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A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY
t
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a manual of Cbut^b .ffisi<)t^
BY
ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, aD^ LL.D.
w
Pro/issor of Church History in Bqyhr Unhtrsitjf
Dtpartmmt Editor of Church History for Nsw Seh^-Hir^og En0fchp4dia
Author of '*A History of the Baptist Churches m the United States "
''A HisUny of Anti-Pedobaptism*' eU.
Voitfinel
Bncient anO flleMamil Cbntcb lUetont
(To A.aJ5l7)
tEbe Bmetican Jlapti0t publication Societig
1701-1709 Chertml Scraet. Plul«Uplua
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NH
Copyright 1899 by tne
Ambrican Baptist Publication Society
Published January. iga4
from tbc flocictv'f own prcM PrioMd 1
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h}\
TO
S)r« aiDert Mauck
Trofsssor in th$ Uniwrsity of U^^g^
Gsh, Kirchmrath^ Editor of ths *' T{$al'Em^klopadie'^
and tAvihor of the gnat *^ KirciungischichU Dmtscklands " that
has fsemtly bun awarded the V§rdim Pri^e^ the highest distinction
that a work on German History can reaioe
AND
2)n ?obann Xo0ettb
'Professor in the Urnotrsity of Gra^, the highest authority on
IVycliffite, Hussite^ and ^Anabaptist literature and
history^ to whose writings and friendly
offices the author is under pro'
found obligation
THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
89D649
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PREFACE
This work is the product of over twenty years of
almost continuous application on the author's part to the
study and teaching of church history. It has been his
constant endeavor in every part of the volume to incor-
porate the best results of recent research, and to furnish
to his readers information at once trustworthy, impartial,
and fairly adequate on every topic discussed.
While the work has grown out of the author's own
needs and experiences as a teacher, and is primarily
intended as a text-book for theological seminaries and
universities, he believes that it is equally adapted to the
requirements of ministers of the gospel and of intelligent
laymen throughout our great Baptist constituency. As he
has conscientiously striven to record the facts as he has
found them, without distorting them in the slightest
degree in favor of any particular view of history, or any
peculiar tenets of his denomination, he sees no reason
why the work should not be acceptable and useful to
members of other denominations as well as to those of his
own. The recognition given to the author's fair-minded-
ness and freedom from partisanship by leading scholars
of other denominations who have reviewed his earlier
works induces the hope that this also will find a large
number of sympathetic readers in the various bodies of
evangelical Christians.
It has long been the conviction of the author that a
place should be given to church history in the curricula of
all colleges and universities. A number of leading Amer-
ican universities have followed those of England and
Germany in giving to the history of the Christian religion
a place side by side with Greek and Roman history and
philosophy, mediaeval and modern political history, con-
stitutional history, the philosophy of history, the history
of philosophy, comparative religion, sociology, etc., as
▼ii
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VUl PREFACE
fundamental to the effective study of humanity. If, as is
unquestionably true, Christianity has been a chief factor
in the production of all that is best in modern civilization,
its history should be relegated to no subordinate place
among the instruments of general culture. It is little
creditable to the Christian colleges and universities of
the United States that this important department of study
has been to so large an extent neglected.
A text-book on this subject, scientifically prepared and
free from partisanship, should encourage professors of
history to include the history of Christianity in the
courses they offer, and it is the author's earnest desire
that this work may contribute in some small measure
to the more extended study and the better understand-
ing of the greatest movement in human history.
The bibliographies interspersed through the volume,
and which it is believed will add greatly to its value, are
meant to be neither absolutely inclusive of the literature
actually used in its preparation, nor absolutely exclusive
of what has not been so used.
To Rev. Joseph Leeming Gilmour, B. D., of Hamilton
Ont., one of the most scholarly of our younger minis-
ters, the author is indebted for valuable assistance in
the preparation of the Index.
The second volume, completing the work, is in course
of preparation and will be published, it is hoped, before
the close of next year.
A. H. N.
McMastbr UmvBRsmr.
TORONTO. Canada. Octobflr, xSi.' .••
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PA<M
INTRODUCTION.— Observations on the Study
OF Church History, and Preparation for
Christ and Christianity 1-64
Chapter l— preliminary Observations on the
Study of Church History 3-ig
Definition and Scope of Church History 3
Historiography, Objective and Subjective .... 5
Sources of Church History 9
The Employment of Sources 11
History of Church Historiography 12
Periods of Church History 16
Summary of Reasons for Studying Church His-
tory 17
Chapter ii.— the GRiCCO-ROMAN Civilization as
A PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 20-33
Greek Civilization ao
Greek Philosophy 21
The Macedonian Conquest 27
The Roman Empire 29
CHAPTER III.— PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY IN
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT 34-^
The Effects of the Babylonian Captivity 35
Influence of the Persian Contact 36
The Jewish People under the Macedonian Rulers . 39
The Maccabean Struggle 44
Rise of Religious Parties 47
The Dispersion 55
The Jewish-Alexandrian Philosophy— Philo Ju-
dseus 59
Messianic Expectations 62
iz
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X CONTENTS
PERIOD I.— From the Birth of Christ to the
End of the apostolic age (c a. d. ioo) . 65-143
chapter L— JESUS THE CHRIST 67-80
The Fullness of the Time 67
The Pre-Incarnate Word 68
From Conception to Baptism 68
The Baptism, the Temptation, and the Testimony
of John the Baptist 70
The Public Ministry of Jesus 71
Some Estimates of the Character and Influence
of Jesus 78
CHAPTER II.— THE APOSTLES 81-124
The Apostolic Church to the Conversion of Saul . 81
From the Conversion of Saul to the Jerusalem
Conference 88
From the Jerusalem Conference to the Neronian
Persecution 92
From the Neronian Persecution to the Death of
the Apostle John in
Chapter hi.— constitution of the apostolic
Churches i2$-i4i
The Church and the Churches 12$
Officers of the Apostolic Churches 131
Ordinances of the Apostolic Churches 135
Worship— Elements, Times, and Places 140
Methods of Christian Propagandism 142
PERIOD II.— FROM THE END OF THE APOSTOLIC
AGE TO THE CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINE (A.
D. 312) 145-301
CHAPTER I.— RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE RO-
MAN EMPIRE FROM THE TIME OF THE APOSTLES TILL
THE ADOPTION OF CHRISTIANITY AS THE RELIGION
OF THE EMPIRE 147-172
General Observations 147
Causes of Persecution 148
Treatment of Christians by Different Emperors . i$o
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CONTENTS Xl
Chapter il.— internal development of Chris-
tianity DURING THE SECOND AND THIRD CENTU-
RIES 175-aio
General Observations 173
Heretical Sects : Ebionites, Gnostics, Manichsans, ^^
Monarchians 174
Reactionary and Reforming Parties : Montanists,
Novatianists, Donatists 202
CHAPTER IIl.—THE CHRISTIAN LITERATURE OF THE
FIRST THREE CENTURIES 211-290
Preliminary Observations 2\\
The Edificatory Period, or the Period of the Apos-
tolic Fathers 213
The Apologetical Period 237
The Polemical Period. 246
The Scientific Period 271
CHAPTER IV.— CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY AT THE
CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 291-301
External Condition 291
Internal Condition 292
PERIOD III.— FROM THE CONVERSION OF CON-
STANTINE TO THE FOUNDING OF THE HOLY RO-
MAN EMPIRE BY CHARLEMAGNE (A. D. 800) . 303-434
Chapter I.— CHURCH AND STATE 305-319
Constantlne and his Successors 305
The State Church 311
CHAPTER II.— CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH . . VO-'y^
On Ecclesiastical Polity— the Donatist Contro-
versy 320
On the Relations of the Godhead—the Arian Con-
troversy 323
The Origenistic Controversies 332
On Christoiogy— the Nestorian, Eutychian, Mo-
nothelite, and Adoptionist Controversies . • • 335
On Anthropology— The Pelagian and Semi- Pe-
lagian Controversies 3S8
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xn CONTENTS
Controversies Occasioned by Protests Against the
Progressive Paganization of Christian Life as
seen in Asceticism, the Veneration of Saipts and
Relics, etc.— the Aerian, Jovinianist, Vigilan-
tian» PauUcisHi, and Iconoclastic Controversies . 571
CHAPTER III.— THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PAPAL
POWER 39S-423
Preliminary Observations 393
Leo the Great and the Papacy 397
The Pontificate of Gelasius 400
The Pontificate of Symmachus 401
Hormisdas 402
Justinian and the Papacy 402
The Merovingian Kingdom and the Church . . . 404
The Pontificate of Gregory the Great 40$
The Carlovingian Kingdom and the Papacy . . . 406
The Christianity of Britain in Relation to the
Papacy 409
The Advancement of Papal Dominion through
Missionary Endeavor: Augustine, Willibrord,
and Boniface 415
CHAPTER IV.— THE CHRISTIAN WORLD AT THE CLOSE
OF THE PERIOD 42?-4V
The East and Uie West 423
Literature and Learning 428
Church Discipline 429
Mohammedanism as a Rival of Christianity ... 431
PERIOD IV.— From the Coronation of Charle^
MAGNE as Roman Emperor to the Outbreak
of THE Protestant Revolution (a. d. 800-
1517) 435 621
CHAPTER L— Some aspects of Mediaeval Civiliza-
tion 437-494
Preliminary Observations 437
The Holy Roman Empire 439
Feudalism 443
Canon Law and Forged Dacietals 447
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CONTENTS xiii
The Roman Curia 449
Mediseval Monasticism 451
The Crusades 456
The Inquisition 463
Mediaeval Universities 469
Mediaeval Theology— Scholasticism, Mysticism . 474
The Renaissance 490
CHAPTER 11. — The Papacy during the Middle
AGES 495-540
The Popes from A. D. 800-1044 495
The Hildebrandine Scheme of Reform 502
The Controversy on Investiture and the Con-
cordat of Worms (1122) 509
The Hohenstaufen Emperors and the Popes ... $11
Decline of the Papal Power: Boniface Vlll., Pa-
pal Captivity, Papal Schism, Reforming Coun-
cils 518
The Popes of the Renaissance 53$
CHAPTER III.— REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PAR-
TIES $4I-<S2I
Preliminary Observations 541
Dualistic Dissent : Bogomiles, Cathari $43
Chlliastic and Enthusiastic Sects: Joachim of
Floris and the Joachimites, Spirituales .... $$i
Pantheistic Heresy: Amalric of Bena, Beghards
and Beguines, Brethren of the Free Spirit . . , $$^
Evangelical Separatism : Petrobruslans and Hen-
ridans, Arnold of Brescia, Humlliati, Tanchelm,
Eudo, Waldenses, Taborites, Marsiiius of Pa-
dua, Peter Chelcicky, Lollards, Bohemian
Brethren $57
Evangelical Churchly Reformers : Wydiffe, Huss,
Brethren of the Common Life, " Reformers be
fore the Reformation " 600
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INTRODUCTION
OBSERVATIONS ON THE STUDY OF CHURCH
HISTORY, AND PREPARATION FOR
CHRIST AND CHRISTIANITY
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INTRODUCTION A/. :::vv
CHAPTER I
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON THE STUDY OF CHURCH
HISTORY
LITERATURE: Sections on Church History in the Theological
Encyclopedias of Rabiger (English translation), Hagenbach (Eng-
lish translation, with additions by Croolcs and Hurst), Zoci<ier^i
'^HoMdbuch (Ur Tfuol. IVissmschaflm,'' Cave's " Introduction to the
Study of Theology," Dnimmond's '*Thc Study of Theology," and
SchafPs " Propaedeutics"; Introductions to the Church Histories of
Schaff, Gieseler, Hurst, Moeller, Niedner, Kurtz, Dollinger, Alzog,
study of Church History in Ministerial Education,'^ 1874; Smith,
H. B., " Nature and Worth of the Science of Church History" (in
•• Faith and Philosophy," 1877) ; De Witt, " Church History as a
Science, as a Theological Discipline, and as a Mode of the Gospel "
(in " Bibliotheca Sacra," 1883) ; McGiffert, " The Historical Study of
Christianity" (in " Bibliotheca Sacra," 1893)? Stanley, *' Lectures
on the Study of Ecclesiastical History *' (In ^^dfistory of the Eastern
Church " 1872, Introduction) : Bright, ''The Study of Church His-
tory " (in '• Waymarks of Church History," 1894).
I. DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF CHURCH HISTORY.
History in its broadest sense is the setting forth in
literary or oral form of the development in time of the
divine plan of the universe, in so far as this develop-
ment has become an object of human knowledge. This
definition involves a recognition of the fact that the uni-
verse was planned and created and has been continu-
ously sustained and ordered by an infinite God. Hu-
man history would include a narration of all that is
known of the origin of mankind and of the development
of human nature in all its aspects and under all circum-
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4 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa
stances. Sacred history is the setting forth of the
known facts of man's development as it has been af-
fected by the providential, inspiring, and self-revealing
presence of God.
Church history is the narration of all that is known
of ttie founding and the development of the kingdom
of Christ on earth. The term church history is com-
monly used to designate not merely the record of the
organized Christian life of our era, but also the record of
the career of the Christian religion itself. It includes
within its sphere the indirect influences that Christianity
has exerted on social, ethical, aesthetic, legal, economic,
and political life and thought throughout the world, no
less than its direct religious influences.
The history of Christianity has much in common with
the history of other systems of religion, and much that
is peculiar. Religion is a universal factor in human life.
The religious life of every organized people has a history
of its own. Each of the great world-religions has had
its origin, its growth, its influence on the social, ethical,
and political life of the peoples that have professed it,
has undergone changes by virtue of the influence of
ihe other elements of life and thought by which it has
been surrounded, has been modified by contact with
other systems of religion and philosophy, has developed
forms of worship, sacred rites, sacred books, sacred per-
sons and classes, sacred places, methods of propagating
itself, and theories of the origin and development of the
race and of the goal of human history. The religion
of Jesus Christ entered upon its career amid Jewish
surroundings. Jesus himself as a man was consciously
a member of the Jewish community. His early disciples
were all thoroughly imbued with the principles of Juda-
ism. By special divine grace a select few were marvel-
ously preserved from the contamination of error. But as
Christianity made its way throughout the Jewish and
pagan world it was inevitable that it should be pro-
foundly influenced by the current modes of thought and
life and that its polity, doctrines, ordinances, worship,
ethical conceptions, and ideals of life, should be assimi-
lated in some measure to those of the world in which it
had its being. It may be said in general, that just
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CHAP.l.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS $
in proportion as the Christianity of any age and land
has submitted to the worldly influences that have
been brought to bear upon it has its development approx-
imated that of heathen religions.
In the above definition of church history it is presup-
posed that the human race is in an abnormal state,
alienated from God, and that the end of Christianity is
the restoration of man to a condition of obedience to
God and communion with him. The history of the
church should show, therefore, the progressive accom-
plishment of this divine purpose through the centuries,
taking full account of the obstacles that have presented
themselves to the triumph of Christianity and the means
by which they have been surmounted.
II. HISTORIOGRAPHY, OBJECTIVE AND SUBJECTIVE.
As the aim of the church historian should be to ascer-
tain and to represent the exact facts in their relations to
each other and to the times and circumstances concerned
in each case, it is manifestly desirable that in the process
of investigation he should deal as impartially with his
materials as does the chemist with his specimens. The
end and aim of all his research should be the accurate
ascertainment of facts in order that truth may emerge.
It is incumbent on him to guard scrupulously against al-
lowing his judgment to be swayed by the supposed
bearing of the facts on the traditions of his denomination
or his own individual opinions.
On the other hand, it is neither practicable nor desira-
ble that the church historian should be indifferent to the
subject-matter of his science or that he should be so des-
titute of convictions as to form no moral judgments on
the opinions and acts of parties and individuals whose
history he studies and seeks to expound. As a matter of
fact, the great mass of those who are in a position to de-
vote their lives to research in church history have been
so conditioned by reason of their known convictions and
ideals. . It is not the scholar who is without personal in-
terest in Christianity and who studies its history in a
purely scientific spirit, that is likely to enter into the
fullest appreciation of the facts of church history ; but
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6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [intrOl
the scholar who is most profoundly imbued with the
spirit of Christianity, rejoices in all that is Christlike and
heroic, laments the corruptions and perversions of the
past, and is most deeply concerned for the honor and
purity of the Christianity of the present and the future.
Christ is the truth. The church historian must be above
all things truthful and truth-loving. That any one
who claims to be a follower of Christ should seek
to advance the cause of Christ by the suppression of
facts or by the suggestion of falsehood is so anomalous
as to be incredible were not undoubted instances, an-
cient and modern, so numerous. The truth-loving church
historian will seek to be as scrupulously just to indi-
viduals and parties from whom he fundamentally differs
as to those with whom he fundamentally agrees. He
will be as reluctant to credit disparaging statements
against the former, when insufficiently supported by evi-
dence, as to discredit such statements against the latter
without adequate reason. The prevalent practice in the
past has been to credit every statement that bears
against one's opponents and to discredit every statement
unfavorable to one's friends. The following points of
view may be here discriminated :
I. The Romanist, maintaining that ail authority, that
of the Scriptures included, inheres in the church ; that
the church has the right to legislate independently
of Scripture ; that as vicar of Christ on earth the pope
possesses of right universal dominion, spiritual and sec-
ular, will of necessity study and write church history
from a hierarchical point of view. Convinced that •* the
greater glory of God " is involved in the realization of
the aims of the hierarchy, he will regard everything as
praiseworthy and justifiable that has ministered to the
upbuilding of hierarchical power and that the church has
approved, and everything as heretical and worthy
of reprobation that has opposed the development of the
hierarchical scheme. It is evident that the Romanist,
as such, is disqualified from treating objectively the facts
of church history. He is not even able to view the facts
subjectively as conforming or not conforming to the stand-
ard set up by his own personal moral judgment. The
standard is an objective one, fixed by church authority.
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CHAP. I.] PREUMINARY OBSERVATIONS 7
2. The Anglo-Catholic, accepting as supreme the au-
thority of the ancient undivided church as represented
by the Fathers of the first six centuries or more specifi-
cally by the canons of the first four General Councils,
and laying the utmost stress on apostolic succession,
church perpetuity, and catholicity, as marks of the
church, will inevitably write church history with a view
to establishing the identity of his own church with the
church of the Fathers, and the historical derivation of its
episcopate from that of the early church, and so from the
apostles. It were not to be expected that he would deal
sympathetically or fairly with Christian individuals or
parties who do not bear his " marks " of churchmanship.
3. The advocates of ecclesiastical development, hold-
ing that Christ and his apostles did not design to pre-
scribe or exemplify a definite form of church organization
that should be perpetually binding, but that the Christian
life which embodied itself in a particular form of organiza-
tion suggested by and adapted to the needs and circum-
stances of the apostolic time may assume a thousand
other forms, under as many varying circumstances, will
attach comparatively little importance to changes in ec-
clesiastical order and in doctrine from age to age. He
will show, e. ^., by reference to the circumstances and
needs of the times, how and why the simple congrega-
tional order of the primitive churches gave way first to
presbyterial government, then to simple episcopal, then
to prelatical, and at last to papal. He will regard each
stage as the natural, if not necessary, outgrowth of an-
tecedents and environments, and while he will not hesi-
tate to condemn corrupt practices, he will be slow to
condemn any ecclesiastical institution as such. Freed
from the necessity of defending any particular form of
Christianity as exclusively valid, he will be in a position
to treat sympathetically, with reference to the circum-
stances of their times, even the most corrupted and dis-
torted forms of Christianity, and especially will he be
interested in all efforts, however misguided, to bring
about reforms. Such is the position of the great mass
of modern German students of church history, and it is
among these that we find the closest approximation to
true objectivity of treatment combined with deep interest
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8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
in every form of Christian life, organization, and doctrine.
English Broad Churchmen occupy essentially the same
position, but have not busied themselves largely with
church history.
4. He that sees in the precepts and example of Christ
and his apostles, as embodied in the New Testament
Scriptures, an authoritative standard for all times and all
circumstances, will look upon any deviation from this
standard as obnoxious to the spirit of Christianity.
While admitting that apostolic church order is given only
in outline, and that much has been left open and free for
determination from time to time by the wisdom of bodies
of believers organized in the apostolic way, practising apos-
tolic ordinances, and subject continually to the guidance of
the Holy Spirit, he will refuse to give his approval to any
violation of what he regards as the fundamental princi-
ples embodied in the apostolic norm. Yet in view of the
speedy and almost complete departure of the post-apos-
tolic churches from the apostolic church order, and of the
fact that thenceforward to the present time so large a part
of the Christian work that has transformed the world
has been accomplished by churches and individuals
whose church order, doctrines, and manner of life have
fallen indefinitely short of the apostolic requirement, he
will judge as charitably as possible those who do not ap-
pear to have been willful perverters, but who may be
supposed to have been led astray by early training or
the force of circumstances, and will rejoice in all that is
Christlike and noble in life, in thought, and in deed.
While he will be ever alert to discover the existence and
to trace the history of individuals and parties that in
times of general apostasy have earnestly attempted to
restore the apostolic form of Christian teaching and
practice, he will guard scrupulously against perverting
the facts in this interest; and while he may strongly
suspect that if the facts were all known, apostolically
organized churches and apostolic types of teaching and
life would cut a far larger figure in certain periods than
appears from materials at present available, he will be
content to state precisely what he finds authentically
recorded, and to give his reasons for thinking that the
facts may have been more favorable than the extant
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CHAP.L] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS Q
documents reveal. The church historian who feels
bound in his own life, doctrine, and practice by the
apostolic norm should be the most truth-loving, the most
charitable, the most fair-minded, the most unpartisan of
all. He should be able to exemplify the very best sort
of objectivity in his investigation and exposition of the
facts of church history. Knowing that truth is mighty
and must ultimately prevail, he will believe that a state-
ment of the exact facts in each case will better subserve
the cause of truth than any partial or distorted narrative
could possibly do.
111. SOURCES OF CHURCH HISTORY.
These embrace all the contemporary information on
Christian life, thought, organization, and achievement
in each age and country, extant in written or other
form. The following specifications may be made :
I. Contemporary Christian literature of every kind.
(i) Edificatory writings show the ideals of Christian life
that prevailed, the evils that had to be guarded against,
the methods of using and interpreting the Scriptures, and
the current types of teaching. (2) Apologetical litera-
ture shows the attitude of the church of each age to-
ward the world and of the world toward the church, and
usually embodies the philosophical conceptions that un-
derlie the Christian thinking of the time. (3) Polemical
literature reveals the antagonistic forces at work in each
age among professing Christians, and while it often gives
evidence of the presence of intolerance and partisan ran-
cor and shows little appreciation of the position of op-
ponents, it is exceedingly valuable as furnishing the ma-
terials for the history of doctrinal development. (4) The
canons of synods and councils and the collections of rules
and regulations for the guidance of the churches in mat-
ters of discipline belonging to each age and country,
throw much light on the practical working of organized
Christianity. (5) Creeds, usually formulated as a result
of controversy and generally embodying either compro-
mise statements or the opinions of the dominant party,
have their obvious uses as materials for church history.
(6) Liturgies and hymns produced by and for the
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10 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa
churches of each age and country embody the prevail-
ing ideals of worship and reflect the religious life of the
times. (7) Correspondence, public and private, embody-
ing in many cases the frank expression of the opinions
of leading actors on current events, is often of the high-
est value. (8) Papal decretals, rescripts, bulls, briefs,
etc., present in concrete form the claims of the hier-
archy from time to time, and the methods employed for
securing recognition of hierarchical authority. (9) Im-
perial and royal edicts, capitularies, and other enactments
in relation to ecclesiastical matters, have their obvious
uses. In fact, civil and ecclesiastical history are so inti-
mately related, especially since the union of Church and
State, that most civil records have a bearing direct or
indirect on church history. The Corpus Juris Civilis is
almost as important for church history as the later Corpus
funs Canonid.
2. Christian Archceology. Religious sculpture and
painting, symbolical representations of religious acts and
truths (as on the walls of the catacombs and on gems),
inscriptions on coins and seals, remnants of church archi-
tecture, baptisteries, etc., are embodiments, each in its
way, of the religious life and thought of their age, and
are worthy of the attention of the church historian.
Abundant materials of all the varieties specified have
been preserved, and through the industry of scholars
have been made available to the student in printed form.
The work of research is still going energetically forward,
and it is probable that within a few years little extant
material of value will have remained in concealment.
Treatises on church history, ancient and modern, are
of value only so far as they are known to rest upon a
critical and judicial use of the original sources.
The materials of church history are now so vast that
no individual can hope to master them. The best work
appears at present not in general treatises on the entire
subject, but in monographs on limited periods, particular
movements, particular institutions, individual leaders,
etc. The general church historian must depend very
largely on such monographs prepared by specialists ; but
he will be careful to test their results on all important
matters by direct reference to the sources.
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CHAP.l] I>RELIMINARY observations II
IV. THE EMPLOYMENT OF SOURCES.
1. It is obvious that if sources are to be used the lan-
guages in which they are written must be thoroughly
mastered. The sources of ancient church history are
mostly in the Greek and Latin languages, a knowledge
of which is indispensable. Some valuable material ex-
ists in the Syriac, Ethiopic, Coptic, Armenian, and the
various Slavonic languages, but few church historians un-
dertake the mastery of these. For the church history
of Western Europe during the Middle Ages, Latin is the
principal language ; but important writings are preserved
in the primitive forms of the German, the Romance, the
English, and other languages. For modern history the
German, French, Dutch, and Italian languages are impor-
tant, especially the first two.
2. The successful historical investigator must have
critical insight in a high degree. A vast amount of
spurious material is intermingled with the genuine litera-
ture of each age. He must be able to discriminate be-
tween the genuine and the spurious. Of genuine writ-
ings some are more trustworthy than others, owing to
the character, the circumstances, and the competence of
the writers. The investigator must be able to judge of
the relative value of documents, and amid conflicting
evidence to reach conclusions reasonably well assured.
3. Most church historians will find it convenient to
make use of translations of the pertinent literature along
with critically edited texts in the original languages.
When translations are used for securing a general famili-
arity with the subject-matter, the originals should be care-
fully compared on all obscure and controverted points.
4. On matters of controversy we are to study care-
fully the documents on both sides. This is absolutely
essential.
5. We are to distrust writers evidently prejudiced
when they make grave accusations against opponents,
unless there are other reasons for crediting such accusa-
tions. The average polemicist of ancient, medieval, and
Reformation times had less regard for truth, when in the
heat of controversy, than the polemicist of the nine-
teenth century.
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12 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRO
6. On the other hand, admissions by partisan writers
of shortcomings on their own side, or of merits on their
adversaries' side, are among the best proofs of such
facts, independently of the general credibility of the
writers.
V. HISTORY OF CHURCH HISTORIOGRAPHY.
The Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles are the
earliest extant writings in the sphere of church history,
the former narrating from different points of view the
birth, early life, ministry, death, and resurrection of the
Messiah, the latter giving an account of the missionary
labors of the apostles, especially of Peter and of Paul,
including Paul's two years' residence as a prisoner in
Rome. Passing on to the post-apostolic time we may
distinguish the following eras of church-historical writing :
I. Ancient Church Historians. Hegesippus (about 175-
189) wrote five books of "Memoirs," from which Euse-
bius quotes, but which are unfortunately lost. He seems
to have given chief attention to the rise and growth of
heresy, and to Jewish sects. Eusebius speaks of him as
a converted Jew. Eusebius of Csesarea (260-340) is
entitled to be called *' the Father of Church History."
One of the most learned men of his time and as the
courtier of the Emperor Constantine possessed of every
facility for gathering materials and composing a merito-
rious work, he prepared on a comprehensive plan a
" Church History " that has held its position to the pres-
ent time as the most important work on the ante-Nicene
Church (1-324). The scholarly translation by McGiffert,
with ample annotations,* is indispensable to the student
of church history. He was a careful investigator, and
quoted largely from many writings that have perished.
That his work is uncritical and ill-arranged is a remark
that would apply to all ancient and medieval treatises on
the subject. His " Life of Constantine " is of the nature
of a panegyric, and is too favorable to the first Christian
emperor, but it contains much important matter. He also
wrote a " Chronicle," in which he gave an abstract of
universal history with chronological tables. In the follow*
iNtwYork.i8^
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CHAP. I.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS 1 3
ing century Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, each in
his own way, continued the Church History of Eusebius
to his own time. These include accounts of the great
Christological controversies, and of the struggle of Chris-
tianity with paganism during the fourth and part of the
fifth centuries. Eusebius' work was translated into Latin
by Rufinus, with a continuation to the death of Theodosius
the Great (3Q5)* Cassiodorus, a Roman statesman, had
the Church Histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theod-
oret translated into Latin by Epiphanius, and himself
continued the narrative to 518. This so-called ** Tri-
partite History," along with that of Eusebius, formed the
chief authority on ancient church history throughout the
Middle Ages.
Sulpicius Severus, a Gallic noble and ascetic (died 420),
wrote a "Chronicle," in which church history followed
biblical history. His work abounds in the fabulous and
is of little value. The works of Socrates, Sozomen, and
Theodoret, like that of Eusebius, are available in excel-
lent translations in the "Nicene and Post-Nicene Fa-
thers." Of less importance are the Church Histories of
Theodorus and Evagrius (sixth century), which were
continuations of those already mentioned.
2. (MedicevcU IVriters. The Middle Ages produced
nothing important on ancient church history. Contem-
porary chronicles, often preceded by a digest of early
history from the Latin translations of the writings men-
tioned above, represent the achievements of the age in
this department. Lives of the saints, full of fables,
abounded. Several compilations of universal history^
were produced, but these are of little value.
3. Church Historians of the Reformation Time. The Prot-
estant Revolution, which was a revolt against the corrup-
tions and the tyranny of the Roman Catholic hierarchy,
called forth the ** Magdeburg Centuries" (1559-1574),
written by Matthias Flacius lllyricus, Wigand, Judex,
and others. It is a vast and monumental effort to vindi-
cate the Protestant position by an exhibition of all that
IS most disreputable in the history of medieval Catholi-
cism. Stress is laid upon the protests against Rome that
were made from time to time, and much valuable ma-
terial is brought forward by these scholarly and indus
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14 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
trious writers. The work is excessively polemical, but
served a useful purpose. It called forth the learned and
voluminous ** Ecclesiastical Annals," edited by Baronius
(1588), who had at his disposal the resources of the Vati-
can Library. Baronius' work, which embraced only the
first twelve centuries, has been continued by various
writers to 1585.
In France, Bossuet attempted to vindicate the Roman
Catholic Church against Protestant attacks, and to destroy
the foundations of Protestantism by his " Discourse on
Universal History'* (1681). The voluminous work of
Tillemont, a Jansenist nobleman, on the first six cen-
turies,^ was based upon an industrious and somewhat
critical study of the sources, and was written in a spirit
of moderation. It is still of value.
An epoch-making book was the " History of the
Church and of Heretics," by Gottfried Arnold (1699).
Deeply pious and somewhat mystical, he used his great
learning in an effort to show that what had commonly
been stigmatized as heresy was really the effort of primi-
tive Christian life and principles to assert themselves in
the face of bitter persecution. His voluminous work was
looked .upon with disfavor by his contemporaries, but is
now highly appreciated by impartial scholars.
4. l{ecent Church Historians. Mosheim (died 1755) is
justly called "the father of modern ecclesiastical histo-
ry." * His ** Institutes of Ecclesiastical History " (1755)
has been translated into English and widely used. He
was learned, critical, and impartial, and did much toward
popularizing the study of church history. He followed
the century method, and in this respect belongs to the
elder time, but he surpassed most of his predecessors in
Ehilosophical insight and comprehensiveness of view.
lis most valuable work was probably his *' Commen-
taries on the Affairs of Christians before Constantlne
the Great" (1753).
Three German writers of the first half of the present
century deserve special mention, because of the intrinsic
value of their works and the stimulus they gave to re-
search on the part of others. They followed close upon
1 " Mtnolrt.*' ate. 1691. Mf . t MMlIer.
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CHAP. I.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS 1 5
the emancipation of thought from the old confessionalism
and the remarkable development of the critical spirit about
the beginning of the century, and in different ways exem-
plify the modern spirit of research and the determination
to deal impartially with all religious parties.
Gieseler's ** Text-book of Church History"* consists
of a brief but very carefully prepared outline, with co-
pious citations from the sources made with marked dis-
crimination. It is still the best manual for such students
as are able and willing to utilize the citations.
Neander, well characterized by Schaff as "a child in
spirit, a giant in learning, and a saint in piety,*' " led back
the study of history from the dry heath of rationalism to
the fresh fountain of divine life in Christ, and made it
a grand source of edification as well as instruction for
readers of every creed.*' His " General History of the
Christian Religion and Church" (1825-52) was trans-
lated into English by Torrey, and in this form reached its
twelfth American edition (besides English and Scotch edi-
tions) in 1881. It has probably had a wider influence in
English than in German. Besides this large general work
he published many valuable monographs.
Baur, more generally known as the father of the
Tubingen school of New Testament critics, was a church
historian of the foremost rank. Of his " History of the
Christian Church," published in part after his death
(i860), only the portion covering the first three cen-
turies has appeared in English (three volumes, London,
1878). His works on the apostolic age, while revolu-
tionary and destructive, gave a stimulus to research that
has borne abundant fruit. His ** History of Christian
Doctrine" (1865-67) is among the most valuable of his
works.
Among the excellent manuals of church history re-
cently published in Germany may be mentioned those
of Hase (eleventh edition, 1886; English translation,
1873) ; Niedner (latest edition, 1866) ; Ebrard (1865) ;
Rothe (1875) ; Herzog (1876 onward) ; Kurtz (tenth edi-
tion, 1887; English translation, 1888-90); Moeller (three
volumes, 1889 onward ; English translation, 18^ on-
1 i8b4 onward ; the best edition Is tbe EagUtli trusbition by H. B. Smith. 1857 onwarl
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I6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRC
ward) ; and Karl MUIIer (two volumes, 1892 onward).
The two latest are also the best. Among modern Ger-
man Roman Catholic works on church history may be
mentioned those of Alzog (English translation in three
volumes, 1874 onward) ; D5llinger (second edition, 1843 ;
English translation, four volumes, 1840-42) ; Hergen-
rbther (third edition, 1884-^); Kraus (third edition,
1887) ; and Funk (second edition, 1890). These are all
works of learning, and show the influence of Protestant
methods.
British scholarship has not devoted itself zealously to
general church history. The only work that deserves
mention is Robertson's ** History of the Christian
Church " (second edition, in eight volumes, 1874).
Smith's ** History of the Christian Church During the
First Ten Centuries " (1880), is a good compilation.
Many valuable monographs, especially on the early
church and the Middle Ages, have appeared.
In America the largest and most comprehensive work
is Schaff' s '* History of the Christian Church " (1882
onward ; Vol. I.-IV. and VI.-VII. have appeared ;
Vol. V. was left incomplete, and will be edited by
Prof. D. S. SchafO- This work, written in the spirit of
Neander, combines fullness of information with popular
qualities to a remarkable degree. Other recent works
of merit are those of Sheldon (four volumes, 1896),
Fisher, Dryer, and Hurst. Hurst's ** History of the
Christian Church " (two large volumes, 1897 onward),
based upon the latest researches, written in excellent
spirit and in elegant style, has an unusually full bibli-
ography and specially prepared maps, and is in almost
every respect a model work.
The best recent works on the " History of Doctrine "
are those of Harnack (three volumes, third edition, 1894*-
1897, English translation in eight volumes); Loofs (thirc*
edition, 1893), the best brief work in German ; Sheldon
(1886) ; and Fisher (1896).
VI. PERIODS OF CHURCH HISTORY.
From what has been said regarding the nature and
scope of church history, it is evident that the only way
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CHAP.L] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS 17
in which it can be studied to advantage is by dividing
the nineteen Christian centuries into periods, and by
selecting from each period a convenient number of topics
for special consideration. The division into periods is
somewhat arbitrary, and historians differ considerably in
their delimitations. The following division seems, on
the whole, the most advantageous :
1. From the birth of Christ to the end of the Apostolic
Age (about 100).
2. From the end of the Apostolic Age to the conver-
sion of Constantine (312).
3. From the conversion of Constantine to the founding
of the Holy Roman Empire by Charlemagne (800).
4. From the coronation of Charlemagne as emperor to
the outbreak of the Protestant Revolution (15 17).
5. From the outbreak of the Protestant Revolution to
the Peace of Westphalia (1648). This latter event
almost synchronizes with the temporary overthrow of
monarchy in England, and with the temporary ascend-
ency of dissenting parties over the prelatical church.
6. The era of modern denominationalism (1648 to the
present time).
The choice of topics in each period will depend on the
judgment of the historian as to what features of the life
and thought of the age are most characteristic and sig-
nificant.
VII. SUMMARY OF REASONS FOR STUDYING CHURCH
HISTORY.
1. History is acknowledged by all to be one of the most
valuable instruments of intellectual culture. Church his-
tory is so essential a part of universal historv that the
history of humanity would be incomplete and unintelli-
gible without it. Universal history is best understood
when Christ is regarded as the central figure, for whose
advent the past, with its systems of religion, philosophy,
and government was, in an important sense, a prepara-
tion ; and when Christ's church, under his guidance, is
recognized as the aggressive and conquering power in
modern history.
2. Without a knowledge of the history of the Chris-
tian church in all Hs departments and relations it is
H.
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I8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRa
impossible to understand the present condition of Chris-
tianity with its multitudinous sects, its complicated doc-
trinal systems, and its variegated forms of organization,
life, and worship.
3. The history of the Christian church is, in one aspect,
the history of Christian life. To know how the people of
God have, from age to age, struggled and suffered and
triumphed will tend to prepare us to meet the trials that
always beset the Christian life ; to know how large a
proportion of those that have professed Christianity have
lived in sin and dishonored the name of Christ will tend
to put us on our guard against a similar failure, and to pre-
vent us from despairing when we see how imperfectly
many of those around us fulfill their Christian duties.
4. The study of church history enables us to see the
working of great principles through long periods of time.
Church history is a commentary on the Scriptures. For
every teaching of Scripture we can find many a practical
exemplification. We can show, as it were, experimen-
tally, how every departure from New Testament princi-
ples has resulted in evil — ^the greater the departure the
greater the evil. The study of church history, while it
may make us charitable toward those in error by sliow-
ing us examples in all ages of high types of religious life
in connection with the most erroneous views of doctrine,
will not tend to make us disregard slight doctrinal aber-
rations ; for we shall know that the most corrupt forms
of Christianity have had their origin in slight deviations
from the truth.
5. It may be said with confidence that the great mass
of minor sects have been formed by those ignorant of
church history, and that a knowledge of church history
on the part of their founders would have prevented their
formation. A widely diffused knowledge of church his-
tory would tend powerfully toward a unification of
thought as to what Christianity should be, and would be
highly promotive of Christian unity. On the other hand,
a knowledge of the vast results that have followed from
the emphasizing of particular aspects of truth in the past
would tend to prevent an underestimate of tneir impor-
tance in the present.
6. The History of the Christian church furnishes the
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CHAP. I.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS I9
strongest possible evidence of the truth and assurance
of the final triumph of Christianity. If Christianity has
surmounted obstacles seemingly almost insuperable; if
though sometimes submerged in corruption it has again
and again shown itself able to shake off the accumula-
tions of error, and then to march onward with primitive
vigor ; we have every reason to believe in its sufficiency
for ali the trials to which it may hereafter be subjected
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CHAPTER II
IHE QR>ECO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION AS A PREPARATION
FOR CHRISTIANITY
LITERATURE : Histories of Greece, by Grote, Curtius, and Thiri-
wall ; Histories of Rome, by Mommsen, Ihne, Merivaie, Neibuhr,
Bury, and Arnold ;DoUinger, **Hndenthum md Judinthum*^ (Eng-
lish translation, *' Gentile and Jew in the Courts of the Temple/'
1862) ; Histories of Philosophy, by Ueberweg, Zeller, Windelband,
Erdmann : Bauer. '* Das Chrisiliche des Platattisnms,** 1857 ; Acker-
man, ''The Christian Element in Plato" (English translation,
1861) ; Coclcer, " Christianity and Greek Philosophy " ; Westcott,
" Religious Thought in the West," 1891 : Hatch, ^' the Influence of
Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church,** 1890;
gommsen, ''The Roman Provinces" (English translation, 1888) ;
Jiiller, " Gssch. d. 1{<m. Kaisgr^iH unUr d. RtgUrung d. Nsro" 1872 :
Friedlander, " SitUngnchichU ^^nu," fourtii edition, 1874 ; Renan,
" The Influence of Rome on Christianity," 1880 ; Fisher, G. P.,
" The Influence of the Old Roman Spirit and Religion on Latin
Christianity" (in " Discussions in History and Theology," 1880) ;
Hamack, '^ Christianity and Christians in the Court offiie Roman
Emperors Before the Time of Constantine" (in " Princeton Review,"
1878): Addis, "Christianity and tiie Roman Empire," 1893:
Arnold, W. T., " The Roman System of Provincial Administration,"
1879 ; Farrar, " Seekers After God," new Edition, 1892 ; Uhlhorn,
" Conflict of Christianity witii Heatiienism " (English translation,
1879), and "Christian Charity in the Ancient Church" (English
translation, 1883); Farrar, "Eariy Days of Christianity" 1882;
Edershelm, " Life and Times of Jesus," 1883, Introductory; and the
Introductions to the Church Histories of Neander, Gieseler, Hase,
Schaff, Hurst, Moeller, etc
I. GREEK CIVILIZATION.
CENTURIES before the beginning of the Christian era
(660-324) the Greeks had wrought out a civilization that
in literature, philosophy, science, and art, greatly sur-
passed the achievements of all other nations. Their
language had been so developed as to constitute the
most perfect instrument for the embodiment and con-
veyance of thought that had ever been known and is
still unsurpassed. Their religion was a polytheistic per-
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CHAP.il] GRiCCO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 21
sonification of the powers of nature resting on a semi-
pantheistic conception of the world. Their gods and
goddesses were the embodiments no less of the baser
passions of the human soul than of the nobler qualities,
and the moral ideals of the people were low. The idea
of sin as an offense against a holy God and as involving
guilt was almost wholly absent. Sin was conceived of
rather as ignorance, as a failure to understand one's true
relations. There is no adequate recognition of the per-
sonality of God or the personality and responsibility of
man.
II. GREEK PHILOSOPHY.
From 600 B. C. onward philosophy occupied a prominent
place In Greek life and in an ever-widening circle of
minds tended to undermine faith in the crude polythe-
ism of the time. The possibilities of the uninspired
human mind in speculative reasoning were well-nigh
exhausted by such thinkers as Pythagoras, Socrates,
Plato, Aristotle, and Zeno.
I. fythagoras (sS2--$io) seems to have derived from
Egyptian or Oriental sources the doctrine of metempsy-
chosis and that of the harmony of the spheres. Mathe-
matics furnished the basis of his speculative system.
The principles of numbers he regarded as the substance
of things and as constituting the eternal and self-origi-
nated bond of the universe. His doctrine of the harmony
of the celestial spheres was based upon the assumption
that they are separated from each other by intervals
corresponding to the relative length of strings combined
to produce musical harmony. The soul he regarded
as a harmony, chained to the body as a punishment.
Ethical notions were expressed by the Pythagoreans in
mathematical form, symbols taking the place of defini-
tions. Pythagoras seems to have taught that the uni-
verse is in an eternal flux and that in regular cycles
persons and events are repeated. Much stress was laid
on a series of contrasts or antitheses, such as Limit —
Illimitation, Odd — Even, One — Many, Right — Left, Male
— Female, At Rest — In Motion, Straight— Bent, Light —
Darkness, Good — Bad, Square — Oblong. These remind
us of the sons of the Gnostics, and in other respects
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22 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
the influence of Pythagoreanism on Gnosticism is niani*
fest.
Pythagoras founded a large number of aristocratic
secret societies in the Italian-Greek colonies. These
brotherhoods seem to have had a somewhat rigorous ethi-
cal code and to have developed a somewhat elaborate rit-
ual. A strict discipline, somewhat like that of monastic
bodies, was maintained and the members were forbidden
to propagate their views among the people.
A modified Pythagoreanism was much in vogue in
Alexandria and elsewhere during the early Christian
centuries, and was one of the most influential forms of
Greek philosophy in its contact with early Christian
thought.
2. Socrates (471-399) *' called philosophy down from
the heavens to earth, and introduced it into the cities
and houses of men, compelling men to inquire concern-
ing life and morals and things good and evil."* For
our knowledge of his ethical and religious teachings
we are dependent on his disciples, Plato, Xenophon, and
Artistotle. His fundamental conception appears to have
been the inseparable union of theoretical insight with
practical moral excellence. He believed that virtue was
capable of being taught and that all wickedness resulted
from ignorance. He fostered the spirit of inquiry by his
persistent calling in question of current beliefs, but
thereby incurred the hostility of the authorities and for-
feited his life. He supposed himself to act and speak
under the impulse of a supernatural being (daemon, ^a«-
fi6vtov). He defended the existence of the gods and of
a divine principle over and above these partial manifes-
tations of deity. He spoke of wisdom as present and
regnant in all that exists, and as determining all things
according to its good pleasure, being distinguished from
the other gods as the ruler and disposer of the universe.*
Yet he refrained from giving distinct personality to this
ruler and disposer, and it is probable that his conception
of the universe was monistic or semi-pantheistic. Plato
attributes to Socrates an elaborate argument for the im-
mortality of the soul.
1 Cicero. tXtnophoa, ** MsmorMMia," I.. 4 : 4 ; IV.. 3 : 3. ij.
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CHAP. II.] GRiCCO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 23
3. In Plato (427-347) Greek philosophy made its near-
est approach to Christianity. He elaborated the thoughts
of Socrates and put them into enduring literary form.
No Greek writer exerted so much influence on the Jew-
ish thought of the last centuries before Christ or on early
and later Christian thought. In order to make himself
master of all the wisdom of the past and of his own age
he visited Egypt, Cyrene, and probably Asia Minor, and
spent some time with the Pythagoreans in Italy. Sicily
also was laid under contribution.
"In Plato's philosophy the expanding roots and branches of
earlier philosophy are developed into the full blossom, out of which
the subsequent fruit was slowly brought to maturity.'* * '* Plato's
relation to the world is that of a superior spirit, whose good pleasure
it is to dwell in it for a time. . . He penetrates into its depths more
that he may replenish them from the fullness of his own nature
than that he may fathom their mysteries. He scales its heights as
one yearning after renewed participation in the source of his being.
All that he utters has reference to something eternally complete,
good, true, beautiful, whose furtherance he strives to promote in
every bosom." *
Plato has well been called " the philosopher of the
spirit."* His theory of "ideas" may be regarded as
the central feature of his philosophy. The '* idea " is
the archetype (the divine thought or plan) of which
material objects are the imperfect reflection. Only the
pertect idea is real ; what seems to us real is only an '
illusion. In the archetypal world exists the idea of
everything that comec into phenomenal existence. High-
est among the ideas is the idea of the Good. Of almost
equal rank are the ideas of the Beautiful and the True.
He seems sometimes to represent these high ideas as
efficient causes and even calls them gods. The world-
builder (Demiurge) he seems to identify with the idea
of the Good. This idea he regards as the cause of
being and cognition and as the sun in the kingdom of
ideas.
The prominence given to the Good constitutes his sys-
tem a highly ethical one. "The highest good is not
pleasure, nor knowledge alone, but the greatest possible
»Bo^clct>. »qo«thf. •Hwt.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
24 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO
likeness to God." * The motive to virtue should be not
fear of punishment nor hope of reward, but the fact that
it is itself the beauty and health of the soul. To train
its citizens to virtue is the highest mission of the State.
Virtue for every individual is perfect adaptation to his
calling. He seems to have taught the eternity of matter,
which was devoid of quality and of proper reality until
transformed and ordered by the good God. While Plato
used much language that seems to imply belief in the per-
sonality of God, his teaching was fundamentally panthe-
istic. Some would prefer to designate his system " spirit-
ualistic monism."
Plato's philosophy, like that of Pythagoras, profoundly
affected Jewish thought during the last two centuries
before Christ, and its influence on the Christian theology
of the second and following centuries was great beyond
computation. Says Eusebius: **He alone of all the
Greeks reached the vestibule of truth and stood upon its
threshold."
Bishop Westcott bears this high testimony to his im-
portant place among religious thinkers: ''Plato, more
than any other ancient philosopher, acknowledged alike
the necessary limits of reason and the imperious instincts
of faith, and when he could not absolutely reconcile
both, at least gave to both a full and free expression.
And so Platonism alone, and Platonism in virtue of this
character, was able to stand for a time face to face with
Christianity."
4. The philosophy of Aristotle (384-322), the great-
est of Plato's disciples and the tutor of Alexander the
Great, exerted far less infhience on the religious thought
of the pre-Christian time than that of Plato. His in-
tellect was probably the most comprehensive that the
ancient world produced. In logic and dialectics he is
still supreme. His philosophy is practical and matter-
of-fact rather than mystical and speculative. By virtue
of his pre-eminence in systematization and formal rea-
soning he secured recognition among mediaeval theolo-
gians as the ultimate authority within this sphere. In
natural science he surpassed all the other ancients.
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CHAP.n.] GRiCCO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 2$
He rejected Plato's doctrine of Ideas, maintaining that
! general ideas are not the only realities, or causes of the
ndividuals of a kind, but are mere mental abstractions
from the individuals ; that the individuals of the human
race, e.g.^ are not unreal reflections of the universal
idea man, but that the universal idea man is a mental
abstraction from a contemplation of individual men.
Aristotle reached a clear conception of God as an im-
material spirit who is the final cause. He proves that
the assumption of such a being or principle is necessary
from the evidences of design in nature. This principle
or first mover he defined as essentially pure energy. If
it were merely potential it could not unceasingly commu-
nicate motion to all things. It must be eternal, pure,
immaterial form, since otherwise it would be burdened
with potentiality. Being free from matter, it is without
plurality and without parts. It is absolute spirit, which
thinks itself and whose thought is therefore the thought
of thought, itself unmoved, it moves all things, it is
the Good in itself and its influence is like the attraction
of love. He could not conceive of God as shaping the
world at any given time, but looked upon the world-
framing process as an eternal one. Thought, which is
the mode of God's activity, constitutes the highest, best,
and most blessed life. The world has its principle in
God. Aristotle approaches the Christian doctrine of a
sole personal God, who at the same time is immanent in
the universe and transcends it ; but it is doubtful whether
a recognition of divine personality is involved in his
system.*
The aim of all moral action, according to Aristotle, is
happiness, and happiness consists in living a life of
action under the control of reason. This accords closely
with Plato's definition of virtue. Morality presupposes
freedom of will. His classification of the virtues and his
definition of each show deep psychological insight.
5. Less influential than Platonism and more influential
than Aristotelianism on the religious life of the pre-Chris-
tian and the early Christian time was Stoicism^ founded
by Zeno of Citium (about 308 B. C). This system was
>SMliif '*Mttspliy*ics.*' IX. and XII. C/. Uebenrtg. ''History of PbHosophy."
VoL I., ^ i^ ttq.
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26 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO
closely related to the Socratic, and Socrates " sat for the
portrait of the Stoic sage."
The most characteristic feature of Stoicism is its mate-
rialistic pantheism. In this respect it is the antithesis of
Platonism. Matter and force the Stoics regarded as the
two ultimate principles. Only the material is real.
Matter as such is motionless and unformed. Force is
the active, moving, and molding principle. The working
force in the universe is God.*
The world as a whole is regarded as conscious and
consciousness is identified with Deity. Periodically all
things are absorbed into Deity, the evolutionary process
beginning afresh after each absorption. This process is
regarded as a necessary one.
The human soul, which is the warm breath in us, is
a part of Deity and so has capacity for divine influence.
It survives the body, but is absorbed into Deity at the
end of the cosmic period.
As in Platonism, virtue is considered the chief end of
life. Mere pleasure should never be made an end of
endeavor. We should do right because it is right and
without regard to consequences. Freedom from passion
*iS the mark of the perfect man. Complete self-control
and self-sufficiency, with the right and the courage to
terminate life when it suits one's purpose, characterizes
the Stoic sage. Stoicism produced an elevated but some-
what somber type of character in its votaries. On the
ethical side it had much in common with Christianity.
Its materialistic pantheism or monism was to exert a
marked influence on Christian theology. The moral
writings of Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius are
so elevated and pure in tone as to suggest dependence on
Christian sources.
6. Epicureanism (310 B. C. onward), and the various
forms of Skepticism that arose during the last four cen-
turies before Christ, became the most popular forms
of Greek philosophy, and exerted a baleful moral in-
fluence on the entire Greek-speaking world and, at about
the beginning of the Christian era, on Roman life and
thought. Epicureanism was itself essentially skeptical.
1 Of. Ue^frwep, VoL L. p. 194.
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CHAP. II.] GRiCCO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 27
Rejecting all mythical forms and conceptions, denying
the supernatural and the immortality of the soul, Epi-
curus taught that pleasure in the present life is the
supreme end of man's being. This did not necessarily
involve dissolute living, for this does not yield on the
whole the greatest amount of pleasure ; but the wide-
spread acceptance of pleasure as the only criterion of
conduct could not fail to lead to a debasement of morals.
The Skeptics, led by Pyrrho (360-270), asserted that of
every two mutually contradictory propositions one is as
true as another. The distinctions between the true and
the false, between right and wrong, between virtue and
vice, were obliterated, and advocates of this doctrine were
emancipated from any sort of moral or religious restraint.
It was in this form that Greek philosophy promoted so
powerfully the worse than Oriental license that sapped
the foundations of Greek and Roman society.
ill. THE MACEDONIAN CONQUEST.
The conquest and absorption of the Greek States by
Philip of Macedon (358-336), and the world conquest
of the Macedonian-Greek Empire under Alexander the
Great (336-323), diffused the Greek civilization, with
its matchless language, literature, art, philosophy, and
science, over the then civilized world. Greek became
the language of jzovernment and culture in Mesopota-
mia, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, and ultimately (after the
Roman conquest of the East) in Rome itself. Anti-
och under the Seleucidae became a great Greek capital
and an important center of culture in which Greek and
Oriental elements of life and thought were blended.
Alexandria, the capital of the Ptolemies, became the
greatest literary, philosophical, and scientific center of
ancient times. The Ptolemies lavished their wealth on
the gathering of a library and the promotion of learning.
It was their ambition to collect in their library the litera-
ture of the world, and they expended vast sums in pro-
curing translations into Greek of the chief literary pro-
ductions of the past. The library is said to have
reached the enormous magnitude of four hundred thou-
sand volumes ; but if so it must have had many copies
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28 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRC
of the same works, and individual works must have been
numbered by books. The ablest scholars were brought
together, and liberal encouragement was given to literary
production and to the work of public instruction. The
Alexandrian Lyceum was more like a modern university
than was any institution of ancient times.
Highly important in the development of religious
thought was the formation under the patronage of the
Ptolemies of populous Jewish colonies. Under the royal
patronage the Hebrew Scriptures were translated into
Greek (the Septuagint version), and a large body of re-
ligious literature was produced by Greek-speaking Jews
who had become imbued with Greek modes of thought
(the Old Testament Apocrypha, etc.). In Philo, who
lived in the New Testament time, we meet with the
ablest and most elaborate effort to blend Hebrew and
Greek thought, and by the application of the allegorical
method of interpretation to explain away everything in
the Old Testament that was out of harmony with the
refined spiritualism of the current modified Platonism.
Representatives of Indian theosophy (Brahminism and
Buddhism), of Persian dualism (Zoroastrianism), and
of the surviving Babylonian sects seem to have availed
themselves of the opportunity offered by the desire for
universal knowledge that expressed itself so influentially
in Alexandria, to expound their systems, and the esoteric
philosophy or theosophy of the Egyptian priests emerged
from the temples and made its contributions to the stock
of current thought.
What is true of Alexandria applies in a measure to the
cities of Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece, and by the be-
ginning of the Christian era Hellenistic influence had
become almost dominant in Rome, now grown almost
as cosmopolitan as Alexandria.
Greek religion, while it furnished a spiritual interpre-
tation of nature, and while it contributed largely toward
the development of aesthetic life, failed utterly to pro-
duce a pure morality, or to satisfy the religious longmgs
of the more earnest spirits. Long before the beginning
of the Christian era its foundations had been undermined
by philosophical speculation, and skepticism was almost
universal. The blending of Greek thought with the
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CHAP.ILJ GRiECO-ROMAN CIVILIZATIOK 29
theosophy of the Orient had intensified the religious
yearnings of a large class of thinkers without being able
to satisfy them, had brought into prominence the great
problems of being, such as the origin and destiny of the
world and of man, the origin and purpose of evil^ the
relation of the world-framer to the Supreme Being, the
relation of the Supreme Being to man and to the world,
the relation of matter to spirit, etc., but had failed to
provide any adequate solution of these problems. Many
had come to realize the need of a divine revelation, and
above all of a Divine Saviour.
IV. THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
The religion of the early Romans was closely related
to that of the Greeks. Its differences in development
were due chiefly to the idiosyncrasies of Roman charac-
ter. The Romans as a race were remarkably deficient
in poetical and imaginative faculty. They were austere,
practical, matter-of-fact, utilitarian. Fundamentally their
religion was a pantheistic worship of nature. Everything
that exists was regarded as permeated by Deity. The
individual deities were partially personified abstractions
of the powers of nature. As compared with the Greek
religion it produced more of calm piety, was practised
with more dignity and order, was more strictly ritualistic,
was more carefully upheld and administered by the State,
and was more practical in its subservience to the inter-
ests of the State. Images and temples were not intro-
duced until a hundred and seventy years after the
founding of the city.
Religion with the Romans was never a matter of feel*
ing, always a matter of form. The securing of divine
favor was thought to depend upon the exactitude with
which all ceremonies were performed and all prayers
uttered. The slightest mistake in word or gesture ren-
dered the entire proceedings ineffective. The same rite
was sometimes repeated thirty or even fifty times be-
cause of slight defects in utterance or manipulation.
Theoretically every householder was the priest of his
household as the king was the priest of the State ; but
the necessity of having the religious rites performed by
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30 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
experts gave great power to the priests. They alone
had perfect familiarity with the names and functions of
the gods and knew precisely what god was to be propi-
tiated in order to secure the needful blessing or to ward
off threatening calamity, and also the details of the rites
by which favor was to be obtained.
Even before the founding of the republic (B. C. 509)
there was a Pontifex Maximus at the head of a college
of pontiffs, whose business it was to supervise all the
religious affairs of the State and to give judgment in
every religious cause. These pontiffs were attorneys
and counselors in religious law, and as officials of the
State had vast influence.
The College of Augurs were the official soothsayers,
whose business it was by observing the flight of birds
and other phenomena to determine the attitude of the
gods toward contemplated State measures.
The Roman religion in its primitive form seems to have
been highly promotive of the sterner virtues. Truthful-
ness and honesty, almost unknown among the Greeks,
were distinguishing traits of the better class of Romans.
Family life was comparatively pure, and the virtue of the
Roman matron and her dignified position are proverbial.
Fidelity to the State at the utmost personal cost was a
common virtue and treason was by no means so common
as among the Greeks. The Roman Senate at its best
was the ablest, most dignified, and most honorable body
known to antiquity.
From about 240 B. C. Rome came more and more
under the influence of Greek religion and philosophy.
The conquest of the East (including Macedonia, Greece,
Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, and Mesopotamia) was
achieved stage by stage (200-63), and Roman law and
administrative order were communicated to the Hellen-
istic provinces; but the conqueror was vanquished by
the conquered. During the entire period of contact
Rome was gradually appropriating the religion and the
culture as well as the luxury and license of the Hellenis-
tic Orient.
It was the policy of Rome to tolerate and utilize for the
purposes of the State the religions of conquered peoples.
There was no disposition to regard its own gods as
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CHAP.n.] GRi€CO-ROMAN C!VILIZATION 3 1
exclusively powerful and worthy of worship. Every new
god conciliated added so much to the effectiveness of the
State.
Most important for our present purpose was the influ-
ence of Greek philosophy on Roman thought. It was
" the rationalism of Euhemerus, the skepticism of Eurip-
ides and the Pyrrhonists, the agnosticism of Protagoras,
and the atheism of Diagoras and Theodorus," that found
most acceptance among the Romans during the century
preceding the birth of Christ. Stoicism, with its mate-
rialistic pantheism that often expressed itself in language
hardly distinguishable from pure theism, and its stern
morality that repudiated pleasure and the hope of reward
as motives, was never popular among the Romans ; yet
it profoundly influenced some of the greatest minds and
made an important contribution to the development of
Roman law into a system of equity of world-wide appli-
cability.
Disbelief in the current religion had become almost
universal among the educated classes before the begin-
ning of our era ; but those who were most pronounced
in their skepticism insisted on its careful maintenance as
a State institution and as useful for the illiterate masses.
When the republic was transformed into the empire
(31 B. C.) Augustus strove in vain to check the process
of decay and to restore the national religion to its pris*
tine position. He assumed personally the office of Pon-
tifex Maximus, thus combining in his own person the
civil and religious supremacy and giving full recognition
to the popular religion as an institution of the State.
The practice of apotheosizing and worshiping the
emperors, however corrupt and despicable might be their
characters, exerted a most degrading influence on the re-
ligious life of the empire in the early Christian time ; but
it introduced a common object of worship throughout its
entire extent and had a distinctly universalizing tendency.
Provincial assemblies for the exercise of this cult became
highly important from a social and political point of view.
Bringing the people together, as they did, for festive
worship, they promoted political life in many ways.
The religious cravings of the people were catered to
but by no means satisfied by Oriental priests, sorcerers,
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32 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
soothsayers, and astrologers, who flocked to Rome and
drove a thriving trade. Apollonius of Tyana (3 B. C-
96 A. D.), imbued with the spirit of the Neo-Pythago-
rean philosophy, practising a rigorous asceticism, and
imposing on the credulity of the people by mysteries and
Sretended miracles, attracted . many followers in Asia
linor, Greece, and Italy.
The Roman Empire may be regarded as having pre-
pared the way for the sprefad of the Christian religion in
the following ways :
1. The Roman conquest broke down the barriers be-
tween East and West and between province and province,
and welded the whole civilized world into an organic
whole administered from Rome as its center. Palestine
was a Roman province at the beginning of our era and
Jewish rulers administered the government under Roman
authority. Jews were free as never before to settle in
all parts of the Graeco-Roman world, and Jewish syna-
gogues, which were in many cases to furnish opportu-
nity for the planting and dissemination of Christian
truth, were to be found in every city. A religion origi-
nating in Judea had at this time a far better opportunity
to make its way throughout the world than it would have
had under other circumstances.
2. The extension of Roman citizenship to individuals
throughout the provinces was of immense advantage to
such preachers of the gospel as possessed it.
3. The construction of excellent roadways through-
out the empire for military and commercial purposes was
no doubt greatly promotive of the diffusion of Chris-
tianity.
4. Apart from the excellence of the roads travel was
rendered far safer than it had ever been before. The pro*
found peace that settled over the world, the careful en-
forcement everywhere of law and order, made the work
of the missionary comparatively easy. The Roman
Empire was to the early Christian missionary what the
British Empire is to the modern, with this important
difference, that England favors and protects missionaries
as such, while Christianity was to the Roman Empire an
unlawful religion and was frequently persecuted.
5. The extension of the use of the Greek language
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CHAP.il] GRi€CO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 33
made it possible for the Greek-speaking promulgators of
Christianity to find intelligent hearers everywhere with
3Ut learning new languages.
A recent German writer says :
The task of Rome was to unite— to unite, we may say as confi-
Qently. for Christ. Bom at the same time, the Roman Empire and
the Christian Church were also providentialiy appointed for each
other. The kingdom of heaven is like a grain of seed. If the
seed is to be sown the field must be prepared. The Roman Empire
was the prepared field. The kingdom of heaven is like leaven. If
the leaven is to be mixed with the meal, the meal must be shaken
together. The Roman Empire was the shaken heap of meal first of
allto take up the leaven. All the peoples of the Old Worid hitherto
had lived and labored apart, all their gains and achievements, theii
riches and treasures, their works ot art and scientific results, their
ancient traditions and legends, their gods and rites of worship, all
existing elements of culture and forces of civilization, were now
comprised in one empire. Other empires have exceeded this In terri-
tory and in population, but there has never been a second empire in
the whole course of history which so united in itself all the cultivated
nations of itstime.^
1 Uhlbon. '* Conflict oi ChrlttiaiUly with HMtbenUm." p. tf.
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CHAPTER III
PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY IN JEWISH LIFE AND
THOUGHT
Literature : Works of Josephus and Philo (original and Eng-
Hsh translation) : Old Testament Apocrypha (original in Septua«
gint) : Bissell, '• The Apocrypha of the Old Testament with His-
torical Introductions, a Revised Translation, and Notes Critical and
Explanatory," 1880 : Ball, " The Ecclesiastical or Deutero-canoni-
cal Books of the Old Testament, commonly called the Apocrypha,"
i8q2; *'The Zend-Avesta," translated and edited by Darmesteter;
Reuss, " U 'BibU!' Parts VI. and VII. ; Wace, " The Apocrypha,"
1888 ; Schiirer, '* A History of the Jewish People in the Time of
Jesus Christ" (English translation), 1885 onward ; works on Jew-
ish History, by Ewald (English translation), Jost, Gratz (Eng-
lish translation), and Stanley; Wellhausen, "D^ Pharisoir u, d
Sadducdif,** 1874 } Geiger, " Sadducdir u, Tharislur" 1863 ; Cohen,
" Us Pharisiens, 1877; Derenbourg, ** Histotrs d$ la TaUsttui^**
1867; Drummond, "The Jewish Messiah," 1877; Drummond,
" Philo Judaeus," 1888 ; Dahne, '* G$sehichtlkh$ DarsUUuMd. nidisckr
aUxandrmischm Rsltgians-Philosophu^** 1834; Gforer, ^* Philo if. d,
aUxandrinischi Thsosophu^'* 183 1 ; Lucius, " Ver Esssnismus in sshum
l^irhaltniss {um Judsnthum^** 1881 ; Demmler, ** Chrisius u. d, Essm-
wuMtf," 1880 : Articles on Apocrypha {Apohrj^in)^ Philo, Pharisees,
Sadducees, Essenes, Messiah, Proselytes, Disper^on (Diaspora)^
Pseudepigrapha, etc., in the Encyclopedias of Herzog-Hauck,
Schaff-Herzog, McClintock and Strong, Kitto, and Smith (" Dic-
tionary of the Bible"). For fuller bibliography see Schiirer, as
above, at the head of each section.
The Old Testament history of the chosen people
leaves off with the completion of the fortifications of
Jerusalem by Nehemiah, notwithstanding the deter-
mined efforts of the Samaritans to prevent it, the
introduction of rigorous reforming measures by Nehe-
miah, and the failure of Sanballat and his associates
successfully to resist these measures. The date reached
is about 432 B. C. The people had been delivered from
their Babylonian captivity by Cyrus, king of Persia
(535 B. C. onward), and the temple had been restored by
Zerubbabel, under the patronage first of Cyrus and tlien
34
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CHAP. Ill] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 35
of Darius Hystaspes (534-515). About 457 B. C. Ezra, a
scribe who had remained beiiind in Babylon, was com-
missioned by Artaxerxes Longimanus to make inquiries
regarding the condition of the Jewish people in Judah
and Jerusalem and to convey royal gifts of gold and
silver for religious uses. He was also given authority
to put in force the moral and ceremonial laws oi
Jehovah as he understood them, it being part of the
policy of the king by thoroughly conciliating the God of
the Jews to secure his favor " for the realm of the king
and his sons/'
I. THE EFFECTS OF THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY.
1. The deportation of the people was by no means
complete. Many of the inhabitants of the kingdom of
Judah had escaped to Egypt and it is probable that
some remained in the land. Of the Northern kingdom
a still larger proportion probably remained behind. The
breaking up of external religious institutions and the
pressing in of heathen peoples had resulted in an almost
complete relapse of the remnant of the northern tribes
into heathenism.
2. The Jews of the captivity, so far from yielding to
the heathen influences by which they were surrounded,
were brought by their discipline of suffering to empha-
size more than ever the spiritual side of religion and to
repudiate with decision everything savoring of idolatry.
3. Monotheism, long inculcated by their inspired
leaders, was now thoroughly grasped by the people as
such, and the licentious idolatry that had possessed
Irresistible attractions for the Jewish masses was now
looked upon with abhorrence.
4. They were ready to welcome the conquest of Meso-
potamia by the Persian kings, who professed a compara-
tively pure form of dualism and who abhorred the idola-
try of the Babylonians, and they no doubt found means
of rendering material assistance to the invading hosts.
That Cyrus and his followers should show special favor
to a people who welcomed their conquest and whose re-
ligious and moral ideals had much in common with those
of the Persians might have been expected.
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$6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
II. INFLUENCE OF THE PERSIAN CONTACT.
I. The Persian Religion. The religion of Cyrus and
his people was a system of dualism whose elaboration is
commonly ascribed to Zoroaster (about 66o-;83), and
which is embodied in its most authentic form in the
Zend-Avesta. Zoroastrianism supposes the existence
from the beginning of two antagonistic principles, good
and evil, each having its personal (or personified) head.
Ormazd (Ahura Mazda) is the prince of the kingdom of
goodness and light, Ahriman of the kingdom of evil and
darkness. Ormazd was conceived of as the embodiment
and author of wisdom and power, as the promoter of
growth and progress, as absolutely holy and beneficent,
as unspeakably glorious and fair, as supremely intelli-
gent and watchful. He is the author and upholder of all
that is good. His attributes correspond closely with
those of Jehovah, the chief difference being the limita-
tion of his power by the antagonistic energy of Ahri-
man. This difference is strikingly set forth in Isa. 4; :
5-7, where Jehovah says "to his anointed, to Cyrus,'*
" I am the Lord, and there is none else ; beside me there
is no God : I will gird thee, though thou hast not known
me : that they may know from the rising of the sun,
and from the west, that there is none beside me : I am
the Lord, and there is none else. I form the light, and
create darkness ; I make peace, and create evil ; I am the
Lord that doeth all these things." This is a most in-
structive passage. Jehovah to make good his soleness
does not hesitate to claim for himself the functions
ascribed by the Persians to Ahriman as well as those
ascribed to Ormazd.
Beneath each of these primal principles is a host of
subservient principles or angels, each having its particu-
lar antagonist in the opposite kingdom. The six good
archangels are Vohu Manah (Good Mind), the mediator
between Ormazd and man and corresponding to some
extent to the Logos (Word) of John's Gospel ; Asha
Vahishta (Best Righteousness), the principle of cosmic
order ; Khshathra Vairya (the Wished-for Kingdom),
lepresenting the aspiration of the people after the uni-
versal triumph of righteousness ; Spenta Armaita (Hc!^
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CHAP, in.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANrrY 37
Harmony), embodying the ideal of peace and good will /
among men ; Haurvatat (Wholeness) ; and Ameretat (lm«
mortality). Closely related to these is Sraosha (Obe-
dience). Standing below these are the Yazatas (Worship*
ful Ones), of which the chief are Mithra fAngel of Light),
Rashnu(Angel of Justice), Arshtat (Truthfulness), Parendi
(Riches), Ashi (Rectitude), Verethraghna (Victory), Hvar
(Sun), Mah (Moon), Tishtrya (Star), and Atar (Fire).
These angelic beings (or abstractions) are almost infinite
in number. Each individual human soul is supposed to
be accompanied by a Fravashi (Guardian Angel) who
contends with the corresponding evil powers and forti-
fies the soul in its struggle for the right and the good.
Ahriman (Angra Mainyu) stands at the head of the
demonic hosts, which are the antitheses of the hierarchy
of Ormazd.
Zoroastrian dualism is advantageously differentiated
from the pantheistic-polytheistic systems of the East by
its doctrine of human freedom and responsibility, which
furnished the basis of a relatively pure morality. Per-
sistent choice of the good weakens the power of evil.
Purity, physical and moral, is insisted on. Uprightness,
charity, and generosity are constantly inculcated. The
utmost stress is laid on truthfulness. Asceticism is ab-
bent from the system, and the wholesome enjoyment of
what nature has provided is encouraged.
The doctrines of the resurrection of the dead and of a
future life of blessedness or misery, dependent on the
character of the present life and determined by a judg-
ment following immediately the death of the body, are
clearly taught. Heaven, hell, and purgatory (the latter
for those whose good and evil deeds are found to have
been equal), are provided for in the system.
The coming of a saviour and the final triumph of
the kingdom of Ormazd, with the banishment " of the
wicked, evil-doing Daevas into the depths of the dark,
horrid world of hell,'' are clearly taught in the Avesta
and the Pahlavi Texts.
Worship was addressed not only to Ormazd, but just
as freely to the lower orders of angelic beings, and some
of the litanies remind us of those used in the Catholic
churches of the later time.
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58 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
2. Persian Influence on Jewish Thought. This is seen
(i) In the excessive scrupulosity with which the later
Jews, going far beyond the prescriptions of the Levitical
code, discriminated between things clean and unclean ;
(2) in the relative indifference to temple worship and
the stress laid on popular instruction and worship as seen
in the formation of village synagogues ; (3) in the energy
with which the later Jews resisted every effort to induce
them to embrace false religions; (4) in the elaborate
system of angelology and demonology found in the
apocryphal books that were written during the Greek
period ; (5) in the book of Esther we see Judaism terri-
bly persecuted by the later Persian power and saved by
the patriotism of a Jewess, who by her charms had won
the heart of King Ahasuerus ; (6) the Persian influ-
ence is probably traceable as one of the elements in the
Essene sect,
3. The Synagogue and theSynago^s. The Jews no doubt
became accustomed to congregational worship apart from
the temple during the Babylonian captivity. It was not to
be expected that with the restoration of the temple they
should forego the means of frequent edification and in-
struction that they had found helpful. Ezra called the
people together on the Sabbath days to receive instruc-
tion in the divine law, and this practice rapidly spread
throughout the land and into the dispersion. The serv-
ices of the synagogues were intended not to supplant
but to supplement the temple worship. The general in-
troduction of synagogue worship marks a distinct ad-
vance in the educational status of the people. Hence-
forth religion was to be more and more a matter of
teaching and learning. The "Great Synagogue," In a
rudimentary form at least, was organized by Nehe-
miah, on the occasion of his second sojourn ip Jerusalem
(436 B. C. onward.) The religious condition of the peo-
ple he found on his arrival to be deplorable. Alliances
had been formed with such enemies of the established
order as Sanballat, the Sabbath was desecrated, and the
Law was disregarded (Neh. 13 : 6-31). It is by no
means certain that the eighty-five priests, who as repre-
sentatives of the people pledged themselves and their
constituents to observe the Law, constituted the Great
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CHAP. IB.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 39
Synagogue ; but it is probable that out of this united
acceptance of Nehemiah's reforms grew a great national
organization, composed normally of one hundred and
twenty members, whose business it was to promote the
due observance of the Law and the results of whose
labors are seen in the careful selection and editing of the
sacred books and in the formation of the Old Testament
canon. To this body was formerly ascribed the intro-
duction of a new Hebrew alphabet, the supplying to
the text of certain diacritical signs, the ordering of the
synagogue worship, and the beginning of the elaboration
of the ceremonial law that was ultimately embodied in
the Talmud. During this period, and probably under
the direction of the Great Synagogue, schools for in-
struction in the Scriptures were established, and a class
of professional scholars (scribes) arose whose authority
was generally recognized.
III. THE JEWISH PEOPLE UNDER THE MACEDONIAN RULERS.
Reference has already been made to the importance of
the Macedonian conquest as a means of diffusing through-
out the civilized world the Greek language and thought,
and of promoting the action, reaction, and blending of the
religious and philosophical life and thought of Europe,
Asia, and Africa. In no way did this great upheaval ex-
ert more directly its beneficent influence in the direction
of preparing the world for the coming of Christ and for
the literary embodiment and diffusion of his teachings
than through the Hellenizing of a large part of the Jewish
race.
The leaders of the people made prompt, unconditional,
and cordial submission to Alexander the Great in 332
B. C. He was so favorably impressed by their attitude
and their representations that he treated them with the
utmost consideration. The wide dispersion of the Jews,
and their ability to be of service to the conqueror as
guides to every part of the East and of Egypt no doubt
had something to do with the cordiality of his bearing.
Considerable numbers accompanied him on his expedi-
tion to Egypt. In founding his great Egyptian capital,
Alexandria^ he offered the most liberal inducements tQ
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40 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
the Jews to settle there, and large numbers settled in the
Fayyum. Ptolemy 1. seized and occupied Syria on sev-
eral occasions (320, 302, etc.)» and carried to Egypt
thousands of Jews and others, maintaining throughout
the good-will of the people, who always resented the
authority of the Seleucidse. The Ptolemies seem to have
respected the religious principles of the Jews, while the
Seleucidae attempted to supplant their religion by forcing
heathen institutions upon them. A few of the monu-
ments of this important period of Jewish history may be
here briefly described.
1. The Temple near Heliopolis. Heliopolis was the
ancient site or an Egyptian temple, devoted to the wor-
ship of the sun. About 164-162 Onias, son of the high-
priest Onias II!., failing to secure the succession to the
Jerusalem high-priesthood, went to Egypt, and with the
co-operation of Ptolemy IV., transformed an old heathen
temple into a Jewish sanctuary and introduced a regular
temple service. This service continued until the temple
was closed by the Romans in A. D. 73. While this serv-
ice was looked upon with disfavor by the leading Jews of
Palestine, and while many Egyptian Jews continued to
regard visits to the Jerusalem sanctuary as important, its
introduction and maintenance mark a distinct stage in the
liberalizing of Jewish religious thought.
