition of Cato, who in his austere 
virtue alone found means to secure himself a 
powerful party, shows how unfairly those judge 
who consider the power of the triumvirate as un- 
limited, and the nation as entirely corrupted. 

Campaign of Crassus against the Parthians, undertaken at his 
own expense, 54. Instead, however, of gathering laurels like 
Ciesar, he and his whole army were completely overthrown in 
Mesopotamia, 53 ; and the Parthians from this time maintain a 
powerful preponderance in Asia (see above, p. 302). 

Pompey 33. As the triumvirate by this failure of Crassus 
become** was rcduccd to a duumvirate, Pompey (who re- 
repubifct^ mained in Rome, and governed his provinces by 
lieutenants), in the midst of continual domestic 
broils, which he cunningly took care to foment, 
was evidently aiming to become the acknow- 
ledged head of the senate and republic. The 
idea that a dictator was necessary prevailed more 
B.C. 63. and more during an anarchy of eight months, in 
which no appointment of a consul could take 
place; and notwithstanding the opposition of 
Cato, Pompey succeeded, after a violent commo- 
tion, in which Clodius was murdered by Milo, in 
is appointed getting himsclf nominated sole consul ; a power 
Me consu , gq^g^j j^ ^j^g^j. ^f dictator. 


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Consulate of Pompey^ 52, in which^ at the end of seven months^ Thikd 
he took as coUeague his father-in-law Metellos Scipio. The go- ^'*'^''' 
vemment of his provinces^ which afterwards became the chief 
seat of the republicans, is prolonged for ^ve years. 

34. From this time civil war became inevit- civii war 
able ; for not only the chiefs of the parties, but ^^^^ 
also their adherents desired it. The approach of 
the time when Caesar's command would expire, 
necessarily hastened the crisis. Could it be sup- 
posed that the conqueror of Gaul would return 
to a private life, and leave his rival at the head of 
the republic? The steps taken on both sides 
towards an accommodation were only made to 
escape the odium which would attach to him who 
struck the first blow. But Pompey unfortunately 
could never understand his opponent, who did all 
himself, all completely, and all alone. The bril- 
liant light in which Pompey now appeared, as 
defender of the republic, delighted him so much, 
that it made him forget what belonged to its de- 
fence; while Caesar avoided, with the greatest 
care, every appearance of usurpation. The friend, 
the protector of the people against the usurpa- 
tions of their enemies, was the character which 
he now chose to assume. 

Commencement of the contest upon Ceesar s demand to be 
allowed to hold the consulship while absent, 52. Csesar, by the 
most lavish corruption, had increased his adherents in Rome, 
gained the tribunes, and among them especially the powerful 
speaker C. Curio (whom he did not think too dearly purchased 
at the price of about half a million sterling) ; by this man it was 
suggested to Csesar that he should give up his command, and 
leave a successor to be appointed in his place, 51, if Pompey 
would do the same: a proposition which created a prejudice 
much in his favour. Repeated^ but insincere offers of both par* 
ties for an accommodation, 50, till at last a decree of the senate 


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392 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Third was passed^ Jan. T, 49^ by which Csesar Was commanded " to 

'— disband his army under the penalty of being declared an enemy 

to the republic/' without regard to the intercessions of the tri- 
bunes^ whose flight to him gave an appearance of popularity to his 
party. Ceesar cross^ the Rubicon, the boundary of his province. 

Civil war 35^ The civil war now about to break out, 


Cawar and seemed likely to spread over nearly all the coun- 
ompcy. j^j^g ^^ ^^^ Roman empire; as Pompey, finding 
it impossible to maintain himself in Italy, had 
chosen Greece for the principal theatre of the 
war; while his lieutenants, with the armies un- 
der their command, occupied Spain and Africa. 
Caesar, by the able disposition of his legions, was 
everywhere present, without exciting beforehand 
any suspicion of his movements. A combination 
of circumstances, however, carried the war into 
Alexandria, and even as far as Pontus ; indeed it 
might be called rather a series of six successive 
wars than merely one, all of which Caesar, by 
flying with his legions from one quarter of the 
world to the other, ended, within five years, vic- 
toriously and in person. 

Rapid occupation of Italy in sixty days (when the troops 
under Domitius surrendered at Corfinus), which^ as well as 
Sicily and Sardinia^ were subdued by Ceesar almost without op- 
position ; Pompey, with his troops and adherents, having crossed 
over to Greece. Ceesar's first campaign in Spain against Pompej's 
generals^ Afranius and Petreius, whom he forces to surrender; 
this, however, is counterbalanced by the loss of the legions under 
Curio in Africa. In December, 49, however, Csesar is again in 
Italy, and nan^^d dictator, which he exchanges for the consulate. 
Spirited expedition into Greece with the ships he had been pre- 
viously collecting together, Jan. 4t, 49. Unfortunate engagement 
at Dyrrachium. Removal of the war into Thessaly, and decisive 
battle of Pharsalia, July 20, 48, after which Pompey flies to 
Alexandria, where he is killed on his landing. Ca»ar arrives 
three days after him at Alexandria. 


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36. Caesar, after the victory of Pharsalia, again Thxrd 
nominated dictator, with great privileges. The — "'^°°': 
death of Pompey, however, does not destroy hisdicutor. 
party ; and the six months' war of Alexandria, 

as well as the expedition into Pontus against 
Pharnaces, gave them time to rally their forces 
both in Africa under Cato, and in Spain under 
the sons of Pompey. 

During the Alexandrine war (see above, p. 266) and the ex- 
pedition against Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, — ^\vho had 
obtained the kingdom of his father, but was slain by Cssar im- 
mediately after his arrival, 47, — ^great disorders had broken out 
in Rome, caused by the tribune Dolabella*s flattering the people 
with the abolition of debts (ntvce tabukej, notwithstanding the 
military power of M. Antony, whom Csesar had sent to Rome as 
master of the horse (magister equitumj, as this abandoned senr 
sualist at first actually favoured the projects of the tribune. 
Caesar's return to Rome, December, 47^ put an end, it is true, to 
these disorders ; but the increase of the opposite party in Africa, 
and an insurrection among his soldiers, obliged him to set out 
for Africa immediately, January, 46. Victory near Thapsus 
over Sdpio and Juba ; after which Cato kills himself at Utica. 
Numidia, the kingdom of Juba, becomes a Roman province. 
Caesar after his return to Rome in June, is only able to stay 
there four months, as, before the end of the year, he is obliged to 
set out for Spain to crush the dangerous efforts of Pompey's two 
sons. Bloody battle at Munda, March, 45, after which Cneius is 
killed, but Sextus escapes to the Celtiberians. 

37. Nothing seems more evident than that finqmiyinto 
Caesar did not, like Sylla, overthrow the republic SVrSw. 
for the purpose of reestablishing it; and it is 
perhaps impossible to say what could be the final 
views of a childless usurper, who throughout his 
whole career, seemed only to be guided by an in- 
ordinate ambition, springing from a consciousness 

of superior powers, and to satisfy which, no means 
seemed to him difficult or unlawful. The period 


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394 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Third of his dictatorship was so short, and so much in- 
— "''^''' terrupted by war, that his ultimate plans had not 
time for their development. He endeavoured to 
establish his dominion by popular measures ; and 
although his army must still have been his main 
support, yet no proscription was granted to sa- 
tisfy it. The reestablish ment of order in the dis- 
tracted country of Italy, and particularly in the 
capital, was his first care ; and he proposed to 
follow that by an expedition against the powerful 
Parthian empire. His attempts, however, to ob- 
tain the diadem, seemed to place it beyond a 
doubt that he wished to introduce a formal mon- 
archy. But the destruction of the form of the 
republic was shown to be more dangerous than 
the overthrow of the republic itself. 

The following were the honours and privil^es granted to 
Caesar by the senate. After the battle of Pharsalia, 48, he was 
nominated dictator for one year and consul for five years; and 
obtained the potestas tribunicia, as well as the right of making 
war and peace^ the exdusive right of the committees^ with the 
exception of the tribunes^ and the possession of the provinces. 
The dictatorship was renewed to him^ 47^ for ten years^ as well 
as the prcsfectura morum, and was at last^ 145^ conferred upon 
him for ever, with the title of imperator. Although Caesar thus 
became absolute master of the republic^ it appears to have been 
done without laying aside the republican forms. 

Conspiracy 38. Conspiracy against Caesar, formed by Bru- 
^0^1 him, tus and Cassius, and terminating in the death of 
by Brutus, CsBsar. Mcu SO cxaltcd as were the chiefs of 
Cassiu8,etc. tjjig pj^j^ easily Understand one another; and it 
was quite in accordance with their character not 
to meditate upon the consequences of their deed. 
His Death, CflBsar's death was a great misfortune for Rome. 

March 15. -^ • . i i . ,1- u 

£ixpenence soon showed that the republic could 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


not be reestablished thereby ; and bis life might Third 


probably have spared the state some of those ca- 
lamities which now, by its change to a monarchy, 
became unavoidable. 

We still want a discriminating life of Csesar^ who in modern 
times has been as extrayagantly praised as Alexander has been 
unjustly censured. As generals and conquerors, both were 
equally great — and little ; as a man, however, the Macedonian, 
in the brilliant period of his life, to which Caesar never attained, 
was superior ; to the great political ideas which developed them- 
selves in Alexander, we know of none corresponding in Caesar ; 
who knew better than any how to attain dominion, but little of 
preserving it. 

Histoire de la Vie de Jules Cassar, par M. db Bury, Paris, 
1758, 2vols. 8vo. 

f Life of C. Julius Cassar, by A. 6. Meissner, continued by 
J. Ch. L. Haken, 1811, 4 parts. At present the best. 

Caius Julius Ccesar, from original sources, by Professor 
SoLTL. A short biography, judiciously executed. 

39. Notwithstanding the amnesty at first de- Amnestv 
clared, the funeral obsequies of Caesar soonj^^^^^. 
showed, that peace was of all things the ^^^ist ^'^JJI^ ^y^^ 
desired by his generals, M. Antony and M. Lepi- Lepidu». 
dus, now become the head of his party ; and the 
arrival of Caesar's nephew, C. Octavius (after- 
wards Caesar Octavianus), whom he had adopted 
in his will, rendered affairs still more complicated, 
as every one strove for himself; Antony's parti- 
cular object being to raise himself into Caesar's 
place. However earnestly they sought to gain 
the people, it was in fact the legions who de- 
cided, and the command of them depended, for 
the most part, upon the possession of the pro- 
vinces. We cannot therefore wonder, that while 
they sought to revenge the murder of Caesar, this 


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396 ROMAN STATE book v. 

^RioD ^^^^^^ the chief cause of the struggle, and in a 
few mouths led tp a civil war. 

At the time of Caesar's deaths M. Antonius was actual consal, 
and Dolabella consul-elect ; M. Lepidus magister equitum (ma- 
ster of the horse) ; M. Brutus and Cassius, prsetors (the first, 
prcBtor urbanui). Ciesar had given to the former the province 
of Macedonia, and to the latter that of Syria, which had been 
confirmed to them by the senate. M. Lepidus had been nomi- 
nated to Transalpine, and D. Brutus to Cisalpine Gaul. But 
soon after the murder of Ciesar, Antony obtained, by a decree 
of the people, Macedonia for himself, and Syria for his colleague 
Dolabella, with whom he had formed a close connection ; instead 
of which the senate decreed to Cassius Cyrene, and to Brutus, 
who now had the important charge of supplying Rome with 
provisions, Crete. But soon after (June 1, 44), Antony de- 
sired, by a new change, to obtain Cisalpine Ghiul for himself « and 
Macedonia for his brother C. Antony, both of which he procured 
from the people. 

Antonyen- 40. As M. Autouy sought by force to establish 
esubiith himself in Cisalpine Gaul, and D. Brutus refused 
ciSi^/ne *^ give it up to him, and retired into Mutina, a 
G«iii- short, indeed, but very bloody civil war arose, 
{bellum mutineme.) The eloquence of Cicero had 
caused Antony to be declared an enemy of the 
republic ; and the two new consuls, Hirtius and 
Pansa, together with Caesar Octavianus, were 
sent against him. The defeat of Antony com- 
pelled him to seek refuge beyond the Alps with 
Lepidus ; but the two consuls being slain, Octa- 
vianus at the head of his legions was too impor- 
tunate to be refused the consulship, and soon 
convinced the defenceless senate, how impossible 
it was to reestablish the commonwealth by their 
powerless decrees. The employment, moreover, 
of the magistratus suffecti, which soon after arose, 
was in itself a sufiScient proof that it was now no 


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more than the shadow of what it had formerly J"^*** 

- Peaiod. 


The Mutine war begins in December^ 4i, and closes with the 
defeat of Antony at Mutina> April 14, 43. Octavius obtains the 
consulate^ Sept. 22. 

41. OctavianuSy deserting the party of the Formation 
senate, enters into a secret negotiation with An- viratT^'c. 
tony and Lepidus ; the consequence of which is m. Antony,' 
a meeting of the parties at Bononia, and the for- J^ W'- 
mation of a new triumvirate. They declare 
themselves the chiefs of the republic for five 
years, under the title of triumviri reipublicee con- 
stituenda; and dividing the provinces among them- 
selves according to their own pleasure, they make 

the destruction of the republican party their prin- 
cipal object. A new proscription in Rome itself, 
and a declaration of war against the murderers of 
Caesar, were the means by which they proposed 
to effect it. 

The agreement of the triumvirate was concluded Nov. 27, 43, 
after which the march of the triumvirs upon Rome gives the 
signal for the massacre of the proscribed, which soon extends all 
over Italy, and in which Cicero perishes, Dec. 7* The cause of 
this new proscription was not party hatred alone, but was as 
much, perhaps more, owing on the one hand to the want of 
money for carrying on the war they had undertaken, and on the 
other to a desire of satisfying the turbulent demands of tlie le- 
gions. Where is to be found a time so full of terror as this, when 

even tears were forbidden ? 


42. The civil war, now on the eve of breaking civii war 
out, may be considered therefore as a war be-SnS^hy*^* 
tween the oligarchy and the defenders of thefi"J^^"^" 
republic. The Roman world was, as it were, 
divided between the two ; and although the for- 
mer bad possession of Italy, and the western pro- 


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398 ROMAN STATE book t. 

^EMOD. vinces, that advantage seemed counterbalanced to 
the chiefs of the opposite party by the possession 
of the eastern countries, and the naval power of 
Sextus Pompey, which seemed to assure them 
the dominion of the sea. 

M. Brutus had taken possession of his province of Macedonia 
as early as the autumn of 44 ; ^hile Cassius^ on the contrary, 
had to contend for that of Syria with Dolabella, who by the 
murder of the proconsul Trebonius had possessed himself of Asia. 
Being, however^ for this offence, declared an enemy by the 
senate, and shut up in Laodicea by Cassius, he killed himself, 
June 5, 43. From this time Brutus and Cassius were masters 
of all the eastern provinces, at whose expense they maintained 
their troops, though not without much oppression. S. Pompej, 
after the victory of Munda, 45, having secreted himself in Spain, 
and afterwards become a chief of freebooters, had grown very 
powerful ; when the senate, after Caesar's assassination, having 
made him commander of the sea-forces, he with them took pos- 
session of Spain, and, after the conclusion of the triumvirate, of 
Sicily, and then, very soon after, of Sardinia and Corsica. It was 
a great thing for the triumvirate, that C. Pompey did not know 
how to reap half the profit he might have done from his power 
and good fortune. 

lu seat in 43. Macedonia became the theatre of the new 
* civil war, and together with the goodness of their 
cause, superior talents, and greater power both 
by land and sea, seemed combined to ensure the 
victory to Brutus and Cassius, But in the deci- 
sive battle at Philippi, fortune played one of her 
most capricious tricks, and with the two chiefs 
fell the last supporters of the republic. 

Double battle at Philippi towards the close of the year 42; 
voluntary death of Cassius after the first, and of Brutus after the 
second engagement. 

Plutarch I Vila Bruti; from the narratives of eyewitnesses. 

Quarrels of 44. The history of the eleven years intervening 


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between the battle of Philippi and that of Actium^ Thiiu> 
is little more than an account of the quarrels ^^601^^- 
of the oligarchy among themselves. The most chy among 
subtle wa§, m the end, victorious; for M. An- 
tony possessed all the sensuality of Caesar, with- 
out his genius : and the insignificant Lepidus 
soon fell a sacrifice to his own vanity and weak- 
ness. While Antony went into Asia to arrange 
the affairs of the eastern provinces, and from 
thence with Cleopatra to Alexandria, Octavianus 
returned to Rome. But the famine which then 
reigned in that city through Pompey's blockade 
of the seacoast; the misery spread throughout 
Italy by the wresting of patrimonial lands from 
the proprietors to distribute among the veterans ; 
and the insatiable covetousness of the latter ren- 
dered his situation as dangerous now as it had 
been before the war. Besides all this, the hatred ^^^^'* 

causes a 

of the enraged consort of Antony, who had en-cWiiwar; 
tered into an alliance with her brother-in-law, the 
consul L. Antony, brought on, towards the end- 
of the year, a civil war, which ended with the 
surrender and burning of Perusium, in which L. 
Antony had shut himself up, and which was 
already much weakened by famine. 

The helium Perusinum lasted from the end of the year 41 till 
April, 40. 

46. This war, however, had nearly led to one 
still greater ; for M. Antony, as the enemy of 
Octavianus, had come to Italy in order to assist 
his brother, and with the intention of forming anB.c.40. 
alliance with S. Pompey against the former. But 
fortunately for the world, not only was harmony 


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400 ROMAN STATE book t. 

TmBD restored between the triumvirs, but on account of 


the great famine which prevailed at Rome, a 
peace was also concluded with Pompey, although 
it lasted but a very short time. 

The principal object of the peace between the triumvirs was a 
new division of the provinces, by which the city of Soodra in 
Elyria was fixed upon as the boundary. Antony obtained all the 
eastern provinces; Octavianus all the western; and Lepidus 
Africa. Italy reniained in common to them all. The marriage 
of Antony with Octavia, Fulvia being dead, was intended to ce- 
ment this agreement. In the peace concluded with S. Pompey 
at Misenum, he obtained the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Cor- 
sica, and the promise of Achaia. 

Pompey re- 46. Pompey, however, was not long in finding 

commences n- i !• i i • • 

the war; that au alliance between him and the triumvirs 
would only end in his own destruction ; and the 
war which he soon commenced, and which Octa- 
vianus could not bring to a close but with the 
which assistance of Agrippa, was of so much the more 
deMiwrUon, ^"^portance, as it not only decided the fate of 
Le'idus's Poi^P^y* ^^^ by leading to dissensions, and the 
expulsion, expulsiou of Lcpidus, reduced the triumvirate to 
a duumvirate. 

After a doubtful engagement at sea, 38, and the formation of 
a new fleet, Pompey was attacked on all sides at the same time ; 
Lepidus coming from Africa, and Antony sending also some 
ships. Final overthrow of Pompey, who flies to Asia and there 
perishes. — Lepidus wishing to take possession of Sicily, OcU- 
yianus gains over his troops, and obliges him to retire from the 

Foreign 47. The foreign wars in which Octavianus as 

wars pre- ha 

ventAugus- well as Autouy were engaged in the following 
tony from" years, prevented for some time their mutual 
an^l^n^ jcalousy ffom coming to an open rupture. Octa- 
mpture. yianus, to tamc his unruly legions, employed them 


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with some success against the nations of Dalmatia TflrsD 
and Pannonia ; whilst Antony undertook an ex- b. 0^3^ ' 
pedition against the powerful Parthians and their ^^• 
neighbours. But in offending Rome by his con- Antony of- 
duct in these wars, he only armed his opponent and' °"'* 
against himself ; and his formal separation from^^®"^^ 
Octavia, loosened the only tie which had hitherto 
held together the two roasters of the world. 