2. The ureek Version of the Old Testament {Septuagint).
The Jews shared fully in the great literary activity that
was fostered in Alexandria by the munificence of the
early Ptolemies. Among the most important products of
this activity was the Septuagint. No credit is at present
given to the Jewish tradition (preserved by Josephus),
which represents it as having been produced by seventy
scholars appointed by one of the Ptolemies for this pur-
pose, who wrought independently and reached precisely
the same result. Considering the vast expenditures of
the Ptolemies in the gathering of the Alexandrian Library,
it is not improbable that they extended their patronage
to this work. It was probably begun during the time
of Ptolemy II. (285-247), and completed under Ptolemy
VII. (182-146). the Pentateuch was the first to be
put into Greek. Palestinian Jews regarded the version
as a desecration. Greek-speaking Jews were naturally
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CHAP.nL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 4I
delighted to have the sacred oracles in the popular lan<
guage. The Septuagint is a very free rendering, the de-
sire to bring the Old Testament writings into accord with
Greek modes of thought having been largely influential.
Extensive additions are made to several of the books,
and ultimately the apocryphal books were incorporated.
This version is highly significant as showing that a large
and influential part of the Jewish people had come to
prefer a free Greek translation to the Hebrew original,
and that Greek modes of thought had been extensively
adopted by the Jews along with the Greek language. It
also facilitated aquaintance with the Jewish religion on the
part of Greek-speaking Gentiles, and was an important
aid to the proselyting efforts of zealous Jews. Before
the beginning of the Christian era this version was in
common use not only in Egypt, but also in Syria, Asia
Minor, and to a considerable extent in Palestine itself.
The writers of our New Testament books were for the
most part content to quote freely from it.
3. The Apoaypha. This term (meaning concealed or
obscure) is applied to the considerable body of Jewish
writings that were incorporated in the Septuagint with
the Greek translations of the Hebrew canonical books,
but which have no place in the Hebrew canon. Several
of these (Baruch, in part, the Wisdom of Jesus Son of
Sirach, and i Maccabees) were written originally in He-
brew, but are preserved only in Greek. The rest seem
to have been composed in Greek. The Apocfyphal E^a
(i Esdras) is made up in part of materials from the
canonical Ezra, but largely of extra-canonical materi-
als. The aim of the writer seems to have been to
present a complete history of the temple from the sus-
pension of the services at the captivity, to the rehabilita-
tion of temple worship after the restoration. The addi-
turns to Esther consist of a dream of Mordecai regarding
the deliverance of his people, the decree of extermina-
tion by Artaxerxes, prayers of Mordecai and Esther, a
second edict of Artaxerxes, and the explanation of Mor-
decai's dream. The additions to Daniel consist of a
prayer of Azarias, the song of the three children in the
furnace, and the story of Bel and the Dragon. The
Prayer of Manasses, in captivity, is usually inserted
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42 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO
among the hymns following the Psalms. Baruck pur-
ports to have been written by the friend and amanuensis
of Jeremiah. It narrates the destruction of Jerusalem,
and gives an account of a deputation of Babylonian Jews
to Jerusalem on behalf of Nebuchadnezzar and his son,
who confessed their sins and sought the intercession of
the Jerusalem saints. The Letter of Jeremiah is addressed
to the Babylonian captives, and is a warning against
idolatry. Tobit is a charming religious story, which sets
forth Jewish life in the Babylonian captivity in its no-
blest, purest form. It abounds in the miraculous, and
Persian angelology figures prominently, but it is highly
moral in tone, and exhibits in a striking way the rewards
of righteousness and the penalties of wickedness. Judith
also is an edifying story, whose scene is laid in the time
of Nebuchadnezzar. Its aim is to show forth Jewish
heroism and virtue ; but the heroine acts upon the the-
ory that the end justifies the means, and the morality of
the work is from the Christian point of view unsatisfac-
tory. First (Maccabees is an authentic narrative of the
Maccabean struggle against Antiochus Epiphanes. Second
(Maccabees covers substantially the same ground, with
some extension of scope, but is legendary and untrust-
worthy. The other Maccabean books are still less
worthy of attention. Ecclesiasticus, or The Wisdom oj
Jesus, the Son of Sirach, written in Hebrew about 190-
170, and translated into Greek by the grandson of the
author about fifty years later, is an able, earnest work,
in which the influence of Greek philosophy is manifest.
It is well worth reading, because of its intrinsic merits
and as showing the trend of Jewish thought in the sec-
ond century before Christ. The Wisdom of Solomon is
still more decidedly Greek in its tone, and belongs to a
later time.
The dates of most of the Apocrypha are uncertain.
Tobit may have been written about 200 B. C. ; Sirach,
about 190, and the rest during and after the Maccabean
age. The Wisdom of Solomon and part of Baruch may
have been written in the early Christian time.
4. The Pseudepigrapha. Closely related to the Apoc-
rypha are the numerous Jewish religious writings of the
later ante-Christian and the early Christian time known
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CHAP. III.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 45
as Pseudepigrapha (works falsely ascribed to biblical
personages, and so spurious). Many of these are as im-
portant as any of the Apocrypha, as showing the types
of religious thought current among the Jews at the be-
ginning of the Christian era, and as helping to explain
some forms of early Christian heterodoxy. Some of
these have been preserved only in Ethiopic versions.
(i) How are we to account for the fact that so large
a proportion of the Jewish literature of the age, including
several of the Apocryphal writings, were pseudepigraphic?
It may be answered : (^) That the rights of authorship
were from the beginning ignored or disregarded by Jewish
writers. Few of the canonical writers took any pains to
attach their names to their works, (ft) The chief concern
of writers of this class was to impress certain thoughts as
profoundly as possible upon their contemporaries, and as
there had been developed an excessive regard for an-
tiquity it was considered legitimate to ascribe their pro-
ductions to ancient worthies, (c) Some of these writings
were intended as denunciations of contemporary abuses
and of obnoxious persons in authority, and it was deemed
safer to embody the uncomplimentary remarks in ficti-
tious works ascribed to the past, (d) It may be safely
said that in most cases there was no fraudulent intent,
but that the end in view was beneficent.*
(2) A few of the more important Pseudepigrapha may
be mentioned as specimens: (a) The Psalter of Solomon,
probably written in Hebrew, but extant only in Greek,
a collection of psalms in imitation of the canonical, at-
tributed to the time immediately following the overthrow
of the Asmonean monarchy by the Romans (63 B. C).
The writer regards the Asmoneans as usurpers, and re-
joices in their downfall. He represents Pharisaism rather
than Sadduceeism. In place of these godless rulers
the speedy coming of the Messiah, the Son of David,
with the setting up of his kingdom, is earnestly prayed
for. Faith in the resurrection and in divine retribution is
strongly set forth, (ft) The Book of Enoch, probably
composed in Hebrew more than a century before Christ,
employed by the New Testament jTi^d^ (ver. 14, 15),
* Cf, Dillmann, in Herxog and Schaff-Heriog.
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44 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa
much used by early Christian writers, preserved only in
an Ethiopic version,* consists of a series of revelations
supposed to have been made to Enoch. The work is
rich in angelology and in astrological lore, attempts to
explain everything in heaven and on earth, and contains
important expressions of Messianic hopes. The Messiah
is called " Son of God," ** Son of Woman," ''the Elect,"
*'the Word," and **the Lord of Spirits." Its expres-
sions in regard to the Messiah are so clear and definite,
and so much in accord with the reality, that some critics
have been led to ascribe them to later Christian interpo-
lation. Yet the representation is essentially Jewish, for
the Messiah is regarded as " only a kind of deputy for
God,"* rather than as God incarnate, (c) The Book of
Jubilees^ probably written in Hebrew during the first Chris-
tian century, and before the destruction of Jerusalem, but
extant only in Ethiopic, is a sort of rabbinical commentary
on Genesis. It attempts to show how Cain and Abel
got their wives, how Noah got the animals into the ark,
why Rebekah had a special affection for Jacob, etc. It
abounds in angelology and in fanciful stories, (d) The
Sibylline Books, so far as they were a product of Hellen-
istic Judaism, may properly be classed with the Pseude-
pigrapha. Not content to claim for their views the
authority of the patriarchs and prophets of their own
race, some of these enterprising religionists thought it
worth their while to ascribe to the Greek Sibyl poetical
effusions embodying in ill-disguised form prophecies of
the coming Messiah and other Jewish teachings. No
doubt it was the hope of the writers to impress Jewish
religious thought on pagan minds by this means. Early
Jewish Christians carried forward this work of manufac-
turing Sibylline verses, and many of the early Christian
writers quoted from the Sibylline Books as if they fully
credited their genuineness. A large body of pseudepi-
graphical literature grew up in the second and third
Christian centuries, especially among the heretical sects.
IV. THE MACCABEAN STRUGGLE.
I. The Occasion of the struggle was as follows : Up to
1 Gernan transUtion by DIUin«on. English traosUtlon by Scbodit. ' BltseU.
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CHAP.m.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 45
199 B. C. Palestine, though it had been a bone of con-
tention between the Egyptian and the Syrian rulers and
had suffered greatly from invading armies, had been for
the most part under the Egyptian rule and with important
exceptions had enjoyed a considerable measure of relig-
ious liberty. The whole of Syria, apart from Palestine,
had become thoroughly Hellenized, and it was natural
that with the incoming of Syrian authority pagan influ-
ences should be brought powerfully to bear in this
stronghdid of Judaism. At the time of the Syrian con-
quest Palestine was in an exceedingly depressed condi-
tion and its inhabitants had become weary of Egyptian
rule, which of late had been less beneficent than hereto-
fore. Antiochus III. sought to make good his conquest
by bestowing favors on the inhabitants. He offered
special inducements to Jews scattered abroad to return
to Jerusalem, provided a pension for the maintenance of
the temple worship, assisted in the repairing and com-
pletion of the temple, and expressed his wish that the
nation should ** live according to the laws of their own
country." He exempted priests, scribes, and temple
singers from taxation and gave three years' tax exemp-
•ion to all inhabitants of the city. Those who had been
enslaved were liberated. Such is the purport of a letter
of Antiochus to his general, Ptolemy, quoted by Jose-
phus. * Whether these promises were fully carried out
we do not know. Seleucus IV. (187-176) abandoned
this policy of conciliation, and his treasurer, Heliodorus,
who afterward murdered him, sought to rob the temple
of its treasures. But it remained for Antiochus IV.,
whom his admirers called Epiphanes (illustrious), but
who was more justly sur named Epimanes (madman), by
trampling upon the religious rights of the people, outrag.
ing their religious feelings, and inflicting upon them every
conceivable indignity and cruelty, to arouse the theo-
cratic patriotism of the nation to the fiercest and most
uncompromising resistance. Thwarted in his effort to
establish his authority in Egypt he seems to have vented
his spleen upon the Jews of Judea, whose brethren in
Egypt had no doubt been active opponents of his preten-
l'«ABti4|./'XIL.3:3.
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46 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO
sions. Much ill feeling had no doubt already arisen
between the rigorous Jews and the promoters of Greek
customs, now aggressive in Jerusalem itself. The high-
priest Onias III. sternly resisted the encroachments of
pagan life. His brother Jason led the Hellenizing oppo-
sition and was able by the royal favor to supplant Onias
in the office of high-priest. Naturally he used his position
for the overthrow of strict Judaism. He erected a gym-
nasium for Greek sports near the temple and sought to
occupy the attention of the priests themselves with secu-
lar frivolities.
Jason was soon supplanted by Menelaus, who had
gained the royal support, and a struggle between these
claimants ensued. It was a lamentable time for devout
Jews. The attempt of Jason to displace Menelaus by
force led to the intervention of the king, who after his
failure in Egypt through Roman interference was pre-
pared for any degree of cruelty. The massacre of Jew-
ish spectators at a Sabbath military parade, the plunder-
ing of the city, the prohibition on penalty of death of
Jewish sacrifices, temple services, and religious rites^
the decree for the destruction of the sacred books, the
desecration of the temple through the introduction of
heathen sacrifices, the forcing of swine's flesh down the
throats of priests and devout people, the driving of a
herd of swine into the temple precincts, are among the
many abominations committed by this ruler, who seems
to have been eccentric to the verge of insanity.
2. Mattathias and his Sons. The revolt was organized
by the priest Mattathias of the Asmonaean family and his
five heroic sons. Mattathias soon committed the command
of the patriot movement to his son Judas Maccabceus^ who
from i66 till i6o, when he was slain in battle, won victory
after victory over the demoralized Syrian forces. He
was succeeded by his younger brother Jonathan^ who
availed himself of a dispute over the Syrian throne to
secure for himself from one of the contestants recogni-
tion as high-priest, and from the other civil supremacy,
thus becoming the theocratic head of the people. He
remained a vassal of the successful contestant and was
murdered while seeking to protect him against a later
rival (143). His brother Simon succeeded to the leader-
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CHAP.IIL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 47
ship and declared the nation independent. This was a
time of great rejoicing, " for every man sat under his
own fig tree and there was none to terrify him, nor were
any left in the land to fight against them." ^ Assassi-
nated through the treachery of his son-in-law, he was
succeeded by John Hyrcanus (135-105), who reigned with
brilliant success for thirty years, crushed the Samaritans,
and forced the Edomites to become Jews. His age is
noted for the full development of the Jewish sects that
flourished in the New Testament time and for the rise or
better organization of the council of elders to be after-
ward known as the Sanhedrin. Internal strife marks
the remainder of Jewish history until the Roman con-
quest in 63 B. C.
V. RISE OF RELIGIOUS PARTIES.
I. Jewish Sects. Nothing in the history of Jewish life
and thought during the time immediately preceding the
beginning of our era is more noteworthy than the sec-
tarian divisions that prevailed. These sects have their
germs in the early Persian time, but they reached their
full development after the Maccabean wars. Ezra and
Nehemiah, with their rigorous separatism and insistence
on the exact observance of the Law, were the forerun-
ners of the Pharisees. The great synagogue and the
rabbinic schools of the Persian and early Greek time
were essentially Pharisaic institutions. The Aramaic
paraphrases of the books of the Bible (Targumim) were
Pharisaic products. The elaboration of the Levitical law
that reached its final form in the Talmud had a like ori-
gin. Determined resistance to the intrusion of Persian,
pagan-Aramaic, and Greek customs and modes of thought,
resulted in the course of time in producing the narrow-
ness, bigotry, unamiableness, and hypocrisy that our
Lord so unsparingly denounced. During the Persian
and the early Greek time priests and scribes formed a
single class and were essentially Pharisaic. During the
later Greek and early Roman time Sadduceeism held the
priesthood by virtue of political influence, while the study
1 1 Macc 14 : »• u.
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48 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
of the law was almost wholly in the hands of the Phari-
sees. The great body of the pious Jews of the apostolic
age were Pharisees. The worldly aristocracy of the
nation was Sadducean. Geiger, a modern rationalistic
Jew, compares Phariseeism with Protestantism and Sad-
duceeism with Catholicism. He regards Jesus as stand-
ing primarily on Pharisaic ground and seeking to reform
Pharisaism by combating its onesidedness and narrow-
ness.* It is no doubt true that Jesus accepted the great
body of doctrine for which the Pharisees stood and re-
jected every doctrine and view of life that characterized
the Sadducees.
Judas Maccabsus and the pious hosts (Chasidim)
whom he led to victory were in principle Pharisees. The
name Pharisees (Perushim) seems to have originated in
the time of John Hyrcanus (135-105), against whose
alliances with heathen princes (first Syrian and then
Roman) they protested with all earnestness. The term
means ** Separatists," and emphasized their determina-
tion to remain a peculiar people and to resist every effort
at amalgamation with the great world-powers. Their
numerical and moral superiority led to their complete
triumph after the death of Alexander Jannseus, son of
John Hyrcanus, who ruled 104-78. His widow Alex-
andra "put all things into their power" and "made
them bear good-will to '* her deceased husband." The
high-priesthood remained with the Sadducees, but the
influence of the Pharisees in all religious matters was
thenceforth supreme.
2. The Characteristic Teachings of the Pharisees, These
were as follows : (i) While laymg great emphasis on
the study and observance of the Old Testament Law
(T^oraA), they attached almost equal importance to " the
tradition of the fathers.'" To interpret Scripture in
opposition to tradition was regarded as highly culpable.
(2) They held tenaciously to the immortality of the soul,
to the resurrection of the dead, and to the doctrine of
future rewards and punishments. Eternal imprisonment
and torment are the portion of the wicked. The right-
eous have ** part in the world to come." (3) They had
1 **SMddmdur umd PtmritUr," pp. 31, 35, etc.
' JoMpbos. '* Aatlq.." XUL. 16 •• s. •iM,, w : 6.
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CHAP. III.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 49
a complete system of angelology. (4) They believed
strongly in the divine foreknowledge and foreordina-
tion, yet insisted upon human freedom and responsibil-
ity. According to Josephus : *' They assert that every-
thing is accomplished by fate. They do not, however,
deprive the human will of spontaneity, it having
pleased God that there should be a mixture, and that
to the will of fate should be added the human will
with its virtue or baseness."* They say that **some
but not all things are the work of fate; some things
depend on the will of man as to whether they are done
or not.'"
3. The Sadducees. (i) The Sadducees were in almost
every respect the antithesis of the Pharisees. They
consisted chiefly of the unprincipled and aspiring few
who by ingratiating themselves with the heathen rulers
were able to gain offices and emoluments. ** They only
gain the well-to-do," wrote Josephus ; *' they do not have
as their followers the common people." • Again : " This
doctrine has reached few men ; these however are of the
first consideration." * The possession of the high-priestly
office placed them at the head of the theocracy, and gave
them wealth and social rank. Not all priests were aris*
tocrats or opponents of the raboinic legalism ; but many
of the most influential in the apostolic age and for a cen-
tury before were such.
(2) The origin and significance of the name cannot be
said to have been fully determined. There is almost a
consensus of opinion among modern scholars that it was
not derived from the adjective Zaddiq, righteous, but
from the proper name Zadok. The question at issue is,
who of the many persons bearing that name was sup-
posed to be the founder of this type of Jewish life ? It
is highly probable that Zadok, a noted priest of the time
of Solomon, whose posterity had continued to exercise
priestly functions during the intervening centuries, was
the individual had in mind.
(3) Apart from their aristocracy and their inclination
toward pagan customs and modes of thought, the follow-
ing peculiarities may be noted : (a) They accepted tb«
1 Jostphus. "Airtlq./' XVIII.. i : 3. 'Josephus." Wsr." II.. S : 14.
• IH4., " Antlq.." Xlli.. 10 : 6. « tM.. XVIII., 1 : 4.
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$0 A MANUAL OP CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa
written Law (JTkorah) only, rejecting the entire body of
traditionary interpretation and elaboration by the rab-
binic schools.^ It was supposed by early Christian
writers that they rejected all of the Old Testament save
the Pentateuch, but this view is without documentary
support, and has been generally abandoned. Adhering
strictly to the letter of the Law, they are said to have
been more rigorous in the infliction of penalties than the
Pharisees, who were able to explain away requirements
that conflicted with their moral consciousness.' The
same principle prevailed in relation to judgments on the
clean and the unclean. While following the Levitical
prescriptions they mercilessly ridiculed the absurdities of
the Pharisaic refinements, (b) They denied the immor-
tality of the soul, the resurrection of the dead, the ex-
istence of angels and spirits, and the doctrine of futvre
rewards and punishments, maintaining that the eschato-
logical system of the Pharisees had no foundation in the
Law. {c) They were deists, denying the divine activity
in human affairs, and holding that man is the cause of
his own prosperity and adversity, (d) Accordingly they
rejected what they considered the fatalistic doctrine of
the Pharisees, maintaining that man has perpetually the
power to choose between and to do good and evil at his
discretion. The similarity of their views to those of the
Epicureans was early remarked, and may have been due
to the influence of the latter.
4. The Essenes. (i) For our knowledge of this sect
we are almost wholly dependent on Josephus, Philo, and
Pliny. Their accounts are for the most part concordant,
but differ in some details. The rise of the party is
veiled in obscurity. Josephus implies the existence of
the sect about 150 B. C* The descriptions that have
come down to us apply to the apostolic age, to which
Josephus and Philo belonged. The Essenes were es-
sentially a monastic order. "Their aim of life was
to be separate from the world with its evil practices,
to live a life of holiness and devotion to God, to bene-
fit mankind, to become the temple of the Holy Spirit, so
as to be enabled to prophesy and perform miraculous
1 JoMphus, " Antlq.." XIII.. lo : 6.
•IWi. XX..9:i. coaip.wiUiXUL*M;6. • Ikid., JLOL, $ 1 9,
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CHAP. III.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 51
cures, and to prepare themselves for a future state of
bliss and reunion with the Father of Spirits."*
(2) About the beginning of our er<». they are said to
have numbered some four thousand, and to have had
communities in many of the villages of Palestine. Their
most populous community was that in the desert of En-
gedi, on the Dead Sea. Their numbers, while not large,
indicate a considerable influence on Jewish life, for they
commonly practised celibacy and depended chiefly on
proselytism and the education of children entrusted to
them for the maintenance of their numerical strength.
It is probable that they enjoyed the confidence and favor
of a large number who were not prepared to subject
themselves to the rigorous discipline of the sect. It
is probable that all the communities were organically
united under a single control. Each community had a
complete organization. Membership was obtained by
initiation into secret rites. After a year's probation and
instruction the candidate received ceremonial lustration
(resembling Christian baptism). After two years'
further testing he was introduced to the common meals
and to full communion. A rigorous pledge of secrecy
was exacted. Each candidate was required to deliver up
his property to the order, and the strictest community of
goods was practised. '* By putting everything together
without distinction, they enjoy the common use of all.''"
Even clothes were common property. The officials for
the administration of the communal affairs were ap-
pointed, by the entire body of the initiated. They en-
gaged in agriculture and in various branches of industry,
but renounced trade as corrupting in its tendency, and
refused to manufacture articles for use in war, or that
they judged injurious. In addition to their practice of
celibacy they renounced luxury of every kind, forbade
swearing, prohibited slavery, eschewed anointing with oil
as luxurious, practised frequent bathing in cold water,
were exceedingly modest in performing natural functions,
and refused to offer animal sacrifices, sending gifts of in-
cense to the temple instead. It does not appear, as has
sometimes been maintained, that they renounced the use
>Gliisbwf. aPhilo.
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52 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO
of flesh and of wine, though they were no doubt abste-
mious in a high degree.
(3) The doctrinal position of the Essenes may be
stated as follows : (a) They accepted the Old Testament
Scriptures and ''are described by the orthodox Jews
themselves as the holiest and most consistent followers
of the Mosaic law." * (b) They agreed with the Phari-
sees, against the Sadducees, in the principal points in
which these bodies were at variance, (c) They differed
from the Pharisees in renouncing marriage and animal
sacrifices, and in denying the resurrection of the body.
Yet they believed strongly in the immortality of the
soul and in future rewards and punishments, (d) Es-
senism has so much in common with the religion of
Christ that some writers have been inclined to regard
Jesus himself and his forerunner, John the Baptist, as
members of this society. There can be no objection to
supposing that Jesus, who professedly based his teaching
on the Jewish Scriptures, incorporated in his teaching
whatever was best and most spiritual in Jewish life and
thought. The teaching of the Essenes on seeking the
kingdom of God might well be emphasized and spiritual-
ized by the Saviour. Our Lord's requirement, as a con-
dition of discipleship, of a willingness to renounce all
earthly ties and possessions reminds us of the Essenic
terms of admission to fellowship. The emphasizing of
brotherly love is common to the two systems. The
Beatitudes of the Sermon on the Mount strongly resemble
the Essenic teaching. The celibacy of John the Baptist
and of Jesus, and the preference for celibacy under exist-
ing circumstances expressed by the Apostle Paul" have
been regarded as significant points of contact between
Essenism and Christianity. The prominence given by
the Essenes to bodily healing has its parallel in the prac-
tice of Christ and his disciples, due allowance being made
for Christ's exercise of divine power. The renuncia-
tion of warfare, oaths, and slavery on the part of the
Essenes reminds one strikingly of the attitude of Jesus
on these matters. While Jesus did not formally forbid
slavery, it is generally admitted that the spirit of his
> Ginsborg. * i Cor. y : •$. Mf.
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CHAP, in.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 53
teaching excludes it. Essenism and Christianity agree
in their requirement of absolute truthfulness and purity
of heart and life. Both alike lay stress on the practice
of prophecy. That Jesus infinitely transcended the nar-
row limits of Essenism by spiritualizing and universalizing
the truths that it contained, and eliminating the formal-
ism and the asceticism that characterized it, does not de-
tract from our interest in comparing the adumbrations of
the earlier system with the perfect revelation of the
later, (e) There are certain non-Jewish or anti-Jewish
teachings and practices in Essenism, the origin of which
has been a matter of controversy. Many recent scholars,
Jewish and Christian (Frankel, Jost, Graetz, Deren-
bourg, Geiger, Ginsburg, Ewald, Hausrath, Reuss, and
Kuenen), have sought to prove that the seemingly anti-
Judaistic elements are really derivable from the extreme
Pharisaic point of view. Among those who admit the
probability of foreign influences opinion is pretty evenly
divided between those who ascribe these features to
Persian dualism (Lightfoot, Hilgenfeld, etc.) and those
who ascribe them to Pythagorean influence (Zeller,
Keim, SchUrer, etc.). Some (as Lipsius) prefer to de-
rive these features from the influence of Syro-Palestinian
heathenism, while others (as Seydel and Lillie) seek to
derive Essenism and Christianity itself from Buddhism.
The influence of Persian thought on Pharisaic Judaism
in general is commonly admitted. There seems little
difficulty in supposing that in the case of the Essenes
these influences extended somewhat farther than with
the Pharisees. That which savors most of Persian in-
fluence is the semblance of sun-worship. Josephus
q)eaks of ** their piety toward God" as "extraordi-
nary," and grounds this statement on the fact that *' they
never speak about worldly matters before the sun rises,
but offer up with their faces toward it, certain prayers,
handed down by their forefathers, as if supplicating it to
rise." * If Josephus' testimony is accepted, it can hardly
be denied that their attitude toward the sun involved a
certain amount of superstition, though Josephus seems
to commend rather than condemn their practice. Their
i"W«r,"n..S:5.
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54 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa
rejection of animal sacrifices is in accord with Persian
dualism, as are also their wearing of white garments,
their lustrations, and their angelology. With equal
readiness several of the peculiarities of Essenism might
be derived from Pythagoreanism, such as " its aspira-
tions for bodily purity and sanctity, its lustrations, its
simple habits of life apart from all sensual enjoyments,
its high estimation (if not exactly its requirement) of
celibacy, its white garments, repudiation of oaths, and
especially its rejection of bloody sacrifices, also the in-
vocation of the sun and the scrupulosity with which all
that was unclean (such as human excrements) was hid-
den from it ; and lastly, the dualistic view of the relation
of soul and body." ^ It is probable that some features of
later Pythagoreanism itself are due to Persian influence.
It may be said in conclusion that the particulars in which
Essenism deviated from Pharisaic Judaism may be best
explained by the supposition of a combination of Zoroas-
trian and Pythagorean influences. The precise methods
in which these influences were applied cannot be deter-
mined.
5. The Samaritans. The territory occupied by the ten
tribes before the captivity was overrun by a motley host
of heathen peoples, with whom the remnants of Israel
became to a great extent amalgamated. The restoration
brought back only a small portion of the ten tribes. The
refusal of Zerubbabel to allow the people of Israel to
participate in the work of rebuilding and to join with
them in religious matters led ultimately to the building
of a temple on Mount Gerizim and the complete relig-
ious estrangement of Jews and Samaritans. The Samar-
itans have maintained themselves in small numbers
until the present time. Their recension of the Penta-
teuch, while evidently corrupted in the interest of their
claim to superiority over the Jews, otherwise represents
a very early text. It is not easy to determine the pre-
cise religious position of the Samaritans at the beginning
of the Christian era. Apart from their contention that
Gerizim and not Jerusalem was the true sanctuary, their
interpretation of the Pentateuch did not differ, except in
iScburar.
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CHAP, in.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 55
a few points, from that of the Jews. Their aversion to
anthropomorphic and anthropopathic representations of
God had probably been developed before the beginning
of our era. They no doubt derived from the Persians
their elaborate angelology. To a host of good and evil
angels they assigned the function of mediating between
God and men. The chief cause of variance between
Samaritans and Jews after the restoration was the re-
fusal of the former to submit to the rigorous require-
ment by Ezra and Nehemiah of separation from heathen
wives. It would seem that the Samaritans laid far less
stress on rigorous separatism and on ceremonial purity
than did the Pharisaic Jews. Samaria proved a fruitful
soil for Christian heresy in the early centuries of our era.
VI. THE DISPERSION.
I. The Causes and Extent of the Dispersion. Enough
has already been written to show the extent and im-
portance of the Jewish settlements in Egypt under Alex-
ander and the Ptolemies. What is true of Egypt is true
of Syria, where every town had its large Jewish com-
munity and its synagogue. A Sibylline writer of about
140 B. C, remarks that every land and every sea is
filled with Jews. By this time the Maccabean rulers
had entered into a close alliance with Rome. In 139-138
Simon Maccabaeus sent an embassy to Rome and secured
from the Consul Lucius a letter addressed to all the kings
and countries under Roman influence, enjoining upon
them to do the Jews '* no harm, nor fight against them,
nor their cities, nor their country, and that they should
not aid their enemies." * A list of the princes and coun-
tries especially addressed is here given. This list was
evidently dictated by the Jewish ambassadors and indi-
cates the extent of the dispersion at this date. It also
shows how rflghly the friendship of this cosmopolitan
people was appreciated. As Alexander and his succes-
sors had treated them with consideration as an important
means of extending and conserving their influence, so
now the Romans offer them full protection because they
1 1 Mace, xj : 15. 04.
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56 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ
wish to have the support of the Jews in carrying out
their stupendous scheme of world-conquest and world-
administration. Strabo, Philo, and Josephus, all bear
testimony to the influential presence of the Jews in every
part of the habitable world. The enumeration of localities
from which Jews were present at the great Pentecostal
feast in Acts 2 : 9, 1 1 has the same bearing. They were a
great trading people and their commercial importance
was generally recognized.
A large proportion of the descendants of those who
went into captivity, especially of the ten tribes, made
their permanent home in Mesopotamia, Media, and the
adjoining regions. Josephus represents the descendants
of the ten tribes in these regions as beyond computation.*
SchUrer supposes that **they were numbered, not by
thousands but by millions.'' Nehardea and Nisibis were
their chief centers. A large proportion of the inhabitants
of Syria, especially in the cities and towns, were Jews.
Josephus relates that in Damascus eighteen thousand
(elsewhere ten thousand) Jews were massacred on one
occasion. This would indicate a vast Jewish population.
Philo estimated the Jews of Egypt in the apostolic time
at one million. From Egypt they spread westward to
Cyrene and southward to Ethiopia and Abyssinia. Asia
Minor, Greece, Macedonia, and the isles of the sea, were
the abiding-places of multitudes of Jews. Pompey
brought many captive Jews to Rome (63 B. C), but
most of these were soon at liberty and prospering in
business. The extent of the Roman colony in the New
Testament time may be inferred from Josephus' state-
ment that eight thousand Roman Jews joined with a
deputation from Palestine about 4 B. C. In 19 A. D. the
Roman Jews came into disfavor and were banished.
Four thousand men suitable for military service were
sent to Sardinia.' Sejanus, their accuser, came into
disfavor soon afterward and the Emperor Tiberius seems
to have allowed them to return (31 A. D.). The Em-
peror Claudius issued an edict of banishment against the
Jews (about 49-52), but it was not carried fully into
effect.
~ »"Antl<i.,"XI..5:a.
• T«Clnis. "Ann.." IL. 8$ ; JoMpDus. "Antiq.." XVIIl, 3 : $.
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CHAP. III.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 57
2. Proselytes. It were not to be expected that so vital
and aggressive a people as were the Jews of the disper-
sion should be content to restrict their activity to the
maintenance of the faith among themselves. As a mat-
ter of fact they gained the reputation of being the most
zealous of proselyters. While they were by no means
popular in the heathen communities where they resided,
and while heathen writers lost no opportunity to hold
them up to contempt, earnest spirits were everywhere
found who, dissatisfied with the corrupt heathen cults
and with the heathen philosophy of the time, longed for
a purer, more spiritual, and more authoritative form of
religion.
(i) Methods of Jewish Propagandism. (a) It was prob-
ably their doctrine of God as the Almighty Creator and
sole and righteous Ruler of the universe, to be wor-
shiped not under material forms but as a spirit, a God
who rewards the righteous and punishes the wicked in
this life and in the life to come, that was most influen-
tial in winning converts. (Jb) Again, Judaism provided,
through its sacrifices and purificatory rites, for deliver-
ance from sin and gave the promise of present and future
blessedness, (c) The morality of Judaism, however far
it may have fallen below the Christian ideal, was im-
measurably superior to that of the best forms of heathen-
ism, (ji) The well-being and happiness of the average
Jewish family was no doubt, under ordinary circum-
stances, greatly superior to that of the average heathen
family in the same community. These facts would aid
zealous Jews in persuading discontented heathen to
accept their creed, (e) Again, Oriental religions were
much in vogue in Western Asia and Europe about the
beginning of our era. Egyptian religion, in its various
phases, had multitudes of adherents in Asia Minor,
Greece, and Italy. The Greek and Roman religions had
lost their hold on the popular mind. In searching for
something more satisfying and reasonable, heathen were
in many cases willing to listen attentively to what skill-
ful Jewish propagandists had to say.
(2) Numbers of Proselytes. The numbers won to the
Jewish faith must have been very considerable. A
careful modern writer states that "at or before the
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58 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO
beginning of the Christian era they might have been
reckoned by hundreds of thousands, if not millions."*
Josephus says : " Many of the Greeks have been con-
verted to the observance of our laws ; some have re-
mained true, while others, who were incapable of stead-
fastness, have fallen away again." ' •* Likewise among
the mass of the people there has for a time now been a
great amount of zeal for our worship ; nor is there a single
town among Greeks, or barbarians, or anywhere else, not
a single nation to which the observance of the Sabbath
as it exists among ourselves has not penetrated, while
fasting and the burning of lights, and many of our laws
with regard to meats, are also observed."* Similar
testimony is borne by such pagan writers as Seneca and
Dio Cassius. Among the most noted proselytes was
King Izates of Adiabene, who sent his five sons to Jeru-
salem to be educated. His successor, Monobazus, had a
palace in Jerusalem. It is probable that a large propor-
tion of the proselytes were very imperfectly instructed
in the principles of Judaism and continued to practise
much of heathenism ; but the multitude of converts in
all parts of the civilized world shows that Judaism was
at the beginning of the Christian era by no means an
obscure religion in which little interest was taken out-
side of the Jewish nation, but that it was awakening a
surprising amount of attention throughout wide circles.
(3) Classes of Proselytes. Two classes of converts are
distinguishable, ** God-fearing Gentiles " or *' proselytes
of the gate," and "proselytes of righteousness." The
former "bound themselves to avoid . . . blasphemy,
idolatry, murder, uncleanness, theft, disobedience toward
the authorities, and the eating of flesh with its blood."*
The latter were admitted to all the privileges of the
theocracy, after circumcision, baptism, and sacrifice.
That proselyte baptism was practised before the begin-
ning of the Christian era has been questioned by some,
but without sufficient reason. Some who have rejected
the antiquity of proselyte baptism have yet admitted
that the proselyte was required to take a purificatory
bath after his circumcision and before his admission to
1 Bi$s«ll. • *' Apion." II.. 19. • " Apion." 11.. 39. ^ Bisfell.
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CHAP.IIL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 59
full standing as a Jew ; but the distinction between a
ceremonial bath and baptism is unwarranted, as the
same Hebrew word is used for both. It is probable that
the great mass of proselytes belonged to the former
class.
VII. THE JEWISH-ALEXANDRIAN PHILOSOPHY— PHILO JUDiEUS.
Reference has already been made to the importance of
Alexandria as a focusing point for the world's philosophi-
cal and theological thought and to the literary activity of
the Greek-speaking Jews in Egypt. Before the begin-
ning of our era there had been developed a remarkable
type of philosophical thought known as the Jewish-Alex-
andrian philosophy. This system reached its highest de-
velopment and found its ablest exponent in Philo (born
32-20 B. C, died about 53 A. D.).
I. Sketch of Philo. Of a wealthy and aristocratic
family (his brother held a high office under the Emperor
Caius and was the intimate friend of the Jewish King
Agrippa), Philo enjoyed all the educational privileges
that Alexandria afforded. Thoroughly imbued with the
spirit of Greek philosophy and familiar with Greek liter-
ature, he was yet a devout Jew. He was of the opinion
that the Greeks had derived from the Jewish Scriptures
all that was wise, true, and lofty in their thinking. It
was his task, as it had been the task of others of his
type, to show the complete harmony of the divine reve-
lation of the Old Testament with all that is best in
Greek philosophy. It was his conviction that the Scrip-
tures translated into Greek and rightly interpreted might
wield a mighty influence for the salvation of mankind.
The fact is that his own modes of thought and views
of life were fundamentally those of the Greek philoso-
phy (a composite of Pythagoreanism, Platonism, Aris-
totelianism, and Stoicism), and he undertook to show
by applying the allegorical system of interpretation to
the Scriptures that these were not as they seemed to
be, simple, unsophisticated narratives of the dealings of
God with his people, but that underneath the anthropo-
morphic and anthropopathic representations of God and
the uncouth representations of the sins and follies of
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60 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa
the heroes and worthies of Hebrew history, everything
that was wise and exalted in Greek philosophy lay con-
cealed.
2. The Allegorical Method of Interpretation, This, as
applied to ancient documents, was not the invention, of
Philo or of his Jewish-Alexandrian predecessors. It had
been employed for centuries by the Greeks in the inter-
pretation of Homer and was probably in common use
among the Egyptian priests. In fact it is an obvious
device in connection with any esoteric system of religion.
But it is doubtful whether it had ever been employed so
systematically and effectively as by this writer. Every-
thing that is opposed to his philosophical conceptions of
God and the universe and to his sense of propriety in
the recorded deeds of men of God yields readily to this
universal solvent. It is almost certain that if Philo and
those like-minded had been shut up to a literal treatment
of the Scriptures they would have rejected them as fall-
ing in their opinion far below the writings of the Greek
philosophers in dignity, beauty, and spirituality. Having
no true historical perspective, they were unable to ap-
preciate the progressiveness of divine revelation or to
understand aright the relation of the human and the
divine in Scripture. This corrupting feature of Philo's
work was laid hold of by early Christian writers.
3. Philo' s Eclecticism. His system embraces elements
of Pythagoreanism, Platonism, Aristotelianism, and Stoi-
cism, very imperfectly blended or systematized.
(i) His idea of God, from which he sought to eliminate
everything anthropomorphic and anthropopathic, was
exceedingly transcendental. He sought to hold fast to
the personality of God and his freedom in willing, and
yet denied that he had qualities. God is above all quali-
ties and only negations can be predicated of him. Yet
he did not hesitate to affirm that God is eternal, self-
existent, omniscient, omnipotent, perfect, efficient, free,
and self-determining. In fact he seems to have com-
bined, without reconciling them, the Platonic idea of the
divine transcendence and absoluteness with the Stoic
doctrine of divine immanence.
(2) Regarding God as exalted above all possibilify 0}
contact with matter, which he characterizes as 'Mifeless,
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CHAP.DL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 6l
erroneous, divisible, unequal/' and hence essentially
evil, he felt the need of bridging the gulf between God
and the world by the supposition of certain ** creative
and regulative Powers." These Powers seem to combine
the features of the current Jewish angelology with those
of the Stoic Logoi and the Platonic Ideas. The three sets
of expressions he uses almost indifferently. These
Powers are represented as the thoughts of God, the
heavenly archetypes of earthly things, as that which
gives life, reality, and durability to matter, as the breath
of God's mouth. It is difficult to determine whether
Philo intended to ascribe personality to the Powers or
regarded them as mere abstractions. Most of his expres-
sions seem to favor the latter view.
(3) Most important of all for early Christian theology
was his doctrine of the Logos. Here also he sought to com-
bine Jewish with Platonic and Stoic conceptions. '* Philo
has gathered together from East and West every thought,
every divination that could help to mold his sublime con-
ception of a Vicegerent of God, a Mediator between the
Eternal and the ephemeral. His Logos reflects light
from countless facets. It is one of those creative phrasas,
struck out in the crisis of projection, which mark an
epoch in the development of thought."* The multi-
plicity of Philo's representations of the Logos make it
impossible to define his conception in a single phrase.
The Platonic Idea 0.* Good, the Stoic World-Soul, and
the Jewish conceptions of the Shechinah, of the Name
of God, of tne Heavenly Man, of the eternal High Priest,
seem to have been combined in his thought and in his
expressions. The Targums (Aramaic paraphrases of the
Hebrew Scriptures) frequently employ the term Word
(Memra) to denote God as revealing himself. Such Old
Testament representations as "the Angel of the Lord "
and " Wisdom " are not lost sight of. In relation to God
the Word is *' Eternal Wisdom," "the sum of the
thoughts of God," " the Idea of Ideas, which imparts
reality to all lower ideas," "the whole mind of God.
considered as traveling outside of itself and expressing
itself in act."* He is the "Shadow of God," the
inn.
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62 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRO
" Eldest Son/' '• the First-born " of God. He is thought
of as the ** Sum," as the " Creator," as the *' Captain,"
and the "Archangel " of the other Powers. In relation
to the universe the Word is represented as the instru-
mental cause or organ of creation, as the Creator, as the
Vicegerent of the Great King. In relation to man the
Logos is "the Mediator, the Heavenly Man, who repre-
sents in the eyes of God the whole family upon earth." *
He is the High Priest, the Supplicator, the Paraclete.
Philo makes him say : ** 1 stand between the Lord and
you, I am neither uncreated like God nor created like
you, but a mean between the two extremes, a hostage
to either side."
Philo's conception of the Logos falls short of the New
Testament doctrine in the following respects : (a) There
is no sense of the necessity of the incarnation ; (ft) there
is no proper feeling of the need of atonement to be
wrought out by self-emptying and self-sacrifice on the
part of the Son of God ; (c) there is no place for a divine-
human Saviour, for sin is thought of as mere ignorance,
as salvation consists in enlightenment ; (d) it does not
appear that Philo conceived of the Logos as a Person in
our sense of the term. His personifications are such as
he freely applies to any idea whatever.
(4) The relation of the prologue of John's Gospel to the
Philonic Logos doctrine is still a matter of dispute. WhUe
it is not improbable that the writer of this Gospel was
familiar either with Philo's writings or with the Jewish-
Alexandrian mode of thought from which they pro-
ceeded, its simplicity and freedom from heathen specula-
tive elements radically differentiate his representation
from the Philonic, and show clearly the divine impress..
It was on the theology of the Gnostics and of the Alex*
andrian school of Christian thought (second and third
centuries) that Philo's writings were to exert the most
marked influence.
VIII. MESSIANIC EXPECTATIONS.
Nothing was more characteristic of later Judaism than
»Blgc
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CHAP.UL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 63
the prominence and definiteness of its Messianic expec-
tations.
1. The Earlier (Messianic Hope. The earlier Messianic
hope had been centered in the glorious and blessed future
of the nation, and did not go much beyond the range of
contemporary circumstances. While the glorious future
of the nation was not lost sight of by later Jews, far more
stress was laid by them on the relation of the individual
and of the non-Jewish world to the Messianic kingdom.
2. The Doctrines of Immortality and Resurrection. These
having come more clearly into the consciousness of the
people, eschatological elements naturally occupy a more
prominent place in their Messianic expectations.
3. God as King of the World. God is now definitely
thought of as the King of the world, and the Messiah as
judging and ruling the world on God's behalf. The book
of Enoch represents the Messiah as hidden and kept with
God before his earthly appearing.* His name is said to
have been named before the sun, the signs, and the stars
were formed.' Before the world was created he was
chosen and hidden with God.* His glory is said to be
from eternity to eternity. In him dwells the spirit of
wisdom. He will judge the hidden things, and no one
will be able to hold vain discourse before him.* Very
similar is the teaching of the Fourth Book of Ezra. The
Messiah was ready to appear as soon as the people
should repent and perfectly fulfill the law. A single day
of repentance on the part of the nation would usher in
Messiah's kingdom.*
4. His Secret Presence. In some accounts his secret
presence is assumed, and his revelation is delayed by
the sins of the people. His appearing is conceived of as
sudden, and as accompanied by miraculous displays of
power. The appearing of Messiah was to be followed
by a marshaling of the heathen powers for a final con-
flict, and the overthrow of these hosts of evil by the
power of God. The Messiah then sits in judgment on
the throne of his glory. He is called in the book of
Enoch "Son of Man," "Son of Woman."* He strikes
terror to the hearts of the kings of the nations, and destroys
1 46 : z. a ; 69 : 7. * 48 : 3. * 4S : 6. « 49 : a-4.
* Sm Schurer, VoL U., •• p. 163, etc * fa : s* ^9*
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64 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRO.
them from the face of the earth. '* As long as there are
sinners in the world, so long does the wrath of God en-
dure, but as they disappear from the world the divine
wrath also vanishes."*
$..Ren(wation and Purification. The renovation and
purification of Jerusalem follows, the new city greatly to
surpass in splendor the old at its best. Some represen-
tations seem to imply that it existed already in heaven,
and was to be suddenly let down at the appointed time.
6. The Gathering of the Dispersed. The dispersed are
next to be gathered, and are to participate in the glorious
and joyful kingdom which, centering in Jerusalem and
Palestine, is to extend throughout the world. War and
strife shall be at an end, and righteousness, benevolence,
and all virtue shall universally prevail. Suffering and
disease shall be no more, and men shall live nearly a
thousand years, continually renewing their youth. Child-
birth shall be painless and physical effort without weari-
ness. Some thought of this earthly kingdom as ever-
lasting, others looked upon it as a prelude to a still more
glorious heavenly kingdom.' According to some, *' the
coming age "consists in a renovation of the heavens and
the earth. Some supposed that this renovation would
occur at the beginning and some at the end of Messiah's
reign.
7. The Universal T{esurrection. The next stage in the
panorama is the universal resurrection. This is to be
followed by the final judgment. The Jewish eschatol-
ogy provided for an intermediate state between death
and the resurrection in which righteous souls are happy
and the wicked suffer.
8. V^on-Suffering (Messiah. From the views of the
Messiah already set forth, it is evident that the idea of a
suffering and sin-atoning Messiah had little place in the
Jewish thought of the age under consideration. If such
passages as Isa. $3 were Messianically interpreted at
all, little emphasis was placed upon the features of the
character and purpose of the Messiah there set forth.
1 MIsbnA, *' Sanhedrin/' X., 6. * Apocalypse of Banich and Fourth Em.
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PERIOD I
FROM THE BIRTH OF CHRIST TO THE END OP
THE APOSTOLIC AGE (4 B. C.-ioo)
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CHAPTER I
JESUS THE CHRIST
LITERATURE: The four Gospels constitute the chief sources.
See also the Harmonies of Robinson, Claric, Broadus, and Stevens
and Burton ; the New Testament Introductions of Bleeic, Reuss,
Weiss, and Zahn; the Lives of Christ by Andrews, Neander,
Ederslieim, Ewald, Lange, Farrar, Geikie, Pressensi, Weiss, Keim,
Stall<er, Broadus, and Wallace : worlcs on the Biblical Theology of
the New Testament by Weiss, Beyschiag, Van Oosterzee, Stevens,
and Adeney ; Hausrath, " History of the New Testament Times" ;
Wendt, •* The Teaching of Jesus ^ ; Bruce, " The Kingdom of God :
or, Christ's Teaching according to the Synoptical Gospels," ana
"The Training of fte Twelve"; Candlish, "The Kingdom of
God"; Fairbaim, "Studies in the Life of Christ"; Schiirer,
"The Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ"; and"Ecce
Homo." The Bible dictionaries and the encyclopedias may also
be consulted with profit, as may also the files of Uerman, French,
English, and American theological reviews.
I. THE FULLNESS OF THE TIJ^E
The last two chapters of the Introduction have set
forth the achievements of the ancient world in philos-
ophy and religion, the diffusion and blending of the ele-
ments of civilization that had been developed through
the Macedonian and Roman conquests, and the failure
of ancient civilization to regenerate the world or to satisfy
the deeper longings of mankind. Judaism itself, under
the influence of the Persian, Greek, and Roman civiliza-
tions, had undergone a process of development and had
produced a remarkable literature ; but the best Jewish
life was utterly dissatisfied with actual achievement and
looked forward with earnest longing to a Messianic era.
In the Roman world faith in the popular mythology had
been destroyed by philosophy, and the better forms of
philosophy had been supplanted for the most part by
Greek skepticism, whose motto was ** Enjoy to the full
the present,'' and which was fundamentally anti-social
and selfish. Jews and Gentiles alike were in need of a
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68 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. L
Saviour, and the better spirits were deeply conscious of
that need.
In Jesus of Nazareth was fulfilled all that was noblest
and most spiritual in the aspirations of Jews and Gentiles,
and in a very direct and accurate way the predictions of
the Old Testament prophets. It was only after the world
had been made ready for the reception and the propaga-
tion of his religion that the Divine-human Redeemer ap-
peared.
For the history of the earthly career of our Lord we are
dependent almost wholly on the four Gospels, which from
different points of view embody the apostolic remem-
brances of the acts and words of the Master, and which
taken together give us what the Holy Spirit designed we
should know about the Word made flesh.
II. THE PRE-INCARNATE WORD.
John alone of all the evangelists lifts the veil of the
infinite past, and in the language of the Stoics and of
Philo reveals to us the eternal facts and relations of the
Godhead : 'Mn the beginning was the Word (Logos), and
the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The
same was in the beginning with God. All things were
made by him ; and without him was not anything made
that hath been made. In him was life ; and the life was
the light of men. . . There was the true light, which
lighteth every man coming into the world. . . And the
Word became flesh, and dwelt among us." In these
simple but profound sentences we have not the gropings
after truth of a Philo, but the clear dogmatic statement of
the identity of Jesus the Christ, the Word made flesh, with
the eternal divine thought and projective activity that
conceived and planned and made the universe, and that
as the "true light" " lighteth every man coming into
the world." The writer is not concerned with the earthly
genealogy of the Messiah. He is content to say, "The
Word became flesh and dwelt among us."
III. FROM CONCEPTION TO BAPTISM.
I. The Genealogies. Matthew and Luke connect the
incarnate Saviour with Abraham, the father of the He-
brew people, and with King David. Matthew speaks 0/
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CHAP.l.] JESUS THE CHRIST 69
Jesus Christ as "the son of David, the son of Abraham/'
and indicates the chief persons in the line of succession
from Abraham to " Joseph the husband of Mary, of whom
was born Jesus, who is called Christ." Luke traces the
line from Joseph, whose son Jesus was supposed to be,
through David, Abraham, and Adam, to God. His list
includes far more names than Matthew's, and the two
lists, while agreeing in the principal names, differ greatly
in detail. But it is remarkable that both trace the suc-
cession through Joseph rather than through Mary. These
genealogies seem to be wholly independent of each other,
but are not contradictory. It would have been easy,
with all the facts in hand, to construct scores of different
genealogical schemes, in which the lines would cross each
other from time to time, all being equally correct and
none being complete. It is highly probable that our
Saviour did not concern himself at all about his family
connections, and that the working out of these schemes
occurred after his ascension.
2. The Annunciation to Mary. Luke alone records the
angelic annunciation to Mary of the conception and birth
of Jesus, as well as the circumstances relating to the con-
ception of John the Baptist and the intercourse of Mary
and Elisabeth. Matthew records an annunciation by the
Lord to Joseph, troubled on account of the premarital
pregnancy of his wife, of the conception that had oc-
curred by the Holy Ghost.
3. The Birth and Childhood. Luke alone records the
occasion of the visit of Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem and
the laying of the new-born Jesus in a manger, as well as
the angelic annunciation of the birth to the shepherds, the
visit of the shepherds, the circumcision, and the presenta-
tion in the temple. Matthew alone narrates the visit of
the wise men from the East, the alarm and persecuting
measures of Herod, the flight into Egypt, and the return.
Luke alone tells us that "the child grew and waxed
strong, filled with wisdom: and the grace of God was
upon him," that he visited the temple when twelve years
of age, that he was subject to his parents during the suc-
ceeding years, and that he advanced "in wisdom and
stature, and in favor with God and men.'-'
4. The Forerunner. All four evangelists give accounts
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70 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
of the ministry of John the Baptist. Matthew and Mark
alone refer to his rough attire and his diet of "locusts
and wild honey. " With the enthusiasm and intensity of
a prophet John denounced the sins of the people, warning
them that the kingdom of heaven was at hand, urging
them to flee from the coming wrath, "preaching the bap-
tism of repentance unto remission of sins," baptizing in
the Jordan such as confessed their sins, and proclaiming
the approaching advent of one mightier than he who
should baptize them "with the Holy Ghost and with
fire."
IV. THE BAPTISM, THE TEMPTATION, AND THE TESTIMONY OF
JOHN THE BAPTIST.
All four evangelists bear witness to the baptism of
Jesus by John. Matthew alone refers to the hesitatior
of John on account of his recognition of superiority in
Jesus, and Jesus' answer, that " thus it becometh us to
fulfill all righteousness." All four record the descent of
the Spirit upon the baptized Jesus, and all but John
record the expression of the divine approval.
The temptation, narrated very briefly by Mark and in
detail by Matthew and Luke, is one of the most signifi-
cant events in the early life of Jesus. The materials for
this narrative could have come from Jesus alone. The
question as to the occasion on which this autobiographical
account of a momentous experience was given has been
much discussed: The fact that the narrative implies the
assertion of Messiahship on the part of Jesus has led some
critics to the conclusion that the earliest suitable occasion
for the communication of this experience was in the third
year of his Galilean ministry, when at Caesarea-Philippi
he took his disciples into his confidence and made known
unto them the sufferings that awaited him (Matt. i6 : 21;
Mark 8:31-9:1; Luke 9 : 22-27). But for our purpose
the fact of this wonderful experience, and the conscious-
ness of Messiahship that must have resulted, alone need to
be insisted upon. The narrative shows that Jesus as a man
was subject to temptations, that he was assailed by temp-
tations to satisfy his physical desires by miraculous
means, to astonish the multitudes by showing his supe-
riority to natural law, and to make earthly dominion an
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CHAP.!.] JESUS THE CHRIST 7 1
object of his striving. These temptations must have
been real, or they would have no significance. There
is no evidence that Satan ever renewed his assault.
This consciousness of Messiahship, involving his mis-
sion as a suffering Saviour, was henceforth complete.
John alone mentions the testimony of John the Bap-
tist before the priests and Levites, and afterward before
the assembled people, to Jesus' Messiahship : '' Behold
the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the
world," and his indication of Jesus to two of his own
disciples as the *' Lamb of God," and so worthy to be
followed. One of these was apparently John himself;
the other he tells us was Andrew, who having recognized
in Jesus the Messiah brought his brother Simon Peter to
become the third disciple. He alone records the winning
to discipleship of Philip and Nathanael, the transmutation
of water into wine at Cana, and Jesus' short sojourn,
with his mother, his brethren, and his disciples, in
Capernaum.
V. THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF JESUS.
I. ^Duration. The duration of our Lord's public min-
istry cannot be accurately determined. The Gospel
narratives are apparently constructed on no chronolog-
ical plan, and the data for accurate chronology are want-
'ng. The recurrence of Passovers during the ministry
has been supposed to form a basis for determining the
number of years covered ; but much uncertainty exists
as to the number of Passovers. Supposing his public
ministry to have begun after the fifteenth year of Ti-
berius, the date given by Luke (3:1, seq.) for John's
ministry, it could not have been much earlier than the
beginning of A. D. 29. On the basis of John 2:13; 5 :
I ; 6:4; and 13 : i, rests the supposition that Jesus'
ministry lasted for three years. But the "feast of the
Jews " (ver. i) was probably not a Passover. The first
three Gospels make distinct mention of only one Pass-
over, that at the close of Jesus' ministry. It must be
left an open question whether the crucifixion occurred in
the spring of 30, or in that of 31. In the former case we
should have a ministry of one year and a part of another,
in the latter of more than two full years.
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2. Divisions. The public career of Jesus may be
divided as follows: (i) The Early Judean Ministry, of
which John alone gives an account (2 : 13-4 : 42), and
which includes some of his most important teachings and
acts : The first cleansing of the temple, the conversation
with Nicodemus, the preaching and baptizing in Judea,
John's testimony at iCnon, and the visit to Samaria,
with the conversation with the woman at Jacob's well ;
(2) The Galilean Ministry to the Choosing of the Twelve,
recorded chiefly in the Synoptic Gospels, with a few
parallels in John ; (3) the Galilean Ministry from the
Choosing of the Twelve to the Withdrawal to Northern
Galilee ; (4) the Galilean Ministry till the Departure for
Jerusalem ; (5) the Perean Ministry on the way to Je-
rusalem ; (6) the Passion Week ; (7) the Forty Days
from the Resurrection to the Ascension.^
3. Jesus* Conception of his Ufe-lVork. As already sug-
gested, consciousness of Messiahship was present at the
baptism and became clear and definite in connection with
the temptation. The task he assumed was the estab-
lishment of the kingdom of God on earth, a kingdom
"not of this world," that ''cometh not with observa-
tion," that is *' within " believers, that is likened to " a
grain of mustard seed," which, though exceeding small,
becomes a tree, to a bit of leaven that leavens the mass of
meal, to treasure hidden in the field which should be pur-
chased at whatever cost, and to a '' pearl of great price "
for which all of one's possessions are no more than a
fair equivalent. He made it clear from the beginning
that he could not carry out the Messianic programme of
current Jewish thought. His kingdom was " to have no
officers, no headquarters, no political features, no worldly
associations.'" It was to be a spiritual kingdom, whose
membership was to consist of individuals won to belief
in his divine personality and mission, brought into loving
obedience to his will, united with him spiritually in his
plans and purposes, ready to take up their crosses and
follow him, ready to suffer obloquy, the breaking up of
all social and family ties, and death itself for his sake,
whose relationship to him he declared to be that of the
? " Hivmoiix/* ^f Stevens #n4 Bvrtoo. • Vot|w-
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CHAP. I] JESUS THE CHRIST 73
branches to the vine, and who should abide in him as he
in them. His disciples were to be '* born anew " (or "from
above''). A complete transformation of the individual
character and life was to be a condition of entrance into
his kingdom. He chose to deny himself all earthly pos-
sessions and comforts in order that he might devote him-
self unreservedly to the well-being of his fellow-men.
He required renunciation of all earthly things as a con-
dition of discipleship. Some who, imbued with Jewish
Messianic ideas, had arrayed themselves among his disci-
ples under the impression that an earthly kingdom was
to be established by the Master, forsook him when he
made known to them clearly that his religion was one of
absolute self-denial, and that it involved on his part and
on theirs boundless sufferings.
The Beatitudes set forth his ideal of life. Poverty of
spirit and material poverty even to the extent of hunger
and thirst, mourning and weeping, subjection to the ha-
tred and abuse of men, are to be regarded as blessings ;
meekness, purity in heart, peace-making, are commended ;
while woe is pronounced upon the rich, the full, the
laughing, and the popular. Self-humiliation is a condi-
tion of true exaltation, self-exaltation leads to real abase-
ment. He came not to destroy the law but to fulfill it.
Love to God, involving a spirit of absolute obedience to
his will and joyful participation in his plans and purposes,
and involving specifically love to man equal to love of
self, he represents as the sum and substance of the law.
Enemies are to be loved, not hated. Retaliation and
revenge are absolutely prohibited. To make sure of suf-
ficiently emphasizing his disapproval of revenge he com-
mands that evil be repaid with good.
Jesus represented himself as a revealer of the Father
from whom he came forth and to whom he was to return,
as ''the way, the truth, and the life," 1. e., as the way
by which sinful men may return to the Father, as the
embodiment of all truth that sinful men need to know in
order to their eternal well-being, as the life by participa-
tion in which through faith men may become sons of
God.
His life of self-denial and well-doing was to culminate
In a ^acri^ci^l death, He represents himself as a shep-
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74 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
d voluntarily laying down his life for the sheep (John
17, 18), as giving '* his life a ransom for many *' (Marie
herd
10' , _ _
10 : 45). He regarded his violent death as a fulfiliment
of Scripture and the time of it as fixed in the divine pur-
pose. On his part the sacrifice was to be a voluntary
one. He had power to lay down his life and power to
talce it again. His going away, according to the Johan-
nean representation, was a condition of the coming of the
Paraclete, who should lead his disciples into all truth, and
it would entitle them to claim in his name the exercise
of unlimited divine power on their behalf.
5. His Methods of Teaching. On a few occasions Jesus
addressed great multitudes. The Sermon on the Mount
is the most noteworthy specimen of a prolonged address
of this sort. In this remarkable discourse the ethical
element prevails. Jesus sets forth in brief, pointed, em-
phatic sayings the contrast between the type of life that
belongs to his Icingdom and that which prevailed in cur-
rent Judaism. It is a gospel not of outward observances
or of doctrinal definitions, but of the inner life. Nothing
is said about faith, repentance, atonement, or baptism,
but much about inward conformity to the law of God,
which is essentially the law of love. His shorter dis-
courses frequently assumed the form of parables, as was
very common among Oriental teachers. Private conver-
sations, as in the cases of Nicodemus and the Samaritan
woman, gave occasion for many of his most precious
utterances. To the inner circle of his disciples he was
wont to give explanations of his parabolic discourses and
to communicate his plans and purposes more clearly than
to the unreceptive multitude. Yet he had frequently to
complain bitterly of lack of understanding on the part of
those who had been so long time with him, though,
" Never man spake like this man."
6. His IVorks of Power. Nothing is more striking in
the career of Jesus than his reserve in the exercise of
divine power in the physical realm. Miracles were ex-
pected by the Jews as " signs " of Messiahship, but when
asked for from motives of curiosity or demanded in a
spirit of unbelief they were uniformly refused. Most of
his mighty works were the proper expression of his be-
nevolence, as in the restoration of their dead to bereaved
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CHAP. I.] JESUS THE CHRIST 75
relatives, the feeding of the famishing multitudes, the
casting out of demons, the healing of the sick and the
blind. They were also "symbols of his spiritual and
savmg work. . . When he healed bodily blindness it
was a type of the healing of the inner eye ; when he
raised the dead, he meant to suggest that he was the
Resurrection and the Life in the spiritual world as well ;
when he cleansed the leper, his triumph spoke of another
over the leprosy of sin." *
7. His Rejection by his People. " He came unto his own
(possessions), and his own (people) received him not."
His explanation of this rejection was that light had come
into the world and that men loved darkness rather than
light because of their evil deeds. To their unwillingness
to do God's will he attributed their unbelief in himself.
Their rejection and malicious plottings he ascribed to the
influence of the devil, whose children he declared the
unbelieving Jews to be. Like him they were liars and
enemies of the truth. They were the bond-servants of
sin, when by accepting the truth they might become free.
Though he accepted to a great extent the doctrinal teach-
ing of the Pharisees, as against those of the Sadducees,
his antagonism to a religion of outward observances, his
denunciation of current Pharisaism as hypocrisy, and his
proclamation of the doctrine that love to God and love to
man rather than ceremonial sacrifices, avoidance of things
unclean, and physical purgations, constitute true relig-
ion; and his disregard of the rules of Sabbath observ-
ance and insistence that the Sabbath was made for man
not man for the Sabbath, aroused the bitterest antag-
onism of the Pharisaic guardians of the Law and led them
to resolve on his death. The aristocratic Sadducees, in-
cluding the high priests and the political party in sym-
pathy with Roman life and rule, no doubt regarded Jesus
as a fanatic, the prevalence of whose teachings would
imperil the hierarchical system in which they were deeply
interested, and they were willing to co-operate with the
Pharisees in measures for his destruction. The Roman
officials, feeling little personal interest in Jewish religious
questions, thought it a matter of policy to gratify the in-
iSteJkw.
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76 A MAhOJAL OP CHURCH HISTORV [PER.L
fiuential parties at the expense of an obscure enthusiast,
who moreover was represented as calling himself a l<ing
and as hostile to Caesar.
A few hundred more or less closely attached followers
and a small band of devoted disciples constituted the ap-
parent result of Jesus' ministry. Few even of these
had entered fully into an understanding of his teach*
ing or into sympathy with his purposes. In Galilee,
where Pharisaism was comparatively uninfluential, he
gained considerable recognition ; in Judea, where
Pharisaism was strong, he made little impression. At
the critical moment, when confession of Jesus might
mean death, all forsook him and fled, Peter, who had
been foremost to confess his divine character and Mes-
siahship, denying him with cursing and swearing.
8. The Trial and Crucifixion. Of those who had at-
tached themselves to Jesus a large proportion were
grievously disappointed because of his failure to fulfill the
Jewish Messianic hopes. On one occasion (John 6 : 15)
an effort was made to force him to become king. Dis-
appointed in their expectations and repelled by his mys-
terious statement about the necessity of eating his flesh
and drinking his blood (John 6 : 53-58), '' many of his
disciples went back and walked no more with him " (ver.
66). On this occasion he foretold the treachery of one
of his disciples (ver. 70). At last he determined on
going to Jerusalem for the Passover, arousing the popu-
lar enthusiasm by a public proclamation of his Messiah-
ship, making a triumphal entry into the city, and suffer-
ing the death that he foresaw awaited him.
The popular enthusiasm alarmed Sadducees and Phar-
isees alike, and the two parties united in compassing his
death. An insurrection would bring upon Jewish officials
the condemnation of the Roman government. It must
be prevented by the destruction of the populai leader.
His prediction of the destruction of Jerusalem, for whose
salvation he yearned, the conspiracy between the chief
priests and Judas for his quiet arrest, the last Supper and
the designation of the traitor, the farewell discourses, the
intercessory prayer, the watching and agonizing in Geth-
semane, the betrayal and arrest in the garden, his ar-
raignment before Caiaphas, the high priest, his condemna-
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CHAP. I.] JESUS THE CHRIST JJ
tion on the ground of blasphemy because of his con-
fession of Messiahship, the mockings, scourgings, and
contemptuous treatment following the condemnation, the
shameful denial of Peter, the trial before Pilate, the
attempt of Pilate to release him, the cry of the multi-
tude, " Crucify him, crucify him," Pilate's weak yield-
ing against his own judgment to the demands of the
Jews, the crucifixion — these events followed each other
with startling rapidity, and to the terrified disciples the
cause of Jesus no doubt seemed to suffer an ignominious
collapse.
9. Ihe ^surrection and Ascension. Notwithstanding
the plainness of his predictions, the disciples seem to
have had little expectation of the resurrection of their
Master. His repeated manifestation after the resurrec-
tion, his words of counsel now wonderfully impressive,
above all the Great Commission : " All authority hath
been given unto me in heaven and on earth. Go ye,
therefore, and make disciples of all the nations, baptiz-
mg them into the name of the Father and of the Son
and of the Holy Ghost : teaching them to observe what-
soever I commanded you : and lo, I am with you alway,
even unto the end of the world " (Matt. 28 : 16-20 ; cf.
Mark 16 : 15-18), his final words showing that his death
and resurrection had been in fulfillment of Old Testa-
ment prophecy, commanding that ''repentance and re-
mission of sins should be preached in his name unto all
the nations, beginning at Jerusalem " (Luke 24 : 47), his
reminder to his disciples that they were witnesses of
these things, his bidding them tarry in the city until
they should be clothed with power from on high, his
ascension into heaven — these words and manifestations
made heroes of the timid, discouraged disciples. They
were now convinced, as they could never have been con-
vinced before his death and resurrection, of the spir-
ituality of his kingdom and the certainty of its triumph.
" They worshipped him, and returned to Jerusalem with
great joy : and were continually in the temple, blessing
God " (Luke 24 : 52, 53). The teachings of the Master,
treasured in their memory but imperfectly understood,
now became luminous and glorious. They were able
now to enter with consuming zeal upon the great task
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78 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.i
of evangelizing the world that he had marked out for
them with full assurance of ultimate triumph.
VI. SOME ESTIMATES OF THE CHARACTER AND INFLUENCE
OF JESUS.
The most important testimonies are contained in the
apostolic writings, but as these are lamiliar and will be
utilized to some extent in the next chapter, more recent
estimates will be here given :
It is generally allowed that Jesus appeared as a public man with a
mind whose ideas were completely developed and arranged, with a
character sharpened over its whole surface into perfect definlteness,
and with designs that marched forward to their ends without hesita-
tion. . . The reason of this must have been that during the thirty
years before his public ministry began his ideas, his character, and
designs went through all the stages of a thorough development. . .
For one with his powers at command, thirty years of complete reti-
cence and reserve were a long time. Nothing was greater in him
afterward than the majestic reserve in both speech and action that
characterized him.^
Referring to the Messianic prophecy in Isa. 42 : 1-4
represented as fulfilled in Jesus (Matt. 12 : 18-21) Bruce
remarks :
No other type of Messiah could have any attractions for him : not
the political Messiah of the Zealots, whose one desire was natonal
independence ; not the Messiah of common expectation, who should
flatter popular prejudices and make himself an idol by becoming a
slave ; not the Messiah of the Pharisees, himself a Pharisee, regard-
ing it as his vocation to deliver Israel from pagan impurity ; not
even the austere Messiah of the Baptist, who was to separate the
good from the evil by a process of judicial severity, and so usher in
a kingdom of righteousness. The Messiah devoutly to be longed
for, and cordially to be welcomed when he came, in his view was
one who should conquer by the might of love and truth ; who should
meet the deepest wants of man, not merely gratify the wishes of the
Jews, and prove a Saviour to the whole worid ; who should be con*
spicuous by patience and hopefulness, rather than by inexorable
sternness,— a humane, universal, spiritual Messiah, answering to a
divine kingdom of kindred character,— the desire of all nations, the
fulfillment of humanity's deepest longings, therefore not destined to
be superseded, but to remain an Eternal Christ, the same yesterday,
to-day, and forever.
The teacher made the truth he taught. His teaching was his
articulated person, his person his Incorporated teaching. The divin«
> Stelkv
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CHAP.L JESUS THE CHRIST 79
ty the one expressed, the other embodied. He came to found a
kingdom by manifesting his kinghood, by declaring himself a king.
The King was the center rouna which the kingdom crystallized.
His first words announced its advent ; his last affirmed its reality,
though a reality too sublimely ideal to be intelligible to the man of
the world.^
His teaching . . . from the very first has for its background a
unique self-consciousness, the incomparable significance of his per-
son, and from the beginning was directed toward something that
must bt more than teaching, that must be work and deed, viz., the
founding of God's kingdom. And this founding was finally accom-
plished, not by his teaching as such, but by his personal devotion to
and completion of his life-work, by his death ana resurrection. Does
his teaching thereby lose its original fundamental significance, and
sink down to a mere introduction to New Testament revelation ? It
must be said that little as the teaching of Jesus in itself, apart from
the conclusion of his life, could have called into existence the king-
dom of God, as little could that ending of his life have called it into
being without the foregoing doctrinal revelation.'
The glad tidings which Jesus proclaimed were tidings of the
kingdom of God. In delivering this message he, on the one hand,
proclaimed the fact that the kingdom was beginning to be set up;
and on the other hand he announced the requirements to be fulfilled
in view of that fact. The whole contents of the teaching of Jesus
can be classed under this general theme, and the two points of
view from which he expounaed it. His preaching in regard to the
kingdom of God contained partly instruction as to the existence of
the kingdom, its nature, its realization, and development ; and partly
exhortations to the fulfillment of the conditions of membership. . .
His object was to establish that kingdom practically among his
hearers ; and therefore he continually aimed at inciting them to be-
come members of It.*
No life ends even for this world when the body by which it has
for a little been made visible disappears from the face of the earth.
It enters the stream of the ever-swelling life of mankind, and con-
tinues to act there with its whole force for evermore. Indeed, the
true magnitude of a human being can often only be measured by
what tiiis after life shows him to have been. So it was with Christ
The modest narrative of the Gospels scarcely prepares us for the out-
burst of creative force which issued from his fife when it appeared to
have ended. His influence on the modem world is the evidence of
how great he was ; for there must have been in the cause as much
as there is in the effect. It has overspread the life of man and caused
it to blossom with the vigor of a spiritual spring. It has absorbed
^to itself all other influences, as a mighty river, pouring along the
center of a continent, receives tributaries from a hundred nills. And
its quallhr has been even more exceptional than its quantity. The
life of Cnrist in history cannot cease. His influence waxes more and
more ; the dead nations are waiting till it reaches them, and it is the
hope of the earnest spirits that are bringing in the new earth. AH
» FaMMlni. « B«yfClitaf . Wtndt
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discoveries of the modem worid, every development of juster ideas,
of higher powers, of more exquisite feelings In manlcind, are only
new helps to inteipret him : ana the lifting up of life to the level of
his ideas and character is the programme of me human race.^
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CHAPTER II
THE APOSTLES
LITERATURE: The Acts of the AposUes, the apostolic Epistles*
and the Apocalypse contain nearly all the authentic materials. See
also Josephus, "Jewish War/' ** Against Apion," and "Auto-
biography"; Neander, "Planting and Training of the Christian
Church "^: Dollinger, " First Age of Christianity and the Church " ;
Schurer, *' History of the Jewish People in the Time of Christ" ;
Hausrath, "History of New Testament Times"; Baur, "Church
History of the First Three Centuries " : Keim, " Rom u. d. Chrisim-
tkum'^^i Ewald, " History of Israel," Vol. VII ; Weizsacker, " The
Apostolic Age of the Christian Church"; McGiffert, " The Apos-
tolic Age"; Ramsay, "The Church in the Roman Empire bdFore
A. D. 170," and "St. Paul, the Traveler and Roman Citizen";
Hamack, " G^sch. d. MUhristlichm Uhirahtr his EusOms^" esp. part
II., "Dtf Chrouol^^* \ works on New Testament Introduction
and the Bibikal Theology of the New Testament as in Chap. I.;
works on the Life of Paul, by Conybeare and Howson. Farrar,
Geikie, Sabatier. Stalker, and Baur; Vedder, "The Dawn of
Christianihr" ; Wallace, " Labors and Letters of the Apostles" ;
Pfleiderer, ^' PauUnism " ; Bruce, " St. Paul's Conception of Christi-
anity " ; Stevens, " The Pauline Theology," and '^The Johannine
Theology "; Schiller, " dsch. d, ram. KaissrttH untsr d. RigUrung d.
Nsro"i Addis, "Christianity and the Roman Empire" : Uhlhom,
"Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism," and '^Christian
Charityr in the Ancient Church " ; Lightfoot, " Dissertations on the
Apostolic Age " ; Farrar, " The Eariy Davs of Christianity " ; and
Arnold, " Dit turomsclu ChrisUmirfolgmg,
I. THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH TO THE CONVERSION OF SAUL.
I. The Pentecostal Baptism. The risen Lord had charged
his disciples '* not to depart from Jerusalem, but to wait
for the promise of the Father, which, said he, ye heard
from me : for John indeed baptized with water ; but ye
shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost not many days
hence " (Acts i : 4, 5). They seem not yet to have given
up their Jewish Messianic hopes.- Before the Lord's
ascension they had asked him whether he was about to
•' restore the kingdom to Israel '' (Acts i : 6). He replied
that it was not for them "to know times or seasons,
which the Father hath set within his own authority."
F Si
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But he assured them that they should receive power
when the Holy Ghost should come upon them, and that
they should be his "witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in
all Judea, and unto the uttermost parts of the earth."
After the ascension, as they were standing in a dazed
condition '* looking stedfastly into heaven, two men stood
by them in white apparel,*' and assured them that this
Jesus, which was received up from them into heaven,
should so come in like manner as they beheld him going
into heaven. Returning to their lodgings in Jerusalem,
profoundly impressed by what they had seen and heard,
the eleven " with the women, and Mary the mother of
Jesus, and with his brethren, with one accord, continued
stedfastly in prayer." During these days of prayerful
waiting, Peter called attention to the breach in the ranks
of the Twelve caused by the treachery of Judas, and
Matthias was appointed by lot to fill it.
On the day of Pentecost (fifty days after the Pass-
over), when Jews and proselytes ''from every nation
under heaven " had gathered in Jerusalem, the dis-
ciples "were all together in one place. And suddenly
there came from heaven a sound as of the rushing of a
mighty wind, and it filled all the house where they were
sitting. And there appeared unto them tongues parting
asunder, like as of fire ; and it sat upon each one of them.
And they were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and began
to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them ut-
terance." The gathered multitude of Jews and proselytes
were drawn together by the noise and "were confounded
because that every one heard them speaking in his own
language." Some were amazed, thinking a great miracle
was being wrought, while others attributed the phenom-
ena to drunkenness on the part of the disciples. Peter re-
pudiated the charge of drunkenness and showed that the
marvelous phenomena were the fulfillment of a prophecy
of Joel. He took occasion to make an impassioned ad-
dress on "Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved of God
... by mighty works and wonders and signs," as his
hearers themselves knew. He dwelt upon the fact that
he had been crucified and slain "by the hand of lawless
men," having been "delivered up by the determinate
counsel and foreknowledge of God," and upon the fact
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CHAP.IL] THE APOSTLES 83
that "God raised him up, having loosed the pangs of
death." Of the resurrection he said, "we all are wit-
nesses." He attributed the wonderful phenomena that
had brought the people together to the agency of Christ
in his exaltation at the right hand of God. He declared
to the house of Israel : " God hath made him both Lord
and Christ, this Jesus whom ye crucified." The awak-
ened multitude asked what they should do. Peter ex-
horted them to " repent " and " be baptized in the name
of Jesus Christ unto the remission of" their "sins."
About three thousand heeded the exhortation and were
baptized that day. "And they continued steadfastly in
the apostles' teaching and fellowship, in the breaking of
bread and the prayers " (Acts 2).
2. The Jerusalem Church. The original disciples, with
their multitude of enthusiastic converts baptized upon a
profession of their faith, may be said to have constituted
the first Christian church. Our Lord himself seems to
have organized no local communities of believers. He
preached in the synagogues and in the temple and had
his inner and outer circles of baptized disciples, and these
as a whole may, without impropriety, be designated as
the pre-pentecostal church. But the churches, as organ-
ized bodies, are an apostolic institution. Even after
Pentecost the great body of believers in Jerusalem had
for some time very little organization.
It is related that " fear came upon every soul and many
wonders and signs were done by the apostles." This
would indicate the prevalence of intense religious excite-
ment and expectancy. These believers had not yet ad-
justed themselves to their new relations and were doubt-
less uncertain whether it was the will of the Lord that
they should continue to live in the world and to occupy
themselves with secular concerns. "And all that be-
lieved were together, and had ail things common ; and
they sold their possessions and goods, and parted them
to all, according as any man had need. And day by day,
continuing stedfastly with one accord in the temple, and
breaking bread at home, they did take their food with
gladness and singleness of heart, praising God, and hav-
ing favor with all the people. And the Lord added to
them day by day those that were being saved." This
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disregard of secular interests beautiful in itself and highly
appropriate at the time could only be temporary in that
or any other community. The common supply of the
necessaries of life would soon be exhausted and the
entire body would be reduced to dependence on miracles
or on chanty.
The healing of a lame man by Peter and John at the
door of the temple brought together a crowd of people to
whom Peter preached Jesus as the crucified, risen, and
glorified Servant, as the Prince of life, as the Holy and
Righteous One, whose sufferings had been foretold by the
prophets and "whom the heaven must receive until the
times of restoration of all things." The concourse of
the people and Peter's enthusiastic preaching alarmed
the " priests and the captain of the temple and the Sad-
ducees," who arrested Peter and John. Their boldness
and the certainty that a miracle had been performed so
impressed the authorities that the apostles were released.
The number of believers had by this time increased to
five thousand (Acts 4 : 4).
It is remarkable that in the preaching of this time great
stress is laid on the fulfillment of prophecy in the death
and resurrection of Jesus ; and yet the Jews are made to
feel the guilt of his crucifixion.
The liberation of the apostles was an occasion of
thanksgiving and praise on the part of the brethren. It
is reported (Acts 4: 31) that "the place was shaken
wherein they were gathered together ; and they were all
filled with the Holy Ghost, and they spake the word of
God with boldness. And the multitude of them that be-
lieved were of one heart and soul : and not one of them
said that aught of the things which he possessed was his
own ; but they had all things common ... for as many
as were possessors of lands or houses sold them, and
brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid
them at the apostles' feet : and distribution was made
unto each, according as any one had need."
The deception of Ananias and Sapphira and their sud-
den death under Peter's censure, and many other " signs
and wonders wrought among the people '^ (Acts 5 : 12),
caused "multitudes both of men and women" to be
added to the Christians. Peter's credit increased to
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CHAP.IL] THE APOSTLES 8$
such an extent that the people brought their sick into
the streets that his shadow might fall on them, and multi-
tudes of sick were brought from the cities round about to
be healed by him. Again the Sadducaic authorities threw
the apostles into prison, but an angel of the Lord opened
the prison door and bade them preach in the temple to
the people. Arraigned again and bidden to desist from
preaching, they declared that they must obey God rather
than men. Warned by Gamaliel as to the futility of vio-
lent interference with enthusiasts, the authorities beat
them and let them go, charging them '' not to speak in
the name of Jesus."
The presence in the city of more than five thousand
believers, many of whom were dependent on the chari-
ties daily distributed, rendered the problem of equitable
distribution a very serious one. The apostles, occupied
much in the ministry of the word, in response to com-
plaints of neglect on the part of the Hellenistic Jews,
asked the brethren to select from their number " seven
men of good report, full of the Spirit and of wisdom,''
whom they might " appoint over this business/' The
choosing of Stephen and six others by the brethren and
their appointment by the apostles with prayer and the
laying-on of hands constituted these the first officials,
apart from the apostles, in the infant church. It is in-
teresting to note that these servers of tables were in-
troduced in response to a deeply felt practical need
and not as part of a deliberately planned system of
church order.
Following the introduction of this division of labor in
the Jerusalem church we are informed that '* the word of
God increased ; and the number of the disciples multiplied
in Jerusalem exceedingly ; and a great company of the
priests were obedient to the faith." This continued
multiplication must have brought the numbers far above
five thousand, the last numerical estimate given. Noth-
ing is known of the subsequent career of the ** great
company " of converted priests.
Stephen proved to be not only a server of tables but
a minister of the word as well. ''Full of grace and
power," he ''wrought great wonders and signs among
the people." The discomfiture of certain Hellenistic
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86 A Manual OF church history [per.l
Jews who tried to argue with Stephen led them to
accuse him of blasphemy against Moses and against God.
Arraigned before the Jewish authorities on this charge,
he gave utterance to the inspired discourse recorded in
Acts 7, in which he showed that Jesus is the proper com-
plement of Hebrew history and the true fulfillment of
Hebrew prophecy, and ended with a stern denunciation
of the Jews before him as '* stiff-necked and uncircum-
cised in heart and ears " and as '* betrayers and murder-
ers " of "the Righteous One" foretold by the prophets
whom their fathers had persecuted. Enraged by his
denunciations, they refused to hear more, but " rushed
upon him with one accord ; and they cast him out of the
city, and stoned him, who, having had a vision of the
opened heavens," with ''the glory of God and the Son
of man standing on the right hand of God," committing
his spirit to the Lord Jesus, prayed that the sin of his
murder might not be laid to the charge of his murderers,
and "fell asleep."
It is related that "the witnesses" against Stephen
" laid down their garments at the feet of a young man
named Saul," and that "Saul was consenting unto his
death."
The martyrdom of Stephen is significant for the fol-
lowing reasons : First, because it was the first Christian
martyrdom ; secondU^, because it introduced a general
persecution of the Christians in Jerusalem and led to
their dispersion and to the wide dissemination of Chris-
tian truth ; and thirdly, because it launched upon his
persecuting career Saul of Tarsus, there having already
been planted in his mind and heart seeds of truth that
would afterward spring up and bear fruit.
The solemn burial of Stephen by his devout brethren
is followed immediately in the narrative by a record of
Saul's persecuting work : " But Saul laid waste the
church, entering into every house, and haling men and
women committed them to prison."
" They that were scattered abroad," we are informed,
"went about preaching the word." Philip, another of
the seven servers of tables, was among the first to enter
upon evangelistic labor outside the city. Shortly after
the outbreak of persecution he " went down to the city
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CHAP. 11.] THE APOSTLES 87
of Samaria and proclaimed unto them the Christ." His
preaching and his healing of the sick aroused profound
interest, and the consideration thus gained by the evan-
gelist caused a certain magician named Simon to covet
the power of the Spirit and to submit to baptism in order
that he might gain it. When the news of the reception
of the gospel by the Samaritans reached the apostles in
Jerusalem they sent Peter and John to look after the
new believers. Philip had baptized them *' into the
name of the Lord Jesus." The apostles prayed for them,
that they might receive the Holy Ghost, and as ''they
laid their hands upon them " they received this special
enduement. Simon Magus sought to purchase the power
of communicating the Holy Spirit, and received the
scathing rebuke of Peter. The name of Simon figures
prominently in the pseudonymous works of the second
and third centuries as one of the most corrupt of the
Gnostic leaders and as a malignant opponent of Peter
and of orthodox Christianity. The villages of Samaria
were also evangelized at this time.
Under divine impulse Philip journeyed "toward the
south unto the way that goeth down from Jerusalem
unto Gaza." There he met an official "of Candace,
queen of the Ethiopians, who was over all her treasure,
who had come to Jerusalem for to worship." Prompted
by the Spirit, Philip joined himself to the eunuch's
chariot and hearing him reading from Isa. 53, without
any proper understanding of its meaning, " beginning
from this Scripture, preached unto him Jesus." Con-
vinced that Jesus is the Christ and that it was his duty
as a believer to enter into the fellowship of believers
and to assume the obligations and responsibilities of dis-
cipleship, he desired to receive Christian baptism. Call-
ing the attention of the evangelist to "a certain water "
to which they had come, he asked to be baptized. It is
related (Acts 8 : 38, 39) that "they both went down
into the water, both Philip and the eunuch ; and he bap-
tized him. And when they came up out of the water,
the Spirit of the Lord caught away Philip." The eunuch
"went on his way rejoicing." Philip "was found at
Azotus : and passing through preached the gospel to all
the cities, till he came to C»sare»/'
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88 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I.
II. FROM THE CONVERSION OF SAUL TO THE JERUSALEM
CONFERENCE (k. D. 31-46 or 35-49)-
I. The Conversion of Saul. " Not content with laying
waste the church in Jerusalem, Saul of Tarsus, the edu-
cated Pharisee who had sat at the feet of Gamaliel, and
who had received a regular Greek education as well, still
''breathing out threatening and slaughter against the
disciples of the Lord, went unto the high priest and
asked of him letters to Damascus unto the synagogues,
that if he found any that were of the way, whether men
or women, he might bring them bound unto Jerusalem."
In seeking to exterminate the religion of Christ he
thought he was rendering service to God ; for he was no
doubt fully persuaded that its prevalence would mean
the subversion of the Law, whose preservation and ob-
servance he regarded as supremely important. A man
of his intelligence must have learned much of the new
religion. Stephen's eloquent discourse may have im-
pressed him ; but it had the immediate effect of infuriat-
ing him against the innovators, and may have led to a
resolution to devote his life to destroying them. We have
several varying accounts, all emanating from himself, of
his sudden conversion on the road to Damascus (Acts
9, 22, 25). The shining from heaven of a great light,
the voice saying, **Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou
me ? " his answer, '* Who art thou. Lord ? " the answer,
*' I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest," his
inquiry what he should do and the Lord's directions, his
blindness, his healing and baptism by Ananias of Da-
mascus, the commission given him by the Lord as a
" minister and witness," with the promise of Divine
protection and support, are the chief items of the narra-
tives. That he regarded the change wrought in him as
sudden, and as the direct result of special Divine inter-
vention, admits of no doubt. Almost immediately he
began to proclaim Jesus in the synagogues as the Son of
God, to the amazement of believers who had known him
as a persecutor. '' But Saul increased the more in
strength, and confounded the Jews which dwelt at Da-
mascus, proving that this is the Christ " (Acts 9 : 22).
The Jews plotted to kill him, but he escaped through the
good offices of the disciples, and returned to Jerusalem.
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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES 89
There the brethren were at first afraid of him, but
" Barnabas took him and brought him to the apostles/'
and by narrating the facts of his conversion won their
confidence. After preaching in Jerusalem for some time
and disputing with the Hellenistic Jews, his life was
again in danger, and he was sent by the brethren to
Tarsus by way of Caesarea.
From the Epistle to the Galatians we learn that before
his first visit to Jerusalem as a Christian he had gone
away into Arabia, and had again returned to Damascus.
The stay in Arabia and the second sojourn in Damascus
probably occupied more than a year, and the first visit
to Jerusalem probably occurred in A. D. 33 or 35.^
2, Peter's Early Ministry. After the outburst of per-
secuting fury that followed the martyrdom of Stephen,
we are informed that "the church throughout all Judea
and Galilee and Samaria had peace, being builded up ; and
walking in the fear of the Lord and in the comfort of the
Holy Ghost, was multiplied/' It is noticeable that the
church is still spoken of as a unity though its member-
ship was scattered over several provinces, Peter's min-
istry and works of healing at Lydda and at Joppa, the
two-fold vision by which Cornelius, a God-fearing cen-
turion, was directed to send for Peter, and by which
Peter was directed to put aside his Judaizing scruples,
and to minister to the centurion at Caesarea, is remark-
able as having opened Peter's eyes to the fact "that
God is no respecter of persons : but in every nation he
that feareth him, and worketh righteousness, is accept-
able to him," and as leading to the first baptism of a
Gentile into the Christian fellowship. Peter's Judaizing
disposition was to reassert itself, and the brethren at
Jerusalem were still to be fully convinced by Paul of the
universality of the gospel provision. Peter found some
difficulty in justifying his course at Caesarea to the apos-
tles and brethren in Judea ; but when the manifest Di-
vine leading in the matter was made known to them they
glorified God.
3. Evangelisation in Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch.
Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch were also evangelized as
^ Raasay dates this visit A. D. 37. In Accordance with his view that Paul's con-
wstoa occwrad la a. o. js- Hamack and McGiffert support tha aarllar dates.
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go A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
a result of the scattering of the brethren occasioned by
"the tribulation that arose about Stephen," and "a
great number " are said to have ** believed." Barnabas
was sent to Antioch to carry forward the good work, and
'* much people was added unto the Lord." Feeling the
need of such help, he ** went forth to Tarsus to seek for
Saul." Both Barnabas and Saul labored a whole year in
this great center. They gathered a church, ** taught
much people," and here "the disciples were first called
Christians " (Acts ii : 26). There being a famine in Ju-
dea the disciples at Antioch, " each man according to his
ability," determined to send relief to their suffering b. eth-
ren. Barnabas and Saul were the agents of their benefi-
cence. The brethren in Judea were suffering at this
time from persecution at the hands of Herod as well as
from famine. The execution of James the brother of
John, and the imprisonment of Peter, who was delivered
by angelic ministry, are among the features recorded.
After narrating the smiting to death of Herod by the
Lord, it is said : " But the word of the Lord grew and
multiplied."
Antioch henceforth figures as a great Christian center,
side by side with Jerusalem. A church is now spoken
of as being there, and among the " prophets and teach-
ers " were " Barnabas, Symeon that was called Niger,
and Lucius of Cyrene, and Manaen the foster-brother of
Herod the tetrarch, and Saul." Under the direction of
the Holy Spirit, Barnabas and Saul were separated for
missionary work and were sent forth whithersoever the
Spirit might lead. From the record it would seem that
they were designated and sent forth by the "prophets
and teachers " whose names have been given, and who
are said to have been ministering and fasting when the
Divine will was revealed to them ; but if this were so,
the transaction no doubt had the approval of the entire
body of believers.
The death of Herod Agrippa. referred to above, occurred in 44.
The first missionary journey of Saul and Barnabas may have begun
during the same year. It may be observed that the record of the
labors of the apostles during the years 34-44 is exceedingly meagre.
It is probable that Paul spent at least ten years in evangelistic work
in Syria and Cilicla. It is not at all likely that he and his com-
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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES QI
panions confined themselves closely to Antioch, but their labors
were no doubt abundant and widespread. Nothing further is related
of Peter and the other apostles until the conference at Jerusalem.
4. The First Missionary Journey of Paul and Barnabas.
It is noteworthy that the Saul designated as a missionary
now becomes Paul in the narrative. This change of
name has by some writers been connected with the con-
version of the pro-consul Sergius Paulus, on the island of
Cyprus, near the beginning of the journey. The better
view seems to be that Paul was already his name as a
Roman citizen, and that in his missionary work among the
Gentiles he preferred this to his Hebrew name. Sailing
from Cyprus they landed at Perga, in Pamphylia, some
miles from the mouth of the river Cestrus. Thence
they journeyed to Antioch in Pisidia, where they visited
the synagogue, and on the invitation of the rulers of the
synagogue Paul preached with such effect, that *' the
next Sabbath almost the whole city was gathered together
to hear the word of God." The gathering of the mul-
titude aroused the animosity of the Jews, whose blas-
phemous opposition led the missionaries to turn their
attention definitely to the Gentiles, who glorified God
that the gospel was for them also; and **as many as
were ordained to eternal life believed.'
Driven from Antioch by Jewish persecution, they jour-
neyed to Iconium, leaving behind them a body of disci-
ples "filled with joy and with the Holy Ghost." Here
they preached in the synagogue and "a great multitude
both of Jews and of Greeks believed." Here Jewish
and Gentile opposition was encountered and the mission-
aries "fled into the cities of Lycaonia, Lystra, and
Derbe, and the region round about: and there they
preached the gospel " (Acts 14 : 6, 7).
At Lystra, because of the healing of a cripple, the
people sought to worship Paul and Barnabas as gods.
But they were followed hither by hostile Jews from An-,
tioch and Iconium, a mob was raised against them, and
Paul was stoned.
At Derbe they " made many disciples." Then they
returning passed through Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch,
"confirming the souls of the disciples, exhorting them
to continue in the faith," warning them of the tribula-
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92 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I.
tions that awaited them, " and when they had appointed
for them elders in every church and had prayed with
fasting, they commended them unto the Lord, on whom
they had believed."
On the return journey they preached in Perga, which
for some reason they had omitted to do at the beginning
of the tour. Thence they returned to Antioch, where
they submitted a report of successful work among the
Gentiles and remained for a considerable time (Acts 14 ;
27, 28).
It is to be remarked that Paul and Barnabas organized the believ-
ers in the various towns into churches and appointed elders to look
after the spiritual interests of each body. Nothing is said about
deacons as officials in these churches. The organization effected
was of the simplest kind, elders, after the example of the Jewish
synagogues, having been appointed for the direction of Christian
life and work. That they should have been appointed by the mis-
sionaries and not by the believers themselves was due, no doubt, to
the inexperience of these recent believers and their desire that those
who had led them to a knowledge of the truth should direct them in
the matter of organization. No doubt the apostles appointed those
in each case who were known to have the confidence of their breth-
ren, and in ail probability the appointments were formally made
after full consultation with the churches.
III. FROM THE JERUSALEM CONFERENCE TO THE NERONIAN
PERSECUTION (A. D. 47 or 49-64).
From this time onward Paul is the great central figure
in the history of the apostolic churches, the Acts of the
Apostles being henceforth devoted almost exclusively to
the narration of his labors, while the labors of the rest of
the apostles are almost wholly lost sight of.
I. The Conference at Jerusalem. Either during the ab-
sence of Paul and Barnabas in Asia Minor, or shortly
after their return, *' certain men came down from Judea
and taught the brethren, saying, Except ye be circum-
cised after the custom of Moses, ye cannot be saved.'*
This caused not a little disturbance in the church, and
to allay strife it was determined that " Paul and Barna-
bas, and certain other of them, should go up to Jerusalem
unto the apostles and elders about this question." They
utilized their journey for declaring to the brethren of
Phoenicia and Samaria the joyful tidings of the conver-
sion of the Gentiles.
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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES 95
On their arrival in Jerusalem '* they were received
of the church and the apostles and elders, and they
rehearsed all things that God had done with them/'
Certain Pharisaic believers insisted that these Gentile
converts must be circumcised and charged to keep the
law of Moses. Peter spoke the decisive word, referring
to his own inauguration of Gentile evangelization ''a
good while ago," and to the fact that Gentile believers
had received the Holy Ghost as well as others, and
claiming that God made no distinction between them and
Jews, He deprecated the thought of putting a yoke
upon these brethren. Jews and Gentiles alike are saved
through the grace of the Lord Jesus.
Barnabas and Paul then rehearsed *' what signs and
wonders the Lord had wrought among the Gentiles by
them.'' James, who is commonly regarded as the most
Judaizing of the apostles, gave it as his judgment *' that
we trouble not them which from among the Gentiles
turn to God, but that we write unto them to abstain
from the pollutions of idols, and from fornication, and
from what is strangled, and from blood." This state-
ment of the case was adopted.
'* Then it seemed good to the apostles and the elders,
with the whole church, to choose men out of their com-
pany and send them to Antioch with Paul and Barna-
bas." A letter was drafted containing a rebuke to those
who had troubled the Antiochian brethren with words,
subverting their souls, recognizing the work of Paul and
Barnabas, ** men that have hazarded their lives for the
name of our Lord Jesus Christ," mentioning the appoint-
ment of Judas and Silas to tell them ''the same things
by word of mouth," and enumerating the requirements
to be made of Gentile believers as formulated by James,
The decision of the brethren in conference and the visit
of Silas and Judas brought about a good understanding
between these two primitive churches. Paul and Bar-
nabas remained for a short time in Antioch, " teaching
and preaching the word of the Lord, with many others
also.^'
The conference In Jerusalem is from a historical point of view
highly Important. It shows us in Jerusalem an organized church,
with apostles, elders, and brethren, who act conjointly. So far as
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94 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.l
appears, the apostles expressed the opinions that prevailed and the
eiders and brethren assented ; but it is probable that all alike were
free to express themselves and that the opinion of an unofficial mem-
ber would have received all the consideration to which it was enti-
tled. We have here an example of inter-congregational intercourse,
delegated members of the Antiochian church going to Jerusalem and
conferring with the church there, the Jerusalem church in turn ap* *
pointing representatives to visit the Antiochian church and to ex'
plain more fully, if needi>e, the position of the mother church.
Above all, it settled definitely the ri^ht of Gentiles to become Chris-
tians without passing through Judaism.
For some reason not easily explained, the writer of
Acts omits an interesting episode in the history of the
relations of the churches of Jerusalem and Antioch. This
deficiency is supplied by Paul in Gal. 2:11, seq.^ who
also describes the Jerusalem conference more briefly and
from a somewhat different point of view (Gal. 2 : i-io).
According to Paul's account, Cephas (Peter) came to
Antioch probably some time after the return of Paul and
Barnabas with Silas and Judas, and at first ate with the
Gentile Christians, but when remonstrated with by cer-
tain emissaries of James, ** he drew back and separated
himself, fearing them that were of the circumcision.
And the rest of the Jews dissembled likewise with him ;
insomuch that even Barnabas was carried away with
their dissimulation." Paul felt obliged to administer a
scathing rebuke to his Judaizing brethren and to set forth
in vigorous language the equality, nay, the superiority of
Gentile to Jewish Christians. On this occasion he
seems to have stated in the clearest manner the doctrine
of justification by faith as against the doctrine of justifi-
cation by the works of the law.
It is evident that a new phase of the Gentile question was intro-
duced at this time. Even James had agreed to recognize Gentile
Christians on condition that they abstain from certain heathen
practices, most of them fundamentally Immoral ; but it seems to
nave been tacitly understood at the Jerusalem conference that Jew-
ish Christians should continue to observe the Law. Peter himself
was led by his enthusiasm so far to violate the Jewish ceremonial
law as to eat with Gentile Christians ; but his Jewish prejudices
were still strong and he was not ready to break with James, who
insisted on the ngorous observance of the Law by Christian Jews.
Paul's uncompromising attitude and stern words of
rebuke must have intensified the opposition of the ex-
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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES 95
treme Judaizers and have been irritating even to Peter
and Barnabas. Zealous propagandists of the extreme
Judaizing position visited the communities in Asia Minor
(and no doubt in Cyprus and Phoenicia) that had been
evangelized by Paul and Barnabas, denounced Paul as a
pretended apostle, and insisted that to be a Christian
one must first become a Jew by submitting to circum-
cision and observing the Jewish cerenionial law.
The Epistle to the Galatians, the aim of which was to
counteract this pernicious teaching and to vindicate the
writer's character as a divinely chosen apostle of Jesus
Christ, was probably written some time after Paul's
encounter with Peter and soon after the beginning of
the Judaizing propaganda that followed. Objection to
the early date on the ground of the intimation in the
Epistle that the writer had visited the Galatians more
than once (4 : 13), is met by the fact that on the return
journey he revisited the communities that had previously
been evangelized. The fact that he communicates to
the Galatians, as fresh information, the discussions at
Jerusalem and Antioch respecting the status of Gentile
Christians, bears strongly against the supposition that
the Epistle was written after the second missionary jour-
ney, in connection with which he could hardly have
failed to communicate to them the decisions reached.
That the work of the perverters had followed closely
upon the conversion of the Galatians through his labors
is evident from i : 6.
A recent writer, who has devoted years to geographical and archse-
ologlcal research in Asia Minor with special reference to apostolic
history, ^ has made it dear that the term Galatia in the apostolic
times included not only Galatia proper, but Pisidia, South Pnrygia,
and Isauria as well. The Galatians addressed in the Epistle would
accordingly be the Christians in Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, Lyca-
onia, Lystra» and E)ert>e, the fruits of the first missionary journey of
Paul and Barnabas.
The Epistle was probably written at Antioch shortly be-
fore Paul started on his second missionary journey, about
A. D. 46 or 47. The chief objection urged against this
early date is the elaborateness of the doctrinal system of
1 Ramsay* " The Church In th« Ronan Empire/' 189a.
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96 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
the Epistle as compared with that of the Epistles to the
Corinthians, and to the Thessalonians written during the
second missionary journey. The similarity of its teach-
ings to those of the Epistle to the Romans has inclined
critics to place the time of its composition some years
later. But it is scarcely to be supposed that the apostle
after more than fifteen years of profound occupation
with the Christian religion had not yet matured his sys-
tem. Difference of circumstances in the communities
addressed accounts sufficiently for the differences of doc-
trinal presentation. In this Epistle the apostle had to
meet the arguments of determined and unscrupulous
Judaizers, and nothing was more natural than that he
should set forth clearly and strongly the doctrine of jus-
tification by faith without the works of the law.
2. Paul's Second Missionary Journey (A. D. 46 or 47*49
or 50). Not very long after the Jerusalem conference
Paul suggested to Barnabas that they two should revisit
the brethren in the cities where they had preached.
'' Barnabas was minded to take with them John also,
who was called Mark.'* Paul objected, on the ground
that on the previous tour Mark had left the party at
Perga without a satisfactory reason. '* Barnabas took
Mark with him and sailed away unto Cyprus ; but Paul
chose Silas . . . and went through Syria and Cilicia,
confirming the churches." What resulted from the
journey of Barnabas and Mark we are not informed.
Among the incidents of Paul's journey were the revisiting
of Derbe and Lystra, the choice of young Timothy as a
fellow-laborer, the circumcision of Timothy, whose father
was a Greek, " because of the Jews that were in those
parts " (Acts 16 : 3), the Divine prohibition to labor in
Asia and Bithynia, and the Macedonian appeal in a vision,
to which the apostle readily responded.
Philippi was the first Macedonian city to be evangel-
ized. The conversion and baptism of Lydia and her
household, the expulsion of the spirit of divination from
a Pythoness which led to the beating and imprisonment
of Paul and Silas, the opening of the prison doors by an
earthquake, the conversion and baptism of the jailer and
his family, the fear of the magistrates and their desire to re-
lease the missionaries privately, and their confusion when .
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chap.1l] the apostles 97
Paul proclaimed himself a Roman citizen and demanded
fo be vindicated publicly, are the events recorded. At
the request of the magistrates they departed after meet-
ing with the brethren and comforting them.
The relations of Paul to the Philippian church were
peculiarly tender. About ten years after the founding of
the church, when he was in bonds in Rome, he wrote the
church one of the most beautiful of all his letters, on the
occasion of their ministering to his needs. It is a per-
sonal letter and is not doctrinal in intention; but it Is
rich in doctrine as well as in practical exhortation. That
the organization of the church had been completed by
this time is evident from the fact that he addresses the
body of believers " with the bishops and deacons." Here
in this Gentile church we have a plurality of bishops or
overseers, but no " presbyters."
At Thessalonica Paul preached in the synagogue and
some Jews believed, *'and of the devout Greeks (pros-
elytes) a great multitude, and of the chief women not a
few " (Acts 17 : 4).
Luke gives us a very meagre account of Paul's work
in Thessalonica. The apostle supplies further informa-
tion in the Epistles to the church written about 48 or 49,
during his residence at Corinth. After commending their
** work of faith and labor of love and patience of hope,"
their exemplary Christian conduct, and their wholesome
influence on other communities, and reminding them of
his own zealous, loving, and self-sacrificing labors on their
behalf and of his holy, righteous, and unblamable de-
meanor among them, he refers to his desire to revisit
them that had been thwarted by Satan and his sending
of Timothy to minister to them while he waited alone at
Athens, and concludes with a series of exhortations, sug-
gested no doubt by what Timothy had reported regarding
their estate. No doubt there was special occasion for the
exhortation to "abstain from fornication," to "study to
be quiet," to attend to their secular affairs, laboring with
their hands. His eschatological instructions probably
grew out of what he had heard regarding their disturb-
ance of mind concerning such matters.
Both Epistles are addressed to the church by Paul and Silvanus
and Timothy. The second deals especially with the ** coming of our
a
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98 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. L
Lord Jesus, and our gathering together unto him." The Thessalo*
nians had been led by a misunderstanding of the apostle's teachine^
or through some other influence to regard this coming as ** present?'
He warns them against this error, that was doubtless producing an
unwholesome condition in the church, and points out to tiiem, in ob-
scure and mysterious language which they probably understood,
that certain great events must precede the parousia of the Lord. Here
also attention is called to a disposition, doubtless connected with the
expectation of the immediate coming of the Lord, to ne^i^t neces-
sary secular labor. He exhorts the Thessalonians to withdraw from
every disorderiy brother.
Driven from the city through Jewish opposition Paul
and Silas went to Beroea, where *' the Jews received the
word with all readiness of mind, examining the Scriptures
daily whether these things were so" (Acts 17 : ii). Jews
from Thessalonica followed them and aroused such oppo-
sition as to interfere with their labors. Paul proceeded to
Athens without Silas and Timothy. While waiting for
their arrival ** his spirit was provoked within him, as he
beheld the city full of idols " (17 : 16). Athens was noted
no less for her culture than for the profusion of idolatrous
objects within her walls. He found curious and con-
temptuous listeners in abundance, but few prepared to
accept the truth. " But certain men clave unto him, and
believed : among whom also was Dionysius the Areop-
agite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with
them " (17 : 34).
Later tradition was busy with the name of Dionysius, represent-
ing him as the first to evan&elize France and as the author of a great
body of theosophical (Neo-Platonlc) writings that really originated
about the beginning of the sixth century.
Corinth was the scene of more prolonged and more
fruitful labors (c. 48-50). It was at this time the prin-
cipal city of Greece and, from the confluence of Greek,
Roman, and Oriental culture and vices, was one of the
most cosmopolitan of the cities of eastern Europe and
was famous for luxury and vice. The book of Acts informs
us (chap. 18) of his arrival, of his association with "a
certain Jew named Aquila, a man of Pontus by race,
lately come from Italy, with his wife Priscilla, because
Claudius had commanded all the Jews to depart from
Rome," that as a fellow-craftsman (tent maker) ht
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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES 99
"abode with them, and they wrought," that "he rea-
soned in the synagogue every Sabbath, and persuaded
Jews and Greeks ; '* that opposition and blasphemy on
the part of the Jews led him to withdraw from the
synagogue and to hold his meetings in the house of a
proselyte named Titus Justus ; that " Crispus, the ruler
of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his
house "; that " many of the Corinthians hearing believed,
and were baptized '* ; that he was encouraged by a vision
to zeal and persistence ; that he " dwelt there a year and
six months " ; that the Jews rose in might against him and
arraigned him before the judgment-seat of Gallio, the pro-
consul, who refused to pronounce judgment and "drave
them from the judgment-seat " ; and that, *' having tarried
after this yet many days," he "took his leave of the
brethren, and sailed thence for Syria, and with him Pris-
cilia and Aquila."
From the Epistles to the Corinthians, written the one
from Ephesus, the other shortly after his departure from
Ephesus (c. 51-53), we learn much as to the apostle's
feelings in entering upon the work, his methods of pre-
senting the truth there, and the moral and doctrinal diffi-
culties in which the church became involved. Paul bears
testimony to the high proficiency that the church had at-
tained "in all utterance and all knowledge," so that they
came "behind in no gift." He laments that partisanship
has arisen among them, on the basis of attachment to
individual workers (Paul, Apollos, Cephas) ; adjures them
•*to speak the same thing*' ; assures them that all the
workers are building on the same foundation, Jesus
Christ; cautions them against the subtleties of philo-
sophical speculation (" the wisdom of this world "), which
there is some reason to suspect Apollos had indulged in
and encouraged ; refers to a previous letter in which he
had warned the Corinthian Christians "to have no com-
pany with fornicators " ; devotes much attention to vari-
ous sins of unchastity, the enormity of which the Corinth-
ians very imperfectly realized ; lays down the principles to
be observed in relation to objects associated with idolatry ;
gives instructions as regards the conduct and apparel of
women in Christian assemblies ; calls attention to the
diversities of spiritual gifts among believers and to the
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100 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
corporate oneness and multiplicity of function in the mem-
bership of the church ; exalts love as the cardinal Christian
virtue ; discusses prophecy and the speaking with tongues,
discouraging without absolutely condemning the latter ;
discusses the resurrection, which he makes fundamental
in the Christian system ; and urges upon the church a
weekly offering for the fund he was collecting for the
Jerusalem Christians.
The Second Epistle to the Corinthians indicates that
the first had produced the desired effect and that the
abuses in the church had been remedied. It abounds in
self-vindicatory matter, due no doubt to the efforts of a
strong Judaizing party in the church to disparage him
and thus destroy his influence. It'contains many of the
apostle's noblest utterances. He refers to the liberality
of the Macedonian churches as an incentive to increased
liberality on the part of the Corinthians.
It is probable that the apostle wrote one or more epistles to this
church that have not been preserved, and that he was the recipient
of written communications from the church. There seems no suf-
ficient reason to see in 2 Cor. 10-13 a separate epistle that has be-
come accidentally incorporated here. Its contents are not such as to
fulfill our expectations as regards the lost epistle.
3. Paul's Third Missionary Journey {c. 50-53). Leav-
ing Corinth in company with Priscilla and Aquila, the
apostle made his way eastward. At Ephesus he reasoned
with the Jews in the synagogue, but declined to abide.
Leaving his companions there and promising to return he
sailed for Caesarea. It is related that " when he had
landed at Caesarea, he went up and saluted the church,
and went down to Antioch.'' It is commonly under-
stood that by ** the church " the mother church at Jeru-
salem is meant. After spending some time there he
departed for Ephesus, revisiting the churches in Galatia
and Phrygia on the way. If the Epistle to the Galatians
was not written during the previous visit to Antioch, as
is probable, it was written on this occasion. Between
Paul's first and second visits to Ephesus '' a certain Jew
named Apollos, an Alexandrian by race, a learned man,
came to Ephesus, and he was mighty in the Scriptures.''
We know something of the type of the speculative phi*
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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES lOI
losophy and the methods of biblical interpretation in tlie
midst of which he had received his training/ He may *
well have seen and heard the great*- Pftiit)' Md could:
hardly have escaped the influence ot hi^ teachings. ,He^
had accepted Christ, but was imperfectly instructed in*
the way of the Lord. He is said to have known only the
baptism of John. But Priscilla and Aquila, when they
had heard him, ''took him unto them and expounded
unto him the way of God more carefully/* doubtless as
they had learned it from Paul. With the good will of the
Ephesian brethren he had gone to Achaia, where he was
to labor with acceptance and be an occasion of division
in the Corinthian church.
On reaching Ephesus Paul found certain other disci*
Eles who had received only John's baptism and who
new nothing about the impartation of the Holy Ghost.
Instructed by the apostle they " were baptized into the
name of the Lord Jesus/' and when he ** had laid his
hands upon them the Holy Ghost came upon them ; and
they spake with tongues and prophesied." Paul now
entered upon a peri^ of remarkably successful work,
preaching for three months in the synagogue and after-
wardy by reason of opposition, in '' the school of Tyran-
nus." Here his labors continued for two years (c. 50-
$2), ** so that all they which dwelt in Asia heard the
word of the Lord, both Jews and Greeks." The healing
of the sick and the casting out of demons caused fear to
fall upon Jews and Greeks alike, ''and the name of the
Lord Jesus was magnified." Some who had practised
magic brought their books, whose value was estimated
at fifty thousand pieces of silver, and publicly burned
them. " So mightily grew the word of the Lord and
prevailed."
As the apostle was about to leave Ephesus with the view
of revisiting the churches in Macedonia and Achaia, a riot
was raised against the Christians, led by the idol-makers,
whose trade had been seriously interfered with by the
prevalence of the word of God. This was promptly put
down by the authorities, who feared the censure of the
Roman government. In Ephesus was a great temple of
Diana, and the idol-makers sought to arouse the multi-
tude by crying, " Great is Diana of the Ephesians."
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102 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [p«.t
Having taken an affectionate leave of the brethren Paul
':jcHjrney^4'tQ Jyificipdonia and passed thence to Greece,
'ivisiting kud ^TAtofting the churches he had founded. It
, .wa^duf jng ^his §tay in Macedonia that he wrote Second
■ XSbfrotWans. . *: Gorinth was probably his headquarters
during the three months spent in Greece (Acts 20 : 3),
and it was doubtless there that " the plot " was '* laid
against him by the Jews." While there he wrote the
Epistle to the Romans (c. 53), in which more fully
than elsewhere he expounds his conception of Christian
truth in its relations to Judaism. The church addressed
was no doubt prevailingly Gentile, but had a not incon-
siderable Jewish minority. He had long desired to visit
Rome and enter into personal relations with the Chris-
tians there. It was his plan at this time, after visiting
Jerusalem with the collections that he had taken great
pains to gather, to proceed to Rome, and to be set for-
ward by the brethren there on a missionary tour to the
farther west.
Several German critics (Schultz, Welzsacker, Juilcher, it al.) and
a recent American writer (Dr. McGiffert) are of the opinion that
chap. 16, containing the salutations, was originally addressed not to
theKoman church but to the Ephesian. It Is thought that the apos-
tle could hardly be expected to know intimately so large a number
of the Roman Christians and to be familiar even with their house-
hold meeting-piaces before he had ever set foot in Rome. The
presence there of Priscilla and Aqulla, whom we last left at Ephe-
sus, would suggest this transfer of the chapter. But there is noth-
ing inherently improbable in supposing that these devoted Christian
workers should have returned to Rome, whence they had been
driven some years before, or that many other of Paul's converts in
the East had removed to the great metropolis. Supposing this to
have been the case the apostle might well have learned throu^
these many particulars about the Roman church.
Returning through Macedonia he sailed from Philippi
to Troas, accompanied by a number of the brethren. At
Troas, *'upon the first day of the week," the brethren
"were gathered together to break bread." Paul, in-
tending to leave the next day, discoursed until midnight
and restored the young man who from drowsiness had
fallen from the third story. *'From Miletus he sent to
Ephesus and called to him the elders of the church." His
farewell charge, in which he warned them that grievous
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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES 103
wolves would enter in among them, not sparing the
flock, assured them that for himself he expected bonds
and imprisonment and that they should see his face no
more, and tenderly exhorted them to take heed unto
themselves and all the flock over which the Holy Ghost
had made them bishops, is probably the most pathetic
of all his recorded utterances. At Caesarea he was en-
tertained by Philip, the evangelist, who abode there and
was probably at the head of the local church. He had
four daughters who had the gift of prophecy. At Tyre
and at Caesarea Paul was warned prophetically of the
fate that awaited him in Jerusalem (Acts 21 : 8-14).
It would seem that by this time Paul's work among the Gentiles
had become so widely known and Jewish hostility toward him had
become so acute that a violent outbreak against nim mlsht be ex-
pected in Jerusalem. But he was *' ready not to be bound only, but
also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus Christ.^'
4. Paul's Last Visit to Jerusalem and the Ca^sarean Im-
Msonment (c. 54-56). In Jerusalem the brethren received
Paul and his companions gladly. In conference with
James and the elders he "rehearsed one by one the
things that God had wrought among the Gentiles by his
ministry." They rejoiced in what had been accom-
plished, but referring to the fact that " the many thou-
sands " " among the Jews of them that believed " were
•'all zealous for the law," and that he was reported to
be teaching "all the Jews that" were "among the
Gentiles to forsake Moses," they asked him to demon-
strate his Jewish loyalty by undergoing, with others, a
purifying ceremony. This he did. But Jews from Asia
who knew of his work among the Gentiles raised an
outcry against him when they saw him in the temple,
charging that he had defiled the temple by bringing
Greeks into it. Rescued from the mob by the Roman
of&cials, he attempted to vindicate himself by rehearsing
his religious history. When he came to his divine com-
mission to preach to the Gentiles, the mob raised an
outcry and demanded his life. Brought into the castle
by order of the chief captain, he was about to be
scourged, but he asserted his Roman citizenship and was
spared this indignity (Acts 22).
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I04 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER I
The next day the chief captain called " the chief priests
and all the Jewish council *' (Sanhedrin) together "and
brought Paul down and set him before them.'* When
he was about to make his defense the high priest Ana-
nias ordered that he be smitten on the mouth. This
aroused his indignation and led him as a Pharisee to
appeal to the Pharisees. By this means he set the two
Jewish parties by the ears, and the chief captain had
Paul taken back to the castle for protection. Jewish
malignity had reached its height. A number of zealots
"bound themselves under a curse, saying that they
would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul."
Informed of the plot by his nephew, Paul induced the
chief captain to send him with a strong guard to Felix,
the governor at Csesarea. Felix, a corrupt and licen-
tious official, had little sympathy with the Jews, and yet
he dared not antagonize them by liberating his great
prisoner. He was willing, along with his immoral con-
sort, to hear the apostle preach, but not to abandon his
vicious life. For two years he allowed Paul to lie in
prison (Acts 24 : 27).
Felix was superseded by Porcius Festus at the end of
this time. The new governor reheard the case and sub-
mitted it to King Agrippa, who permitted Paul to speak
in his own defense. Agrippa and Festus would probably
have released Paul, but he had appealed unto Csesar
and they felt that he had thus placed himself outside of
their jurisdiction (Acts 26 : 32).
$. Paulas Voyage to Rome and his Raman Imprisonment
(56-59). The perilous voyage to Rome in charge of the
centurion, Julius, the shipwreck and sojourn at Melita,
and the arrival at Rome, are related in a very realistic
way, probably by Luke himself, who was an eye-witness
of much of the later missionary work of the apostle.
The journey to Rome probably occurred about A. D.
56-57. The writer of Acts relates that in Rome *' Paul
was suffered to abide by himself with the soldier that
guarded him;" that he summoned to his lodgings the
chief of the Jews and explained to them the cause of his
imprisonment; that he denied having done anything
against the Jewish people or the customs of the fathers ;
that he sought to convince them from the Law of the
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CHAP.IL] THE APOSTLES lOJ
truth of the gospel ; and that he " abode two whole years
in his own hired dwelling, and received all that went in
unto him, preaching the kingdom of God and teaching
the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ with all
boldness, none forbidding him." Neither this writer nor
any other New Testament writer gives us any further
information about the fate of the apostle. Yet it is
probable that no period of his ministry was more fruitful
than these two years in Rome.
The Epistles to the Colossians, the Ephesians, the
Philippians, Philemon, and Second Timothy were proba-
bly all written during this time. In Ephesians 6 : 18-20
he asks his readers to pray that utterance may be given
unto him in opening his mouth, to make known with
boldness the mystery of the gospel, for which he was ** an
ambassador in chains.'* In Philippians he rejoices in
the gifts received from his Macedonian brethren and con*
veys to them the salutation of all the Roman saints,
especially of them that are of the household of Cssar
(Phil. 4 : 21, 22), and expresses the hope that he may
soon be permitted to visit them. In Philemon he speaks
of himself as " Paul the aged, and now a prisoner also
' of Jesus Christ '* and as having begotten Onesimus, the
runaway slave, in his bonds. He expresses a wish that
Onesimus might be permitted to minister to him. In
Second Timothy he speaks of Onesiphorus as having
often refreshed him, as not having been ashamed of hk
chain, but as having sought out and found him when he
was in Rome. He urges Timothy to come to him shortly,
states that Demas forsook him, " having loved this pres-
ent world,*' that Alexander the coppersmith did him
much evil, and that at his " first defense " all forsook
him. Yet he rejoices that the Lord stood by him and
strengthened him, that through him " the message might
be fully proclaimed, and that all the Gentiles might
hear." He had been " delivered out of the mouth of the
lion." He asked Timothy to bring his cloak, books, and
parchments left at Troas.
If Paul's two years of Roman imprisonment occurred (7~$9» as
seems probable, and If he suffered martyrdom in the great Neronian
persecution in the summer of A. D. 64, as is commonly supposed, we
have an Interval of five years without known events. The silence
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I06 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PBR.1
of Acts regarding his liberation or his martyrdom Is difficult to ex-
plain. If he was liberated about A. D. 59, it may be that from age
and suffering he was physically incapable of further missionary
labors, and that he remained among tne Roman Christians till the
great persecution, or he may have carried out his eariier purpose to
preach the gospel in the farther west. Clement of Rome in his
epistle to the Corinthians {c. 9$) mentions the martyrdom of Paul
and Peter together as belonging to his own generation, thouffh he says
nothing of time or place. Origen and Tertullian (beginnmg of the
third century) represent Paul as suffering martyrdom at Rome under
Nero. Hamack, denying the genuineness of the Pastoral Epistles in
their present form, holds that after Paul's liberation he proauced the
genuine writings that lie at the basis of these Epistles. This ^eory
involves the supposition that he visited Asia Mmor during the inter-
val. The absence of a record of Paul's labors during the years sg-
64 is far from proving that no such labors found place. The Pas-
toral Epistles, as genuine writings of the apostle, can be best ac-
accounted for by supposing a somewhat prolonged interval between
his Roman imprisonment and his martyrdom and another visit to
Asia Minor. From 2 Timothy, probably addressed to Timothy at
Ephesus, Aquila and Priscilla appear to nave l)een in Ephesus. If
they were in Rome when the Epistle to the Romans was written, they
may have returned to Ephesus at the time of the Neronian persecu-
tion. On this theoiy the notices regarding imprisonment in the Pas-
toral Epistles would refer to a second Roman Imprisonment of the
apostle preceding his martyrdom.
6. Peter* s Career from the Apostolic Conference Onward
(47-64). The booK of Acts is strangely silent regarding
the later activity of the apostle of the circumcision, and
we possess but little information from any other source.
In First Corinthians Paul refers to a party in the church
that made his name their watchword and he speaks of
him (9 : 5) as accompanied on his journeys by a believ-
ing wife. It is probable that for a number of years he
devoted most of his time to mission work among the
Jews of Syria, returning occasionally to Jerusalem. To-
ward the end of his career he may have occupied him-
self more largely with Gentile work.
The first of the Epistles that bear his name is pro-
nounced by modern critics thoroughly Pauline in tone.
That his Jewish prejudices should have gradually given
way in view of the great work among the Gentiles ac-
complished by Paul and that he should have read with
diligence the Epistles of that great thinker is not incon-
ceivable ; and there is no difficulty in supposing that his
less original mind should have t>ecome imbued with
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CHAP. II.] tHfi APOStLfiS lo;
Pauline modes of thought. That he should have chosen
Rome as the sphere of his latest labors, where the
Christians were prevailingly Gentile and where Paul had
for some years lived and labored, would strongly confirm
the view that his conceptions of Christianity had become
assimilated to those of Paul.
Recent criticism is almost unanimous in maintaining
that Peter closed his career in Rome, suffering martyr-
dom under Nero in 64. The absence of any mention of
Peter's presence in Paul's Epistles written from his Ro-
man prison is thought to be against the supposition that
Peter s ministry in Rome had begun at that time ; but if
Peter reached Rome about A. D. 59, the date of Paul's
supposed release, sufficient time would be allowed for
him to gain the large influence in the city that tradition
ascribes to him.
It is not improbable that during Paul's imprisonment
(Csesarea and Rome) Peter should have felt prompted to
visit the churches of Asia Minor now deprived of Paul's
ministry. The address of Peter to "the elect who are
sojourners of the Dispersion in Pontus, Galatia, Cappa-
docia, Asia, and Bithynia," presupposes such a visit on
the part of the author. Silvanus and Mark, Paul's earlier
companions, are associated with him at the time of writing.
Mark was with Paul during his Roman imprisonment.
The salutation at the close from ** the (church) that is in
Babylon,"^as it is commonly understood, would seem to
indicate that the letter was written from Rome, the sym-
bolical Babylon, especially as nothing is known of a
church in Babylon at that time, and it is improbable
that Silvanus and Mark labored in Mesopotamia.
The First Epistle was chiefly consolatory in view of the
then present tribulations, and hortatory against current
forms of vice and irreligion and in favor of obedience to
constituted authority (to the king as supreme, to govern-
ors, to masters on the part of servants, to husbands on
the part of wives), likemindedness, compassion, brotherly
love, humble-mindedness, patience, and rejoicing in being
partakers of Christ's sufferings. The author speaks of
Christ as " the Shepherd and Bishop " of the souls of
believers, and of himself as **a fellow-elder " with the
elders of the churches.
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to8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
The Second Epistle consists of exhortation to the
practice of Christian virtues, of a severe arraignment of
certain immoral forms of error, and of *a remarkable escha-
tological passage in which ''the day of the Lord'* is
represented as coming '*as a thief," in which ''the
heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the ele-
ments shall be dissolved with fervent heat," to be fol-
lowed by "new heavens and a new earth, wherein
dwelleth righteousness." The writer refers, in support
of this representation, to the Epistles of his " beloved
brother Paul, wherein are some things hard to be under-
stood, which the ignorant and unsteadfast wrest, as they
do all the other Scriptures, to their own destruction/'
This Epistle did not gain general recognition as a genuine work of
Peter and as a canonical book until after the time of Eusebius {c.
325), but its useful character had caused it to be widely read and led
to its ultimate reception into the canon. The chief objections to its
genuineness are that no mention of It in Christian literature occurs
before the third century ; that, like the Epistie of Jude, to which it
bears a striking resemblance, it combats forms of Gnostic heresy sup-
posed to be of a later origin ; that it refers to Paul's writings as
*' Scripture" ; and the seeming remoteness of its composition from the
eariy Christian time as implied in 3 : d. But it is probable that the
" Fathers " referred to are the ancient Jewish patriarchs, and there is
no feature of the heresy combated that might not have arisen before
64. Even supposing the author to have been dependent on the
Epistie of Jude a later date is not necessary. If the First Epistie is
genuine and bears evidence of strong Pauline influence, the mention
of Paul's Episties among the " Scriptures " would not be unnatural.
Early tradition, gathered up by Papias (A. D. 140-160)
represented Peter as the virtual author of the Gospel ac-
cording to Mark. It is highly probable that Mark wrote
under the influence of Peter and recorded the words and
deeds of the Saviour as Peter was accustomed to narrate
them.
Several apocryphal works, written in the second century, bear
Peter's name (the Preaching of Peter, the Gospel of Peter, the Apoc-
alypse of Peter), and he figures very prominentiy in the Clementine
Homilies and Recognitions (end of second century).
There is no ground for the later Roman Catholic contention that
Peter was the first pastor of the Roman church, or that he occupied a
position of primacy among the aposties, although our Lord's address
to Peter recorded in Matt. 16 : i8, 19, wrongly interpreted, could be
easily perverted in this interest
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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES IO9
7. The Ministry of James, the Brother of Jesus. There
is no evidence that the brothers of Jesus believed in his
Messiahship until after his resurrection. A special man-
ifestation to him of the risen Christ no doubt made of
James the zealous disciple that we find him to have been.
After Peter had become occupied with missionary work
outside of the city, and especially after he had compro-
mised himself in the eyes of the Judaizing Christians by
eating with Gentile Christians, James came to be the
recognized leader of the mother-church. It does not ap-
pear that he ever abandoned the contention that it is
obligatory on Christian Jews to observe the Law. While
he countenanced missionary work among the Gentiles
and agreed to the recognition of Gentile converts without
circumcision, as a Jew he felt bound to observe the
whole law and to require other Jewish converts to con-
form to this practice. That the mother-church, of which
James remained pastor until his death, enjoyed immunity
from the severer forms of persecution may be inferred
from absence of any notices of suffering ; that the
Christians of Jerusalem were exceedingly poor is evi-
dent from the continued efforts of Paul to gather funds
for their relief. Later Christian writers (Clement of Alex-
andria, Eusebius, etc.) represent James as the "bishop"
of the Jerusalem church ; but this term is never applied
to him in the apostolic writings. The authority he en-
joyed was due not to official position but rather to force
of character, relationship to the Lord, and stanch adher-
ence to Judaism. According to an early tradition em-
bodied by Hegesippus in the fifth book of his *' Memoirs,"
and quoted by Eusebius,^ James had attained to an extraor-
dinary reputation for sanctity among the Jews and had
received the titles "the just" and "bulwark of the
people." He is said to have been "holy from his
mother's womb," to have drunk " no wine nor strong
drink," to have eaten no flesh, to have never had his
hair or beard cut, and to have abstained from anointing
himself with oil and from bathing. " He alone was per-
mitted to enter into the holy place ; for he wore not
woolen but linen garments."
> " Cburch History." Bk. U.. cb. •).
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It is represented that after Paul had been delivered
out of their hands and sent to Rome, some of the leaders
of the Jews questioned James about Jesus and that his
confession led to the conversion of so many as to alarm
the authorities, who cast him from the pinnacle of the
temple and afterward stoned and beat him to death*
Josephus relates that advantage was taken of the inter-
regnum between the death of Festus and the arrival of
Albinus to destroy this just man. The high priest Annas
is said to have called the Sanhedrin together and secured
his condemnation. This occurred about A. D. 6i.
8. The Labors of Other Apostolic Men. We know al-
most nothing of the career of John from the time of the
apostolic conference, when Paul reckoned him as one of
the " pillars " of the Jerusalem church, to the Neronian
persecution. It is probable that long before A. D. 64 he
had entered upon his missionary work in the province of
Asia. But his writings and the most that we know of his
labors are of a later date. To Jude, a brother of the
Lord, a short canonical Epistle is ascribed. He proba-
bly remained in connection with the Jerusalem church.
Early tradition, of uncertain value, represents Andrew,
Matthew^ and Bartholomew as laboring in the region of
the Black Sea ; Thomas, Thaddeus, and Simon the Ca-
naanite in the remote East as far as India, and Philip in
Asia Minor. We have no trustworthy accounts of th*?
results of their labors or of the dates or circumstif nces of
their deaths.
According to tradition Mark labored in Eg/pt and
founded the church in Alexandria. As he ^\as with
Paul during his Roman imprisonment and with Peter
when he composed his first Epistle, and as he is said to
have been succeeded in Alexandria by Annianus in the
eighth year of Nero (62), his residence there must have
included some time before 62. If he composed the Gos-
pel that bears his name under Peter's influence it was
probably shortly before the Neronian persecution.
Of Barnabas after his separation from Paul we know
nothing except that he labored for a time on the island
of Cyprus. The Epistle to the Hebrews, written proba-
bly "iafter"ther Neronian persecution, was- ascribed \)y
Tertullian and by many later writers to Barnabas.
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CMAP.U.] THE APOSTLES III
Of Apcllos, the learned Alexandrian Jew, whose labors
in Ephesus and in Corinth have already been referred to,
nothing further is known. Luther ascribed to him the
authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and this opin-
ion has been adopted by a number of recent writers.
Of Luke, "the beloved physician " and the author of
the Gospel bearing his name and of the book of Acts,
who was closely associated with Paul in his missionary
labors and during his imprisonment, nothing further is
known. Some early Christian writers supposed that the
Epistle to the Hebrews was written in Hebrew by Paul
and translated into Greek by Luke. Origen was of
the opinion that the Epistle is a report of oral teachings of
Paul by one of his disciples, possibly by Luke, and some
have attributed its authorship to Luke. The late Dr.
John A. Broadus inclined to the opinion that the Epistle
was a sermon of Paul's reported freely in his own lan-
guage by Luke.
Of Silvanus the last mention we have is in First Peter.
Timothy, who was so intimately associated with Paul in
his missionary labors, who joined with Paul in the Epis-
tles to the Philippians, Colossians, Thessalonians, and
Philemon, and who was with him during part of his
Roman imprisonment, seems to have labored for some
time in Ephesus, and is represented by a somewhat late
tradition as a bishop of that church. He is said to have
suffered martyrdom under Domitian. The name of
Titus is associated in tradition with the island of Crete.
.v. FROM THE NERONIAN PERSECUTION TO THE DEATH OF
THE APOSTLE JOHN (A. D. 64-100).
I. The Neronian Persecution. Christianity had from
the beginning everywhere suffered persecution, the Jews
being usually the instigators. It has been qoticed that
in most cases Roman officials were slow to act upon
Jewish accusations and gave a measure of protection to
the Christians. In a few cases pagans raised an outcry
against those whose teachings were perilous to their
worldly interests. But there is no instance on record in
which any high Roman official proceeded spontaneously
against the Christians before A. D. 64. Claudius had
issued an edict of banishment against the Jews of Rome
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112 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISIORY [PHti
(probably in A. D. 49). No doubt such Jewish Chris-
tians as were in Rome suffered along with other Jews.
The remark of Suetonius, that *' Claudius expelled the
Jews assiduously creating disturbance under the instiga-
tion of Chrestus," has led some to suspect that the Jew-
ish riots were connected with the Christian propaganda. .
But Chrestus may have been a Jewish agitator of the
time. Supposing Christ to be meant, it is by no means
certain that the writer made the blunder of supposing
that he was then actually present in Rome.
The early years of Nero's reign were not unfavorable
to the spread of the gospel. Son of the ambitious and
intriguing Agrippina and stepson of the imbecile Em-
peror Claudius, he succeeded to the imperial dignity
while still a youth. Gifted in poetry and in music,
genial, humane, the beginning of his reign awakened
high expectations. Augustus had esteemed it a personal
affliction to be obliged to punish, and he had inflicted the
death penalty only in extreme cases. The youthful
Nero, some time after his assumption of the purple, re-
joiced that in his entire empire not a drop of blood had
been shed. When it appeared necessary for him to sign
death warrants he lamented that he could write. Under
the tuition of such philosophers and statesm^^n as Sen-
eca and Burrhus it was expected that the ingenuous youth
would become a paragon of wisdom and of justice.
Seneca thought him ** incapable of learning cruelty,"
and expected that the emperor's gentleness of disposition
would permeate the entire empire and so transform the
world as to restore the innocent, golden age of mankind.
Nero was emperor when Rom. 13 : 1-7 and i Peter 11 :
13-17 were penned. It was to Nero that Paul as a
Roman citizen appealed when arraigned in Csesarea.
Christianity had its representatives, doubtless somewhat
numerous and influential, in Nero's household.
It does not fall within the purpose of the present work
to attempt to account for the transformation of the bril-
liant, ingenuous Nero of $4 into the cruel monster of
62-^. As early as A. D. 55 he had ordered the murder
of his brother Britannicus, and in A. D. 60 his mother
had been assassinated at his command. The divorce
and the subsequent murder of his first wife Octavia and
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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES II3
the death of Poppoea, his second wife, from personal
abuse represent stages in his downward career. He be-
came insanely greedy of praise for his poetic and musical
accomplishments, and to gain the popular applause often
played the part of a public buffoon. Unbridled indul-
gence in vice of every description, the flattery of corrupt
favorites, and the possession of unlimited power, no
doubt dethroned his reason. Only a madman could
have been guilty of the follies and the atrocities of his
later years.
In the summer of 64 his fury was turned upon the
Christians of Rome. The occasion was the burning of
ten out of fourteen of the precincts of the city. For
accounts of the conflagration and of the persecution that
ensued we are indebted almost wholly to pagan writers
of the next century. Contemporary Jewish writers like
Josephus were discreetly silent regarding the conflagra-
tion and the persecution alike. Christians were terror-
stricken by this terrible revelation of the '* mystery of
iniquity," and if they referred to the matter at all veiled
their utterances in symbolical language. The abrupt-
ness with which the book of Acts terminates may have
been due to the writer's unwillingness to subject his
brethren to further persecution by publicly narrating the
facts of the Neronian persecution. The Apocalypse no
doubt owes some of its obscurity to the desire of its
writer to express in a way intelligible to the Christians
of his time, but unintelligible to their enemies, his di-
vinely inspired views on the actual and future relations
of Christianity and the great world-power.
Suetonius, Dion Cassius, and Pliny state categorically
that Nero himself was the author of the conflagration.
Tacitus informs us that Nero was suspected of the crime
and that to avert from himself the suspicion he accused
the Christians of committing it. Tacitus' account of
the persecution is as follows :
First were arraigned those who confessed, then on their informa-
tion a vast multitude were convicted, not so much on the charge of
arson as for their hatred of the human race. Their deaths were
made more cruel by the mockery that accompanied them. Some
were covered with the skins of wild beasts and torn to pieces by
dogs ; others perished on the cross or in the flames : and others
again were burnt after sunset as torches to light up the darkness
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114 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
Nero himself granted his gardens for the show, and gave an exhibi-
tion in the circus, and dressed as a charioteer, mixed with the people
or drove his chariot himself. Thus, guilty and deserving the sever-
est punishment as they were, they were yet pitied, as they seemed to
be put to death, not for the benefit of the State* but to gratify the
cruelty of an individual. ^
The following remarks may be apposite :
(i) Nero's reputation for wanton destructiveness of
property and life was such as to lead to the popular be-
lief that he had caused the conflagration and had inflicted
the most terrible suffering on a sect innocent of this par-
ticular crime, but on other accounts hated by the people.
It is probable that Nero had expressed dissatisfaction
with the architecture of the city and that this, together
with the magnificence of the rebuilding, confirmed the
suspicion.
(2) It is probable that his attention to the Christians as
proper victims was suggested by the Jews, who enjoyed
considerable favor under Nero through the influence still
possessed by the beautiful Poppoea.
(3) We are not to infer from Nero's proceedings against
the Christians that he proscribed Christianity as such ;
but rather that he proscribed the Christians of Rome as
guilty of incendiarism and of disgraceful practices.
(4) Tacitus's statement that " first were arraigned those
who confessed " may mean either that pretended Chris-
tians were found who testified that Christians were
guilty of arson and other crimes, and who gave the names
of many Christians, or that some real Christians were
forced by torture to confess crimes that they had not
committed and to give the names of their brethren, or
that the accused ones first arraigned confessed that they
were Christians. From Tacitus* own statement it would
seem that the confession did not involve the admission of
incendiarism, but rather of such views of life as seemed
to the Romans to involve "hatred of the human rape."
Their repudiation of the State religion and their refusal
to participate in the corrupt social life of the time sufficed
to bring upon them this charge, and vile stories were
commonly circulated against them, if not in the time of
Nero, certainly by the time of Tacitus.
'XV.. 44.
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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES 11$
(5) There is no reason to suppose that Nero attempted
to exterminate Christianity throughout the empire by
issuing a general edict against the Name. Yet it is prob-
able that the harsh treatment of Christians in Rome en-
couraged their enemies in Asia Minor and elsewhere to
rise up against them, and caused Roman officials in the
provinces to be less indifferent than hitherto to charges
brought against Christians.
(6) It is probable that throughout the remainder of his
reign Nero continued to cause the persecution of Chris-
tians in Rome. It is not necessary to suppose that Paul
and Peter were both, or either of them, executed in the
summer of 64. If there were reasons for believing that
either of them lived till 66 or 68 the fact that both suf-
fered in Rome under Nero would not be contradicted.
2. The Epistle to the Hebrews (c. A. D. 67). The six
years that intervened between the Neronian persecu-
tion and the destruction of Jerusalem must have been
a time of gloom and grave apprehension to the Christian
churches. They had come to realize that they could
expect nothing but evil from the constituted author-
ities. Many Jewish Christians, who from the first
had found it difficult to reconcile the doctrine and the
fact of a suffering Saviour with their ideas of a Mes-
sianic kingdom and to whom the future seemed fraught
with suffering, began to grow discouraged. The Epistle
to the Hebrews was probably written at this time with a
view to making clear the necessity and the dignity of a
suffering Messiah. Christ's superiority to Jewish high
priests consists in the fact that " having learned obedi-
ence by the things which he suffered ; and having been
made perfect, he became unto all them that obey him
the author of eternal salvation " (5 : 8, 9). " It behooved
him in all things to be made like unto his brethren, that
he might be a merciful and faithful high priest. . . For
in that he hath suffered being tempted, he is able to suc-
cor them that are tempted." Reference is made in
chap. 10 to "former days," in which the readers "en-
dured a great conflict of sufferings," and "took joyfully
the spoiling of their goods." The blessedness of faith,
exercised under the most trying circumstances, and the
glories of martyrdom are impressively set forth* The
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Il6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.L
readers are warned against '' divers and strange teach-
ings/' and the words that follow indicate that it is Juda-
izing error (Ebionism) that the writer has in mind. They
are exhorted to "obey them that have the rule over"
them. A salutation from the brethren in Italy is con-
veyed and the release of Timothy from bondage is re*
ported. If Paul's martyrdom did not occur in the summer
of 64, but somewhat later, the Epistle may have been
written under his direction and may be virtually his own.
In any case it is thoroughly Pauline in spirit.
3. The Jewish War and the Destruction of Jerusalem
(A. D. 70). The New Testament contains no direct refer-
ence to this great event which forms an epoch in Jewish
history and exerted a profound influence on Christian pro-
gress. '' One of the most awful eras in God's economy of
grace, and the most awful revolution in all God's relig-
ious dispensations," is Warburton's characterization. ** A
greater catastrophe than the mortal combat of the Jewish
people with the Roman world-power, and the destruc-
tion of the holy city, is unknown to the history of the
world " (Orelli). Farrar characterizes this event as
"the most awful in history."
For years Jewish discontent with Roman tyranny had
been growing more and more acute. Caligula (c. 4P)
ordered his image to be erected in the Jewish temple,
and committed the execution of the order to Petronius,
the Syrian governor. The determined opposition of the
Jews led to delay and a crisis was averted by the death
of ihe emperor (41). Claudius sought to conciliate the
Jews of Palestine and of Egypt by guaranteeing to them
freedom and protection in the exercise of their religion,
and the Herodian kingdom under Agrippa I. was restored
so as to cover the territory governed by Herod the
Great. After his death (44) Judea became a Roman
province and the authority of the later Herodians was
very slight.
The Roman procurators (44 onward) were for the most
part corrupt and oppressive and were little concerned
about conciliating the people. Felix (c. 52-58), an eman-
cipated slave, was licentious and dishonest and gave the
Jewish people over to be ruined by unscrupulous tax-
gatherers. Festus (c. 58-61) bore a better reputation ;
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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES II7
but AlbinuSy his successor (c. 61), shamefully plundered
the land. '' There was no sort of iniquity that he did
not practise'' (Josephus). He shared with robbers in
their spoils and ranked among them as a captain (Jo-
sephus). His successor Florus (c. 65) was so shameless
in his corruption that he is represented by Josephus as
fomenting revolution in order to cover up his misdeeds.
In 66 a Jewish uprising occurred in Caesarea. The
plundering of the temple by Florus greatly increased the
popular discontent. Jewish zealots here and there mar-
shaled armies against Roman rule. The slaughter of
twenty thousand Jews in Csesarea was a signal for a
general uprising. About thirteen thousand fell shortly
afterward at Scythopolis and multitudes in other places.
Vespasian, an experienced general, was sent by Nero in
67 to quell the rebellion. Jerusalem was strongly forti-
fied and was able for a long time to resist the Roman
assaults. The death of Nero led to a suspension of effort.
Galba, Otho, and Vitellius successively donned the pur-
ple, but it remained for Vespasian to secure general
recognition as emperor (69).
With Vespasian it was a matter of honor to complete
the subjugation of the Jews. His son Titus, with an
army of eighty thousand, besieged Jerusalem in A. D. 70.
Josephus, the historian, took sides with the Romans
against his own people and co-operated with Titus. His
writings constitute the only detailed account we possess
of this terrible struggle.
Besides the ordinary population of Jerusalem hundreds
of thousands of Jews had flocked to the city from Judea,
Syria, and even Mesopotamia. The besieged held out
with fanatical obstinacy. The horrors of famine, pesti-
lence, and cannibalism were added to the destructive
fury of the Roman army. As one part of the city after
another fell into the hands of the Romans the inhabitants
were remorselessly executed. Over a million are said
to have been slaughtered and over a hundred thousand
to have been taken captive. Multitudes were sent into
the most degrading slavery. Thousands of the choicest
young men were selected for gladiatorial exhibitions.
The temple was destroyed, although Titus is said to
have wished to preserve it. A few of the Zealots es-
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IlS A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
caped and proceeded to Alexandria, where they caused a
Jewish insurrection. This was suppressed with great
slaughter and the temple at Leontopolis was forever
closed against the Jews. The Jewish nation as a the-
ocracy was blotted out of existence.
There is reason to believe that the Christians of Jeru-
salem and Judea were strongly opposed to the Zealots in
their uncompromising warfare against Rome. To remain
in Jerusalem would subject them not only to the horrors
of the siege and to the general massacre that they must
have foreseen as inevitable, but to maltreatment at the
hands of the Zealots, who could brook no opposition and
to whom even indifference in respect to the patriotic
cause was regarded as treason. Shortly before the city
had been invested by Titus (probably late in 69) they
withdrew to Pella, in Perea, where under the leadership
of Symeon, a cousin of the Lord, they remained until it
was safe for them to return to Jerusalem. Under the
leadership of James the Jerusalem Christians had glo-
ried in being Jews and in rigorously observing the Jewish
ceremonial law. In fact they claimed that, having ac-
cepted the Messiah rejected by most of their fellow-
countrymen, they were the only true Jews ; and they
no doubt lived in the hope that they would be able to
lead the nation as such to accept the Messiah.
The destruction of Jerusalem was of momentous im-
port to Christianity in the following ways :
(i) It marked in the most unmistakable way the end
of the old dispensation and the complete emancipation
of Christianity from the thraldom of Judaism. It was
henceforth impossible for any one to observe the cere-
monial law in its fullness. No doubt the Pauline type
of Christianity would ultimately have become dominant
apart from this fearful interposition of Divine Providence.
Judaistic Christianity was to persist in the form of
sects, but catholic Christianity could no longer be Juda*
izing.
(2) The destruction of the city was very commonly
looked upon by Christians as a divine judgment on the
Jewish people for their rejection and crucifixion of the
Messiah. It may safely be said that if the Jews as a
body, or a large proportion of them, had accepted Christ
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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES II9
as their Saviour and had become partakers of the Spirit
of Christ, the Jewish Zealots, who brought ruin upon
their people, would not have arisen or would not have
secured popular support.
(3) The great catastrophe may be regarded as a direct
fulfillment of our Lord's predictions as recorded in Matt.
21 : 43 and 23 : 37-39, and in Luke 21 : 20-28.
(4) This great event is regarded by many as a ful-
fillment of our Lord's prophecies regarding his speedy
coming in his kingdom (Matt. 10 : 23 ; 16 : 28 ; 24 : 34),
and of such passages in the apostolic Epistles and the
Acts of the Apostles as represent the Lord's advent as
imminent. It seems harsh to associate so glorious an
event as the Lord's coming with a catastrophe so terri-
ble ; yet there can be no question but that the destruc-
tion of the city and the theocracy gave a freedom and a
universality to the gospel which mark an epoch in the
history of Christianity and placed the gradually advan-
cing kingdom of Christ on a firm basis.
($) There is no reason to think that the Roman au-
thorities at this time discriminated carefully between
Christianity and Judaism in favor of the former ; but
the time had past when the accusations of Jews against
Christians would be heeded by the civil courts. Hence-
forth the Jews were without political influence and were •
treated with contempt by the Roman officials.
4. The Gospels. All the Gospels except that of Mark
(65-70) were probably composed after the destruction of
Jerusalem. Various collections of discourses and narra-
tives of the life and works of Jesus had doubtless been
in circulation for several decades. Matthew's Gospel
was probably composed shortly after A. D. 70, Luke's
Gospel and his Acts of the Apostles probably a few
years later, while the Gospel according to John did not
appear until near the close of the century.
5. Persecution of Christians under Domitian (A. D. 81-
96). Vespasian (69-79) does not appear to have taken
any steps against the Christians. He was one of the
best of the emperors and devoted his attention largely to
the proper work of administration and to the erection of
useful public works. Having slaughtered a million re-
bellious Jews and destroyed their city and sanctuary, he
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I20 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER I
relented toward the subjugated remnant and on various
occasions protected them from local tyranny. Jews and
Christians alike were compelled to pay the old temple
tax for the maintenance of the temple of Jupiter Capt-
tolinus that had been erected in Jerusalem. Christians
were apparently little thought of except as a small Jew-
ish sect hated by their countrymen and not at all dan-
gerous to the commonwealth. The same is true of the
short reign of Titus (79-81).
Domitian (81-96), son of Vespasian and Flavia Domi-
tilla, was autocratic, arrogant, suspicious, cruel, and
ferocious. Vespasian had refused to be worshiped as
God. Domitian insisted upon such worship as an im-
perial prerogative, and assumed the titles " God,'* ** Lord
and God," "Jupiter,'' etc. He was zealous for the
maintenance of the State religion and regarded secret
religious societies as hotbeds of treason which must be
destroyed. He became suspicious of the Senate, which
opposed his arbitrary measures, and many of its mem-
bers were proscribed. He instituted a system of espion-
age and encouraged slaves to betray their masters.
During the last two years of his reign his suspiciousness
and cruelty became intensified. Christians, especially
those in Rome, suffered severely at his hands. Chris-
tianity now had its representatives among the Roman
aristocracy. Flavia Domitilla (the younger), wife (or
niece) of Flavius Clemens, a consul and a cousin of the
emperor, is said to have been " exiled with others to the
island of Pontia in consequence of testimony borne to
Christ."* Flavius Clemens himself was put to death,
but whether as a Christian remains uncertain. Sueto-
nius charges him with "most contemptible laziness"
and Dion Cassius with "atheism." This latter was a
common charge against Christians ; but we cannot ac-
count for the silence of early Christian tradition if so
eminent a man had suffered for the faith.
Domitian is said to have heard that relatives of Jesus
still lived in Palestine and to have suspected them of
kingly aspirations. When they had been brought before
him and he had learned that they were poor rustics and
> EuMUttt.
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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES 121
that the kingdom of Christ ** was not a temporal nor an
earthly," "but a heavenly and angelic one, which would
appear at the end of the world," he ** let them go, and
by a decree put a stop to the persecution of the church."*
Tertullian speaks of Domitian as '' a portion of Nero as
regards cruelty," and he seems to have been regarded
by the author of the Apocalypse as a second Nero (17 :
II). The First Epistle of Clement of Rome, written
about this time, speaks of " sudden and repeated calami-
ties and adversities " as having recently befallen the
Roman chuFch. The banishment of the Apostle John to
Patmos is commonly referred to this reign. It is not at
all likely that Domitian attempted to institute a general
persecution of Christians ; but the persecution for local
reasons of the Roman Christians and the emperor's
known hostility to Christianity doubtless gave encour-
agement to persecuting acts in many communities.
6. The Johanman Apocalypse. According to Irena^us,
whose acquaintance with Polycarp of Smyrna (d. 155),
a disciple of the Apostle John, placed him in very close
touch with the later apostolic age, the Apocalypse was
written near the end of the reign of Domitian (c. 95).
More than any other New Testament writing it breathes
a spirit of intense hostility to the Roman Empire. Do-
mitian seems to have been regarded as a repetition of
Nero. His arrogance, his determination to be recognized
and worshiped as a god, and his extreme intolerance led
Christians to expect the worst things and made the out-
look exceedingly gloomy. The Neronian persecution is
probably referred to in 6 : 9 seq.^ where "the souls of
them that had been slain for the word of God " cry out
for judgment and vengeance. In 17 : 11, "the beast that
was, and is not, is himself also an eighth, and is of the
seven," is probably Domitian.* There was a widespread
impression among pagans and Christians alike that Nero.
whose cruelty was so appalling as to seem more than
human, would return to renew his desolating work. It
is not necessary to suppose that the author of the Apoc-
alypse believed in the literal reappearance of Nero ; but
1 EoseMos, fbllowing Hecesfppiis.
>l>(Miltljui was tlM eirhth emperor (oaltttng Galba, Otbo, and Vltelllut). Nero
fru tbefifUi and so was^' of the seven."
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122 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.1
his obscure language would seem to reflect the popular
sentiment. Rome was no doubt meant by "Mystery,
Babylon the Great, the mother of the harlots and of the
abominations of the earth " (17 : 5). ** The beast that
thou sawest was, and is not ; and is about to come up
out of the abyss " (ver. 8) is doubtless Nero and Domi-
tian. The book is addressed to the seven churches of
Asia, and there are separate epistles to Ephesus, Smyrna,
Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea,
in which the spiritual condition of each church is de-
scribed. A general state of tribulation and harassment,
by reason of persecutors and false teachers, may be in-
ferred from these addresses. The apocalyptic form of
literature had been fully developed in the pre-Christian
time and the author was no doubt acquainted with some
of the earlier apocalyptic writings.
7. The Gospel and Epistles of John. That the Af)ostle
John spent the later years of his life at Ephesus and that
he lived to the time of Trajan (98) is related by Irena^us
{c. 175). Clement of Alexandria (end of second century)
relates that he went forth to the " neighboring territories
of the Gentiles, to appoint bishops in some places, in
other places to set in order whole churches, elsewhere to
choose to the ministry some of those that were pointed
out by the Spirit."