After his first stay in Alexandria^ 41 ^ Antony returned to Italy^ 
40^ and then, having made peace with Octavianus, he carried his 
new wife Octavia with him into Greece, where he remained till 
the year 37* Although his lieutenant Ventidius had fought with 
success against the Parthians, who had invaded Syria (see 
above, p. 302.), Antony determined to undertake an expe- 
dition against them himself, 3(5. But although in alliance with 
Artavasdes king of Armem'a (whom he soon after accused of 
treachery), in seeking to effect an entrance into Parthia, by 
passing through Armenia and Media, a different route from that 
taken by Crassus, he was very nearly meeting with the same 
fate, and the expedition completely failed. He then revenged 
himself upon Artavasdes, who fell into his hands in a fresh ex- 
pedition which he made, 34, and deprived him of his kingdom. 
After his triumphal entrance into Alexandria, he made a grant 
of this as well as other countries to Cleopatra and her children. 
(See above, p. 267*) In 33, he intended to renew his expedition 
against the Parthians, in alliance with the king of Media ; but 
having, at the instigation of Cleopatra, ordered Octavia to return 
home, when she had already come as far as Athens on her way to 
meet him, Octavianus and Antony reciprocally accused each other 
before the senate, and war was declared at Rome, though only 
against Cleopatra. 

48. Greece became again the theatre of war ; Grew* the 
and although the forces of Antony were mostutwwJ'" 
considerable, yet Octavianus had the advantage ocum^us. 
of having, at least in appearance, the better 
cause. The naval victory of Actium decided for £6^^?^ °" 
Octavianus, who could scarcely believe it, till he ^p^"";?^' 



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408 ROMAN STATE book y. 

ths»» found that Antony had forsaken his fleet and 

army, the latter of which surrendered without 

striking a blow. The capture of Egypt followed, 

(see above, p. 267.) and that country was reduced 

his death, to a Romau province ; the death of Antony and 

leaves oc Cleopatra ended the war, and left Octavianus 

wXTa absolute master of the republic. 


The history of the last days of Antony, principally after his 
decline^ having been written under the mle of his enemies, must 
he received with that mistrust which all such histories require. 
It has furnished abundant matter for the retailers of anecdote. 
The history of Cleopatra rests partly on the accounts of her phy- 
sician Olympus, of which Plutarch made use. 




Geographiccd outline. View of the Roman empire and 
promnees, aud other countries connected teiih ii by war 
or commerce. 

Boundaries The ordinary boundaries of the Roman empire, 
manlm." which, however, it sometimes exceeded, were in 
^"** Europe the two great rivers of the Rhine and 
Danube ; in Asia, the Euphrates and the sandy 
desert of Syria; in Africa likewise, the sandy 
regions. It thus included the fairest portions of 
the earth, surrounding the Mediterranean sea. 


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European countries : I. Spain rHispania). European 
Boundaries: on the east the Pyrenees, on thespainT' 
south, north, and west, the sea. Principal rivers : 
the Minius (Minho), Durius (Douro), Tagus 
(Tejo), Anas (Guadiana), Beetis (Guadalquiver), 
which flow into the Atlantic ; and the Iberus 
(Ebro), which falls into the Mediterranean. 
Mountains: besides the Pyrenees, the Idubeda 
along the Iberus, Orospeda (Sierra Morena). 
Divided into three provinces. 1. Lusitania : Liuiunia. 
northern boundary the Durius, southern, the 
Anas. Principal tribes : Lusitani, Turdetani. 
Principal town : Augusta Emerita. 2. Baetica : B«dca. 
boundaries on the north and west the Anas, on 
the east the mountains of Orospeda. Principal 
tribes : Turduli, Bastuli. Principal towns : Cor- 
duba (Cordova), Hispalis (Seville), Gades (Cadiz), 
Munda. 3. Tarraconensis, all the remainder of Tamco- 
Spain. Principal tribes: Calleeci, Astures, Can- '^°'"** 
tabri, Vascones, in the north ; Celtiberi, Carpe- 
tani, Ilergetes, in the interior; Indigetes, Cose- 
tani, etc. on the Mediterranean. Chief towns : 
Tarraco (Tarragona), Cartage Nova (Carthagena), 
Toletum (Toledo), Ilerda (Lerida) ; Saguntum 
and Numantia (Soria) were already destroyed. 
The Balearic isles. Major (Majorca), and Minor Balearic 
(Minorca), were considered as belonging to' ^ 

11. Transalpine Gaul. Boundaries : on the Transalpine 
west the Pyrenees ; on the east the Rhine, and a 
line drawn from its source to the little river 
Varus, together with that river itself; on the 
north and south the sea. Principal rivers : the 
Garumna (Garonne), Liger (Loire), Sequana 



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(Seine), and Scaldis (Scheldt), which empty 
themselves into the ocean; the Rhodanus (Rhone), 
which is. increased by the Arar (Saone), and falls 
into the Mediterranean ; and the Mosella (Mo- 
selle) and Mosa (Meuse), which flow into the 
Rhine. Mountains : besides the Alps, the Jura, 
Vogesus (Vosge), and Cebenna (Cevennes). 

GaiHaNar- Divided into four provinces. 1. Gallia Narbo- 
nensis, or Braccata. Boundaries: on the west 
the Pyrenees, on the east the Varus, on the .north 
the Cevennian mountains. Principal tribes: 
AUobroges, Volcae, Calyes. Principal towns: 
Narbo (Narbonne), Tolosa (Toulouse), Nemausus 
(N!mes), Massilia (Marseilles), Vienna. 2. Gallia 

Gallia Gel- Lugduueusis, or Celtica. Boundaries : to the 
south and west the Liger (Loire), to the north the 
Sequana, to the east the Arar. Principal tribes : 
^dui, Lingones, Parisii, Cenomani, etc. all of 
Celtic origin. Principal towns : Lugdunum 
(Lyons), Lutetia Parisiorum (Paris), Alesia 

Gallia A- (Alisc). 3. Gallia Aouitauica. Boundaries : the 

quitanica. ..^ i i i t • 

Pyrenees on the south, the Liger on the north 
and east. Principal tribes : Aquitani (of Iberian 
origin), Pictones, Averni, etc. of Celtic descent 
Principal towns : Climberis, Burdegala (Bour- 
Gaiiia deaux). 4. Gallia Belgica. Boundaries: on the 
^^^^ north and east the Rhine, on the west the Arar, 
on the south the Rhodanus as far as Lugdunum, 
so that it comprised at first the countries bor- 
dering on the Rhine and Helvetia. The latter, 
however, were afterwards separated from it under 
the names of Germania Inferior and Superior. 
Principal tribes: Nervii, Bellovaci, etc. in the 
north, of Belgic origin ; Treviri, Ubii, of Ger- 


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man origin; Sequani, Helvetii, in the interior, 
of Celtic origin. Principal towns : Vesentio 
(Besan^on), Verodunum (Verdun), etc. Along 
the Rhine in Germania Inferior : Golonia Agrip- 
pina (Cologne). In Germania Superior: Mo- 
gontiacum (Mayence, or Mentz), and Argento- 
ratum (Strasburg). 

III. Gallia Cisalpina, or Togata (Lombardy, cisalpine 
see above, p. 315). But as from the time of 
Ceesar the inhabitants enjoyed all the privileges 

of Roman citizens, it may be reckoned as forming 
part of Italy. 

IV. Sicilia; divided into Syracuse and Lily-SicUy. 

V. Sardinia and Corsica, see above, p. 320. sardioia, 

' ' ^ Corsica. 

VI. The Insulae Britannicse (British islands) ; British 
but of these, only England and the southern part 

of Scotland were reduced into a Roman province 
in the time of Nero, under the name of Britannia 
Romana. Principal rivers : Tamesis (Thames) 
and Sabrina (Severn). Cities : Eboracum (York) 
in the north, Londinum (London) in the south. 
Into Scotland, Britannia Barbaria, or Caledonia, 
the Romans often penetrated, but without being 
ably completely to conquer it; and as for Hi- 
hernia, lerne (Ireland), it was visited by Roman 
merchants, but never by Roman legions. 

VII. The countries south of the Danube, Countries 
which were subdued under Augustus and formed Danub^l * 
into the following provinces: 1. Vindelicia. ^"^*^*'^*' 
Boundaries: on the north the Danube, on the 

east the Muus (Inn), on the west Helvetia, on 
the south Rhaetia. Principal tribes: Vindelici, 
Brigantii, etc. Principal towns: Augusta Vin- 


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406 ROMAN STATE book t. 

delicoruin (Augsburg), Brigantia (Bregenz). 2. 

Rbetia. Rbaetia. Boundaries: on the north Vindelicia, 
on the east the Inn and the Salza, on the south 
the chain of the Alps from Lacus Verbanus (Lago 
Maggiore) to Belinzona, on the west Helvetia. 
Principal tribe : Rhaeti. Principal towns : Curia 
(Chur), Veldidena (Wilden), Tridentum (Trent). 

NoEkQin. 3. Noricum.* Boundaries : on the north the 
Danube, on the west the ^nus, on the east the 
mountain Cetius (Kahlenberg), and on the south 
the Julian Alps and the Savus (Save). Prin- 
cipal tribes : Boii. Cities : Jovavum (Salzburg), 

Pannonia Boiodurum (Passau). 4. Pannonia Superior. 
upenor. g^yj^^g^i-igg . Qij tjjg north and east the Danube, 

on the south the Arrabo (Raab), on the west the 
mountain Cetius. Cities : Vindobona (Vienna), 

Pannonia Caruutum. 6. Pauuonia Inferior, Boundaries: 
on the north the Arrabo, on the east the Danube, 
on the south the Savus. Cities : Taurunum (Bel- 

Moesia grade), Mursa (Esseg), and Sirmium. 6. Moesia 

upenoi. gup^|.jQ|. Boundaries : on the north the Danube, 

on the south Mount Scardus, or Scodrus, on the 

west Pannonia, on the east the river Cebrus 

(Ischia). Cities : Singidunum (Semlin), and 

McBsia Naissus (Nissa). 7. Mcesia Inferior. Bounda- 

Inienor. . ^ i i -rx i 

ries : on the north the Danube, on the west the 
Cebrus, on the south mount Hsemus (the Balkan), 
and on the east the Pontus Euxinus. Cities : 
Odessus (Varna), Tomi (Tomisvar), 
iiiyricum. VIII. lUyricum, in its most extensive signifi- 
cation, comprised all the provinces south of the 
Danube, together with Rhaetia and Dalmatia: 
but Illyricum Proper comprehends only the lands 
along the coast of the Adriatic, from Rhsetia in 


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Italy to the river Drinus, and easterly to the 
Savus. Principal towns : Salona, Epidaunis 
(near the present Ragusa), Scodra (Scutari). 

IX. Macedonia. Boundaries : on the north Macedonia. 
mount Scodrus, on the south the Cambunian 
mountains, on the west the Adriatic, and on the 

east the Mgean sea. Rivers : the Nestus, Stry- 
mon, and Halyacmon, which fall into the ^gean 
sea, and the Apsus and Aous, which fall into the 
Adriatic. Principal tribes : Paeones in the north, 
Pieres and Mygdones in the south. Principal 
towns : Pydna, Pella, Thessalonica, Philippi, 
with other Greek colonies (see above, p. 164). 
Dyrrachium and Apollonia on the western coast. 

X. Thrace had for some time kings of her own, Thnce. 
though dependent on Rome, and was first re- 
duced to a Roman province under Claudius. 
Boundaries : on the north Mount Haemus, on 

the west the Nestus, on the south and east the 
sea. River : Hebrus. Principal tribes : Triballi, 
Bessi, and Odrysse. Cities : Byzantium, Apol- 
lonia, Beroea. 

XI. Achaia (Greece), see above, p. 131. Achaia. 
XIL To the north of the Danube the province Dada. 

of Dacia was brought under the Roman empire 
by Trajan. Boundaries : on the south the Dan- 
ube, on the west the Tibiscus (Theiss), in the 
east the Hierasus (Pruth), in the north the 
Carpathian mountains. Principal tribe: Daci. 
Chief cities; Ulpia Trajana and Tibiscum. 

Asiatic provinces : I. Asia Minor contained Asiatic 
the provinces: 1. Asia (see above, p. 293). iTaMfmr. 
2. Bithynia, together with Paphlagonia and part 
of Pontus, 3. Cilicia, with Pisidia (see above, 


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408 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Syria. p. 18.) II. Syria and Phoenicia. III. The isle 
prw? ^ of Cyprus. Several other states, likewise de- 
pendent, still preserved their kings: as, Judaea 
(became a Roman province, A. D. 44.), Com- 
magene (province A. D. 70, and, together with 
Judaea, added to Syria), Cappadocia (province 
A. D. 17), Pontus (completely a province under 
Free states. Nero). Free states at this time : Rhodes, Samos 
(provinces A. D. 70), and Lycia (province A. D. 
43). Beyond the Euphrates, Armenia and Meso- 
potamia were reduced to provinces by Trajan, 
but, as early as the time of Adrian, were aban- 

African AFRICAN PROVINCES. I. Egypt. II. CyrC- 

Eot^^ naica, with the isle of Crete. III. Africa, Nu- 
Africa!*^' midia (see above, p. 47). Mauritania still had 
Mauritania, jtg separate king, but he was set aside, A. D. 41, 
and the country divided into two provinces: 
K Mauritania Caesariensis. Boundaries: on the 
east the river Ampsaga, on the west the Mu- 
lucha. Principal places: Igilgilis and Caesaria. 
2. Mauritania Tingitana, from the river Mulucha 
to the Atlantic ocean. Capital : Tingis. 
sutes on Principal states on the borders of the empire : 
Gennan^' !• Gcrmania. Boundaries: on the south the Dan* 
ube, on the north the sea, on the west the Rhine, 
on the east undetermined, though the Vistula is 
generally regarded as such. Principal rivers : 
the Danubius, Rhenus (Rhine), Albis (Elbe), 
Visurgis (Weser), Viadrus (Oder), and the Vis- 
tula ; the Lupias (Lippe) and Amisia (Ems) are 
likewise frequently mentioned. Mountains and 
forests : the Hercynian forest, a general name for 
the forest mountains, particularly of eastern Ger- 


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many. Melibocus (the Hartz), Sudetus (the 
Thuringian forest) ; the forest of Teutoburg, to 
the south of Westphalia, etc. It would be use- 
less to seek for a general political division, or for 
the cities, of ancient Germany ; we can only 
point out the situation of the principal tribes. It 
is necessary, however, to precede this by two 
observations : 1 . The same territory, in the tide of 
forcible emigration and conquest, and particularly 
after the second century, often changed its inha- 
bitants. 2. The names of some of the principal 
tribes often became that of a confederacy. The 
principal tribes in the period of Augustus were, 
in northern Germany ; the Batavi in Holland ; 
the Frisii in Friesland; the Bructeri in West- 
phalia ; the lesser and larger Ghauci in Olden- 
burg and Bremen ; the Cherusci, likewise the 
name of a confederation, in Brunswick ; the Catti 
in Hesse. In southern (central) Germany: the 
Hermunduri in Franconia; the Marcomanni in 
Bohemia. The Alemanni, not the name of aAiemanni. 
single tribe, but of a confederation, are first men- 
tioned in the third century: in the period of 
Augustus these tribes, and the principal of those 
of eastern Germany, which gradually became 
known, were included under the general name of 

Suevi. Sue?!. 

The northernmost countries of Europe were 
considered as isles of the German ocean, and 
therefore regarded as belonging to Germany. 
They were Scandinavia, or Scandia (southern scandina- 
Sweden), Nerigon (Norway), and Eningia, or''''" 
probably Finningia (Finland). The northernmost 
island was called Thule. 


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410 ROMAN STATE book t. 

The north of Europe, from the Vistula to the 
Tanais (Don), was comprised under the general 

sarmatia. name of Sarmatia ; but beyond the territory 
about the Danube, and especially Dacia (see 
above, p. 407), they were only in a slight degree 
acquainted with the coast of the Baltic, by the 
amber trade. 

In Asia the Roman empire was bounded by 
Great Armenia (see above, p. 19, and 299), the 

Parthia. Parthian empire from the Euphrates to the Indus 
(see above, p. 19 — 22), and the peninsula of 
Arabia (see above, p. 19). 

India. Eastern Asia, or India, became known to the 

Romans by a commercial intercourse carried 
on between them, and which began soon after 
the conquest of Egypt. It was divided into 
India on this side the Ganges, that is: 1. The 
territory between the Indus and Ganges ; 2. The 
peninsula on this side, the western coast of which 
in particular (Malabar), was very well known; 
and, 3. The island of Taprobana (Ceylon), 
and India beyond the Ganges, to which also the 
distant Serica belonged: but of all these coun- 
tries they had but a very imperfect knowledge. 

Africa. The boundaries of Africa were Ethiopia above 

Egypt, and GsBtulia and the great sandy desert 
of Libya, above the other provinces. 


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From Augustus Casar to the death of Commodus, 
B. C. 30. A. a 198. 

Sources. For the whole of this period Dion Cassius^ Fourth 
lib. li — ^Ixxx, is our historian ; though of his last twenty books _?*!^'*' _ 
we have only the abridgment of Xiphilinus. For the history 
of the emperors from Tiberius to the beginning of Vespasian's 
reign^ the principal writer is Tacitus, in his Annals, A. C. 
14 — 63; (of which, however, part of the history of Tiberius, 
32 — 34, all of Caligula and the first six years of Claudius, 37 — 
47, as well as the last year and a half of Nero, are unfortunately 
lost) ; and in his History, of which scarcely the first three years, 
69 — 71> &re come down to us. Sustonius's Lives of the Ccb^ 
sarsy down to Domitian, are so much the more valuable, because 
in a state like the Roman it becomes of importance to know the 
character and domestic life of the ruling men. For the reigns of 
Augustus and Tiberius the History of Velleius Paterculus 
is not of less consequence, although written in a court-like tone. 
The sources for the history of the separate Caesars will be given 
as we come to them. 

The following are the labours of modem writers : 
Hisioire des Empereurs et des autres Princes qui ont rigni 
dans les six premiers siecles de VEglise, par M. Lenain db 
TiLLBMONT. & Bruxelle, 17^> ^ vols. 8vo. (An earlier edition 
in 4to. 1700, 4 vols.) The work of Tillemont has some worth 
as a laborious compilation, but is superseded in its execution by 
the following : 

Hisioire des Empereurs Romains, depuis Auguste jusqu* d 
Consianiin, par M. Crevieb. Paris, 1749, 12 vols. 8vo. 
[Translated into English.^ A continuation of Rollin's Roman 
History (see above, p. 318), quite in the spirit of that writer, 
and by one of his school. 

Dr. Goldsmith's Roman History, from the foundation of the 
city of Rome to the destruction of the western empire. London, 
1774^ 2 vols. 8vo. Rather a sketch than a detailed history (see 
above« p. 321, sqq.). 


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412 ROMAN STATE^ book t. 

FouBTB -f- HUtary of Rome under the Emperors, and of the contem- 
Period, j^g^ nations, by M. D. G. H. Hubler. Frybuig, 1803, 

3 parts. Continuation of the work cited p. 2: it reaches down 

to Constantino. 

Augustus 1. Octavianus Caesar, on whom the senate 
fifa 30— conferred the honourable title of Augustus, which 
A.c. 14. they periodically renewed, and which descended 
to his successors, possessed the sole dominion 
qf the empire during forty-four years. The 
government, notwithstanding the great revolu- 
tions by which the republic had been converted 
into a monarchy, was not yet, either in fact or 
in form, altogether a despotic one. The private 
interest of the ruler required that the republican 
form should be preserved to the utmost, as with- 
out that he could not make an entire change; 
and the rest of his history sufficiently shows, 
that the cruelty with which he may be re- 
proached in the early part of his career, was 
rather owing to circumstances than to his natural 
disposition. But during a reign so long, so 
tranquil, and so fortunate, could it be otherwise 
than that the republican spirit which at the be- 
ginning existed only in a few individuals, should 
evaporate of itsplf! 