The composition of the Gospel and the Epistles is com-
monly ascribed to the last years of the apostle's life.
Irenaeus represents John as having written the Gospel as
a polemic against Cerinthus, a noted contemporary her-
etic. According to Clement of Alexandria John wrote a
spiritual Gospel to supplement the other Gospels, in
which the external facts had been sufficiently narrated.
That the Gospel, especially in the prologue, should
betray the writer's acquaintance with the Jewish-Alex-
andrian philosophy, cannot with propriety be urged
against its Johannean authorship. If, as is commonly
admitted, the apostle continued in vigorous activity to
the time of Trajan, there is no reason why he should not
have become possessed of all the philosophical culture
manifest in the Gospel, That he should have empha-
sized the spiritual aspects of Christ's teachings is what
might have been expected of the disciple "whom Jesus
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CHAf.lI.] THE APOSTLES I23
loved." It is not practicable to discuss here the Johan-
nean question, which still constitutes one of the live
issues of New Testament criticism.
The Epistles are commonly accepted as the works of
the author of the Gospel. The First Epistle is particu-
larly interesting as indicating to us the forms of error
prevalent in Asia Minor during the last years of the apos-
tolic age. The first verse is highly significant, ihe
author's object is evidently to set aside the view that the
Word became incarnate in appearance only (Docetism)
by giving personal testimony as regards his own proving
of the reality of the Word of life manifested to men by
hearing, sight, and touch. In 4 : 2 stress is laid on the
reality of Christ's humanity : " Every spirit which con-
fesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is of God."
Again (2 : 18, 20, 23) we have indications of Ebionitic
denial of the deity of Christ. Antichrists are said to be
already in the world, who had gone out from the Chris-
tians because they were not of them. He is called a liar
" that denieth that Jesus is the Christ. This is the anti-
christ, he that denieth the Father and the Son." Stress
is laid on the unction of the Spirit as enabling believers
infallibly to discern the truth, and love, in truly Johan-
nean phrase, is made the " new commandment," which
he writes to his ** little children." He calls his own time
**the last hour " and regards the hatred of the world as
what was to be expected.
8. The Epistle of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians.
This letter addressed by the Roman church to the Corin-
thian church, said to have been written while Clement
was pastor of the Roman church and commonly attrib-
uted to him, was probably contemporaneous with the
Johannean literature and so falls nominally within the
apostolic age; but as it is commonly classed with the
"Apostolic Fathers," which belong as a body to the next
period, it seems best to defer our discussion of its author-
ship, date, character, and contents.
It may be here remarked that while in the person of
John direct apostolic influence persisted in the province
of Asia until about the close of the first century, in most
communities it ceased two or three decades earlier. The
death of Paul and of Peter, about 64, deprived extensive
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Ii4 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I.
regions of the apostolic guidance on which they had espe-
cially relied. The generation following to the death of
John was an age of transition, and ecclesiastical develop-
ment was as free from apostolic guidance in many
regions as in the second and following centuries. This
was no doubt true of the churches of Rome and Corinth.
It will be interesting to note here the condition of
these churches as set forth in the epistle addressed by
the former church to the latter in response to an urgent
request for advice. The reply has been delayed by
" sudden and successive calamitous events " (no doubt
the persecution under Domitian), The Corinthian church
had fallen into discord, which the writer declares to
be worse than that in Paul's time. The main trouble
seems to have been that ambitious men of the younger
generation had gained such ascendency in the church as
to be able to supplant the elders that had been appointed
by the apostles, or, as the writer says, "the worthless
rose up against the honored, those of no reputation
against such as were renowned, the foolish against the
wise, the young against those advanced in years"
(chap. 3). The opinion is expressed that those appointed
by the apostles "or afterward by other eminent men,
with the consent of the whole church, and who have
served the flock of Christ, in a humble, peaceable, and
disinterested spirit, and have for a long time possessed
the good opinion of all, cannot be justly dismissed from
the ministry " (chap. 44). Throughout the epistle the
office of oversight is represented as committed to elders
and not to a single chief official. There is no mention
made of any individual headship either in Rome or in
Corinth.
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CHAPTER III
CONSTITUTION OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCHES
Literature : in addition to the pertinent works referred to in the
preceding chapter, Hatch, '* The Organization of the Early Christian
Churches," 1882 (also German translation with important annota-
tions by Hamack) ; Cunningham, " The Growth of the Church in
its Organization and Institutions," 1886 ; Hort, *' The Christian
Ecdesia," 1897 ; Lightfoot, '* Commentary on the Epistle to the
Philippians" (excursus on ''The Christian Ministry"): Hamack,
" DogmsngisehichU,^' Bd. 1. (also English translation) : Lechler, *' His-
tory of the Apostolic and Post- Apostolic Times" ; Allen, '* Christian
Institutions,'' 1898: Baur, "The Church of the First Three Cen-
turies"; Jacob, "fecdesiastical Polity of the New Testament' ,
Dargan, " Ecclesiology," 1897; R^^schl, "D. Altkatkol. Kirchs,'^
i8s7 ; and articles on the church and its various officers and institu-
tions in Cremer, " Biblico-Theolo^ical Lexicon of New Testament
Greek," and in me Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.
I. THE CHURCH AND THE CHURCHES.
I. Uses of the Term ixxXriela in the New Testament. The
word denotes literally '*a calling out," or the result of a
calling out of the people for public purposes, that is, an
assembly. In this sense it is used in profane Greek, in
che Septuagint, and in a few instances in the New Testa-
ment (Acts 19 : 32, 39, 40, 41). When applied to Chris-
tians the word means in the New Testament: (i) The
entire community of the redeemed, considered as an or-
ganism held together by belief in a common Lord and by
participation in a common life and salvation, and in com-
mon aims and interests. In the Septuagint the word is
used to designate the "congregation of the people of
Israel, whether summoned or met for a definite purpose, or
the community of Israel collectively regarded as a congre-
gation." * The word in the New Testament, as in the Old,
carries with it the idea of holiness. It was in this sense
that our Lord used the word in Matt. 16 : 18, and it is so
used in Acts 9: 31 (critical text), i Tim. 3 : 15, and in
many other passages. (2) The word was so specialized
las
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126 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.L
as to be applied to definite bodies of believers assembling
in particular places for the worship of God, for mutual
edification, for the exercise of discipline, and for the car-
rying forward of Christian work. In this sense it occurs
by far the most frequently. In Matt. i8 : 17, seq., our
Lord seems to contemplate a Christian local assembly
capable of hearing the complaints of the injured brother
and of proceeding against the offender. Examples of this
usage are Acts 16 : 5 ; i Cor. 16 : 19 ; Philem. 2 ; PhiL
4:15. Whenever the plural occurs, or the church in a
particular place is mentioned, this use of the word may
be inferred. The following observations may here be
made:
(i) If any distinction is to be made between the use of the term
*' church '' m the general sense and that of the terms '* kingdom of
God" and '* kingdom of heaven," it Is that the latter, used almost
exclusively by our Saviour, designates rather the sphere of divine
dominion in human life, *' the realization of the divine purpose of
salvation,"^ the divine order and mode of life that is as fuUv
present in each individual as in the entire body of the redeemed*;
while the former, used more commonly in the apostolic writings, in-
dicates the entire body of believers, conceived of as fundamentally
holy but as still throughout the present life subject to human frailties.
Each believer has the kingdom of God within him and himself ex-
emplifies in a measure the principles of the kingdom, is indeed, so far
as he is Christlike, a constituent part of the Kingdom ; but all the
regenerate, as such, however far short of perfection they may fall,
constitute the church. The local church is made up theoretically of
the truly regenerate only ; as a matter of practice no amount of pre-
caution has ever succeeded in preventing the incoming of deceivers
or deceived.
(2) By some* the word is thought to contain an allusion to the
calling of believers, by God's grace, out of the darkness of sin and
condemnation into the light and liberty of the gospel covenant.
That this thought early entered into the use of the term scarcely ad-
mits of doubt. The constant use of the related terms *' calling,"
'* the called," etc., could hardly have failed to suggest this thought.
( 3) When the term is used in the general sense, there is no impli-
cation of any organic outward connection of the individual parts.
We speak, /./., of the press, or the bar, without implying any or-
ganic connection between the various individuals embraced by these
terms. Oneness of life and of purpose, involving fellowship and
mutual helpfulness as occasion may arise, is all that can be inferred
from this use of the term.
2. The Local Churches and Contemporary Organisations.
(i) The close relationship of the local churches of the
1 Cnmcr. * Jacob. " Ecc. Pol./' p. S; Hodge. " Ch. Pol.." p. t. uq., €t. mIs
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CHAP. IIL] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 12/
apostolic age to the Jewish synagogues is manifest to
every reader of the New Testament. It is probable that
among Jewish Christians the term synagogue was very
commonly employed to designate their assemblies. An
example of this usage is found in James 2 : 2. The apos-
tles habitually made the Jewish synagogues the point of
departure for their evangelistic efforts, and it would seem
that they transferred their labors from the synagogues to
other meeting-places only when determined opposition
among the members made continuance therein impracti-
cable. If the membership of any synagogue had been
united in accepting Jesus as Lord, there is no reason to
doubt but that it would thereby have been transformed
into a Christian church with such modifications only as
the newly received life might require. There is no in-
timation in the New Testament of the introduction of
presbyters as church officers. As a feature of synagogal
organization the eldership was too familiar an institution
to be considered worthy of remark. When a group of
believers, cast out of the synagogue, met together for
worship and for the carrying forward of Christian work,
it was perfectly natural that the older and more experi-
enced brethren should by common consent be entrusted
with the leadership and that these leaders should be de-
nominated presbyters or elders. Judaism recognized the
right of all parties of Jews to have their separate syn-
agogal meetings. Alexandrian Jews had their synagogue
in Jerusalem. In great cities Jews of different national-
ities had their separate synagogues. In Jerusalem espe-
cially, Christians long continued to regard themselves as
Jews, nay, as the only true Jews, and that they should
meet separately from other Jewish parties in synagogues
of their own was to be expected.
Each synagogue appears to have been normally self-
governing and independent. The Sabbath meetings were
presided over by the "ruler of the synagogue." In
close connection with each synagogue was a court of
elders (Sanhedrin, ffuvidptov), probably elected by the
membership of the synagogue from the older and more
experienced men, which had its regular meetings in the
house of worship and which constituted a court for the
trial of all local breaches of the law. The Sanhedrin
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128 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
consisted of at least three elders, of whom one was the
president. The plurality of elders in the early Christian
churches, a thing perfectly natural in itself, thus had
its prototype in the synagogue. As the early mission-
aries to the Gentiles, apostles and others, were for the
most part Jews or Jewish proselytes, the influence of the
synagogue on the organization of Gentile churches must
have been considerable.
(2) If any additional explanation of the organization of
Christian life in Gentile communities be thought need-
ful, it is furnished by the prevalence of the organizing
disposition in the Graeco-Roman world at that time.
Guilds, clubs, and societies for every imaginable purpose
existed everywhere. *' There were trade guilds and dra-
matic guilds ; there were athletic clubs and burial clubs
and dining clubs ; there were friendly societies and finan-
cial societies ; if we omit those special products of our
own time, natural science and social science, there was
scarcely an object for which men combine now for which
they did not combine then " * Nearly all such organiza-
tions had their religious features ; but distinctively re-
ligious organizations were also common. Vast numbers
conformed outwardly to the State religion, while in pri-
vate associations they followed the dictates of their own
consciences. Apart, therefore, from Jewish influ2nce, it
was the most natural thing in the world for those who
by accepting Christianity had made a breach with their
former religious and social customs to unite in societies
for mutual edification and support and for the carrying
forward of Christian work. Such secret associations
were looked upon with distrust by the Roman govern-
ment because of the danger of their becoming hotbeds of
treason. Hence the persecution to which Christians
were everywhere subjected. The general prevalence of
deep poverty among the classes from which Christianity
chiefly drew and the abounding charity that character-
ized early Christianity and helped to make it attractive
to the depressed classes had much to do with some of the
features of the church order of the early centuries.
1 Hatch* " Th« OrpuilMtioii of the Early Chrlttlaii Churches,'' p. •&. Mf . Hatch
ClvM coploos references to eplgraphlcal aB4 other literature and cites aany inter-
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CHAR lU.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 129
While community of goods was not generally practised
in the apostolic churches, the generous support of the
poor everywhere prevailed. The collection and the dis-
tribution of charitable funds was one of the most im-
portant departments of Christian activity. The term
" bishop " and terms of similar meaning — overseer
(foroHMwroff), curator {hctfuk^nj^) — ^were in very common
use in contemporary pagan organizations, that those
who had the oversight of the Christian societies and to
whom the management of the common charities was
entrusted should be designated by the same terms is
what might have been expected. The process by which
the presiding presbyter or bishop came to be a monarch-
ical prelate will be shown in the next period.
3. The New Testament Churches xvere, in the Intention of
Jesus and of his Apostles^ made up exclusively of Baptised
^Believers. If unworthy persons found entrance into
Christian churches, whether as self-deceived or as de-
ceivers, they were not really of the churches and the
duty of withdrawing fellowship from such is inculcated
in the apostolic writings. There is no sufficient reason
for believing that the patriarchal idea, in accordance with
which the whole family, including infants, became as a
matter of course participants in all the religious privi-
leges of the paternal head, found place in primitive
Christianity. There is no intimation in the New Testa-
ment that baptism was intended to take the place of cir-
cumcision and thus to be applicable to infants. The
religion of the New Testament is individualistic and per-
sonal in the fullest sense of the terms. Christ insisted
that the tenderest relationships should be unhesitatingly
sundered for the sake of the gospel, and that fathers,
mothers, children, wives, and [>ossessions should be
hated in comparison with fidelity to him.
4. The Universal Priesthood of Believers is clearly a New
Testament Doctrine. This doctrine absolutely excludes
the idea of a special sacerdotal class in the church or in
the churches. It implies equality of rights and privi-
leges for the entire believing membership, but not iden-
tity of function. " To each one," says the Apostle Paul,
" is given the manifestation of the Spirit to profit withal "
(i Cor. 12 : 7). " There are diversities of gifts, but the
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130 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. L
same Spirit" (ver. 4), The apostle represents the
church as a body made up of many members, some
strong and comely, others weak and uncomely, some
whose functions are from the human point of view hon-
orable, others whose functions are without honorable
associations ; yet all alilce necessary, each to the whole
organism and each to the other. According to this view
of equality of right and diversity of gifts, the apostle
makes the following specifications : " And God hath set
some in the church, first apostles, secondly prophets,
thirdly teachers, then miracles, then gifts of healings,
helps, governments (or wise counsels), kinds of tongues."
The ''church" may mean, in this passage, either the
entire Christian fellowship or the local body of believ-
ers in Corinth. As the writer's aim was to inculcate
brotherly unity and co-operation in the church addressed,
the local application cannot be excluded. Spiritually
gifted brethren, set apart in an orderly manner because
of their gifts for the service of the body, were regarded
as servants and not masters. The edification of the
body was the matter of supreme moment. No one had
a right to refuse service to which he was called by the
vote of his brethren acting under the guidance of the
Spirit, and no one had a right to oppose himself to a
brother performing special functions so long as he ap-
peared to be guided by the Spirit.*
5. The Apostolic Churches were Independent, yet Inter-
dependent. Churches exercised over each other such
moral influence as their character for spiritual and prac-
tical wisdom warranted, and it was free to any church to
give or withhold fellowship with other churches or their
members according as they approved themselves worthy
of fellowship or the reverse. The church at Jerusalem,
as the mother-church and as the church-home for a
number of years of most of the original apostles, natu-
rally exerted for a time an influence beyond that of
other churches. This is manifest in the anxiety of Paul
to secure its approval of his work among the Gentiles.
But it is probable that he was almost as much concerned
to free his Jerusalem brethren from a narrowness that
I Harnack speaks of the " Independence and equality of each Individual Chris-
tian" (* Dogmtngtscbubu:' Bd. I., Sett. ifS)*
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CHAP, nt] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 131
he regarded as contrary to the spirit of the gospel and
to secure their moral support in the great work of world-
evangelization which he believed had been laid upon
him, as to gain their endorsement for his mission. There
is no reason to think that after the death of James the
Just the Jerusalem church eiijoyed any special consid-
eration. Apart from this instance there is no semblance
of a difference of rank among the apostolic churches.
Haraack speaks of " the independence and sovereignty of the local
churches" (GimsnuUu), as, in the opinion of Christians of the later
apostolic and the early post-apostolic times, •' resting upon the fact
that they (the churches) had the Spirit In their midst." If apostolic
authority was recognized, it was because the apostles were regarded
as divinely inspired.^ Hatch remarks: '*The theory upon which
the public worship of the primitive churches proce^ed was that
each community was complete in itself.' ' ' He explains how (from the
third century onward) " the Christian churches passed from their
original state of independence into a great confederation." Refer-
ring to Christian representative assemblies during the third century
and the letters sometimes addressed by them to other churches, he
remarks : " But so far from such letters having any binding force on
other churches, not even the resolutions of the conference were bind-
ing on a dissentient minority of its members." '
Cunningham remarks: ^' The first form of the church was con-
gregational, for every member took a part in its management and
every congregation was independent or every other and was a com-
plete church in itself." «
II. OFFICERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCHES.
In the earliest apostolic times the organization of the
churches seems to have been very slight, and the terms
applied to the various functionaries were not used with
technical exactness. Apart from the appointment of the
** seven men of good report, full of the Spirit and of wis-
dom " (Acts 6) to look after the distribution of the char-
ities, the only officials that we meet for some time are
the elders. It is probable that at first these were not
formally appointed to this position ; but that those who
by reason of age and experience were naturally looked
up to as leaders received this designation after the ex-
ample of the synagogues. Spiritual gifts, such as are
described in i Corinthians 12, were no doubt freely
* ** Dogmengescbicbtt" Bd, I., SeiL 157.
* " Orflrtnliatlon of the early Christian Churches.'* p. 79. ' iM,, 171*
« " The Growth of the Church." p. e].
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132 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I.
exercised without regard to formal invitation by the
churches or to official position.
1. Apostles. This term (equivalent to missionary) is
used in the New Testament in a narrower and a broader
sense. In the broader sense it included such mission-
aries as Barnabas, Apollos, Timothy, Silvanus, Andron-
icus, Junias, etc., and continued to be applied to a class
of itinerant evangelists until long after the apostolic age.
The presupposition in each case was that the person so
designated had been called and qualified by God for his
mission. In the narrower sense it is used of the Twelve,
who were specially chosen by Jesus and trained by him.
The place of Judas Iscariot was filled by the appointment
of Matthias, of whose career little is known. Paul claimed
equality with the Twelve because of his miraculous con-
version and the special manifestation to him of the risen
Christ. The apostles were missionaries at large and
seem not to have held official positions in any local
church. Even while the Twelve tarried in Jerusalem
their relation to the church does not seem to have been
official. "They served the church universal, devoting
themselves to the conversion of the world and thus to the
extension of the kingdom."* Their relations to churches
formed under their ministry were paternal. They could
advise and recommend, and even remonstrate, but their
authority was purely moral and their right to obedience
rested on the fact that their utterances were divinely in-
spired. The special divine inspiration of the apostles fit-
ted them to be the vehicle of divine revelation. Through
them the churches have received in authoritative form
the revelations of the New Covenant.
2. Prophets. To what extent prophets constituted a
distinct class in the apostolic churches is not clear.
Prophecy is recognized as a gift of the Spirit, and proph-
ets are placed next to apostles in i Corinthians 12.
A prophet is one who speaks forth under divine impulse
what has been divinely revealed to him. Prophecy in
the New Testament time commonly assumed the form of
inspired exposition of Old Testament Scripture. In Acts
13:1 Barnabas and Saul are mentioned, along with others.
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CHAP. III.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 1 33
as " prophets and teachers " at Antioch. According to
Acts II : 27, "there came down prophets from Jerusalem
unto Antioch. And there stood up one of them named
Agabus and signified by the Spirit that there should be a
great famine." Judas and Silas, of the Jerusalem church,
are spoken of as prophets (Acts 15 : 32). Paul magnified
the gift of prophecy and desired that all the Corinthian
Christians might prophesy (i Cor. 14). It is probable
that ail of the apostles and all of the leading evangelists
of the apostolic age possessed this gift ; but doubtless
there were many whose chief endowment was prophecy
and who were known as prophets. Their authority, like
that of the apostles, was based upon the fact that they
were supposed to speak under divine prompting. As
pretended prophets were not wanting, it became neces-
sary to try the spirits. Paul exhorts the Thessalonians
not to despise prophesy ings, but to "prove all things."
The "discerning of spirits" is specified by Paul (i Cor.
12 : 10) among the gifts of the Spirit.
3. Teachers. Teaching is also regarded by Paul as a
gift of the Spirit. Apostles and prophets and most of the
prominent Christian workers were doubtless teachers ;
but it would seem that there were some in whom the gift
of teaching was especially prominent and who received
this designation. This divinely imparted gift fitted them
to instruct and edify the churches and entitled them to a
respectful hearing.
4. Evangelists. In Eph. 4:11 evangelists are mentioned,
after apostles and prophets, as Christ-given workers in
the Christian cause. The term is of course applicable
to all divinely called proclaimers of the gospel. These
four classes of Christian workers were not church oflfi-
cers in the restricted sense of the term. Those that fol-
low are church officers proper.
5. Presbyters or Bishops. The unofficial presbyters of
the earliest apostolic age were followed after a few years
by presbyters appointed by their brethren under the
advice often of apostolic men, and solemnly set apart by
the latter. Their functions were the administration of
discipline, the settlement of disputes among Christians,
the conducting of the public services, the administration of
the ordinances, the supervision of the charities^ and gen-
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134 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
eral oversight of the church community. Public teach-
ing and prophecy were not necessary functions of the
presbyterate ; but such gifts were not disregarded. It is
probable that in most communities the appointed presby*
ters were also teachers or prophets. It was not uncom-
mon that among the presbyters of a church some one
was so eminent for gifts and for elevation of character
as to acquire the practical leadership of the body. The
permanent chairman of the Board of presbyters became
the president or bishop of the second century, and his
position was analogous to that of a modern congrega-
tional pastor. In Eph. 4 : ii, 12 "pastors" are men-
tioned among those given by Christ '* for the perfecting
of the saints, unto the work of ministering, unto the build-
ing up of the body of Christ."
In Gentile churches the appointed and ordained elders
were commonly designated " bishops " or ** overseers."
The identity of appointed elders and bishops in the apos-
tolic age is now commonly admitted by Roman Catholic
and Anglican writers, and is insisted upon by scholars in
general. Both terms, when applied to church officers in
the New Testament usually occur in the plural. Some
interpreters suppose that the ** angel" of each of the
seven churches of Rev. 2 and 3 was the chief pastor or
head-presbyter. If so we have a New Testament paral-
lel to the bishop of the second century.
For full proof that In the New Testament a two-fold ministry
(bishops or presbyters, and deacons) and not a three-fold ministry
(bishops, presbyters, and deacons) is recognized, see Lightfoot,
*' Commentary on Philippians," p. gj.i/^., and the works of Hatch,
Cunningham, McGiffert, Hamack, Weizsacker, Jacob, Conybeare
and Howson, and Schaff, referred to In the " Literature." See
also article by the writer in Jenkens* '* Baptist Doctrines."
6. Deacons. It has commonly been assumed that
"the seven" appointed to *' serve tables" (Acts 6)
were deacons. The term means •* minister " or '* serv-
ant," and the corresponding verb and abstract noun, are
used with reference to any kind of ministry. All Chris-
tians are or should be deacons in this broad sense. The
seven were appointed for a particular kind of ministry,
namely, the distribution of the charities of the church.
But there is no evidence that this arrangement was long
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CHAP, m.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 1 35
continued in the Jerusalem church or that it was adopted
by other churches in the earliest apostolic times. Many
modern writers see in the seven the germ of the Board
of appointed elders or bishops of the later time. It is
remarkable that, according to Acts 1 1 : 30, the relief sent
" unto the brethren that dwelt in Judsea ... by the
hand of Barnabas and Saul" was delivered "to the
elders," who no doubt distributed it to the needy. The
presence for some years of the apostles in Jerusalem
may have limited the functions of the elders there so
that they corresponded closely to those of the deacons
of churches otherwise conditioned, while the apostles
performed the work of spiritual guidance and instruction
elsewhere and later committed to the appointed elders or
bishops. The mention of deacons in the New Testa-
ment in the official sense is strikingly infrequent. In
Phil. I : I they are saluted along with the bishops of the
church, and in i Tim. 3 : 8, seq., their qualifications are
given after those of bishops. Equal elevation of char-
acter is required for the two offices, but aptness to teach
is not specified in the case of deacons. The " women "
mentioned in ver. 11, just after the qualifications of
deacons have been enumerated, may have been the wives
of deacons, but it is more probable that deaconesses are
meant, the word being naturally supplied from the con-
text. Phoebe is designated in Rom. 16 : i as a deacon-
ess of the church of Cenchreae. The term may be here
employed in its non-official sense.
In the completely organized churches of the later apos-
tolic age there was a Board of deacons side by side with
a Board of appointed elders or bishops, the former assist-
ing the latter in the gathering and the distribution of the
charities, in the exercise of discipline, and to some ex-
tent in the more spiritual work.
On the diaconate see Uhlhom's excellent discussion In his
•• Christian Charity In the Ancient Church," p. 74» «^.» and the
pertinent passages m the works of Hatch, Cunningham, Weizs-
acker, RitschI, Hamack, and McGiffert, referred to In the *' Litera-
ture.''
in. ORDINANCES OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCHES.
The religion of Christ is essentially free from mere
ceremonialism. The two ordinances established by
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136 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
Christ himself are of deep spiritual significance, but
having their ceremonial side were peculiarly liable to
perversion and were early degraded almost to a level
with heathen rites.
I. Baptism. Christian baptism is the immersion of a
believer in water as a symbol of death to sin and resur-
rection to newness of life. Jesus himself required bap-
tism at the hands of John the Baptist, meeting his re-
monstrance with the remark that "thus it becometh us
to fulfill all righteousness," and it was on this occasion
that his Divine Sonship was proclaimed from heaven
and that the Spirit rested upon him.
The meaning of the word, the description of the act
in individual cases, and the symbolism (burial and resur-
rection) all seem to fix the outward form of the ordi-
nance as immersion.
Our Lord's own direction regarding baptism makes it
follow faith, and the very nature of the ordinance ren-
ders it applicable exclusively to those capable of repent-
ance and faith.
Referring to the practice of the churches about the middle of the
second century, Harnack remarks : '* Descending and ascending in
baptism and immersion were regarded as highly important, but not
as indispensable symbols." This last statement he bases on the
" Teaching of the Twelve Apostles," which he supposes to have
been written as early as 160. Regarding infant baptism at the same
-i^CkM «tpx ^1 ^^^^* ^^ remarks : ^ A sure trace of infant baptism is not found in
*vx *vthis epoch; personal faith is a necessary condition." Again:
" Origen [third century] held It easy to lusnfy infant baptism, since
MWrtme^^ft^^ he recognized something sinful in bodily birth itself, and since he
jc \a«L >x .V knew of sins that were committed in an earlier life. The oldest at-
» ^ tempt to justify infant baptism, accordingly, goes back to a philo-
sophical doctrine." *
Hauck, referring to New Testament baptism, remarks : " Baptism
probably always took place through immersion in flowing water."
As regards the subjects of baptism he has the following : " That in
the New Testament is found no direct trace of infant baptism must
be regarded as firmly established -, attempts to prove its necessity
from the manner of Its institution, its practice from such passages
as Acts 2 : 39 ; i Cor. i : 16, suffer from the defect that the thing to
be proved is presupposed." ' In relation to the introduction of infant
baptism Loots remarks : *' Infant baptism first provable in Irenseus,
still combated by Tertuliian, was to Origen an apostolic usage." '
1 " 'Dogmtiueichicbte," Bd, I.. Sett. 190, 358.
• Art " r«f/<." in the '* Real-Bncyklapidte" second ed., Bd. XV.. Seii, no, seo.
> *' 'DogmemgetOicHe" Sttt. 1)7.
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CHAP, in.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 1 37
Such citations from tlie foremost German and Anglican
authorities might be multiplied. A remark by Zenos, a
learned American Presbyterian, is so out of harmony
with the results of German and English scholarship as
regards the form of apostolic baptism that it may be
quoted as a curiosity : " Not only adults, but households
were its subjects. As it was a mere symbol of cleans-
ing, sometimes sprinkling, sometimes affusion of water,
and sometimes, perhaps, immersion in water were em-
ployed, each mode being regarded as sufficient and
valid/' ^ He gives no authorities for this almost unique
view.
2. TTie Lard's Supper and the Agapai (dydicat). The
Lord's Supper as an ordinance was based upon the pas-
chal supper which Jesus ate with his disciples just before
his crucifixion. Luke alone of the evangelists records
our Lord's injunction, " This do in remembrance of me."
John's account of the paschal supper is occupied almost
wholly with Judas' treachery, and makes no mention of
the distribution of the bread and the wine to the disci-
ples as his body and his blood. John is unique in re-
cording the washing of the disciples' feet. The institu-
tion of the Supper was in connection with the paschal
meal ; but the giving of thanks and the distribution of
the bread and the wine with appropriate remarks were
distinct from and followed the paschal meal proper.
This feature is wholly omitted in John's narrative. It is
difficult to decide whether anything like a ceremonial
observance of the Supper is referred to in Acts 2 : 46 :
" And day by day, continuing stedfastly with one ac-
cord in the temple, and breaking bread at home, they did
take their food with gladness and singleness of heart."
If so, it was simply the ordinary meals of the Christians
sanctified and spiritualized by their intense religious fer-
vor. The "breaking of bread," in Acts 20 : 7, 11, fol-
lowing a prolonged discourse of Paul at a gathering of
believers, was almost certainly a memorial feast ; but
It is probable that it was a ** love-feast " as well.
There is no conclusive evidence that during the apostolic
age the Supper and the " love-feast " (agapai— ^dnat)
^ « •• Co«p. •# Clmrcii HIttory/' p. •!.
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138 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
existed as separate institutions. The term *' love-feasts '*
occurs in the New Testament, possibly designating a
Christian collation, only in 2 Peter 2:13: *' Revelling
in their love-feasts while they feast with you/' where
many ancient authorities (preferred by Westcott and
Hort) read " in their deceivings " (a^teis— dirdraif), and
in Jude 12, a closely related passage, where of certain
vile heretics it is said : ** These are they who are hidden
rocks (or spots) in your love-feasts, when they feast with
you. •' Many ancient authorities here also read '* in their
deceivings." These passages furnish at best a very slen-
der basis for any theory regarding the manner of cele-
brating the Supper at this time.
The fullest and most instructive account of the ordi-
nance in the apostolic age is that of Paul in i Cor. 10 and
II. In 10 : 16-22, the apostle, warnijig the Corinthian
Christians against idolatrous practices, writes: "The
cup of blessing which we bless, is it not a communion of
(or participation in) the blood of Christ ? The bread
(loaf) which we brearic, is it not a communion of the body
of Christ? seeing that we, who are many, are one
bread (Ioa0» one body." Those who rightly partake of
the Christian feast cannot, without the gravest incon-
sistency, partake of things sacrificed to idols. *' Ye can-
not drink the cup of the Lord, and the cup of demons :
ye cannot partake of the table of the Lord, and the
table of demons." Again (chap. 11), referring to di-
visions in the church that make it impossible for them
when they assemble *' to eat the Lord's Supper," Paul ad-
ministers a severe rebuke to their selfish and unchristian
behavior as follows : " For in your eating each one taketh
before other his own supper ; and one is hungry, and
another is drunken." What the apostle condemns is
not the fraternal meal in which a sufficiency of food is
provided for all, and in which rich and poor participate
freely on a footing of equality, thus remembering their
common Saviour and manifesting Christian love for each
other ; but the selfish gratification of appetite on the
part oif some in disregard of others, to the destruction of
brotherly love. Such a meal could not properly be called
" the Lord's Supper " ; for the spirit of it was diametric-
ally opposed to the spirit of the gospel. Jhose who
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CHAP. Illi] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 1 39
manifested such greed and such lack of brotherly love
could not possibly discern the Lord's body in the feast,
and the pretence of eating the " Lord's Supper " in-
volved the unworthy participants in the divine judgment
that rests upon hypocrisy and sacrilege.
Paul connects the Supper thus grossly perverted by
the Corinthian Christians, with our Lord's Supper with
his disciples 'Mn the night in which he was betrayed."
He gives substantially the same account of Jesus' words
on this occasion as we find in Luke's Gospel. More even
than Luke he emphasizes the Lord's injunction, " This
do in remembrance of me," specifying the memorial
character of the Supper in connection with the distribu
tion of both the bread and the wine, and adding the
words, '' For as often as ye eat this bread, and drink the
cup, ye proclaim the Lord's death till he come."
It is not a little remarkable the New Testament con-
tains so few notices of the celebration of this ordinance.
Outside of the doubtful passages referred to in Acts 2
and in 2 Peter and Jude, the notices are confined to
Paul's Epistles and to the portions of the Acts that relate
to his work. And even in these portions of Scripture
they are few, and except in i Corinthians, without de-
tail. But the universal celebration ot the ordinance in
the early post-apostolic time makes it certain that the
apostolic churches generally remembered the Lord in this
way.
The following remarks are suggested by the facts that
have been considered :
(i) The Lord's Supper was in its intention and in the
practice of the apostolic churches a means of manifest-
ing brotherly love, and of commemorating the Lord's
atoning work on the part of baptized believers, that is,
of those who had been received into the Christian fel-
lowship through profession of saving faith in Christ fol-
lowed by baptism.
(2) It seems certain that the bread and the wine were
not partaken of in minute quantities as at present. The
abuses that grew out of the more 'abundant partaking of
food and drink, condemned so vigorously by Paul, and
the vast growth in the membership of churches render-
ing it inconvenient for them to come together frequently
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140 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.i
for the fraternal meal, led to the celebration of the Sup-
per in a more ceremonial manner with the use of small
quantities of bread and wine and the separate and per-
haps less general use of the social meal (a/^airac).
Feet-washing has by some been regarded as a Christian ordi-
nance, on the basis of our Lord's example, who at the last paschal
supper washed his disciples' feet, and of nis words (John 13 : i4« i j) :
•• If 1 then, the Lord and the Master, have washed your feet, ye also
ought, to wash one another's feet. For I have given you an exam-
ple, that ye should do as I have done unto you." The only other
New Testament reference to the washing of feet is that in i Tim. 5 :
10, where the fact of having "washed the saints' feet" is given
among the qualifications of widows as officially recognized benefici-
aries and workers in the churches. There is no indication in the
New Testament, or in the Christian literature of the first three cen-
turies, that our Lord was understood to have instituted an ordinance
by the acts and words under consideration. Feet-washing was a
common and needed act of hospitality in Palestine at the time, and
the teaching that Christ intended to convey was the manifestation of
the spirit of brotherly love in acts of humble service.
The eariiest reference to the ceremonial use of feet-washing is in
the canon of the synod of Elvira (y^) where it is condemned. Au-
gustine (end of the fourth century), who mentions it among the ob-
servances of Maundy Thursday (the day of the Last Supper), states
that lest it should appear to oe in any way essential to the sacra-
ment (Supper) many churches had never admitted the custom at aii.^
Ambrose mentions it at about the same time as in use at Milan. The
synod of Toledo (694) excluded from communion such as should
refuse on Maundy Thursday to participate In this ceremony.' Ber-
nard (twelfth century) wrote of feet-washing as "a sacrament of
the remission of daily sins." The practice prevailed to some
extent in the Greek Church. In modem times the pope, the em-
perors of Austria and Russia, the kings of Spain, Portugal, and
Bavaria, and bishops and abbots of the Roman Catholic Church,
have each twelve poor men brought in on Maundy Thursday, and
wash their feet. Many Anabaptists (including Mennonites), some
Baptist parties, the Moravian Brethren, and the Sandemanians,
have practised ceremonial feet- washing.
It is probable that our Lord did not mtend to enjoin its ceremonial
observance, but that at the last Supper he simply aimed to emphasize
the duty of humble service. The great mass of evangelical Chris-
tians have thus understood the matter and have regarded with dis-
favor the literal imitation of Jesus' act.
IV. WORSHIP— ELEMENTS, TIMES, AND PLACES.
I. Elements of IVaribip. The worship of the early
Christians was very free and informal. It consisted of
> •• EMf.r CXVni. and cxix.
• BiBtoriB. " DtnkwmrditMtm/' Bd. V., S€ii, 004.
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CHAP, ni.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 141
prayer, the singing of psalms, and the reading and expo-
sition of the Old Testament Scriptures (prophesying).
The participation in worship was not confined to the
official members, but to every male member it was per-
mitted to utter his apprehension of truth. The ordinary
services of the early churches were very similar to those
of a good prayer meeting at the present time.
2. Times of Wcrsbip. The Jewish Christians con-
tinued fora long time to observe the Jewish Sabbath, as-
sembling also on the Lord's Day. The Jewish Sabbath
seems never to have been enjoined upon the Gentile
churches ; and we find early in the second century the
first day of the week observed as a matter of course.
(i) The process of the change was probably as fol-
lows: At first the Jewish Sabbath and the Lord's Day
were celebrated by most Christian communities. Two
circumstances led to the abandonment of the former.
First: The inconvenience of celebrating two days in
immediate proximity. Secondly : The spirit of opposi-
tion to the extreme Judaizers. Christians saw that a
large and influential party was trying to make Christian-
ity a mere Jewish sect. They were disposed, therefore,
to reject as much as possible of the Jewish ceremonial.
(2) With regard to the propriety of the change, two
views have obtained currency among those who defend
't : First : That the Sabbath is of perpetual obligation
but that the essential idea is that of rest and worship on
one day in seven. As the resurrection of the Son of
God is to Christians of fundamental importance, it was
fitting that the one day in seven should be made to coin-
cide with the day of this great event. Second : Chris-
tianity in its ideal form is entirely without ceremonial
and holy days. All days alike are holy, and are to be
spent in the service of God. But as actual Christianity
is not ideally perfect, and as Christians are obliged to
engage in secular callings, etc., it is necessary that there
should be some fixed time for special religious services.
Christianity had a right to adopt any day for this pur-
pose. As a matter of fact it very appropriately adopted
the day on which the Saviour rose from the dead.
3. Plaus of Worship. The Jerusalem Christians met
for a time partly in the temple and partly in an upper
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142 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I
room. The apostles, in their missionary work, went first
to the Jewish synagogues. When driven from the syna-
gogues they commonly held their meetings in private
houses. It is probable that during the later apostolic age
the Christians of Rome made considerable use of the
catacombs (underground burial places) for religious pur-
poses. Domitilla, banished under Domitian, is said to
have given land for Christian catacombs. Not until the
first half of the third century did the Christians build
houses of worship.
V. METHODS OF CHRISTIAN PROPAGANDISM.
The primitive Christians were essentially missionary.
Each believer regarded it as incumbent on himself per-
sonally to propagate the faith that had saved him.
Christians worked :
1. Privately; among friends and relations, by whom,
however, they were often cast off as a result of their be-
coming Christians.
2. In the Oriental cities and villages the custom of
talking at the corners of the streets prevailed to a great
extent. An earnest Christian would thus frequently
find opportunity to draw together a knot of hearers and
to tell them of Christ.
3. Artisans of various sorts often found opportunity to
spread the gospel among their fellow-workmen.
4. After the time of the Apostle Paul, most of the
spread of the gospel was effected, not by direct mission-
ary efforts, but by the moving hither and thither through-
out the empire of artisans and tradesmen, who planted
Christianity wherever they went. So also Christianity
was frequently spread by persecution, each fugitive
forming a new center of Christian influence.
5. The burning enthusiasm of the early Christians
was contagious. The minds of many were troubled.
They could no longer believe in the decaying paganism
which the philosophers had taught men to despise.
Christianity, as represented by its enthusiastic devotees,
met the felt needs of men. Its doctrine of the equality
of all men before God, and of the worth of all human
souls, its promises of future happiness, such as would
make present sufferings of small consideration, tending
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CHAP, iil] constitution of apostolic churches 143
to elevate them and to deliver them from despair. The
abounding charity of the early Christians, at a time when
poverty and distress abounded, drew to their fellowship
multitudes of the depressed classes.
6. The Christians were obliged to labor for the
most part secretly. They could not hold public services
to which the unconverted could be invited. Their as-
semblies for worship were almost exclusively of church-
members. Only after one had been led to accept Christ
did he gain access to the conventicles of the Christians.
But the degree of secrecy necessary varied greatly at
different times and at different places. While the
Christians were on amicable terms with the Jews, whose
religion was tolerated, they had more freedom. When
they became objects of hatred to the Jews their freedom
was less.
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PERIOD II
FROM THE END OF THE APOSTOLIC AGE TO
THE CONVERSION OF CONST AN-
TINE (100-312)
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CHAPTER I
REUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE ROMAN EMPIRE
FROM THE TIME OF THE APOSTLES TILL THE
ADOPTION OF CHRISTIANITY AS THE
RELIGION OF THE EMPIRE
Vol. XL, p. 434» «*^.; Neander, VoL 1., P. 06, s^q,; Schaff, Vol.
IL, p. 31, S4q,; Ramsay, *'The Church in the Roman Empire";
Harcly, **C. PlinH Secmdi Epistola" especially the Introduction ;
Pfleiderer, ^*Das Urchristtntkum** ; Bruno Bauer, ** Christtu u. d,
Qaionn^'* ; Arnold, ** Studuu {ur Gssch. d. plmianishen Christew
vtrfolgung*^ ; Neumann, ** Der torn. Stoat u. d. allgtmeuu Kirchi
his auf DiokUtian^^ ; Mommsen, "History of Rome: the Prov-
inces'^; Aliard, '* Hist, d^s Psrsscutums*' : Addis, "Christianity
and the Roman Empire"; Uhlhorn, "Conflict of Christianity
with Heathenism " ; Moeller, " History of the Christian Church,*^*
Vol. I., p. 74. siq,, 87, ssq., 159, seq,, 190, seq.j AuW, ''Hist, dts
P$rs, ds I'Egliss^; Renan, ** Marc-Auriu** ; Kclm, '^ Rom u, d.
Christtnthum** ; Mason, "The Persecution of Diocletian"; Meri-
vale, " History of Rome Under the Emperors " ; Overbeck, " Stw
dim {ur Gtsch. </. alt, Ktrchsy^ Bd. I., Stit, 93, siq.: Pressensi,
" Martyrs and Apologists," p. 67, seq. ; Gibbon, Chap. XVI. ;
Gieseler, " Church History," Vol. I., p. no, stq. ; Niebuhr, *' History
of Rome," Vol. III., passim; Mossman, " Early Christian Church,"
p. 144, ssq. ; Alzog, " Universal Church History," Vol. I., p. 169,
siq, ; Wieseler, " 'Dis Christmoirfolgmgen der Cofsaren " ; Liffhtfoot,
"Ignatius," Vol. I., pp. iHSg; Hardy, ^* Christianity and the Roman
Government," 1894 ; Schiller, " dsch, d. torn. Kaistrtsit/* 1883-87 ;
Seek, " Gesch. d. UnUrtoMfs d. ontikM IVgtt," Vol. I., 1895 ; Gregg,
" The Decian Persecution " ( Hulsean Prize Essay for i8g6) ; Over-
beck, ''Studim ptr Gtsch, d, alt. Kirch4** i^works on the Catacombs,
by De Rossi, Northcote and Brownlow, Parker, etc. Articles on the
various emperors In Smith and Wace, " Dictionary of Christian
Biography," and in the general and religious encyclopedias. The
articles in the new edition of the Herzog-Hauck " Rsal-Encyklopadit "
are particulariy valuable.
I. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.
I. The apostles had labored and died in spreading the
gospel. Throughout Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, and pos-
«47
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148 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
sibly even farther west, the gospel had been preached and
Christian churches established. Christianity had now
to make its way without apostolic aid, in the face of ob-
stacles that to human apprehension must have seemed
well-nigh insuperable.
2. We sliall see that Christians were everywhere per-
secuted, but that persecution, for the most part, tended
to spread rather than suppress the truth.
3. We shall see that Christianity entered upon its
career almost void of literary and philosophical culture
and social standing, and that at the close of this period
it had drawn to itself the culture of the age and had
gained the homage of kings.
4. We shall see that this accession of culture had its
disadvantages as well as its advantages ; for along with
culture came philosophical error and imitations of pagan
ceremonial observances.
5. We shall see that as soon as Christianity came to
be forwarded by any other thai', legitimate means, as
soon as increase of power and respectability was set up
as an object of endeavor, a door was thrown open for
the entrance of all sorts of abuses.
6. In general, we may characterize the present period
as the period of the gradual growth and the gradual cor-
ruption of Christianity until it became strong enough on
the one hand to make its adoption by the empire a mat-
ter of policy, and corrupt enough on the other to rejoice
in such adoption.
n. CAUSES OF PERSECUTION.
Christianity was a rdigio Ulicita. It was the policy of
the Roman Empire to tolerate the religions of conquered
peoples, so long as they would not attempt to proselyte.
Judaism was a relirio licita, Christianity, so far as it
was distinguished from Judaism, was reckoned among
secret societies or collegia which were contrary to law.
Cicero* says: '* Separately let no one have gods, nor
may they worship privately new or foreign gods unless
they have been publicly recognized." Gaius,* speak-
ing of forbidden associations, says : '• Neither a society
I *« D« Legfbut.'* Bk. 11.. Cluir. I. • Bk. III.. Chap. 4. 1 1.
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CHAf'.L] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE I49
nor college, nor body of this kind, is conceded to all pro-
miscuously ; for this thing is coerced (regulated) by laws
or codes of the Senate and imperial (or princely) consti*
tutions." The essentially proselyting spirit of Chris-
tianity was an additional cause of its unlawfulness.
2. Christianity was a religion which aspired to uni-
versality. Christ's kingdom was to be set up through-
out the whole earth. With the Romans the State was
the chief thing. Religion was to be promoted only in so
far as it served the interests of the State. The Chris-
tians had no sympathy with this idea, and their enemies
lost no opportunity to represent Christianity as danger-
ous to the State. This brought upon them the enmity
of rulers.
3. Christianity was a religion hated by the influential
classes. The withdrawal of Christians from social inter-
course with the pagans, rendered necessary by the idol-
atrous practices connected with every department of life,
caused the Christians to be looked upon as enemies of
the human race. Their refusal to participate in idolatrous
rites and to frequent the temples, and the exclusion from
their homes and, of necessity, their persons of all symbols
of idolatry, led them to be looked upon as atheists — ene-
mies of the gods. As enemies of mankind and of the
gods, they were regarded with the profoundest abhor-
rence by the people in general. Nothing was too bad to
be believed of such people. The Christians were known
to assemble at night secretly ; they were observed to be
very fond of each other. What but the gratification of
lust could be the motive of such assemblies ? As they
assembled in considerable numbers, the gratification of
lust must be promiscuous. What could be more natural
than to ascribe to this mysterious, ungodly people the
additional crime of eating the bodies and drinking the
blood of the offspring of their orgies ? The standing
charges against (ihristianity^ therefore, for several gen-
erations were atheism, promiscuous licentiousness, and
cannibalism. See the ** Apologies" of Justin Martyr,
Athenagoras, Tertullian, and Origen, in which these
accusations are stated and refuted. Most of the persecu-
tion which the Christians suffered was the result of this
popular hatred.
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rSO A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY L^ER't
4. The fact that Christianity was recruited chiefly
from the poor and the outcast caused Christianity to be
looked down upon by the respectable and by those who
would be regarded as respectable.
5. Christians shared with Jews the contempt which
the Romans always had for this people— only they were
regarded as far worse and were without the protection
which the Jews enjoyed even after the destruction of
Jerusalem. After the Jewish rebellion of A. D. 135 their
advantages over Christians probably ceased or were
greatly diminished.
6. Christianity, by its enthusiasm, shocked the sensi-
bilities of many of the purest and best philosophers.
These might have been expected to favor Christianity ;
but they regarded it rather as a wild fanaticism which
could only do harm to its adherents.
7. Christianity came into conflict with the temporal
interests of certain classes, as priests, venders of sacrifi-
cial animals, makers and venders of idols. Many perse-
cutions were aroused by such persons, as in the New
Testament times, so later.
8. The occurrence of famines, earthquakes, military
reverses, conflagrations, etc., frequently furnished occa-
sion for the persecution of the Christians, who, as ene-
mies of the gods, were supposed to be the cause of the
evils.
III. TREATMENT OF CHRISTIANS BY DIFFERENT EMPERORS.
Many of the emperors during the second and third cen-
turies were men of great moderation, and might have
been expected to abolish persecution. But we shall see
that in some instances the most violent persecutions oc-
curred under the wisest and most upright rulers. This
is to be accounted for in part by the fact that such men
were more likely than others to adhere rigidly to the
laws against unauthorized religions ; were more anxious
than others to maintain the splendor of the old religion ;
were more repelled by the, to them, fanatical proceed-
ings of the Christians ; were more under the influence
of philosophers, who showed great enmity toward Chris-
tianity and wrote against it {e. g. Marcus Aurelius was
greatly influenced by Stoic and Cynic philosophers).
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CHAP. I.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 151
I. From Trajan to Marcus Aurelius (98-161). (i)
Trajan (98-117), one of the best of Roman emperors, is
the first with regard to whom we know certainly that
he formally proscribed secret societies, among which
Christian churches were included. He had no true con-
ception of Christianity, agreeing with his friends Tacitus
and Pliny in regarding it as a '' bad and immoderate su-
perstition." Our most trustworthy knowledge of his
attitude toward Christianity is derived from the letter
of Pliny, the younger, governor of Bithynia, asking for
information with regard to the right method of dealing
with Christians, and the rescript of Trajan {c. A. D.
112). Pliny states that he has never had anything to
do with the trial of Christians and therefore is ignorant
what and how great punishment ought to be inflicted ;
whether there ought to be any discrimination in respect
of age ; whether favor should be shown to the penitent ;
whether they should be punished for the shameful repu-
tation attached to the name, if nothing shameful be
proved in individual cases. His method of procedure,
meanwhile, is declared to be : to question those who are
brought before him as to whether they are Christians,
threatening punishment if they persist, and sending to
prison those that refuse to curse Christ and offer sacri-
fice to the gods and to the image of the emperor;
others, who were Roman citizens, he had noted down to
be sent to Rome ; those who denied being Christians he
had liberated. He thinks it important that some definite
method of procedure should be agreed upon, because so
great a number are involved. Those who confess to
having been Christians, but now reject Christianity,
inform him that the sum of their error was that they
were accustomed to assemble before light ; to sing a
hymn to Christ ; to promise that they would commit no
crime — ^theft, robbery, adultery, embezzlement of en-
trusted funds ; and later in the day to partake of a meai
in common. In order to arrive at the truth more assur-
edly, Pliny had tortured two female slaves, who were
called ministry (possibly deaconesses), but had learned
nothing beyond the fact that Christianity was a bad and
immoderate superstition. By his proceedings he had
brought it about that the temples, before almost deso-
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1 52 A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
lated, had begun to be frequented ; sacrifices, long since
suspended, had been resumed ; the feeding of victims
had been taken up, etc. He refers to an imperial man-
date forbidding secret societies (Jutcerut) which he is
attempting to enforce. He intimates that the Christians,
in consideration of his prohibition of secret societies, had
given up their social gatherings, and there is no intima-
tion that their punishment was for violation of this law.'
Trajan replies that Pliny has acted properly in the cases
mentioned ; and that no universal rule can be laid down.
Christians are not to be sought out for persecution, but
when legally arraigned are to suffer for their violation of
the laws.
The precise attitude of Trajan toward Christianity is still a mat-
ter of controversy. Christian writers of the succeeding time took a
highly favorable view of his tolerance. Mellto of Sardis (e, 170)
seems to have regarded him as a protector of Christians.' Lactan-
tius ignores his persecutions, while Eusebius seeks to free Trajan
himself from responsibility for such i)ersecutions as occurred dunng
his reign, and gives him credit for mitigating the violence of persecu-
tion. Mediaeval legend represented him as having been released
from infernal torments through the intercession of Pope Gregory I.
Most modem critics have gone as far in the opposite direction, main-
taining that Trajan's rescript introduces a new era in the relation of
the empire to Christianity distinctly more unfavorable to the latter.
This view is taken by Gieseler, Overbeck, Aub6, Uhlhom, Keim,
Renan, $t al. Lightfoot, who thinks it probable that Nero issued a
distinct prohibition of Christianity, maintains that Trajan intro-
duced no new policy, but simply gave his sanction to the carrying
out of a policy that had prevailed from the time of Nero. Hardy is
inclined to regard Trajan*s rescript ** as favorable, and as rather
discouraging persecution than legalizing it.'* ' it is probable that
up to this time *' there was no express law or formal edict against
the Christians in particular. . . They had before this been classed
generally as outlaws (hosUs publici) and enemies to the fundamental
principles of society and government, of law and order, and the ad'
mission of the name Christian in itself entailed condemnation. . .
While Trajan felt bound to carry out the established principle, his
personal view was opposed to It, at least to such an extent that he
ordered Pliny to shut his eyes to the Christian offense, until his at-
tention was expressly directed to an individual case by a formal
accuser." * The fact seems to be that Trajan was not a wanton
persecutor, and that he meant to discourage malicious informers, but
that as emperor he felt the necessity of upholding the laws and
maintaining the State religion. So far as our information goes, the
> Pliny, Bk. X., Ep. 06, m. < EuMblus. " Hisi. Bee.:* Bk. IV.. Chap. «&
i^*C. Plimii SeeumKBpp,:* d. 6a, uq,
^I^ABMy, *' The Church in the Roman Enplr«. ' Chap. X.. •specially p. as}.
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CHAP. I.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 1 53
only persecutions with which Trajan had anything to do were the
Bitnvnian, under Pliny, that at Jerusalem, in which Symeon suf-
fered, and that at Antloch, in which Ignatius was the chief victim.
(2) Hadrian (i 17-138) had little faith in the popular
religion and took considerable interest in foreign cults ;
but he regarded the maintenance of the religious estab-
lishment as a political necessity. He was strongly op-
posed to the violent outbursts of popular hatred against
Christians, very common at this time. He declared that
no accusations against Christians were to be received,
except such as were in legal form. Justin Martyr ap-
peals in his ''First Apology/' addressed to Antoninus
Pius (c. 152), to a rescript of Hadrian, of which he gives
the text. The rescript (addressed to Minucius Funda-
nus, proconsul of Asia about 124) forbids riotous proceed-
ings and information where gain seems to be the motive.
'' if any one, therefore, accuses them and shows that
they are doing anything contrary to the laws, do you
pass judgment according to the heinousness of the crime.
But, by Hercules ! if any one bring an accusation
through mere calumny, decide in regard to his criminal-
ity and see to it that you inflict punishment." The au-
thenticity of this document has been called in question
by Baur, Keim, Lipsius, Overbeck, Aube, McGiflfert, et
al. Its genuineness is defended by Ramsay, Lightfoot,
Mommsen, Funk, Uhlhorn, Ranke, Moeller, et al., who,
however, do not understand Hadrian as aiming to shield
Christians so much as to discourage tumultuary proce-
dures. The fact that it appears in an almost contempora-
neous writing (Justin's '' Apology ") is highly favorable
to its authenticity. That a forgery should have become
current during the lifetime of its alleged author, and
especially that a forged imperial edict should have been
incorporated in an apology addressed to the succeeding
emperor, is scarcely credible.
Mommsen remarks : " The groundless suspicions cast on the gen-
uineness of this document are the best proof now little capable recent
writers are of understanding the attitude in which the Roman gov-
ernment stood to the Christians.'' ' Lightfoot: ** Not only is this
rescript no stumbling-block when confronted with the history of the
> Quoted by Ramsay, p. jm.
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154 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
times ; some exact action on the part of the emperor is required to
explain the history."^ Ramsay exposes in a teiling manner the
absurdity of the objections raised by Keim and others to the genu-
jneness of this document.
The Jewish insurrection against the empire, under
Barcochab, occurred during this reign (135). Large
numbers of Christians in Palestine were slain by the
infuriated Jews. The suppression of the insurrection
was followed by a loss of privileges on the part of the
Jews. Hadrian now built on the site of Jerusalem Aelia
Capitolina and erected a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus
on the temple area. Jews were forbidden to enter the
city or even to see from a distance the land of their
fathers.* Whereas before the Jews had held a more fa-
vorable position than the Christians, the Christians were
now regarded with far more favor than the Jews. This
was an important gain for Christianity, and led, doubt-
less, to the overthrow of Judaistic tendencies in the Chris-
tian church. Yet Christianity was still a religio illidta.
The pastor of the Roman church, Telesphorus, and many
others, suffered martyrdom at this time.
It is not even stated that the name Christian is no longer crimi-
nal. The rescript left it open for provincial governors either to inflict
severe penalties on the Christians or to discourage their arraignment
to such an extent as to involve virtual toleration. The ** Apology of
Quadratus," unfortunately lost, was addressed to Hadrian. The
progress of Christianity during this reign in numbers, learning,
wealth, and social influence must have been very marked ; yet perse-
cution was not wanting.
(3) Antoninus Pius (i 38-161) was one of the wisest
and most upright of emperors. His biographer, Capito-
linus, claims that, so far as he is personally concerned,
he enjoys the almost unique distinction of being free
from civil and hostile bloodshed.* During his reign
various public calamities occurred — famine, the Inun-
dation of the Tiber, earthquakes, conflagrations at
Rome, Antioch, and Carthage. These aroused the
people against the Christians, who were supposed,
by forsaking the gods, to have brought on these ca-
lamities. The emperor attempted to shield the Chris-
' " IgiMtius/' Vol I., p. 478, second ed. < Eusebius, Bk. VI. »Ch«|>. XII|.
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;hap. I.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 1^5
tions from popular rage, but not with complete success. In
an edict (found in Eusebius, ''Hist Ecc.y Bk. IV., Chap.
13, the spuriousness of which is now generally admitted),
Antoninus rebukes the pagans for their violence, telling
them that if the Christians have offended the gods, the
gods ought to be left to take vengeance for them-
selves and that they (pagans) confirm the Christians in
their minds by accusing them of impiety. He contrasts
the cheerfulness of Christians in calamities with the ter-
ror of the pagans. He commands that if any persist in
raising tumults against the Christians they shall be pun-
ished.
Although this document in the form in which we have
it is unquestionably a forgery, there is no sufficient
reason to doubt but that Antoninus did issue an edict,
with the design of protecting Christians against mob
violence.
The early Christian tradition that he favored the Christians (Me-
Ilto.f. A. D. 170, Tertullian, early In the third century) must have
rested on a basis of fact. Mellto, in his ** Apology " addressed to
Marcus Aurellus, says : ** And thy father, when thou also wast rul-
ing with him, wrote to the cities, forbidding them to take any new
measures against us; among the rest to the Larisssans. to the
Thessalonlans. to the Athenians, and to all the Greeks." ^ Har-
nack regards the edict as essentially genuine, but supposes that it
midfered repeated interpolations.'
It is remarkable that while Eusebius ascribes the doc-
ument to Antoninus, the inscription, as quoted by him-
self, assigns it to Marcus Aurelius.
Christianity showed remarkable energy and underwent remarka-
ble changes about this time. Gnosticism was at its height. The
•• Apology of Aristides," recentiy brought to light, was a product of
this reign. Justin Martyr wrote many of his works, including his
•• Apology," under this emperor, and It was in the latter part of his
reign that Polycarp of Smyrna died a martyr's death. Harnack
attributes the rise or the monarchical episcopate to this time, and he
finds here the beginning of the process of consolidation in opposi-
tion to Gnosticism that was to result in the formation of the Roman
Catholic church.' Montanism had its rise at this time. Christian
literature was greatiy enriched.
1 Quoted by Eusebius, Bk. IV.. Chap. 96.
f "C*roM/<if^«." 0</. 1.. Stit. 709, and " Ttxtt und Untersuebuugtm,'* Bd, XIU., /#f/f 4-
*Art. "Antoninus Pius." In *' Rtai-Encfklopadtt,'^ third ed.
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156 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.lt
2. From Marcus Aurelius to Decius (161-249). By the
time of Marcus Aurelius Christianity had become an
important element in society. Conscious of its strength,
it had become bold and aggressive. Many cultivated
men had come into the church and were devoting their
powers to its defense. Most of the persecutions dur-
ing this time had for their object the restoration of the
declining paganism to its original splendor and power.
(I) Marcus Aurelius (161-180) was educated as a
philosopher and was imbued with the ethical principles
of eclectic Stoicism. He was simple and temperate in
life and sought to rule justly. Yet Christians suffered
under him more severely than under any emperor since
Nero, whose cruelty he abhorred and whom he pro-
nounced "not a man." The enthusiasm of Christians
seemed to him mere fanaticism, and their steadfastness
under persecution he looked upon not as fidelity to a
high principle, but rather as obstinacy in disobedience to
constituted authority. His teacher, Fronto, had given
him an early and decided bias against Christianity, and
the Cynic philosopher, Crescens, the bitter opponent of
Justin Martyr, had confirmed him in his aversion. While
he had little faith in the State religion, like Hadrian he
regarded its maintenance as a political necessity ; and
he not only withheld from Christians the protection from
popular violence that had been accorded to them by
Trajan and his successors, but he encouraged and pro-
moted persecution.
This reign, like the preceding, was remarkable for
calamities. Earthquakes more terrible than those under
Antoninus, destructive inundations followed by famine
and pestilence, insurrections and invasions on the fron-
tiers involving the empire in almost continuous and often
disastrous war, aroused the fury of the populace against
the Christians whose impiety and rapid increase was
thought to have angered the gods. Christians, on the
other hand, saw in these disasters the divine judgment
on the iniquity of the government and of the people, and
no doubt in some cases openly rejoiced in them as pre-
sages of the final judgment and the end of the age.
Such an attitude would tend still further to irritate their
pagan enemies.
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CHAP.L] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 1 57
The following particulars are worthy of attention :
a. There is no evidence that anything like a general
persecution was undertaken at this time. The ferocious
uprising against the Christians of Lyons and Vienne, in
the south of Gaul, in which a large number of Christians
were brought before the authorities charged with in-
cestuous orgies, cannibalism, etc., subjected to the most
horrible tortures to compel confession of these crimes,
and at last thrown to the wild beasts or otherwise cruelly
slain, seems to have been quite exceptional. The de-
tails of this persecution are given in a beautiful letter
addressed by *' the servants of God residing at Vienne
and Lyons, in Gaul, to the brethren throughout Asia
and Phrygia," preserved by Eusebius.* The ** tribula-
tion" is ascribed to "the fury of the heathen against
the saints." The "adversary" is said to have "en-
deavored in every manner to practise and exercise his
servants against the servants of God, not only shutting
us out from houses and baths and markets, but forbid-
ding any of us to be seen in any place whatever." A
large proportion of those arrested persisted under re-
peated and most excruciating tortures in denying the
charges of criminality and in confession of Christ. Many
died in prison from the effects of the tortures and lack of
proper food and nursing. Some were weak enough to
deny their faith and to make the required confession ;
but not even so did they escape further sufferings.
Some who yielded at first afterward received strength to
confess Christ and to suffer martyrdom. These pro-
ceedings were conducted by the Roman, governor with
the full approval of the emperor.
b. The martyrdom of Justin, the philosopher, who was
the most important literary defender of the faith that
the age produced, is commonly ascribed to the machina-
tions of Crescens, a disreputable philosopher. This oc-
curred in Rome about 165. According to an early nar-
rative six companions suffered with him.
c. An apparently authentic account of the execution
of several Christians in Pergamus, Asia Minor, has been
preserved." A number of other martyrdoms are sup-
> Bk. L s Harnack. '* TexU «. UnUnmcburngpt** Bd, 111., H9ft 4.
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158 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
posed to have occurred in Asia during tliis reign, as that
of Thraseas, pastor of the church at Eumenea, and that
of Sagaris, pastor at Laodicea.
d. The peculiarities of the persecution under this em
peror are :
First, that the emperor issued a decree against the
Christians which, in the opinion of Melito of Sardis, was
" not fit to be executed even against barbarian ene-
mies." This decree encouraged informers by allowing
them to take the property of the accused and made it
possible for the governors to enrich themselves by con-
fiscations.
Secondly, the emperor encouraged inquisitorial pro-
ceedings for the discovery and arraignment of Christians.
Thirdly, torture was employed as a means of compell-
ing Christians to renounce their faith and to commit acts
of idolatry.
e. That Christianity was becoming more and more
vigorous and aggressive is evident from the abundant
apologetlcal and polemical literature of the time. Chris-
tianity was rapidly drawing to itself of the culture of the
age and Christian philosophers were more than a match
for their pagan and Gnostic antagonists.
/. During this reign Montanism, which may have
arisen in the preceding reign, came into prominence.
The Alogoi, as opponents of the Montanistic prophecy,
now appeared. The controversy regarding the time of
celebrating Easter dates from this reign. New Gnostic
parties arose and older parties flourished.
g. The consolidation of the Catholic church, with its
monarchical episcopate, its emphasizing of apostolic au-
thority and apostolic succession, and its New Testament
canon, in opposition to Gnostic and Montanistic heresy,
made marked progress during this reign.
A. The persecution under Marcus Aurelius was not of
so long duration nor so exterminating as not to be
favorable, on the whole, to the spread of Christianity.
It advertised Christianity, and that in a very favorable
way. Christianity now had standing enough to draw
toward it the sympathies of large numbers of people.
The fortitude with which Christians endured persecution
seems to have now revealed to many the power of
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CHAP. I.] REUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 1 59
this religion over the human heart, and a very rapid
growth of Christianity throughout the empire followed.
Christians soon swarmed in all the cities and were nu-
merous in many rural districts. With rapid growth came
in much worldliness and insincerity, immunity from per-
secution for a number of years making it easy for all who
felt any interest in Christianity to enter the churches.
i. Now for the first time pagan scholars thought it
worth their while to read the literature of the Christians
and to attempt to overthrow Christianity by polemical
writings. Foremost among efforts of this kind was the
work of Celsus, the Platonist, whose '' True Discourse'*
Origen was to answer at length about fifty years later.
Celsus supposed that the persecuting measures of the
emperor would result in the extermination of Christian-
ity. In their sufferings was fulfilled the saying of Apollo's
priest : " The mills of the gods grind slowly," etc. Re-
ferring to Christ he wrote :
The demon is not only reviled, but banished from every land and
aea. and those who, like images, are consecrated to him, are bound
ana led to punishment and impaled, whilst the demon— or as you
call him, the Son of God— takes no vengeance on the evil-doer. The
Jews, instead of being masters of the whole world, are left with not
so much as a patch of ground or a hearth ; and of you [Christians]
one or two may be wandering in secret, but they are b«ing sought
out to be punished with death.
So little appreciation did this brilliant philosopher have
of the vitality and all-conquering power of the gospel.
(2) Commodus (180-193) was dissolute, timid, suspi-
cious, and at last cruel and vindictive ; yet his attitude
toward Christianity was more favorable than that of any
of his predecessors. This was due, no doubt, in part at
least, to the influence of his favorite concubine Marcia,
who took the Christians under her protection, secured
the deliverance of many from the Sardinian mines, where
they were suffering fearful hardships, and sought in many
ways to further their interests. Whether Marcia was
herself a member of the Roman church is uncertain ; but
the corruptions of the church as described by Hippolytus
at about this time were such as to make her member-
ship a possibility. The patronage of such a personage no
doubt contributed toward the lowering of the moral
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l6o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
standard of the churches under the influence of the
Roman and rendered effective discipline exceedingly
difficult.
Referring to this reign Euseblus says : ** About this time ... our
condition became more favorable, and through the grace of God the
churches tiiroughout the entire world enjoyed peace, and the word
of salvation was leading every soul from every race of mankind to
the devout worship of the God of the universe. So that now at
Rome many who were highly distinguished for wealth and family
turned with ail their household and relatives unto their salvation.'^^
Yet he refers immediately afterward to the martyrdom of Apollonius,
a man of renown among the faithful for learning and philosophy,
who was condemned to death on the accusation of a slave by a
decree of the Senate. Whether Apollonius was condemned simply
on the ground of his Christian profession or on the ground of some
specific charge of violation of the laws does not appear. To save
herself from falling a victim to his almost insane cruelty Marcia
joined with others in compassing the assassination of the emperor.
(3) Septimius Severus (193-21 1) was not intensely
hostile toward Christianity. In fact, it has been com*
monly supposed that up to 202 he was somewhat favor-
ably disposed. It is related by Spartianus that on his re-
turn from a victorious campaign against the Armenians
and the Parthians (202), while sojourning in Palestine,
he enacted a law forbidding conversions to Judaism or
Christianity. It does not appear to have been his pur-
pose to attempt the extermination of Christianity, but
simply to put a check upon proselytizing. But the en-
forcement of the Trajanic law against Christianity as an
unauthorized religion involved many Christians in severe
suffering. It does not appear that the emperor issued an
edict of persecution ; but he no doubt encouraged the
local officials diligently to enforce the old laws.
Clement of Alexandria, who was at the head of the catechetical
school, wrote some time before the close of the second century:
** Many martyrs are daily burned, crucified, and beheaded before
our eyes." About 202 or 203 he was obliged to abandon his work
and retire from the city. The father of Origen suffered martyrdom
at this time. Origen himself, then a zealous and brilliant youth,
was saved from a like fate by the tact of his mother, who hid his
clothes and thus prevented him from publicly proclaiming himself a
Christian and gaining the mart3a''s crown. About aoo a number of
Christians, Including three women, suffered joyfully at Sdllite, in
» "Church History." Bk. XXI.
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CHAP.l] relation of CHRISTIANITY to the empire i6i
Numidia, falling on their knees and praising God. At Carthage
two young women, Perpetua and Felicitas, won the highest admira-
tion of their contemporaries and of posterity by resolutely refusing
to yield to the entreaties of parents and friends or to the promptings
of maternal affection, to save their lives by denying the faith, and
by cheerfully confronting the maddened beasts. These last and
their companions in suffering are supposed to have been Montanists.
Tertullian refers to persecutions In Numidia and Mauritania about
(4) Caracalla and Hdiogabalus yrtxt among the most
contemptible of rulers ; but both tolerated Christianity.
Caracalla (211-217) recalled all who were in banish-
ment, but had his brother and co-heir Geta murdered
with twenty thousand of his supposed supporters. His
mother Julia Domna, a Syrian woman, with her sister
Julia Moesa and the daughters of the latter, Sooemias,
the mother of the Emperor Heliogabalus, and Julia Mam-
maa, the mother of the Emperor Alexander Severus,
was devoted to Oriental mysticism. These women were
indifferent or hostile to the State religion, and surround-
ing themselves with a coterie of philosophers and schol-
ars, devoted much attention to the free handling of re-
ligious questions and exerted a marked influence on the
religious policy of the empire. The extension of citizen-
ship to provincials broke down the old aristocracy and
greatly facilitated the progress of Christianity by de-
stroying artificial social distinctions. Caracalla was as-
sassinated by the Pretorian Prefect Macrinus, who
assumed the imperial crown and ruled fourteen months
(217-18). His career as a political reformer, was cut
short by the intrigues of Julia Moesa, who induced the
army to repudiate Macrinus and to elevate to the throne
her grandson Avitus, who was at that time priest of the
Syrian sun-god at Emesa, and who is commonly known
by the name of his favorite deity, Heliogabalus. It was
the aim of Heliogabalus and his female relatives to merge
Judaism, Samaritanism, Christianity, and the State re-
ligion into a single eclectic system, in which sun-worship
should predominate. He reveled in the extravagances
and the obscenities of his favorite cult. Under the pa-
tronage of the imperial court Philostratus produced his
life of Apollonius of Tyana, whom he sought to repre-
sent as a heathen Christ. Heliogabalus brought to Rome
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l62 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a
the celebrated Black Stone of Edessa as a means of
making his religion more attractive to the masses. It
was his intention to erect a great temple in Rome in
which, side by side with sun-worship, Jewish and Chris-
tian worship should be encouraged. It was no credit to
Christianity to be tolerated and favored by so despicable
a ruler ; but freed from persecution, it doubtless enjoyed
a very rapid growth and absorbed far more of pagan life
than it could properly assimilate. Disgusted with the
shameful license and the effeminacy of Heliogobalus, the
army put an end to his rule and placed on the throne an
emperor worthy of the name (222).
(5) Alexander Severus (222-235), ^ cousin of Helioga-
balus, was noble-minded and devout, but was lacking in
energy and in statesmanship. Though not a Christian,
he gave to Christianity a place in his eclectic system and
had a bust of Christ amon'g those of other religious he-
roes (Apollonius of Tyana, Orpheus, and Abraham) in
his private chapel.^ His mother, Julia Mammaea, was
the ruling spirit in the government, and to her favorable
attitude the Christians were no doubt deeply indebted.
She is said to have sent for Origen, the great Christian
theologian, that she might receive from him instruction
in the principles of Christianity, and to have treated him
with much respect. When a dispute arose between the
Christians and some cooks as to the possession of a
building, Alexander decided in favor of the Christians,
remarking that it was better that God should be wor-
shiped there in any way whatever than that the place
should be given over to cooks.' In recommending a
new mode of apportioning the offices of the State he is
said to have referred to the Christian church organiza-
tion as a model. According to Lampridius he contem-
plated erecting in Rome a temple to Christ.* He is said
to have frequently given utterance to the Golden Rule
in its negative form and to have had it inscribed on pub-
lic buildings. During this reign Christian houses of
worship seem to have been first erected. The catechet-
ical school of Alexandria flourished and Christian educa-
tion made progress in Rome. Yet Christianity was not
> Uapridlut. Ch«^ 19. • Clu^ 4^ •Chap. 4i.
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CHAP.!.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 163
declared a lawful religion by imperial decree. In fact it
was during this reign that Ulpian, the famous jurist, col-
lected for public use the imperial rescripts against the
Christians. It is probable that the sentiment of the
Senate and of the Roman aristocracy in general was
strongly adverse to Christianity and that Alexander and
Julia Mammaea did not deem it prudent to produce radi-
cal changes in legislation in defiance of this class.
(6) Maximinus the Thracian (235-238), a military
leader who had incited the troops to slay Alexander,
succeeded to the throne by the favor of the army. He
was one of the coarsest and most brutal of barbarians
and was utterly incapable of appreciating anything no-
ble. His bitter hatred of Alexander led him to persecute
the Christians, many of whom held positions in the im-
perial household. According to Eusebius,^ he commanded
" that only the rulers of the churches should be put to
death as responsible for the gospel teaching." Several
prominent leaders of the church of Caesarea (Palestine),
including Origen's wealthy patron Ambrosius, who was
robbed of his property, suffered severely at this time.
Origen, now laboring at Caesarea, escaped by concealing
himself and addressed to his suffering friends his beauti-
ful work on '^ Martyrdom." Pontianus and Hippolytus,
officials of the Roman church, were banished to Sar-
dinia.
(7) Philip the Arabian (244-248), son of a Bedouin
sheik, is represented by Christian writers of a later
date as a Christian. Eusebius relates that on one occa-
sion he was so desirous of sharing with the multitude in
the prayers of the church that he put himself in the
place of a humble penitent, as he was required to do by
the presiding official. It may be that he was only super-
stitious and was anxious to enjoy the favor of the God
of the Christians without having any true conception
of Christianity.
Dionysius of Alexandria (c. 2C5) writes of emperors who were
openly said to have become Cnristians." He must have had in
mind Alexander Severus and Philip. Origen is said to have written
letters, to Philip and to Severa, his wife. Origen at this time looked
1 " Church History/' Bk. VI.. Chap. ad.
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l64 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.tt
forward with great hopefulness to the triumph of Christianity. AU
other religions, he thought, would pass away, but Christianity
would go prosperously forwai-d.^
3. From Decius Trajan to Diocletian (249-284). The
first half of the third century was a time of great peril to
civil order in the empire. The provinces were ruined by
excessive taxation wastefuily and corruptly gathered and
by barbarian invasions in the east and the west. Rome
had become inconceivably corrupt and had lost the
power to rule. Provincials who had gained prestige as
military leaders were one after the other raised to the
throne by the army, but few of these soldier emperors
showed any capacity for government. The State re-
ligion was rapidly decaying. Christianity had gained
Vast numbers of converts in all parts of the empire and
was by far the most aggressive of the religious forces of
the age. With correct instinct those who were zealous
for the maintenance of Roman imperialism looked upon
the growing strength of Christianity with disfavor and
distrust. The ideals of the Christians and the ideals of
Roman imperialists were mutually antagonistic. The
Roman State religion had from of old been regarded as
one of the chief bulwarks of the empire. Its life-blood
was rapidly being drawn out by aggressive Christianity.
The time was approaching when this religion must be
either exterminated or adopted as the religion of the
State.
(I) Decius Trajan (249-251), an Italian soldier, was
raised to the throne by the Danubian army after the
battle with the Goths at Verona, in which Philip lost his
life. He seems to have had an earnest desire to restore
the empire to its pristine order and vigor. The millen-
nium of the city was being celebrated with great splen-
dor when Decius returned from the Gothic war. Special
occasion was doubtless afforded thereby for remarking
the decay of the State religion. The fact that Chris-
tians had been especially favored by his predecessor
probably led Decius to suspect them of disloyalty to
himself. It may be assumed from what we know of
this ruler that his exterminating measures against Chris-
.HI.
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CHAP. I.] REUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 165
tianity did not proceed from sheer wantonness, but were
from his point of view a political necessity. Only
by the extermination of Christianity and the rehabilita-
tion of the State religion could the unity and the stabil-
ity of the empire be secured. In 250 was issued the
first imperial edict aiming at the universal suppression of
Christianity. Christians everywhere were required to
conform to the State religion by participating in its cere-
monies, and officials were commanded, under heavy pen-
alties, rigorously to enforce the requirement. In each
official district all Christians were required within a defi-
nite time to appear before the magistrates and to offer
sacrifices to the gods. The flight of Christians before
the expiration of the time allowed was not hindered, but
the property of fugitives was confiscated and death was
the penalty of returning. Those who were not in a
position to prove that they had fulfilled the requirement
were brought before a commission composed of officials
and citizens. First they were threatened with the direst
punishments in case of obstinacy. Threats were fol-
lowed by torture. This failing, imprisonment and re/
peated tortures, including hunger and thirst, were re-
sorted to as a means of breaking down the wills of the
victims. All the influence and the machinery of the
imperial government were employed to prevent laxity on
the part of officials. The magistrates were enjoined to
use special severity toward bishops and other influential
leaders.
Immunity from persecution had brought Into the churches multi-
tudes of people who had no proper Idea of the obligations of the
Christian lite and many who cannot be rq^arded as possessing a
saving knowledge of the truth. Lamentable worldliness character-
ized many of the clergy, who were spending their energies in secu-
lar pursuits rather than in the ministry of the word. The Imperial
edict struck terror to the hearts of all whose faith was weak. ^* Be-
fore the battle," writes Cyprian, *' many were conauered, and with-
out having met the enemy, were cut down ; they dM not even seek
to gain the reputation of having sacrificed against their will. They
in(feed did not wait to be apprehended ere they ascended, or to tje
interrogated ere they denied. Many were conquered before the bat-
tle, prostrated before the attack. Nor did they even leave it to be
said for them that they seemed to sacrifice to Idols unwillingly.
They ran to the market place of their own accord." ^ Many were
1 '*D« Upsls." Bk. 111.. Chap. t.
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l66 A iVUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [^'^R.IL
so Impatient to deny their faith that they could hardly wait their
turn. Cyprian himself retired before the fury of the persecution and
thereby greatly; injured his reputation among the stricter sort. Many
who would neither flee nor sacrifice suffered the most terrible tor-
tures and died in prison or were at last cruelly executed. Some by
bribing the officials procured certificates of having sacrificed without
committing the overt act. Some allowed others to say that they had
sacrificed or to procure certificates for them. Holders of these fraud-
ulent certificates were called libellaiici and were regarded as scarcely
less culpable than the Lapsi or those who actually denied their faith.
Decius was after a few months called away by a fresh Gothic inva-
sion and was slain in 251, but not until he had spread desolation
throughout the churches. There was a slight lull In the storm of
persecution under Gallus, but a year of public disasters (plague,
drought, famine, barbarian invasions) drew the attention of the pop-
ulace afresh to the Christians, whose hostility to the gods was sup-
posed to be responsible for the calamities. Many were sent to the
mines, which involved the direst hardship and often death.
(2) Valerian (2 5 3-260), who had been closely asso
ciated with Decius, is said by Dionysius of Rome^ to
have '* been mild and friendly toward the men of God "
and to have treated them more kindly and favorably
than any of his predecessors. " Not even those [em-
perors] that were said openly to be Christians received
them with such manifest hospitality as he did at the be-
ginning of his reign. For his entire house was filled
with pious persons and was a church of God." But
public calamities continued and when recourse had been
had to every known expedient, including human sacri-
fices, he was persuaded, it is said, by one of his generals
(Macrianus), an adept in Egyptian magic, to renew the
persecution of Christians. At first he sought to sup-
press Christianity without bloodshed. In 257 he issued
an edict commanding all Christians to conform to the
State religion on pain of banishment. He directed that
pastors be separated from their churches, and prohibited
Christian assemblies of every kind. These measures
proving futile, he issued in 2;8 an edict more sanguinary
by far than that of Decius. Cyprian, bishop of the
Carthaginian church, who had again gone into banish-
ment by reason of the earlier edict and was soon after to
fall a victim to the severer measure, gives the substance
of the latter as follows :
> Quoted by EuMblus. " Church History/* Bk. VII.. Chap 9.
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CHAP. I] RELATION OF CHRISTUNITY TO THE EMPIRE 167
That bishops and presbyters and deacons should Immediately be
punished (f. ^., put to deaui) ; but that senators and men of impor-
tance, and Roman Icnights, should lose their dignity and moreover
be deprived of their property ; and if, when their means were taken
away, ttiey should still persist in being Christians, then they should
also lose their heads ; but that matrons should be deprived of their
property and sent into banishment. Moreover, people of Cesar's
household, whoever of them had either confessed before or should
now confess, should have their property confiscated and should be
sent In chains by assignment to Cesar's estates.^
The list of martyrs is too long for insertion. Besides
Cyprian, many prominent bishops won the martyr's
crown. Bishop Sixtus of Rome was seized in the Cata-
combs, where he was administering the Lord's Supper.
After his trial and condemnation he was taken back and
executed on the same spot.
The following remarks may be made on this series of persecutions :
a. The aim of the emperors was the utter destruction of Chris-
tianity, and the means most relied upon was the execution of the
Christian leaders and the demolition of the Christian houses of
worship.
h. The faith of Christians everywhere was put to a severe test
and multitudes were found wanting.
c. This time of persecution gave rise to many controversies re-
garding the treatment of the lapsed, the authority of confessors, the
prerogatives of bishops, etc., and a widespread schism (the Nova-
tian) resulted.
d. The ability of Christianity, even in a somewhat corrupted
form, to withstand the most determined assaults of the greatest
worid-power known to antiquity, was fully demonstrated and gave
to Chnstians the fullest assurance of ultimate triumph.
(3) GaUienus (260-268), the successor of Valerian,
favored the Christians, recalled the exiles, restored their
church property, and forbade further molestation of
them. From this time till the time of Diocletian the
Christians suffered almost no persecution. They grew
in numbers, wealth, church organization, and in worldli-
ness. Pagans flowed into the churches, taking with
them many of their pagan habits of life and thought, so
that by the time of Diocletian the church was corrupt
and worldly as never before, and was in no condition to
meet a relentless persecution.' Christians had again
1 8p. UVm. • SumMus. " Cburch Hlytofx/' Bk. VIH.. Cha|i. |.
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l68 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a
become so bold and aggressive as to arouse the jealousy
of the pagans.
4. Diocletian and Canstantine (284-323). Diocletian
(284-316) was a Dalmatian soldier, perhaps originally
a slave, who had made his way to the imperial throne
by military prowess. The Christians had fully recov-
ered from the persecutions of Decius and Valerian and
were no doubt far more numerous and influential than
ever before. Diocletian's wife, Prisca, and his daugh-
ter, Valeria, are said to have been Christians.* The im-
perial chamberlain Dorotheus and his associate, Gor-
gonios, were cruelly executed as Christians. That Dio-
cletian was unfriendly to Christianity almost from the
beginning is evident from a decree against the Mani-
chaeans issued from Egypt about 287. This document de-
clares it to be wrong to oppose or resist the gods or to
change from an old religion to a new, and in the highest
degree criminal to abandon established usages that have
come down from antiquity. This decree involves a con-
demnation of Christianity. It is not probable, however,
that Diocletian would have entered upon so difficult an
undertaking as the extermination of so widespread and
aggressive a religion, had it not been for the fanatical
zeal of his son-in-law Galerius, who, along with others,
had been associated with him in the imperial office.
Galerius resolved on the expulsion of Christians from
the army. About 29; all the soldiers were ordered to
sacrifice. Those that refused were expelled, and those
that manifested zeal for Christianity were executed.
Fire broke out in the imperial palace at Nicomedia on two
different occasions (303). It was a convenient thing to
charge the persecuted Christians with arson.
According to Eusebius," " royal edicts were published
everywhere, commanding that the churches be leveled
to the ground and the Scriptures destroyed by fire, and
ordering that those who held places of honor be de-
graded, and that the household servants, if they per-
sisted in the profession of Christianity, be deprived of
freedom." This first edict, issued in February, 303, was
1 EuseMos, "Church History/' Bk. VIII.. Chap. i.. «p4 Uctfiitlm, "Onk. tM
Death of Pcrsecutora,'* XV.
9 "Churr-h HUlory/* Bk. VIII.. Chap. i.
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CHAP.L] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 169
followed, according to Eusebius, by other decrees, "com-
manding tliat all the rulers of the churches in every
place be first thrown into prison, and afterward by every
artifice be compelled to sacrifice." It is noticeable that
the great importance of the Scriptures is recognized and
that the destruction of all copies is attempted. As in the
Decian persecution, the severe measures were directed
against the leaders of the churches, loss of civil and
social standing being the only penalties now inflicted
on laymen.
On the day preceding the publication of the edict, the
great church building of Nicomedia was burned to the
ground. Immediately after the posting of the edict in
Nicomedia, a Christian, ''highly honored with distin-
guished temporal dignities, seized the edict as it was
posted openly and publicly, and tore it to pieces as a
profane and impious thing. "^ This rash act of defiance
was summarily punished and no doubt greatly increased
the fury of the persecution. In all parts of the empire
the edict was executed with greater or less severity.
Multitudes, as in the Decian persecution, hastened to
deny the faith and to surrender their copies of the Scrip-
tures ; many bore the most horrible tortures and refused
with their latest breath to surrender the Scriptures or in
any way to compromise themselves. Some employed
fraudulent methods of evading the requirements of the
law.
Those who surrendered the Scriptures were stigma-
tized by their more courageous brethren as Traditors,
and traditorism became the occasion of the great Dona-
tist schism.
At this time there were four emperors : Diocletian in
the East, Maximian at Rome, Constantius in Britain,
Gaul, and Spain, and Galerius in lllyria. The two former
were Augusti or emperors in the highest sense, the two
latter were Ccesars. Constantius (who ruled in Britain
and Gaul) was favorably disposed toward Christianity,
and protected Christians as far as practicable. Diocle-
tian and Maximian resigned the imperial dignity in 305.
Galerius and Constantius succeeded them as Augusti^
> &lMbiuf, "Church History /' Blc VIII., Ch«|». y
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IJO A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a
while Maximinus and Severus became Cctsars. In 306,
after the death of his father, Constantius, Constantine
was proclaimed Augustus by his ariny, Maxentius by the
Praetorian Guards, and Severus by Galerius, while Max-
imian resumed the imperial dignity. In 307 Licinius was
made Augustus by Galerius, and Maximinus by his army.
Galerius had not yet recognized Constantine and Max-
iminus as Augusti. Severus was sent against Maxentius
in 307. He was deserted and slain by his army. This
left six claimants of imperial dignity. Maximian died in
310, Galerius in 311. This reduced the emperors to
four.
Constantine shared his father's favorable disposition
toward Christianity. Galerius was stricken with disease
and may have been thereby induced to relent. In 311,
together with Constantine and Licinius, he issued an
edict granting a limited toleration to Christians.^
Persecution was renewed in the East with terrible
severity by Maximinus. Forged "Acts of Pilate" full
of blasphemies against Christ were sent forth, with the
emperor's approval, throughout his whole domain, with
commands that they be publicly posted in every place
and that schoolmasters teach them, to their scholars.
Some vile women of Damascus were induced to declare
that they had been Christians and to accuse the Chris-
tians of the most impious and licentious conduct Every-
thing possible seems to have been done to arouse the
fury of the people against Christians. The way having
been thus prepared, he issued an edict to be engraved on
brazen pillars in the cities, declaring Christianity to be
an "execrable vanity," attributing to the toleration of
Christians all the calamities that had come upon the
land, and commanding that Christians be driven far from
each community. This edict was issued in response to
numeious petitions for the extermination of Christianity,
1 While they prefer that all should conform to the "retlffion of their ancestors."
recognition Is made of the fact that some Christians have Seen driven by persecu-
tion to abandon the proper worship of their own God, and yet do not '* offer to the
heavenly gods the worship which Is due/' The result Is that the empire suffers loss
from their failure to worship any god aright Permission Is given Christians to
"rebuild the conventicles In which they were accustomed to assemble," and the
opinion Is expressed that In consideration of this Indulgence "they ought to suppli-
cate their God for our (the emperors') safety, and that of the people, and their own,
that the public welfare may be preserved In every place, and that they may live
•evurely In th«ir several homes " (Euseblus, " Ch^r^h History." B|c VU|., Chap. 17).
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CHAP. I.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 17I
which Maximinus himself was thought to have inspired.
After the victory of Constantine he was constrained to
grant complete toleration to Christians, with the restora*
tion of confiscated property.
After the battle of the Milvian Bridge, between Con-
stantine and Maxentius, in which Constantine, being
now sole emperor in the West, attributed his victory to
the succor of the God of the Christians, Constantine
granted full toleration to the Christians, making it lawful
for any one that wished to embrace Christianity (313).
In this he secured the co-operation of Licinius, who soon
afterward defeated Maximinus and became sole emperor
in the East. This edict is known as the " Edict of Milan,''
and is one of the most important documents of the age« -
The more significant clauses are as follows :
Perceiving long ago that religious liberty ought not to be denied,
but that it ought to be granted to the Judgment and desire of each
Individual to perform his religious duties according to his own choice,
we had given orders that every man. Christians as well as others,
should preserve the faith of his own sect and religion. [There fol-
lows an explanation of the change of policy, and the new policy is
then described.] We resolved ... to grant both to the Christians
and to all men freedom to follow the religion which they choose,
that whatever heavenly divinity exists may be propitious to us and
to all that live under our government. We have, therefore, deter-
mined, witii sound and upright purpose, that liberty Is to be denied to
no one to choose and follow the religious observances of the Chris-
tians, but that to each one freedom is to be given to devote his mind
to tiiat religion which he may think adaptea to himself, in order that
the Deity may exhibit to us in all things his accustomed care and
favor. . . And we decree still further in regard to the Christians,
that their places, in which they were formerly accustomed to assem-
ble .. . ^all be restored to the said Christians, without demanding
money or any other equivalent, with no delay or hesitation. . . For
by tills means ... the divine favor toward us which we have already
experienced in many matters will continue sure through all time.^
In regard to this edict it may be said : (a) That it is
the earliest known proclaniation by a civil government of
absolute religious liberty.
(b) It involves no repudiation of paganism, but seems
to proceed on the supposition that by dealing generously
with the worshipers of all gods and thus promoting their
religious devotion, the favor of all gods for the emperors
1 S— Eus«blus. " Church History." Bk. X.. Chap. %.
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172 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.
and their subjects will be secured. It is evident how-
ever that the emperors recognize the God of the Chris-
tians as of extraordinary importance.
(c) The utilitarian spirit of the edict is everywhere
manifest.
In 319 Licinius, always at heart an enemy of Chris-
' tianity and doubtless suspecting that the Christians were
I favoring Constantine's ambitious aspirations after uni-
i versal sovereignty, reversed his policy of toleration and
\ subjected the Christians to the most cruel treatment.'
\ Constantine conquered Licinius in 323 and became sole
\ emperor. Thus Christianity triumphed in the Roman
\pmpire after a struggle of two hundred and fifty years.
1 Sm EuaeUus. "ChuKh Hlstaiy/' Bk. X.. Chap. t.
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CHAPTER II
INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY DURING THE
SECOND AND THIRD CENTURIES
I. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.
1. In a world filled with systems of philosophy and re-
ligion, and in a time of intellectual activity, such as was
the beginning of the Christian era, it could not be ex-
pected that Christianity would long be able to hold aloof
from other systems, neither imparting its own elements
to them, nor absorbing foreign elements. Christianity
drew its converts from two grand sources, Judaism and_
paganism. It would have been strange, indeed, if JewislT
and pagan types of Christianity, mutually antagonistic,
had not arisen, and if each had not made a distinct im-
pression on the more catholic type that resulted from the
conflicts of the second and third centuries.
2. Even among the New Testament writers different
jhades of opinion, different ways of conceiving divine
truth, depending on the attitude of each writer toward
Judaism and toward heathen culture, found place. Here,
however, the diversity is comparatively superficial and
easily harmonizes with what is central in Christianity.
But uninspired men of the same tendencies and feelings
might have been expected to go to extremes, either in
making Judaism the chief thing and Christianity a mere
appendage, or in rejecting Judaism absolutely and sub-
stituting heathen philosophical conceptions therefor.
3. Such an antagonism, having once entered the realm
of Christian thought, naturally awakened intellectual
activity, and led finally to the accurate definition of
Christian doctrine according to the categories of the
Greek philosophy.
Replying to Celsus' charge that Christians ** were divided and split
up Into factions, each individual desiring to have his own party,"
Origen wrote: *^ Seeing Christianity appeared an object of venera-
^73
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174 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.li
tion to men, and not to the laboring and serving classes alone, but
also to many among the Greeks who were devoted to literary pur-
suits, there necessarily originated sects, not at all, however, as a
result of faction and strife, but through the earnest desire of man)!
literary men to enter more profoundly Into the truths of Christianity.
The consequence was, that understanding differently those discourses
which were believed by all to be divine, there arose sects, which re-
ceived their names from men who admired Christianity in Its fun-
damental nature, but from a variety of causes reached discordant
views."
II. HERETICAL SECTS OF THE PERIOD.
I. TheEbionites or Judai^ing Christians.
LITERATURE: Irenseus, Bk. 1., Chap. 26; Hippolytus, Bk. IX.,
Chap. 13-17; Epiphanius, Chap. 20, 30, S3; Clementine (*' Homi-
lies,'^ •• Recognitions,*' and " Acts of Peter '* ) ; Euseblus, •* Church
History," Bk. III., Chap. 27, and McGiffert's valuable notes ; Schaff,
v^iiiiouaii L^vuuiuc. p. 749 5«^.: Mossman. *' Hlstoiy of the Earty
Christian Church,'^ p. 188, s#j. ; Bunsen, " Hippolytus and His Age,*^
Vol. 1., p. 127, siq. ; Kitschl, '' AHka$k. Ktrdu;^ p. 104, sea. ; Lechler,
*' Das Apost, und das nachapostol, ZiitalUr^** p. 449« s^q. (also English
translation) ; Baur, **DuCkr, Gnosis^*' p. 300, s«jf. ; Mansel, '* The
Gnostic Heresies," p. no, s^^.; Standmann, **Das Hebriur^BvaHgt"
Imm*' (Tsxts und Untersuchungiu^ V., 3) • LIghtfoot, *' Epistle to Qie
Galatians," p. 306, s$q, : Matter, " Hist, Crit, du Gnosticisnu'* f m. II.,
p. 228, ssq* ; Langen, *^Du KUmmsronums** ; Hamack, ^^Dogmsmg^-
schichu" Bd, I., S^H, 21^, ssq, (also Enellsh translation); Lipsius,
**Dtf Qiullin d. RSmischiH Pitrmssags" ; Uhlhorn. *' Die Hamtlim u.
Ruoguitumsu d. CUnums Romamts " ; Schliemann, *' Die Oementmm " ;
HtTZOK-HsLUck.^^Real'Encffkhpadis," art. '' EhumHsn'' \ Schaff-Her
zog, •• Dictionarypf Christian Btography," and " Encyclopaedia Brl-
Unnica," art. ** Eblonltes."
(i) Origin of the Sect. From the book of Acts and the
Pauline Epistles, we see that there existed in the early
church an extreme Judaizing party. Paul could come to
an understanding with James and Peter, but an uncom-
promising set of Judaizers made it their business to follow
tn his footsteps to stigmatize him as a spurious apostle, to
condemn his gospel as insufficient, and to insist on a rigid
adherence to the Jewish law as necessary to salvation
through Christ. Gradually the great body of Christians,
being recruited from paganism, became emancipated from
Jewish scruples and those who were inclined to maike
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CHAP. II.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY I75
much of Judaism were cast off as heretics. The destruc-
tion of Jerusalem (A. D. 70) greatly promoted the separa-
tion of Judaizers from Christians of the New Testament
type. From about 1 10 until the suppression of the Jewish
revolt under Barcochab (132-135) Judaism enjoyed a
great revival over the Roman Empire and Judaistic Chris-
tians naturally were confirmed in their Judaism. After
the suppression of the revolt the hopes of Judaism were
crushed. The Judaistic elements soon separated them-
selves from Christianity, but the extreme Judaizing
Christians persisted in small numbers in Palestine and
the surrounding countries for about two hundred years
longer. The separation was promoted by the increasing .
stress that was laid by the non-Judaizing Christians on U^
the essential and absolute Deity of Christ.
(2) Principles of Ebianism. We must distinguish be-
tween the earlier Ebionism and the later Ebionism as it
was developed under the influence of the Alexandrian
philosophy. Earlier and later Ebionism agreed in main-
taining that the true God is the maker of the world and
the author of the Mosaic law ; in holding that Jesus was
the Messiah, but not divine ; in rejecting and abom-
inating Paul, and in venerating James and Peter. The
earlier Ebionites were ascetics, and exalted virginity.
At that time, James, bishop of Jerusalem, brother of
Jesus, was their hero. At a later time, when the ascetic
spirit had been developed in the Gentile churches, they
returned to the Judaic spirit and exalted marriage above
virginity. Peter now became their hero.
Many shades of opinion regarding the person of Christ
can be distinguished among the Judaizing Christians of
the early centuries. Some held to the purely human gen-
eration of Jesus, while others acknowledged his super-
natural birth.* Some modern writers distinguish between
Pharisaic Ebionites and Essenic Ebionites, the former
term denoting those who held fast to the current Jewish
legalism and who were free from the influence of the-
osophy, the latter denoting the theosophical forms of
Jewish Christian thought.
Cerinthus, educated in Alexandria but active chiefly
> OrlCM. **€«*« OfiMw." v.. 61.
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176 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a
in Asia Minor, to refute whose teachings the Fourth
Gospel is said to have been written, was the first noted
Ebionite of the speculative type. According to Irenseus
and Hippolytus/ he held that the world was not made by
God but by an ignorant being. " He represented Jesus
as not having been born of a virgin . • . but as having
been the son of Joseph and Mary, born after the manner
of other men, though distinguished above all others by
justice and prudence and wisdom. He taught, moreover,
that after the baptism of Jesus the Christ descended
upon him in the form of a dove from that Sovereign
Power which is over all things, and that he then an-
nounced the unknown Father and wrought miracles ;
but that toward the end the Christ departed again from
Jesus, and Jesus suffered and rose from the dead, while
the Christ remained impassible as a spiritual being.''
Eusebius quotes Caius (latter part of the second cen-
tury) to the effect that Cerinthus was a propagator o^
chiliastic views, which, as he claimed, were "shown
him by angels.'* " And he says that after the resurrec-
tion tue kingdom of Christ will be set up on the earth,
and that the flesh dwelling in Jerusalem will again be
subject to desires and pleasures. And being an enemy
of the Scriptures of God, he asserts, with the purpose of
deceiving men, that there is to be a period of a thousand
years for marriage festivals." Eusebius quotes also
Dionysius of Alexandria to the effect that Cerinthus
''dreamed that the kingdom would consist in those
things which he desired, . . . that is to say, in eating
and drinking and marrying . . . and in festivals and
sacrifices and the staying of victims.'" It is probable
that Cerinthus' views of a temporal reign of Christ are
somewhat caricatured by these writers.
The term " Ebionite " (of Hebrew derivation) means
" poor," and was applied to the early Christians in gen-
eral, who were poor in earthly goods and poor in spirit.
The use of it was continued by the Judaizing party or
was applied to them by their enemies. Some of the
Jewish Christians of the second and third centuries were
called ''Nazarenes." This term also was sometimes
> Irwueus. Bk. III., Chap. 11 ; Hifpolytus. Bk. VII.. Clup. si*
• •• Church HSfllory." Bk UL. Chap. >•.
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CHAP, il] INTfiftKAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 1 77
applied to the early Christians as followers of Jesus of
Nazareth (Acts 24 : 5). It may have adhered to certain
communities of Jewish Christians from the earliest time.
Ebionites and Nazarenes were probably separate parties
in the third and fourth centuries. Epiphanius represents
the latter as the more orthodox and as acknowledging
the supernatural birth of Christ.
According to Eusebius/ Symmachus, who made a new
translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek about
the close of the second century, was an Ebionite. " The
Gospel according to the Hebrews/* which appears not to
have been the Hebrew original of our Matthew, was in
common use among the Ebionites.
(3) Elkesaite Ebkntism as seen in the Clementines. The
Clementine " Homilies " and " Recognitions *' are among
the most curious products of the religious movements of
the second century. Judaism had been outlawed by the
empire, and was despised by Gentile Christians and
Gnostics. It occurred to some Jewish Christian, or
Christians, to compose books purporting to have been
written by Clement of Rome (the third pastor of the
Roman Church, one of whose genuine Epistles we have),
and of which the materials should be the supposititious
discourses and acts of Peter. This would afford an ex-
cellent opportunity for combating the now dominant
Paulinism, as represented by the Gentile Christians in
general, and in a grossly perverted form by the Gnostics.
Simon Magus is made to take a prominent place, and to
have frequent encounters with Peter, who confounds
him in argument and drives him away. Here we have,
drawn out in supposed debates between Peter and Simon,
a speculative Ebionitic system, somewhat analogous to
those of the Gnostics. Peter declares that he will be-
lieve nothing against God or the righteous men of the
Old Testament time, even though recorded in Scripture.
The Old Testament Scriptures are not Infallible, but
contain much that is false, along with divine truth.
Adam and Christ are identified (probably in opposition
to the Pauline antithesis, Rom. 5), and constitute the
true prophetic spirit in all ages. Along with Adam or
> "Church History." Bk. VL. Ch«^ 17.
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178 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.1L
Christ, was created a female nature as a companion,
differing from the former as quality from substance, as
the moon from the sun, as fire from light. She was en-
trusted to be the first prophetess. Everything, there-
fore, in the Old Testament that seems contrary to the
righteousness of God and the patriarchs, is to be attrib-
uted to this inferior earthly prophecy, which has misled
and perverted mankind. The male principle is wholly
truth, the female wholly falsehood. He that is born of
male and female, in some respects speaks truth; in
others, falsehood. Moses did not write the law himself,
but delivered it orally to seventy wise men. Afterward
it was written down, but was burnt in the time of Nebu-
chadnezzar. Hence, as we now have it, the law con-
tains false and true elements. Christ is declared to be
begotten and sent, and hence infinitely inferior to the
Father. Here, as in all the Gnostic systems, the ques-
tion as to the origin of evil comes forward. Peter's main
object in his disputes with Simon Magus is to vindicate
the God of the Old Testament from all imputations of
evil. Simon Magus maintains that if evil and the devil
exist, and if God is the maker of all things, then God is
the author of evil ; hence, not himself good. Peter ad-
mits that the devil was created by God, but not that God
created evil. God created four substances — ^heat, cold,
moist and dry, simple and unmixed. When they were
mingled there arose freedom of choice between good and
evil. God permits the devil to exist and to rule over the
world, in order that he may punish the wicked. The
souls of men, as in the Pythagorean philosophy, are par-
ticles of light. Purgatory, something like the Platonic,
with the annihilation of the incorrigible, is spoken of.
Ebionism showed an extraordinary capacity for uniting
with whatever foreign elements it came in contact with.
Here we see it united with Pythagorean and Platonic
elements. Some of these elements, but not all, are at-
tributed to Ebionites in general by the Christian writers.
The points given as common to all are the essentials.
In the minds of speculative men endless variations of
view found place.
The Clementine writings, and probably the Ebionites
in general, laid the utmost stress on baptism. This was
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CHAP. IL] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 179
due in part to their belief that Jesus became Christ, or
was adopted as Son by the Father, in connection with
his baptism. Some of the more striking passages are
the following:
In '' Recognitions," I., 39, it is said that " lest haply they (the
Jews) might suppose that on the cessation of sacrifice there was
no remission of sins for them, he [God's Prophet— Christ] instituted
baptism by water amongst them, in which they might be absolved
from all their sins on the invocation of his name. . . Subseauently
also an evident proof of this great mystery is supplied, in that every
one who. believing in this Prophet who had been foretold by Moses,
shall be kept unhurt from the destruction of war which impends over
the unbelieving nation." This last probably has reference to the fa-
vorable treatment accorded to the Christians as compared with the
cruel punishment inflicted on the Jews by Hadrian (135 onward).
In ^' Recognitions," 11., yi^ a person who has believed is said to
need '' the purification of baptism, that the unclean spirit may go out
of him, which has made its abode in the inmost affections of his
soul," and that he may eat with those who have been purified.
In " Homilies," VII., 8, God's service is said to be, "to worship
him only, and trust only In the Prophet of truth, and to be baptized
for the remission of sins, and thus by this pure baptism to be bom
igain unto God by saving water," etc.
In *' Recognitions," VI., 8, 9, after representing water as the first
created thing and as that from which all things are produced, and
dwelt on its regenerating efficacy, the writer proceeds : " And do
you suppose that you can have hope toward God, even if you culti-
vate all piety and all righteousness, but do not receive baptism?
Yea. rather, he will be worthy of greater punishment, who does good
works not well. . . Now God has ordered every one who worships
him to be sealed by baptism ; but if you refuse, and obey your own
will rather than God's, you are doubtless contrary and hostile to his
will. But you will perhaps say. What does baptism of water con-
tribute toward the worship of God? In the first place, because that
which hath pleased God Is fulfilled. In the second place, because,
when you are regenerated and bom again of water and of God, the
frailty of your former birth, which you had through men, is cut off,
and so at length you shall be able to attain salvation ; but otherwise
It is impossible. . . Betake yourselves therefore to these waters, for
they alone can quench the violence of the future fire ; and he who
delays to approach them, it Is evident that the idol of unbelief re-
mains in him, and by it he Is prevented from hastening to the waters
which confer salvation. For, whether you be righteous or unright-
eous, baptism is necessary for you In every respect : for the righteous,
that perfection may be accomplished in him and he may oe bom
afl^ain to God : for the unrighteous, that pardon may be vouchsafed
him of the sins which he committed In ignorance."
Notwithstanding their belief in the magical eflftcacy of
baptism, it is not probable that the Ebionites adminis-
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gie ^
l8o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
tered it to infants. The fact that Jesus was baptized as
a mature man and their profound conviction that he first
received his divine Sonship in baptism would probably
have held them to adult baptism after it had become
common among the non-Jewish Christians, who in gen-
eral attached no such importance to the baptism of Jesus.
2. The Gnostics.
LITERATURE: IrenaBUs/'/fAvrs«s//fly«#5"; Hippolytus/* i^r/ir
iatio Onmmm Hm.^ ; Tertullian, *' D* PrcKcriptionibus Hofnticorum,^^
*' Adwrsus Marciomm^^ etc. ; Clement of Alex, and Origen, passim ;
Epiphanius, *'y1dwrsus Hasnsis "; Plotinus, " Enmad.,'' Bk. II., Chap.
g; '^ Pistis Sophia " (a Gnostic Treatise recently discovered, and edited
J/ Petermann, Berlin, 1853) ; Theodoret, " Di Hanntieorum Fabulis'* :
Eusebius, "//»/. EccL" passim; Giesder, "Ecclesiastical History,'^
VoL I., p. 120,5^9.; Vol. 11., p. 442, s^: MoUer, VoLl.,p. 129,5/0.;
Hiljjenfeld, '^ K^t^^gssch." : King, "The Gnostics and their Re-
mains," second ed., 1887 (sympatiietic with Gnosticism and rich in
archseological materials); Llghtfoot, " The Colossian Heresy" (in
"Com. on Colossians"); Harnack, **Dofminfisch,,** Bd. 1., Seit.
158, s#9. (also English translation) ; Neanaer. Vol. 1., p. 566, ssq. ;
/" Pressensi, "Heresy and Christian Doctrine," p. L, s^q.; Mansel,
( " The Gnostic Heresies " : Burton, " Heresies of the Apostolic Aee " ;
Bunsen, " Hippolytus and His Age," Vol. 1., p. 61, sgq, ; Baur, ^* Dii
Chr, Gnosis*^ (more concisely in liis " Church History of the First -
Three Centuries," VoL I., p. 185-245); Ritschl, ''Altkath, Kirehs''
passim; Lipsius, "Df> QuelUu dsr altesi Kitxergeschicte'^ : Hamack,
*' Zur QtulUnkritih dsr Sisch, des Gnosticismus " ; Matter, *' Hist, CriU
du Gnosticismi " ; Lipsius, " Der Gnosticismus^ siin fVsssH^ Urspruftg,
Entwick4lungsga$tg*\' Mdller, ** Gtsch. d. Cosmologis d, pigehischm
Kirch$ his an Originis** ; Amelineau. ^* Essai sur U Gnosttdsms igjf-
tien'' ; Bright, '*^Gnostlcism and Irenaus" (in "Waymarks of
Church History," 1894); Kostlin. "DiV gnostischi ^stsm d. Buck
Pistis Sophia" (in ^^ Thiol, Jahrh,'^ 1854) ; Mcrx, ** Bardisams von
Edsssa** ; Koffmane, "Dm Gnosis nach thnr Ttndenru, Organisa-
tion"; Meyboom, '^ Marcion m di Mardomtin" ; Gruber, "M
Ophitm": Heinrid, "Dw VaUntin, Gnosis u, d, Hal, Schriftm" ;
"Gnosticism." in Herzog-Hauck 5 Lichtenbcreer ; Wetzer u. Weltc :
"Britannica'^ (ninth ed.), "Dictionary of Christian Biography,'*
and Schaff-Herzog.
The term includes various theosophical bodies, with
Christian elements, that flourished during the second
century in Syria, Egypt, Asia Minor, etc.
(i) The Germs of Gnosticism existed, doubtless, in the
apostolic times. Paul speaks of knowledge (^jn^ot^) as
"puffing up," of "oppositions of knowledge (rwff«0
falsely so called/' etc. In the writings of John we see
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CHAP. 11.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY l8l
still clearer evidences of Gnostic opposition to Chris-
tianity. In Revelation the Nicolaitans are spoken of as
holding the doctrine of Baal, and eating things sacrificed
to idols. These were probably Gnostics. Irenaeus testi-
fies that the Gospel of John was written to oppose Gnos-
ticism as represented by Cerinthus, an Ebionitic Gnostic. ,,/-
So, in the First Epistle ot John, Gnostic tendencies are
combated in the two-fold aspect of denial of the Divinity
and denial of the humanity of Christ (Docfitism). Simon
Magus, who, according to the narrative in Acts, gave
himself out as "the great power of God,*' became an
arch-heretic (unless all of the accounts of him are leg-
endary, like that of the Clementines), and the precursor,
if not the founder, of Gnosticism. He is related to hav.
gained many followers, and to have called himself the
" Word," " Paraclete," " Omnipotent," etc.*
(2) The Philosophical Basis ofunosticism was the ques-
tion as to the origin of evil. The answer was influenced
by an idealized conception (Platonic and Pythagorean —
seen also in the writings of Philo of Alexandria, etc.) of
Absolute Being. The world was seen to be full of im-
perfection ; the Supreme Being could not, therefore, be
its author. The Old Testament represents Jehovah (or
Elohim) as the creator of the world. Hence Jehovah is
an imperfect being, and the religion of the Jews antag-
onistic to true religion. The chief aim of Gnosticism
was to account for the existence of the present order of
things without compromising the character of the Su- ^
preme Being.
(3) Sources of Gnosticism. The most direct and most
important source of Gnosticism was the Jewish-Alexan-
drian philosophy as represented by Philo. We can
account for most of the phenomena of Gnosticism by the
supposition of attempts to combine this mode of thought
with Christian doctrines, especially with the prologue of
John's Gospel. Many points of resemblance can be
traced between the Gnostic systems and the Jewish
Cabbala, the germs of which probably existed in the
second century; but it is impossible to tell whether
Gnosticism borrowed from the Cabbala, or viu versa.
1 Juitin. " ApoL." I.. CiMp. ai ; irwuMis, Bk. L. Chap. %%,
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l82 A MANUAL OP CHURCH HISTORY [per tt
Both were certainly dependent on Jewish-Alexandrian
theosophy. In addition to this chief elenient, the Gnostic
systems (some to a greater, some to a less extent) were
influenced by Buddhism and Zoroastrianism, which sys-
tems had long been well known in Alexandria. The
esoteric theosophy of the old Egyptian religion must have
contributed a not unimportant factor to Egyptian types of
Gnosticism. The intensely dualistic systems are doubt-
less connected with the Zoroastrian and old Babylonian
dualism. So also its emanation theories. With Buddhism
may have been connected the Gnostic teachings respect-
ing the antagonism of spirit and matter, the unreality of
derived existence, and, to some extent, the origin of the
world from successive emanations from the Absolute
Being.^ Yet it is not necessary to suppose a direct and
conscious employment of all these sources. These had
more or less influence on the Jewish-Alexandrian phi-
losophy current at the time. Such ideas had become
common property^ and the special combinations in the
hands of men of speculative minds who had cut loose
from the historical, and sought only to devise plausible sys-
tems, is easily accounted for. Philo, under the influence
of Neo-Platonism, Neo-Pythagoreanism, and old Egyptian
theosophy, had exalted the Supreme Being above contact
with the visible world, and had explained all passages of
the Old Testament that seemed inconsistent with such
exaltation, as referring not to the Absolute Being, but to
a derived being, the Logos. He had adopted an allegori-
cal method of interpretation, according to which the
literal meaning of the Old Testament was of no account,
and a given passage could be made to mean anything
whatsoever, according to the fancy of the interpreter.
Philo's Logos doctrine is obscure from the fact that he
employed the term in several different senses, viz : a.
As a divine faculty, whether of thought or of creation, or
of both together ; ft. as the thinking, creative activity
of God ; c. as the result of thinking, or the ideal world
itself; d. as the active divine principle in the visible
world.' The very obscurity and ambiguity of Philo
would furnish endless material for speculation. So far
^ C/. Mansel, " Gnostic Heresies," p. %».
> Sm Doramr, " Parson of Christ." Div. 1.. Vol. I., p. a4. sif.
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r^
CHAP. II.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 183
as the dependence of the later theosophical systems is
concerned, it is a matter of little importance whether
Philo, in any of his representations of the Logos, meant
to teach the existence of the Logos as a distinct person-
ality. Certainly there is abundant material in Philo that
could be so employed by uncritical speculative theolo-
gians.
Only in those systems in which Oriental features are
marked is there need to suppose any direct connection
with Zoroastrianism and Buddhism.
(4) Characteristics of Gnosticism, a. Dualism, in some
systems absolute, in others not. Matter being regarded
as evil could not have been created by the Supreme
Being, b. Docetism, according to which the Messiah's
body was only an appearance ; or, according to others, a
mere human body temporarily made use of by the Mes-
siah. This docetism was the result of a theory of the
inherent evil of matter, c. Emanations. Most of the
Gnostic systems are characterized by a series of aeons or
emanations from the Supreme Being ; the more remote,
in general, the more degraded. One of the most de-
graded of the emanations figures as the Demiurge or
world-framer. d. Hostility to Judaism, with some, abso-
lute, Jehovah being regarded as positively malignant and
actively hostile to the true God, and hence the Jewish
religion, as entirely diabolical ; with others, more moder-
*ate, Jehovah being regarded as an ignorant and imper-
fect being, and Judaism being regarded as a preparation
for the revelation of the Supreme being in Christ. ^. As -^
the Ebionites rejected the writings of Paul and regarded
Paul as an impostor, so the Gnostics rejected not only
the Jewish religion and Scriptures, but all of the New
Testament except the Pauline Epistles and parts of the Gos-
pels, Peter and James being regarded as servants of the
Demiurge, who tried to keep the people whom Christ
had come to free in the slavery of the Demiurge. /. *--^
Gnosticism was essentially a striving after system. Un-
satisfied with detached truths, men lelt impelled to bring
all truth into absolute harmony. It was speculative and
not practical, conduct being regarded as entirely subor-
dinate to comprehension of the mysteries of the universe.
g. Gnosticism was an aristocratic system. A man was^^
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l84 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
regarded as exalted in the scale of being in proportion to
his knowledge, not of facts, however, but of supposed
mysteries. The great mass of mankind were sarkical
(fleshly, animal) ; a part psychical (capable of reasoning
about earthly matters) ; the Gnostics themselves were
spiritual (capable of apprehending the divine mysteries).
A. The Gnostic systems were all fatalistic : Man is in his
present condition, not from his own choosing, but from
the method of his creation; from this state he can do
nothing toward freeing himself ; he is absolutely depend-
ent upon the aid that comes from without, i. As matter
was regarded as evil, the Gnostics had great contempt for
the flesh. Some of them practised the most rigid asceti-
cism, in order to overcome the flesh; others held that
everything depended upon the spirit and that the indul-
gence of the flesh was a matter of indifference, and gave
the utmost license to their fleshly inclinations; while
others held that the flesh ought to be destroyed by vice.
Some of the Gnostics, regarding all the characters that
are reprobated in the Old Testament (as Cain, the in-
habitants of Sodom, etc.) as really servants of the true
God, thought that the vices of these ought to be imitated.
k. Gnosticism is distinguished from other theosophical
systems — ^and hence demands consideration in the study
of church history — ^from the fact that it embraces the
>idea of redemption through Christ, a Divine interposition
in the world, in connection with the origin of Christianity,*
to deliver the world from the dominion of evil.
The opposition of the two principles, with the Dualism resting
thereon, and the Gnostic repugnance toward anything material ;
the succession of aeons, through which the relation of God with the
worid is sought to be mediated, but in the place of the Jewish-Chris-
tian idea of a free creation of the world the doctrine of the emanation
of the world from God is posited: the separation of the Creator of
the worid from the one Supreme God ; the putting of Christ in the
same category with other divine beings whose sameness of nature
can only be looked upon as an Infringement upon the absolute dig-
nity of Christ ; the whole process of cosmic development in which
Christianity is so completely entangled that the facts of redemption
achieved through Christ must lose not only their ethical- religious
meaning, but even their historical character— all this formed a ver>'
decided opposition to the fundamental intuition of the Christian con-
sciousness. . . On the other side, Gnosticism had so much that was
related to Christianity and in agreement with it, and as soon as
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CHAP. Il] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY l8s
Christianity had once come to be more widely disseminated among
the higher classes, every educated man initiated in the dominant
ideas of his time felt so keenly the need of himself answering the
same questions with whose solution the Gnostics were oaupied, that
the relation of Christianity to Gnosticism could be, by no means, a
merely hostile and repellent one.^
(5) Gnostic Systems. Gnosticism was so speculative in
its nature, that each important leader, even when adopt-
ing with little or no change the conceptions of his prede-
cessors, was likely to invent a new terminology. This
fact resulted in the almost endless multiplication of
Gnostic parties, each of which is Icnown by the name
of its founder or by some peculiarity of the terminology
or the imagery employed to set forth its ontological and /^
cosmological scheme. Egypt and Syria were the great^"^*^
seminaries of Gnosticism, but Rome, Asia Minor, Meso-
potamia, Armenia, and Eastern Persia furnished fruitful
soil for its propagation.
a. Early Christian tradition made Simon Magus, after
Peter's denunciation of his unholy proposal to purchase
the power of bestowing the Holy Spirit (Acts 8 : 18-24),
a malignant opponent of apostolic Christianity and an
influential disseminator of pestilential heresy. This
Simon of Samaria is said to have associated with himself
a disreputable woman named Helena, and the two are
said to have been worshiped by many of the Samaritans
as the male and female principles of deity.' He is said
to have claimed to be the Word, the Paraclete, and the
Omnipotent One, and to have declared Helena to have
been the first conception of his mind. Through her the
angels and powers of the lower world had been produced,
and through these angels the world had been framed.
He himself and not Jesus, whom he regarded as a mere
man who had received a divine impartation at his bap-
tism, was the true Redeemer of manlcind. His system
seems to have been based on the Syro-Phoenician cos-
mology and to have had an elaborate angelology and a
well-developed astrology. These elements were freely
used in the practice of sorcery. The most noted of
Simon's immediate disciples was Menander, who seems
1 Baur, " Dit dra ersitm Jabrbundtritm** pp. S47. S48.
•JusUn Martyr. " Apol./' L. ■6* s6. " Dial, witb Trypbo." lao.
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
I86 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a
to have been content with propagating the views of his
master, but to have put himself in the place of honor
instead of Simon.
b. Saturninus, the founder of Syrian Gnosticism, is
said to have been a disciple of Simon and Menander.
According to Irenaeus (I., 24) he ''taught that there is
one Father unknown to all, who made angels, archangels,
powers, and principalities ; that the world and all that
IS therein was made by certain angels, seven in num-
ber ; and that man was made by the angels." He was
fashioned after the likeness of a bright manifestation of
supreme power ; but being unable to stand, " the superior
power pityins him, . . sent a spark of life, which raised
him upright. ' " The God of the Jews . . . was one
of the angels, and because the Father wished to depose
all the principalities from their sovereignty, Christ came
to depose the God of the Jews, and for the salvation of
those who trust in him ; that is to say, of those who
have in them the spark of life." Marriage and procrea-
tion he attributed to Satan. He rejected animal food and
practised a rigorous asceticism. He denied the human
birth of the Saviour and regarded his body as a mere
appearance.
c. Tatian, a learned rhetorician, who had been con-
verted to Christianity through Justin Martyr at Rome
(c. 155), and had written an apology for Christianity
Ic, 165), was perverted to Syrian Gnosticism shortly
afterward and wrote the " Diatessaron," in which he
combined the four Gospel narratives into one, eliminat-
ing the genealogies and all passages referring to our
Lord's Jewish descent (c. 175). He advocated and
practised extreme asceticism, condemning marriage and
the use of animal food, and using water for wine in the
Supper. He regarded the creation of the world and the
Old Testament revelation as the work of an imperfect
Demiurge. The " Diatessaron " in its Syriac form was
in common use in Syria till the fifth century. Tatian
had vastly more knowledge of historical Christianity
than had most of the Gnostic teachers.
d. BasilideSy a man deeply versed in Greek and Jewish
Alexandrian philosophy and in old Egyptian theosophy,
and who may have come under the influence of the teach*
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CHAP. IL] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 187
ings of Simon Magus and Menander, appeared in Alexan-
dria as a religious leader about 133. His philosophy was
fundamentally pantheistic. His favorite designation of
God was the ** Non-existent One." He starts out with
an absolute void and seeks to account for the phenoin •
enal world. Hippolytus attributes to him the following
statement :
Since, therefore, there was nothing, neither matter nor substance,
nor unsubstantial, nor simple, nor compound, nor Inconceivable,
nor imperceptible, Tior man, nor angel, nor God, nor in short any of
the things that are named or perceived by the senses or conceived
by the intellect, but all things being thus, and more minutely than
thus, simply obliterated, the non-existent God . . . without thought,
«vithout sense, without counsel, without choice, without passion,
i^ithout desire, willed to make a world. When I say willed, I mean
to signify without will and without thought and without sense;
and by tne world I mean not that which was afterward made and
separated by size and division, but the seed of the world. . . Thus
the non-existent God made a non-existent world from things non-
existent, having cast down and deposited a single seed, having in
itself the universal seed of the world.
This seed contained the three-fold sonship, of the same
essence as the non-existent God. The first was purely
spiritual, the second was thought of as the more refined
material essences (the firmament and the atmosphere),
the third seems identified with the spiritual essence con-
nected with material substance of the grosser sort and
as in. need of purification. After the firmament had been
formed there sprang forth out of the seed of the world
the Great Ruler {Archon), " the wisest and most power-
ful and brightest of mundane existences, superior to all
beneath, except that portion of the divine sonship which
still remained in the world." Ignorant of what was
above the firmament and thinking himself supreme, he
undertook the work of creation. Having begotten a son
more powerful than himself and seated him on his right
hand, he unwittingly accomplished the counsel of the
non-existent God in forming the celestial and the ethereal
creation. The celestial and ethereal spheres and their
rulers constitute the Ogdoad, and the Great Archon
bears the mystical name Abrasax, the value of whose
letters makes the number 365. This would seem to
identify the Great Archon with the sun and to show
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1 88 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. U
the relationship of the system to the current sun-wor<
ship.
In the lower sphere a second Archon is developed who
forms the Hebdomad, who also begins with the begetting
of a son greater than himself. This second ruler is iden-
tified with the God of the Jews and the framer of this
lower world. The third sonship is the portion of the
divine life and light that has become imprisoned in matter^
and the work of redemption consists in the liberation of
this divine substance and its lifting up through the Heb-
domad and the Ogdoad into the infinite.
Basilides secured a large following in Rome as well as
in Egypt, and the influence of his theosophizing was
widespread. His writings, which consisted of a recen-
sion of the gospel narrative, liturgical works, and an ex-
position of his cosmological and soteriological system
have perished, except the few fragments that are pre-
served by his opponents. But underneath the some-
what fantastic imagery there seems to have been serious
and profound thinking on the great problems of being.
e. yalentinus, also a Greek-speaking Egyptian philoso-
pher, appeared in Rome as the propagator of an elabor-
ate cosmological and soteriological system about 135,
and may have continued to labor there with some inter-
missions until about 160. His system is far the most
elaborate and was far the most popular of those devel-
oped in Egypt. He seems to have remained in nominal
connection with the regular churches until after his
departure from Rome. His was the form of Gnosticism
with which Irenasus came into closest contact and which
was the occasion of the writing of his great work against
heresies. The philosophical basis of his system was
identical with that of Basilides ; but he was not so care*
ful as Basilides to insist on the original non-existence of
God and everything. He starts oiit with Depth (Buthos)
and Silence (Sige) as the eternal male and female prin-
ciples. These project Mind and Truth, which in turn
project Word and Life. These produce Man and Church
(not the mundane). Rejoicing in their productivity,
they produce and present to the Father ten aeons, a per-
fect number. Man and Church project twelve asons, of
which the last is Wisdom (Sophia). This lowest aon
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CHAP. II.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 1 89
sought to emulate the Father by independently produ-
cing offspring. The result was an abortion, who igno-
rantly proceeded to create this world and to involve in
matter a portion of the divine substance that he pos-
sessed, this Demiurge was identified with the God of
the Jews, and the Old Testament Scriptures were re-
garded as inspired by him. Mind and Truth projected,
thereupon, Christ and the Holy Spirit to restore Form,
to destroy the abortion, and to comfort the sorrowing
Sophia. The work of redemption is to liberate the spir-
itual nature in man from the evil material existence and
the passions by which it is enslaved and to facilitate its
escape into the pleroma (divine fullness). For this pur-
pose the thirty aeons are supposed to have joined in pro^
jecting Jesus, the great High Priest, whose incarnation
was only apparent, and whose task it was to restore
Sophia and all of the spiritual substance that had become
diffused and enslaved through the Demiurge.
/. The " Pisiis Sopkia^^^ the only Important Gnostic writing that
has reached us in a state approximating completeness, was probably
writen in Greek late in the second or early m the third century, but
is extant only in a Coptic version. It exhibits Gnosticism in a
highly developed state and seems to make more of historical Chris-
tianiW than did many Gnostic writings. The title consists of two
Greek words meaning ** Faith Wisdom.*' It is the name applied to
a female seon, or emanation from the Supreme Light, who having
caught a glimpse of the Supreme Li^ht, t>ecame discontented with
her position and consumed with a desire to return into thie infinite.
To punish her for this unholy ambition, Adamas, the ruier of her
sphere, led her by a false light to plunge into chaos, where she was
beset by evil spints, eager to rob her of the light that she possessed.
The visible world, including mankind, resulted from the commin-
fi^iing of light with darkness. The subject-matter of the book is a
nill exposition of the way in which PIstis Sophia, including all the
light and life that humanity possesses, is delivered and restored.
Several mysteries, or secret initiatory rites, are here described, the
efficacy of each being carefully explained. These mysteries, it may
be presumed, were practised by the Gnostics themsdves, the degree
of attainment in Christian knowledge and in immunity from the
powers of evil being marked by the number of mystenes through
which they had passed.
The work is in the form of dialogues between the Saviour and his
disciples. Mary Magdalene is the most frequent questioner, and
she, along with John, is represented as surpassing the other dis-
ciples in spiritual insight.
Among the mysteries baptism occupies a prominent place. 1 quote
from King some of the more Interesting statements: '' Then came
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r
190 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER II
forth Mary and said : Lord, under what form do Baptisms remit
sins? I have heard thee saying that the Ministers of Conten-
tions [accusing evil spirits] follow after the soul, bearing witness
against it of all the sins that it hath committed, so that they
may convict it in the judgments. Now, therefore. Lord, do the
mysteries of Baptism blot out the sins that be in the hands of the
Receivers of Contention, so that they shall utteriy forget the same?
Now, therefore. Lord, tell us in what form they remit sins ; for we
desire to know them thoroughly? Then the Saviour answered and
said: Thou hast well spoken: of a truth those Ministers are they
that testify against all sins, for they abide constantly In the places
of judgment, laying hold upon the souls, convicting all the souls of
sinners who have not received the mystery, and they keep them
fast in chaos tormenting them. But these contentious ones cannot
f)ass over chaos so as to enter into the courses that be above chaos ;
n order to convict the souls therefore receiving the mysteries, it is
not lawful for them to force so as to drag them down into chaos,
where the Contentious Receivers may convict them. But the souls
of such as have not received the mysteries, these do they desire and
haie into chaos : whereas the souls that have received the mysteries
they have no means of convicting, seeing that they cannot get out
of their own place ; and even if they did come forth, they could not
stop those souls, neither shut them up in their chaos. Hearken,
therefore, I will declare to you in truth in what form the mystery of
baptism remitteth sins. If the souls when yet living in the world
have been sinful, the contentious receivers verily do come that they
may bear witness of all the sins they have committed, but they can
by no means come forth out of the regions of chaos, so as to con-
vict the soul in the places of judgment that be beyond chaos. But
the counterfeit of the spirit [probably equivalent to conscience] testi-
fies against all the sins of the soul, in order to convict it in the
places of judgment that be beyond chaos ; not only doth it testify,
but it also sets a seal upon all tne sins of the soul, so as to print them
firmly upon the soul, that all the rulers of the judgment place of the
sinners may know that it is the soul of a sinner, and likewise know
the number of the sins which it hath committed from the seals that
the counterfeit of the spirit hath imprinted on it, so that they may
punish the soul according to the number of its sins: this is the
manner in which they treat the soul of a sinner. Now, therefore, if
any one hath received the mysteries of baptism, those mysteries
become a great fire, exceeding strong and wise, so as to bum up all
the sins ; and the fire entereth into the soul secretly, so that it may
consume within it all the sins which the counterfeit of the spirit hath
printed there. Likewise it entereth into the body secretly, that it
may pursue all its pursuers, and divide them into parts— for it pur-
sueth within the body the counterfeit of the spirit and Fate— so that
it may divide them apart from the Power and the Soul, and place
them in one part of the body— so that the fire separates the counter-
feit of the spirit. Fate, and the Body into one portion, and the Soul
and the Power Into another portion. [According to this representa-
tion, human nature consists of five parts : conscience, or the register-
ing and accusing element ; fate or destiny, which Implies the resist-
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ChAP. !l.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY I9I
less tendency toward evil that belongs to humanity thus constituted :
ttie body, conceived of as evil and as a hindrance to the highest end
of being ; the soul in the more limited sense : and the power, which
seems to mean the particle of deity that is the portion of each indi-
vidual.] The mystery of baptism remaineth in the middle of them,
so that it may perpetually separate them, so that it may purge and
cleanse them in order that they may not be polluted by matter. Now,
therefore, Mary, this is the manner whereby the mystery of bap-
tism remitteth sins and all transgressions." ^
Then follows Mary's interpretation of our Lord's saying, Luke
12 : 49-52 : '* I came to cast fire upon the earth : and what will 1,
tf it is already kindled? But 1 have a baptism to be baptized with :
and how am 1 straitened till it be accomplished I Think ye that I
am come to give peace in the earth ? 1 tell you, nay ; but rather di-
vision ; for there shall be from henceforth five in one house divided,
three against two, and two against three. This, saith Mary,
signifieth the mystery of baptism which thou hast brought into
the world, because it nath brought about dissension in the body of
the world, because it hath divided the counterfeit of the spirit, the
body and the fate thereof, into one party, and the soul and the
power into the other party. The same is. There shall be three
against two, and two against three. And when Mary had spoken
^ese things the Saviour said : Well done, thou Spiritual One in the
pure light, this is the interpretation of my saying.^'
This Gnostic explanation and justification of the doctrine of bap-
tismal regeneration has a great advantage over those of other parties
in that it seriously undertakes to explain the process. Human nature
has in it five elements, three evil and damning in their character and
tendency, and two fundamentally good. The problem is to separate
these and to place an insuperable barrier between them. This is
precisely the function of the mysteiy of baptism, which enters into
the nature like a penetrating, searching fire and separates and keeps
separate these elements, leaving the good elements free to proceed
toward the glorious end of being.
(g) Marcion, a native of Pontus, went to Rome about
138 or 139 and became a member of the Roman church.
Failing in an attempt to bring the church to his way of
thinking, he felt constrained to organize his adherents
into a separate church and to inaugurate an active prop-
aganda. Within a few years he had built up a strong
community in Rome and organizations of his followers
, had been formed in most of the provinces. He seems
to have entertained the hope of gaining universal ac-
ceptance for his views. He was unquestionably a man
of profound earnestness and of marked ability, and he
labored in the spirit of a reformer. He was almost
1 •' The Gaostlct aad Tbtlr Renuilos/' p. ml Mf*
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192 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. It
wholly free from the speculative spirit that permeated
the Egyptian and the Syrian Gnosticism. He did not
exalt knowledge above faith, he did not embody his
views in fantastic imagery drawn from pagan cults, he
did not distinguish, as did most Gnostics, between the
esoteric doctrines understood by the select few and the
exoteric teachings to be imparted to the masses. In fact
it is doubtful whether he should be called a Gnostic at
all.' He had become convinced that Judaism is evil and
only evil, and his mission was to eliminate every vestige
of it from the religion of Christ. Accepting the Old
Testament as the genuine revelation of the God of the
Jews, he declared that Jehovah could not be the same
as the God of the New Testament. He based his con-
ceptions of Christianity on the writings of Paul, and
formed a New Testament canon embracing, besides
these, a modified edition of Luke's Gospel. By a dili-
gent study of the Old Testament, he gathered every-
thing contained in it that could be interpreted in such a
manner as to reflect on the character of Jehovah : every-
thing anthropomorphic or anthropopathic, everything that
could be construed into requirement or approval of im-
morality and cruelty. With the teachings of the Old
Testament he contrasted the spirituality, the gentleness,
the mercifulness, and the lofty morality of the life and
the teachings of Christ. He denied that God is an
object of fear ; he is love and requires love alone of his
children. Christ took absolutely nothing from the king-
dom of the Demiurge. His birth, his physical life, and
his death were merely apparent. Yet he laid the utmost
stress upon the redemptive work of Christ, which he
considered absolutely requisite for man's salvation.
Marcion seems not to have speculated as to the
origin of evil. The Demiurge and his kingdom are ap-
parently regarded as existing from eternity. Matter he
regarded as intrinsically evil and he practised a rigorous
asceticism.
Marcionism found ready acceptance in Mesopotamia
and Persia, where dualism had existed from time im-
memorial, and persisted there for centuries. Its influence
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<:hap. il] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 195
is apparent in Manichaeism, which was far more remote
from historical Christianity, in Paulicianism, which, in
its purer forms, was almost free from dualism, and in
early Armenian Christianity in general.
(6) Influence of Gnosticism on Christian thought and
life. During most of the second century and part of the
third Gnosticism was highly aggressive and became
widely diffused throughout the Christian churches. In
some cases Gnostic teachers carried forward their propa-
ganda as members of regular Christian churches, and
were able to win many of the most intelligent members
before their withdrawal became necessary. Few
churches, it may be supposed, were wholly free from the
presence and personal influence of parties imbued with
Gnostic teaching. Professing, as did the Gnostics, to
solve all the great problems of the universe and in most
cases commending themselves to pious Christians by
great earnestness and zeal and by ascetic living,
they easily gained followers among those who were
predisposed to speculative thinking and to asceticism,
despite all the efforts of the teachers of sound evangeli-
cal truth. After several of the great Gnostic leaders
had been excluded from fellowship in the regular
churches, and their teaching had come to be denounced
as heretical by churches that were able to resist their
proselytizing efforts, it became comparatively easy for
Christians to expose their errors and to put believers
everywhere on their guard against them. The influence
cf Gnosticism on Christian life and thought is manifest
in the following directions : a. Christian teachers were
obliged to defend the apostolic faith against its able and
seductive assailants. To do this effectively it was neces-
sary for them not only to study the writings of the false
teachers, but also to study more profoundly than they
might otherwise have done the Old and New Testament
Scriptures and the writings of the Greek philosophers on
which the teachings of the heretics so largely rested.
Such study led to the philosophical statement of Chris-
tian doctrines. Naturally the Greek philosophy, already
deeply imbedded in current thinking, was the molding in-
fluence in the transformation of the unsystematized ma-
terials of the New Testament into the Christian dogmas
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194 A MANUAL or CHURCH HISTORY [per. 11
of the third and following centuries, b. The fondness of
the Gnostics for ** mysteries " or secret rites, which they
drew largely from the Greek and Egyptian mysteries,
and their introduction of elaborate and pompous liturgical
services, no doubt stimulated in the regular churches a
taste for similar accessories to worship, c. In general it
may be said that Gnosticism led the way in the amal-
gamation of Christian and pagan thought and life that
was to transform the religion of Christ and his apostles
into the Christianity of the third and following centuries.
3. 7^ Manickceans.
LITERATURE : Archelaus, '* ^cta Disfmt. cum Matuts," in Routh
'"Reliquia Sac.,'* V., 3, ssq. (Enff. tr. " Ante-Nic. Libr."), Alex-
anderof Lycop. (Eng. tr. •'Antc-Nic. Libr."); Titus Bostrensis,
** Contra tAfanickaos*^; Epiphanius, 66; Augustine, various tracts
against Manichsans in '* Qf>crq," vol. Vlll., ed. Bened. (Eng. tr.
in " Nicene and Post-Nlcenc Fathers," First Series, Vol. IV., by
Stothert and A. H. Newman, with notes by the latter) ; documents in
Fabricius, " Biblioih. Gr," V., 285, ssq., and VIlI., 315, uq^and in
Photius, ''Bibliothfca," cod. 179. Pressensc " Her. and Chr. Doctr." ;
Gieseler, I.; 203, ssq,, Schafr, II., 498* s^Q-; Mceller, I., 280. sm,;
Neander, I., 478, uq, ; Wegnem, '* Manichceorum IndtUgetttiar^ ; De
Sacy, *' Mtmoiris sur 'Dwirsss Antiq, d$ la Peru,** 289, ssq. ; Beausobre,
^^ Hist, critiqui de Man.**; Baur, ^^ Das Manichmsche Reltgumssytem**:
art. '* Mani," in Herzog. " Britannica," and •'Diet, of Ch. Biog.,'*
by Kessler, Hamacic, and Stokes, respectively ; Flugel,*' Mam\ seme
Lehre u. seme Schriften, aus dem Ftkrist d. Ahi Jakub an Nadim **;
Kessier, ** Untersuchtmgen ^r Genesis d. Man. ReL Systems" and '* Mam\
Oder Beitrea. {ur Bekenntniss </. Relunonsmischung im Semitismns**;
Mozley, '* Manichsans," etc. (in " Ruling Ideas in Early Ages") ;
Cunningham, " St Austin and his Place in the History of Christian
Thought."
(i) Characterisation of Manichceism. Manichsism is
Gnosticism, with its Christian elements reduced to a
minimum, and the Zoroastrian, old Babylonian, and other
Oriental elements raised to the maximum. Manichaeism
is Oriental dualism under Christian names, the Christian
names employed retaining scarcely a trace of their proper
meaning.
(2) Oririn of Manichansm. Christianity had been
introduced into Persia at an early date and was either of
a Gnostic character when first introduced, or soon
became such from contact with the State religion. By
the middle of the third century Christians were numer-
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. II.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 195
ous in Persia, and had made considerable impression
upon the dominant Zoroastrianism. After a period of
decline Zoroastrianism, in its original strongly dualistic
form, was restored by the Sassanides about the middle
of the second century. Mani, a Mesopotamian, who
had been brought up in connection with a sect of old
Babylonian origin, having been brought into contact with
Christianity, conceived the idea (probably about 238) of
blending Oriental dualism and Christianity into a har-
monious whole. Supposing that Christianity had been
corrupted by the preponderance of Jewish elements, he
set to work, in Gnostic fashion, to eliminate all Judaizing
elements, and to substitute therefor Zoroastrianism. He
regarded himself, at the same time, as an apostle of
Jesus Christ, and as the promised Paraclete. Mani was
skilled in various sciences and arts — mathematics, as-
tronomy, painting — ^and had an ardent, profound mind.
He seems also to have had a highly attractive personal-
ity. He was thus enabled to spread his views with great
rapidity. Driven from Persia, he is said to have traveled
in India and China. Here he doubtless came in contact
with Buddhism, from which he may have derived new
elements for his theosophical system. Returning to
Persia, he was greatly honored by the new king, but
was ordered to be crucified by his successor (about 277).
(3) Doctrines of Manichmsm. The most fundamental
thing in Manichaeism is its absolute dualism. The
''kingdom of light "and the ''kingdom of darkness,"
with their rulers, stand eternally opposed to each other.
The victory is not doubtful, but belongs to the '* king-
dom of light." Inside of this dualism exists a sort of
pantheism, i. e., each element of the dualism is conceived
of as a unity evolving itself into multiformity. From the
ruler of the " kingdom of light " emanates the " mother
of life." "The mother of life " generates the "primi-
tive man," with a view to opposing him to the powers of
darkness. " Primitive man " is worsted in the conflict,
and appeals to the ruler of the " kingdom of light " for
aid. " Primitive man " is raised again, but the " king-
dom of darkness " has swallowed part of his armor, i, e.,
part of his light. This stolen light formed the mundane
souU now mixed up with matter. The object of the
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196 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER II
creation of the world was to liberate the light thus mixed
up with matter.
(4) Points of Contact with Christianity. The ''primi-
tive man," who was withdrawn from the "kingdom of
darkness," was placed in the sun as its principle of heat
and light. This was identified with the Logos, or Son of
God. All growth, whether of plants or of animals, is
an effort of the fettered powers of light to escape from
the powers of darkness, prompted by the heat and light
of the Sun, or the Son of God. The ruler of the kingdom
of darkness, seeing that the powers of light which he
held were thus about to be liberated, resolved to create
a being in whom these powers might be charm-bound.
Man is formed from the longing of the powers of dark-
ness for a form like that of the Sun-Spirit The object
was to concentrate all the powers of light into a single
being that should be able to attract and retain the
heavenly light. Man, thus created, consisted of two
opposite principles — ^a soul like the kingdom of light, and
a body like the kingdom of darkness. The higher nature
was tempted by the lower, and the soul that would have
ascended to the kingdom of light was divided by propa-
gation. The object of the historical appearance of
Christ in the world (his bodily manifestation was only
an appearance — Docetism) was to aid the good principle
in man to overcome the evil, and by this means to liber-
ate the elements of light from their bondage.
(5) Morals and Customs of the Manichceans. The
Manichseans were divided into two classes, the elect or
perfect and the auditors. The former alone were admitted
to the secret rites — baptism, communion, etc., — which
are supposed to have been celebrated with great pomp,
in much the same way as they were celebrated by the
Catholics a little later. The " elect " were a sacerdotal
class, forming a sort of connecting link between the
" auditors " and the " kingdom of light." The " elect "
practised a Buddhist asceticism, possessing no property,
abstaining from marriage, from wine, from animal food,
were extremely careful not to destroy animal or vege-
table life (on account of the elements of light they con-
tained), and occupied themselves with contemplatioi^
and devotion. The " auditors," who always constituted
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Chap. Ii.] INTERNAL bEVELOPMENT OF CHRlStlANlTY I9?
the bulk of the Manichasans, were allowed more free-
dom, and were supposed to participate in the holiness of
the ** elect," in consideration of bestowing upon them
the necessaries of life. The Manichseans rejected the
Old Testament, and treated the New Testament in the
most arbitrary way, rejecting whatever seemed unfavor-
able to their views, and maintaining that even the apos-
tles did not fully understand Christ.
(6) Effects of Manichceism on the Regular Churches.
Absurd and unchristian as this system seems to us, it
claimed to be the only true Christianity, and by its lofty
pretensions and the personal power of many of its advo-
cates drew much of the intellect of the age into its ranks.
We may say that, in connection with other influences, it
stimulated : a. The ascetical spirit, with degradation of
marriage, the exaltation of virginity, the regarding of the
sexual instinct as absolutely evil and to be overcome by
all possible means, b. The introduction of pompous
ceremonial Into the church, c. The systematizing of
Christian doctrine, d. Sacerdotalism, or the belief that
ministers of religion are intermediaries between God and
man, possessing, by virtue of their office, extraordinary
power with God. e. As the result of this sacerdotalism,
the doctrine of indulgences (though in its development
other influences can be distinguished) was introduced
into the church.
During the fourth and fifth centuries ManichaBism gained great
popularity in Italy and North Africa. In the West it came into more
vital relations with Christianity, and for a time was a most danger-
ous rival of orthodoxy. Augustine, the greatest of the Latin
Fathers, was for many years connected with the Manichseans and
his modes of thought were greatiy affected by this experience.
4. The Monarchian Heresies.
Literature : See pertinent sections in the works on the History
of Doctrine, by Harnack, Seebach, Loofs, Thomasius, Baur, Hagen-
bach, Shedd, Sheldon, and Fisher: Dorner, *' The Person of Christ,*'
Div. L, Vol. II. ; Conybeare, '• The Key of Truth," 1898 ; and arti«
des on " Monarchianfsm," and on the various subordinate parties
and their leaders in '* Dictionary of Christian Biography,'' and the
Herzog-Hauck *' RuO-Etu^klopaduy
The type of teaching represented by Theodotus and
Paul of Samosata is commonly designated by German
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
tQ^ A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
writers Dynamistic Monarchianism, as distinguished from
the Modalistic Monarchianism of Noetus, Praxeas, Sabel-
liuSy and Beryllus. In the one case the man Jesus is re-
garded as energized and exalted by the Divine Spirit, in
the other the incarnation is regarded as only a mode of
the Divine activity and manifestation.
(i) Dynamistic Monarchianism. a. The t/llogoi. This
term was applied by Epiphanius (c, 375) to those who
in the second century opposed the Logos (Word) doc-
trine of John's Gospel. They are said to have re-
jected not only the fourth Gospel, but the Johannean
Apocalypse and the Johannean Epistles as well. Epi-
phanius relates that they- not only denied the eternity of
the Logos as a person of the Godhead, but attributed the
Johannean Gospel and Apocalypse to Cerinthus, who is
elsewhere represented as the arch-enemy of the Apostle
John. They sought to show that the Christology of the
fourth Gospel was contradictory to that of the Synoptic
Gospels, which, they claimed, know nothing of the
eternal sonship. They are represented as having arisen
in opposition to the Montanistic prophecy.*
b. The first representative of Dynamistic Monarchian-
ism whose views have been recorded is Theodoius of By-
zantium, who sought to propagate his views in the Roman
church, about 190. According to an anonymous writer,'
Theodotus held to the supernatural birth of Jesus, but
insisted that he was a *' mere man " until his baptism,
when the Holy Spirit came upon him and bestowed upon
him Divine attributes. This form of doctrine, known in
the later times as Adoptionism, was condemned by the
Roman Church.
c. Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch (260 onward),
was for some time a sort of viceroy to Queen Zenobia
of Palmyra. About 269 he was excommunicated by a
great provincial synod, after years of bitter controversy.
After the fall of Zenobia (272), the Emperor Aurelian
sustained the party that had the approval of the Italian
bishops, and excluded Paul from the use of ecclesiastical
property. His views were widely propagated in Meso-
1 See Epiphanius, **Hmrts." so-S4*
* By some supposed to have been Hlppolytus. by others Calus. The extant fraf-
nents are published In Routh's " nuiifuitt Sacnr," English translation in Auto*
Micene Library, American edition. Vol. v., p. 6oi, uq.
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CHAP.il] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 199
potamia and Armenia, and his name was probably per
petuated in the great Paulician body, who have iiept
alive his form of doctrine till the present century. Like
Theodotus and his followers he insisted on the absolute
unipersonality of God. Father, Son, and Holy Spirit
are one God, one person. Logos and Wisdom are attri-
butes or faculties of God. Christ was begotten of Mary
by the Holy Spirit, and at his baptism was energized by
the divine Logos (Word). Yet he refused to identify
Christ with the Logos. Thus he regarded Jesus as a
divinely begotten man, energized by the Holy Spirit (or
the Logos) and so exalted to Divine dignity and honor.
Of his efficiency as the Saviour of men he seems to
have entertained no doubt.
Only a few sentences from his writings have been
preserved. The following are the most important, and
may fairly represent his mode of thought :
Having been anointed by the Holy Spirit, he (Jesus) was given
the title of Christ. He suffered according to his nahire, he worked
miracles according to grace. For by his unflinching, unblenched
will and resolution he made himself like unto God ; and, having
kept himself free from sin, he was made one with him, and was em-
powered to take up, as it were, the power to perform miracles. By
means of these he was shown to have one and the same energy in
addition to the will (f. /., of God), and so received the title of Re-
deemer and Saviour of our race.
Again :
The Saviour having approved himself holy and just, and having
overcome by conflict and labor the sins of our forefather,— having
won these successes by his virtue,— was joined with God, having by
his progressive advances in goodness attained to one and the same
will and energy with him. And having preserved the same undi-
vided, he doth inherit the Name that is above every name, the reward
of love that was vouchsafed to him.
Again :
The Word is greater than Christ, for Christ became great
through wisdom.
Again :
Mary did not bring forth the Word, for Mary was not before the
ages. But she brought forth a man on a level with ourselves. It if
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200 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.R
the man that is anointed, not the Word. It is the Nazarene, our
Lord, that was anointed.^
d. In the "t^cis of Archelaus,** purporting to be a
record of a disputation between Archelaus, bishop of
Karkhar, in Persia, and Mani, the heretical leader (latter
part of third century), views similar to those of Paul of
Samosata are set forth by the bishop. This fact would
seem to indicate the prevalence of Adoptionist teaching
in Persia and the neighboring parts of Armenia. '* Tell
me," says Archelaus, "upon whom the Holy Spirit de-
scended as a dove ? Also, who is it that was baptized
by John ? If he was perfect, if he was Son, if he was
virtue (i. e., Divine power), the Spirit could not have
entered into him, inasmuch as one kingdom cannot enter
into another. But whose voice sounding from heaven
testified to him, saying : * This is my beloved Son in
whom 1 am well pleased ' ? "
Archelaus asserts the Adoptionist view of the person of
Christ in opposition to the docetism of Mani and the
Gnostics. The idea of a Divine incarnation seems to
have been inseparable, in his mind, from the view that
the humanity was a mere appearance.
Regarding the persistence of the Adoptionist Christology in the
East, see the section on the Paulidans in the next Period.
The Theodotians are represented as seeking to substantiate their
views by a critical study of the Old and New Testament Scriptures,
and as being much given to the study of the logical and mathemat-
ical works of the Greeks. They seem to have rejected the allegorical
method of interpretation, and may be regarded as the forerunners of
the Antiochian school.
It will be noticed that this view of the person of Christ is In es-
sential agreement with that of the Ebionites ; but there is no reason
to suppose that Theodotus and his followers were related historically
to the Judaizing heresy. The Adoptionist Christology seems to be
Implied in the '^Shepherd " of Hermas, and possibly m Justin Mar-
tyr's ''Dialogue with Trypho." It is probable that this type of
teaching was eariy diffused in Mesopotamia, Persia, and Armenia.
It was to become the prevailing form of teaching in Armenia, and to
be perpetuated there by the Paulicians, who for centuries disputed
the ground with the Gregorian party.
(2) (Modalistic SMonarchianism. This term may be
used to include the views of Noetus and Sabellius, com-
^ Cf. Conybcfo-e. " The Key of Trutb/' bitrodiictivii. p. xcfv.. «cf.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, n.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 201
bated by Hippolytus, those of Praxeas, elaborately re-
futed by Tertullian, and those of Beryllus of Bostra,
whom Origen convinced of his error.
a. About 195, Praxeas, who had suffered severely for
the faith in Asia Minor, visited Rome in order to prevent
the recognition of the Montanists by the Roman bishop.
When Victor, who had been favorably impressed by the
representations of the Montanists, was on the point of
giving them letters of commendation, Praxeas succeeded,
as Tertullian puts it, in expelling the Paraclete and cru-
cifying the Father, 1. ^., in causing the condemnation of
the Montanists, who claimed to be the organs of the
Paraclete, and in spreading his Patripassian heresy. It
does not appear that he gained many followers in Rome,
but he visited Carthage afterward, and his propaganda
there was very successful. About 210, Tertullian, now
a Montanist, put forth the most powerful polemic against
this type of teaching that the age produced.
b. Noetus of Smyrna sought to propagate similar views
either in Smyrna or in Ephesus, about the time of
Praxeas' visit to Rome. When, some years after, he
was condemned and excommunicated by the presbyters
of his community, he claimed that he was guilty of noth-
ing but "glorifying Christ." His disciple, Epigonus,
propagated his views in Rome {c. 200 onward). The
bishop, Zephyrinus, and his coadjutor and successor,
Callistus, according, to Hippolytus, secretly aided the
propaganda. Cleomenes became one of the most active
of the propagandists. Sabellius was won over to this
mode of thought, notwithstanding the earnest efforts of
Hippolj^us to save him from this fate. Callistus, when
he became bishop (217), felt obliged to condemn Sabel-
lius, but is represented by Hippolytus as fostering a
similar form of teaching.