The forms under which Augustus held the different brandies 
of supreme power (dictatorship excepted) were ; — ^the consulate, 
which, till B. C. 21, was annually renewed ; and the polesias 
consularis, which, in B. C. 19, was settled on him for ever; — 
the tribunicia potesias, which was, 30, granted him for ever, 
rendered his person sacred {sacrosancta), and prepared the way 
to the judida majesiatis (accusations of high treason) . As im- 
perator, 31, he continued commander of all the forces, and ob- 
tained the imperium proconsulare (proconsular power) in all the 
provinces. He assumed the magistratnra morum (censorship), 
19; and became pontifex maximus (high priest), 13. To avoid 


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all appearances of nsurpation^ Augustus at first accepted the Foubth 
sovereign power onlj for ten years^ and afterwards had it re '''^*' 

newed from time to time^ for ten or five years^ which^ at a later 
period^ gave rise to the sacra decennalia. 

2. The senate, indeed, remained a permanent The lenate. 
council of state, and Augustus himself endea- 
voured to increase its authority by more than one 
purification (lectio) ; but the connection between 
him and that assembly seemed of a very fragile 
nature, as it was undetermined, and could not at 
this time be settled, whether Augustus was over 
the senate, or the senate over Augustus. All 
matters of state could not be brought before the 
senate, as even the most important often required 
secrecy. It naturally followed, that a prince, 
as yet without a court, and who had no proper 
minister, but only his friends and freedmen, 
should consult with those whom he thought most 
worthy his confidence, a Maecenas, or an Agrippa, 
etc. Hence afterwards was formed the secret 
council of state (consilium secretum principis). 
Among the republican magistrates the highest 
lost most ; and as so much now depended upon 
the preservation of peace in the capital, the ofiices 
of praefect of the city (prcefectus urbis) and praefect 
of provisions (prafectus annonce) were not only 
made permanent, but became, especially the 
former, the principal offices in the state. 

The spirit of monarchy shows itself in nothing more than in its 
strict distinction of ranks; hence, therefore, the magistrates, 
especially the consuls, lost nothing. Hence also the long-con- 
tinued custom of nominating under'-consuls ( consules suffecti,J 
which in time became merely a formal assumption of the oma- 
menia consularia et iriumphalia (consular and triumphal orna- 
ments). Other offices were created for the purpose of rewarding 
friends and dependents. 


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414 ROMAN STATE boox y. 

Fourth 3. The iotroduction of standing armies, already 

long prepared, naturally followed a dominion ac- 

tioQof quired by war; and became, indeed, necessary 
*^^^ to guard the frontiers and preserve the newly- 
made conquests ; the establishment of the guards 
and militia of the city (cohortes prcetorianas and 
cohortes urbanoe) were measures equally necessary 
for the security of the capital and the throne. 
The creation of two praetorian praefects, however, 
instead of one^ diminished for the present the 
great importance of that office. 

Distribution of the legions over the provinces in caslra Haiiva 
(fixed camps), which soon grew into cities^ especially along the 
Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates (legumes Germatdcct, 
Illyricas, et Syriacas), Fleets also were stationed at Misenum 
and Ravenna. 

The pro- 4. The government, as well as the administra- 
Tid^V- tion and revenue of the provinces, Augustus wil- 
emMrot* Hugly divided with the senate ; keeping to him- 
■enate* sclf those ou the frontiers {provincice principis,) in 
which the legions were quartered, and leaving 
to that assembly the ottfers (provincice senatus). 
Hence his deputies (kgati, lieutenants) exercised 
both civil and military authority in his name; 
while those of the senate, on the contrary {pro- 
consules), only administered in civil affairs. Both 
were, in general, attended by commissioners (^pro- 
curatores et quastores). The provinces were un- 
questionably gainers by this new arrangement, 
not only because their governors were more care- 
fully looked after, but because they were paid by 
. the state. 

The fate of the provinces naturally depended, in a great degree, 
upon the disposition of the emperor and governor ; but there was 
also an essential difference between the provinces of the emperor 


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and those of the senate (provincue principis et senaiiU) : in the Fourth 
latter there was no military oppression as there was in the for- ^^"Q"- 
mer ; and to that may be ascribed the flourishing state of Ganl^ 
Spain^ Africa^ etc 

5. There is little doubt but that the finances Finances: 
of the treasury remained, upon the whole, much 
the same as before ; but in its internal administra- 
tion Augustus made many alterations, of which 
we have but a very imperfect knowledge. Of the private 
course there would be at first an obvious differ- chert*of iST 
ence between the privy and military chest of the ^h/ll^L' 
emperor {Jiscus)^ which was at his immediate dis- *^^®»* 
posal, and the state chest (ararium) which he 
disposed of indirectly through the senate, though 
it must afterwards follow as a natural conse- 
quence of increasing despotism, that the latter swallowed 
should progressively become merged in the for- fomL * 

The great disorder into which the treasury had been thrown 
daring the civil wars^ and especially by giving away the state 
lands in Italy to the soldiers, t<^ther with the heavy snms re- 
quired for the maintenance of the standing army now established, 
must have rendered it much more difficult for Augustus to 
accomplish the reform he so happily executed ; and in which it 
seems to have been his chief aim to place everything, as far as 
possible, upon a solid and lasting foundation. The principal 
changes which he made in the old system of taxation seem to 
have been : 1. That the tithes hitharto collected in the provinces 
should be changed into a fixed quota, to be paid by eadi indivi- 
dual. 2. The customs, partly by reestablishing former ones, and 
partly by imposing new ones as well as an excise {centesima 
rerum venalium), were rendered more productive. The posses- 
sion of Egypt, which was the depot of nearly all the commerce of 
the eoal, rendered the customs at this time of great importance 
to Rome. 3. All the state lands in the provinces were, by de- 
grees, changed into crown lands. Of the new taxes the most 
considerable were the vigesima kereditalum (the twentieth of in- 
keritanoes), though with important restricti<ms ; and the fines 


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416 ROMAN STATE book t. 

FouBTB upon celibacy bj the lex Julia Pappofa. — The greater part of 
^'^'^°' these state reyenues most likely flowed, from the very firsts into 

the^^^fcttj : that is^ the whole revenues of the provincice princtpu, 
as well as of those parts of the provincias senaiiU which were ap- 
propriated to the maintenance of the troops; the revenues arising 
from the crown domains ; the vigesima, etc. To the eerari tifR(now 
under three prcefecti cBrarii) remained a part of the revenues of 
the provinda senatus, the customs and the fines. Thus it ap- 
pears that Augustus was master of the finances, of the legions, 
and thereby of the empire. 

See above, p. 362, the writings of Hegbwisch and Bosss. 

Extension 6. The exteDsion of the Roman empire under 

pin: Augustus WES Very considerable; being gene- 
rally of such a nature as conduced to the secu- 
rity of the interior, and to the safeguard of the 

Spain and frontiers. The complete subjugation of northern 

Spain, and western Gaul, secured the frontiers 

on that side; as did the threatened but never- 

20. executed expedition against the Parthians, and 

the one actually undertaken against Armenia, 

Countries A. C. 2. But the most important conquest in 

south of the , . 

Danube, this quarter was that of the countries south of the 
Danube, viz. Rhsetia, Vindelicia, and Noricum, as 
29. well as Pannonia, and afterwards Moesia. To 
counterbalance these, the expedition against Ara- 
24.bia Felix completely failed; and that against 
Ethiopia was of no further consequence than to 
strengthen the frontiers. 
Unsuccess- 7. All thcsc couqucsts together, however, did 
to subdue^ not cost the Romans so much as their fruitless 
Germany, attempt to subjugatc Germany, first, by the sons- 
in-law of Augustus, Drusus and Tiberius Nero, 
and afterwards by the son of the former, Drusus 
Germanicus. Whether or not this undertaking 
was a political fault, must always remain a pro- 
blem, as it is now impossible to say how far 


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the security of the frontiers could be preserved Fourth 

, , . Period. 

Without It. 

Rome commenced her hostile attack upon Gennany under 
the command of Drusus, B. C. 12 ; Lower Gennany (Westphalia, 
Lower Saxony, and Hesse) being in general the theatre of the 
war : while the Lower Rhine was attacked both by sea and land 
at the mouths of the Ems, the Weser, and the Elbe, on account 
of the great assistance afforded the Romans by their alliance with 
the nations on the coasts, the Batavi, Frisii, and Chauci. The 
intrepid Drusus, in his second expedition, 10, penetrated as far 
as the Weser, and, 9, even as far as the Elbe, but died on his 
return. His successors in the command (Tiberius, 9 — 7, Domi- 
tins, i£nobarbus, 7 — % M. Vinicius, 2 — A. C. 2, then again Ti- 
berius, A. C. 2 — 4, who was followed by Quintilius Varus, A. C. 
5 — 9,) endeavoured to build on the foundation laid by Drusus, 
and, by erecting forts and introducing the Roman language and 
laws, gradually to reduce into a province the part of Germany 
they had already subdued ; but the craftily organized revolt of 
the young Arminius (Hermann,) a prince of the Cherusd, son 
of Siegmar, and son-in-law of Segestes, a fnend of the Romans, 
together with the defeat <^ Varus and his army in the Teuto- 
burg wald, or forest, near Paderbom, A. G. 9, rescued Germany 
from slavery, and its language from annihilation. It moreover 
taught the conquerors (what they never forgot] that the legions 
were not invincible. Augustus immediately despatched Tiberius, 
who had just quelled a furious insurrection in Pannonia, to- 
gether with Germanicus, to the Rhine ; but these confined them- 
selves to simple incursions, till Germanicus, A. C. 14 — 16, again 
carried his arms further into the country, and certainly pene- 
trated as &r as the Weser. Yet, notwithstanding his victory 
near Idistavisus (Minden), the loss of his fleet and part of his 
army by a tempest on his return, and the jealousy of Tiberius at 
his victory, obliged him to give up his command. From this 
time the Germans were left at rest in this quarter. 

-f Mannert, Geography of the Greeks and Romans, part iii. 

8. The long, and for Italy itself, peaceable luign of 
reign of Augustus, has generally been considered brS^'* 
a fortunate and brilliant period of Roman history ; 1^^/*" 
and, when compared with the times which pre- 

£ e 


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418 ROMAN STATE book t. 

FoumxH ceded and followed, it certainly was so, Secu- 
— """"' rity of person and property were reestablished ; 
the arts of peace flourished under the benign pa- 
tronage of Augustus and his favourite Maecenas; 
and we may add, that, as the formal restoration of 
the republic would only have been the signal for 
new commotions, the government of Augustus, if 
not the very best, was, at least, the best that 
Rome could then bear. Should it be said his 
private life was not blameless, it may be replied, 
that he inflexibly maintained an outward decency, 
to which, indeed, he sacrificed his only daughter; 
and if laws could have bettered the public morals, 
there was no lack of decrees for that purpose. 

Among his most important laws to this end are, the lex JuUa 
de adulieriis and the lex Papia Pqppasa against celibacy. The 
latter excited many murmurs. 

Aupisius'i 9. Nearly all that remains of the history of 

*" ^' Augustus, is an account of his domestic troubles ; 
the most unhappy family being that of the em- 

Lma. peror. The influence of Livia, his second wife, 
was very great, but does not seem to have been 
perverted to any worse purpose than raising her 
sons, Tiberius and Drusus, to the throne. The 
naturally unsettled state of the succession, in a 
government such as that of Rome now was, be- 

B.c.23. came much increased by circumstances. After 
the untimely death of his nephew and son-in-law 

Julia mar- MarccUus, whom he had adopted, his widow Julia, 

Agrippja, the only child of Augustus by his wife Scribonia, 

was married to Agrippa. The two eldest sons of 

12. this marriage, C. and L. Caesar, were adopted, 

6— A. c. 9. upon the death of their father, by the emperor, 
who showed so much fondness towards them as 


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they grew up, that Tiberius, who in the mean fourth 
time had married their mother, Julia, — afterwards ^^^^' 
banished by Augustus for her licentious conduct — 
left the court in disgust. The death of the two 2—4. 
young princes, however, again revived the hopes 
of Tiberius, who was adopted by Augustus upon xibenui 
the condition that he should also adopt Drusus au^koi^ 
Germanicus, the son of his deceased brother^' 
Drusus ; after which Augustus, with the consent 
of the senate, formally associated him with him- 
self in the government, making him an equal 
partner in the imperial privileges : called by his 
successors, les regia. 

Marmor Ancyranum ; or, inscriptions in the temple of An- 
gostus at Ancyra. A copy of the account given of his govern- 
fiient, which Augustus latterly caused to be set up at Rome as a 
public memorial: unfortunately much mutilated. It is to be 
found in Chishull, Antiq, Asiatic, 

Memoirs of the Court of Augustus, by Thoaias Blackwell. 
London^ 1760^ 3 vols. 4to. divided into fifteen books. The last 
vol. was published after the death of the author^ by Mr. Mills. 
The last two books of this prolix work contain a description of 
the contemporary a&irs of Augustus; the others go back to 
earlier times. A just appreciation of Augustus requires a pre- 
vious critical examination of the sources from which Suetonius 
has drawn the materials for his biography. 

Histoire des triumvirats augmentSe de Vhistoire ^Auguste, 
par Larry. Trevoux, 1741, 4 parts, 8vo. The last part. of 
this simple narrative contains the history of Augustus from the 
death of Catiline. 

10. The reign of Tiberius Claudius Nero, or, as August 14, 
he was called after his adoption, Augustus Tiberius 16,37.*"^ 
Caesar, from his fifty-sixth to his seventy-eighth 
year, changed rather the spirit than the form of 
the Roman constitution. He succeeded quietly to Chaogw 
the vacant throne at Rome, although the legions ititutio?r 

■ e2 


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420 KOMAN STATE book v. 

Fourth Id Paniionia, and still more in Germany, felt that 

^""^'' they could make emperors. Under him the co- 
power of Y 1 1- /• I J J 
the comitia mtttay OT assemblies of the people, were reduced 

" ' to a mere shadow ; as he transferred their duties 

to the senate, which also became the highest 

tribunal for the state crimes of its own members : 

this assembly, however, had now been so much; 

accustomed to obey the will of the prince, thaq 

everything depended on his personal character.' 

despotism Tiberius founded his despotism upon the Judicia 

bytheju- mqjestatis, or accusations of high treason, now 

toHT;'"''''" become an engine of terror, the senate also 

degraded sharing his guilt with a pusillanimity and ser- 

^iT^nate^^vility which knew no bounds. This degraded 

assembly, indeed, from the moment that it ceased 

to be the ruling authority of a free state, neces- 

sarily became the passive instrument of the most 

brutal tyranny. Notwithstanding the military 

talents and many good qualities of Tiberius, his 

despotic character had been formed long before 

his fifty-sixth year, when he mounted the throne; 

although exterior circumstances prevented him 

from entirely throwing off the mask which he 

had hitherto worn. 

The foundation of the judicia majestaiu, which soon became 
80 terrible by the unfixed Btatef of crime, had been laid during 
the reign of Augustus by the lex Julia de tnafesiate, and tbe 
cognitiones extraordinaritB, or commissioners appointed to take 
cognizance of certain crimes ; it was, however^ the abuse of them 
by Tiberius and his successors, which rendered them so dreadful. 

Ruin of 12. The principal object of Tiberius's suspicion, 

andhii and therefore of his hate, was Germanicus, a 

^* ^' man almost adored by the army and the people. 

This brave general he soon recalled from Ger- 


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many, and sent into Syria to quell the disorders Fourth 
of the east. After having successfully put an end — f5!£JL. 
to the commotions which called him there, he 
was poisoned by the contrivances of Cn. PisoA.c.i9. 
and his wife ; and even that did not shelter the 
numerous family which he left behind, with his 
widow Agrippina, from persecution and ruin. 

The expeditions of Germanicus in the east not only gave a 
king to Armenia^ but also reduced Cappadoda and Commagene 
to Roman provinces, A. C. 17« 

Histoire de Cassar Germanicus, par M. L. D. B. Qeaufort^. 
k Ley den, 1741. An unpretending chronological narrative. 

13. Rome, however, soon experienced to herL.^iiu» 
cost the powerful ascendancy which L. MWus the o^i 
Sejanus, the praefect of the praetorian guard, had x^beriSi,?' 
acquired over the mind of Tiberius, whose un-^""^^' 
limited confidence he possessed the more, as he 
enjoyed it without a rival. The eight years of his 
authority were rendered terrible not only by the 
cantonment of his troops in barracks near the 
city {castra prcetoriana), but (having first per-: 
suaded Tiberius to quit Rome for ever, that he Tiberius re- 
might more securely play the tyrant in the isle of c^re»,26. 
Capreee) by his endeavouring to open a way for 
himself to the throne by villanies and crimes with- 
out number, and by his cruel persecution of the 
family of Germanicus. The despotism he had^aJiof 
introduced became still more dreadful by hisattendU 
own fall, in which not only his whole party, but wnnSTsi. 
every one that could be considered as connected 
with it, became involved. The picture of thenbenui 
atrocious despotism of Tiberius is rendered doubly des^tk ^ 
disgusting by the horrid and unnatural lust which 
he joined to it in his old age. 


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422 ROMAN STATE book r. 

Fourth Tiberius's misfortune was, that he came too late to the throne^ 
His early virtues made no compensation for his later cmeities. 

It is properly the former which Vel. Paterculus praises, whose 
flattery of Tiberius, in whose reign he flourished, is more easily 
justified than his'pndse of Sejanus. 

Caligula, 14. At the age of twenty-five Caius Caesar 
37-^aa/ Caligula, the only remaining son of Germanicus, 
^*'^*' ascended the throne; but the hopes which had 
been formed of this young prince were soon 
wofully disappointed. His previous sickness and 
debaucheries had so distorted his understanding, 
that his short reign was one tissue of disorder 
and crime. Yet he did still more harm to the 
state by his besotted profusion than by his tiger- 
like cruelty. At length, after a career of nearly 
four years, he was assassinated by Cassius 
Ghaerea and Gornelius Sabinus, two officers of 
his guard. 
ciaadmg, 15. His uuclc Tibcrius Glaudius Gaesar, who, 

Jan. 24, 21 /•/•/. i i i • 

—Oct. 13, at the age of fifty, succeeded him, was the first 
emperor raised to the throne by the guards; 
the weak a favour which he rewarded by granting them a 
wTvwand donative. Too weak to rule of himself, almost 
freedmen. jmijecile from fomicr neglect, profligate, and cruel 
from fear, he became the tool of the licentious- 
ness of his wives and freedmen. Goupled with 
the names of Messalina and Agrippina, we now 
hear, for the first time in Roman history, of a 
Messalina; p^Uas and a Narcissus. The dominion of Messa- 
lina was still more hurtful to the state by her 
rapacious cupidity, to which everything gave 
way, than by her dissolute life ; and the blow 
which at last punished her unexampled wanton- 
ness, left a still more dangerous woman to supply 


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her place. This was Agrippina, her neice, widow fouhth 


of L. Domitius, who joined to the vices of her- . . 

. . Agnppina 

predecessor a boundless ambition, unknown to procures 
the former. Her chief aim was to procure the for her son, 
succession for Domitius Nero, her son by a former I^u^ce 
marriage — who had been adopted by Claudius, ^^^"^'"' 
and married to his daughter Octavia — by setting so. 
aside Britannicus, the son of Claudius ; and this poisons 
she hoped to effect, by poisoning Claudius, having 54!" *^"' 
already gained Burrhus, by making him sole prse- 
feet of the praetorian guard. Notwithstandfng 
the contentions with the Germans and Parthians 
(see above, p. 303) were only on the frontiers, 
the boundaries of the Roman empire were in 
many countries extended. 

Commencement of the Roman conquests in Britain (whither 
Claudius himself went) under A. Plautius, from the year A. C. 
43. Under the same general, Mauritania, A. C. 42, Lycia, 43, 
Judiea, 44 (see above, p. 312), and Thrace, 47> were reduced to 
Roman provinces. He also abolished the prsefectures which had 
hitherto existed in Italy. 

16. Nero Claudius Caesar, supported by Agrip- Nero.oct. 
pina and the praetorian guard, succeeded Clau- june n, 
dius at the age of seventeen. Brought up in the Hiieduca- 
midst of the blackest crimes, and, by a perverted *^^^,^ 
education, formed rather for a professor of music 
and the fine arts than for an emperor, he ascended 
the throne like a youth eager for enjoyment; and 
throughout his whole reign his cruelty appears 
subordinate to his fondness for debaucheries and 
revelry. The unsettled state of the succession 
first called into action his savage disposition ; and 
after the murder of Britannicus the sword fellj^^y? 
in regular order upon all those who were even and aii the 


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424 ROMAN STATE book t. 

fouBTH remotely connected with the Julian family. His 
J^l•,an fa. Vanity as a performer and composer excited m an 
Tamt' alio ^^^^i^ degree his cruelty ; and as, among all ty- 
makeshim raots^ cvcry cxecution gives occasion for others, 
we need not wonder at his putting to death every 
one that excelled him. His connection, however, 
in the early part of his reign, with Agrippina, 
Burrhus, and Seneca, during which he introduced 
some useful regulations into the treasury, kept him 
within the bounds of decency. But Poppsea Sa- 
bina having driven him on to the murder of his 
murden hii mothcr and his wife Octavia, and Tigellinus being 
moUier; made his confident, he felt no longer restrained 
by the fear of public opinion. The executions of 
individuals, nearly all of which history has re- 
corded, was not, perhaps, .upon the whole, the 
piunden greatest evil ; the plunder of the provinces, not 
cJ^toVu^- only to support his own loose and effeminate 
proai^y. pleasures, but also to maintain the people in a 
continual state of intoxication, had nearly caused 
the dissolution of the empire. The last years of 
Nero were marked by a striking and undoubted 
insanity, which displayed itself in his theatrical 
performances, and even in the history of his fall. 
A.C.6S. It appears that both around and upon a throne 
like that of Rome, heroes were formed for vice 
as well as virtue ! 

Discovery of the conspiracy of Piso, 65, and the revolt of Ju- 
lius Vindex in Celtic Oaul^ 68, followed by that of Galba in 
Spain^ vrho is there proclaimed emperor^ and joined by Otho, in 
Lusitania. Nevertheless^ after the defeat of Julius Vindex in 
Upper Germany^ by the lieutenant Virginius Rufus, these in- 
surrections seemed quelled, when the preetorian guards instigated 
thereto by Nymphidius, broke out into rebellion in Rome itself. 
Flight and death of Nero^ June 11, 68. Foreign wars during 


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his reign: in Britain (occasioned by the revolt of BoadiceiQr^ffiiiiiiinr^ 
great part of which was subdued and reduced to a Roman pro- ^'*'^'*' 
vince^ by Suetonius Paulinus ; in Armenia^ under the command 
of the valiant Corbulo, against the Parthians (see above, p. 303) ; 
and in Palestine against the Jews, 66. Great fire in Rome, 
64, which gives rise to the first persecution against the Chris- 

The principal cause why the despotism of Nero and his pre- 
decessors was so tamely submitted to by the nation, may un- 
doubtedly be found in the fact, that the greater part of it was 
fed by the emperors. To the monthly distributions of com were 
now added the extraordinary congiaria and visceratumes (sup- 
plies of wine and meat). The periods of tyranny were very 
likely the golden days of the people. 

17. By the death of Nero the house of Caesar ExdncHon 
became extinct, and this gave rise to so many uai famny 
commotions, that in somewhat less than two years, ^al^'trou- 
four emperors by violence obtained possession of *'*^- 
the throne. The right of the senate to name, or 
at least to confirm, the successors to the throne, 
was still indeed acknowledged ; but as the ar- 
mies had found out that they could create em- 
perors, the power of the senate dwindled into an 
empty ceremony. Servius Sulpicius Galba, nowoaiba, 
seventy-two years of age, having been already ^janVil^ 
proclaimed emperor by the legions in Spain, and®^- 
acknowledged by the senate, gained possession 
of Rome without striking a blow, the attempt of 
Nymphidius having completely failed, and Vir- 
g^nius Rufus voluntarily submitting to him. 
Galba, however, having given offence both to the 
praetorian guard and the German legions, waskuiedby 
dethroned by the guards, at the instigation of his ria^n^^wi 
former friend Otho, at the very time when he 
thought he had secured his throne by adopting 


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426 ROMAN STATE book v. 

FouKTH the young LiciDius Piso, and had frustrated the 

hopes of Otho. 

otho, Jan. 18. M. Otho, aged thirty-seven, was indeed ac- 
16. ^ knowledged emperor by the senate, but wanted 
the sanction of the German legions, who, pro- 
claiming their general, A. Vitellius, emperor, in- 
vaded Italy. Otho marches against him, but 
after the loss of the battle of Bedriacum kills 
himself — whether from fear or patriotism, remains 

The special sources for the history of Gkilba and Otho, are 
their Lives by Plutarch. 
viteUius, 19. Vitellius, in his thirty-seventh year, was,' acknowledged emperor not only by the senate, 
^' but likewise in the provinces; his debaucheries 

and cruelty, however, together with the licen- 
tiousness of his troops, having rendered him 
odious at Rome, the Syrian legions rebelled and 
VesDasian proclaimed their general, T. Flavins Vespasian, 
^^^^, emperor, who, at the solicitation of the powerful 
Mutianus, governor of Syria, accepted the impe- 
rial diadem. The troops on the Danube declaring 
for him shortly after, and marching into Italy 
under their general Antonius Primus defeated 
the army of Vitellius at Cremona. Vitellius was 
immediately hurled from the throne, though not 
till after some blood had been spilt by the com- 
motions that took place at Rome, in which Flavins 
Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian, was slain, and 
the capitol burnt. 
Vespasian, 20. Flavius Vcspasiau ascended the throne in 
—June 24, his fifty-ninth year, and became thereby the 
^^' founder of a dynasty which gave three emperors 

to Rome. The state, almost ruined by profusion. 


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civil war, and successive revolutions, found in Fourth 
Vespasian a monarch well suited to its unhappy — !^I2£i- 
condition. He endeavoured, as far as he could. Fixes the 
to determine the relations between himself and Snatet 
the senate ; while, by a decree, he restored to it 
all the rights and privileges which had been con- 
ferred upon it by his predecessors of the family of 
Caesar, and settled and added some others (Icj: 
regia). He made a thorough reform in the com- 
pletely-exhausted treasury, which he recruited in improves 
part by reducing the countries Nero had madcsuVT* 
free, together with some others, into provinces; 
partly by restoring the ancient customs, by in- 
creasing others, and by imposing new ones : with- 
out this it would have been impossible for him to 
have reestablished the discipline of the army. 
His liberality in the foundation of public build- foands pub- 
ings, as well in Rome as in other cities ; and the ing8,''ind 
care with which he promoted education, by grant- J^^ca^Q. 
ing salaries to public teachers, are sufficient to 
free him from the reproach of avarice; and al- 
though, on account of their dangerous opinions, 
he banished the Stoics (who since the time ofbanUhw 
Nero had become very numerous, and retained ***®^*®**^*' 
nearly all the principles of republicanism), the an- 
nulling of the Judicia majestatis and the restora- and annuU 
tion of the authority of the senate show how i^v^^^^^ 
he was from being a despot. 

Rhodes, Samos, Lycia^ Achaia, Thrace, Cilicia, and Comma- 
gene, were brought by Vespasian into the condition of provinces. 
Foreign wars : that against the Jews, which ended with the de- 
struction of Jerusalem, A. C. 70; and a much greater war 
against the Batavians and their allies under Civilis, who during 
the late civil wars, sought to shake off the Roman yoke, 69 ; but 
were reduced to an accommodation by Cerealis, 70. Expeditions 


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428 ROMAN STATE . book v. 

Fourth of Agrioola in Britain^ 7B — 85, who not oalj subdued all £ng- 
— '^"'"'*' land, and introduced the Roman manners and customs^ but also 
attacked and sailed round Scotland. 

X>. Vespasianus, sive de vita et UgUlatione T. Flavii Vetpa- 
siani Imp, commentarius, auctore A. G. Crambr. Jen»^ 1 7B5. 
An excellent enquiry^ with illustrations of the fragments of the 
lex regia. The second part, de legislaiione, contains a learned 
commentary upon the senalus contuUa, during his reign. 

TitM, 21. His eldest son, Titus Flavius Vespasian, 

79!^ept. who in the year 70 had been created Caesar, and 
*^' ^^' reigned from his thirty-ninth to his forty-second 
year, gives us the rare example of a prince be- 
coming better on the throne. His short and be- 
nevolent reign was, indeed, only remarkable for 
its public calamities : an eruption of mount Vesu- 
vius, overwhelming several cities, was followed 
by a destructive fire, and a dreadful plague at 
Dreadful Romc. His early death secured him the reputa- 
pUg^ie, 79. tion of being, if not the happiest, at least the best 

of princes. 
Domitian, 22. His youugcr brother and successor, L. 
-Ilpt.'i8, Flavius Domitian, who reigned from his thirtieth 
^' to his forty- fifth year, gives an example quite op- 

posite to that of Titus: beginning with justice 
and severity, he soon degenerated into the com- 
a complete plctcst dcspot that cvcr swaycd the Roman sceptre. 
d«ipotr His cruelty, joined to an equal degree of pride, 
and nourished by suspicion and jealousy, made 
him the enemy of all who excelled him by their 
exploits, their riches, or their talents. The mor- 
unsuccess- tificatious to which his pride must have been sub- 
' jected in consequence of his unsuccessful wars 
against the Catti, and more particularly the Daci, 
increased his bad disposition. His despotism 
was founded upon his armies, whose pay he aug- 


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mented one fourth ; and that he might not there- Fourth 
by diminish the treasury, as he had too much . ^"T' 

•' 'i raises the 

done at first, he multiplied the Judicia mqjestatis, so\dkrs' 
rendering it still more terrible by the employ- ^jj^y^ i^. 
ment of secret informers {delatores), in order, by fo""^"- 
confiscations, to augment the wealth of his pri- 
vate treasury (Jiscus). By confining his cruelty 
chiefly to the capital, and by a strict superintend- 
ence over the governors of provinces, Domitian 
prevented any such general disorganization of the 
empire as took place under Nero. His fall con- 
firmed the general truth, that tyrants have little 
to fear from the people, but much from indivi- 
duals who may think their lives in danger. 

The foreign wars during this reign are rendered more worthy 
of remark by being the first in which the barbarians attacked the 
empire with success. Domitian's ridiculous expedition against 
the Cattij 82, gave the first proof of his boundless vanity ; as did 
the recall of the victorious Agricola, 85, from Britain, of his jea- 
lousy. His most important war was that against the Daci, or 
Getse, who, under their brave king Dercebal, had attacked the 
Roman frontiers ; this again occasioned another with their neigh- 
bours, the Marcomanni^ Quadi, and Jazygi^ 86 — 90, which 
turned out so unfortunate for Rome, that Domitian was obliged 
to purchase a peace of the Daci by paying them an annual 

23. M. Cocceius Nerva, aged about seventy Nenra, 
years was raised to the throne by the murderers -!jin. 27, 
of Domitian; and now, at last, seemed to break hfa,eign 
forth the dawn of a more happy period for the ^l^^^^ °^ 
empire. The preceding reign of terror com-p«^ 
pletely ceased at once; and he endeavoured to 
impart fresh vigour to industry, not only by dimi- 
nishing the taxes, but also by distributing lands 
to the poor. The insurrection of the guards cer- 


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430 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Fourth taioly cost the murdcrers of Domitian their lives ; 
— EHioD^ ^^^ .J ^^^ ^^ ^^^ same time the cause of Nerva's 

securing the prosperity of the empire after his 
death, by the adoption of Trajan. 
ja?*24 98 24. M. Ulpius Trajan (after his adoption, Nerva 
— Aug.'ii, Trajan), a Spaniard by birth, governed the em- 
thebestof pire from his forty-second to his sixty-second 
monarohJ" year. He was the first foreigner who ascended 
the Roman throne, and at the same time the first 
of their monarchs who was equally great as a 
ruler, a general, and a man. After completely 
abolishing the judicia mqjestatis, he made the re- 
Restores storation of the free Roman constitution, so far as 
constitu- it was compatible with a monarchical form, his 
^^' peculiar care. He restored the elective power to 
the comitia, complete liberty of speech to the se- 
nate, and to the magistrates their former autho- 
rity ; and yet he exercised the art of ruling to a 
degree and in a detail which few princes have 
hisfragaiity equalled. Frugal in his expenses, he was never- 
aHty- ' theless splendidly liberal to every useful institu- 
tion, whether in Rome or the provinces, as well 
as in the foundation of military roads, public mo- 
numents, and schools for the instruction of poor 
children. By his wars he extended the dominion 
of Rome beyond its former boundaries; subdu- 
coiM^uers ing, in his contests with the Daci, their country, 
and reducing it to a Roman province; as he like- 
wise did, in his wars against the Armenians and 
Annenia, Parthiaus, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and part of 
mi^Md Arabia. Why was so great a character disfigured 
5r»Ma. by an ambition of conquest ? 

The first war againBt the Daci> in which the shameful tribate 
was withdrawn and Dercebal reduced to subjection, lasted from 


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101 — 103. But as Dercebal again rebelled^ tlie war was re- Foitrtb 


newed in 105, and brought to a close in 106, when Dacxa was 
reduced to a Roman province, and many Roman colonies esta- 
blished therein. The war with the Parthians arose from a dis- 
pute respecting the possession of the throne of Armenia (see 
above, p. 304), 114 — 116: but although Rome was victorious 
she gained no permanent advantage thereby. 

The especial source for the history of Trajan is the Panegyri- 
cus of Pliny the Younoeb ; the correspondence, however, of 
the same writer, while governor of Bithynia, with the emperor, 
affords us a much deeper insight into the spirit of his govern- 
ment : Plinii Epist, lib. x. Who can read it without admiring 
the royal statesman ? 

RiTTSRSHUSii Trajanus in lucetn reproductus. Ambegie, 
1606. A mere collection of pysages occurring in ancient authors 
respecting Trajan. 

Res Trajani Imperatoris ad Danubiutn Getta, auctore Con- 
rad Mannert. Norimb. 1793 : and 

JoH. Christ. Enobl, Cammentatio de Expeditionibus Tra^ 
jani ad Danuhium, et origine Falachorutn, Vindob. 1794. — 
Both learned dissertations, written for the prize offered by the 
Royal Society of G^ttingen; the first of which obtained the 
prize, and the other the accessii, i. e. was declared second best. 

25. By the contrivances of Plotina, his wife, Adrian. 
Trajan was succeeded by his cousin and pupil, 
whom he is said also to have adopted, P. ^lius 
Adrian, who reigned from his forty-second to his 
sixty-third year. He was acknowledged at once 
by the army of Asia, with which he then was, 
and the sanction of the senate followed imme- 
diately after. He differed from his predecessor 
in that his chief aim was the preservation of 
peace; on which account he gave up (rare mo- 
deration !), directly after his accession, the newly 
conquered provinces of Asia, Armenia, Assyria, 
and Mesopotamia, and so put an end to the Par- 


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482 ROMAN STATE book v. 

Perwd. *^^^" ^^ (^^® above, p. 304.) He retained, 
though with some unwillingness, that of Dacia, 
because otherwise the Roman colonies would 
have become exposed. He well made up for his 
pacific disposition, however, in seeking, by a ge- 
neral and vigorous reform in the internal admi- 
nistration, and by restoring the discipline of the 
army, to give greater solidity to the empire. For 
that purpose he visited successively all the pro- 
vinces of the Roman empire ; first the eastern, 
and afterwards the western ; making useful regu- 
lations and establishing order wherever he came. 
He improved the Roman jurisprudence by the 
introduction of the edictum perpetuum. Passion- 
ately fond of and well instructed in literature and 
the fine arts, he gave them his liberal protection, 
and thus called forth another Augustan age. 
Upon the whole, his reign was certainly a salu- 
tary one for the empire ; and for any single acts 
of injustice of which he may be accused, he fully 
compensated by his choice of a successor. After 
having first adopted L. Aurelius Verus (afterwards 
^lius Verus), who fell a sacrifice to his debauch- 
eries, he next adopted T. Aurelius Antoninus 
(afterwards T. ^lius Adrianus Antoninus Pius), 
upon condition that he should again adopt M. 
Aurelius Verus (afterwards M. Aurelius Antoni- 
nus), and L. Cesonius Commodus (afterwards L. 
Verus), the son of -Sllius Verus. 

During his reign a great revolt broke oat in Judaea, under 
Barcochab, 132 — 135, occasioned by the introduction of pagan 
worship into the Roman colony of Mlia Capitolina (the ancient 

The especial source for the history of Adrian, is his Life and 


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that of ^bus Verus by ^lius Sfartianus in Script. Hist, f oubth 
A4ig, Minores, already quoted. — '*'**"* 

26. The reign of Antoninus Pius, from his Antoninus 
forty-seventh to his seventieth year, was without 10^138^— 
doubt the happiest period of the Roman empire. JJ"^^ ^* 
He found everything already in excellent order ; 
and those ministers which Adrian had appointed, 
he continued in their places. His quiet activity 
furnishes but little matter for history ; and yet he 
was, perhaps, the most noble character that ever 
sat upon a throne. Although a prince, his life 
was that of the most blameless individual ; while 
he administered the affairs of the empire as 
though they were his own. He honoured the 
senate ; and the provinces flourished under him, 
not only because he kept a watchful eye over the 
conduct of the governors, but because he made it 
a maxim of his government to continue in their 
places all those whose probity he had sufficiently 
proved. He observed rigid order in the finances, 
and yet without sparing where it could be of 
service in the foundation or improvement of useful 
institutions ; as his erection of many buildings, 
establishment of public teachers with salaries in 
all the provinces, and other examples fully show. 
He carried on no war himself ; on the contrary, 
several foreign nations made choice of him to 
arbitrate their differences. Some rebellions which 
broke out in Britain and Egypt, and some frontier 
wars excited by the Germans, the Daci, the 
Moors, and the Alani, were quelled by his lieu- 

The principal and almost tlie only source for the history of 



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434 ROMAN STATE book v. 

FouKTB AnUminos Piu8« Dion Cassiiu's history of this period being lost. 

Period, jg i^g Zife by Julius Capitolinus in the Script. Hut. August. 

And even this refers to his private character rather than his 

public history. Compare the excellent Reflections of Mascus 

AuRELius, i, 16. upon this prince. 

Vie des Empereurs Tite Antonin et Marc Aurele, par M. 
Oautieb de Sibert. Paris, 1769> S^o. A valuable essay on 
the lives of the two Antonines. 

?tt*reHo8 2''- ^® ^^ succeeded by Marcus Aurelius 
March 7, Antouinus, the philosopher (aged 40 — 59 years), 
Abreh 17, who immediately associated with himself, under 
the title of Augustus, L. Verus (aged 30 — 40 
years, f ^^^)f to whom he gave his daughter in 
marriage. Notwithstanding the differences of 
their character, the most cordial union existed 
between them during the whole of their common 
reign ; L. Verus, indeed, being almost always 
absent in the wars, took but a very small share in 
the government. The reign of M. Aurelius was 
marked by several great calamities : a dreadful 
pestilence, a famine, and almost continual wars. 
Nothing short of a prince like Aurelius, who ex- 
hibited to the world the image of wisdom seated 
on a throne, could have made so much misery 
161—166. tolerable. Soon after his accession, the Catti 
made an irruption upon the Rhine, and the Par- 
thians in Asia. L. Verus was sent against them. 
But the wars on the Danube with the Marco- 
manni and their allies in Pannonia, and other 
The north- northern nations, who now began to press forward 

era oations 

b^n to with great force upon Dacia, were of much greater 

wu5. ^^' consequence. They occupied M. Aurelius from 

the year 167, with but little intermission, to the 

end of his reign. He succeeded, indeed, in main- 


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taining the boundaries of the empire ; but then Fourth 

he was the tirst who settled any of the barba- 

rians within it, or took them into the Roman 

service. In the internal administration of affairs 

he closely followed the steps of his predecessor, 

except that he was rather too much influenced 

by his freedmen and family. The only rebellion Avidiut 

which broke out against him, was that of A vidius reMUoa! 