It is difficult to get at the exact form in which Modalistic
Monarchianism was taught by this party. We are almost
wholly dependent on their adversaries, who wrote with
such passion that we cannot but suspect unfairness of
representation. They evidently regarded men like Hip-
polytus and Tertullian, who insisted on the absolute
Deity of Christ, and yet distinguished him from the
Father, as ditheists. They were equally convinced of the
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202 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
absolute Deity of Christ, but they refused to distinguish
between Father and Son as different personalities. They
identified Christ with the Father, and did not hesitate to
attribute to God as God whatever can be attributed to
God incarnate, including birth, suffering, and death.
Hence the designation ** Patripassian."
For further information about the Modalistic MonarchianSt see tha
sections on Hlppolytus and Tertullian in the next chapter.
111. REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES.
I. Tbe Mantatdsts.
LITERATURE : Tertullian, Montanistic writings, esp. *' TV Cb-
** Di MoHogamia^'^ *' 'D# PudicUiai^ *' 7)/ Jmrnm^^ '* 'D# yirgmibMS
yslandis'' ^* T)$ Pallm " (Eng. tr. in Ante-Nicene Library) ; Euse-
bius. " Church History/' V., 14-18 (based upon earlier documents;
McUiffert's notes are of great value); Epiphanius, **//«r.," 48
and 49 ; Sozomen, *' Church History,^' 11., yi. Pressensi '* Her.
and Chr. Doctr.." p. loi, ssq, ; Mossman, '^History of the Early
Christian Church.,'' p. 401, uq.; Neander, Vol. L, p. 508, ssq.;
Schaff, Vol. 11., p. 40$, s$q.; Moeller. Vol. I., p. if;6, seq.; Bon-
wetsch, **G$sch. dss Montanisfims** ; Hamack, *^ Dopiungssckicku"
Bd. 1., Siit, 3C^, siq. ; Hilgenfeld, ** Ktturgiseh.^** SmT. {OI. ssq. ;
De Soyr^ *^Montanism and the Primitive Church"; Bishop of
Bristol, '*The Ecclesiastical History of the Second and Third Cen-
tury"; Uhlhom, "Conflict Between Christianity and Heathen-
ism " ; Rltschl, ** AHkath. Kirchi,'' Sift. UM^^, siq. ; Baur, *' Church
History of the Three First Centuries,'* Vol. I., p. 245, «f.. Vol. II.,
Kirchi d. {Wiitm JahrhumUrts" ; art '^Montanism" In the encyclo-
pedias referred to above.
(i) Characteristics of Mantanism. We may regard
Montanism : j. As a reactionary movement against the
innovations that were being introduced into the churches
through the influence of Gnosticism and of paganism in
general ; especially against the emphasizing or knowledge
at the expense of faith, against laxity of discipline in
the churches, and consequently of morals in the members,
against the merging of the churches in the world, against
the growth of hierarchy, against the growing disbelief in
contemporaneous special providences and revelations.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, il] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 203
b. As a movement Judaistic in its tendencies : not in
the sense of exalting Judaism above Christianity, for
the Montanists are decided in their preference fof Chris-
tianity as a higher stage of divine revelation than Juda-
ism ; nor in the sense of adhering to Jewish forms and
customs, for many things approved of in the Old Testa-
ment, as repeated marriages, the use of wine, etc., are'
reprobated by the Montanists ; nor in the sense of Ebio-
nitic denial of the divinity of Christ, for they maintained
this most persistently. But in spirit the J^tontanists were
Judaistic. They were legalists, attempting to make re-
ligion to consist largely in outward observances. They
regarded themselves as occupying a position similar to
that of the prophets of the'pld Testament, with thei.
ecstatic visions, etc.
c. We may say, that while in a sense Montanism
was a reaction against innovation, it was yet innovating
in its tendencies, and anticipated the post-Nicene churches
that consider;»(r themselves ** Catholic " in many of its
most distinctive features. In general, the very features
of Montanism which led to its rejection by the churches
of the time were, within two centuries, part and parcel
of the doctrine of these churches: e.g., exaltation of
virginity and widowhood, arbitrary division of sins into
mortal and venial, undue exaltation of martyrdom, etc.
d. Hence, Montanism may be regarded as in one sense
a forerunner of later reformatory bodies, but in a more
important sense as a forerunner of the ascetic Christianity
of the fourth and following centuries.
e. The Montanists exaggerated the opposition between
Christianity and the world. They had an almost Gnostic
contempt for the flesh,^ and believed that sensual pleasure
of any sort was hurtful to the spiritual life. The present
life they regarded as of no consequence except as a time
of preparation for the life beyond. Montanism was,
therefore, an impracticable system. In the nature of
things, Christianity, in that form, could never become a
universal religion.
/. Montanism may be contrasted with Gnosticism thus :
Gnosticism was occupied chiefly with speculations as to
the origin of the universe ; Montanism with speculations
as to the approaching end of the world.
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:k)4 A MANUAL 6P CHu6CH HISTOftV IPEk^n,
g. Montanism may be contrasted with Catholicism o\
the time thus: Montanism insisted upon holiness — a
legalistic and arbitrary holiness, it is true — at the ex-
pense of catholicity ; Catholicism, vice versa .^
(2) Origin of Montanism. Montanism, as an organized
party, originated in Phrygia, about 135-160. Montanus,
with two women, Priscilla and Maximilla, claimed to have
been especially enlightened by the Paraclete ; and to
have been divinely commissioned to proclaim the setting
up of the kingdom of Christ on earth and to inveigh
against the laxity and worldliness of the churches of the
time. Their denunciation of the clergy, whom they
stigmatized as psychical in contrast with their own spirit-
uality, aroused the opposition of the clergy and the less
earnest laymen. The Montanists were cut off from
the communion of many Phrygian churches. Believing
themselves to be the only true apostolic Christians, they
appealed to their brethren at Rome and elsewhere for
recognition. The Roman Church was about to recog-
nize them, but owing to unfavorable representations o*
their doctrines and practices by Praxeas, noted for Patri-
passian views of the Godhead, the recognition failed and
the prophets were rejected. The Montanists, against
their desire and original intention, were thus forced into
the position of schismatics. The movement was one
that appealed forcibly to the more earnest Christians
throughout the empire, and Montanistic churches multi-
plied in Asia Minor, in Proconsular Africa, and in the
remote East.
The Phrygians were strongly predisposed to extravagance in
religion. Their worship of Cybeie was grossly immoral, and was
accomi>anied by ecstatic visions, wild frenzy, and fearful self*
mutilations. The enthusiastic, perhaps fanatical, character of early
Montanism may have been due in part to this national characteristic.
(3) Doctrines of the Montanists. In general, the Mon-
tanists did not differ widely in point of belief from the
orthodox churches of the time. Says Tertullian : * *' They
[the psychical] make controversy with the Paraclete;
on account of this the new prophecies are rejected, not
1 The Ust two observations are substantially Baur's.
• ''Dtltfumis:* Book I. C/. " Dt Virg, VelM ' " ~
4», x; FInallianus. in Cyprian. "i^./'LXXV.
• *'CUjefumisr Book I. C/. "Dtyirg. yelamdtsr Book H. ; Eplpbanlus, "H^rr./
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP.n.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 20$
that Montanus and Priscilla and Maximilla preach another
God, nor that they do away with Jesus Christ, nor that
they overthrow any rule of faith or hope." We can
best get at their peculiarities of view by observing the
charges made against them by their adversaries.
a. One of the most distinctive features of the Mon-
tanists is their doctrine of the Paraclete. They claimed to
be the recipients, while in a state of ecstasy, of special
divine revelations. They supposed that in their time
and in them was fulfilled the saying of Christ: '' I have
still many things to say to you, but you cannot bear
them now, but when he comes, the Spirit of truth, he
will guide you into the whole truth," etc. Accordingly,
they regarded their own dreaming as of more importance
than the written word. Says Tertullian:* "If Christ
abolished what Moses taught, because from the beginning
it was not so (Matt. 19 : 8), . . why should not the
Paraclete abolish what Paul indulged, because second
marriage also was not from the beginning ? "
h. The points in which they claimed to be especially
instructed by the Paraclete are chiefly those in which
the Scriptures are not sufficiently ascetical, showing that
the most fundamental thing was their legalistic asceticism,
and that the Paraclete was with them an expedient for
obviating the authority of Scripture in favor of greater
rigor.
c. To particularize: The Montanists claimed the au-
thority of the Paraclete for making second marriages
equivalent to adultery, and hence mortal sin, which the
church is incompetent to forgive ; for rejecting entirely the
use of wine and insisting on frequent and long-continued
fasts, especially the xerophagies (or abstinence from moist
food of any kind) ; for making flight in persecution or de-
nial of the faith under at^ circumstances mortal (by the
church unpardonable) sin; for expecting the speedy end of
the present dispensation. Indeed j the motive for the Mon-
tanistic asceticism was the vivid expectation of the end
of the world.
d. As indicated above, the Montanists drew a definite
line — ^first, so far as we know — ^between morial and venial
" Oe MoMgrnua^ Chap. m.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
206 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER n
sins: the former comprising homicide, idolatry, fraud,
negation (of the faith), blasphemy, adultery, and forni-
cation ; the latter embracing all those minor sins to which
every Christian is continually subject. The former are
irremissible, so far as the churches are concerned ; the
latter are forgiven through the advocacy of Christ.
(4) Influence of Montanism on the Church. Few of the
teachings and practices for which the Montanists are dis*
tinguished were new creations of the Montanists. Special
prophetical gifts, e.g.^ are spoken of by Justin Martyr
and Irenseus as appearing in their time, and millenari-
anism was by no means peculiar to Montanism. But the
Montanists brought forward their ideas and claims in an
enthusiastic and one-sided way, having been aroused to
fanaticism by the increasing corruption and worldliness
of the churches. As worldliness and corruption con-
tinued to increase, so reactionary movements continued
to appear until, when the great churches as such were
thoroughly secularized by the union of Church and State,
the reactionary spirit culminated, as we shall see here-
after, in monasticism.
2: The Naoatianists.
LITERATURE: Cyprian/* £)».," 41-52; Euscblus, " Ch. Hist.,"
Bk. VI., Chap. 43, 45 ; Bk. VIL, Chap. 8; Socrates, " Ch. Hist.,"
Bk. IV., Chap. 28; Padanus, " 5*. Trn Cauir, Nov,"; (the extant
writings of Novatian do not touch specifically upon the distinctive
features of Novatianism) : Neander, Vol. I. j)p. 237-248 ; Gieseler,
Vol. 1., p. 2$4 ; Moeller, Vol. I., p. 263, s#a. ; Tlllemont, ** Memoirgs^**
Tom. lll.,pp, 189, 209, 346, 353 ; Walch, ** Kit^srhistoru,*' Bd. U., Sn'l.
185-310; KitschU **Mtka$h, Kirche,'' S*ii. 331;, 538, 575; Haraack,
** Dogimngisch^" Bd,L^ Snt. 339, siq, ; encyclopedias as above, swft. w>c.
(I) Characteristics of Novatianism. a. After what has
been said of Montanism, it will not be necessary to dis-
cuss Novatianism at length. Novatianism was Montanism
reappearing under peculiar circumstances and in another
age. Many of the Montanistic ideas had been absorbed
by the general churches. The prophetic spirit could not
long sustain itself. After the time of Tertullian we hear
nothing of prophetic claims. Nor does this feature of
Montanism reappear in Novatianism.
b. Novatianism was a striving after ecclesiastical purity,
perverted by the Montanistic legalism. The churches
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CHAP. 1l] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 207
must be made pure and kept pure by the rigorous exclu-
sion of all who have at any time committed one of the
particular sins which were arbitrarily classed as "mor-
tal," especially negation of the faith.
(2) Origin of Novatianism. So far as the Novatianist
party was a new party, it originated as follows : During
the Decian persecution, many Christians in all parts of
the empire denied the faith. At the close of the perse-
cution, it was a most important question with the churches
how to deal with the multitudes who now clamored for
readmission. The laxer party, which was at this time
predominant at Rome, was in favor of readmitting them
without much delay or ceremony. An influential party,
led by Novatian, opposed this laxity, and when they
failed to carry their point in the church, withdrew, No-
vatian becoming bishop of the protesting party. The
Novatianists had the sympathy of a large element in the
North African churches, and they soon formed there a
strong organization. In North Africa and in Asia Minor
they probably absorbed most of the Montanistic party,
which was still important. This was certainly the case
in Phrygia, the original home of Montanism. Nova-
tianist congregations persisted till the flfth century or
later.
(3) Doctrines and Practices, a. In matters of doctrine
and church organization, the Novatianists were at one
with the general churches. Novatian himself wrote one
of the ablest treatises of the period on the doctrine of the
Trinity. It was the matter of discipline alone, the con-
ditions of church-membership and the competency of the
churches to forgive certain specific sins, that furnished
occasion for the schism.
b. Believing the general churches of the time to be
apostate, they naturally rejected their ordinances, and re-
baptiied those that came to them from churches with
which they did not affiliate.
c. The doctrine of baptismal regeneration had become
almost universal by this time, and the Novatianists held to
it so tenaciously as to regard it as a matter of the utmost
consequence, not only that every Christian should be
baptized, but also that he should be baptized by a prop-
erly qualified person.
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208 A MANUAL OP CHURCH HISTORY [PEitU
3. The Donatists.
Literature : Optatus MUevitanus, *' D$ SehtsmaU DottaHOarmm,*^
Lib. VIL, ed. Dupin (this edition contains also a collection of docu-
ments relating to the history of the Donatists) ; Au^stine, various
treatises against the Donatists ( Eng. tr. by Kin^, edited, with elabo-
rate introductory essay, by Hartranft, in Nicene and Post-Nic.
Fathers, first ser., Vol. IV. ) : Norisius, " Hist, Donatistanm "; Hefele,
"Councils," Vol. I. and \U passim; Hardouin, " Gw«?.,'^ VoL L,
passim ; Neander, Vol. II., pp. 214-2^2 ; Schaff , Vol. III., p. 560, stq. ;
Ribbeck, ^^ Donaius und Augustinus'^ : Bindemann, ^^DirhiH, Augus-
tim*s," 'Bd. II., Siit. 366, 5#a. ; Bd. III., S^rt. 178-353 ; Voltcr, " Ur^
sprung d, Dtmatismus" ; Walch, ^'Historii dsr Ktt^trsim*' 'Bd. IV. ;
'Roux, '* D$ Atuatstino, Mdxfirsario DoHatistanm " ; Tillemont. '^ M#-
fiw^#s," Tom.N\. ; art. in the " Prcsb. Rev.," 1884, by T. V/. Hop-
kins ; Loofs, " Dogmgngesch,^^ SiiU 205, seq, ; Thummd, " Zur Beur-
ihiilmg d, DoHoiismusr 1893 » Seeck, ** QuilUn u, Urktmdm Hber d,
Anfimg4 d. Donaiismus " (in ^* Zsitschr, /. Kirchtngssch.,'* 1889) ; Reu-
ter, ^^Augustin. Stttditn"; Deutsch, *' Dr^i AcUnstucks ptr Gesch, d.
Donaiismus^* ; art. " Donatism," in encyclopedias referred to above.
The art. by Bonwetsch in the third ed. of the Herzog-Hauck " R. £.,"
Bd. IV., Siit. 788-798, 1898, is of special value and brings the litera-
ture up to date.
(i) Characteristics, a. The Donatists follow in the
same general line with the Montanists and the Novatian-
ists. Like the earlier bodies they were concerned chiefly
with questions of ecclesiastical discipline; and, as in the
earlier movements, their scrupulosity was based upon a
narrow legalism.
b. The Donatists may properly be called the High
Churchmen of the fifth century. Like many High Church-
men of modern times -they were distinguish^ for their
earnestness and zeal.
c. Their protests against the corruptions of the churches
were entirely justified, but the spirit of their protests seems
to have been more hopelessly at variance with true spir-
itual Christianity than that of their comparatively lax and
indifferent opponents.
(2) Origin. The Donatists arose after the Diocletian
persecution. Those who delivered up the Scriptures
during persecution were stigmatized by the strict party
as *'traditors.'* The strict party could not endure the
presence of traditors in the churches, especially as offi-
cers. As traditors had committed a sin which they
felt that the churches had no right to pardon, they re-
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CHAP. IL] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 209
garded ordinances performed by such persons as invalid,
and churches in which they were tolerated as un-
worthy of Christian fellowship. Mensurius, bishop of
Carthage, when called on to deliver up the Scriptures,
was reported to have put in their place some heretical
writings, and to have hidden the Scriptures themselves.
He and Cscilian, his deacon, used all their influence
against the fanaticism which led so many needlessly to
throw themselves into the hands of the persecutors.
They also sought to check superstition as it was coming
to be manifested in the worship of relics, e.tc. In 311.
Mensurius died, and Caecilian became candidate for the
episcopate. In Numidia, several influential pastors, es-
pecially Donatus, of Casse Nigrse, and Secundus, of
Tigisis, had taken strong ground against traditors. A
wealthy lady, Lucilla, much given to the veneration of
martyrs and their relics, was at the head of the opposi-
tion in Carthage. The Carthaginian presbyters were
almost all opposed to Csecilian. The Numidian bishops,
who were accustomed to take part in the consecration
of the bishop of Carthage, were sent for by the party
of Lucilla, and meetings were held in her house.
Csecilian knowing that he would be opposed by these
bishops, got himself hurriedly ordained by a neighboring
bishop, Felix, of Aptunga. The Numidian bishops de-
clared Cxcilian deposed, and elected Majorinus. There
were now two rival bishops of Carthage, each with a
strong following, and the utmost bitterness prevailed
between the two parties. The schism thus begun at
Carthage, spread all over North Africa. Much of the
earlier Montanism and Novatianism was probably ab-
sorbed by the new party. Indeed, the party can hardly
be called new. It was simply a fresh manifestation of
the strict tendency as opposed to increasing laxity in the
churches.
(3) Doctrines and Practices, a. They insisted on rigor-
ous ecclesiastical discipline, and pure church-membership.
b. They rejected unworthy ministers, c. They protested
against civil interference in matters of religion. This
feature, however, was developed only after they had
despaired of obtaining the support of the civil power.
The evils of State Interference must be experienced
o
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210 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
before the system could be vigorously combated, d.
They practised episcopacy in the same sense and to the
same extent as it prevailed in the general churches of
the time ; though the dioceses were for the most part very
small, and many bishops were pastors of single churches.
e. They believed in baptismal regeneration and in the
necessity of baptism to salvation. In this they went
beyond the Catholics themselves, maintaining that the
human nature of Christ himself needed to be cleansed
by baptism. Their most prominent characteristic, that
of baptizing anew those that had already been baptized,
whether in infancy or not, by those whom they regarded
as unworthy, is evidence of the fact that they regarded
the salvation of the soul as depending on the administra-
tion of the ordinance by a blameless person. /. They
practised infant baptism. This they were probably more
scrupulous in doing than the general churches, in accord-
ance with their more vivid sense of its necessity, g.
They were intolerant and bigoted. This, however, was
in a large measure due to the harsh treatment that they
received at the hands of their opponents.*
iThe lAttr history of the Donatlsts will b« foand In the next p«rio4.
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CHAPTER III
THE CHRISTIAN LITERATURE OI: THE FIRST THREE
CENTURIES
LITERATURE: Original texts In MIgne's *' Patrohgia" and in
critical editions to be referred to under eacii autlior ; English trans-
lations in '• The Ante-Niccne Fathers," lo vols. New Yorl<. 1885-
q/S ; Hamack, *' Giseh, d. AlicktisiU Litteraiur his ^ Eus^biusy 1893
onward (Part 1. consists of a comprehensive survey of the entire
body of extant Christian literature so far as it had come to light at
the time of writing, with full critical information regarding each
document. Part IL, of which the first volume was issued in i8g7<
treats of the chronology of these literary remains. This monumental
work is beins prepared under the auspices of the Royal Prussian
Academy of Sciences) ; Gebhardt and Harnack, ** Ttxt4 und Unter-
suchungm " (This learned work, still in progress, consists of mono-
graphs b}^ various scholars on various literary monuments of this
age, especially on newly discovered documents and such as are of
uncertain date and authorship. Fifteen volumes have already ap-
peared); Robinson, ** Texts and Studies" (an English series of
monographs by different writers similar to Ihe German series just
referred to, stifl in course of publication) ; Cruttwell, '* A Literary
History of Early Christianity," 1893 ; Rriiger, ** History of Eariy
Christian Literature in the First Three Centuries," English transla-
tion, 1898 ; Donaldson, " A Critical History of Christ. Literaturr
and Doctr. from the Death of the Apostles to the Nicene Council,"
1866; Farrar, " Lives of the Fathers."
I. PRELIMINARY.
I. The Importance of this Literature.
The Christian literature of the first three centuries
stands next to that of the apostolic age not only in time
but also in importance. Some of the writings to be
here considered belong to the apostolic age and may be
earlier than some of the New Testament books, espe-
cially the Johannean Gospel and Apocalypse. The im-
portance of this literature is obvious from the following
considerations :
(i) The distinct inferiority of the very best of it to any
of the New Testament books is strongly confirmatory of
the belief that the selection and the preservation of the
an
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212 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
latter no less than their original writing was presided over
by Divine Providence.
(2) This literature is our only source of information as
to the process by which apostolic Christianity was trans-
formed in doctrine, polity, life, worship, and institutions
into the Christianity of the fourth century, and by which
Christianity became so widespread, powerful, and secu-
larized as to gain recognition as the religion of the State.
(3) These writings contain all the available information
regarding the use of the New Testament Scriptures in
the churches of the first three centuries and reveal the
process by which, and the influences under which, the
books now included in our canon secured recognition as
the authoritative record of the revelation of the New
Covenant to the exclusion of all others.
(4) This literature is remarkably varied as regards
form, contents, and type of teaching, and is a true mir-
ror of the diversified forms that Christianity assumed in
its contact and conflict with the Jewish and the pagan
world.
2. divisions of Early Christian Literature.
We may divide early Christian literature as follows :
(i) The edificatory period. (2) The apologetic period.
(3) The polemical period. (4) The scientific period. We
shall find that the order of division is at the same time
logical and chronological.
(i) An Obscure and Quiet Growth. It was natural and
necessary that Christianity should have an obscure and
quiet growth before it should get bold enough to defend
itself publicly, or at least before it could hope for a pub-
lic hearing. Moreover, in the age immediately succeed-
ing the apostolic age Christianity had in its ranks few
men of philosophical culture who could have been ex-
pected to attempt the public defense of their religion.
The shock received by the Christians from the atrocities
of Nero, repeated in a somewhat milder form by Domi-
tian, would have deterred them in any case from attempt-
ing to influence the government in their favor.
(2) Warding off Attacks. Again, it was natural, after
Christianity had made considerable progress and had
won to its support a number of cultured minds, that it
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CHAP, in.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 21 3
should devote its attention to warding off the attacks of
its enemies and to setting forth to those in authority its
true character, and should abstain as far as practicable
from public attacks on heathen doctrines and practices.
Not all of the apologists, as we shall see, were able en-
tirely to refrain from ridiculing the absurdities and de-
nouncing the terrible evils that were involved in the
polytheistic worship of the time ; but in general their at-
titude was that of suppliants for mercy.
(3) A voice of Condemnation. Again, it was natural,
after Christianity had grown strong enough to regard
itself and to be regarded as a mighty rival of paganism
and as destined soon to supplant it, that it should lift up
its voice in condemnation of the corruptions of paganism,
especially as the Christians themselves were continually
tempted to wrong-doing by the presence of heathen prac-
tices. Heresy, moreover, was aggressive and must be
vanquished. Most of the polemical literature is directed
against false forms of teaching.
(4) e/f Scientific Study of Christianity. Again, it was
necessary that Christianity should have gained not sim-
ply a firm foothold, but should have had a period of com-
parative quiet and immunity from persecution, before
a scientific study of the sacred books and an applica-
tion to them of the philosophical modes of thought that
belonged to the highest culture of the age should take
place. This scientific study of Christianity was pro-
moted by attacks upon Christianity by heretics and pa-
gans and the general interest that cultivated men of all
classes were beginning to show in Christianity. Men
who were thoroughly familiar with Greek philosophy
and with Gnostic speculations naturally sought to ex-
hibit Christianity as the only true philosophy.
II. THE EDIFICATORY PERIOD, OR THE PERIOD OF THE APOS-
TOLIC FATHERS.
I. General Characteristics.
(i) Informal Utterances. The writings that fall under
this head are simple, informal utterances of pious faith.
No attempt is made at a systematic exhibition of Chris-
tian doctrine, any more than in the New Testament.
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214 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
(2) No Knowledge of Pagan Philosophy. These writers
betray no knowledge of pagan philosophy, hence no
polemics against paganism occur. Little allusion is made
to heresies. Such already existed, to be sure, but the
writings that have come down to us are too much occu-
pied with the internal interests of religion to allow of
their entering formally upon their refutation ; and few of
the writers possessed the requisite learning for effec-
tively meeting the theosophical errors of the time.
(3) These Writings Shaw us Christianity at IVorh. Indi-
vidual responsibility is everywhere recognized. There
is evidence that the missionary spirit was still thoroughly
energetic. The type of piety represented in these writ-
ings is for the most part healthy and in accordance with
the New Testament.
(4) Revere Old Testament. While these writers quote
freely and lovingly from the New Testament books, it is
the Old Testament that they reverence most of all, and
to this only is final appeal made in support of doctrine.
In other words, they use the New Testament for sub-
stance of doctrine, but the Old Testament for proof.
The necessity that they felt of finding the whole of
Christianity in the Old Testament led them to apply the
allegorical method of interpretation in the most arbitrary
manner. In this they but followed the example of the
Alexandrian Jews and of contemporary pagan writers.
2. Individual Writings.
{i)Ths First EpisHs of CUmttU of Ronu to iJu Corinthian Church.
Literature : In addition to works referred to above, " Patrum
Apostolicorum Op^ra^^ ed. Gebhardt, Hamack, and Zahn (this is
by far the best edition of the " Apostolic Fathers." It contains pro-
legomena, Latin translations, with ample notes and critical appara-
tus); Wrede, *^ Untersuchungtn turn Erstm CUmtnsbriif^^ 1801;
Lerame. in •* tKmJahrhJ, DoAsehi ThsoU^^^ 1892, Siit. 375, s#^. ; Light-
foot, '• S. Clement of Ffome " (the best edition of the cp., with Eng.
trans, and all necessary apparatus); Zahn, in ^"^ Zeitschrift fur d.
Hist. Theol.;' 1869: Gebhardt, in ^' Ztitschrift, fur Ktreh.-Gtsch.,''
1876 ; Wicseler, in ^'jahrhikhtr fur Dmtuhs Thiol.J^ 1875 ; encyclo-
pedias before referred to, art. ** Clement of Rome.''
a. Authorship. The grounds for assigning the epistle
to Clement are not decisive. The letter is addressed by
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CHAP. UL] LITERATURE OF RRST THREE CENTURIES 21 5
** the church of God that sojourns at Rome to the church
of God that sojourns at Corinth." Dionysius of Corinth,
about 170, is the earliest known witness to its Clemen-
tine authorship.^ Irenxus relates that, during the epis-
copate of Clement, the church of Rome sent a most ap-
propriate letter to the Corinthians, exhorting them to
peace and renewing their faith and calling to their re-
membrance the tradition that they had recently received
from the apostles. He further relates that this Clement
was the third in order of the Roman bishops, having
been preceded by Linus, appointed by the apostles, and
by Anacletus, and that Clement himself had seen the
apostles and associated with them. The statement of
Irenxus seems probable enough. According to this
writer the epistle was still being used in religious serv-
ices by the Corinthian church in his time.
Eusebius, whose chief authority on this point was
probably Irenseus, but who also refers to Hegesippus,
who had visited the Corinthian church in the latter part
of the second century, may be wrong in ascribing the
epistle to Clement individually. In Eusebius' time such
a letter would have been sent by the bishop, as lord of
his church. Hence he may have inferred that Clement,
being bishop of the Roman church, himself wrote it.
As one of the most influential and intelligent members
of the church he may have prepared the letter, but if so,
he did it as the representative of the church ; hence the
superscription. But supposing the letter to have been
written by Clement, pastor of the Roman church in the
time of Domitian, there is no absolute proof that this was
the Clement mentioned by Paul in Phil. 4 : 3. The
name was a very common one.
Some modern writers (Lipslus, Voikmar, Erbes, Hasendever)
have sought to identify Clement, me Roman bishop or presbyter, to
whom the authorship of the epistie has been attributed, with Flavius
Clemens, the consul and relative of the emperor, who suffered mar-
tyrdom under Domitian. This identification has been strongly op-
posed by Zahn, Wieseler, Funk, Harnack, and Uhlhorn.'
There has been much difference of opinion as to whether the writer
of the epistie was a Jewish or a Gentile Christian. Lightfoot and
Lemme contend for the former view, Harnack and Wrede for the
^ Etttebitts. Blc IV.. chap. as.
> $f« Uhlhorn, In «* RuUBn^MopSuiitr ttiird td., &f. IV., MU 16$. Mf.
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2l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
latter, while Uhihorn thinks the considerations adduced on neither
side decisive.
b. T)ate of the Epistle. This is a disputed point, but
it may be assigned, with some probability, to a time be-
tween A. D. 93 and 97.
{a) Reasons for believing it not earlier than 93 : First, It
must have been written considerably after the death of
Peter and Paul, for their martyrdom is treated as a mat-
ter of history (chap. 5). So also their activity (chap. 42,
etc.). Secondly, No mention is made of the strife be-
tween Jewish and Gentile Christians that had formerly
prevailed at Rome and Corinth. Some time must have
elapsed since Paul wrote his Epistles. Thirdly, The
Corinthian church is spoken of (chap. 47) as ancient.
(b) Reasons for believing it not later than 07 : First, The
martyrdom of Peter and Paul is spoken of as belonging
to our generation. Secondly, Presbyters are represented
as still living who were appointed by the apostles.
Thirdly, No mention is made of the disturbances created
by Gnostics in the Roman church early in the second
century. Fourthly, The Roman church is represented as
having just come out of great tribulation (chap. i). As
there is no intimation that the Corinthians suffered at the
same time, this persecution could hardly be the wide-
spread one under Trajan, but was most probably a local
persecution under Domitian (93-97).
c. Abstract of the Epistle. A sedition had arisen in the
Corinthian church. A certain faction had deposed, with**
out just grounds, some presbyters of the church. The
writer begins, after the salutation, with excusing the
delay of the Roman church in responding to the request
for advice (the excuse being the severe persecution to
which the Romans had been subjected), and calls atten-
tion to the high repute in which the Corinthian church
had hitherto stood. The sedition is attributed to the
pride that follows prosperity. Part of the church had
become jealous of the other part. The evil effects of
jealousy are shown from numerous Old Testament ex-
amples. Jealousy lay at the root of the persecutions in
which Peter, Paul, etc., suffered martyrdom. That
there is room for repentance on the part of the offenders
19 shown from Old Testament examples. The Cprin-
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CHAP. IK] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 21 7
thians are exhorted to humility in view of the Messianic
passage (Isa. 53), and of the example of many Old Tes-
tament heroes. God is long-suffering and will forgive
the penitent. Yet he is a God of order. He keeps the
universe in order. If the Corinthians would act worthily
of such a God, they must do all things in order and
peace.
General directions follow as to the respect due to pres-
byters. As a motive for guarding against sedition the
Corinthians are reminded of the second coming of the
Lord and of the resurrection. The resurrection is proved
by the argument from analogy (day — ^night ; seed — ^plant ;
the Phoenix, etc.).
God's blessing is to be found in faith, but not without
works.
The Roman army, in which each member has a par-
ticular place allotted, and contributes to the completeness
and strength of the whole, should be an example to the
church. The Christian ministry is compared to the
Levitical priesthood as regards order, etc. Christ was
sent from God, the apostles from Christ. These ap-
pointed bishops and deacons, and indicated others to suc-
ceed, in case the first should die. Now the Corinthians
have removed some holy men from service. The influ-
ence of one or two men of no consequence has led to the
deposition of men appointed by the apostles. This has
given an occasion to the enemies of the gospel to blas-
pheme the Lord's name. The seditious should confess
their sins. Such confession is shown to be noble from
Old Testament examples. They should be willing, in
order to avoid strife, to retire to whatever place the
church may wish. The authority of the presbyters
should be respected, especially of such as were appointed
by the apostles.
The Roman letter was manifestly based upon the ixparU state-
ments of the aggrieved presbyters. It is very possible ^at the
younger men, who had gained influence enough in the church to
secure the removal of the old presbyters from office, would have
been able in some measure to justify their successful efforts for a
change in the administration. It is conceivable that the old presby-
ters had come to presume too much on their apostolic appointment,
and were disposed to be arbitrary, or had become inefficient because
Of a|;e.
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2l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. It
d. Theology of the Epistle. Whatever of a theological
nature occurs in the epistle is entirely practical and not
speculative.
God is spoken of as the ** great Creator and Lord of
all," **the all holy Framer and Father of the ages" ;
" his energy pervades all the operations of nature " ; his
forbearance, mercy, and love are emphasized.
Christ is most commonly designated as ** our Lord
J^sus Christ." He is described as the reflection or ra-
diance of God's greatness. He was "sent by God."
"His blood was given for us." "On account of the
love which he had unto us, Jesus Christ gave his own
blood for us, and his flesh for our flesh, and his soul for
our soul."
The nearest approach to a doctrine of the Trinity in
Clement is in chap. 46 : " Have we not one God, and
one Christ, and one spirit of grace which was poured out
upon us, and one calling in Christ ? "
Salvation is represented as being in and through Christ,
but is also connected with the fear of God and with love
(chap. 48 ; 21 : I ; 22).
The idea of a church in this epistle is that of a well-
ordered assemblage composed of members possessed of
equal rights and privileges, all of whom are essential to
each other as parts of the body to the body, but some of
whom being more highly gifted, are to direct the less intel-
ligent and less gifted (chap. 37). Only two classes of offi-
cers are recognized, bishops or presbyters and deacons.
No class is recognized as having an inherent right to con-
trol the church ; but the opinion is expressed that those
who were appointed by an apostle, with the consent of the
church, and who had performed their duties blamelessly,
ought not to be deposed.
Remark.— The so-called Second Epistle of Clement, now almost
universally regarded as a fragment of a homily, was probably writ-
ten not earlier than A. D. 130, and hence cannot well be the work of
Clement, the third pastor of the Roman church. The Clementine
"Recognitions" and "Homilies" ascribed to Clement of Rome,
have been described sufficiently in the section on the Ebionites.
These were probably written about a century after Clement's time.
The " Epistles to Virgins " is a still later forgery, representing the
full-fledged ascetical spirit of the third century. A number of other
writin^^s were set forth under the name of this author, as the " L<t«
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 219
ter to James," the " Dialogue of Peter and Aplon," an address *' To
tbe Holy Spirit," etc.*
{2) Th4 EpistU of Barnabas.
LITERATURE: See in addition to authorities cited above, full
bibliography in Gebhardt, Hamacic, and Zahn, and in Lightfoot
a. t/tuthorship. The Epistle has often been ascribed
to Barnabas, the fellow-laborer of Paul.
(a) The grounds in favor of this view are: The
authority of Clement of Alexandria^ who regarded it as
an apostolical writing and wrote a commentary on it.'
Origen also evidently regarded it as the work of the
New Testament Barnabas. Eusebius mentions the epis-
tle as bearing this name, but classes it, along with
the *• Acts of Paul," the " Pastor of Hermas," and the
" Apocalypse of Peter," as a book that had been regarded
by some as Scripture, but which was in his time rejected.
This, however, is not necessarily against its having been
.written by the New Testament Barnabas. Jerome
speaks of Barnabas, ordained by Paul, apostle of the
Gentiles, as having composed an epistle pertaining to the
edification of the church, which is read among apocry-
phal writings. It is found in the "Codex Sinaiticus'*
(one of the oldest biblical MSS.), under the caption
"Epistle of Barnabas."
(p) The grounds against the view are mainly internal,
as those in favor of it are external. They are : The
unaccountable blunders which the author makes with
regard to the Jewish ceremonial law. He describes
ceremonies for which no authority can be found either in
the Old Testament or the Talmud (chap. 7 and 8). Now
Barnabas, the companion of Paul, was a Levite, and can-
not Well be supposed to have been capable of such blun<
ders. He lays stress on the Greek letters that repre-
sent the number of servants that Abraham circumcised a5
making up the name Jesus. The Levite Barnabas could
hardly have forgotten that the Old Testament was writ-
ten in Hebrew. The absurd statements with regard
1 For full information on the pseudo-Clementine literature, see Hamack, '* Cach, 4,
AIL Chr. Ut." Bd, I., Snt. 47. au. m8. 5x8. 761. m. 778 ; 'Bd. \\.,pasnm ; and Uhlbom's
article in the Herzo^-Hauclc " Rgal-Eucyh," third ed.. 'Bd, IV.. StU. 170. uq,
• CI. Alex.. " Uronud.r Blc II.. chap. 6. 7. w ; Bic. V.. chap. 10. etc.
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220 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
to the habits of animals are a probable, though not de-
cisive, ground against the theory that the epistle is the
work of the New Testament Barnabas. The way in
which the author looked upon Judaism, not as a prepara-
tion for Christianity, but rather as a wicked externaliz-
ing of what God meant to be spiritual, is hardly apos-
tolic. The extravagant degree to which the allegory
is employed seems unsuitable to an apostle.
Thus the external testimony, which is not contempo-
raneous, is in conflict with internal evidence of the
strongest kind.
b. Date. The epistle must have been written after
the destruction of the temple (70), which is pre-sup-
posed in it (16 : 3, 4 ; 4 : 14). It could not well have
been written later than 137, when the Jewish insurrec-
tion led by Barcochab had resulted disastrously, and the
restoration of the temple was out of the question. Ha-
drian had expressed at the beginning of his reisn a
purpose to rebuild the temple. Between these two dates
a dozen different determinations have been made. It
was probably written about 1 19, near the beginning of
Hadrian's reign, and some time before the Jewish insur-
rection had broken out. Bunsen, on internal evidence,
fixes the date during the Domitian persecution — hence
95 or earlier. Lightfoot assigns a still earlier date, the
earliest possible, 70-79. Harnack thinks 130-131 the
most probable date.
c. Abstract. The author salutes his readers as sons
and daughters, assures them that he loves them more
than his own life, and that on this account he hastens to
write to them, in order that along with their faith they
may have knowledge. Since the days are evil and Satan
has authority, they ought to attend carefully to the de-
crees of God, their faith being aided by fear and patience.
God did not desire ceremonial service even under the
Old Testament dispensation, much less now. The read-
ers are exhorted not to be like those that heap up sins,
saying the Testament is the Jews' and ours. It is ours
only, for the Jews lost their part in it when Moses broke
the tablets. One object of Christ's coming was that the
sins of the Jews might be consummated (chap. 6). The
real meaning of the Old Testament prophecies can be
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, ni.] LITERATURE OF RRST THREE CENTURIES 221
arrived at only by the gnosis (knowledge, spiritual in-
sight), which gnosis the author proceeds to give, finding
types of Christianity wherever he seeks them in the Old
Testament.
He proves allegorically that Christians and not Jews
are the true heirs of the covenant (chap. 15). Neither do
the Jews celebrate the right Sabbath. The Lord rejected
the new moons and the Sabbaths of the Jews. A day
with the Lord is as a thousand years. The seventh
thousand of years is therefore the true Sabbath, and as
this commences with the eighth day, the day of the
Lord's resurrection, we Christians celebrate it with
gladness.
The Jews also made a mistake with regard to the tem-
ple, supposing that a house made with hands, and not
rather the hearts of believers, was the temple of God.
The epistle concludes with a description of the way of
light and the way of darkness, and an exhortation to the
readers to walk in the one and avoid the other.
There has been much discussion since the discovery of the '* Di-
da^'' (** Teaching of the Twelve Apostles"), as to the relation-
ship of the passage in Barnabas on the two ways to the similar
passage in the " Didach^.** The view that both writers drew the
material from a common source, a document that must have been in
general use at a very early, date, seems best supported.
d. Theology of the Epistle. There is nothing particu-
larly striking about the theology of the Epistle except
its manner of viewing Judaism. The writer goes far on
the road that led many in his age to Gnosticism.
The word gnosis (jr^<rii) he employs again and again
in much the same sense as that given it among the
Gnostics. His hostility to the Jews, while it does not,
like that of the Gnostics, lead to a denial of the good-
ness and supremacy of Jehovah, escapes such denial
only by the supposition that the Jews entirely misap-
prehended the revelation made to them, and were never
properly the people of God.
Like the Gnostics, the author mduiges without scruple
in allegory.
We cannot avoid the supposition that the epistle was
written by a man who had come under the influence of
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222 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IL
the Alexandrian philosophy, and probably of the earlier
forms of Gnosticism as well.
0) Th$ Epistks of Ignatius.
LITERATURE : Text and ancient testimonials in Gebhardt, Har*
nack, and Zahn ; Zahn, '* Ignatius von Aniiochin^^^ 1873 ; Lightfoot«
*' Ignatius,'' 188$ ; R6ville, In ^' Rsv, d, VHistoin d, Migions,'' three arti-
cles, 1890. Lightfoot's great work in 2 vols. (3 parts) contains ail
the pertinent materials extant in Greek, Syriac, etc., translations of
the epistles and of other important documents, and elaborate critical
discussion of all points involved. He is commonly supposed to have
settled the Ignatian question in favor of the shorter Greek form.
For an admirable summing up of the results of the investigations of
Zahn, Lightfoot, and Rcville, see article by Starbuck in '^Andover
Review,'' September, i8g2. See also Bunsen, " ^Dis drti achtm und
dii viiT unackten Bri$U dis Ignatius von Antiochsn " ; Cureton, " The
Ancient Syriac Versions of the Epistle St Ignatius," edited with an
English translation, and Harnack's review of Lightfoot, *' Expos-
itor," January, 1886. For Harnack's latent view, see his *' G$sch,
d, Altchf, Lit?'
A peculiar interest attaches to the so-called Ignatian
Epistles, partly on account of their inherent importance,
and partly on account of the great uncertainty as to the
true text.
a. Forms of the Epistles. We have three distinct forms
of the Ignatian Epistles, differing greatly as to number,
length, and substance, (a) The longer Greek form,
which contains twelve epistles. This rorm is now uni-
versally regarded as a gross fabrication, and is supposed
to have been composed in the fourtli, fiftn, or sixth cen-
tury. It is full of anachronisms, and was evidently de-
signed as a support for the hierarchical* church at the
time of its composition, (ft) The shorter Greek form,
which embraces the seven epistles mentioned by Euse-
bius, addressed to the Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians,
Romans, Philadelphians, Smyrnxans, and Polycarp. (c)
The Syriac version, discovered among the MSS. from the
Nitrian desert, in the British Museum, and published by
Cureton in 1845. This recension contains only three
epistles, viz : those to the Ephesians, the Romans, and
Polycarp, and these in a very short form.
The shorter Greek form had long been strongly sus-
pected, owing in part to the fact that the longer form
was acknowledged to be spurious, in part to the fact
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 22$
that episcopacy seemed to have an emphasis given to
it out of keeping with what was otherwise known of the
church polity of the early part of the second century,
and in part to the extravagances and lack of verisimili-
tude in the writings themselves. Cureton's discovery
was at once regarded by himself and many other scholars
as involving a simple solution of the whole problem.
Cureton maintained that the three Syriac epistles, in
which most of the objectionable features of the shorter
Greek epistles are wanting, represent the original Epis-
tles of Ignatius, and that on this basis had grown up the
whole body of Ignatian documents. Bunsen lent the
weight of his great name to this theory, and for a time
it seemed likely to prevail. But the effect of the latest
criticism by Zahn, Lightfoot, R6ville, and others, has
been to demolish the claims of the Syriac form to priority,
and to establish the comparative originality of the shorter
Greek form.
b. tAuthenticity. (a) Internal Evidences. As already
intimated, Zahn and Lightfoot have, in the opinion of a
large majority of competent judges, established the
originality of the shorter Greek form of the epistles, as
compared with any other form. If there are any genuine
Ignatian epistles, these alone can claim to be such. That
just seven epistles are mentioned by Eusebius, with
identical addresses, is favorable to the claim. The con-
siderations adduced have convinced many critics that
these seven epistles were written by Ignatius, under the
circumstances supposed. Some accept these writings as
in the main genuine, but suppose them to have been in-
terpolated to a very considerable extent. The fact that
interpolation and forgery figure so prominently at a later
time in connection with the Ignatian literature would
suggest the possibility that the seven epistles may repre-
sent an earlier, more moderate, corruption in the inter-
ests of episcopacy and asceticism. Some (so V5lter)
reject the epistle to the Romans, while accepting the
substantial genuineness of the other six epistles.
Harnack, Zahn, and Lightfoot have so completely
mastered the pertinent literature, have so minutely con-
sidered every objection that has been raised or is likely
to be raised, and have answered the objections with such
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
224 ^ MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PERU
plausibility, that skepticism as to the authenticity of the
epistles would almost seem to be out of place. They
have sought to show that greater difficulties by far are
involved in the rejection than in the acceptance of the
genuineness of the writings. A later writer, they claim,
would inevitably have fallen into anachronisms, the ex-
istence of which in these documents is denied. They hold
that there is nothing in the circumstances (the condem-
nation and transportation to Rome of a leading Christian,
the freedom to meet deputations from the churches and
to carry on an extensive correspondence during the
journey, the implied supposition that the Christians of
Kome might be able to secure a reversal of the death
sentence) or in the extravagant desire for martyrdom
that finds utterance in the epistle to the Romans, incon-
sistent with the supposition that they were written by
Ignatius of Antioch in the time of Trajan.
We must admit the possibility of the supposed circum-
stances and of the supposed psychological states and
consequent acts of Ignatius ; but we may well be ex-
cused if we find ourselves unable to agree with these
great scholars as to the probabilities of the case. The
objection based upon the writer's strong episcopal ten-
dencies has little weight (see below) ; but questions like
the following thrust themselves upon us, and are not set
aside by the plausible answers that have been given : Is
it psychologically conceivable, or if so, is it within the
bounds of probability, that a (Christian man who had as-
sociated with apostles, and who by reason of his charac-
ter and abilities had attained to a position of commanding
influence throughout Syria and Asia Minor, could think,
write, and act as Ignatius is represented as doing in these
documents ? Is it likely that a man condemned to a
cruel death on the sole ground of his Christian profes-
sion and guarded night and day by ten Roman soldiers,
should have been accorded the privilege of meeting with
deputations from the churches on the route, and of writ-
ing such a body of letters as those before us ? Is it
reasonable to suppose that a man condemned by the
emperor for being a Christian should imagine the Roman
Christians possessed of such influence and such bold-
Qess as might lead them to secure his release ? Trajan
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 22$
can scarcely be supposed to have been so capricious a
ruler as to condemn the bishop of Antioch to death by
wild beasts in the Roman arena on the ground of his
faith and to pardon him at the request of his Roman
fellow-Christians. Lightfoot attributes failure to be con-
vinced of the conclusiveness of his answers to these and
like questions to deficiency of ** historic imagination."
So much for the internal evidences of the genuineness
of the seven epistles.
(b) External Evidences. The external evidences must
next be briefly considered. First and most important is
the testimony of Polycarp of Smyrna, to whom one of
the Ignatian epistles is addressed. Admission of the
genuineness of the epistle of Polycarp to the Philip-
pians is thought to carry with it admission of the genu-
ineness of the Ignatian epistles. Polycarp informs the
Philippians that he is sending them "the letters of Ig-
natius which were sent by him to us together with any
others which we had in our possession." If this pas*
sage is genuine, there must have been in circulation
in Asia Minor, shortly after the supposed martyrdom
of Ignatius, a considerable body of Ignatian epistles.
Irenseus (175-190) quotes, as the utterance of a martyr,
the Ignatian statement : 'M am the wheat of God,
and I am ground by the teeth of wild beasts, that I
may be found pure bread." Other supposed slight in-
dications of Ignatian influence have been pointed out.
The sentence quoted might well have been handed
down by tradition, or in some martyrology, as having
been uttered by Ignatius or some other martyr. Light-
foot lays much stress on the points of similarity be-
tween the account of the condemnation, transportation,
and martyrdom of Ignatius and Lucian's account of the
death of reregrinus Proteus, and maintains Lucian's in-
debtedness to the Ignatian epistles. This we must regard
as extremely doubtful ; for even if the interdependence
of the two narratives could be proved, Lucian's may well
have been the original. Origen (died 257) mentions
Ignatius as suffering martyrdom at Rome, and quotes a
sentence. Eusebius (fourth century) is the earliest
writer to give any detailed account of the Ignatian litera-
ture. He mentions the epistles by name, and so char-
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
226 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IL
acterizes them as to identify them to some extent with
those under consideration. But Eusebius' notice does
not exclude the possibility that the documents he knew
were forged or interpolated, or that the documents we
possess may have been interpolated since his time.
We conclude : First, that there probably was an An-
tiochian bishop in the time of Trajan named Ignatius ;
secondly, that he probably suffered martyrdom at Rome ;
thirdly, that he probably wrote some letters on his jour-
ney ; fourthly, that what he wrote furnished the basis of
the extant Ignatian documents ; fifthly, to what extent
interpolations have occurred it is impossible to deter-
mine.
c. General Tone of the Epistles. The tone of the epis-
tles is excited and extravagant. This is especially the
case with the epistle to the Romans. The style is
rhetorical and somewhat artificial. There seems to be a
straining after effect. They are taken up largely with
exhortations to the churches addressed to steadfastness,
unity, subjection to one another, to the presbyters, over-
seers, and deacons. The epistle to the Romans con-
sists of a flattering salutation to the church (not to the
bishop), of an account of his journey under guard of Roman
soldiers, of rejoicing in his prospective martyrdom, and
of an urgent request that the Roman Christians may do
nothing that could rob him of the opportunity to suffer
for Christ, intimating that this would be doing him the
greatest possible injury. He is the " wheat of God,"
and wishes to be ground by the teeth of wild beasts, in
order that he may "become the pure bread of Christ."
Not as Peter and Paul does he instruct them. They
were apostles, he is a condemned man. They were free,
he is even until now a slave ; but if he suffers he will
become a freeman of Jesus Christ.
d. Date. The probable date of the martyrdom of Ig-
natius, and hence of the original Ignatian epistles, if
there were such, is 107 or 11;. Trajan was in Syria at
each of these dates, and the persecution in which Igna-
tius suffered may have occurred on either occasion.
e. The ^(elation of the Epistles to Episcopacy. These
epistles have formed the chief bulwark of the Romish
church for its doctrine of episcopacy. In this interest
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 227
the epistles have been interpolated beyond almost any
other document of antiquity. But the very fact that
they were laid hold of for this purpose is strong evidence
that the original documents had at least something of
the same tendency. Admitting that the seven Greek
epistles mentioned by Eusebius are genuine (though it
is highly propable that they are interpolated to a con-
siderable extent), we may say : (a) That the very fact
that in each letter Ignatius should have felt called upon
to lay so much stress on the obedience due to bishops or
overseers, is conclusive evidence that such subordination
did not exist in the churches. We have, therefore, the
writer's ideal rather than a record of historical fact, (ft)
There were undoubtedly at this time elements of discord
in the churches addressed, resulting largely from the in-
fluence of heretical bodies. The churches were in dan-
ger of being rent asunder. Now, Ignatius looked upon
schism as the greatest evil. He saw in obedience to the
bishops a means of preserving unity. Hence the fre-
quent exhortations to obey the bishops, and to do nothing
without their approval, (c) There is no intimation that
at this time the word ** bishop " meant anything more
than overseer or pastor of a single congregation, and the
.hairman of the Board of Elders. Presbyters are nowhere
in the epistles exhorted to obey the bishops, (d) Ignatius
wrote to churches whose bishops he knew to be holy
men. He probably knew that these men were far su-
perior in point of intelligence and Christian knowledge
to the bulk of the church-members, such superiority in re-
ligious life and wisdom having been the ground on which
bishops were chosen. Why should not Ignatius have
exhorted the brethren to look upon such men as in the
place of Christ ? to regard them as representing the mind
of Christ ? (e) Side by side with these exhortations to
obedience to bishops we must put such passages as
these : ** Be obedient to the presbyters " (Eph. 20) ;
*' Be subject to the presbytery as to the law of Jesus
Christ " (Magnesians 2) ; "I pray that he (the deacon
Burrus) may abide in the honor of you and of the
bishop " (Eph. 2) ; " Reverence one another, and let no
one look upon his neighbor according to the flesh," etc.
(Eph. 6) ; " Be ye subject to the bishop and one to aij.-
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
228 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.n
Other" (Eph. 13) ; " Let all reverence the deacons as a
commandment of Jesus Christ."
{4) Th$ Shiphird of Htnms,
LITERATURE: Text, full bibliography, etc., in Gebhardt, Ha^
nack, and Zahn : text, translation, and notes, in Lightfoot, ** Apos-
tolic Fathers " ; Zahn, •• Dir Hirt dss H$rmas '^ ; LIpsius. art. " Hcr-
mas,'' in Schenkd's ^* 'Btbil-Uxikon** ; Bunsen, *^ Hippolytus and
his A^e," Vol. I., p. 182, siq, ; Mossman, '* History of the Early
Christian Church,'' p. 201, ssq.; Lightfoot, ''Commentary on
Galatians.'' p. 324, ssq*; Sanday, *'The Gospels in the Second
Century,** p. 2731 stq.
This is probably the most remarkable production of
the early church. Its position in the early church was
somewhat analogous to that of ** Pilgrim's Progress " in
modern times. It was soon translated into Latin and
>Ethiopic. It was read in many churches, and was re-
garded as second only to the canonical Scriptures. In
fact we find it in the Codex Sinaiticus in connection with
the New Testament.
a. Form of the IVriting. It is that of a religious alle-
gory. The work consists of three parts : Visions, Com-
mands, and Similitudes.
b. ^ate and tAuthority. It is now generally agreed, on
the authority of the Muratorian Fragment, that it was
written by Hermas, a brother of Pius, a pastor of the
Roman Church, about 130-140. Its latest possible date
is fixed by the absence or any indication of the agitation
among Roman Christians, caused by the activity of Mar-
cion. The false teaching referred to was probably that
of the Gnostic Cerdo, possibly the earlier stages of the
Valentinian propaganda. The author was, at an early
date, confounded with the Hermas mentioned (Rom. 16 :
14) by Paul.
Irenaeus, quoting from the book, begins : *' Well then
declared the Scripture, which says," etc.
The Muratorian Fragment (c. 200) denies its right
to a place in the Canon, but implies that this dignity has
been claimed for it by some.
Tertullian and the Montanists rejected it as a Christian
manual for reasons to be given below.
Clement of Alexandria appeals to it again and again as
an inspired book.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. IIL] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 229
Origen thought that the author of the Shepherd of
Hermas was the Hermas of Rom. 16 : 14, and it seemed
to him divinely inspired.
Eusebius mentions it as spoken against by some, but
by others judged most necessary for those who are in
need of introductory grounding in the elements of the
Christian faith.
Athanasius speaks of it as a most useful book, and
quotes from it extensively.
Harnack defends the unity of the book against Ewald,
Zahn, Caspari, and Hilgenfeld, but supposes that it grew
slowly into its present form in the hands of the author,
the germ having been the second Vision.
c. Contents. The supposed narrator represents him-
self as a slave sold by his master to a Roman lady named
Rhoda. Having allowed himself to entertain an impure
desire for a beautiful woman whom he chanced to see
bathing in the river, and being penitent for his sin, a
vision was vouchsafed to him in which the woman whom
he had desired appeared to him, rebuked him severely
for his fault, and gave him much wholesome advice re-
garding the Christian life. Later an older woman ap-
pears to him and freely answers all the questions regard-
ing the Christian life that he feels inclined to ask. The
five Visions are followed by twelye Commands, and
these by ten Similitudes.
A detailed summary of the contents would require more space than
can be spared. That the Christian life of the time, and especially in
Rome, abounded in corruption is evident from the great variety of
transjgressors that are specifically rebuked. Among these may be
mentioned informers and traitors ; blasphemers, or those that yield
to the demands of persecutors to curse Christ ; renegades, or Uiose
that on account of cowardice, or to save their property, fled from per-
secution ; hypocritical pretenders ; libidinous people ; teachers of in-
iquity, who nave deserted the true way and disseminate false doc-
tnnes ; friends of the heathen ; those wno are hampered by the world
with its riches and pursuits ; calumniators, contentious ones, schis-
matics; those who bear grudges; those who, though they have
known the truth, withdraw from association with the saints ; ambi-
tious men eager for honor ; insincere, lukewarm, and vacillating peo-
ple ; those who have submitted themselves to Christian teaching and
yet refuse to be baptized ; false prophets who, after the manner of the
heathen, prophesy for gain, and followers of such ; presidents Qiead-
elders) who are unjust, contentious, vain, malicious, or negligent*
and deacons who appropriate the goods entrusted to them. On tht
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230 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. 11
other hand, those who practised all manner of Christian virtues, and
exemplified in their lives all Christian graces, are frequently referred
to.^
d. Theology of the Shepherd. As regards the Godhead
there is little that is peculiar in this writing, the views
being in general accordant with the teachings of the New
Testament.* The peculiarities of teaching appear :
ifl) In the representation of the relation between bap-
tism and regeneration. It is said : " Whoever with his
whole heart changes his mind (or repents), and purifits
himself from all iniquity, and adds no more to his sin,
will receive from the Lord a cure for all his former sins."
Again : " The elect of God will be saved through faith.''
Yet in Commandment 4 : 3, baptism is represented as
having a very important relation to salvation : " We
went down into the water and received remission from
our former sins." Again, in Similitude 9 : 16 : " Into the
water, therefore, they descend dead and arise living."
The writer's view, then, is evidently that baptism is the
culminating act in the process of regeneration. Repent-
ance and faith necessarily precede, but it is only in con-
nection with the baptismal act that the remission of sins
really occurs.
ip) In the view expressed as to the pardonableness of
post-baptismal sins. In Commandment 4 Hermas repre-
sents the Shepherd as commanding that, if a man have a
believing, adulterous wife, and she repent, he shall re-
ceive her back. If he ** receive her not back, he sinneth
a great sin ; . . for there is one repentance to the serv'
ants of God." Again, Hermas says to the Shepherd:
'* I have heard from certain teachers that other repent-
ance there is none, save when we went down into the
water and received remission of our former sins." And
the Shepherd answers : ** Thou hast heard well, for so it
is." " But I say unto thee, that if after that great
and blessed calling, one tempted by the devil sin, he has
one repentance." It appears, therefore, that at the time
1 See "Gebhardt. Harnack. and Zahn," Fasc. III., p. LXXIX.
* Cotivbeare ( " The Key of Truth." p. LXXXIX.) finds in the Shepherd Indica-
tions or AdoptionistChristology. This view seems to be supported by Similitude
5 : s« But Hennas writes not polemically against a pneumatic Christology. but wftt
primitive simplicity and without being aware that his statements Involved a degra-
dation of the Redeemer.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 23I
of the writing of this book, there were already to be dis-
tinguished a strict and a lax party, the one denying the
possibility of the forgiveness of post-baptismal sins, and
the other erring in the opposite direction. Hernias at-
tempts to mediate between the two, guarding against
license on the one hand, and against excessive rigor on
the other. It was this slight concession to laxity that
led Tertullian, after he became a Montanist, to stigmatize
this writing as licentious.
(c) There is a sentence in the Shepherd that has been
understood to contains the germs of the doctrine of pur-
gatory. In Vision 3 : 7, a completed tower, representing
the one holy church, made of stones beautifully adjusted
to each other, and which have passed through the water,
having been shown to Hermas, he sees also other stones
that have been cast aside and not fitted into the tower.
He asks whether there is no repentance for these so that
they may be fitted into the tower. The answer is :
" That there is room for repentance, but not a chance
for a place in this tower. But that another and much in-
ferior place they shall fit into, and this when they have
been tortured and have fulfilled the days of their sins,"
etc. It is quite possible, however, that the writer had
in view the penal sufferings of the present life.
(d) The church is represented as presided over by pres-
byters, and no distinction is apparent between presbyters
and bishops. The unity of the church is emphasized
continually, and illustrated by such images as the tower
made up of many stones deftly fitted to each other.
(e) The Shepherd was designed wholly for edification.
There is no writing of this period that throws a tithe as
much light on the Christian life and thought of the time
as does this. Scarcely any class of evil-doers seems to
have been absent from the writer's mind, and all receive
their share of reproof and exhortation. The condition of
Christian life here represented is far from pure.
(5) Ths EpistU ofPolycarp to ike Pkilippians,
LITERATURE: Texts, etc., as above; Donaldson, ** Historv of
Christian Literature and Doctrine," Vol. I., p. i54, sea, ; Bunsen,
" Hippolvtus and His Age," Vol. I., p. 225, s$q, ; Lighttoot, '* Igna-
tius'': Kenan, "'^Journal d$s Savants,^* 1874; ''Supernatural (^^
li^on/' VoL 1., p. 274, s#^., second edition*
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
232 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER 11
a. ^Authenticity. The authenticity of this document
has been called in question, but without sufficient ground.
Lightfoot has defended it most ably as one of the chief
witnesses of the Ignatian epistles. A number of schol-
ars who regard the passage about the Ignatian epistles as
an interpolation, admit the substantial genuineness of the
epistle. Polycarp is represented by Irenseus, who was
with him much in his early and Polycarp's later life, as
a disciple of the Apostle John, and of other apostles.
Irenseus says that he *' distinctly remembers how Poly-
carp used to describe his intercourse with John and
with the rest who had seen the Lord, and how he would
relate their words. And whatsoever things he had
heard from them about the Lord, and about his miracles,
and about his teachings, Polycarp, as having received
them from eye-witnesses of the life of the Word, would
relate altogether in accordance with the Scriptures."
Polycarp is therefore one of the most important of the
Christians of the second century. He learned from the
apostles, lovingly treasured up in his memory, and fre-
quently communicated to other, the things that he had
learned. Irenseus appropriated these teachings in the
spirit in which they had been repeated, and himself re-
tained a vivid remembrance of them until his death, near
the close of the second century. The fact that he was
a man of no originality, as we see from the writing un-
der consideration, makes it more probable that he did not
modify the things he heard from John, etc., by his own
individuality. He was for many years pastor of the
church of Smyrna, and suffered martyrdom about i$$ or
I $6.
It is probable that the epistle to the Philippians has
suffered some corruption, but we are justified in regard-
ing it as in the main genuine.^
0. Date of the Epistle. The manner in which the mar-
tyrdom and epistles of Ignatius are mentioned, if they
are not interpolations, would lead us to fix the date of the
epistle as shortly subsequent to the martyrdom of Ig
natius, i. e., about io8 or ii6.
> Thert U • beautiful account of the martsnrdom of Polycarp, which purports to be
a letter written by the church of Smvma to the church in Phlloneliun In Phrygla
It was certainty written not long after the event, as It is mentioned by lren««s.
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CHAP. III.] LITBRATURB OF FIRST THREB CENTURIBS 233
c. Character of the Epistle. The epistle shows scarcely
any originality, but consists almost entirely of direct or
indirect quotations from the Scriptures. From the early
date to which it must be assigned, if its genuineness is
acknowledged, it is especially important for the testimony
that it furnishes* to the still earlier date and use in the
churches of most of the New Testament books. Espe-
cially does it show clearly by its numerous citations from
the writings of Paul the futility of the efforts of the
Tubingen school to establish the fact of an antagonism
in the early church between the Pauline and Johannean
theology.
d. fheology of the Epistle. This is eminently scrip-
tural, almost every doctrinal expression being in the
words of the New Testament. Docetism is denounced,
but in the words of John (i John 4 : 3). The church is
represented as administered by presbyters and deacons,
and the duties of these are pointed out in New Testament
language. It is remarkable that though Polycarp wrote
after Ignatius, nothing of a hierarchical tendency occurs
in his writing.
(6) Ttachmg of ih$ Tuih$ tApostUs
Literature : Editions of Bryennios, Hamack, HUgenfeld, J.
Rendel Harris, and Schaff. The last named (third edition. 1889) Is
the most complete. It contains facsimiU of MS., text, and transla*
tion, full bibliography. Illustrative documents, and discussion of all
* 1. Harris'
points involved. Harris' edition gives the entire text in facsimiU^
and contains valuable prolegomena and notes.
The writing entitled ** Teaching of the Twelve Apos-
tles" was discovered a few years ago by Philotheos
Bryennios, Metropolitan of Nicodemia, in the Jerusalem
Monastery of Constantinople, and was edited by him in
1883. The MS. was written about io;6, and contains,
besides the Teaching, Chrysostom's Synopsis of the
Old and New Testaments, the Epistle of Barnabas, the
Epistles of Clement of Rome (the only complete copy
known), the spurious Epistle of Mary of Cassoboli to
Ignatius, and the twelve Pseudo-Ignatian Epistles.
This '' find '' of Bryennios was hailed as one of the
most important of modern times, and in a short time a
^^brary of books and articles had been published about it
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
234 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PERU
Much of the interest was due to the fact that the docu-
ment was supposed to have originated near the close of
the apostolic age. With many the chapter on baptism
was the center of interest. Probably no other event of
recent times has done so much to quicl<en popular inter-
est in early Christian literature.
a. Date of Composition. The utmost diversity of
opinion as to the date of the Teaching has existed since
its publication. Most students have assigned dates within
the period A. D. 70-165 : Bryennios, 120-160 ; Harnack,
130-i:. 160; Hilgenfeld, latter half of second century;
Farrar, c, 100; Lightfoot, 80-110; Warfield, c. 100 ;
Schaff, 70-100. The "archaic simplicity" of its prac-
tical directions and the apparent primitiveness of its
church order are the chief grounds on which the claim
of antiquity rests. The relation of the first chapters on
the "two ways " to a similar section of the Epistle of
Barnabas, has had much to do with the opinions of
scholars. Those who hold that Barnabas borrowed from
the Teaching incline to an early date for the latter ; those
who suppose the writer of the Teaching to have been
indebted to Barnabas naturally give to the former a later
date. The better opinion probably is, that both writers
used an older widely circulated document. The primi-
tiveness of the church order is not inconsistent with
a much later date than the earliest assigned, if we sup-
pose (which was probably the case) that it was prepared
and first used not in a great ecclesiastical center, where
hierarchical development made great strides during the
latter part of the second century, but in some region re-
mote from the great currents of church life. (Compare
the simplicity and primitiveness of the Coptic and Ethiopic
Apostolical Constitutions, which no doubt assumed their
present form about the beginning of the fourth century.)
There is therefore no reason for assigning the Teaching to
an earlier date than the latter part of the second century.
b. Place of Composition. Here also opinions vary.
Syria and Egypt have each its advocates. The weight
of argument seems to be in favor of Egypt. Most of the
early evidence of the use of the document is found in
Egyptian writers. Its similarity to the Epistle of Barna^*
bas, to the Egyptian Ecclesiastical Canons of the Holy
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES ^35
Apostles, and to the Apostolic Constitutions, favors this
view. The circumstances supposed in the chapter on
baptism seem to accord better with what we know of
Egypt than with what we know of Syria. The mention
of mountains in the eucharistic prayer (Chap. IX.) has
been adduced in favor of Syria. In any case, the writing
was prepared by a Jewish Christian for use in a Jewish
Christian community.
c. Authenticity. It is doubtful whether the writer in-
tended to represent the Teaching as composed by the
twelve apostles. He may have meant only to claim for
his compilation conformity with apostolic teaching. Few
early Christian writings are so poorly attested. Eusebius
(Cn 325) mentions a writing called ** Teachings of the
Twelve Apostles " as being among spurious writings
Athanasius (fourth century) mentions a writing under
this name as proper reading for catechumens. There is
no earlier mention of the Teaching. Clement of Alex-
andria (c. 202) quotes a sentence that is found in the
Teaching ; but both writers may have derived it from
some earlier document. Little importance can be at-
tached to slight coincidences in expression with passages
in the Teaching found in other ante-Nicene writers.
There is no certainty that the document we possess is
identical with that mentioned by Eusebius and Athana-
sius, or that the latter was as ancient as the second cen-
tury.
d. Sources of the Teaching. There are a few quota-
tions from the Old Testament, and several allusions to
Old Testament and apocryphal books. The New Testa-
ment books are not referred to by name, but most of the
gospel precepts that are quoted are to be found in Mat-
thew's Gospel. A few sentences correspond with pas-
sages in Luke's Gospel. Whether the writer had before
him these two Gospels, or whether he had a combination
Gospel, we cannot say. A number of coincidences have
been pointed out that would seem to indicate some
knowledge of Johannean teaching. There is no direct
reference to Paul or his Epistles, though there are pas-
sages that may have been suggested by Pauline writings.
Coincidences with other New Testament writings are
scarcely definite enough to warrant the inference that the
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
236 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
writer was acquainted with them. Schaff has made a
detailed study of the seeming quotations from and allu-
sions to the Old and New Testament writings^ and has
subjoined a tabulated view.
e. station of the Teaching to Other ^Documents.
Whether the Teaching is an original work or a compila-
tion it is not easy to decide. The latter is the more
probable view. The material of the first six chapters,
consisting of the **two ways," had great currency
among the ancient churches. It is found in somewhat
fuller form in the Epistle of Barnabas, and with still
greater amplification m the Ecclesiastical Canons of the
Holy Apostles, an Egyptian document (preserved in
Greek, Coptic, and Ethiopic, probably written in the
third century), and in the Apostolical Constitutions (fourth
century), which purport to have been written by Clem-
ent of Rome. In the Ecclesiastical Canons the moral
precepts are distributed among the apostles. It is not
likely that the Teaching was derived from either of these
documents, and it is by no means certain that either of
these was derived from the Teaching.
/. Contents. The first six chapters consist of moral
precepts, adapted to purposes of catechetical instruction.
Chap. VII. gives directions as to baptism. Trine immer-
sion, after catechetical instruction, fastin;;, and prayer, is
^ prescribed. In case of absolute lack of any kl"^ ^^
^^ water, affusion is^allowed. Chap. VIII. gives directions
for fasting and" prayer, Wednesdays and Fridays being
the days prescribed for fasting, and the prescribed form
of prayer being the Lord's Prayer, to be used thrice
each day. Chap. IX. gives directions, with forms of
prayer, for the celebration of the eucharist. This ordi-
nance is restricted to baptized believers. Chap. X. gives
a form of prayer to follow communion. Chap. XI. to
XIII. treat of apostles and prophets, their testing and
treatment. The utmost caution is to be used in receiv-
ing strangers claiming to be apostles and prophets ; but
every true prophet is worthy of his food. uhap. XIV.
treats of the Lord's Day as the time of the Christian
sacrifice. According to Chap. XV., bishops and deacons
are to be elected by the church, and are to be held in
honor along with prophets and teachers. The book
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 237
closes (Chap. XVI.) with an exhortation to watchfulness
in view of the coming of the Lord.
(7) FragmnUs.
a. Papias of Hierapolis, a disciple of John, who suf-
fered martyrdom about 155, collected much information
about the apostolic age, and wrote an ** Explanation of
the Lord's Discourses." Fragments have been pre-
served by Irenseus and Eusebius. These are of value
chiefly in relation to the New Testament Canon.
b. The Epistle to Diognetus is a beautiful exposition of
the Christian faith by an unknown author, and may have
been written about the middle of the second century.
c. To Sixtus (the sixth pastor of the Roman church,
1 19-128) is ascribed a remarkable collection of four
hundred and thirty •' Sentences" or aphorisms. There
is much doubt, however, as to the authorship of these
''Sentences."
rf. Of the large body of New Testament Apocrypha
and Christian Sibylline books that have been preserved,
a considerable number, doubtless, fail within the age of
the Apostolic Fathers.
III. THE APOLOGETICAL PERIOD.
LrrERATURE: Otto, *^ Corpus Apologiianm Christia$wnm SofciUi
Stamdi,** This edition contains critical texts of all the extant docu-
ments, together with full prolegomena, critical, exegetical, and his-
torical notes, Latin translation, etc. ; English translation in the
••Ante-Niccnc Fathers."
By the time of the Emperor Hadrian, Christianity had
attained to considerable importance, and systematic ef-
forts for the securing of its rights began to be made. It
came to be felt that patient endurance might be carried
to an extreme, that it was better to live and labor than
to suifer martyrdom. The apologists are Quadratus,
Aristides, Justin, Tatian, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Her-
mias, and Melito. Of Quadratus and Melito we have
only fragments.
I. General Observations.
(I) The earlier Christian writers show little culture or
intellectual power. Now we see men trained in the pM«
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
238 A JWANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.R
losophy of the time bringing to the defense of the gospel
all of their ability and culture. Such men, contributed
greatly toward making Christianity respectable, toward
stimulating Christian thought, and toward calling the at-
tention of the educated classes to Christianity.
(2) The apologies were written, not so much with a
view to inducing those addressed to accept Christianity,
as to secure for Christians the right to exist.
(3) The most important of these were addressed to
emperors, viz : to Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius.
This fact is in favor of the view that the persecution of
Christians was not mainly the result of imperial edicts,
but of popular prejudice and hatred.
(4) The charges against which they defend Christian-
ity are three : Atheism, licentiousness, and cannibalism.
a. Atheism has always been regarded by the populace
as one of the greatest of enormities. The Christians
incurred this charge by their rejection of the pagan gods,
by their refusal to sacrifice, and by their disuse of images.
Pagans could not understand how any one could really
believe in a god without these accessories. The apolo-
gists refute this notion by setting forth clearly the Chris-
tian idea of God, as a Spirit to be worshiped only spir-
itually. They show that their worship of God is far
more real than the idol worship ; nay, that the gods of
the pagans are, according to their own representations,
weak and contemptible, given to all sorts of human
passions.
b. The charge of licentiousness arose doubtless from
the fact that Christians frequently met in secret places
at night, and that they manifested great affection one for
another. The pagans were unable to understand what
other motive than licentiousness they could have for such
meetings. The apologists in defense point out the Chris-
tian doctrine in regard to chastity, which makes even a
licentious thought sin.
c. Whether the charge of cannibalism arose out of
pure malice, or from a misunderstanding of the state-
ments of Christians about eating the body and drinking
the blood of Christ, it is impossible to determine. The
apologists show that the Christian doctrine in regard to
the deadly sin of murder is entirely antagonistic to the
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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 239
murdering of infants. Nay, Christians will not even
allow the exposure of children (a thing common among
the pagans). Besides, the Christian doctrine of the
resurrection would prevent Christians from eating human
flesh.
(5) They seek to show that Christianity is the oldest
religion in the world, and not, as their enemies main-
tained, a thing of recent origin. Justin, e. g., maintains
that Moses wrote the Pentateuch long before the Trojan
war, and hence farther back than the Greeks could trace
their history. Christianity is simply a fulfillment of the
prophecies and types of the Old Testament. It is main-
tained that all that is pure and noble in Greek lite^'ature
was stolen from the Old Testamen:; that Socrates and
Plato, e.g., derived their 'deas of God from Moses. The
Sibyl is quoteJ as prophecy.
(6) The apologists stake everything on the Old Tes-
tament. Christ came to fulfill Old Testament prophecy,
and to impress Old Testament teachings on men's minds,
but he taught noth-ng new. To make these things ap-
pear, the allegorical method of interpretation is freely
employed.
(7) The main evidence for Christianity, therefore, is
prophecy. Miracles might be wrought by demons, but a
prediction can come from God alone. Much effort is
made to show definite fulfillment of prophecies.
(8) The purity of Christ's life and teachings, and the
marvelous transforming power of Christianity are con-
stantly and most impressively set forth.
2. Individual Writers.
The field now becomes so broad that we shall be
obliged to examine it by specimens. We select Aristides
as the earliest apologist whose writings are extant, and
Justin as the ablest and most influential.
(/) Aristid4S.
LrrERATURE : Harris and Robinson," The Apology of Aristides,"
1891 ; in Vol. IX.. p. 257, w., of the " Ante-Nicenc Fathers " New
York, 1896, Kay has published translations of the Greek and Syriac
texts in parallel columns, with introduction and notes ; Egli, '^Z#s^
sckriftf. IVisstHsch. Thiol.^^ Siit.qg,sM. : Hilgenfeld, ibsd., S#d. 103,
f#g.; MacDonald, " Indian Ev. Rev./' January, 1892, p. 279, siq.;
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240 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.U
Harnack, in " Thsol. LHUratur^nttrng,** 1891, Snt. 301, u^., and 52;
s/j.. in Herzog-Haucic's '^ Rtal-En^cklopadu,'^ second edition, 'Bd.
XVIIm SiiU 675, wj., and in " G$sch, I Alichr. L«r./* Bd. I., 5«r.