Cassius, his lieutenant in Syria, occasioned by a 

false report of his death ; but it was quelled by and death, 

the destruction of that general, as soon as the ^^** 

truth was made known. 

The war against the Parthians (see above, p. 304) was indeed 
brought to a successful issue by Verus, the principal cities of the 
Parthians idling into the hands of the Romans; Verus left 
them, however, to be carried on by his lieutenants, while he riot- 
ed in debaucheries at Antioch. The first war against the Maroo- 
manni, carried on in the beginning and until the death of Verus, 
by the two emperors together, was highly dangerous for Rome, 
as many other nations had joined the Marcomanni, particularly 
the Quadi, Jazygi, and Vandals, and penetrated as far as Aqui- 
leia. M. Aurelius ended this war by a glorious peace, 174, as 
he found it necessary to stop the progress of Cassius's rebellion ; 
in 178, however, the Marcomanni again commenced hostilities, 
and before their close M. Aurelius died at Sirmium. Contem- 
porary with these wars, yet, as it seems, without any connection 
with them, ware the attacks of other nations upon Dada, the 
Bastams, Alani, etc. who poured in from the north, probably 
pressed forward by the advance of the Ooths. This was the first 
symptom of the great migration of nations now beginning. 

The especial sources for the history of M. Aurelius, are the 
Biographies of him and L. Verus, written by Julius Capitoli- 
Nus, as well as that of Avidius Cassius, by Vulcatius Oalli- 
CANU6 in Script. Hist. August. The letters discovered in Milan, 
among and together with the writings of Pronto, are of no his* 
torical service. — His principles are best learnt from his Medita^ 
tions on himself. 



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436 ROMAN STATE book ▼. 

FovKTH Ch. Mbinsbs de M. AureL Antonini ingenio, moribus, et 
sKioD. gQf^piig^ if^ Commentat. Soc. Gotting. vol. vi. 

d'l^Mwreh ^^* -^y means of adoption the Roman empire 
17/180— had been blessed, during the last eighty years, 
192.' ' with a succession of rulers such as have not often 
fell to the lot of any kingdom. But in J. Corn- 
modus the son of M. Aurelius (probably the off- 
spring of a gladiator), who reigned from his nine- 
teenth to his thirty-first year, there ascended the 
throne a monster of cruelty, insolence^ and lewd- 
ness. At the commencement of his reign he 
bought a peace of the Marcomanni that he might 
return to Rome. Being himself unable to sup- 
port the burden of government, the helm of state 
was placed in the hands of the stern and cruel 
PareDiut, Perennis, preefect of the praetorian guard; but 
who, being murdered by the discontented sol- 
cietnder, diers, was succeeded by the freedman Oleander, 
* ' who put up all for sale, till he fell a sacrifice to 
his own insatiable avarice, in a revolt of the 
people, caused by their want of provisions. The 
extravagant propensity of Gommodus for the 
diversions of the amphitheatres, and the combats 
of wild beasts and gladiators, wherein he himself 
usually took a part, in the character of Hercules, 
became a chief cause of his dissipation, and 
thereby of his cruelty ; till at last he was killed 
at the instigation of his concubine Marcia, Laatus 
the praefect of the praetorian guard, and Electus. 
lea— 184. The wars on the frontiers during his reign, in 
Dacia, and especially in Britain, were success- 
fully carried on by his lieutenants, generals who 
belonged to the school of his father. 


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The especial source for the history of Cotnmodus is his private Fovbto 
life hy ^l. Lampridius, in the Script. Hist. August.— The ^l3^12±^ 
history of Herodian begins with his reign. 

29. The disasters under M. Aurelius, and the state of th« 

empiro at 

extravagances of Commodus, had injured the em- thu period. 
pire, but not enfeebled it. Towards the close of 
the period of the Antonines it still retained its 
pristine vigour. If wise regulations, internal peace, 
moderate taxes, a certain degree of political, and 
unrestrained civil liberty, are sufficient to form 
the happiness of a commonwealth, it must have 
been found in the Roman. What a number of 
advantages did it possess over every other, simply 
from its situation ! Proofs of it appear on every 
side. A vigorous population, rich provinces, 
flourishing and splendid cities, and a lively in- 
ternal and foreign trade. But the most solid 
foundation of the happiness of a nation consists in 
its moral greatness, and this we here seek for in 
vain. Otherwise the nation would not so easily 
have suffered itself to be brought under the yoke 
of Commodus by praetorian cohorts and the le- 
gions. But what best shows the strength which 
the empire still retained, is the opposition it con- 
tinued to make, for two hundred years longer, to 
the formidable attacks from without. 

D. H. Heobwisch upon the Epochs in Roman History most 
favourable to Humanity. Hambarg, 1800 — 8. 

Foreign commerce, so flourishing in this period, conld only be 
carried on, to any extent, with the east — ^mostly with India — 
as the Roman empire spread over all the west. This trade con- 
tinned to be carried on through Egypt, and also through Palmyra 
and Syria. Information thereupon will be found in 

W. Robbrtson's Disquisition concerning the Knowledge 


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438 ROMAN STATE book ▼. 

FouftTB which the Ancients had of India. London^ 1791> 4to. Often 
^'*'^'** reprinted. And particularly upon £gypt> in 

W. ViNCSNT, the Perijdus of the Erythrean Sea, London, 
1802, 4to. 2 vols. A very instructive work. 

Hberen, Commeniationee de Grcecorum et Romanorum de 
India notUia, et cum Indis commerciis: in Commentat, Soc, 
Gott* vol. X. xi. 


From the decUh of Commodus to Diocletian^ 
A. C. 193—284. 

SoTTROEs. The Extracts of Xiphilinus from Dion Cabbius, 
lib. Ixxiii — ^Ixxx. though often imperfect, reach down as low as 
the consulate of Dion himself under Alexander Severus^ 229. — 
HsRODiANi Hist, libri viii. comprise the period from Commodus 
to Oordian, 180 — ^238. — The Scriptores Historian Augustce Mi- 
nores contain the private lives of the emperors down to Diocle- 
tian, by Julius Capitolinus, FXiAvius Vopiscub, etc — ^The 
Breviaria Historias Romance of Eutbopius, Aubelius Victob, 
and S. RuFUS are particularly important for this period. — ^Fi- 
nally, the important information that may be derived from the 
study of medals and coins, not only for this section, but for the 
whole history of the emperors, may be best learnt by consulting 
the writers upon those subjects : J. Vaillant, Numismata Au- 
gustorum et Casarum, cura J. F. Baldino. Rome, 1743, 3 vols. 
The MedalUc History of Imperial Rome, by W. Gooke. London, 
1781, 2 vols. — But above all, the volumes belonging to this 
period in Eckhel, Doctrina Nummorum Feterum. 

With the period of the Antonines begins the great work of 
the British historian : 

The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 
by Edwabd Gibbon. Oxford, 1828, 8 vols. 8vo. In worth and 
extent this work is superior to all others. It embraces the whole 
period of the middle ages ; but only the first part belongs to this 


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1. The extinction of the race of the Antonines foubtb 
by the death of Commodus was attended with —4^^^^ 
convulsions similar to those which took place Jan. i— 
Mrhen the house of Caesar became extinct at the m. 
death of Nero. It is true that P. Helvius Per- 
tinax, aged sixty-seven, prsefect of the city, was 
raised to the throne by the murderers of Commo- 
dus ; and that he was acknowledged, first by the 
guards, and afterwards by the senate. But the 
reform which he was obliged to make at the be- 
ginning of his reign in the finances, rendered him 

80 odious to the soldiers and courtiers, that a re- 
volt of the first, excited by Lsetus, cost him his 
life before he had reigned quite three months. 
This was the first commencement of that dreadful 
military despotism which forms the ruling cha- 
racter of this period ; and to none did it become 
so terrible as to those who wished to make it the 
main support of their absolute power. 

The insolence of the praetorian guard had risen very high dur- 
ing the reign of Commodus ; but it had never, even in the time 
of the Antonines, been entirely suppressed. It was only by 
large donatives that their consent could be purdiased, their ca- 
price satisfied, and their good humour maintained ; especially at 
every new adoption. One of the greatest reproaches to the age 
of the Antonines is, that those great princes, who seem to have 
liad the means so much in their power, did not free themselves 
from so annoying a dependence. 

Jul. Capitolimi Pertinax Imp, in Script. Hist Aug. 

2. When, upon the death of Pertinax, the rich r>id»M 
and profligate M. Didius Julianus, aged fifty- 
seven, had outbid, to the great scandal of the 
people, all his competitors for the empire, and 
purchased it of the praetorian guard, an insurrec- 
tion of the legions, who were better able to create 


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440 ROMAN STATE book v, 

FouRTx emperors, very naturally followed. But as the 

"'1^''' army of Illyria proclaimed their general Septi- 

se?e!^?* mius Severu3, the army of Syria, Pescennius Ni- 

Fe^Dmui g^^^ ^^^ jj^^ army of Britain, Albinus, nothing less 

Aibinus. ^j^g^^ ^ series of civil wars could decide who should 

maintain himself on the throne. 

Mih, Spabtiani Didius Julianus, in Script. Hist, Aug. 

3. Septimius Sever us, however, aged 49 — 66. 
was the first who got possession of Rome, and, 
after the execution of Didius Julianus, he was 
acknowledged by the senate. He dismissed, it 
is true, the old praetorian guard, but immediately 
chose, from his own army, one four times more 
numerous in its stead. And after he had provi- 
sionally declared Albinus emperor, he marched 
his army against Pescennius Niger, already mas* 
ter of the east, whom, after several contests near 
the Issus, he defeated and slew. Nevertheless, 
having first taken and destroyed the strong city 
of Byzantium, a war with Albinus soon followed, 
whom the perfidious Severus had already at- 
Albinus tempted to remove by assassination. After a 
MiftrX bloody defeat near Lyons, Albinus kills himself. 
19,197. These civil wars were followed by hostilities 
against the Parthians, who had taken the part of 
Pescennius, and which ended with the plundering 
of their principal cities (see above, p. 304). Se- 
verus possessed most of the virtues of a soldier; 
but the insatiable avarice of his minister Plau- 
tianus, the formidable captain of the praetorian 
guard, robbed the empire even of those advan* 
tages which may be enjoyed under a military go- 
204. vernment, until he was put to death at the insti- 
gation of Caracalla. To keep his legions em* 


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ployed^ Severus undertook an expedition into Fovbth 
Britain, where, after extending the boundaries of — ?^!^^ 

the empire, he died at York (Eboracum), leaving 
his son the maxim, *' to enrich the soldiers, and 
hold the rest for nothing." 

Agricola had already erected a line of fortresses^ probably 
between the Firth of Clyde and the Firth of Forth. These were 
changed by Adrian into a wall along the present boundaries of 
Scotland. Severus again extended the frontiers, reestablished 
the fortresses of Agricola, and afterwards built a wall from sea 
to sea ; his son, however, gave up the conquered country, and the 
wall of Adrian again became the boundary of the empire. 

JEl. Spabtiani Septimius Severus et Pescennius Niger. 

Jul/. Capitolini Claudius Albinus, in Script Hist. Aug, 

4. The deadly hatred which reigned between cancaiia, 
the two sons of Severus, M. Aurelius Antoninus !!!Aprii V/ 
Bassianus Caracalla, aged 23 — 29, and his young ^^^' 
step-brother Geta, aged twenty-one, led to a 
dreadful catastrophe ; for at their return to Rome, 
and after a fruitless proposition had been made 
for a division of the empire, Geta was assassi- Geta mur- 
nated in the arms of his mother Julia Domna, to- Ap^ 4, 
gether with all those who were considered as his ^^^' 
friends. The restless spirit of Caracalla, how- 
ever, soon drew him from Rome, and in travers- 
ing first the provinces along the Danube, and 
then those of the east, he ruined them all by his 
exactions and cruelty, to which he was driven for 
money to pay his soldiers, and to purchase peace 
of his enemies on the frontiers. The same neces- 
sity led him to grant the right of citizenship to all 
the provinces, that he might thereby gain the 
duty of the vicesima hereditatum et manumissionum 
(twentieth upon inheritances and enfranchise- 
ments), which he very soon afterwards changed 


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442 ROMAN STATE. book y. 

Fourth ioto a tenth (decimo). — With respect to his foreign 
^"'^°' wars, his first was against the Catti and Ale- 

manni, among whom he remained a long time, 
sometimes as a friend and sometimes as an ene- 

215. my. But his principal efforts, after having pre- 
viously ordered a dreadful massacre of the inha- 
bitants of Alexandria, to satisfy his cruel rapa- 

216. city, were directed against the Parthians (see 
above, p. 304) ; and in his wars against them he 
was assassinated by Macrinus, the praefect of the 
praetorian guard. 

The prsefect, or captain^ of the praetorian guard became> from 
the time of Severus, the most important officer in the state. 
Besides the command of the guards^ the finances were also under 
his control, together with an extensive criminal jurisdiction. A 
natural consequence of the continually increasing despotism. 

Ml. Spabtiani Antoninus CaracaUa el Ant Geta, in Script. 
Hist. Aug. 

Macrinni, 5. His murdcrcr, M. Opelius Macrinus, aged 
^1^— June fifty-three, was recognized as emperor by the sol- 
8, 218. diers, and forth^^rith acknowledged by the senate. 
He immediately created his son, M. Opelius Dia- 
dumenus, aged nine years, Caesar, and gave him 
the name of Antoninus. He disgracefully termi- 
nated the war against the Parthians by purchas- 
ing a peace, and changed the decima (tenth) of 
Caracsdla again into the vicesima (twentieth). 
However, while he still remained in Asia, Bassia- 
nus Heliogabalus, grand-nephew of Julia Domna, 
and high priest in the temple of the Sun at 
Emesa, whom his mother gave out for a son of 
Caracalla, was proclaimed emperor by the le- 
gions, and, after a combat with the guards, subse- 
quently to which Macrinus and his son lost their 
lives^ they raised him to the thronci. 


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M«8a^ the sister of Julia Domna^ had two daughters, bo^i . Fovbtb 
-widows; Soaemis, the eldest, was the mother of Heliogabalus, ^'*'Qp* 
and Mamm«a, the youngest, the mother of Alexander Severus. 

Jul. Capitolini Opelius Macrinus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 

6. Heliogabalus, aged 14 — 18, who assumed Heiiogaba- 
the additional name of M. Aurelius Antoninus, w 8, 
brought with him from Syria the superstitions ^^ n, 
and voluptuousness of that country. He intro-^^^* 
duced the worship of his god Heliogabal in Rome, 

and wallowed openly in such brutal and infamous 
debaucheries, that history can scarcely find a 
parallel to his dissolute, shameless, and scandal- 
ous conduct. How low must the morality of that 
age have been sunk, in which a boy could so early 
have ripened into a monster! — The debasement 
of the senate, and of all important offices, which 
he filled with the degraded companions of his 
own lusts and vices, was systematically planned 
by him ; and he deserves no credit even for the 
adoption of his cousin, the virtuous Alexander 
Severus, as he shortly after endeavoured to take 
away his life, but was himself for that reason as- 
sassinated by the praetorian guards. 

-f* JEl. Lampridii Ant. Heliogabalus, in Script. Hist. Aug, 

7. His young cousin and successor, M. Aurelius Alexander 
Alexander Severus, aged 14 — 27, who had beenMlJS'ii. 
carefully educated under the direction of his mo- ^7286. 
ther Mammaea, proved one of the best princes in 

an age and upon a throne where virtues were 
more dangerous than vices. Under favour of his 
youth he endeavoured to effect a reform, in which 
he was supported by the cooperation of the guards, 
who had elevated him to the throne. He re- 
stored the authority of the senate, from among 


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444 ROMAN STATE book v. 

FoofcTH whom he chose, with rigid justice, his privy coun- 
— BRioD^ ^.j ^^ state, banishing the creatures of Helio- 
wax gabalus from their places. The revolution in the 
Pmia!226. Parthian empire, out of which was now formed 
the new Persian, was of so much importance to 
Rome, that it obliged Alexander to undertake a 
war against Artaxerxes, in which he was pro- 
231—233. bably victorious. But while marching in haste 
to protect the frontiers against the advance of the 
Germans upon the Rhine, his soldiers, exas- 
perated at the severity of his discipline, and in- 
235. cited by the Thracian Maximin, murdered him 
in his own tent. His praefect of the praetorian 
222. guard, Ulpian, had already, for the same cause, 
fallen a victim to this spirit of insubordination, 
which was not checked even by the immediate 
presence of the emperor himself. 

The revolution in Parthia, whereby a new Persian empire was 
formed (see above, p. 304.), became a source of almost perpetual 
war to Rome ; Artaxerxes I. and his successors, the Sassanides, 
claiming to be descendants of the ancient kings of Persia, formed 
pretensions to the possession of all the Asiatic provinces of the 
Roman empire. 

^Lii Labifridii Alexander Severus, in Script, HisL Aug. 

Heyne de Alexandra Severo Judicium, Comment, i. ii. in 
Opuscula Academica, vol. vi. 

Mtiimi- 8. The death of A. Severus raised military 

235--Mly, despotism to the highest pitch, as it placed on the 

^^®' throne the half savage C. Julius Maximinus, by 

birth a Thracian peasant. At first he continued 

the war against the Germans with great success, 

236. repulsing them beyond the Rhine ; and resolved, 

237. by crossing Pannonia, to carry the war even 
among the Sarmatians. But bis insatiable rapa- 
city, which spared neither the capital nor the 


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provinces, made him hateful to all ; and Gor- fourth 
dian, proconsul of Africa, in his eightieth year, — ' ' ' 
was, together with his son of the same name, 
proclaimed Augustus by the people, and im- 
mediately acknowledged by the senate. Upon 
this, Maxi minus, eager to take vengeance on the 
senate, marched directly from Sirmium towards Apni, 238. 
Italy. In the mean time, the legions of the 
almost defenceless Gordians were defeated in The Gor- 
Africa, and themselves slain by Capellianus the /^**"'' 
governor of Numidia. Notwithstanding this, as 
the senate could expect no mercy, they chose as 
co-emperors the praefect of the city^ Maximus 
Pupienus, and Clodius Balbinus, who, in con-Baibinus 
formity with the wishes of the people, created nus. "^**^ 
the young Gordian III. Csasar. In the mean- 
while Maximinus, having besieged Aquileia, and 
the enterprise proving unsuccessful, was slain by 
his own troops. Pupienus and Balbinus npw 
seemed in quiet possession of the throne ; but 
the guards, who had already been engaged in a 
bloody feud with the people, and were not will- 
ing to receive an emperor of the senate's choosing, 
killed them both, and proclaimed as Augustus, 
Gordian, already created Caesar. 

Jul. Oafitolint Maximinus Gordiani tres, Pupienus et 
Balbinus, in Script Hist. August. 

9. The reign of the young M. Antoninus Gor- Goidian 
dianus lasted from his twelfth to his eighteenth 238ZFeb. 
year. He was grandson of the proconsul who had ^^*- 
lost his life in Africa, and in the early part of his 
reign, acquired a degree of firmness from the 
i^upport of his father-in-law, Misitheus, prefect symn ex- 
of the praetorian guard, as well as from the sue* ^4^^243. 


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446 ROMAN STATE book t. 

FouBTH cessful expedition which he undertook into Syria 
— '*'*^''' against the Persians, who had invaded that pro- 
vince. But after the death of Misitheus, Philip 
the Arabian, being made praef.ct of the guards in 
his stead, found means to gain the troops over 
to himself, and, after driving Gordian from the 
throne, caused him to be assassinated. 
Phiiippjis, 10. The reign of M. Julius Philippus was in- 

Feb. 244— , , » ^ . „ - 

Sept. 249. terrupted by several msurrections, especially in 
Pannonia ; until at length Decius, whom he him- 
self had sent thither to quell the rebellion, was 
compelled by the troops to assume the diadem. 
Philip was soon after defeated by him near Ve- 
rona, where he perished, together with his son of 
the same name. In this reign the secular games, 
ludi saculares, were celebrated, one thousand 
years from the foundation of the city. 
247. 11. Under the reign of his successor, Trajanus 

Sept. 249— Decius, aged fifty, the Goths for the first time 
250. forced their way into the Roman empire by cross- 
ing the Danube ; and although Decius in the be- 
ginning opposed them with success, he was at 
last slain by them in Thrace, together with his 
son, CI. Herennius Decius, already created Cae- 
sar. Upon this the army proclaimed C. Trebo- 

Gaiiua. nianus Gallus emperor, who created his son, Vo- 
lusian, Csesar ; and having invited Hostilian, the 
yet remaining son of Decius, with the ostensible 
purpose of securing his cooperation, he neverthe- 
less soon contrived to get rid of him. He purchased 
a peace of the Goths ; but, despised by his gene- 
rals, he became involved in a war with his vic- 

iCmiiia- torious lieutenant, ^milius ^milianus, in Mcesia, 

253*. ^^' ^nd was slain, together with his son, by his own 


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army. In three months, however, ^milianus fourth 

shared the same fate ; Publius Lieinius Valeria- — 

nus, the friend and avenger of Gallus, advancing 
against him with the legions stationed in GauL 
Both the people and army hoped to see the em- 
pire restored under Valerian, already sixty years Vaienan. 
of age ; but, although his generals defended the 
frontiers against the Germans and Goths, he 
himself ha^ the misfortune to be defeated and 
taken prisoner by the superior forces of the Per- 
sians. Upon this event his son and associate in 
the empire, P. Lieinius Gallienus, who knew Gaiiienns, 
everything except the art of governing, reigned 
alone. Under his indolent rule the Roman em- 
pire seemed on one hand ready to be split into 
a number of small states, while on the other it 
seemed about to fall a prey to the barbarians ; 
for the lieutenants in most of the provinces de- 
clared themselves independent of a prince whom 
they despised, and to which, indeed, they were 
driven, like Posthumius in Gaul, for their own 
security. — There were nineteen of these ; but as 
many of them named their sons Csasars, this pe- 
riod has been very improperly distinguished by 
the name of the thirty tyrants, although their in- 
tolerable oppressions might well justify the latter 
expression. The Persians at the same time were 
victorious in the east, and the Germans in the 

The G^erman nations which were now become so formidable to 
the Roman empire, were: 1. The great confederation of tribes 
under the name of Franks, who spread over Gaul along the whole 
extent of the Lower Rhine. 2. The allied nations of the Ale- 
manni on the Upper Rhine. 3. The Goths, the most powerful 
of all, who had formed a monarchy upon the banks of the Lower 


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448 ROMAN STATE book t. 

FovftTH Danube and the northern coasts of the Black sea^ which soon 
^"*'*^'^' extended from the Boristhenes to the Don ; and who became 
formidable, not only by their land forces, but also by their naval 
power, especially after they had captured the peninsula of Crim 
Tartary (Ckersonesus Taurka) ; and by means of their fleets 
they not only kept the Grecian, but likewise the Asiatic pio- 
yinoes in a continual state of alarm. 

Trebblli Pollionis Valerianus, GaUieni duo, triginta /y- 
ranni, in Script. Hist,' Aug, 

f Concerning the thirty tyrants under the Roman e mp e r or 
GaUienus, by J. C. F. Manso ; at the end of his Life of Con- 

cuudiut, 12. Gallienus losing his life before Milan, in 
~Oct,27o. the war against Aureolas an usurper, had never- 
theless recommended M. Aurelius Claudius (aged 
45 — 47) for his successor. The new Augustus 
reestablished in some degree the tottering em- 
pire ; not only by taking Aureolus prisoner and 
defeating the Alemanni, but also by a decisive 
269. victory gained at Nissa over the Goths, who had 
invaded Moesia. He died, however, soon after, 
at Sirmium, of a pestilential disease, naming for 
his successor Aurelian, a hero like himself, who 
mounted the throne upon the death of Quintillus 
the late emperor's brother, who had at first pro- 
claimed himself Augustus, but afterwards died by 
his own hand. 

Trbb£llii Pollionis divus Claudius, in Script. HisL Aug, 

.Aurelian, 13. DuHug the Fcign of L. Domitius Aure- 
Aiarch,275. lianus, which lasted almost five years, those 
countries which had been partly or entirely lost 
to the empire were restored. Having first driven 
back the Goths and the Alemanni, who had ad- 
vanced as far as Umbria, he undertook his expe- 
^71. dition against the celebrated Zenobia, queen of 


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Palmyra, who at that time possessed Syria, Egypt, fourth 
and part of Asia Minor. These countries he again ^""*^°' 

brought under the dominion of the empire, after 
having defeated Zenobia and made her prisoner. ze^»*d«- 
The western provinces of Gaul, Britain, and made pn- 
Spain, which since the time of Oallienus had l^m. 
been governed by separate rulers, and were now 
under the dominion of Tetricus, he reduced to 
their former obedience. Dacia, on the contrary, 274. 
he willingly abandoned; and as he transported 
the Roman inhabitants across the Danube into 
Moesia, the latter henceforward bore the name of 
Dacia Aureliani. Hated for his severity, which 
in a warrior so easily degenerates into cruelty, 
he was assassinated in Illyria at the instigation of 275. 
his private secretary Mncstheus. 

Flav. Y0PI8CI d^^us Aurelianus, in Script, Hist. Aug, 
Palmyra in the Syrian desert, enriched by the Indian trade, 
and one of the most ancient cities in the world, became a Roman 
colony in the time of Trajan. Odenatns, the husband of Zeno- 
bia, had acquired so much celebrity by his victories over the Per- 
sians, that Gallienus had even named hun Augustus with him- 
self. He was murdered, however, by his cousin Maeonius, 267* 
Zenobia now took possession of the government for her sons 
Vabakthus, Herennianus, and Timotaus, without, however, being 
acknowledged at Rome. After this, in the time of Claudius, 
she added Egypt to her dominions. Aurelian, having first 
defeated her near Antioch and Emesa, soon afterwards took 
Palmyra, which, in consequence of a revolt, he destroyed. — Even 
in its ruins Palmyra is still magnificent. 

The Ruins of Palmyra, by R. Wood. London, 1763 ; and 
the Ruins of Balbec, otherwise Heliopolis, by the same author, 
London, 1757, give us clear and certain ideas of the splendour 
and magnitude of these cities. 

A. H. L. Heeren, de Commerdo urbis Palmyra vicinarum^ 
que urbium, in Comment, recent, Soc, Gotting, vol. vii. and the 
Appendix to Ueeren*s Researches. 



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450 ROMAN STATE book t. 

FovmTB 14. An interregnum of six months followed 

Tacitua. ufKyu the death of Aurelian, till at length the 

se^25, senate, at the repeated solicitations of the army, 

April, 276. ventured to fill up the vacant throne. The object 

of their choice, however, M. Claudius Tacitus, 

the worthiest of the senators, was unfortunately 

seventy-five years old, and perished after a short 

reign of six months, in an expedition against the 

Goths. Upon this event the army of Syria raised 

M. Aurelius Probus to the purple ; while Flori- 

anus the brother of Tacitus, who had already been 

acknowledged at Rome, was put to death by his 

own people. 

Flav. Vopisci Taciius; ejusd. Florianus, in Script, Hist. 

A"rii"276 ^^* "^^^ ®^^ years' reign of Probus was a war- 
— August, like one. He defeated the Germans, and forced 


277. them beyond the Rhine and Danube ; strengthen- 

278. ing the frontiers by building a strong wall from 
the Danube, near Regensburg, to the Rhine. He 
also obliged the Persians to make peace. Never- 
theless, the number of towns which he reestab- 
lished and peopled with prisoners of war, and the 
vineyards which he caused his soldiers to plant 
on the Rhine, are proofs that he had taste and 
inclination for the arts of peace. This policy, 
however, would not suit the legions! After he 
had perished, therefore, by the hands of his 
soldiers, they proclaimed the praefect of the prae- 

9"^'o« torian guard, M. Aurelius Carus, emperor, who 

Aug. 282. If. ^ ,., 

created his two sons Caesars — men very unlike 
each other in disposition, M. Aurelius Carinus 
being one of the greatest reprobates, while M. 


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Aurelius Numerianus was gentle by nature, and p^^™ 
had a mind well formed by study. The new em- 
peror, having defeated the Goths, marched against 
the Persians, but was shortly afterwards killed, it Aug. 283. 
is said, by a flash of lightning. Nor did his son 
Numerianus long survive him, being murdered 284. 
by his own father-in-law, Arrius Aper, the praeto- 
rian praefeet. 

Flav. Vopisci Prohus imper. ejusd. C^rus, Numirianus et 
Carinus, in Script. Hist, Aug. 

16. Although this period gives us a finished Review of 
picture of a complete military despotism, it is still mentduriJlg 
evident that this was owing to the entire separa- *^" ^^ 
tion of the military order from the rest of the 
people, by the introduction of standing armies, 
and the extinction of all national spirit among 
the citizens. The legions decided because the 
people were unarmed. It was, indeed, only 
among them, situated far from the soft luxuries 
of the capital, and engaged in almost a continual 
struggle with the barbarians, that a remnant of 
the ancient Roman character was still preserved. 
The nomination of their leaders to the purple be*' 
came a natural consequence, not only of the un- 
certainty of the succession, which could not be 
fixed by mere ordinances, but often of necessity, 
from their being in the field under the pressure of 
urgent circumstances. Thus a succession of dis- 
tinguished generals came to the throne: what 
authority, indeed, would an emperor at that time 
have had who was not a general ? All durable 
reform, however, was rendered quite impossible 
by the quick succession of rulers. Even the best 



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453 ROMAN STATE bookt. 

FoumTB among them could do but very little for the in- 

^ ternal administration ; as all their energies were 

required to protect the frontiers, and defend 
themselves against usurpers, who, with the ex- 
ception of the formality of being acknowledged 
by the senate, had claims as well founded as 
their own. 
Luzttiyhu- 17. The decline of the empire also became so 

t6nB th6 dc- . . 

ciineofthe much the morc rapid, in proportion as in these 
empire. ^^^^ ^^ terror luxury had increased not only in 
the splendour and profligate effeminacy of private 
life, but more particularly in public, to a pitch 
almost beyond belief. The latter was especially 
shown in the exhibitions of the amphitheatre and 
circus ; by which not only every new ruler, but 
even every new magistrate was obliged to pur- 
chase the favour of the people. Thus these rem- 
nants of a free constitution served only to accele- 
rate the general ruin ! What enjoyments, indeed, 
could be found under the rod of despotism, ex- 
cept those of the grossest sensuality; and to 
satisfy this, the intellectual amusements of the 
theatre (mimes and pantomimes), and even those 
of rhetoric and poetry, were made to contribute. 
u[?eff^tt '^- ^^*> during this general decay, the gradual 
•f.*^. spread of the Christian religion was working a 

Christian ^- , , ..,./*. ^^ ? 

religion, reform altogether of a different nature. Before 
the end of this period it had opened itself a way 
into every province, and, notwithstanding the 
frequent persecutions, had made converts in every 
rank of society, and was now on the eve of be- 
coming the predominant form of worship. We 
shall be better able to estimate its value, if we 
consider it as the vehicle by which civilization 


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made its way among the rude nations that now Fourth 
appeared on the scene, than if we merely consider — ^^^^ 
it as the means of improving the manners and 
morals of the Roman world. In a political view 
it became of the greatest importance on account 
of the hiei;archy, the frame-work of which was 
now in a great measure constructed among its 
professors. It was afterwards adopted as a state 
religion ; and although the ancient creed of Rome 
had formerly been on the same footing, yet it was 
only calculated for the republic, and not at all 
for the now existing monarchy. The overthrow 
of paganism was necessarily attended with some 
violent convulsions, yet its loss was nothing to be 
compared with the support which the throne 
afterwards found in the hierarchy. 

The dispersion of the Jews, and especially the persecations 
which were renewed from time to time, after the reign of Nero, 
(but which only served to kindle enthusiasm,) strongly cooperated 
in spreading the Christian religion. These persecutions were 
principally called forth against the Christiana on aoooant of their 
forming th^nselves into a separate society, which caused them to 
be regarded as a dangerous sect at Rome, notwithstanding the 
general toleration granted to every other system of religious 
belief. Although towards the end of this period, only a very 
small proportion of the inhabitants of the Roman empire as yet 
professed the Christian faith, it nevertheless had followers in 
every province. 

t HUtory of the Social CoHstUtOUm of the ChriHian Church, 
by D. G. J. Planck, 4 parts, 1800. It is the first part of this 
excellent work which relates to this period. 


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464 ROMAN STATE book t. 


From Diocletian to the overthrow of the Roman empire in 
the foest, A. C. 284-476. 

FouftTB SouRCBS. It now becomes of importance to enquire whether 
Period. ^ 

- the historians were Christians or pagans. Zosimus, the imitator 
of Polybius^ belonged to the last. He describes the fall of the 
Roman state, as his model does the previous part. Of bis His- 
tories only five books and a half, to the time of Gratian, 410, 
have descended to us. He was certainly a violent antagonist of 
the Christians, yet, nevertheless, the best writer of this period. 
Ammiani Marcellini Historiarum, lib. xiv — xxji. from the 
year 353 — 378 (the first thirteen books are lost). Probably a 
Christian, but yet no flatterer ; and, notwithstanding his tire- 
some prolixity, highly instructive. Together with the writers of 
general history already noticed at p. 437, we must here especially 
add to the abbreviators, Pauli Orosii Hist. lib. vii. and Zo- 
VARM Annates. The Panegyrici Veteres, from Diocletian to 
Theodosius, can only be used with circumspection. — The writers 
of church history, such as Eusebius, in his Hist. Eccles. lib. x. 
and in his Vita Constantini Magni, lib. v. as well as his continu- 
ators, Socrates, Theodoret, Sozohenus, and Etaorius, are 
also highly important for the political history of this period, 
though, from their partiality towards the Christian emperors, 
they should rather be classed with the panegyrists than the his- 
torians. To these may be added another principal source, viz. 
the Conslilutions of the emperors, which have been preserved in 
the Codex Theodosianus and Jusiinianeus, fr>om the time of Con- 
stantino the Oreat. 

Besides the works quoted at pages 411, 437, the Byzantine 
historians here become of importance. We shall mention also : 

Histoire du Bas-Etnpire depuis Constantin, par M. i^e Beau, 
continuSe par M. Ameilhon. Paris, 1824, 20 vola. Bvo. The 
first seven parts only belong to this period. 


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t The German translation of Outhbib and Obay's Universal Fourth 
History, 5 sections, 1 vol. Leipsic, 1768. Rendered very useful ^'*'°°* 
by the labours of Ritter. 

Hittoire du Bos-Empire, depuis Conslantin jusqu* d la prise 
de Constantinople en 1453> par Cabentin Royou. Paris, 
1803, 4 vols. 8vo. A useful abridgement, without much 

1. The reign of C. Valerius Diocletian, aged ^»ci«*»n. 
39 — 60, proclaimed emperor after the murder of 284— May 
Numerianus, by the troops in Chalcedon, begins ' 
a new section in Roman history. To the period 
of military despotism succeeded the period of 
partitions. After Diocletian had defeated Cari-cannvs, 
nus the yet remaining Caesar, in Upper MoBsia, *^^* 
where he was assassinated, he made M. Valerius m^^iHi^u^ 
Maximianus Herculius, a rough warrior who had |^^|^^ 
hitherto been his comrade in arms, the sharer of Y«"»«'»^' 


his throne. Herculius now contended with the 
Alemanni and Burgundians on the banks of the 
Rhine, while Diocletian himself made head 
against the Persians. Nevertheless, the two Au- 
gust! soon found themselves unable to withstand 
the barbarians, who were pressing forward on 
every side, more especially as Carausius had^"^«"«' 
usurped and maintained the title of Caesar in 
Britain. Each of them, therefore, created a Cae- Caienus 
sar : Diocletian chose C. Galerius, and Maximi- created "" 
anus Flavins Constantius Chlorus, both of whom ^^' 
had distinguished themselves as generals, at that 
time the only road to advancement. The whole 
empire was now divided between these four rulers; 
so that each had certain provinces to govern and 
defend ; without detriment, however, to the unity 
of the whole, or to the dependence in which a 


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456 ROMAN STATE book v. 

FovaTB Caesar stood as the subordinate assistant and 
future successor of his Augustus. 

In the partition, 292, Diocletian possessed the eastern pro- 
vinces; Galerios, Thrace, and the oonntries on the Danobe 
(IllTricum) ; Maximianns, Italy, Africa, and die islands ; and 
Constantius, the western provinces of Gaul, Spoin^ Britain^ and 

2. This new system could not but have a strik- 
ing effect upon the spirit of the government. It 
was now not only in fact, but also in form^ en- 
tirely in the hands of the rulers. By their con- 
tinual absence from Rome they became freed 
from that moral restraint in which the authority of 
the senate, and the name of the republic, not yet 
entirely laid aside, had held before them. Diocle- 
tian formally assumed the diadem, and, with the 
ornaments of the east, introduced its luxuries into 
his court. Thus was laid the foundation of that 
structure which Constantine the Great had to 

3. The consequences of this new system be- 
came also oppressive to the provinces, inasmuch 
as they had now to maintain four rulers, with 
their courts, and as many armies. But however 
loud might be the complaints of the oppression 
occasioned thereby, it was, perhaps, the only 
means of deferring the final overthrow of the 
whole edifice. In fact, they succeeded not only 

296. in defeating the usurpers, AUectus in Britain 
293-296. (who had murdered Garausius in 293), Julian in 
Africa, and Achilleus in Egypt ; but also in de- 
fending the frontiers, which, indeed, by the vic- 
tories of Galerius over the Persians, they ex- 
tended as far as the Tigris. Did not, however. 


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the gloomy perspective present itself, that among pourth 
so many rulers, and the undefined relations which — ""*^°' 
existed between the Caesars and the emperors, 
the union could not be of long continuance ? 

4. Diocletian voluntarily abdicated the throne 
(although the growing power and encroaching 
disposition of Galerius might perhaps have had 
some influence), and obliged his colleague Max- 
imianus to do the same. The two Caesars, Con- Conttan- 
stantius and Galerius, were proclaimed Augusti, 307! ^^^^^ 
and altered the division of the empire, so that the ^^Sja. 
former possessed all the western countries, of 
which, however, he freely ceded Italy and Africa 

to Galerius, who had all the remaining provinces. 
The latter, during the same year, created Flavins 
Severus, Caesar, and confided to him the govern- 
ment of Italy and Africa ; as he did also C. Ga- 
lerius Maximin, to whom he gave the Asiatic 
provinces. The administration of the two em- 
perors, however, was very different ; Constantius 
was as much beloved for his mild and disinter- 
ested government, as Galerius was hated for his 
harshness and prodigality. Constantius died very 
soon after at York, leaving his son Constantino 
heir to his dominions, who was immediately pro- 
claimed Augustus by the legions, although Gale- 
rius would only acknowledge him as Caesar. 

5. Thus Constantine, who afterwards obtained ConstantiM 
the surname of Great, began to rule, aged 33 — juw^iS^^' 
64, though at first only over Britain, Spain, and^^^'^ 
Gaul ; nevertheless, after seventeen years of vio- 
lence and warfare, he succeeded in opening him- 
self a way to the sole dominion of the empire. 

The rulers disagreed among themselves ; and for- 


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458 ROMAN STATE book t. 