96, sMf., 'Bd, 11., 5#f^ 271, stq.; Seeberg, in ^^ZahtCs Farsehmgtn^*^
'Bd. v., Siii, 253, uq.^ and 317 ; Henneclce, *' 7>x<# mk/ UfO^suck*
Httgm,'* 'Bd. IV., TAWZ 3.
^. Recovery of the Apology. Eusebius * mentions Aris-
tides as *• a believer earnestly devoted to our religion,
who left an apology for the faith addressed to Hadrian."
This document was until recently supposed to be irre-
coverably lost. In 1878 a fragment, inscribed '* Aristides,
the Philosopher of Athens," was discovered and published
by the Mechitarist monks of Venice, in an Armenian ver-
sion. The materials available for forming a judgment as
to its authenticity were insufficient, but most critics
(Harnack included) pronounced in its favor. In 1889,
Prof. J. Rendel Harris discovered a Syriac version In the
convent of St. Catharine, on Mount Sinai, which he
edited with prolegomena, translation, and notes, in 1891.
Not long afterward Mr. J. A. Robinson, Harris' collabo-
rator, discovered that the defense of Christianity con-
tained in a religious novel by John of Damascus (died c.
754), entitled *' Life of Barlaam and Josaphat," consti-
tuted the Greek text in a practically complete form. The
Syriac text is far longer than the Greek as found in
** Barlaam and Josaphat," and bears evidence of deliber-
ate expansion. It is probable that the Greek text was
somewhat condensed for insertion in the story. It is a
remarkable fact that the main part of the Greek story in
which the Apology of Aristides is embedded is taken
from a Buddhist story entitled "Lalita Vistara," and that
•* Josaphat " is an adaptation of Gautama (Buddha) who
figures in the original story. It is equally remarkable
that the Roman Catholic Church long ago canonized the
hero of the story as *' St. Jehosaphat."
b. Date. According to the Syriac version the Apol-
ogy was addressed not to Hadrian, as Eusebius supposed,
but to Antoninus Pius. If the Syriac version is correct,
the date of the writing could not have been earlier than
138, and it could not well have been written later than
147. Kay is inclined to credit Eusebius as against the
"Church History." Bk. IV., Chap. III. *"^
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 241
Syriac version, and to date the document about 125. In
any case, it is probably the earliest extant post-apostolic
defense of the Christian religion. The only known pre-
decessor in this branch of literature is Quadratus, whose
writing is lost.
c. Character of the Apology. It is largely occupied
with an exposition of the Christian idea of God and of
Christ, and of the Christian plan of salvation, by way of
comparison with heathen religions. The author displays
a remarkable acquaintance, not only with Greek and
Roman philosophy and religion, but also with the Egyp-
tian, Persian, and possibly with the Indian systems.
The writer sets forth the characters of the heathen
deities in a repulsive light, and the apology comes near
being a polemic ; but the writing is conciliatory in spirit,
and might have been expected to make a favorable im-
pression on an emperor who had little regard for the cur-
rent polytheism. No nobler defense of Christianity was
ever written. It is possible that it had something to do
with the comparatively favorable attitude of Antoninus
toward Christians.
(2) Justin (Martyr.
LITERATURE: See in addition to literature given above, Gilder-
sleeve's excellent edition of '* Justin's Apologies^'; Semisch. ^*J«stm
dtr (Martyr.^^ (also English translation of same) : Baur, ''Dw dni
irsi, Jakrh.^^* passim; Rltschl, ** Altkath, Kirch$^^ passim; Bome-
mann, '* Das Taufspibold. Jusims Martyr.^** in '* ZiHsckr. f. Ktrckm-
r#sdk./' Bd. III., Siit. i ; Weizsacker. *^Dii ThtoL d. Justin M'artj^.,"
in ^'Jakrimchirfur diutscb$ Th$ologUr 1S67, Siit. 60, uq. ; Aub^, *'5.
Justin, PkOos, it OAartyrr 187$ ; Enffelhardt, " Das Ckristsutkum
Justms dis (Afartyr,^^^ 1878 ; encyclopedia articles on ** Justin."
a. Shetch of Justin. The quasi-autobiographical de-
tails given in the dialogue with Trypho are generally
taken to be substantially accurate. According to this
account he was a Samaritan by birth, saw in his youth a
good deal of persecution of Christians, and admired, the
endurance they displayed. He seems to have been pos-
sessed of ample means, and to have enjoyed excellent
educational advantages. He studied for a while with a
Stoic, hoping to find rest for his troubled soul. But find-
ing himself growing none the wiser with regard to God,
he went to a Peripatetic, a sharp fellow in his own eyes.
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
242 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.n.
Soon disgusted with him, he betook himself to a cele-
brated Pythagorean, who insisted that he must learn
music, astronomy, and geometry, as a necessary prepara-
tion for philosophical studies. Greatly troubled on ac-
count of this rebuff, he went to an intelligent Platonist,
from whom he learned the Platonic philosophy, and for a
time he was highly elated with his progress.
About this time, while walking near the seashore, he
fell in with an aged Christian, with whom he conversed
freely, and by whom he was convinced of the truth of
Christianity. After his conversion we know very little
of Justin's life. He continued to wear his philosopher's
robe, while as an evangelist he traveled from place to
place, seeking to win men to the gospel. He seems fre-
quently to have sought conferences with men of educa-
tion, and to have tried to convince them of the truth
of Christianity. He met with violent opposition from the
philosophers about the court of Marcus Aurelius, and his
martyrdom (c. 165) was probably due to their animosity.
b. First Apology of Justin. This was addressed to the
Fmperor Antoninus Pius and his adopted son, Marcus Au-
tef'us. The writer gives the time that has elapsed since
the birth of the Christ as one hundred and fifty years.*
Other internal and external evidences are favorable to
this date (150), or a few years later. The year 138 or
139, that has sometimes been insisted upon, seems impos-
sible, for Marcus Aurelius addressed as a '* philosopher,"
was still a youth, and Lucjus (Commodus ?), also ad-
dressed as son of a Caesar, was only eight or nine years
old. It is written with care, and the emperor is ad-
dressed most courteously. The Apology is naturally
divided into three parts. In part first he shows that
Christians ought not to be condemned without a fair
hearing, and that they are innocent of all crime. Fn
part second he gives the arguments for the truth of the
Christian religion. In part third he describes the wor-
ship of the Christians.
Part I. After the address, Justin claims for Christians
the privilege of all defendants. It is unjust and demoni-
acal to condemn Christians unheard for the mere name's
1 ** FIrtI Apology/* Chap. 44
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, ni.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 24}
sake. Christians are no atheists. They worship God
the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. If some
Christians are convicted of crime, let them suffer as in-
dividuals. But the fact that Christians prefer death to
falsehood proves their innocence. Christians are not to
be blamed for refusing to worship images — an absurd
worship — nor for believing that God, the Creator of all
things, does not desire gifts. Again, the empire has
nothing to fear from Christianity ; Christ's kingdom is
not of this world. The empire has no better subjects
than the Christians.
Justin then points to the wonderful changes in the
character of men wrought by Christianity; the strict
obse 'ance of chastity, of love for all, of charity to the
poor, of patience, of avoidance of swearing, of obedience
to rulers, and of payment of tribute. If such subjects
are to be despised, the emperors are in danger of future
judgment. A resurrection of the body, which such
judgment involves, is no more difficult for God than cre-
ation, and there is not half so much absurdity about the
mysteries of Christianity as about those of paganism.
Part II. Justin undertakes to prove three things : (i)
That truth is taught by Christianity alone ; (2) that the
Son of God was truly incarnate ; (3) that the fables oi
paganism were invented by demons to discredit the ad
vent of Christ, and make that appear a fable likewise
The incarnation of Christ is proved from prophecy, and
Justin lays down rules for the interpretation ot prophecy
Notwithstanding the fact that Christ's death and suffer-
ings were predicted, man's will is free. Those that went
astray before the incarnation of the Logos are responsi-
ble, for the seeds of the Logos were in all (Chap. 46).
The fables concerning Zeus were invented by demons,
wtth a view to throwing discredit on the coming of the
Son of God. That Christ was to come they had learned
from the prophets ; but the demons did not understand,
and hence were not able to imitate, the cross. Justin
enumerates many symbols of the cross (Chap. 55).
The demons still mislead men in the persons of such
magicians as Simon, Menander, and Marcion, and cause
the persecution of the Christians.
Part IIL Justin here shows how the Christians con-
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244 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
secrate themselves to God in baptism, celebrate the
Lord's Supper, etc.
c. The Dialogue with Trypho the Jew. This production
has the form of a Socratic dialogue, extending through
some days, between Justin and Trypho with his six com-
panions. The dialogue may be divided into three parts.
First : Justin refutes the opinion of the Jews concerning
the law. Secondly: He shows that the true Son was
begotten by God, became incarnate, and was crucified
for our sake. Thirdly : He maintains that the calling of
the Gentiles and the constitution of the church by Christ
were predicted and prefigured long ago. This extended
writing is of great importance as showing the attitude of
Jews and Christians toward each other about the middle
of the second century.
d. Theology of Justin, (a) God the Father Justin seems
to have regarded, with almost Gnostic absolutism, as ab-
sent in relation to creation and Providence. " He remains
in the super-celestial regions — never appears or speaks
to any one by means of himself."* *'^lo one that has
but a small particle of sense would dare to say that the
Father, leaving all things above heaven, had appeared in a
little portion of the earth." ' Thus, the omnipresence of
God seems to have been lost sight of.
(b) Christ, with Justin, is the Son of God. •' As a be-
ginning before all creatures, God begat a certain rational
power from himself, who is also called by the Holy Spirit
'Glory of the Lord,' and sometimes 'Wisdom,' and
sometimes * God,' and sometimes ' Lord,' and * Logos.' "•
Through Christ all things were made, and through him
all things are ordered. Justin makes no distinction be-
tween the divine and the human in Christ.
(c) The Holy Spirit. According to Justin, the chief work
of the Holy Spirit was the inspiration of the prophets.
(d) The IVUl. Justin's doctrine of free will would
probably have been regarded at a later time as Pelagian.
The freedom of the human will is not affected by pro-
Ehecy, for prophecy is simply a result of God's fore-
nowledge of what would be.* Every man has the
power of choosing good or evil. Repentance or change
> " Dial, with Tr.." Chap. 96. * " DIaL." Chai>. 60. • " Dial./' Chap. <>.
« ^' First Apolosy." Chap. 64.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 24S
of mind is an act of man's free will, by which he turns
from evil to good. When a man changes his mind toward
Gody God at once pardons all his sins/ Christ's work
in regard to man's salvation was, therefore, not to satisfy
the Divine justice, but by enlightening men's minds to
turn them from the worship of demons unto God, and
as a sufferer, to go through all the trials of men, over-
come them, and lead men to the same victory.
(e) The Church, as represented by Justin, consists of
believers only. All the members are priests, and the
sacrifices that these priests make are thanksgivings
poured out over the cup and bread. The only officers
mentioned are deacons and presidents. Baptism is ad-
ministered only to believers, after fasting and prayer.
Like Barnabas and Hermas, Justin seems to have re-
garded baptism as the culmination of the process of re-
generation, in which remission of sins actually takes
place. Christians meet together every Sunday. Some
one reads as long as there is time from the writings of
the apostles or prophets. Then the president instructs
or exhorts to the imitation of these goo(j things. Then
all rise together and pray. After this, bread and wine
mixed with water are brought. The president gives
thanks, the people saying ' Amen.' Then there is a dis-
tribution to each member present, and a part is sent to
the sick. A collection for the poor follows. Justin gives
us the most detailed and lifelike view of the ordinances
and worship of the early Christians that we have.
The so-called '* Second Apology " of Justin has been proved by
BoU, Zahn, Hamack, Veit, it al.^ to be no Independent work, but a
sort of appendix to the Apology proper. Justin had already written
a somewnat elaborate ''Syntagma," against the Gnostic heresies,
which has perished, but the substance of which was probably in-
corporated in the works of Irensus and Hippolytus.
(j) Othtr tApologisis,
a. Tatian. The Apology of Tatian, or Oration to
the Greeks (c. 172), is one of the most remarkable,
though not one of the most important, of the apologies.
Tatian was brought up in heathenism, was a sophist or
rhetorician, and was therefoire skilled in argumentation.
1 '* Dial.." Chap. 4S.
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246 A JWANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.U
His Apology Is one of the most denunciatory of all the
apologies of this time. In fact, it is little more than a
tirade against paganism. Every pagan practice and be-
lief is held up to ridicule with great acuteness and almost
unrivaled sarcasm. The effect of such a writing could
hardly have been favorable to the Christians. His classical
references and quotations are more numerous than those
of any early Christian writer except Clement of Alexan*
dria. After the martyrdom of Justin, who seems to
have helpfully influenced him, he adopted Gnostic views,
repudiating marriage as sinful, rejecting the Old Testa-
ment as the revelation not of the true God, but of the
Demiurge, etc.
ft. Athenagoras. Next to Justin Martyr may be
ranked Athenagoras, the Athenian philosopher, who em-
braced Christianity as a result of an examination of the
Scriptures, with a view to their refutation, and who wrote
an apology for the Christians to Marcus Aurelius and
his son Commodus (c. 177). The Apology is written in
a rhetorical style, abounds in quotations from the Greek
classics, and is ^ceedingly conciliatory in tone, verging
upon flattery. The arguments employed and the char-
acter of the theology are not very different from those
of Justin. In some respects this is one of the best and
most admirable of all the Christian apologies of this age.
c. Theophilus. The next in importance, perhaps, is
Theophilus of Antioch. Theophilus is said to have be-
come bishop of Antioch about the eighth year of Marcus
Aurelius, 1. ^., 169, and wrote his treatise in defense of
Christianity to Autolycus during the reign of Commo-
dus, probably c. 190. Unlike the apologies of Justin
and Athenagoras, the main object is, not to defend the
Christians (though this is not neglected), but rather to
convince Autolycus of the absurdity of heathenism and
the truth of Christianity. Theophilus, like Athenago-
ras, shows great familiarity with Greek classics, and his
writings are frequently resorted to by critics of the clas-
sical Greek texts on account of their richness in citations.
IV. THE POLEMICAL PERIOD.
There were polemical treatises in the preceding period.
Justin, e. g., wrote extensively against heresies, but
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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 247
nothing distinctively polemical has reached us from this
period. Side by side, during the first half of the second
century, an apologetical and a heretical literature had
sprung up. In some of the Apologists, as in some of the
Apostolic Fathers, we see tendencies that might easily
develop Into Gnosticism. Gnostics, about the middle of
the second century, were everywhere attracting by their
culture, their respectability, their extravagant claims to
be the only true Christians, and by their aristocratical
principles, many of the ablest minds. Many that did not
fully accept their views were yet deeply affected by
them. A desire for system was one of the fundamental
characteristics of Gnosticism. This desire became con-
tagious. The Gnostics' bold speculations with regard to
the Godhead, the origin of the world, of sin, etc., were
the means of arousing those who would otherwise have
been content with simple faith to a systematizing of
Christian doctrine. They felt that it was not enough to
declare the Gnostic systems absurd. They must put
sometb\ng better in place of these. Christian writers
now begin to express themselves accurately on doctrinal
points.
I. General Observations.
(i) In the preceding period, the chief writers were
men who had just emerged from heathenism, and had
devoted their early manhood to heathen philosophy.
They brought into Christianity much of their previous
modes of thought, and hence we find a great deal of
crudeness in some of their doctrinal statements. Now
we find men that have grown up under the greatly im-
proved Christian culture that prevailed after the middle
of the second century.
(2) The Apologists wrote in times of persecution and
aimed to ward off danger from without. The polemical
writers see the greatest dangers to Christianity, not in
outward violence, but in the alarming spread of error
under the guise of Christian truth.
(3) Now for the first time the New Testament Scrip-
tures are seen to occupy their proper place. The Old
Testament is not discarded, but the New Testament books
are quoted as authority and carefully studied. In their
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248 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a
contests with paganism, when the great reproach to be
avoided was that of novelty, we have seen that the
Christian Apologists attempted to prove Christianity to
be the oldest religion in the world, and to this end ex-
alted the Old Testament as the only source of authority.
The case is different now. The polemical writings are
mostly directed against Gnostic teachers, who entirely
repudiated the Old Testament and sought to connect
their systems with the New Testament writings.
(4) Here we first see the idea of an orthodox catholic
church, strongly set forth in opposition to heresy, and the
basis for future ecclesiastical development firmly laid.
(5) Most of the earlier writers had been Oriental by
birth or by education. The ablest of the polemical writers
belong to the West.
(6) Some writers of this period recognize, from seeing
It carried to extremes by the Gnostics, the evil results of
the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, without, how-
ever, being able entirely to free themselves from it.
(7) The method of argumentation most in favor is
that of the reductio ad absurdum. Arguments from Scrip-
ture, especially from the New Testament, occupy, how-
ever, an important place.
2 Individual Writers.
(/) Irmmms.
Literature : Harvey's and Stieren's editions (the former has
English prolegomena and notes, and is the lust edition ; the latter
has Latin prolegomena and notes, and embraces reprints of all the
principal treatises on Irensus from Erasmus onward): English
translation In "Ante-Nicene Fathers"; Neander, Vol. L, passim;
Pressensi, '' Martyrs and Apologists," fyassim; Schaf7, Vol. II., p.
746, siq.; Mceiler, p. 109, seq. ; Bunsen. " Hippol.»" Vol. I.,jp. 246;
Domer, " Person of Christ," Div. I., Vol. I., p. 303, s$q. ; Ritschl,
''yfltkath. Kirchi/' p. 312, uq, ; Duncker, '' D. Ckristologit d k.
frnufus; Hamack, '^ Zeitschr. /. hsst. Tkeol.,*' 1874, p. 174, m^., and
t, 211, seq.; Zahn, ** Zeitschr, /. hist, Thiol.^^* 1875, p. 72, sm. ;
ightfoot, " Contemporary Review," August, 1896 ; Kopes, in " Bib-
Uothica Sacra^** 1877 ; encyclopedia articles on '' Irensus."
a. Sketch. Irenaeus was born in Asia Minor, about
130-135, and in his youth was a disciple of the aged
Polycarp. He received a liberal education, for he cites
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 249
most of the leading Greek classics. He was a diligent
student of the Old and New Testaments. He quotes by
name almost all the earlier Christian writers of whom
we know anything. He was thoroughly acquainted with
the heretical literature of his own and preceding times.
He was, moreover, a man of great piety and zeal, and of
simple faith. In 177, when Pothinus, the pastor of the
Christian church at Lyons, had suffered martyrdom,
Irenaeus, who had been laboring in the region for some
years as a missionary, bravely took the dangerous posi-
tion. Persecution ceased, but the relaxation caused by
Immunity from persecution probably caused false doc-
trine to gain more and more acceptance. Toward the
close of his busy life Irenaeus wrote his " Five Books
against Heresies" {c. 185), in which the views of the
different heretical sects are stated and refuted, and in
which Christian doctrine is ably expounded. The sys-
tematizing of Irenasus has formed the basis for all later
efforts.
b. tAbstract of the Five Books Against Heresies, Book
I. is devoted mainly to a historical account of the various
Gnostic sects (Chap. 1-9). By way of contrast to the
heretical teachings, the author presents a declaration of
the faith of the Catholic Church, perhaps the first dis-
tinct statement of the faith formally drawn up in a series
of propositions.
Book II. is a philosophical polemic against the Valen-
tinian Gnostics, interspersed with criticisms of their false
interpretations of Scripture. The philosophical argu-
ments are designed : {a) To prove the unity of God, and
the absurdity of the Gnostic distinction between the
Supreme Being and the Demiurge ; (b) to overthrow the
Platonic hypothesis of a correspondence between the
world of ideas and the visible world. Many Valentinian
doctrines rested on this. Irenaeus insists that when the
Scriptures are plain and unambiguous they shall not be
explained ambiguously according to the fancy of iht in-
terpreter. The truth is never to be arrived at in this
way, for the method of discovery has been rejected.
Ambiguous passages (as parables) should not be made
the source of doctrines (Chap. i). Perfect knowledge
is not attained in this life.
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2$0 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IL
Book III. is chiefly a refutation from Scripture of the
Gnostic heresies : First, concerning the unity of God,
and secondly, concerning the person of Christ. The
fact that the Gnostics differ among themselves, and
the recent nature of their traditions, is contrasted with
the agreement of Catholics in doctrine, handed down di-
rectly from the apostles. The Old Testament and the
New Testament agree in teaching that there is but one
God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Cre-
ator of all things. Irenaeus asserts the canonicity and
inspiration of the four Gospels (Matthew, Mark, Luke,
and John), and of these only. He refutes the opinion of
those who attempt to establish an antagonism between
Paul and the other apostles by Paul's own testimony,
that the same God wrought in Peter to the apostleship
of the circumcision and in himself to that of the Gen-
tiles. He proves the pre-existence, incarnation, and suf-
fering of Christ from Old and New Testament passages,
rejecting, like Justin, the translation of the Hebrew word
in Isa. 7 : 14, ** young woman," and applying the proph-
ecy to the birth of Christ from a virgin.
Book IV. consists of proof from the words of Christ
himself that he recognized but one God and Father, and
this the same that is set forth in the Old Testament.
The Gnostics' perversions of the words of Christ are
refuted. Irenaeus proceeds to combat the view of Mar-
cion, which excluded Abraham and his posterity from
salvation through Christ, showing that they were in-
spired by the same God from whom Christ came (Chap.
8-11). The Old Testament system still continues in
the New Testament system. Sacrifices are perpetu-
ated in the Lord's Supper (Chap. 17, 18). The book
concludes with a vindication of the Old Testament Scrip-
tures against the cavils of the Gnostics.
Book V. is devoted chiefly to a vindication of the doc-
trine of the resurrection against the Gnostic objections.
The chief objection of the Gnostics was the essentially
evil nature of matter, and hence the unsuitableness of
a material body for a state of blessedness. This same
feeling led them to deny the real incarnation of Christ.
Irenaeus maintains the true humanity and the true divin-
ity of Christ, and shows how both are necessary to the
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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 251
truth of our Lord himself and to the redemption of man-
kind. This established, he uses it as a proof against
those who deny that flesh is capable of salvation.
c. Theology of Irenaus. (a) God. Irenaeus does not,
like Justin, exalt the Supreme Being above all relations
to the world. The result of such exaltation in the
Gnostic systems that he combats, depriving them as it
did of any firm basis of thought and plunging them into
endless speculations, would save him from such an error.
(b) The Son. The emanation theory of the Gnostics
would have prevented Irenaeus from representing the
Son as created or as emanating from the Father. With
Irenaeus the Logos is eternal. He says : ** God being all
mind and all Logos, both speaks exactly what he thinks
and thinks exactly what he speaks. For his thought is
Logos, and Logos is mind, and mind, comprehending all
things, is the Father." Thus he seems to identify the
Logos with the Father. Elsewhere he writes : " If any
man say to us, * How then was the Son produced by the
Father } ' we reply that no one understands that produc-
tion, or generation, or calling, or revelation, or by what-
ever name one may describe his generation, which, in
fact, is indescribable."* Perhaps his doctrine of the
Logos can be fairly said to imply no more than that the
Logos is God, considered in his thinking, creative, and
redeeming aspect.
(c) The Holy Spirit^ according to Irenaeus, is identical
with the Wisdom of the Old Testament, and is God
manifest in Providence, revelation, and the human con-
science. The Trinity of Irenaeus would therefore be :
God in the world, God in Christ, and God in himself.
(d) Freedom of the Will. In opposition to the fatalism
of the Gnostics, Irenaeus maintains the freedom of the
will, and asserts that with God there is no coercion.
Those who yield obedience to God have the promise of
eternal good. Only by regarding the will as free can he
account for the exhortations in the Old and New Testa-
ments to do good, and the promises made to those that
obey.*
(e) The eternal decree of redemption is represented as
1 Book II.. Chap. it. * Book IV., Chap. 37.
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2^2 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PHtU
an act of God's love. The atonement is a ransom paid,
not to God, but to the devil, to whom all who have dis-
obeyed God are in subjection.
(/) Irenaeus looked upon the Church as an organic unity
whose doctrine had been handed down through a succes'
sion of presbyters. He nowhere lays stress upon epis-
copacy as a divine institution, but makes the liberty and
independence of each church (including a city with its
surrounding villages) the fundamental principle of the
ecclesiastical constitution. !n Irenaeus' time, the ques-
tion whether Easter should be celebrated on the 15th
Nisan on whatever day of the week it might occur, or on
the first Sunday after the vernal full moon, was raging.
Victor, pastor of the Roman church, was arrogant enough
to break off communion with the churches of Asia Minor
because they adhered to the former view. Irenaeus, in
an epistle to him (cited by Eusebius), while agreeing with
him in opinion, censures severely his intolerant conduct.
"Christ's apostles," he says, "have ordained that no
one shall disturb men's consciences with regard to such
things. It is not right to tear asunder the bonds of
Christian communion on account of festivals and sea-
sons, knowing as we do from the prophets that such
things celebrated in hatred and discord do not please
God."
We see also that the Roman church had by this time
great prestige. Irenaeus believed that it was established
by Peter and Paul, who appointed successors. This be-
lief, together with the position of the Roman church in
the metropolis, the administrative ability that it early
displayed, and the readiness with which it sent contribu-
tions to needy Christians in other places, caused it to be
looked up to, and to be frequently appealed to in matters
of controversy (so even in the time of Clement). We
see also that a formalizing tendency had already set in
at Rome and in Asia Minor (the Easter controversy) ; but
Irenaeus did not favor such a tendency.
(3) H^polytus.
:arde's editions :
^ ; Bunsen, "Hi ..„ _„ .
i8$2-6; DoUlnger '^//^te^itf If. Callistus/* iSs^ (English transla*
tion, 187$); Wordsworth, "St. Hippolytus and the Church ci
LITERATURE : De Lagarde's editions: English translation in the
•• Ante-Niccnc Library"; Bunsen, ••Hippofytus and his Age,"
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 253
Rome"; Volkmar, ^^H^4>olyius u. d. torn. ZHtgmossM^^ 185$;
Lip^us, '* Qyi^lUn d. dlUst. KHtirg$uhichU,'' 187$ ; Achdis, ''Hippo-
Mshidwi,'' 1897 ; Caspar!, " Quslhn tut G$sch, d. Tauf symbols,'' Bd.
III., SiU. 377t sfQ^y 187$* A new edition of the works of Hippo-
lytus, edited by Bonwetsch and Achelis, is in process of publication
under the auspices of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences.
a. Sketch. Considering the number and the importance
of his writings, surprisingly little is known of the life of
Hippolytus. Eusebius seems to be the earliest extant
writer to mention him, and his knowledge was exceed-
ingly limited. He was born, it is probable, shortly after
the middle of the second century, whether in Rome or
in the East is unknown. Like most of the leading
Roman Christians of the second century he was of
Oriental origin and Greek was his native tongue. He
is said to have been a disciple of Irenseus, but when or
where the personal intercourse of the two occurred is
not recorded. It is not improbable that Irensus on one
of his visits to Rome gave a series of discourses on the
Gnostic heresies that formed the basis of his great work
on the subject. Eusebius calls him " bishop," but does
not know over what church he presided. He places him
in the time of Alexander Severus (222-235). From the
*' Refutation of All Heresies " it is manifest that Hippo-
lytus was an active participant in Roman church matters
during the pastorates of Zephyrinus and Callistus (199-
222). It would seem that, for reasons given in another
paragraph, he refused to recognize Callistus as bishop,
and that he became the recognized leader or bishop of
the stricter party that claimed to be the true church of
Rome. After the death of Callistus he probably became
reconciled with the principal church, and as a presbyter of
the church continued his ecclesiastical and literary work
until 235, when he and Bishop Pontianus were trans-
ported to Sardinia by Maximinus the Thracian. They
probably died in the mines, but they are said to have
been buried on the same day in Rome, where they were
honored as martyrs. A statue of Hippolytus has been
unearthed in modern times (1551), bearing a catalogue
of his writings on its pedestal. The late tradition that
he was bishop of the Portus (at the mouth of the Tiber)
seems to be diie to a desire to account for the fact that
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254 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.tt
he was bishop and martyr by those Ignorant of the fact
that he was bishop of the faction that opposed Callistus.
Hippolytus was one of the four greatest scholars and
theologians of his age (ranking with Tertullian, Clement
of Alexandria, and Origen), was a most rigorous disci-
plinarian, a keen and hard-hitting polemicist, and had
much in common with contemporary Montanism and
later Novatianism.
b. IVritings. Hippolytus was a voluminous writer.
The list of his works includes dogmatic, polemical, and
exegetical treatises. Most of these have been preserved
only in fragments. In 1842 a manuscript was discovered
in the monastery on Mt. Athos, which was at first sup-
posed to be the lost ''Philosophumena*' of Origen, and
was published as such by E. Miller at Oxford in 18$ i.
The criticism of Bunsen, Dollinger, Volkmar, et al.,
E roved that it was the "Refutation of All Heresies," by
lippolytus. The decisive considerations in favor of this
view are, (a) that the style of the work is such as to ex-
clude Origen's authorship, and (fc) that the author refers
to a work of his own whose -title is given in the list of
Hippolytus' works on the ancient statue referred to.
" The Refutation " covers substantially the same
ground as the great work of Irenaeus, which in many
points it materially supplements. It is the opinion of
many recent critics (Lipsius, Hilgenfeld, Harnack, et al.),
that both writers drew largely from Justin's lost ''Syn-
tagma," that Hippolytus used the work of Irenaeus, and
that he had access to a number of Gnostic works that
have perished. The most remarkable part of " The
Refutation," and that which has been most provocative
of controversy, is Book IX., in which he makes his
refutation of the heresy of Noetus an occasion for
denouncing the laxity and doctrinal unsoundness of
Callistus.
c. The Roman Church in the Time of Hippolytus.
During the second century the Roman church greatly
increased in numbers and influence. Persecutions had
occurred from time to time, but these were not so severe
nor continuous as seriously to interfere with the develop-
ment of the body. No doubt it continued to receive
important reinforcements from Asia Mlnori Greece^
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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 255
Syria, and Egypt, and Greek appears to have been still
the language of Ronaan Christians. With the exception
of Minucius Felix, all Roman Christian writings till some
time after the close of the second century were Greek.
Gnosticism, Montanism, Adoptionism, and Monarchianism
had found their way to Rome, and several leading
Gnostic teachers had propagated their views there with
considerable success. But the Roman church, so far
from yielding to such influences, was led thereby to
strengthen its organization. Monarchial episcopacy was
one of the results of its contest with pagan intoler-
ance and Gnostic heresy. From the beginning the
Roman church manifested something of the practical
spirit that little by little secured for it a place of leader-
ship and authority among the churches. Its location in
the great metropolis, its practical benevolence, its free-
dom from extreme doctrinal developments, due in part to
its poverty in speculative theologians, gave it a great
advantage over other churches. During the reign of
Commodus and his immediate successors (180 onward)
immunity from persecution had brought into the church
multitudes of imperfectly Christianized people from the
wealthier classes, and discipline was in consequence
gradually relaxed. In the time of Hippolytus we see in
the church two distinct parties, a rigorous party almost
Montanistic in its severity, led by himself and apparently
in a small minority, and a liberal party represented by
Zephyrinus and Callistus, supported by the wealth and
the social influence of the church.
Victor, chief pastor of the church (c. 189-199), had
been a man of great sternness, and many had been
restive under his rigorous discipline. He was succeeded
by Zephyrinus (199-219), a man of little moral or intel-
lectual weight, who permitted the flock to be led astray
by all sorts of false teachers ; and, under the influence
of Callistus, permitted various moral delinquencies to
have place in the church. Callistus, a slave, had been
entrusted with a large sum of money, had embezzled it,
had been imprisoned, then released, then banished to the
mines of Sardinia for having caused a riot in a Jewish
synagogue. Having escaped from the mines through the
good offices of Marcia, the emperor's favorite, he re-
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«56 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.U
turned to Rome, now a freed man, became the right-hand
man of Zephyrinus, and succeeded him as chief pastor
in 219.
During Zephynnus' pastorate the Noetian heresy,
according to which God the Father and Christ are abso
lutely identical, and hence the Father was born of a
woman and suffered on the cross, had been introduced
at Rome. Callistus, apparently, adopted this doctrine,
and brought his influence to bear upon the young and
promising Sabellius. Hippolytus and his party strove
earnestly against these theological errors, and were
stigmatized by their opponents as ditheists, because
Jiey insisted on the absolute deity of Christ and yet
.efused to identify him with the Father. Hippolytus
»emonstrated with Sabellius, who held, that the terms
••Father," "Son," and "Spirit," are only designations
of the three different phases under which the Divine
essence reveals itself, all three together exhausting the
revelation of God to the world.
Callistus, when he became chief pastor, threw off
Sabellius as not orthodox, and with a view to conciliating
Hippolytus and his party set forth his own views in a
form slightly differing from the Noetian, but in the
opinion of Hippolytus essentially the same. This modi-
fied Sabellianism Callistus is said to have propagated
with the greatest diligence and success. Callistus
offended Hippolytus more by his laxity of discipline
than by his doctrinal unsoundness. Many that had
been excluded from the church for gross misconduct
were restored, Callistus proclaiming himself ready *' to
forgive all sins." He taught that if a bishop should be
guilty even of a mortal sin he could not be deposed.
He maintained that Noah's ark, in which clean and un-
clean beasts were preserved together, was a type of the
church. He is said to have permitted ladies of rank who
did not wish to marry to have slaves for paramours.
In narrating the career of Callistus, Hippolytus manifests so much
passion that his representations cannot be Implicitly trusted. Cal-
listus must have been a man of marked ability and more than
usually attractive personality to have risen from slavery and a
reputation for dishonesty to the foremost position in the church. He
may have honestly dltfered from Hippolytus as regards the dlsd-
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, in.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 257
plinary policy of the church. Hippolytus imputes the worst of
motives to all his actions, and represents his proceedings in the
worst possible light. Rumors and suspicions figure, apparently, as
undoubted facts.
It is by no means certain that Caliistus was as much at fault in
relation to Noetus and Sabellius as Hippolytus would have us be-
lieve. The views of these teachers he caricatures. No doubt they
were making an honest effort to express the great facts of revelation
with reference to the Godhead in such a manner as to avoid dithe-
ism or tritheism, the Gnostic emanation theory, and the Ebionitlc
denial of the true deity of the Son. They wished to hold fast the
divine unity and monarchy and the absolute deity of Christ. The
modal doctrine of the Trinity was the result. Sabellius applied the
term " person " (»pow»or) to each of the three modes of divine mani-
festation (as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit), a term that in a differ-
ent sense was to figure prominently in the orthodox theology of the
later time.
(^) TsrhiUioH.
LITERATURE : Oehler's edition of Tertullian ; English translation
in *' Ante-Nicene Fathers" ; Neander, ''Atttignosiicus^ Spirit of Ter-
tullian," and *' Ch. History," Vol. 1.. passim: Pressensi, '* Martyrs
and Apologists," p. 374, s#j. ; Schaft, Vol. II., p. 818, siq, ; Kaye
(Bishop of Bristol), ^'Ecclesiastical History of the Second and
Third Centuries, Illustrated from the Writings of Tertullian " ; Baur
and Ritschl, as on ** Montanism " ; Bonwetsch,"£)tf SchrifUn d, Tirt>
ttach d. Znt ihrer Vtrfassung^^ 1879; Harnacic, ^^ Ziiischr. /. hist.
ThtoL^^ 1878, p. S72, stq, ; Hauschild, *' Tertullians PsychoUm,*^
1880 ; Haucic, '* Ttrt, Ubm und Sckrift^J* 1877 ; Nocldechen, '^7>r-
tullian," 1800 ; works On the ** History of Doctrine," by Hagenbach,
Neander, Baur, Shedd, Sheldon, Cnppen, Hamack. Loofs, Fisher,
Seeberg, etc. ; encyclopedia articles on *' Tertullian."
a. Sketch. Tertullian (b. 1 50-160) was a native of
Carthage and the son of a Roman proconsular centurion.
He was educated in Roman law and in the liberal arts,
and had attained to considerable eminence before his
conversion. He also acquired familiarity with the Greek
language, and is said to have written some works in it.
He was greatly influenced by Stoic philosophy in its later
form, as is manifest in his theological thinking. He is
the first Christian writer in whom Roman law and Stoic
philosophy appear as determining elements. His conver-
sion may have occurred about 180, under what influence
we are not informed. His ability and zeal soon led to
his appointment as a presbyter in the Carthaginian
church. His able and voluminous Latin writings laid
the foundations for Latin theology. He was the first
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258 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
important Christian writer to use this language, and he
forged it into shape for Cyprian, Lactantius, Jerome,
and Augustine. According to Jerome, " he was a man
of sharp and vehement temper." He had little in
common with the Platonising theologians, and had
no patience with Gnostic theosophy. ** He apprehended
Christianity . . . eminently in its opposition to all the
pallid wisdom of philosophy, as a mighty supernatural
reality, a divine foolishness wiser than men, creating
and transmuting, challenging and disdaining contradic-
tion. His was a fiery nature, rich in fantasy, witty and
passionate, and inclined to paradox, at the same time
endowed with a certain amount of Oriental (Punic)
warmth and sensuousness, but also with a good share of
Roman sense of what is solid and effective." *
In mid-career his views underwent an important
change. By way of reaction against laxity in discipline,
that was so glaringly and scandalously manifest in the
Roman church under Zephyrinus, he was carried away
by the rigor and enthusiasm of the Montanists. While
there is no lack of zeal and fervor in his earlier writings,
the later are still more intense and are characterized by
the forms of teaching peculiar to Montanism. His works
are too voluminous to be adequately described in this
chapter. The more important ones will be referred to
in connection with the characterization of his chief
adversaries and the statement of his distinctive doctrinal
positions. He seems to have been a born fighter and
throughout his career to have been much engaged in
controversy. He is pre-eminently the polemicist of the
age.
b. Adversaries of Tertullian. (a) The Monarchians or
Patripassians, as represented by Praxeas, who had com-
bated Montanism in Asia Minor and ** when the bishop
of Rome had acknowledged the prophetic gifts of Mon-
tanus, Prisca, and Maximilla, and . . . had bestowed
his peace on the churches of Asia and Phrygia," had
" by importunately urging false accusations against the
prophets themselves and their churches . . . compelled
him to recall the pacific letter which he had issued."
1 MSiler. "Ch. Hist.." Vol. L, p. aoi.
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CHAP. lU.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 259
He availed himself of his visit to Rome to disseminate
there his Monarchian views of the Godhead. By this
visit " Praxeas did a two-fold service for the devil at
Rome. He drove away prophecy, and he brought in
heresy ; he put to flight the Paraclete, and he crucified
the Father.'^*
Monarchianism had become widespread by the beginning of the
third century. The ^ound of It may be stated thus : Up to about
I7J most of the Chnstian writers had represented Christ as the pre-
existent Logos, and in a way that seemed to imply subordination.
In opposition to Ebionism the church gradually freed itself from this
implied subordination! sm. But the difficulty now was that of seem-
ing to postulate two Gods. Hence those that held to a distinction
between Father and Son, and yet refused to admit the subordination
of the latter^ere stigmatized as *'ditheists." Those that rejected
the Gnostic Docetism,the Ebionotic denial of Christ's Divinity, and
the setting up of two equal personalities, were driven to views like
those of Noetus and Sabeilius. The most decided opposition to this
tendency was that offered by Montanism. TertuUlan's treatise,"/^*/-
vtrsus Pfoiuon^^ is the ablest contemporary refutation of Monarchian-
ism.
(ft) Paganism, as represented by idolatry, vicious
spectacular exhibitions, the persecution of Christians,
etc. Tortullian displays his great rhetorical powers to
best advantage in his denunciation of paganism and In
his eulogizing of Christianity by way of contrast.
(c) The various Gnostic systems that were combated
also by Irenaeus and Hippolytus. Tertullian's fiery
African nature did not permit him to reason calmly, and
here, as in all his polemics, he is too denunciatory and
fails to give his adversaries credit for the good that their
systems contain. Yet Tertullian probably did more to
overthrow Gnosticism than any other man.
{S) The Jews. The " Answer to the Jews " was
occasioned by a discussion that occurred between a
Christian and a Jewish proselyte. The reasoning is not
very different from that of Justin in his " Dialogue with
Trypho."
c. Tertullian and Montanism. Tertullian was the
great theologian of the Montanistic movement. His
conversion to Montanism was probably a gradual one,
and occurred when he was already of mature age. The
^ " Advnus PrMMoii." Chap. 1.
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26o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
genius of Tertullian was too great to exhaust its influ-
ence upon a sect. In Latin theology nothing had ap-
peared at all comparable with his writings, and we may
suppose that they were eagerly read throughout the
Latin churches. Tertullian was so stanch a defender
of the fundamental doctrines of Christianity that his au-
thority was everywhere great, notwithstanding his Mon-
tanism, and through him Montanistic views were infil-
trated into the dominant form of Christianity in the suc-
ceeding time.
d. Theology of Tertullian. (a) With regard to the
Godhead. As an opponent of Monarchianism, especially
in the form of Patripassianism, Tertullian held most tena-
ciously to the distinction of the Father and the Son.
No earlier writer had expressed himself with so much
precision on the doctrine of the Trinity. His clearest
statement is found in his treatise ''/tdversus Praxean/*
Chap. 2 :
We believe in one only God, yet under this dispensation, which
we call " economy," that the one only God has a Son. his Word
(ssrmo)t who proceeds from himself, throup^h whom all things were
madCc and without whom was made nothmg. That this Son was
sent by the Father into a virgin and was bom of her. man and
God, Sen of Man and Son of God, and named Jesus Ciirist ; that
he suffered, that he died and was buried, according to the Scriptures,
that he was resuscitated by the Father and taken back into heaven,
that he sits at the riRht hand of the Father, that he will come to
judge the living and the dead : who has sent thence from the Father
according to his promise the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete, the sanctifier
of the faith of those that believe in Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.
And farther on :
And nevertheless the sacrament of the '* economv " is jeuardedi
which disposes unity into trinity, arranging three. Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit ; three, however, not in state but in degree ; not in sub-
stance but In form ; not In power but In aspect ; but of one sub-
stance and of one state and of one power, because it Is one God
from whom those degrees and forms and aspects, in the name of
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, are reckoned.
He remarks (in Chap. 3) that the greater number of
the Christians of his time, having just abandoned poly-
theism, are in mortal dread of the ** economy," "pre-
suming that a numbering and disposition of trinity is a
division of unity." Tertullian maintains that *' unity
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 26l
deriving trinity out of its very self is not destroyed, but
administered thereby." Again (in Chap. 9): "For
the Father is the whole substance, as he himself informs
us : * The Father is greater than I ' ; but the Son is a
derivation and portion of the whole." Thus Tertullian
distinctly formulates a doctrine of the Trinity, but he
seems to deny the co-eternity and co-equality of Son
and Spirit with the Father. Largely as a result of his
Stoical training, Tertullian was materialistic and could
not allow that God himself was immaterial and formless,
(fc) With regard to man's original and actual condition,
Tertullian advances views far more developed than those
of any of his predecessors. In answer to Marcion's
cavil that if God had been good and prescient and
?)tent, he would not have allowed man to fall into siny
ertullian argues that '' God alone is good by nature, for
he who has what is without beginning has it not by
institution, but by nature. But man, who is altogether
by institution, having beginning, with beginning was
allotted a form in which he should be, and so was deter-
mined to the good, not by nature, but by institution,
not having as his own to be good, because not by nature
was he determined to the good, but by institution, ac-
cording to the Good Institutor, that is to say, the Maker
of good things."
He adds that free will was given to man in order that*
he might attain unto a good of his own analogous to that
of -God. Had man remained subject to the Divine will
he would have been exalted above the angels. Sin con-
sisted in the fact that man sought to free himself from
subjection to the Divine will. If God had restrained
man from sin it would have involved a withdrawal of
freedom from man, which was potentially the instrument^
of his highest good.
Here also the Influence of Stoicism is manifest. The Stoics held
that evil is necessary for the production of moral virtue, that there
is no virtue where tnere is no choice, and that man was created fret
to choose.^
After the fall the "corruption of [man's] nature is
1 "^dvenu$ mareioium," Bk. II.. Chap, s-9-
* Compare Hatch. " Hibbert Lectures," p. a^i.
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262 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IL
another nature, having its own god and father, namely,
the author of corruption himself, yet so that there
inheres also that principal, that divine and true (gertna-
num), and properly natural, good of the soul. For what
is from God is not so much extinguished as beclouded.
It can be beclouded, because not God ; it cannot be ex-
tinguished, because from God."*
Man, therefore, assisted by the grace of God, freely
bestowed upon all through Christ, is capable by the seed
of good that remains in him of turning unto God and
attaining to salvation.
Tertullian was the first, so far as we know, to formu-
late the doctrine of the transmission of the soul by
propagation from parent to child, known in the history
of doctrine as " Traducianism." His psychology is
somewhat materialistic, in harmony with his Stoic mode
of thought. He defines the soul * as " born of the truth
of God, immortal, corporeal, having form, simple of
substance, . . free of will, obnoxious to accidents,
mutable through natural dispositions, rational, dominat-
ing, divining, multiplying from one." Elsewhere he
gives an account of a Montanist prophetess, who pro-
fessed to have seen a soul and attempted to describe its
outward appearance.
(c) Baptism. No Christian writer of the early cen-
turies wrote so extravagantly regarding the magical
effects of water baptism. His attitude toward baptism
was due in some measure to his Stoical conception of
the essential unity of matter and spirit (materialistic
monism).
The treatise *' D# Bapt^mat$ " begins : '* Blessed is our sacrament
of water, in that, by washing away the sins of our early blindness,
we are liberated into eternal life.'*^ Again: " But we, little fishes,
after the example of our ix^va Jesus Christ [the letters of this Greek
word meaning fish are the initials for ' Jesus Christ, Son of God,
Saviour,' and the picture of a fish was a very common sign among
the early Christians], are born in water " (Chap, i ). He dilates on
the age and the dignity of water as the pnmeval element on which
the Divine Spirit orooded. "Water was the first to produce that
which had lire, that it mieht be no wonder in baptism if waters
knew how to give life" (Cnap. 3). He argues that " the Spirit of
God, who hovered over (the waters) from the beginning, would
1 " Dt Atdmar 46. * Ikid,, n.
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CHAP. Ill] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 263
continue to linger over the waters of the baptized." " Thus," he
continues, ** the nature of the waters, sanctified by the Holy One,
itself conceived withal the power of sanctifying. ' Again: '*A11
waters, therefore, in virtue of the pristine privilege of their origin,
do, after invocation of God, attain the sacramental power of sanctl-
fication." Again: "Therefore, after the waters nave been In a
manner endued with medicinal virtue through the intervention of the
angel, the spirit is corporeally washed in £fie waters, as the flesh is
in the same spiritually^' (Chap. 4). He calls attention to the iustral
rites of various heathen peoples and the magical efficacy ascribed
thereto, but it does not seem to occur to him that he is paganizing
Rather he argues that *' if the mere nature of water . . . leads men
to flatter themselves with a belief in omens of purification, how
much more will waters render that service through the authority of
God, by whom all their nature has been constituted " (Chap. $). ^
Tertullian earnestly dissuades from the practice of •
bapti:(ing little children (not infants), which appears to
have been becoming somewhat common in his time.
He is insisting ^ upon the utmost care in the administra-
tion of baptism, lest those should be baptized who have
not a proper understanding of the efficacy of the ordi-
nance and the obligations it entails. Believing as he
did in the«unpardonableness of post-baptismal sins, he •
thought that no one should be baptized who was not in
a position to guard his life most scrupulously from the
moment of his baptism. •
" Let them come," he says, " while they are adolescent, while
they are learning, while they are being taught wherefore they come ;
let them become Christians when they become able to know Christ."
Tertullian opposed the baptism of nttle children, but not on abso-
lutely correct principles. The custom that he is arguing against
appears to have been the baptism of children who were large enough
to ^'hasten to the remission of sins," but who yet had no proper
idea of Christianity. On the same ground Tertullian argues that
the unmarried and virgins ought to delay their baptism until they
have passed through their maturity.
(d) State of Christian life represented in the writings
of Tertullian. The opposition between the worldly
Christians and the ascetical, legalistic, Montanistic party
had reached its climax. Abundant evidence of the cor-
ruption of morals in the churches, and of the growing
tendency toward episcopacy, which Tertullian as a
' D* B^tismaU,** 17.
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264 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER 11
presbyter combats, is furnished by the writings of Ter-
tullian.
e. The Carthaginian Church. It is not known just how
or when Christianity was first introduced into Carthage,
but almost certainly from Rome, in the first half of the
second century. Carthage had by this time come to be
one of the great cities of the world. Africa was the
chief source of grain supply for Italy, and Carthage was
its commercial center. It had adopted the language of
Rome and had developed considerable intellectual ac-
tivity. It combined the licentious idolatry of the East
with the luxury and extravagance of Rome. It is de-
scribed by an ancient writer as the Rome of Africa and
as surpassing all other cities in corruption and vice.
Yet Christianity found acceptance here among all
ranks of people, even the highest, and from this centre
spread all over Proconsular Africa. By the close of the
second century the Christians numbered many thou-
sands. A distinct type of Christianity was naturally
developed here, combining Roman organization with
African fire and impetuosity. In all matters the North
African Christians seem to have tended to extremes.
Nowhere else did such violent schisms occur during this
period. Carthaginian Christianity had little of the
speculative spirit of the Alexandrian, and its speculative
heresies (Gnosticism. Monarchianism, etc.) were chiefly
importations.
Here, as at Rome, opposition soon arose between the strict and the
lax elements. It is only necessary to read Tertullian's treatises con-
cerning Idolatry, Spectacular Exhibitions, Chastity, Modesty, and
Veiling of Virgins, to be convinced of the corruption in which a part
of the Carthaginian Christian community was involved. We
learn that the virgins or nuns of the church were fond of fine dress
and of attending the public baths (no sign of modesty); that
makers of idols were sometimes admitted into the church, urging in
defense of their conduct inability to support themselves otherwise ;
that Christians could not be restrained from witnessing spectacular
exhibitions; and that drunkenness, gluttony, and lust abounded.
Such things were condemned by the strict Montanistic party, which,
driven to despair by the condition of the church, doubtless became
somewhat fanatical in its zeal for purity and separation from the
world, exalting virginity, insisting upon abstemiousness in regard
to every human pleasure, being zealous for martyrdom, etc.
Fanaticism in religion almost always springs from despair in rela*
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 265
tion to the actual state of things and opposition encountered in efforts
for reform.
{4) QfprioH,
LITERATURE : '* Qfrtam Omnia Opsra^^^ various editions, Eras-
mus, Fell, Goldhom, Hartel, etc. (A critical edition of Cyprian is a
desideratum) ; Pontius, " De Vita Cppriam'* : Eusebius, ** Hist. Ecc.,'*
Bk. VIL, Chap. 3 ; Lactantius, Bk. V., Chap, i ; English transla-
tion of Cyprian's works in " Ante-Nicene Fathers^* ; Neander,
" Ch. Hist.,'' Voi. L.passim ; Pressens6, " Mart, and Apol.," pp. 414,
stq. ; Poole, ** Life and Times of Cyprian " ; Rettberg, ** Qprioftus
nach siitum Uhen md IVirken'* ; Long, in ''Baptist Quarterly,"
1877 ; O. Ritschl, ** Qyp, von Carthago,'' 1885 ; Greenwood, ** Cathi-
dra Pttri,'' Vol. I.; TiUemont, '' Mimoins,'^ Tom. IV., p. 76, ssq. :
•' St. Cyprian's Correspondence " in ** Church Quarterly Review,'*
July, 1891 ; Goctz, *' G$seh, </. Cypr, Litteratwr'' 1891 ; Le Provost,
'' Etudi philosot>kiquiit Uttsrain sur St. Cyprien,'^ 1888 ; Freppei, *' 5/.
CypriiH it VEgliu d'Affiqus^'' Third Edition, 1889 ; Bohringer, " Bio-
paphien^' Bd. 1., th. 2, Seit. 813-1030; Benson, ** Life of St.
Cyprian " ; encyclopedia articles, especially '* Herzog," and " Diet,
of Chr. Biog."
a. Sketch. Cyprian was born in Proconsular Africa,
probably in Carthage, about 200. Like Tertullian, he
was the son of a Roman officer and was educated as a
rhetorician. He was a brilliant teacher of rhetoric before
his conversion to Christianity. Having adopted Christi-
anity, he at once became zealous in defense of it, and de-
voted his ample means to Christian purposes. He was an
ardent admirer of Tertullian, and may be regarded as his
disciple. Cyprian became bishop of the Carthaginian
church so shortly after his conversion as to cause much
dissatisfaction among the presbyters. But the Christian
community had become so impressed with his sanctity
and his fitness for the highest position in the North Afri-
can Church, that he was enthusiastically appointed, not-
withstanding the opposition.
The Decian persecution soon broke upon the North
African Church. The fury of Decius was directed par-
ticularly against the bishops. When Cyprian could no
longer remain at Carthage with any safety, he went into
retirement. This exposed him to the charge of unfaith-
fulness on the part or his enemies ; yet he probably had
a truer view of Christian duty than those who courted
martyrdom. His letters to the people during this period of
separation show that he felt the profoundest solicitude for
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266 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. II
their welfare. Having returned, he suffered martyrdom
under Valerian (258).
b. Theological Position of Cyprian. Though far infe-
rior to Tertullian in learning and philosophical ability,
Cyprian has always held a high place among the Fathers
of the Church. He transferred the life and theology of
Tertullian into the Catholic Church. Though a man of
great holiness, Cyprian may be said to have done more
for the development of hierarchical views than any man
of this age. The circumstances under which he was
placed, the difficulties he had to encounter, together with
the remarkable administrative powers and predilections
which were his by nature, led him to take a position in
advance of his age in favor of hierarchical principles.
Cyprian was the first to establish clearly the distinction
between presbyters and bishops, and the primacy of the
Roman church as the Cathedra Petri,
(a) The distinction between presbyters and bishops. We
have seen that up to the time of Irenaeus the distinction
between presbyters and bishops was by no means clear.
The distinction, firmly established from the time of Cyp-
rian, was brought about in the following way: The
churches had come to be large bodies difficult to manage,
especially in times of persecution. The collection and
distribution of alms had assumed vast proportions, and
the superintendence of this work devolved upon the
bishop. The bishop was chairman of the board of pres-
byters and the leader of the church in the administration
of discipline. Presbyters often disagreed, and the feeling
grew that there should be in each Christian community
a center of authority, whereby schism might be prevented
and unity preserved. This was especially the case in
large cities, where a single organization was maintained,
with many places of worship, each presided over by a
presbyter of the church. Occasions would frequently
arise for the interference of the bishop, and when the
need for episcopal authority came to be strongly felt the
vindication of such authority was sure to follow.
In general, a struggle took place between the aristo-
cratical government of the presbyters and the monarch-
ical government of the bishops. Bishops when they had
strong governing talent and were popular, gradually
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 267
gained the upper hand ; so, especially, did it happen in
Cyprian's struggle with the Carthaginian presbyters.
The triumph of episcopacy undoubtedly promoted for
the time tranquillity and order ; but it was unfriendly to
the free development of ecclesiastical life and led to the
sacerdotalism or a later time.
Cyprian, while in retirement, still attempted to give
direction to the church of Carthage, and instructed the
presbyters as to the administration. Whenever he had
to decide anything without consulting the presbyters, he
was careful to excuse himself. But many such cases oc-
curred and the precedent was established.
Yet Cyprian conceded to the people the right of choos-
ing worthy bishops, and of rejecting unworthy ones.
The fact that he himself was elected by popular vote,
and even against the desire of some of the presbyters,
was enough to secure his recognition of this right. But
the very popularity of Cyprian enabled him to triumph
over the presbyters, just as Hildebrand, at a later time,
triumphed over the bishops by arousing the people against
them.
He was a genuine pastor, and had the profoundest re-
gard for the welfare of each member of the flock. He
had administrative plans, and he insisted on executing
them. The interests of the people must be regarded,
whether the presbyters concurred or not. His motives
seem to have been pure ; but when the same method
came to be applied by less worthy bishops, great abuses
resulted.
(ft) The doctrine of the suprema(y of the %oman Church
as the Cathedra Petri, and the center of unity of the one Uni-
versal Church. Irenaeus had insisted upon the unity of
the church ; but it was a spiritual unity, resulting from
community of headship in Christ and from community of
belief, as handed down through a succession of presby-
ters, not an external, organic unity. The general ten-
dency of the church from this time forward was toward
making religion external ; and the idea of the spiritual
unity of the church was easily transformed into that of
outward unity.
The same tendencv that led to the centralization of
power in the bishop, for the sake of securing unity and
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268 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. n
order, led to a centralization of power in a head of the
universal church. If the church was an outward, organic
unity, it needed a single mouthpiece, just as much as did
a single community. Controversies were arising every-
where among bishops. A supreme bishop — a bishop of
bishops — was needed to adjudicate upon these controver-
sies. There arose thus in the minds of Cyprian and
others a desire for such a unifying, authoritative power ;
but it is noticeable that such a power was desired only oi*
the supposition that the authoritative head would decide
justly, i. e., on Cyprian's side. The thought never oc-
curred to Cyprian, perhaps, of submitting to an unjust
decision, i. e., one against himself.
In his work, " De Unitate EcclesicB^" Cyprian makes use
of such language as this : " The primacy was given to
Peter, that one church of Christ and one chair might be
pointed out." *' Does he believe that he is in the faith,
who does not hold this unity of the church ? Does he
trust that he is in the church who strives against and re-
sists the church ? who deserts the Cathedra Petri on
which the church has been founded ? " " There is one
episcopate, by the single members of which each part is
held in solidity." *' Just as there are many rays of the
sun, but one light ; and many branches of the tree, but
one strength, founded on the tenacious root ; and since
from one source many streams flow forth, the numerosity
may seem diffused by the bounty of the surging stream,
nevertheless unity in origin is preserved. Pluck a ray
of the sun from the body, the unity of the light does not
receive a division." " He cannot have God for his Father
who has not the church for his mother."
There is considerable ground for skepticism regarding the authen-
ticity of these strong expressions regarding the Caihidra Petri and the
primacy of the Roman bishop. While there is no documentary basis
for the theory of interpolation, it seems improbable that the Cyprian
who was so self-assertive in his intercourse with the bishops of the
Roman church in his time should have sought to exalt the authority
of these very bishops. But it may be that the object he had in view
ill writing this treatise led him to forget for the time his personal
attitude toward the incumbents of the Roman See.
c. ^Adversaries of Cyprian, (a) With regard to the
treatment of the ** lapsed.** Large numbers of nominal
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 269
Christians were le^ by physical fear or love of property
to deny the faith. When persecution had ceased these
clamored for re-admission into the churches. Martyrs
and confessors had always been highly esteemed. Some
of these were supposed to have made dying requests for
the restoration of the fallen. In the eyes of many this
was a sufficient ground for indiscriminate restoration. A
certain Lucian claimed to have been directed by a well-
known confessor, Paul, to give " letters of peace " to all
the lapsed, and accordingly spread such letters broad-
cast through the North African churches. In many cases
the lapsed, with these letters in their hands, overawed
presbyters and bishops ; but Cyprian was not to be thus
overawed. The decided stand that he took on this matter
brought him into controversy not only with the confes-
sors, but also with some of the presbyters (those chiefly
that were already against him), and with the Roman
church, which was in favor of leniency toward the
lapsed.
Cyprian adopted a middle course : Those who showed
signs of true penitence and whose sins had not been par-
ticularly grave, were to be restored ; others, not. This
was one of the hardest battles Cyprian had to fight ;
and in the course of it he was led to assert the divine
right of bishops as successors of the apostles, appointed
by God himself and acting in the name of Christ, and
their supremacy over presbyters.
(b) \Vith regard to the administration of church finances^
etc. Novatus was one of the presbyters who opposed
the election of Cyprian. In direct opposition to Cyp-
rian's wish he soon appointed (or caused to be chosen)
Felicissimus as deacon in his church. The opposition be-
tween Cyprian and Novatus and Felicissimus was long and
fierce. Before Cyprian's return from exile, he sent two
bishops and two presbyters to examine into the condition
of the churches and to make a schedule of all the poor
who were to be supported from the church funds, with
notices of their ages, their conduct in persecution, etc.
They were directed to give to the poor from the church
funds what they needed for immediate support and to
give to mechanics who had lost everything in persecution,
money for purchasing tools, etc. Felicissimus, as deacon
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270 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II
and treasurer, refused to allow Cypr^n to meddle with
the finances of Novatus' church. This church now be-
came the resort of many of the lapsed, and a schism was
effected with Felicissimus at its head. A council was
called by Cyprian, and Felicissimus and his party were
condemned. Both parties appealed to Rome, and although
the Roman church agreed with Felicissimus with regard
to the treatment of the lapsed, it refused to recognize a
party that was looked upon as schismatical. The party
of Felicissimus never became strong.
(£:) JVith regard to the validity of heretical baptism.
After the rise and diffusion of schismatical bodies, per-
sons frequently sought admission into the churches who
had been baptized in these. The churches of Asia Minor
maintained the invalidity of heretical baptism. This
principle was rigidly adhered to by the Montanists, and
had come from Tertullian to Cyprian. The opponents
of Montanism soon began to oppose re-baptism.
In 255 Cyprian secured the convening of a council,
which decided in favor of the stricter principle ; although
in 253, Stephen, bishop of Rome, had excommunicated
the bishops of Asia Minor for holding to this view, stig-
matizing them as "Anabaptists." It is wonderful how
Cyprian's tone, in correspondence with the Roman
bishop, varies according to circumstances. He now
writes to Stephen, giving him the decision of the African
council and the reasons for it, without once alluding to
any authority of the Roman bishop to reverse the decision.
The tone is somewhat bold and defiant.
(d) With regard to the competemy of the church to for-
give the lapsed, Cyprian's views on this subject are his-
torically connected with the Novatian schism, discussed
above. It is remarkable, that although Cyprian tended
toward the Montanistic rigor he was prevented from sup-
porting the Novatianists by two considerations: First,
that the extreme position drove men to despair, and he
was wise enough to see that it was impracticable ; sec-
ondly, that the Novatianist party had broken the unity of
the church by setting up a bishop in opposition to a duly
consecrated, and hence divinely apf>ointed, bishop.
Cyprian could endure anything rather than see the
unity of the church broken. The idea of the one Uni-
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 27 i
versa! Church was gaining a strong hold upon men's
minds in Cyprian's time, and any party that should
break this unity was sure to be repudiated by the most
influential Christians and churches, however holy the
life or pure the doctrine of such party.
V. THE SCIENTIFIC PERIOD.
Alexandria at the beginning of the Christian era was
the most cosmopolitan city in the world. Oriental and
Occidental culture met and blended there as nowhere
else. The Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy, as seen most
fully developed in the writings of Philo, was one of the
most noteworthy products of the eclecticism that there
prevailed. Nowhere was a new religion or philosophy
so sure of a hospitable hearing. Here Gnosticism and
speculative Ebionism flourished. The first introduction of
Christianity into the city is veiled in obscurity. Tradi-
tion points to Mark as the founder of the Alexandrian
church. A distinct mode of theological thought, of which
Pantaenus, Clement, and Origen were the great ex-
ponents, was here developed. Shortly after the middle
of the second century a catechetical school was estab-
lished for the instruction of the children of believers and
fresh converts from paganism in the fundamentals of
Christian doctrine and morals. The first teacher of
whom we have information was Pantsenus, whom his
more distinguished pupil praises, but whose writings have
not survived. The instruction at first must have been
very elementary in its nature. Under Clement, who
succeeded Pantsenus, the school grew in popularity, and
the instruction became more scientific. Clement having
fled from Alexandria during the persecution under Se-
verus (202 or 203), Origen, a mere youth, became
teacher. Under him, the school rose to its highest point
(202-230), attracting large numbers of pagans and Gnos-
tics, as well as Christians. Clement and Origen may be
regarded as the first really scientific students of Chris-
tianity and the Christian Scriptures ; the first, the Gnostic
bodies excepted, who attempted to reduce Christianity
to a consistent, harmonious system. Alexandria con-
tinued to be a chief center of Christian thought and
influence until the seventh century.
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272 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.li
/. General Characteristics.
(i) Earlier Christian writers like Irenaeus, Hippolytus,
and TertulHan^ had discussed individual doctrines with
special reference to attacks made upon them by heretics.
But the idea seems never to have occurred to them to
make a systematic exposition of Christianity as a whole ;
to apply comprehensive principles to the interpretation
of Scripture ; to compare systematically the different
parts of Scripture among themselves. Such a study of
Christianity was begun toward the close of the second
century at Alexandria.
(2) Alexandria being the seat of speculative philoso-
phy, whence most of the elements of Gnosticism had
come, it might have been expected that Christianity,
after it had become well established here, would assume
a speculative form.
(3) The Alexandrian theologians with whom the
scientific spirit had its birth, were Platonists (with a
strong admixture of Pythagoreanism and Stoicism). Not
that they had been simply brought up Platonists (as
were Justin and Athenagoras, who yet, after they
adopted Christianity, rejected Platonism as the work of
demons) ; but they remained Platonists, and sought to
explain Christianity according to the Platonic categories,
in somewhat the same way in which Philo had, two cen-
turies earlier, attempted to explain Judaism. In fact
these Christian Platonists were greatly indebted to Philo.
(4) The chief difference between the theology under
discussion and that of the Gnostics is, that the repre-
sentatives of the former were decided Christians^ ad-
hered to the historical, and admitted the divine authority
of the Old and New Testaments ; whereas, the latter
had little sympathy with the spirit of Christianity, and
paid no regard to the historical.
(5) Heretofore, the allegorical interpretation had been
applied to the Scriptures, whenever it suited a writer's
purpose. Allegorizing was now reduced to a system.
(6) In the profound speculations of this school of
thought, with regard to the origin of evil, the Godhead,
the will of man, the consummation of all things, etc., lay
the germs of many lat:>r doctrinal developments.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 27 J
2. Individual IVtiters.
(/) CUmitU of AUsumdria*
LrrERATURE: The best edition of the works of Clement
is that of Dindorf, though this is very defective: Eng. tr. in
" Ante-Nicene Fathers" ; lusebius, " Hist, Ecc'' Bit. V.. Chap. 11,
Bic VI., Chap. II, 13; Photius, ^^Bibliothsca^^* 109-111 ; Bunsen
has made a clever attempt to reconstruct the *' Ht^tuposiis^*' from
fragments preserved by Theodotus and Photius, m his " AnaUcts
AutiHic'' Vol. I., p. iw, $$0.; Bigg, ** The Chr. Piatonists of Alex-
andria" ; Hatch, " The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon
the Christian Church," 1890 ; Kutter, '* Clem. v4Ux. und das N. 7.,"
1897 ; Merk, ** CUm, %AUx. m siimr AhhangigluH von d. grtsch. Thilo-
lophit^^ 1879; Lehmann, ''Oir KaUch$t$nschuU ^ ^AUxandrim^^
1896 : sections on Clem, of Alex, in the works on the history ot
doctrine, by Loofs, Thomaslus, Seeberg, Fisher, and Sheldon;
Allen, " The Continuihr of Christian Thought," p. ^, s$q, ; Har-
nack, '' Dogminggsch.^'^ Bd. I., 5^. 501, $$q, ; Zahn, *^ Forschimg$n!^
Bd. III., SiS. 17-176; Neander, Vol. I., D.691, s$q.: Schaff, Vol.
II., p. 781, siq.; Moeller, p. 207, ssa.; Pressens6. ''Martyrs and
Apologists," p. 540, seq, ; Bunsen, ^ Hippolytus," Vol. I., p. 239,
s^^. (highly appreciative and apologetic) ; Mansel, ''Gnostic Her.,^'
p. 261, «^. ; Domer, " Person of Christ," Div. I., VoL I., p. 285,
Siq.; Reinkens, " D$ CUm. ^Ux.*'; Kling, in ''Studimu. Kritihm}*
1841 ; Westcott, art. " Clem, of Alex." in Smith's " Diet of Ch.
Biog.," and Bonwetsch, in " Herzog " (third edition).
a. Sketch. Clement was born about 160, probably at
\thens. Having pursued studies under various masters,
of various nationalities and of various religious and
philosophical views, he at last found rest under the in-
fluence of Pantaenus, the head of the catechetical school
in Alexandria, whom he regarded as the greatest of them
all. He always speaks of Pantaenus (not often by
name) in terms of the very highest praise. Pantasnus
was, in his view, the ** deepest Gnostic,*' i. e., possessed
the most perfect insight into the significance of Christi-
anity.
Clement was already profoundly versed in Greek
philosophy and literature and knew something of
Christianity when he came under the influence of Pan-
tasnus. The philosophical Christianity of Pantasnus
satisfied his needs and he devoted himself with ardor
to theological studies. He succeeded Pantaenus as
teacher about 190, and continued in this work until
about 202, when he was driven from his post by perse-
%
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
274 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISIORY [PER. a
cution. But he left behind him a pupil who soon took
his place and gave still greater lustre to the school. He
was probably the most accomplished Christian scholar
before Origen. Greek, Gnostic, and Christian literature
he had not only read, but mastered. His writings
abound in apt quotations from the rich literature at his
command. He was an elegant writer of Greek, and few
early Christian writers are so attractive to the modern
reader.
It was during his residence at Alexandria, and in con-
nection with his duties as teacher, that he composed the
writings on which his fame rests.
In Clement we see a man of a profoundly speculative
mind, with a high appreciation for the true, the beautiful,
and the good, wherever he might meet them, who at-
tempted to form a harmonious system of Christianity in
its relation to the universe. We find in his writings
much that is noble and instructive, together with much
that is fantastic and puerile.
It is in Clement that we see most clearly the influence
of Greek philosophy upon Christian thought. His aims
and aspirations were very similar to those of the great
Gnostic leaders ; but he had vastly more understanding
for historical Christianity, and he rejected earnestly all
the most dangerous of the Gnostic views. His work has
been pronounced "epoch-making" (Harnack). He un-
dertook the great task of preparing an introduction to or
an initiation into that which is inmost and highest in
Christianity.
b. Writings of Clement The principal writings of
Clement that have been preserved are: The ''Logos
Protrepiikos/' or "Address to the Greeks"; the " Paida-
gogos," or "Tutor"; the '* Stromateis,*' or "Miscella-
nies"; and the '' Hupotuposeis," or " Outlines of Scrip-
ture Interpretation."
The conception and the execution of this series of works has been
declared by Overbeck to be " the boldest literary undertaking in the
history of the church." He was the first to attempt " to represent
Christianity in the forms of the profane worid-literature for the
Christian community itself." "The design of Clement is nothing
less than an introduction to Christianity, or to speak more correctly
and more in accordance with the spirit of the work, an initiation
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 275
into Christianity. For . . . tlie taslc that Clement sets for himself
is the introduction (of his readers) into that which is inmost an(}
highest in Christianity itself. He aims» so to spealc, with a woric
of literature to transform Christians into perfect Christians, with
such a worl< to repeat for the Christian wliat the life has already
otherwise accomplished for him, but to raise him up to something
still higher than the forms of Initiation that the churcn has provide
itself with have disclosed. To this end, • . he translates the ideal
career of a Christian of that time into the form of a boolc and re-
quires this Christian to repeat the wandering in order henceforth to
lead him to the highest aims thereof." ^
*^ The gospel in nis view is not a fresh departure, but the meeting-
point of two converging lines of progress, Hellenism and Judaism.
To him ail history is one because all truth is one. * There is one
river of Truth,' he says, ' but many streams fall into it on this
side and on that.' Among Christian writers none till very recent
times, not even Orieen, has so clear and grand a conception of the
development of spiritual life." •
Clement regarded star-worship as a divinely given stepping-stone
to a purer religion.' He compared truth to the body ot Pentheus,
torn to pieces by fanatics, each of whom imagines hfs fragment the
whole.*
(a) The ** Address to the Greeks *' is probably the ear-
liest of Clement's writings, and may have been com-
posed about 190. The aim of the address is to prove to
those conversant with Greek philosophy the infinite su-
periority of Christianity, in its adaptability to all human
needs, in its purity, spirituality, clearness, and substan-
tiality. The address abounds in eloquent passages. See
especially his description of the mission of the Word
and the true destiny of man (Chap. 11).
(Jb) The '* Pedagogue.'* The aim of the "Address" was
to win heathen to the acceptance of the gospel ; the de-
sign of the " Pedagogue " was to convey elementary in-
struction to the young and to those that had just ac-
cepted Christianity. It is, therefore, an eminently prac-
tical work.
Book I. contains a description of our Pedagogue, Christ, his char-
acter, his method of dealing with his children. The Pedagogue is
practical, not theoretical; his aim is to improve the soul, not to
teach ; and to train up to a virtuous, not to an intellectual life.
Clement's theory is, that those coming to Christ from paganism
need first to be cured of their corrupt habits and thoughts before
' StromaMs.
>See Herxog-Hauck. third edition. BJ. IV., Stit 156. uq.
* Bi». " The Chr. Platonlsts of Alex.." p. 47. Mf.
romattis,^ Bk. VI.. Chap. 14. *IM., Bk. I.. Chap. x}.
Digitized by VnOOQ IC ^
276 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.n.
special instruction in the doctrines of Christianihr can profit them.
The mercy and purity of Christ are emphaslzedi and neld up for
imitation.
Boolcs 11. and 111. consist of practical instructions as to eating,
drinking, expensive vessels and furniture, behavior at feasts,
laughter, filthy speaking, relations of the sexes, sleep, the procrea-
tion of children, clothes, ornaments, etc. The utmost simplicity and
moderation in all things are insisted upon.
Book III. is exceedingly important for the light it throws upon the
church life of the time, and the nature of the instruction required by
the converts and given to them by Christian teachers.
(c) The ^^Miscellanies.** This work consists of a
conglomeration of extracts from pagan and Christian
writers, interspersed with original comments and occa-
sional prolonged discussions. The object of the whole
is to awaken the interest and to exercise the ingenuity
of the readers, and to show the infinite superiority of
the Christian religion and philosophy to the pagan.
Book I. Doints out the office and origin of Greek philosophy in re-
lation to Christianity and Judaism. It is claimed that me Greek
philosophers borrowed directly from the Old Testament.
Book II. shows the superiority of biblical morality to that of
heathen philosophy. Faith and repentance are discussed at length.
Likeness to God is declared to be the ideal which Christians are to
set before them.
Book III. contains a prolonged discussion of the doctrine of mar
riage ; the licentious views of pagans and some Gnostics are stated
nd refuted. On the other hand, abstinence from marriage, on the
ground of the evil nature of matter, is condemned. The standard
biblical passages are thoroughly discussed in answer to erroneous
interpretations of heretics.
Book IV. begins with a statement of Clement's plan for the de-
fense of Christianity. He then describes the true "Gnostic" or
Christian philosopher. Self-sacrifice that does not shrink from mar*
tyrdom, love, endurance, are among his traits. Although martyr-
dom is extolled, fanatical seeking for martyrdom is shaiply re-
proved, and the views of certain Gnostics with regard to martyrdom
are refuted. The perfect man does good neither ror glory nor repu-
tation, nor for reward either from men or God ; but so as to pass
life after the image and likeness of the Lord. He does good because
he Judges it right to do good.
Book V. discusses faith, hope, and enigmatic teaching. The
mysteries of Pythagoreans, Egyptians, etc., are compared with
those of the Bible ; and the principle of symbolic teaching is vindi-
cated. Here, also, he attempts to prove that the Greeks have bor-
rowed from the Bible by citing numerous examples of supposed
coincidence.
Book VI. continues the Object of plagiarism on the part of the
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP. IIL] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 277
Greeks. He declares the Greeks to have some knowledge of God.
He asserts that the gospel was preached in hades both by Christ
and his apostles to those of the Hebrews and Greeks wno were
righteous according to the law and philosophy. Here, again, the
Christian philosopher is described at great length. The delineation
is continued through Book VII. This is the most important of the
writings of Clement, and was designed for those who had already
adopted Christianity, and had received the preliminary training pre-
scribed in the " Pedagogue."
(d) The ''Outlines.** Only fragments of this are pre-
served. It consisted of a commentary on large parts. of
the Old and New Testaments, written partly in refuta-
tion of false interpretations by heretics.
(e) The small treatise entitled " IVho is the Rich Man
that is Saved?'* is an eloquent appeal for the right use
of wealth.
c. Theology of Clement, (a) God the Father is the
"remoter Cause (i. e., than the Son), the Father of all
things, the oldest and most beneficent of all, yet not
representable by voice, but in reverence and silence
with holy astonishment is to be venerated and adored in
the most lordly manner.'* We see here the well-known
Alexandrian (Platonic) tendency to exalt the Supreme
Being above all relations to the world.^
(b) The Son is called the timeless and unoriginated
Principle of existence, from whence we are to learn the
remoter Cause.*
Again, having declared the pious man to be the best
thing on earth, and an angel the best thing in heaven,
he adds: "But most perfect and most holy, and most
lordly and most princely, and most royal and most
beneficent is the nature of the Son, which is nearest
to the only Omnipotent One. This is the greatest ex-
cellence, which orders all things according to the will of
the Father, and steers everything in the best way, . .
for the Son of God is never displaced from his watch-
tower, not being divided, not being severed, not passing
from place to place, being always everywhere and con-
tained nowhere ; wholly mind, wholly paternal light,
wholly eye, seeing all things, knowing all things; by
power examining the powers.'"