FovBTH midable usurpers started up and rendered war in- 

The history of the first seven years of Constantine, 306 — 313, 
is very oomph'cated ; after that^ he had only one rival to struggle 
vith^ 314 — 323. At his accession, Chderius, as Angostus, was 
in possession of all the other provinces ; of which, however, he 
had given to Cssar Maximin the government of those of Asia, 
and to CsBsar Severus, now created Augustus, Italy and Africa. 
The latter, however, rendering himself odious hy his oppression, 
Maxentius, the son of the former emperor, Maximianus, assumed 
the title of Augustus at Rome (Oct. 28, 306), and associated 
his father with himself in the government; so that at this time 
there were six rulers : Galerius, Severus, Constantine, Maximin, 
and the usurpers Maxentius and his father Maximianus. But 
in the year 307> Severus, wishing to oppose Maxentius, was 
abandoned by his own troops, upon which he surrendered him- 
self to Maximianus, who caused him to be executed. In his 
place Galerius created his friend Licinius, Augustus ; and Max- 
imin obtained the same dignity from his army in Asia. In the 
mean time, Maximianus, after having endeavoured to supplant 
his own son in Rome, fled to Constantine, who had crossed over 
into Gaul and there defeated the Franks, 306 ; but having made 
an attempt upon the life of Constantine, who had married his 
daughter Fausta, that emperor caused him to be put to death, 
310. As the excesses of Galerius soon brought him to the 
grave, 311, there only remained Constantine, Licinius, and 
Maximin, and the usurper Maxentius. The latter was soon de- 
feated and slain, 312, before the gates of Rome, by Constantine, 
who thereby became master of Italy and the capital. A war 
having broken out about the same time between Maximin and 
Licinius, Maximin was defeated near Adrianople, and then 
killed himself, 313. The year 314 brought on a war between 
the two remaining emperors, Constantine and Licinius, which, 
however, ended the same year in an accommodation, by which 
Constantine obtained all the countries on the south bank of the 
Danube, as well as Thrace and Moesia Inferior; it broke out 
again, however, in 322, and was finally terminated by a decisive 
victory in Bithynia, and the total overthrow of Licinius, whom 
Constantine put to death, 324. 

6. However opposite may be the opinions 


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formed respecting the reign of Gonstantine the 
Great, its consequences are perfectly plain. Al- - 
though he annihilated military despotism, he es- 
tablished in its stead, if not completely, yet in 
great measure, the despotism of the court, and 
likewise the power of the hierarchy. He had 
already, during his expedition against Maxentius, 
decided in favour of the Christian religion ; and 
since he thereby gained a vast number of par- 
tisans in all the provinces, and weakened at the 
same time the power of his co-emperors, or com- 
petitors, it was the surest way he could have 
taken to obtain sole dominion, the great object of 
his ambition. This change must nevertheless 
have had very considerable influence on every 
part of the government, as he found in the previ- 
ously established hierarchy a powerful support of 
the throne ; and since he, in concert with it, set- 
tled what was, and what was not the orthodox 
doctrine, he introduced a spirit of persecution 
heretofore unknown. 

At a period in which religious parties must almost necessarily 
have become political parties^ we can by no means venture to 
judge of the importance of the sect by the importance of their 
points of doctrine. The quarrels of the Arians, which arose at 
this time, gave Gonstantine, by the council of Nice, 325, the op- 
portunity he wished for, of making good his authority in religious 

7. The removal of the seat of empire from 
Rome to Constantinople was connected with this 
change in the form of worship — as a Christian 
court would have been awkwardly situated in a 
city still altogether pagan — although the need 
there was of protecting the frontiers against the 
Goths and Persians had a considerable share 




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460 ROMAN STATE book r. 

FoviTB therein. It did, indeed, become the principal 

^ means of establishing the despotism of the court; 

but those who regard it as one of the causes of 
the decline of the empire, should remember, that 
for an empire fallen so low as the Roman was at 
this time, despotism was almost the only support 
that remained. 

The yarious partitions of the empire from the time of Diocle- 
tian^ had led the way to this change of the capital ; beamae a 
natural result of that system was, that the emperors and Ciesara, 
when not with the army as they usually were, would reside in 
different dties. The seat of Diocletian's government was at 
Nicomedia ; of Maximian's, at Milan ; even Constantine himself 
remained but very little, at Rome. In these new residences they 
felt themselves unfettered ; and therefore, although the Roman 
senate existed till after the time of Ckmstantine, its authority 
must have fallen of itself from the time of Diocletian. 

8. We ought not, therefore, to wonder that the 
consequence of this removal was so complete a 
change in the whole form of government, that 
after a short time it seemed to be altogether a 
different state. A partition of the empire was 
made, which, though it might in part have been 
founded on those which had previously existed, 
was yet so different, that it not only changed the 
ancient divisions of the provinces, but completely 
altered their mode of government. — The court, 
with the exception of polygamy, assumed entirely 
the form of an eastern court. — A revolution also 
had taken place in the military system, by the 
complete separation of the civil and military au- 
thorities, which the prsBtorian praefects had hi- 
therto possessed, but who now became merely 
civil governors. 

According to the new division the whole empire was divided 
into four prqfeciures, each of which had its diacese*, and each 


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dkoese its provinces. The prnfectores were : I. The eaMrajf d^ A^}^ 
{prafectura Ortentu; it contained ^v^ dioceses; 1. Orientis;, 
2. Mgypti; 3. Asia; 4. Ponti; 5. Thracue; forming alto« 
gether forty«eight prorinces^ and comprising all the countries of 
Asia and Egypt^ together with the frontier countries of Libya 
and Thrace. II. Prafectura lUifrici^ containing two dioceses ; 
1. MacedonvE ; 2. Dacia ; forming eleven provinces^ and com- 
prising Moesia^ Macedon, Oreece^ and Crete. III. Prasfectura 
ItaluB, containing three dioceses; 1. lialicB ; 2. Illyrict ; 3. 
Africa; forming twenty-nine provinces^ and comprising Italy^ 
the countries on the south of the Danube, as £ur as the bounda- 
ries of Moesia ; the islands of Sidly^ Sardinia^ and Corsica^ and 
the African provinces of the Syrtis. IV. Prafectura GaU 
Harum, containing three dioceses; 1. Gallia; 2. Hispania; 3. 
Britannia ; forming altogether twenty-eight provinces^ and com- 
prising Spain and the Balearian islands, Oaul, Helvetia, and 
Britain. — ^£ach of these prsefectures was under a pr(Bfectus pra^ 
iario (praetorian prsefect), but who was merely a civil governor, 
and had under him vicarios, in the dioceses, as well as the rec- 
iores provinciarum, of various ranks and titles. They were 
named proconsules prasides, etc. Besides these, Rome and Con- 
stantinople, not being included in any of the four prsefectures, 
had each its prefect. 

As principal officers of state and the court (s. cvbicuU), we 
now for the first time meet with the propositus s. cubiculi 
(grand-chamberlain), under whom were all the comites palatii 
and cubicularii, in four divisions ; these, at a later period, were 
frequently eunuchs of great influence ; the tnagister officiorum 
(chancellor, minister of the interior) ; the comes sacrarum largi^ 
tiorum (minister of the finances) ; the quasior (the organ of the 
emperors in legislation; minister of justice and secretary of 
state) ; the comes rei principis (minister of the crown-treasury) 
[privy-purse]] ; the two comites domesticorum (commander of the 
housdiold guards), each of whom had his corps (scholas) under 
him. The number of the state officers and courtiers was conti- 
nually increasing. If the good of a commonwealth consisted in 
forms, ranks, and titles, the Roman empire must at this time 
have been truly happy ! 

At the head of die troops were the magistri pedUum (masters 
of the infantry) and the magistri equitum (masters of the horse), 
under the magister utriusque milila (general in chief of the 
whole army). Their subordinate commanders were called comites 


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"minus r : 

r "F^i 





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^'i DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 


n»d of presenting the emperon with golden Fovrth 
occasions : the value of which was at last ^'^'Q*^' 
Every considerable city was obliged to 

spread of the Christian religion, spread of 
in of which was enforced as align re-"' 

professors, was now accelerated ^*^^°* 
IS of the court. Constantine for- 
Lod shut up the temples; and the 
us succeissors unfortunately soon 
o ruins. 

tiin-le-Gmndjpar It R. P. Bern, de Va- 

'K 4to. 

lo it Grande dell* Abb. Fr. Gusta. Fu- 
ll (^se works, especially the firsts are written 
i! ; the hitestj and by for the best, is 

uline the Great, by J. C. F. Manso. Bresl. 
pm] very learned appendixes, which clear up 


iree Caesars and sons of Constantine Contun- 
i onstantine, 337 — 340; Constantius, luntiur 
^, and Constans, 337—350; had beenj^^'^"" 
[educated, and yet resembled one another 
in their vices as they did in their names. 
eed divided the empire again upon the 
their father; but were so eager after 
, which neither of them was qualified to 
^*n, that a series of wars followed for the 
twelve years, till at last Constantius was left 
^ter of the whole ; and by the murder of most 
J is relations secured the throne to himself. 

the partition of the empire Constantine obtained the prct" 
ura GalUarum, Constans the prasfectura Italics et Illy rid, 
Constantius the prwfevtura Orientis, But as Constantine 
to add Italy and Africa to his portion, he attacked 


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462 ROMAN STATE book t. 

FovRTH and duces. Constantine conBiderably reduced the army. In the 
^'"QP- arrangement of the troops he also made great alterations ; these, 

however^ were but of slight consequence compared with that 

which was produced by admitting into the service a «>ntinually 

increasing number of barbarians. 

Notilia dignitatem utriusque Imperii cum not. Pancibolli 

Grjsv. Thesaur. Antiquitat. Rom. vol. vii. 

Taxei. 9. It would naturally be expected that these 

great changes should lead to others in the system 
of taxation. New taxes, or old ones revived, 
were added to those already existing, and became, 
by the manner in which they were collected, 
doubly oppressive. We shall particularly notice, 
a. The annual land-tax (indictio). b. The tax 
upon trade {aurum lustrale). c. The free gift (don. 
gratuit.), now grown into an obligatory tax (aurum 
coronarium). To these we must add the municipal 
expenses, which fell entirely upon the citizens, 
and especially upon the civic oflBcers (jdecuriones), 
places which must have been generally held by 
the rich, as Constantine had in great measure ap- 
propriated the wealth of the cities to the endow- 
ment of churches, and the support of the clergy. 

a. The land-tax^ or indiction, which if not first introduced by 
Constantine was entirely regulated under him, was collected after 
an exact register, or public valuation, of all the landed estates. 
Its amount was yearly fixed and prescribed by the emperor (in- 
dicebatur), and levied by the rectors of provinces and the de- 
curions ; an arbitrary stamkrd {caput) being taken as the x«te 
of assessment. 

As this register was probably reviewed every fifteen years, it 
gave rise to the cycle of indictions of fifteen years, whidi became 
the common era, beginning from September 1, 312. In this 
manner the tax included. all those who were possessed of pro- 
perty, b. The tax on commerce ; which was levied on almost 
every kind of trade. It was collected every four years, whence 
the aurum lusirak. c. The aurum coronarium grew out of the 


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custom which obtained of presentiiig the emperors with golden Fourth 
crowns on particalar occasions ; the value of which was at last ^'^'Q*^* 
exacted in money. Every considerable city was obliged to 
pay it. 

10. The rapid spread of the Christian religion, spread of 
the promulgation of which was enforced as atianre-"' 
duty upon all its professors, was now accelerated ^^^^^' 
by the endeavours of the court. Constantine for- 
bade sacrifices, and shut up the temples; and the 
violent zeal of his successors unfortunately soon 
turned them into ruins. 

Histoire de Constantin-U-Grand, par le R. P. Bern, de Va- 
BBNNE. Faris^ 177B> 4to. 

VUa di Constantino il Grande dell' Abb. Fr. Gusta. Fu- 
ligno, 1786. Both these works, especially the first, are written 
in a tone of panegyric ; the latest, and by far the best, is 

f Life of Conttantine the Great, by J. C. F. Manso. Bresl. 
1817* With several very learned appendixes, which clear up 
some particular points. 

11. The three Caesars and sons of Constantine constan- 
the Great, Constantine, 337 — 340; Constantius, luntiur 
337—361; and Constans, 337—350; had beenj^l?"" 
carefully educated, and yet resembled one another 

as much in their vices as they did in their names. 
They indeed divided the empire again upon the 
death of their father; but were so eager after 
territory, which neither of them was qualified to 
govern, that a series of wars followed for the 
next twelve years, till at last Constantius was left 
master of the whole ; and by the murder of most 
of his relations secured the throne to himself. 

In the partition of the empire Constantine obtained the prcs^ 
fectura Galliarum, Constans the prasfectura Italics et Illyrici, 
and Constantius the prasfectura Orientis. But as Constantine 
desired to add Italy and Africa to his portion, he attacked 


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464 ROMAN STATE book t. 

Fourth Constaiis^ and thereby lost his life^ so that Constans canie into 
Pkbiod. ^^ possession of the western countries. In consequence, how- 
ever, of his wretched misgovemment, Magnentius, a general, 
proclaimed himself emperor in Gaul, and Constans was slain 
in endeavouring to escape, 350. A war with Constantius, who 
was then occupied in the east, became inevitable, and broke out 
351. The usurper was defeated first at Mursa in Pannonia, 
then retreating into Oaul he was again defeated, 353; upon 
which he slew himself, together with his fjamily. 

Conftantias 12. As CoDstantius, however — sunk in effemi- 
nacy and debauchery, and surrounded and go- 
verned by eunuchs — was unable to sustain the 
weight of government alone, he took his cousin 
361. Constantius Gallus, hitherto a state prisoner, and 
whose father he had formerly slain, to his assist- 
ance, created him Caesar, and sent him into the 
east against the Parthians. But his excessive 
arrogance, which was fomented by his wife Con- 
stantina, rendered him so dangerous that Con- 
stantius recalled him, and caused him, upon his 
return, to be put to death in Istria. His younger 
brother FL Julian, from whom the suspicious 
354. Constantius believed he had nothing to fear, was 
Not. 6, promotcd in his place, created Caesar, and sent 
^^' to defend the frontiers on the Rhine. Although 
Julian passed suddenly from study to warfare, he 
not only fought against the Germans with suc- 
cess, but also made a deep inroad into their coun- 
try. In the mean time Constantius, after his 
generals had been beaten by the Persians, who 
wished to reconquer the provinces they had 
ceded, was preparing an expedition against them 
in person, and with that view endeavoured gradu- 
ally to withdraw the troops of Julian, in con- 
sequence of which the latter, suspecting his de- 


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sign, was induced to accept the diadem presented Fourth 
by his soldiers. While marching, however, along gg^ — — 
the Danube against Constantius, he received in- 
formation of that prince's death in Asia. 

13. Fl. Julian, (the apostate,) who reigned from JuUaQ. 
his twenty-ninth to his thirty-second year, was-TuM^s. 
the last and most highly gifted prince of the house ^^' 

of Constantino. Instructed by misfortunes and 
study, he yet had some faults, though certainly 
free from great vices. He began with reforming 
the luxury of the court. His abjuration of the 
religion now become dominant, and which he 
wished to annihilate by degrees, was an error in 
policy, which he must have discovered to his 
cost had his reign been prolonged. Wishing, 
however, to terminate- the war against the Per- 
sians, he penetrated as far as the Tigris, where 
he lost his life in an engagement, after a reign of 
three years ^ 

f The Emperor Julian and his Times, by August. Nsander. 
Leipsic, 1812. An historical sketch. 

14. Fl. Jovianus, now thirty-three years of jovian. 
age, was immediately raised to the purple by the seal^eb. 
army. He concluded a peace with the Persians, ^*' ^^' 
by which he restored them all the territory that 

had been conquered from them since the year 
297. After a short reign of eight months he was 
carried off by a sudden disorder ; and the army 
proclaimed Fl. Valentinian at Nice in his stead. vaientinUii 
Valentinian almost immediately associated his" *"*** 
brother Valens with himself in the government, 
and divided the empire by giving him the prce- 
fectura Orientis, and retaining the rest for him- 



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4M ROMAN STATE book ▼. 

Fourth 15. The reigu of Valentinian I. ia the east, 
y;;^^^who, ia the year 367, created his son Gratian 
364l^NoY -^.ugustus with himself, is distinguished by the 
17, 375. system of toleration which he followed with re- 
gard to the affairs of religion, though in other 
respects a cruel prince. Nearly the whole of his 
reign was taken up in almost continual struggles 
with the German nations, who had recovered 
from the losses they had suffered under Julian. 
His first efforts were directed against the Franks, 
the Saxons, and the Alemanni on the Rhine; 
and afterwards against the Quadi and other na- 
tions on the Danube ; where he died of apoplexy 
at Guntz in Hungary, 
vaiei^. \ 16. In the mean time his brother Valens fstged 
^ \\38 — 52 years) had to contend with a powerful 

?,jLiL A^ilv^!^!.* ^^^^^'^^'^^^ which had broken out in the east. 
^ ^^' A certain Procopius had instigated the people to 
this, by taking advantage of the discontent oc- 
casioned by the oppression of Valens, who, having 
adopted the opinion of the Arians, was more dis- 
liked in the east than his brother was in the 
373. west. His war against the Persians euded with 
a truce. But the most important event that hap- 
pened during his reign, was the entrance of the 
Huns into Europe, which took place towards its 
close. This in its turn gave rise to the great 
popular migration, by which the Roman empire 
in the west may properly be said to have been 
overthrown. The immediate consequence was 
the admission of the greater part of the Visigoths 
into the Roman empire, and this occasioned a 
war which cost Valens his life. 

The Huns^ a nomad people of Asia^ belonged to the ^reat 


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Mongolian race. Having penetrated to the Don^ 373^ they Fourth 
subdued the Goths upon that river as far as the Theiss. The ^"^'Q'^' 
Ooths^ divided into Ostrogoths and Visigoths^ were separated 
from one another by the Dnieper. The former^ driven from 
their country^ fell upon the Visigoths^ in consequence of which 
the emperor Valens was requested by the latter to grant them 
admissimi into the Roman empire, and with the exception of 
the Vandals, who had been seated in Pannonia from the time 
of Constantine, they were the iirst barbarian nation that had 
been settled within the boundaries of the empire. The scandal- 
ous oppression of the Roman governor, however, drove them into 
rebellion ; and as yalen&.marched against them, he was defeated 
near Adrianople and lost his lifeg^378. 

17. During these events, Gratian (aged 16 — OratiRn, 
24 years) succeeded his father Valentinian I. in and 

the west, and immediately associated his brother, vaieDtinian 
Valentinian II. (aged 6 — 21 years) with himself Jgaf^^"" 
in the empire ; giving him, though under his own 
superintendence, the prcefectura Italice et Illyrici. 
Gratian set forward to the assistance of his uncle 
Valens against the Goths, but receiving on his 
march an account of his defeat and death, and 
fearing the east might fall a prey to the Goths, 
he raised Theodosius, a Spaniard, who had al* 
ready distinguished himself as a warrior, to the 
purple, and gave him the prafectura Orientis et 

18. The indolent reign of Gratian led to theReyoitof 
rebellion of Maximus, a commander in Britain, 383"™*' 
who, crossing into Gaul, was so strongly sup- 
ported by the defection of the Gallic legions, that 
Gratian was obliged to seek safety in flight. He 

was, however, overtaken and put to death at 
Lyons. By this event Maximus found himself 
in possession of all the prcefectura Galliarum; 
and by promising Theodosius not to interfere 



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46a ROMAN STATE book t. 

FouBTH with the young Valentinian II. in Italy, he pre- 

^vailed upon him to acknowledge him emperor. 

But having broken his promise by the invasion of 
Italy, he was defeated and made prisoner by 
388. Theodosius in Pannonia, and soon after executed. 
Upon this Valentinian II. a youth of whom great 
hopes were entertained, became again master 
of all the west. But, unfortunately, he was mur- 
dered by the offended Arbogast, his magister mi- 
litum; who, thereupon, raised to the throne his 
Eugtnittf. own friend Eugenius, magister officiorum. Theo- 
dosius, however, so far from acknowledging, de- 
clared war against him and made him prisoner. 
He himself thus became master of the whole em- 
pire, but died in the following year. 
Theodatini 19. The vigorous reign of Theodosius in the 
Jan. 19. ' east, from his thirty-fourth to his fiftieth year, 
nfssl*"' was not less devoted to politics than to religion. 
The dexterity with which he at first broke the 
power of the victorious Goths (though they still 
preserved their quarters in the provinces on the 
Danube), procured him considerable influence, 
which the strength and activity of his character 
enabled him easily to maintain. The blind zeal, 
however, w^ith which he persecuted Arianism, 
now the prevailing creed in the east, and restored 
the orthodox belief, as well as the persecutions 
which he directed against the pagans and the 
destruction of their temples, accasioned the most 
dreadful convulsions. His e^orts to preserve the 
boundaries of the empire, not a province of which 
was lost before his death, required an increase of 
taxes ; and however oppressive this might be» we 
cannot impute it to the ruler as a crime. In an 


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empire so eDfeebled m itself, and which, never- Fousn 


theless, had powerful foes on every side to con- 
tend with, it followed that every active reign 
would be oppressive. Yet never before had the 
internal depopulation of the empire made it ne- 
cessary to take so many barbarians into Roman 
pay, as under this reign; whence naturally fol- 
lowed a change in the arms and tactics of the 
Roman armies. 

P. Erasm. Muller, de genio sceculi Theodotiani, Havniae, 
1796^ 2 vols. A very learned and in every respect excellent de* 
scription of the deeply-decayed Roman world as it now stood. 

20. Theodosius left two sons, between whom Fmti dm- 
the empire was divided. Both parts, however, ro^ em- 
were certainly considered as forming but one em- ^'"' 
pire — an opinion which afterwards prevailed, and 

even till late in the middle ages had important 
consequences — yet never since this period have 
they been reunited under one ruler. The eastern 
empire, comprising the prafectura Orientis et Illy- 
rid. was allotted to the eldest son, Arcadius (aged Arouiius, 

895 iO fl 

18 — 31) under the guardianship of Rufinus the 
Gaul. The western, or \he praefectura Galliarum 
et Italice, to the younger, Honorius, aged 11 — 39, Hononui. 
under the guardianship of the Vandal Stilico. 

21. The western empire, to the history of which 
we shall now confine ourselves, suffered such 
violent shocks during the reign of Honorius, as 
made its approaching fall plainly visible. The 
intrigues of Stilico to procure himself the govern- 
ment of the whole empire, opened a way for the 
Goths into its interior, just at a time when they 
were doubly formidable, fortune having given 
them a leader greatly superior to any they had 


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470 ROMAN STATE book y. 

VovsTH hitherto had. Aiaric king of the Visigoths esta- 
blished himself and his people in the Roman em- 

ofthevbf-pire, became master of Rome, and mounted the 
^' *' throne : it was the mere eflfect of chance that he 
did not overthrow it altogether. 

Both Honorius and Arcadins, especially the latter, belonged 
to that class of men who never come to years of maturity ; their 
fnvourites and ministers therefore governed according to their 
own inclination. Stilico^ who made Honorius his son-in-law, 
was not deficient, indeed, in abilities for governing ; and his en- 
deavour to obtain the management of the whole empire, aroae, 
perhaps, from the conviction that it was necessary he should have 
it. He could not, however, gain his object by intrigue ; for after 
the murder of Rufinus ; 395, he found a still more powerful op- 
ponent in the eunuch Eutropius, his successor in the east. Un- 
der the regency of Stilico, Gaul, in consequence of its troops 
being withdrawn to oppose Aiaric, 400, was inundated by 
Oerman tribes — ^by Vandals, Alani, and Suevi — who horn thence 
penetrated even into Spain. Nevertheless, he preserved Italy 
from their attacks by the victory which he gained, 403, over 
Aiaric at Verona ; and again over Radagaisus, 405, who had ad- 
vanced with other German hordes as far as Florence. But 
Stilico, having entered into a secret alliance with Aiaric, for the 
purpose of wresting eastern lUyrica from the empire of the east, 
was overreached by the intrigues of the new favourite Olympius, 
whose cabal knew how to take advantage of the weakness of 
Honorius, and of the jealousy of the Roman and foreign soldiers. 
Stilico was accused of aspiring to the throne, and was executed 
August 23, 408. Rome lost in him the only general that was 
left to defend her. Aiaric invaded Italy the same year, 408, and 
the besieged Rome was obliged to purchase peace ; the condi- 
tions, however, not being fulfilled, he was again, 409, before 
Rome, became master of the city, and created Attains, the prse- 
fect of the city, emperor instead of Honorius, who had shut him- 
self up in Ravenna. In 410 he assumed the diadem; and, 
making himself master of the city, by force, gave it up to be 
plundered by his troops. Soon afterwards, while projecting the 
capture of Sicily and Africa, he died in lower Italy. His brother- 
in-law and successor, Adolphus, together with his Goths, left 
Italy, now completely exhausted, 412, went into Gaul, and from 


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thenoe proceeding into Spain, founded there the empire of the Fouara 
Visigoths: he carried with him, however, Placidia the sister of -■ ^^*^°* 
HonoriuB, either as prisoner or as hostage, and married her in 
Gaul. During these events an usurper arose in Britain and 
Oaul named Constantino, 407: he was vanquished, and put to 
death, 411, bv Constantius, one of Honorius's generals. This 
latter prince not only gave Constantius his sister Placidia, who 
had become a widow and was restored in 41 7^ in marriage, but 
also named him Augustus in 421. He died, however, a few 
months after, so that Placidia henceforward had a considerable 
share in the government. She went nevertheless, 423, to Con* 
stantinople, where she remained until the death of Honorius. 

t FL Siilico, or the Wcdiensiein of Antiquity, by Chb. Fb. 
ScHULZB, 1805. Not written by way of comparison. 

22. In this manner was a great part of Spain, 
and part of Gaul, cut off from the Roman empire 
during the reign of Honorius. After his death 423. 
the secretary John usurped the government, but 
was defeated by the eastern emperor Theodosius 425. 
11. The nephew of Honorius, Valentinian III. a vaientiman 
minor (aged 6 — 36), was then raised to the throne, 4^*/^^^ 
under the guardian care of his mother Placidia 
(t 450). Under his miserable reign the western 
empire was stripped of almost all her provinces 
with the exception of Italy. Yet the govern- 
ment of his mother, and afterwards his own inca- 
pacity, were as much the cause as the stormy 
migration of barbarous tribes, which now con- 
vulsed all Europe. 

Britain had been voluntarily left by the Romans since 427- 
In Africa, the governor Boniface having been driven into rebel- 
lion by the intrigues of the Roman general ^tius, who possessed 
the ear of Placidia, invited the Vandals from Spain, under the 
command of Oenseric^ to come to his assistance. The latter then 
obtained possession of the country^ 42d — 439 ; indeed, even as 
early as 435, Valentinian was obliged to make a formal cession 
of it to them. Valentinian's wife Eadoxia, a Grecian princess. 


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472 ROMAN STATE book t. 

FouBTB was purchased by the cession of western Illyricam (Pannoaia, 
Pbbiod. Dalmatia, and Noricum) ; so that of all the countries south of 
the Danube there now only remained those which belonged to 
the praefecture of Italy : Rhsetia and Vindelicia. On the south* 
east of Oaul was formed, 435, the kingdom of the Burgundians, 
which, besides the south-east part of France, comprised also 
Switaerland and Savoy. The south-west was under the domi- 
nion of the Visigoths. There remained only the territory north 
of the Loire which still submitted to the Roman governors ; the 
last of whom, Syagrius, survived the fall of the empire itself; 
holding out till the year 486, when he was defeated near Soissons 
by Clodovicus, or Clovis, king of the Franks. 

The Huns. 23. But while the western empire seemed thus 
of itself almost to fall to pieces, another impetuous 
rush of nations took place, which threatened the 
whole of western Europe. The victorious hordes 
of Huns who now occupied the territory formerly 
the seat of the Goths, between the Don and the 
Theiss, and even as far as the Volga, had united 
themselves, since the year 444, under one com- 

Auiit. mon chief, Attila; who, by this union and his 
own superior talents as a warrior and ruler, be- 
came the most powerful prince of his time. The 
eastern empire having bought a peace by paying 

450. him a yearly tribute, he fell with a mighty army 
upon the western provinces. The united forces, 
however, of the Romans under Muus and the Vi- 
sigoths, obliged him near Chalons (in campis Ca- 

451. talaunicis) to retreat. Nevertheless, the follow- 
ing year he again invaded Italy, where he had a 
secret understanding with the licentious Honoria, 

453. Valentinian's sister. The cause of his second re- 
treat, which was soon followed by his death, is 
unknown. The miserable Valentinian soon after 
deprived the Roman empire of its best general, 

454. being led by his suspicions to put ^tius to death. 


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He himself, however, was soon doomed to un- Fouei* 
dergo the punishment of his debaucheries, being '""" 
murdered in a conspiracy formed by Petronius 
Maximus, whose wife he had dishonoured, and 
some friends of ^tius, whom he had executed. 

24. The twenty years which intervened be- 
tween the assassination of Valentinian, and the 
final destruction of the Roman empire in the 
west, was nearly one continued series of intestine 
revolutions. No less than nine sovereigns rapidly 
succeeded one another. These changes, indeed, 
were but of little importance in this troublesome 
period, compared to the terror with which Gen- 
seric king of the Vandals filled the Roman em- 
pire : he by his naval power having become mas- 
ter of the Mediterranean and Sicily, could ravage 
the coasts of the defenceless Italy at his pleasure, 
and even capture Rome itself. While in Italy, 
the German Ricimer, general of the foreign troops 
in Roman pay, permitted a series of emperors to 
reign in his name. It would have been his lot to 
put an end to this series of Augusti, but for mere 
accident, which reserved that glory for his son 
and successor, Odoacer, four years after his fa- 
ther's death. ^ 

After the death of Valentinian^ Maximus was proclaimed em- 
peror; but as he wished to compel £udozia, Valentinian's 
widow, to marry him, she called over Genseric from Africa, who 
took and pillaged Rome, and Maximus perished after a reign of 
three months, 465. He was succeeded by M. Avitus, who 
ascended the throne at Aries ; and he again was soon deposed 
by Ricimer, 456, who, just before, had defeated the fleet of the 
Vandals. Ricimer now placed upon the throne, first Julianus 
Majorianus, April 1, 457 ; but he, having distinguished himself 
in the wars against the Vandals, 461, was set aside, and Libius 
Severus put in his place, who, however, died in 465, probably of 


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474 FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 475. mook y. 

FouETR poison. His death was followed by an interregnum of two years, 
P'^'OP' during which Ricim^ ruled, though without the title of em- 
peror. At length the patrician Anthemius, then at Constan- 
tinople (where they never gave up their pretensions to the right 
of naming or confirming the sovereigns of the west), was, though 
not without the consent of the powerful Ridmer, named emperor 
of the west, April 12, 467> by the emperor Leo. But differences 
having arisen between him and Ricimer, the latter retired to 
Milan, 469, and commenced a war, in which he took and pil- 
laged Rome, and Anthemius was slain. Ricimer himself fol- 
lowed soon after, f Aug. 18, 472. Upon this, Anidos Olybrius, 
son-in-law of Valentinian III. was proclaimed Augustus, but 
dying in three months, Oct. 472, Glycerius assumed the purple 
at Ravenna, without, however, being acknowledged at Constan- 
tinople, where they in preference named Julius Nepos Augustus. 
The latter, in 474, having expelled Glycerius, became also in his 
turn expelled by his own general Orestes, 475, who gave the 
diadem to his son Romulus Momyllus, who, as the last in the 
succession of Augusti, acquired the surname of Augustulus. In 
476, however, Odoacer, the leader of the Germans in the Roman 
pay at Rome, sent him, after the execution of Orestes, into cap- 
tivity, and allowed him a pension. Odoacer now remained master 
of Italy till the year 492, when the Ostrogoths, under their king 
Theodoric, founded there a new empire. 

25. Thus fell the Roman empire of the west, 
while that of the east, pressed on every side» and 
in a situation almost similar, endured a thousand 
years, notwithstanding its intestine broils, which 
would alone have sufficed to destroy any other, 
and the hosts of barbarians who Attacked it 
during the middle ages. The impregnable situa- 
tion of its capital, which usually decides the fate 
of such kingdoms, joined to its despotism, which 
is not unfrequently the main support of a king- 
dom in its decline, can alone, in some measure, 
explain a phenomenon which has no equal in the 
history of the world. 


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Although Herodotus did not write his work in 
chronological order, yet we cannot doubt that he 
had some general plan of computing time. By 
carefully selecting and comparing the separate 
data scattered through his work, this plan to a 
certain extent may be traced out, and early his- 
tory, with regard to settled chronology, must ne- 
cessarily gain a good deal. The following essay 
is founded upon a procedure of this kind ; it is 
drawn entirely from Herodotus, and only from 
data which he has precisely determined, the pas- 
sages of his work being always referred to. 

The year B. C. 561, in which the fall of Asty- 
ages and the Median empire took place, as may 
be proved from Herodotus himself, is a fixed point 
of time from which we may ascend into higher 
antiquity. This point of time may be determined 
by the chronological data respecting the battle of 
Marathon, four years before the death of Darius 
(Herodotus VII. 1. 4.) agreeing with the general 
data of the Greeks, who fix it in the third year of 
the 72nd Olymp. B. C. 490. By adding to this 
the thirty-two years of Darius's reign that had 
already elapsed (Herodotus, ibid.), the eight 
months of Smerdis (Herodotus, III. 68.), the 
seven years and five months of Cambyses (He-^ 


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rodotus III. 66.), and the twenty-nine years of 
Cyrus (Herodotus, I. 214.), we obtain the year 
560 as the first year of Cyrus. 


B. C. 

End of the Median empire 561. 

Duration of the Median empire one hundred and 

fifty-six years (Herodotus, I^ 130.) 
The beginning of it, therefore, after their separation 

from the Assyrians, would be ... . 717- 

In this period, at first, six years of anarchy* . . 71^ — 710. 
Reign of Deioces fifty-three years (Herodotus, 1. 102.) 710 — 657- 

657— «5. 




Reign of Phraortes, twenty-two years (ibid.) . 

Cyaxares, forty years (L 106.) 

Irruption and dominion of the Scythians, twenty 

eight years (I. 203. 106.) .... 
Conquest of Nineveh (I. 106.) 
Astyages reigned thirty-five years (I. 130.) 

The succession of Median kings given by Cte- 
sias, which entirely differs from this, the author 
thinks might be explained by a duplication ; see 
t Gott. Gel. Anz. 1810, p. 4. 


The dominion of the Assyrians over Asia, or 
their empire, ended with the revolt of the Medes 
(Herodotus, I. 95.); although the existence of 
their state did not then end, but terminated with 
the capture of Nineveh by Cyaxares, B, C. 597. 

B. c. 
Revolt of the Medes, as above .... 717- 

The dominion of the Assyrians had endured five 

hundred and twenty years (Herodotus, I. 95.) 
The Assyrian empire lasted therefore from . . 1237 — ^717* 

■ These are certainly not determined from Herodotus ; but they remain after 
fubtracting the one hundred and fifty yeart' reign of the four Median kings. 


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As Herodotus intended to write the history of 
this empire in a separate work (I. 184. )» he only 
casually mentions (I. 7.) its founder Ninus, who 
began to reign 1237; and afterwards Sennacherib 
and his expedition (II. 141.); and the last king, 
Sardanapalus (II. 150.). 

The mention of Sennacherib and his expedition 
furnishes a point of time for comparing the chro- 
nology of Herodotus with that of the Bible, or the 
Jews. According to the latter, Sennacherib's ex- 
pedition took place B. C. 714. (see above, p. 26.); 
his death takes place immediately after, and he 
has for his successor Esar-haddon, 2 Kings, xix. 
37. Here then is certainly a contradiction, since, 
according to Herodotus, the Assyrian dominion 
had ceased three years before, namely, 717. M. 
Volney endeavours to reconcile this difficulty by 
the restoration of an ancient reading in the sacred 
text ; according to which Amon, king of Judaea, 
reigned twelve years instead of two (2 Kings, 
xxi. 10.); from which it would follow, that the 
expedition of Sennacherib took place in 724. 
As this would leave seven years after his death 
for his successor Esar-haddon, who agrees both 
in time and name with the Sardanapalus of the 
Greeks (the Greek name being formed from 
Esar-haddon-pal, i. e. Esar, the lord, son of Pal), 
the two chronologies are thus made to agree 
exactly. But even in following the ancient 
usual reading, the greatest difference between 
the two statements is only ten years; quite as 
little as can be reasonably expected under such 

With regard to the Assyrian chronology of 


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Ctesias, M. Volney has satisfactorily shown that 
it is full of contradictions, and unworthy of any 


The arrangement of the Lydian chronology 
rests upon the settlement of two principal facts : 
first, the great eclipse of the sun under Alyattes, 
foretold by Thales (Herodotus, I. 74.); and 
secondly, the conquest of Sardes, and overthrow 
of the empire under Croesus, by Cyrus ; both of 
which Herodotus certainly mentions, but without 
assigning any precise date. But by a careful com* 
parison of all the data it has been proved, that 
the great eclipse in Asia Minor (according to the 
Tables of Pingr6) happeued in the year 625; and 
the conquest of Sardes, and the end of the Lydian 
empire, B. C. 557, or in the fourth year of Cyrus. 
Therefore : 


End of the Lydian empire 557* 

It subsisted under three houses ; under that of 
the Atyadse (fabulous and uncertain); under that 
of the Heraclidae, five hundred and five years 
(Herodotus, I. 7.) ; and under the last, that of the 
Mermnadae, one hundred and seventy years. 

The Heraclidae and Mermnadae, then, reigned 
altogether six hundred and seventy-five years. 
Therefore : 

B. c. 
Commencement of the reign of the Heraclide, with 

Agron the son of Ninns (I. 7*) - • • - 123SL 
End of this house with the murder of Candaules, bj 

Gyges 727. 

By fixing the time of Agron, son of Ninus, 


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Herodotus verifies himself (I. 7.) ; as, by the pre- 
ceding data, Ninus began his reign in Assyria, 
1237; consequently, it must have been in the 
fifth year of his reign that he conquered Lydia, 
and placed his son Agron upon the throne. 


Dominion of tbe Mermnadse^ one hundred and se- 
venty years^ under kings of that house . . . 7^ — ^^7* 

Gyges, thirty-eight years (Herodotus, I. 14.) . . 727—689. 

Ardys, forty-nine years (Herodotus, I. 16.) . . 689 — 640. 

First irruption of the Cimmerians .... 670. 

Sadyattes, twelve years (Herodotus, 1. 16.) . . 640 — 628. 

Alyattes, fifty-seven years (Herodotus, I. 25.) . . 628 — 671- 

War with Cyaxares, ending with the great eclipse, 

and second irruption of the Cimmerians . . 625. 

Croesus, fourteen years and fourteen days (Herodotus, 

I. 86.) 671—557. 


For this as well as for the Egyptians there is 
no evidence to guide us, the data being very 
scanty » and taken from Herodotus alone. The 
chronology of the Babylonians, according to the 
canon of Ptolemy, begins with Nabonassar, 747, 
who was succeeded by twelve kings (mentioned 
in the same canon), down to Nabopolassar ; (see 
above, p. 28.) 


Nabopolassar 627—604. 

Nebuchadnezzar 604 — 561. 

Evil-Merodach 561--559. 

Neriglissar 559 — 555, 

Labynetus 555 — 538. 

Conquest of Babylon by Cyrus .... 538. 


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M. Volney very properly commences this with 
the dodecarchy — as of the earlier periods only 
the time of Sesostris, 1365, is ascertained; — and 
arranges it in the following manner. 


Dodecarchy 671—656. 

Psammetichiu's sole dominion thirty-nine years . 656 — 617- 

Reign of Neco^ sixteen years 617 — (X)I. 

Psammis, six years 

' Apries, twenty-five yearr 
Amasis^ forty-four years 

Psammenitusy six months 
Conquest of Egypt by Cambyses 

. 601—595. 
. 5d5— 570. 
. 570-526. 


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