1 " SfnMMteix/' Bic Vn.. Chap. z. * tbU, * /Ma*., Chap, s.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
278 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.
This Being is further declared to be the same that
Christians call Saviour and Lord. Inasmuch as the
whole universe is under his government, he is Lord of
the Greeks and barbarians. He it was who gave to the
Greeks their philosophy. He cares continually for
every human being.
The Son is declared to be the '* power of God, as being
the Father's most ancient Word, before the production
of all things, and his Wisdom." He is declared **to
have invested himself with flesh, and to have come for
the salvation of men."*
Clement's representations of the Logos are various,
some of them obscure ; but we may safely say that he
insisted upon the eternal existence of the Son as the
Wisdom of God, and as God's instrument in the creation
and the governing of the universe. We have here, in a
less developed form, the "eternally begotten" Logos
of Origen. This Logos, according to Clement, was of
the very essence of the Father.
(c) ihe Holy Spirit. Clement has no clear statement
on this subject, i. e., no statement which enables us to
see whether he distinguished the work of the Holy Spirit
from the work of the Logos in Providence, in the human
conscience, etc. He writes: "There is one Father of
the universe ; there is also one Word of the universe ;
and one Holy Spirit, who is everywhere."'
(d) Anthropology. Clement held most decidedly to
the freedom of man's will ; to the power of every
man, through the incarnation and death of Christ, to
overcome sensuality and to attain unto salvation.
He regarded man's original state as infantile and free.
The account of the temptation he regarded as an alle-
gory, meaning that man was overcome by sensuality.
As a result of this, mankind has ever since had to con-
tend against sensuality. Christ came to deliver man
from the power of sin and death.*
Physical death he regarded as a natural necessity of
the Divine economy following upon generation.* Re-
garding Christ's activity in human history as constant
1 "Strpmattis," Bk. VII.. Chap. a.
* See Bunsen's scheme of the conplez representations of the Godhead by Cl«BUi%
in *' HIppolytus and his Age." Vol. I., p. 844.
» •• Protrept,," BIc. XI. * " SiromMitts, " Bk. HI.. Chap. o.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 279
from the beginning, Clement supposed that Christ came
in the flesh to show men the sufficiency of their powers
for obeying God's commandments, by himself living in
the flesh a life free from sin, thus overcoming sin and de-
stroying the power of death. This he did as an example
for men.*
To the Gnostic dilemma : '* Man was created either perfect or imper-
fect; if imperfect, how is the work of a perfect God— especially
man— Imperfect? If perfect, how does he transgress the command-
ments?'' Clement replies, that man was not made *' perfectly
equipped, but fitted for attaining to virtue ^ for it Is Important cer-
tainly for virtue, to be fitted for the possession of it. But he wishes
us of ourselves to be saved. . . All, Indeed, are fitted by nature for
the acquiring of virtue ; but one more, another less, advances in
discipline and training. Wherefore, also, some have attained even
unto perfect virtue ; others have arrived at some ; but others, again,
through negligence, even if they were otherwise well-disposed, have
been turned into the opposite." ^
d. Ideal of Christian Life. In his delineations of the
Christian philosopher, we see Clement's ideal. It is
that of a man who by self-discipline and study has over-
come all of his evil propensities, so that he is superior to
all selfish motives, even the expectation of heavenly re-
ward. He has risen to a state of exalted contemplation,
so that he understands the methods of God's providen-
tial dealing, and the meaning of God's written word.
Clement's system wt.s, therefore, aristocratical. His
gradation was: Christ, angels, Christian philosophers,
the great bulk of Christians who never attain to perfec-
tion. Though it was far from Clement's intention, his
views very naturally ministered to sacerdotalism.
Thus we see that Clement of Alexandria and his contemporary,
Tertullian of Carthage, were antipodes in theological thought. The
one had sympathies as broad as humanity ; the other confined the
saving efficacy of Christ to a particular type of Christian life, re-
garding not only all pagans, but all Christians, who did not con-
form to his narrow system, as reprobated. The one looked upon
humanity and human life as inherently noble, and as capable of be-
ing raisai by proper discipline to a state of perfection ; the other. In
constant expectation of the end of the world, regarded the present
life as of no account except as a time of preparation for a future life ;
and he regarded that preparation as involving a constant crucifixion
1 " Sinrntagis," Bk. VII., Chap. s. • fHJ., Bk. VI., Chap. 19.
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
28o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
of the flesh. Clement believed In rational instruction as a means of
attaining to exaltation of character ; Tertullian enjoined an irrational
asceticism.
Clement went to an extreme in his humanitarianism, and was the
forerunner of Pelagianism. Tertullian went to the opposite extreme,
and was the forerunner of Monasticism, with its utter repudiation
of human nature.
(a) Oiigm.
LITERATURE: Various editions of the complete works of
Origen, of which the most convenient is that of Lommatzsch» in
twenty-five volumes, 8vo ; Eusebius, '* Hist. Ecc.,** Bk. VI., Chap.
i-^; Gregorius Thaumaturgus, ^^Oratio Tamgyrica m Orig.''^ and
Pamphiius, '' Atol, Ortg?' (Eng. tr. in "Ante-Nicene Fathers");
..^. K.. .« ., ;^der,V(* '
Vol, II., p. 78J, sea, ; Moelier, p. 209, s$q, ; Bigg, '* The Chr. Platon-
ists of Alex.,'*^; HeccnBcky^^Do^mmgesck.,^^ Bd. L, SiH, $11, sgq.;
Domer, " Person of Christ," Div. I^ Vol. II., p. 104, sgq, ; Bunsen,
" HIppolytus," Vol. I., p. 279, s$q. ; Thomasius, " Origmn " : Rede-
Snnmg, '' Origmes^^ (the best work on the life and teachings of
riffen); Ritter, ''Gisch. dtr Chr. Pkihs'' B^. I., S«i. 465, «g.;
works of Neander, Baur, Hagenbach, Shedd, Loofs, Seeberg,Pisher,
and Sheldon, on the history of doctrine ; encyc. articles, esp. West-
cott, in " Diet, of Chr. Bici."
a. Sketch. Origen was born c. 185, of Christian
parents, and from his childhood was favored with excel-
lent religious training. While yet a child he could re-
peat from memory large parts of the Scriptures, and he
often perplexed his intelligent father by the subtlety of
his questions. His father, Leonides, suffered martyrdom
about 202, Origen exhorting him to steadfastness, and
being restrained with the utmost difficulty from offering
himself up for martyrdom. From childhood throughout
life he practised a rigorous asceticism ; he possessed but
one coat, and no shoes ; rarely ate flesh, never drank
wine ; devoted much of the night to study and prayer,
and slept on the bare floor.
After the departure of Clement he was appointed
catechist in his place (203). His knowledge of Scripture
and other literature was already considerable ; but now
he resolved to master the systems of the leading hereti-
cal bodies in order that he might successfully combat
them. The Neo-Platonic philosophy was just coming
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 281
into prominence under the leadership of Ammonius Sac*
cas. Origen studied the system carefully under its great
representative. His reputation was soon widespread.
Heathen and Gnostics in large numbers attended his
lectures, and many were converted. Ambrosius, a
wealthy Gnostic, was converted, and spent a large sum
of money in purchasing an extensive library for Origen,
and in racilitating the publication of his works. Julia
Mammaea, mother of Alexander Severus, invited him to
Antioch to expound to her the Christian religion. An
Arabian prince secured a visit from him with like in-
tent.
With a view to attaining a better understanding of the
Old Testament, he mastered the Hebrew language un-
der the most discouraging circumstances. He traveled,
from time to time, to Rome, to Arabia, to Palestine, and
to Greece.
While in Palestine, in 228, he was ordained a presby-
ter by Alexander of Jerusalem and Theoctistus of Caesa-
rea. This proceeding aroused the resentment of Deme-
trius, bishop of Alexandria. At two councils, called by
Demetrius in 231 and 232, Origen was condemned for
false doctrine, self-mutilation (committed in his youth in
supposed obedience to the Saviour's injunction. Matt.
19 : 12, such mutilation, according to the most ancient
ecclesiastical law, incapacitating one for ordination), and
violation of church laws, and was deposed from his
office. His study of philosophy and Gnosticism had not
left him the simple believer it found him. With im-
mensely more learning and logical consistency than
Clement, Origen probably indulged in even wilder
speculations than he.
He was the most learned man and one of the pro-
foundest thinkers in the ancient church (Jerome was
more learned in Hebrew), and probably exerted more in-
fluence on the doctrinal development of the church than
any other man. He became involved in controversy
during his lifetime, and after his death a series of contro-
versies based upon his teachings set in that lasted for
centuries.
The remainder of his life, after his departure from Al-
exandria, was spent chiefly in Palestine, where he died
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282 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a
about 254, partly as a result of imprisonment and tor-
ture during the Decian persecution,
b. Writings of Origen. Origen was one of the most
voluminous of writers. Jerome says that he wrote
more than other men can read. Epiphanius estimates
the whole number of his writings at about six thousand.
Many have perished ; others are preserved only in frag-
ments ; most that we have are in indifferent Latin trans-
lations.
(a) Critical, Exegetical, and Edificatory Works on the
Bible. Origen was the first to study the Bible scientifi-
cally and critically. Clement's exegetical performances,
so far as we can judge from the extant fragments, were
insignificant in comparison. There is no writer of the
early church to whom biblical criticism is so much in-
debted. Jerome would have been impossible without
Origen. These biblical works are of three kinds :
Works on the Text — the Hexapla and Tetrapla — (the
former an Old Testament Polyglot, with Hebrew, Hebrew
in Greek letters, LXX., and three other Greek versions
in parallel columns — the design being the restoration of
the LXX. to purity ; the latter containing only the four
Greek versions). Only fragments of these have been
preserved, but they are of exceeding value.
Commentaries, extending over almost the entire Bible.
These, though they contain much that is fantastic, are
full of information and highly suggestive.
Homilies, or familiar expository discourses, on large
portions of the Bible.
(Jb) Apologetical. One of the maturest of Origen's
works, and the one that throws most light on the rela-
tion of Christianity to paganism in Origen's time, is the
work, ** Contra Celsum.'* Celsus, a Platonist (or Epicu-
rean), had written a most scurrilous work against Chris-
tianity, probably during the reign of Marcus Aurelius.
This appears to have been still employed by the pagans
as an armory against Christianity in the time of Origen,
Origen's refutation of pagan charges against Christianity
is the ablest work of the kind that the early church pro-
duced.
(c) DopnaticaL Here the chief work is the " De Prin-
cipiis.*' This is the first attempt at a systematic exhibition
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 283
of Christian doctrine. It was written some time before
Origen's departure from Alexandria, and contains more
of crude speculation than any other of his works. We
possess this work only in the professedly unfaithful
translation of Rufinus (Rufinus having omitted many of
the more offensive expressions). It was published with-
out his permission through the zeal of his patron Am-
brosius. Here we find the fundamental Christian doc-
trines concerning God, the Father, Son, and Spirit,
Free-will, Immortality, Eternity, Eternal Life, etc.,
speculatively discussed.
(d) Practical Works. Of these, the most important
that have been preserved are, the treatise on Prayer,
and that on Martyrdom. These show a man of great
piety and Christian zeal. The work on Martyrdom
was addressed to his friend Ambrosius in time of perse-
cution, and is somewhat extravagant in its exaltation of
martyrdom.
c. Theology of Origen. Origin distinguished carefully
between those points of doctrine on which the Scriptures
contain explicit statements, and those questions which,
though not answered by Scripture, yet obtrude them-
selves upon the Christian thinker's mind. The latter
class of questions must be answered, as far as possible,
in conformity with the Scriptures ; but still much ground
is left for speculation. He believed strongly in allowing
to every man the utmost freedom in considering such
matters.
In his great dogmatic work, "D^ Principiis,*' accord-
ingly, he sets out with a concise statement of the rule of
faith of the universal church. There is nothing espe-
cially remarkable about this rule of faith ; but having
laid down this as a basis, he proceeds to the considera-
tion of other questions not clearly answered by Scrip-
ture and ecclesiastical tradition.
(a) Concerning God. Origen first refutes materialistic
views based upon expressions like : *' Our God is a con-
suming fire," etc. ; and proves that God is a Spirit,
chiefly from New Testament passages. God is not only
a Spirit, but is incomprehensible and inestimable.^ His
> " D* Principiis,*' Bk. I., Chap. i.
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284 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.
idea of God, therefore, is that of pure, absolute Being
(Platonic, seen also in Justin and Clement). He is know-
able only through his works, and especially thiough his
Son. As God was from eternity Father and Lord, the
generation of the Son and the creation of the world are
eternal processes. Origen could not think of the Abso-
lute Being as having ever been idle.
(b) The Son. It was Origen 's doctrine of the Son,
more than any other of his doctrines, that played so im-
portant a part in later doctrinal development. Origen
held that the Son was "begotten by the Father," yet
that "there never was when he was not." The beget-
ting then is an eternal effect of the Father, yet is not to
be regarded as a projection or emanation from the being
or substance of the Father, in a way that would involve
diminution or division thereof. The Father is the origi-
nating cause of the Son, the Son of all other creatures.
The begetting of the Son is an act of God's will, and in
so far the Son is a creature. On the other hand, he is
uncreated, God of God, of the Divine nature and essence.
The Son differs from creatures in having his being imme-
diately from the primal source, and in that his divine
nature is essential, independent, and inalienable. The
Son, or the Logos, contains in himself all ideas which are
realized in the world (Platonic). He constitutes the ra-
tional element in all intelligent creatures. The activity
of the Logos in the guidance and instruction of the human
race is coeval with the race. He gave the law, inspired
the prophets, and enlightened the heathen, so far as they
have any religious or moral knowledge. The work of
the Logos is to lead all intelligent creatures, step by step,
upward to the contemplation of God. From the human
he leads up to the angelic ; from the angelic to the arch-
angelic. 10 men he appears as man ; to angels as an
angel.
(c) The Holy Spirit Origen regarded as the first and
most exalted of all beings produced by the Father through
the Son. His activity differs from that of the Logos, in
that the latter extends to all creatures, whereas the
former appears only in connection with the dispensation
of God's grace.
id) Anthropology. Origen held that in the original
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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 285
world there were only spiritual existences. Many of
these spirits, having been created pure, apostatized from
God, The material world was created out of nothing, to
be the abode of fallen spirits, the object being at the same
time penal and reformatory. The account of Adam's
fall in Genesis Origen regarded as an allegorical repre-
sentation of the fate of the whole class of fallen, embodied
spirits. Origen held to the Platonic trichotomy of human
nature : the material body, dead in itself ; the soul, or
vital principle, which man has in common with beasts ;
the spirit, which he has as participating in the being of
the Logos.
By his apostasy, man's reason is darkened ; he is de-
prived of the true spiritual life ; he is under the influence
of Satan ; yet his will is free to choose good or evil.
The redemption wrought by Christ consisted in his
uniting in himself the human and the divine ; in his ex-
ample, his teachings, his miracles, his death — which re-
deemed man from the power of Satan.
Origen thus believed in the vicarious sacrifice of Christ.
Christ is a sacrifice, not merely for all men, but for fallen
angels. The merit of Christ must be appropriated by
each individual through faith. By believing in Christ
we become like him in character. Origen distinguished
gradations in Christian life: mere faith, knowledge,
wisdom.
The power to will and to do comes from God ; choice
of good rests with man ; after choice for good, all needful
assistance in the perfecting of Christian character is fur-
nished by the Holy Spirit.
(e) Baptism. Believing, as he did, that children are
born into the world polluted by sin, hence that little chil-
dren need remission of sins, and believing as he did in
the efficacy and necessity of baptism for the remission of
sins, Origen spoke approvingly of the baptism of little
children as a well-established custom of the churches.
(/) Eschatological yiews. Origen did not believe in a
resurrection of the material body ; the resurrection body,
he thought, would have the senne farm, but not the same
substance as the present. It would not be a body of
flesh and blood, but a spiritual body.
Origen had a firm belief in the final restoration of har-
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286 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.
mony in the spiritual world. The end is to be as was
the beginning. Even the damned and devils, he sup-
posed, would, after having undergone sufficient disci-
plinary punishment, be brought into voluntary subjec-
tion to Christ.
d. Method of Scripture Interpretation. Origen was
the first to redfuce the allegorical method of interpreta-
tion to a system. The allegorical interpretation of Scrip-
ture had been extensively employed by the great Jewish-
Alexandrian thinkers, Aristobulus and Philo. It had
been taken up by the Gnostics, and was practised by
most of the Christian writers of the early time. The
aim of the allegorical interpretation was to harmonize the
Scriptures, which were regarded as divinely inspired,
with the Platonic modes of thought, which had become,
as it were, part and parcel of the being of such Christians
as Origen. Had Origen been shut up to a literal inter-
pretation of the Old Testament, he would, probably, like
the Gnostics, have rejected the Old Testament and the
God of the Old Testament.
He held, therefore, in accordance with the Platonic trichotomy,
that every passage of Scripture has three senses, the literal, the
moral, and the spiritual.
To the literal (earthly, sensual, carnal, Jewish) sense, he attached
Mttle importance, save as a basis for the higher senses ; but his chief
merit as an exegete consists in the fact that he did industriously seek
to ascertain this literal sense. The literal sense is not always true.
But there underiics every passage a deeper sense (celestial, intelli-
gible, symbolical, mystical, secret), which is distinguished into the
moral and the spiritual sense.
The moral sense is that which relates to matters connected with
religious life.
The spiritual sense is that which relates to the heavenly life, the
world to come.
e. Influence of Origen on the Later Church, (a) His
method of Scripture interpretation was soon adopted
throughout the church (except the Antiochian school,
which went to the opposite extreme of adhering rigidly
to the literal meaning), and prevailed throughout the
Middle Ages. In this particular Origen's influence was
bad, and only bad. Yet his views on the literal meaning
have always been of great utility.
(b) The effect of his bold, wild speculations was two-
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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 287
fold : (i) Many were led astray by his example, while
(2) others were frightened by his boldness into a denial
of the right of freedom of thought.
We cannot say that the great doctrinal controversies of the fourth
and following centuries would not have taken place except for the
speculations of Orlgen ; but as a matter of fact they almost all cen-
tered around the points on which he had speculated most boldly. If
the formulating of Christian doctrine whlcn took place in the Nicene
and following ages was a beneficent consummation, then Origen's
merit in this direction was very great. If those tierce theological
controversies were evil and hurtful to the progress of the kingdom of
Christ, then Origen's responsibility was great.
'* Origen may well be placed side by side with Augustine as one
of the two most important and most influential theologians of the
ancient church. He is the father of ecclesiastical science in the
broadest sense of the word, and at the same time the founder of that
theology which in the fourth and fifth centuries reached its full devel-
opment and which in the sixth century definitely denied its originator,
yet without losing the impress that he had given it. Origen created
ecclesiastical dogmatics, and he laid the foundation for the science of
the sources of the Jewish and Christian religion. He proclaimed the
reconciliation of science with the Christian faith, of the highest cul-
ture with the gospei,^^ -—Hamack.
(s) Gregory Thaumaturgus.
LITERATURE: Text in "Mlgne," Vol. X., p. 983, seq. (Eng. tr.
In " Ante-Nic. Lib.," Am. ed., Vol. VI., p. 7, seq.) ; Ryssel, *'Grig,
Thaumaturgus^ sein Lebm u. s, Schrtftin,** 1881 ; articles In " Diet,
of Chr. Biog.," Herzog-Hauck, and Schaff-Herzog.
Gregory Thaumaturgus, one of the most distinguished
of Origen's disciples, was born at Neo-Caesarea in Pon-
tus (c. 210). Having been led to take an interest in
Christianity he availed himself of an opportunity to visit
Caesarea (Palestine), where Origen was laboring. He
was by this great teacher led into the light, and for eight
years sat at his feet. Returning to Neo-Caesarea
(c. 240), he found only seventeen Christians in the
whole neighborhood. By his zealous labors, continued
through thirty years, he so transformed this pagan re-
gion as to merit the title " Thaumaturgus " (wonder-
worker).
His most important extant writing is his " Panegyric '*
on Origen. It is not only one of the most eloquent dis-
courses in all the literature of the age, but it gives us a
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288 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL
view of the character of Origen and his methods of
teaching and of bringing his influence to bear upon
young men, that we should not otherwise have pos-
sessed.
Besides the "Panegyric," we have from Gregory a
"Declaration of Faith/' in which the relations of the
persons of the Godhead are set forth in Origenistic
fashion; a "Metaphrase of the Book of Ecclesiastes/'
which consists chiefly of moral reflections and does not,
as might have been expected of a disciple of Origen,
contain an elaborate allegorical interpretation of the
book ; and a " Canonical Epistle," giving directions for
the penance and the discipline of those who when taken
captive by heathen had eaten things sacrificed to idols.
Like many of his contemporaries Gregory shrank from
the responsibilities of the episcopal office. He was or-
dained in his absence by a neighboring bishop, whose
determination to thrust this dignity upon him he was
aware of and whom he was studiously avoiding. Early
tradition ascribed actual miracle-working to Gregory.
{4) Dumjysius of AUxandria.
LITERATURE : Text In " Mlgnc," Vol. X.. p. 1237, s$q. ( Eng. tr.
•• Ante-Nic, Lib./' Am. ed., Vol. VI.,p. 81. sio.) ; works of Hamack.
Seeberg, Loofs, Thomasius, Baur, and Fisher, on the history of
doctrine: Domer, ** Person of Christ" ; articles in " Diet, of Chr.
Biog./' Herzog-Hauck, third ed., and Schaff-Herzog.
Dionysius of Alexandria (t:. 2CX>-265) was another
distinguished pupil of Origen, and after a considerable
interval (during which Heraclas conducted the work),
succeeded him as head of the catechetical school of
Alexandria (c. 232). The reputation of the school was
well sustained by this great teacher, who after fifteen
years of service exchanged this position for the bishop-
ric of Alexandria (c. 246), succeeding Heraclas in this
position also. The fragments of his works that have
been preserved are chiefly polemical and exegetical. He
wrote against Sabellianism, and he set forth in an epistle
to Dionysius, bishop of the Roman church, his views on
the Trinity. He insisted on the absolute eternity of the
Son, regarding the generative process as an eternal one.
Yet he held that "the Son has existence not from him-
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CHAP. Ul.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 289
self, but from the Father.'' This involves the subordi-
nation of the Son, which Dionysius did not know how to
avoid. Controversies that were to occupy much of the
energy of the Christian churches for the following cen-
turies were already disturbing the minds of thinlcing
men and the harmony of the churches.
(5) Tks Eccksiastical ConstihUwHs and Canons of ik$ j4pogtl4S.
LITERATURE: Schaff, "The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles."
f>. 127, M^., and 237. s#9. (Schaff gives full information regarding the
Iterature and the Greek text with an English translation); liar*
nack, *' Tixts u. UnUrsnch.^** Bd. II., Ssit. 22$, siq. ; Shaw, art.
"Apost Const.," in "Diet, of Chr. Antlq."; and Achelis, art.
**j4j>osiol Kirchmordnwif^" In Herzog-Hauck, third ed. In his
" Hyppolytus and His Age," Vol. II., Bunsen has attempted by a
critical process to restore from the Greek. Coptic, and Ethiopic
texts the " Church- and House-Book of the Ancient Christians,'' in
an English translation. It is highly probable that most of the ma-
terial thus selected Is Ante-Nicene.
The *' Ecclesiastical Constitutions and Canons of the
Apostles *' seems to have formed a connecting link be-
tween the *' Teaching of the Twelve Apostles " and the
''Apostolic Constitutions/' which did not reach their
present form until the latter part of the fourth or the
early part of the fifth century. That it was widely
used is evident from the fact that it has been preserved
in Greek, Ethiopic, Coptic (Memphitic and Thebaic),
and Syriac.
The document known as the " Two Ways," which
we have met in Barnabas and in the " Teaching," is
here distributed among the twelve apostles, who are sup-
posed to have come together to frame a body of moral
instructions and who each in turn gives utterance to his
thoughts. Martha and Mary also appear as speakers.
The precepts as given in the "Teaching," are consid-
erably expanded, much new material being introduced.
The first thirteen canons are parallel with the " Two
Ways."
The remaining seventeen canons give directions as to
the qualifications, the manner of choosing and setting
apart, and the duties of the various classes of church
officers. A somewhat primitive ecclesiastical condition
is still presupposed. It as many as twelve believing
J
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290 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. tt
men are in a given locality, they are to write to the
churches round about requesting each to send three
chosen men to examine him whom they have chosen for
a bishop, and if he is found worthy, to set him apart
for his work. The bishop thus appointed shall examine
and ordain two or three presbyters to assist in the ad-
ministration of the ordinances and discipline. Provision
is made for the appointment of readers, widows, dea-
cons, and deaconesses.
The Coptic Constitutions give detailed directions re-
specting the selection, training, baptizing, and admission
to communion, of catechumens. The utmost care is
prescribed in the reception of candidates for catechetical
training, those engaged in disreputable pursuits being
rigorously excluded. Three years is given as the nor-
mal period of training in doctrine and in life, and admis-
sion to baptism at the end of the period is conditioned
on a favorable report of the catechist as regards the can-
didate's good behavior, his zeal in Christian service, and
his progress in Christian knowledge. Baptism is pre-
ceded by exorcism, and anointing with the oil of exor-
cism. The candidate goes unclothed into the water,
makes an oral profession of his faith, is immersed three
times, makes another fuller confession, then having
gone up out of the water is anointed by the presbyter
with the oil of thanksgiving, clothed, and allowed to
enter the church. The bishop then lays his hands upon
the head of the newly baptized, invokes the gift of the
Holy Spirit, and again anoints his head. The Lord's
Supper is next administered to the new members, and
they are given, besides the bread and the wine, "milk
and honey mixed," as symbolizing the fact that they
have entered into a state of blessedness among the
saints.
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CHAPTER IV
CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD
I. EXTERNAL CONDITION.
1. Extent. Christianity had by this time permeated
the entire Roman Empire, having gained adherents even
among conquered tribes. From Britain to India the name
of Christ was honored. Ail the countries bordering on
the Mediterranean Sea abounded in Christians. We are
not to infer from the fact that Constantine thought it
good policy to make Christianity the favored religion,
that Christians were already in a majority. Even in the
large cities they still constituted but a small minority,
and many rural districts were still in pagan darkness.
But Christianitv was organized, confident, and aggressive,
and to it the future evidently belonged. Paganism, on
the other hand, was without organization, without hope,
without aggressiveness.
2. Social Position. Christianity had gained a high
social position in the empire. Before the Diocletian per-
secution Christians held many high civil offices.
3. IVealth. Christians by this time probably had
their full share of worldly goods ; the churches had, in
many instances, acquired great wealth ; and this indi-
vidual and corporate wealth tended at the same time to
give them respectability in the eyes of the world, and to
facilitate the making of converts.
4. Culture. Christianity had now on its side culture
superior to that of the pagans. There was no pagan
philosopher or poet of the third century who bore com-
parison with the best Christian writers. Apart from the
great teachers and writers, whose works we have ex-
amined, there must have been a very large number of
educated Christians in each important community. The
development of a rich literature presupposes a public to
whose needs it is adapted.
5. Opponents. Yet Christianity still had many deadly
291
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292 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a
enemies: philosophers, especially the Neo-Platonists,
who attempted to make of their philosophy a rival re-
ligion ; priests and magicians, whose worldly interests
were endangered by the growing power of Christianity ;
the Manichaeans, etc. The widely diffused Mithras
worship does not appear to have been so distinctly hos-
tile to Christianity as Neo-Platonism and Manichaeism ;
and many converts were doubtless drawn from this
quarter.
II. INTERNAL CONDITION.
I. Corrupting Ideas. That Christianity did not win for
Itself popular and imperial recognition without under-
f;oin2 momentous internal changes is admitted by all.
n life, doctrine, church order, and worship, the churches
of 313 were very different from the churches of icx).
Those who regard the apostolic churches as a standard
must look upon these changes as perversions. The fol-
lowing corrupting ideas, derived almost wholly from
paganism, may be distinguished :
(i) Meritoriousness of External Works. This led to,
a. Asceticism and fanatical seeking for martyrdom, b.
Perversion of Christian charity into indiscriminate alms-
giving, with the idea that almsgiving secured the remis-
sion of sins. c. Perversion of the ordinances Into mag-
ical mysteries whereby spiritual benefits are obtained.
(2) Fetichism, the idea of the sanctity and the spiritual
potency of water, the element of baptism, of holy places,
of the bones and other relics of saints and martyrs, of
the cross and the sign of the cross, of the sepulchre of
Christ, etc.
(3) Sacerdotalism, common to all pagan religions, and
closely connected with (i): a. The ordinances possess-
ing magical efficacy must be administered by a properly
qualified priest, b. The priest, by reason of his cere-
monial consecration, a mediator between God and man,
the channel through which alone the ordinary believer
can secure spiritual benefits, c. The following of
priestly directions more important than morality.
(4) ^tualism, an invariable accompaniment of (i)
and (3). Pompous ceremonial satisfies the desire to pro-
pitiate Deity by external performances and is at the
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 29)
same time the ready device of priestcraft for securing
and maintaining ttie reverence of the people.
(5) The Allegorical Interpretation of Scripture ^ by virtue
of which Scripture could be used in support of any doc-
trine or practice whatsoever. Nothing so completely
destroys the authority of Scripture as a standard of faith
and practice as this method of interpretation, which had
long been in vogue among pagans and Alexandrian Jews.
These corrupting ideas had not at the close of this
period fully accomplished their work ; but their growing
influence can already be clearly seen.
2. Changes in the Ministry, At the beginning of the
period we had only two classes of church officers : pres-
byters or bishops and deacons. Now we find not only
a clear distinction established between presbyters and
bishops, but also the addition of a number of subordinate
officers, viz., sub-deacons, readers, acolytes, janitors,
and exorcists. The multiplication of officers originated
in large churches, such as those of Rome, Alexandria,
and Carthage. The number of deacons was usually
limited to seven, in accordance with the number of
brethren appointed to administer the charities under the
direction of the apostles (Acts 6), and these required
assistance in the performance of their functions.
The hierarchical spirit was active. The same tenden-
cies and circumstances that raised the bishops above the
presbyters, raised presbyters, as being entrusted with
the ordinances, far above deacons and laymen. Presby-
ters continued to be the advisers of the bishops, and
from their number bishops were usually chosen.
Deacons, as being limited in number and as holding an
office instituted by the apostles, were, in accordance with
the same hierarchical tendency, elevated in rank above
laymen. Their duties consisted chiefly in the collection
and administration of the finances of the churches under
the direction of the bishops, and in assisting the bishops
in the exercise of discipline. They attended also to the
preservation of order during religious services, and as-
sisted in the celebration of the Lord's Supper and in the
administration of baptism ; but they were not permitted
to administer either ordinance alone.
Deaconesses, apparently recognized in the New Tes-
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294 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.
lament, reappear In the churches of this period. Their
functions were prayer, and ministering to the religious
and the temporary needs of women. They were rigor-
ously excluded from service ** at the altar."
The sub-deacons were not ordained with the imposition
of hands, and their duties were chiefly to relieve the
deacons of their humbler duties. They also usually
acted as carriers of ecclesiastical correspondence.
The office of the acolyte was to light the candles in the
church, to provide wine in the pitcher for the celebration
of the Lord's Supper, etc. Such were the liturgical
services of the acolytes, but doubtless they attended to
many minor matters in the administration of the diocese.
The duties of the readers was to read the Scriptures
from the reading desk. Very few Christians had copies
of the Scriptures, and the great mass of the people were
dependent upon hearing them read at church.
Eocordsts were those supposed to be especially gifted
with the power of casting out demons. These do not
seem to have been a distinct class of officers especially
ordained for this purpose ; but the power might belong
to one occupying any ecclesiastical position, or even to
an unofficial member.
The reason for the multiplication of ecclesiastical offices was the
necessity of having responsible functionaries, and the sacerdotal
feeling which would allow laymen to perform no ecclesiastical func-
tions.
The hierarchical development at which Cyprian aimed, and which
he in a measure effected, represents the highest attainment in this
direction durine the period under consideration. In the cities the
position of bishops was one of much dignity and responsibility.
They had almost exclusive control of the church funds, including
the responsible administration of the charities. They had the super-
vision of a large number of congregations, and or the presbyters
and deacons who ministered therein. Their authority was as yet
only a moral authority, but in many cases it was very considerable.
Country bishops were mere pastors of local churches until long after
the dose of this period.
3. Synods or Councils. As early as the middle of the
second century we have evidence of the meeting to-
gether of the clergy of different communities to consider
questions affecting the interests of the churches. The
earliest meetings of this sort on record are those in Asia
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 295
Minor, to take measures against Montanism, and those in
the East and the West to discuss the Easter question
(latter part of second century).^ As diocesan episcopacy
became developed the clergy of the diocese were called
together annually, or oftener in case of emergency.
Before the close of this period provincial synods, in
which many bishops, presbyters, and deacons partici-
pated, were becoming common. Such bodies discussed
and legislated upon questions of doctrine and discipline;
yet their decisions had only a moral authority, and the
individual communities were free to accept them or not.
"Within the limits of his own community," writes
Hatch," " a bishop has no superior but God." Cyprian,
who did so much for the development of episcopal pre-
rogative, and who laid great stress on ecclesiastical
unity, refused to be bound by the decisions of councils
of bishops. It was not until the next period, when
councils were called under the imperial authority and
when their decisions received the importance of imperial
ordinances, that these latter became obligatory upon the
churches.
4. Places of Worship and Sepulture. Until the latter part
of the second century the position of Christians was not
secure enough to allow of the erection of church build-
ings. Meetings were still held secretly in private houses.
During the third century many *' Lord^s houses " or
"churches" were erected, and considerable attention
was given, in the wealthier communities, to architecture
and to internal decoration.
The catacombs were underground burial places, some
of which may have originated in the apostolic age.
During the second and third centuries such cities of the
dead were constructed at Rome, Naples, Milan, Alex-
andria, and elsewhere. Those of Rome and Naples are
of great extent and special interest. The idea that they
were largely used for purposes of worship has been
abandoned, owing to lack of evidence of the existence
of chambers large enough to accommodate any consider-
able gathering. Burial services were no doubt conducted
with much solemnity, and Christians frequently visited
1 BoteMos. "Ch. Hist." Bk. V.. Chap. 16 and «4.
I "Tilt Organization of the parly ChrittiaQ Churches," p. iff.
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296 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.
the tombs of relatives and of venerated martyrs and
other saints for devotional exercises. In times of severe
p<srsecution (which were infrequent) Christians no doubt
hid themselves temporarily in. these subterranean gal-
, leries. Archaeologists are still undecided as regards the
dates of many of the mural paintings and the inscrip-
tions. Very few belong indisputably to this period.
Most of the decoration seems to belong to the latter part
of the fourth century, when the use of the catacombs
for sepulture had almost ceased. As the tombs of saints
and martyrs they were venerated and filled wijth religious
paintings and inscriptions.^
5. T^tualistic^ Development. The externalizing ten-
dency that we have so frequently observed in our study
of this period was- soon to express itself in the public
worship of the churches. Under various influenctfsr
that of paganism, with its mysterious rites, especially
those of the widely prevalent Mithras worship ; that of
Gnosticism, which itself imitated the Orphic, Eleusinian,
and Pythagoreaij mysteries ; that of being long vobliged
to Worship secretly ; and the growth of sacerdotalism,
with which ritualism always goes hand in hancf, Chris-
tianity, by the close of this period, had ceased to wor-,
ship and perform its ordinances in the free and simple
way represented in the New Testament and in the
** Apology " of Justin Martyr. ,
From the middle of the second century onward the
Lord's Prayer seems to have been generally employed
in the churches in a liturgical way. Gradually other
forms were added, and by the close of this period some-
what elaborate forms of prayer and praise, with full
directions for the solemn administration of the ordinances,
had been introduced.
There was at first no effort made at uniformity of
ritual. Each great church, in general, formed a ritual of
its own, and this was usually adopted by the churches
under its influence. Hence the number and the variety
of early liturgies. • ^
6. Christian Education. In the apostolic age, when
most of the converts were Jews or had been under the
1 See the well-known works of Rossi. Kraus. Northcote end Brownk>w, «nd Perkei;
00 the Cetecomhs. and articles in the encyclopedias.
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 297
influence of Judaism, and hence were familiar with the
Old Testament teaching, baptism was usually adminis-
tered immediately after the profession of faith in Christ.
When most of those who applied for admission into
the churches were pagans, and had but inadequate ideas
of the true God and of the Christian religion and mo-
rality, it was natural and. right that thejr should be in-
structed in the fundamental truths of Christianity before
baptism and full reception into the churches. During
the second century the work ot teaching such applicants
for membership was, in the larger churches, entrusted
to a catechist. In the Alexandrian school the catechu-
mens were divided into classes according to their ad-
vancement. The period of catechising Frequently ex-
tended over three years, but was in many instances
much shorter. The catechumen was first instructed in
simple moral principles ; afterward he was admitted to
hear the gospel, but was dismissed before the prayer,
and especially prevented from witnessing the celebration
of the ordinances. Baptism was finally administered
with eonsiderable pomp and ceremony, and the cate-
chumen was thereby received into full fellowship.
"^ Reference has been made in an earlier chapter to the catechetical
school of Alexandria, founded by Pantenus and made illustrious
by Clement/Origen, Heraclas, and Dionysius. Antioch did not so
earljcbecome a seat of Christian learning, but from c. 270 oaward.
under Luclan, It came Into rivalry, with Alexandria as a center of
theological thought and influence. In the great christological con-
troversies of the fourth and following centuries Alexandria and An-
tioch were always antagonists, Alexandria representing a mystical
transcendentalism and promoting the allegorical interpretation of the
Scriptures; Antioch insisting on the grammatico-historical interpre-
tation of the Scriptures, and having no sympathy with mystical
mod^ of thought.
7. Christian Life. We can probably get a better view
of the state of Christian life at the beginning of the
fourth^ century, by an examination of the so<alled
*• Cangjis of the Holy Apostles," which may have taken
their present form toward the close of this period, and
of the decrees of the Councils of Elvira (306), of Aries,
Ancyra, and Neo-Csesarea (314), than in any other way.
These documents show :
(I) A great amount of worldliness among the clergy
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Provisions constantly occur against their engaging in
secular pursuits ; against their frequenting taverns and
playing at dice ; against usury ; against their removing
from place to place without sufficient reason ; against
their receiving their offices through secular influence, etc.
(2) It appears that many had come into the churches
who were still essentially pagans. Provisions against
pagan practices are common.
(3) The most prevalent and crying sin of the age
seems to have been licentiousness, it must have been
common among all classes of Christians, including bish-
ops, presbyters, deacons, and nuns. A large proportion
of the decrees of the councils of this period are directed
against some form of sexual sin.
(4) While celibacy of the clergy was not insisted upon,
a strong effort was being made to prevent those that
came into the clergy unmarried, from marrying. This
feeling was promoted : a. By the Gnostic or Manichsean
idea of the inherent evil of the sexual relations, b. By
the fact that the priesthood was coming to be looked
upon as a distinct class, and that such familiar inter-
course with ordinary mortals as the family involves was
felt to be incompatible with priestly dignity, c. The
fact that the clergy had complete control of the church
finances made it seem undesirable for them to have de-
pendfsnt families.
(5) Christianity had already received far more pagan
material than it could assimilate, and had become cor-
rupted thereby, before the Diocletian persecution. When
the churches had become predominatingly pagan ; when
pagans of wealth and influence entered the churches in
large numbers, especially when they became bishops, as
was often the case, it was perfectly natural that the
churches should be made to conform to a great extent to
pagan temples ; should be filled with images ; should in-
troduce saint-worship in the place of polytheism, etc.
(6) Yet we must beware of supposing that Christian-
ity as a whole was thus corrupt. That there were many
who abhorred the prevalent laxity of morals and who
earnestly strove for reformation, is evident from the very
existence of the documents on which we are dependent
fpr pur knowledge of the f?icts rnentioned, Moreover,
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 299
the prevalence of laxity was the cause of much of the
extreme asceticism that appeared in the church from the
time of Tertuliian onward.
8. Multiplication of Ecclesiastical Festivals. At the be-
ginning, the Lord's Day and the Jewish Sabbath were,
so far as we know, the only days to which Christians
attached any particular sanctity.
(i) Easter may, in some sense, have been observed
in the apostolic age, i. e., the Jewish Passover continued
for a time to be observed by Jewish Christians, the chief
thought in their minds being probably the death and res-
urrection of Christ Gradually this came to be the only
thought. We have seen how from the time of Polycarp,
controversy raged with regard to the exact time of its
celebration.
The fact that vernal festivals were general among pagan peoples
no doubt had much to do with the form assumed by the Easter fes-
tival In the Christian churches. The English term '* Easter" is of
pagan origin.
(2) So also the feast of Pentecost was connected with
the Jewish feast, the Jewish element soon dropping out
of consideration, and the outpouring of the Holy Spirit
coming to be exclusively thought of.
(3) The feast of Epiphany probably originated in the
second century, and was designed as a commemoration
of the baptism of Christ, when he was manifested to
the world as the Son of God, It was celebrated on Jan-
uary 6. At a very early date the idea of the nativity
was added to that of baptism, both being commemorated
on this day. it was not until about the middle of the
fourth century that the birthday and the baptismal day
were separated, the former being placed on December
25, the date of the Roman Vrumalta at the close of the
Saturnalia (December 17-24), and of the Scandinavian
Yule. This date follows immediately the winter solstice,
and there was thought to be a peculiar appropriateness
in identifying the birthday of the Sun of Righteousness
with that of the physical sun.*
(4) In connection with these festivals, long periods of
1 (y, Coaybeare " The History of Chrittaas/' In the " Anerican Journal of Thf
ology," for January, 1899.
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300 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.U
fasting were observed by Montanists and other asceticai
Christians.
(5) Martyrs have already come to be venerated, but
there is no evidence that their festivals were definitely
established before the fourth century.
9. The Rule of Faith. We have observed, in our study
of the writings of Irenseus, Tertullian, and Origen, that
in opposition to heresy there grew up in the churches a
clear, concise confession of faith, which tended more and
more to become stereotyped into a creed. At a later
period the process was completed by attributing the fully
developed creed to the apostles. This brief statement
was early used as a baptismal confession. (See the
** rule of faith,'' in its gradual growth from the apostolic
age to the fourth century, in Schaff, " Creeds of Chris-
tendom," Vol. I!., pp. 11-55.)
10. The New Testament Canon. Until after the middle
of the second century there was no such thing as a
definite New Testament canon. The Old Testament
books, chiefly in the Septuagint version and without the
exclusion of the Apocrypha, were chiefly appealed to as
authoritative. The New Testament books were freely
used for substance of doctrine, but rarely quoted with
precision. Evidence of the use of all the New Testa-
ment books by c. 150 has been preserved. Marcion,
the Gnostic {c. 140), seems to have been the first to
form a definite New Testament canon ; but this was a
distinctly subjective and partisan selection, consisting of
one Gospel only (a modification of Luke) and ten Pauline
Epistles (including the Epistle to the Laodiceans). Ta-
tian, another Gnostic, constructed a combination Gospel
(Diatessaron), probably in the interests of his peculiar
views, though it may have been prepared before his
separation from the orthodox communion. The Mura-
torian Fragment (after 150), a document of unknown
authorship, gives a list of fully received New Testament
writings from which Hebrews, James, i and 2 Peter, and
3 John are definitely excluded, doubt being expressed
about 2 John and Jude. Irenseus {c. 175) quotes all of
the New Testament books except Philemon, 2 Peter, and
Jude, but seems to regard the ''Shepherd '' of Hermas
as also inspired. Clement of Alexandria (c. 200) uses
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 30I
all the canonical New Testament writings, but seems to
put the Epistle of Barnabas on a level with these.
Origen (c. 255) includes in his list all our canonical
books except James and Jude, and along with these
Hermas, Barnabas, and i Clement. The Peshito Syriac
version (c. yxS) omits 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude, and
Revelation. It was not till after the close of this period
that perfect definiteness was reached ; for in Eusebius'
time {c. 32;) the canonical authority of James, Jude, 2
Peter, 2 and 3 John, and Revelation, while upheld by
many, was disputed by some.
in conflict with heresy the Christian leaders were led
to emphasize more and more the importance of apostolic
teaching as the basis of doctrine and the common bond
that unified all true Christian churches. As the au-
thoritative exponents of apostolic teaching, the apostolic
writings grew in importance. As a consciousness of
church unity and a realization of the necessity of uni-
formity in doctrine and practice grew, the importance of
agreement with reference to the body of apostolic wrjf •
xcigs that should be held as authoritative came to be pro-
foundly felt. Such writings as had been held fn sus-
picion on account of supposed peculiarities of teaching
were gradually received into favor, and attention was
given to harmonizing seeming discrepancies.
Thus we see that the formation of the New Testament
canon was the work of centuries. From the human
point of view we may say that the selection of books
that should form the canon was a product of Christian
consciousness ; from the divine point of view we may
say that this process was presided over and directed by
the Holy Spirit.*
1 Sm tb« grtftt world of Westcoll and Zaho on tht Ntw Ttstancnt canon.
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PERIOD III
FROM THE CONVERSION OF CONST ANTINP
TO THE CORONATION OF CHARLE-
MAGNE (3I2-«X))
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CHAPTER I
CHURCH AND STATE
LITERATURE: Eutropius, '"Bnviartum Hist. l{m.,'' Bk. IX..
X.; Lactantlus, *' Ds OAorU PtruaOorum" ; Euseblus, "A/. E.r
Bk. IX., X., and *"De k'ita Constantmi" (Eusebius was a thor-
ough courtier, and his praises of Constantlne are to be taken with
much allowance) ; Laws of Constantine in the codes of Theodosius
and Justinian, also arranged in Migne's '*Patrology" under the
title, '^ Optra Constantmi'*; Socrates, '* H. £.," Bk. L; Sozomen,
'*H, E,r Bk. I., IL (Several of these works are available in
English in the ** Ante-Nicene" and the*'Nicene and Post-Nicene
Libraries" of the Fathers); Neander, Vol. II., pp. 1-32, and
passim; Schaff, Vol. 11., pp. 1-37; Stanley, "Eastern Church,"
passim; Neale, "The Holy Eastern Church." passim; Newman,
^' Arians of the Fourth Century " ; Milman, '* Latin Christianity,*'
Gr,*^; Tozer, "The Church and the Eastern Empire"; Carr,
"The Church and the Roman Empire"; Gwatkin, "The Arian
Controversy " ; Zahn, " Omstantin d. Grosss u. d, Ktrchs^* ; Brieger,
" Konstantin d, Gr, als ReUgionspolitiksr " ; Neander, " Kaisir Julian u.
5. Ztitalter^^ ; Rendall, "The bmp. Julian : Paganism and Christi-
anity"; Cutts, "Constantine the Great"; Kine, "Julian the
Emperor " ; Tzschlmer, " T>, Fall d, Hnd^thums^' ; art. on the
various emperors, events, and institutions in Smith and Wace and
Herzog-Hauck.
I. CONSTANTINE AND HIS SUCCESSORS,
I . Constantine' s Motives in Adopting Christianity. Con-
stantine, like his father, was out of sympathy with the
popular religion and was interested in the worship of the
Persian sun-god Mithras, then much in vogue in the Ro-
man army. It was a combination of Neo-PIatonic with
Zoroastrian modes of thought, and was made attractive
by an elaborate and imposing ritual. When about to
lead his forces against the tyrant Maxentius at the Mil-
vian bridge near Rome he felt that the occasion was a
most critical one. Success meant ultimate headship of
the empire. Defeat would be utterly disastrous. He
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306 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER, III.
was aware of the fact that Maxentius had exhausted all
the possibilities in the way of propitiating the popular
deities, and he could not hope to compete with him for
their support. He had been brought up to regard
Christianity with some degree of favor. He had ob-
served its aggressiveness, its rapid growth, and its
thorough organization. In his anxiety he made up his
mind to invoke the aid of the God of the Christians.
Something must be done to inspire his troops with confi-
dence. He declared that he had seen in the sky a ban-
ner in the form of a cross with the inscription *• By this
conquer.^' He had a splendid labarum made after the
pattern of what he claimed to have seen, and under this
banner his army won a glorious victory.
Constantine's subsequent life was not such as to lead us to credit
his account of the divine manifestation. He was a shrewd and un-
scrupulous politician. No life was sacred if his interests seemed to
require its destruction. He had Licinius treacherously slain after
his defeat. The murder of nearly all his relatives, including his
nephew Licinlanus and his son Crispus. seems wholly unjustifiable
and could not have been the work of a Christian. The story of the
murder of his wife Fausta has been somewhat discredited. In
general, it may be said, that while his character compares favorably
with that of pagan despots, and had many admirable and amiable
traits, he can nardly be supposed to have exercised a saving faith.
2. Constantine's Favors to Christianity. Soon after the
victory over Maxentius he had a statue of himself erected
in Rome with a cross in the right hand and the inscrip-
tion, " By virtue of this salutary sign, which is the true
symbol of 'valor, I have preserved and liberated your
city from the yoke of tyranny," etc. The Edict of
Milan (313), issued jointly by Constantine and Licinius,
proclaimed liberty of conscience and showed partiality
for Christianity. His policy at first was not to interfere
with pagan worship, but by filling the chief offices with
Christians and surrounding himself with Christian
teachers to make the condition of Christians enviable.
Pagan temples that were peculiarly offensive to Chris-
tians on account of their immoral rites, or to which pil-
grimages were made from superstitious motives, were in
some cases destroyed.
He exempted the Christian clergy from military and
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CHAP.L] CHURCH AND STATE 307
municipal duties and their property from taxation (313) ;
abolished various pagan customs and ordinances offen-
sive to Christians (31$) ; facilitated the emancipation of
Christian slaves (315); legalized bequests to Christian
churches, a very important measure (321) ; enjoined the
civil observance of Sunday, though only as the day of
the Sun, and in connection with an ordinance requiring
the consultation of the soothsayer (321); contributed
largely toward the building of Christian houses of wor-
ship ; and gave his sons a Christian education.
In 324 he Is said to have promised to every convert to Christianity
twenty pieces of gold and a white baptismal robe, and twelve thou-
sand men, with women and children m proportion, are said to have
been baptized in Rome in one year. The persistent adherence of the
Roman aristocracy to paganism was a matter of great concern to
Constantine, and he took especial pains to overcome the antipathy
of the Romans toward Christianity.
In 325 he issued a general exhortation to his subjects
to embrace Christianity.
3. Constantine^s f^iew of the Relations of Church and
State. As the Roman emperor was Pontifex Maximus
of the pagan State religion, he would naturally assume
the same relation to Christianity when it became pre^
dominant. This headship the gratitude of the Christians
heartily accorded. In all of his dealings with Christian
matters the supreme motive seems to have been that of
securing unity. About doctrinal differences he was
almost indifferent. But he dreaded dissension among
those on whom he depended for the support of his
government. .
He attempted to settle the Donatist controversy by
negotiation and arbitration, and resorted to violence only
when all other means had proved ineffective.
At great expense he convened the Nicene Council for
the adjudication of the controversy between Arius and
Alexander. His persecution of Arianism was due to his
conviction that only thus ecclesiastical unity could be
restored. He soon came under the influence of semi-
Arian bishops (Busebius, etc.), and the year before his
death he banished Athanasius, who had become bishop
of Alexandria. Constantine did not formally adopt
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508 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. in
Christianity as the religion of the State, but he virtually
gave it this position.
Though he considered himself a *' bishop of bishops/'
he did not think it prudent to accept baptism until just
before his death in 337. No doubt this delay was due to
his belief in the efficacy of baptism to wash away the
sins and crimes that had so marred his life.
When the Roman people refused to accept the new
religion, Constantine transferred his capital to Byzan-
tium and built Constantinople or New Rome. Other
reasons doubtless co-operated with his desire for a
Christian capital.
4. The Sons of Constantine. Constantlne's three sons,
Constantine IL (b. 312), Constantius If. (b. 317), and
Constans (b. 320), succeeded to the imperial dignity
with the good will of the armies. The other relatives of
Constantine, except two nephews, Julian and Callus,
were foully massacred, Constantius being chiefly re-
sponsible for the crime. The empire was so divided that
Constantine 11. ruled in the West, Constans in Italy and
Africa, and Constantius 11. in the East. Constantine
was slain in a battle with Constans near the walls of
Aquileia (340). Constans was forced to commit suicide
by one of his generals (350). This left Constantius
sole emperor. The sons of Constantine did little credit
to their Christian education and profession.
Constantius went far beyond his father in his efforts
to destroy paganism, which still determinedly held its
ground in Rome, Alexandria, and in many other parts of
the empire. In 341 a law was promulgated against pagan
superstition and sacrifice. In 346 the visiting of temples
was forbidden. In 352 and 356 the death penalty was
affixed to heathen sacrifices and to conversion to Juda-
ism. These laws could not be enforced in Rome or in
Alexandria. Constantius regarded his pagan opponents
as traitors and pagan rites as involving conspiracy.
Constantine II. and Constans favored the orthodox of
Athanasian party and restored Athanasius repeatedly to
his See. Constantius was an Arian and joined with
Athanasius' opponents in repeatedly banishing him. The
growing corruption and intolerance of Christians and the
initating and arbitrary measures of Constantius prepared
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CHAP. I.] CHURCH AND STATE 309
the way for the pagan reaction that was to follow this
reign.
5. Julian the Apostate. Julian and his elder half-
brother, Callus, nephews of Constantine the Great,
were saved, through the intercession of a bishop, from
the common massacre of relatives, the one by reason of
his tender youth, the other because of supposed mortal
sickness. Julian received a Christian education under
the direction of Bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia, and during
his residence in Cappadocia he is said to have ministered
in the churches, probably as reader. He studied classical
literature in Constantinople and in Nicomedia, where the
great rhetorician Libanius was teaching. Forbidden to
attend the lectures of this pagan master he secretly read
his writings and became deeply interested in the Neo-
Platonic philosophy, with its mysteries and its manticism.
The fact that pagan philosophy and life were forbidden
fruit no doubt whetted his appetite. He secured initia-
tion into the Eleusinian mysteries, and while remaining
outwardly a Christian was really an enthusiastic pagan
In 356 he was made a Cssar by Constantius, and soon
won renown as a general in the Gallic wars. Jealous of
his popularity Constantius sought to recall a large part
of his army. The troops refused to leave their general
and proclaimed him Augustus. He now declared his hos-
tility to Christianity and was zealous in reopening and
rehabilitating the heathen temples that had been closed
by Constantius. Constantius died in Cilicia just as
Julian was approaching Constantinople. His cause was
won without a battle.
He proceeded at once to restore the temples and their
sacrificial services and to reinstate the mystagogues and
priests in all their ancient privileges, and withdrew from
the Christian clergy the privileges and immunities that
had been conferred upon them by Constantine and his
sons. He borrowed from Christianity whatever he
thought likely to add to the attractiveness of the pagan
public services (popular preaching by purple-robed priests,
music, hymnology, etc.).' He prohibited Christians from
teaching classical literature, wishing no doubt to reduce
Christianity to a despised and illiterate sect. To dis-
credit the Christian prophecies regarding the destruction
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of Jerusalem and to encourage the inveterate enemies of
Christianity, he attempted to restore the Jewish temple
at Jerusalem. He favored Donatists and Arians in com-
parison with Catholics.
it does not appear to have been Julian's intention to
persecute Christians; but the collisions that occurred
between the Christians and the officials in the restora-
tion to pagan purposes of property long used for Chris-
tian purposes, the rigorous enforcement of pagan practices
in the army, and the necessity of punishing deeds of out-
lawry committed, or supposed to have been committed,
by Christians, involved much hardship that could scarcely
be distinguished from persecution.
After reigning less than two years Julian was slain in
battle with the Persians. It is by no means certain that
after receiving the mortal spear-thrust he cried out:
" Galilean, thou hast conquered."
Christianity was tried, but not cast down, by this short-
lived attempt to galvanize into life moribund paganism.^
6. Theodosius the Great (378-395). The immediate suc-
cessors of Julian did little more than remove the restric-
tions that had been placed upon the progress of Christi-
anity and gradually restore to the churches the privileges
they had enjoyed under Constantine and his sons.
Gratian (375-383) refused the title of Pontifex Maximus,
prohibited the superstitious consulting of victims, abol-
ished the privileges of the vestal virgins, had the much-
prized altar of Victory removed from its place near the
Curia of the Senate, and sought in every way to break
the power of Roman paganism. These measures were
carried out under the advice of the great soldier and
statesman Theodosius, who became joint-emperor with
Gratian (378) and sole emperor (394).
Theodosius is commonly regarded as the first orthodox
emperor and the first to make orthodox Christianity the
exclusive religion of the State. He secured from the
Roman Senate an acknowledgment that the religion of
Christ was true. He prohibited sacrifices and even visits
to pagan temples, prostration before idols, the worship of
household gods, and all other idolatrous practices.
1 For Julian's own statement of his philosophical and religious views, sec his
works, ed. Hcrtlein, Leipiig. 1875-76.
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CHAP. I.] CHURCH AND STATE 31I
Theodosius died soon afterward and divine honors
were paid to him by the still pagan Romans in the usual
style. Many pagan temples were destroyed at this time
by fanatical bands of Christians, with the approval of
bishops and emperor. The desecration of the temple of
Serapis in Alexandria so infuriated the pagans of the city
that a massacre of Christians resulted. The temple was
destroyed by imperial command, and the famous idol, on
whose preservation the rising of the Nile was supposed
to depend, was smitten down. The Nile is said to have
risen higher than usual that year.
Lactantius in the time of Constantine wrote: *' Re-
ligion cannot be compelled ; nothing is so voluntary as
religion." Ambrose and Augustine now advocated the
forcible suppression of paganism and heresy. Many
bishops led their people in their violent onslaughts on
pagan sanctuaries and did not shrink even from blood-
shed in the accomplishment of their purposes. Paganism
made a desperate struggle for existence, but it did not
possess the religious enthusiasm that enabled early
Christianity to survive persecution. It had its revenge
in the almost complete paganization of the churches that
speedily followed the enforced conversion of its unwilling
adherents.
II. THE STATE CHURCH.
While it is undeniable that great evil resulted to Chris-
tianity from its adoption by the State, we must not close
our eyes to the (temporarily) beneficent results of this
adoption.
That Christianity should become predominant was, of
course, highly desirable. We may say that it ought to
have spread its influence by purely spiritual means, until
its teachings should have pervaded society in all its ele-
ments ; that the State ought to have become Christian,
but that it ought to have manifested its Christianity
simply by putting into practice the spirit of Christianity.
But while such is our ideal, we could scarcely expect the
Christians of the fourth century to foresee what we, with
the experience of more than fifteen hundred years of the
effects of State patronage and control of religion, are just
beginning to see,
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312 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. in
I. Beneficent Results of the Adoption of Christianity as the
State Religion.
(1) An immensely larger number of peoplje was thus
brought somewhat under the influence of Christianity
than would otherwise have been possible. That men
were induced to abandon idolatry and attach themselves
even outwardly to Christianity was, in a sense, a gain.
(2) Christianity had a much more direct and powerful
effect upon the legislation of the Roman empire than
would otherwise have been possible. The most funda-
mental thing in the Roman political system was the all-
importance of the State and consequent indifference to
the rights of the individual. Christianity gave to legis-
lation a high sense of the value of human life ; of the
rights of all human beings, slaves, foreigners, and bar-
barians included. We have ample proof of the benefi-
cent effect of Christianity on Roman legislation in the
Theodosian Code (424-438), which contains the legisla-
tion of Constantine and his successors ; and in the Jus-
tinian Code, which contains the legislation from Hadrian
to Justinian (527).
The position of women was greatly elevated. Con-
stantine gave to women the right to control their own
property. Marriage was made free by the abolition of
the old penalties against celibacy and childlessness.
Marriage of near relations was restricted; divorce was
rendered difficult.
Concubinage was forbidden, and adultery was punished
as one of the greatest of crimes. The absolute power of
parents over children, extending to freedom and life, was
abolished, and child murder was rendered criminal.
While slavery was still allowed, its evils were less-
ened, and the manumission of slaves was encouraged.
Gladiatorial shows, against which Christians had
striven from the beginning of the second century, were
gradually and partially abolished.
(3) Christianity exerted a beneficent effect on mo-
rality. This is involved in its influence on legislation.
The tone of morals could, of course, be raised only very
gradually; but undoubtedly the change soon became
perceptible.
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CHAP.l.] CHURCH AND STATE 313
2. Evils that Christianity Sufikred in Consequence of the
Union.
The points in which Constantine and his followers
favored Christianity may also be regarded as involving
evils. When he put restrictions on idolatry, he fosteced
a spirit of intolerance in Christians, and led them to trust
in physical power rather than in the power of the truth.
When he enjoined the universal observance of Sunday,
it ceased to be a spiritual, and became a legal festival.
When he legalized Christian corporations, — a thing right
in itself, — ^he presented a great temptation to Christian
bishops to devote themselves largely to the enrichment
of the churches, which they frequently accomplished by
the most unfair means. When he offered temporal in-
ducements to the profession of Christianity, he not only
brought multitudes of unregenerate people into the
churches, but he also aided in making it a part of public
opinion to regard the profession of Christianity as a mere
form, and to attach a magical significance to the ordinances.
His efforts for church unity greatly interfered with free-
dom of thought, and fostered the spirit of intolerance in
the favored party. The favors that he bestowed upon
the bishops increased their pride and worldliness, and
caused an unchristian striving for important bishoprics.
We may particularize as follows :
(i) Christianity was secularized. The doors of the
church were thrown open so wide, that the distinction
between Christianity and the world was obliterated.
Christian churches assumed the magnificence of
heathen temples. In imitating the pomp. Christians
were sure to imitate the practices of heathenism, espe-
cially as the most influential Christians were now men
that had been brought up pagans, and had adopted
Christianity chiefly because it was the fashion.
Many Christian preachers rebuked this worldliness
most vehemently ; but the example of the imperial court
was more influential with the rank and file.
(2) As pagans had been accustomed to worship a host
of gods and goddesses, they felt the need, after becom-
ing Christians, of numerous objects of adoration. The
most honored characters of the early apostolic and suc-
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314 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER in
ceeding times were, of course, selected, such as Mary,
the mother of Christ, the apostles, and other martyrs.
(3) As pagans had been accustomed to worship their
gods under the form of images, the new converts natu-
rally required images of the saints, and the churches
were soon filled with these objects. That pagans so
readily gave up their religion and embraced Christianity
can be accounted for only by the fact that Christianity
adapted itself so entirely to their ideas as to make the
change little more than nominal.
(4) Hierarchical development was stimulated. Bishops,
who had already in great measure gained supremacy
over presbyters, became more uniformly and entirely
supreme after the union.
The ecclesiastical hierarchy was made a counterpart
of the civil government. Constantine divided the
empire into four praetorian prefectures — ^two in the East
and two in the West.
The East, with Antioch as its capital, embraced five
dioceses : Syria ; Egypt (capital Alexandria) ; Pontus
(capital Caesarea) ; Asia (capital Ephesus) ; Thrace,
Haemiontis, Moesia, and Scythia (capital Constantinople).
The lllyrian prefecture comprised Macedonia and
Dacia. The Italian prefecture was divided into two
vicariates: Rome (embracing Southern Italy and the
Mediterranean islands) ; the Italian vicariate (Lombardy,
and territory south of the Danube, capital Milan). To
this was added Western Africa (capital Carthage) and
Western Illyricum.
The fourth prefecture was Gaul (France, Spain, and
Britain).
As bishops of the capitals of the provinces had for
some time exercised a moral influence superior to that of
bishops of less important cities, they were now endued
by a decree of the Council of Nicaea, enforced by impe-
rial power, with authority over all the bishops of their
respective provinces. The bishops highest in authority
were those of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus, and
Jerusalem. These bishoprics magnified their natural
importance by their tradition of apostolic foundation, and
were afterward distinguished (along with that of Con-
stantinople) as patriarchates.
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CHAP.L] CHURCH AND STATE 315
As Rome was the chief city of the West, and the seat
of government for the entire West, the Council of Nicaea
gave to the bishop of Rome authority over all bishops in
the West (including Western Africa, Italy, Gaul, Spain,
Britain, etc.) ; and this authority being so much more
extensive than that of the other patriarchates, naturally
tended to encourage the Roman bishops to the assertion
of absolute supremacy over all the churches. Yet, when
Constantinople became the seat of the Empire, the patri-
archate of Constantinople became a rival to the Roman,
although it had no apostolic origin to boast.
(5) The church became a persecuting power, making
use of the civil authority for the suppression of dissent
and paganism. There had been bigotry and intolerance
enough before, but they had expressed themselves only
morally. Now they exhibited their true character. It
will not seem so strange to us that this secularized Chris-
tianity should have persecuted, if we consider the fol-
lowing facts :
a. The Old Testament, with the majority of Christians,
was of equal authority with the New Testament, and
was looked upon as containing a model of church polity.
Now the Old Testament abounds in narrations in which
the persecuting zeal of rulers is represented as highly
pleasing to God. Special praise is accorded to those who
slaughtered multitudes of heathen, and destroyed their
places and objects of worship. Christian rulers felt that
they were glorifying themselves and God in emulating
such examples ; and Christian preachers felt that they
were filling the place of Old Testament prophets when
they incited the rulers to the violent extermination of
paganism and heresy.
b. By this time it had come to be pretty generally
believed that out of the church there is no salvation.
The idea of the church was limited to those who adhered
to apostolic unity as represented by the dominant party.
By persecution some would be brought back into the
church (whether honestly or not, was a minor con-
sideration). If some were slain, they were only made
to meet their inevitable fate a little sooner. It was a
question of saving some, or letting all go together to
perdition. Moreover, by the slaying of the incorrigible,
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3l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PSR.in
Others would be saved from their corrupting influence,
and still others would be deterred through fear of a
like fate. Our Lord's injunction, ** Compel them to
come in." was interpreted literally, and regarded as a
sanction for the employment of force, even by Augustine.
c. Alongside of these more honest grounds for perse-
cution must be placed personal considerations. Those
who were particularly annoyed by the presence of here-
tics or pagans, were greatly tempted to seek their ex-
termination.
d. Add to these the political need of the unity of
religious belief and practice, so strongly felt by the
rulers of a great empire, and the encouragement these
gave to Christian intolerance, and persecution by Chris-
tians appears as a matter of course. The church has
persecuted Christians far more cruelly, and has de-
stroyed vastly more Christians than pagans have done.
The Diocletian persecution is as nothing when compared
with the work of the '* Holy Office."
(6) Reaction against worldliness, resulting in the ex-
cesses of asceticism. Monasticism is not peculiar to
Christianity, but seems naturally to occur under favor-
able circumstances in connection with almost any system
of religion. It existed in the most exaggerated forms
among Brahmins and Buddhists long before the Christian
era. The Essenes and the Therapeutae, at and before
the time of Christ, were ascetics. It is probable that
Christian asceticism was historically connected with the
Oriental theosophy, though not very directly or con-
sciously derived from it.
So long as Christianity was persecuted. Christians
of an ascetic turn of mind usually found opportunity
enough for self-denial in enduring hardships for the faith.
We see the ascetic spirit manifested in Montanists, Nova-
tians, and Donatists, and in the multitudes that were
always ready to deliver themselves to death. In Gnosti-
cism and Manichaeism it had a thoroughly perverse de-
velopment.
From the true Christian idea that the flesh must be
crucified and the lusts thereof, that those who would
come after Christ must deny themselves, etc.. Christians
soon came to look upon suffering in connection with re-
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CHAP. I.] CHURCH AND STATE 317
ligion as meritorious in itself, and were willing to endure
the greatest physical agonies for the peace of conscience
thence derivable. The New Testament opposition be-
tween spirit and flesh, was laid hold of and perverted.
Now this ascetic spirit continued to exist in many after
persecution had ceased. Nay, it was intensified by the
increase of worldliness in the Christian churches. Such
spirits came to feel that it was impossible to live a truly
Christian life in the worldly churches. How was the
ascetic spirit, the desire for self-sacrifice, to find vent ?
The ascetics withdrew from society and retired into
waste places, where they spent their time in fasting
and prayer, and in making the spirit triumph over the
flesh. The greater the rigor of their self-discipline, the
greater the merit ; so endless means of self-torture were
devised, which amounted, in many instances, to suicide.
Insanity, in various degrees, almost always resulted from
such austerities. (This refers to the earlier stages of
hermit life.) We may distinguish four stages in the de-
velopment of Monasticism :
a. The asceticism that prevailed in the churches them-
selves, varying in its austerity.
b. Hermit life or Anchoretism. This form of asceti-
cism may have arisen about the middle of the third cen-
tury, but it became common only after the union of
Church and State. Jerome's romantic account of Paul
of Thebes, and Antony of Alexandria, are mainly fabu-
lous, as is also much in the life of Antony attributed to
Athanasius. But these and like narratives may have
had a basis of fact, and they exhibit in concrete form the
ideals that prevailed in the latter half of the fourth cen-
tury. The following sketch of Antony, without the
fables, may be in the main correct :
Born about 2$i, he became in early manhood an enthusiastic
ascetic, sold his large estate, and gave the proceeds to the poor,
committing his sister, whose guardian he was, to a body of virgins.
He strove to detach himself from the world, and to eradicate all
human sensibilities and desires. His efforts to banish evil thoughts
secm«d only to Intensify them. In order to make his separation
from the world more complete, he removed some miles from his
native vlllaM, and occupied a cleft in a rock. His imagination was
rendered so fervid ^y jifs austerities, that he supposed himself to be
assaulted by the powers of darkness.
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3l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.m.
He then resorted to a still more secluded place, where he remained
twenty years. But his fame had now spread, so that large num-
bers came to him for spiritual guidance, many adopting the same
mode of life. He desired to escapee from men, and sought a stili
more retired place ; but he was still pursued, being reputed to pos^
sess superhuman sanctity and the power of worlcing miracles.
Only on the rarest occasions did he visit Alexandria, as in 311, in
the time of the Diocletian persecution, for the purpose of encourag-
ing the Christians, and in ^$2 to counteract the spread of Arianism.
Antony's food was bread and salt, never tasted until after sunset
He often fasted entirely for two or three days. He watched and
prayed all night, sleeping only a little time on the ground. He
rejected the practice of bathing, and Is said never to have seen him-
self nude. Many of his followers far surpassed Antony in self-
mortification.
From Egypt hermit life spread into Syria and other
parts of the empire.
c. Coenobitic or cloister life. This too originated in
Egypt, probably from the example of the Essenes and
Therapeutae. The hermits had become numerous.
Here, as always, extensiveness decreased intensity.
The feeling arose that the true interests of ascetics
would be better subserved by association with kindred
spirits. Moreover, there was a tendency for large num-
bers of younger hermits to flocl< to those who had at-
tained to great celebrity for instruction. Such was true
even in the case of Antony, and he himself was said to
have encouraged the association of ascetics.
The anchoretic life was not at all adapted to females.
Even in the time of Tertullian ** virgins*' had begun to
live together at the expense of the churches.
The association of monks was at first informal. When
the number became great it was necessary to adopt rules
for the government of the society and to fix terms for
admission.
The first rules of importance were those of Pachomius.
Near the beginning of the fourth century Pachomius, a
young soldier, obtained release from military service and
attached himself to an old hermit, with whom he lived
twelve years. He was not satisfied with a life of idle
devotion, but felt a strong impulse to do good to his
brethren. Accordingly he organized a society of monks
on an island in the Nile, which during his lifetime reached
a membership of three thousand. The entire body of
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CHAP. I.] CHURCH AND STATE 319
monks was divided into twenty-four classes, according
to the letters of the alphabet. The gradations were
those of spiritual advancement. Over each class was a
presiding officer, Pachomius himself being the abbot or
father of all. They supported themselves by various
kinds of labor : agriculture, ship-building, tanning, basket
making, etc. No one had anything of his own, but all
earnings went to the common treasury, from which all
were supported. Particular duties were assigned to
each by his superior, and special hours of devotion were
appointed for all.
This form of ascetic life became popular. Multitudes
of all classes of society flocked to the cloisters. Many
monks, losing their first enthusiasm, were tormented in
spirit and became insane. Many became vicious. Many
entered the monasteries to escape military service and
other hardships, which the declining empire put upon its
subjects.
d. The founding of monastic orders, 1. ^., the organiza-
tion under the same rule and name, of monastic bodies
in various regions. Under this form medieval Monasti-
cism for the most part existed.
Remark.— While we have here classed Monasticlsm in general
among the evil results of the union of Church and State, we must
beware of regarding it as only evil. In its favor it may be said (a)
that it made strong resistance to worldliness ; (d) it was a powerful
means of attracting pagans to Christianity; (c) in many instances
it promoted theological study ; (</) it afforded a refuge and means of
reformation for those that were cast out from society.
On the other hand : U) it withdrew large numbers of good men
from active service in Christ's cause; (h) it fostered spiritual pride
and hypocrisy : {c) it filled Christendom with radically wrong ideas
of religion and morality; {d) it brutalized many men: (#) it was a
most influential factor in the development of hierarchy.^
timiincpU," 1897.
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CHAPTER II
CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH
It was doubtless hoped by many that when organized
Christianity had gained power to enforce its decisions
there would be an end of controversy. Yet never had
controversy raged so fiercely as in the fourth and follow-
ing centuries. The parties that were already in exist-
ence now came forward with a great increase of polemi-
cal energy, and new parties arose.
Persecution of the less powerful by the dominant
parties was employed without scruple, but to little avail.
It seems to be an established principle that persecution,
if not carried to the point of extermination, and if not
carried on so constantly and severely as to destroy the
spirit of the persecuted, really promotes their spread.
We may divide the controversies of the period into
seven classes: (i) On ecclesiastical polity; (2) on the
relations of the godhead ; (3) on the teaching of Origen ;
(4) on Christology ; (5) on the doctrine of the person of
Christ ; (6) on anthropology ; (7) controversies involving
protests against the paganizing of Christianity.
I. ecclesiastical polity— the DONATIST CONTROVERSY.
We left the Donatists in the other period when the
schism had just been completed. A brief sketch of the
efforts to heal the schism must here be given :
I. Their Appeal to Constantine, Constantine having
expressly excepted the Donatists from the privileges
conferred on (Christians at the beginning of his reign,
they appealed to him (then in Gaul) to name judges in
that country to inquire into the nature of the divisions
in Carthage (313). Constantine referred the matter to
Melchiades, bishop of Rome, and five Gallic bishops, be-
fore whom the accused Caecilian and ten African bishops
from each side were summoned. A hasty decision in
favor of Caecilian resulted.
320
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chap.il] controversies in the church 321
The Donatists complained that their cause had not
been fully heard, and Constantine ordered a second
investigation at Aries (314), expressing himself against
the Donatists.
A large conference was called, to be composed of
bishops of both parties from various parts of the empire.
This body was packed, the great majority of the bishops
being from Gaul and Italy. The decision was on the
whole favorable to Caecilian, yet it was enacted that
traditors who could be proved to be such from public
documents — not from mere rumor — should be removed
from the ministry. The Donatists failed to prove from
public documents that either Mensurius or C^secilian or
Felix of Aptunga, who had ordained Caecilian, was a
traditor.
The investigations conducted by the imperial commissioners had
reference chiefly to the conduct of Pelix, whose traditorship was sup-
posed by the Donatists to have vitiated the ordination of Cseclllan.
From this decision the Donatists appealed to the
emperor himself. He decided against them in 316, and
threatened the banishment of their bishops and the
confiscation of their property in case they should refuse
to yield.
2. Persecution of the donatists. Constantine's threat
was soon executed. Donatists were deprived of their
churches and harassed in various ways. This persecu-
tion had the effect of driving many of them already
inclined to fanaticism to deeds of violence. In 317
Constantine exhorted the Catholics to abstain from re-
taliation. In 321 the Donatists sent a petition to the
emperor, saying that they would submit to anything
rather than affiliate with the rascally Bishop Caecilian.
Constantine thought further measures useless and
granted them full liberty of conscience.
3. Efforts of the Emperor Constans to Bribe the Donatists,
and the Succeeding Persecution. In 340 Constans made
an effort, under the pretence of alms, to use money for
conciliating the Donatists. The Donatist bishops were
exasperated, and again there was a resort to force.
They were once more deprived of their churches and
their assemblies were broken up by armed troops.
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322 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.ia
Those that resisted were in many instances slain. The
Donatists were now led to declare boldly their opposition
to civil interference in nnatters of religion. This was
henceforth one of the fundamental principles of the party.
4. The HDonatists and the Emperor Jidian. Julian at-
tempted to restore paganism, and of course withdrew
the privileges that had been bestowed upon the dominant
form of organized Christianity by his predecessors.
The Donatists appealed to him, and he issued an edict
annulling whatever had been undertaken against them
and restoring to them their churches.
5. The donatists and /lugustine. The Donatist schism
was still unabated at the beginning of the fifth century.
Augustine, bishop of Hippo, was impelled, not only by
his high idea of church unity, but also by the annoyance
that the schism caused him personally, to write against
them and to seek to compass their overthrow. The
leading points on which Augustine bases his attacks are:
(i) Their persistent separation from the church, which
led them to refuse to enter even into social relations
with the Catholics.
(2) Their insistence on the rebaptism of the Catholics
as a condition of communion with them. This offered
the greatest obstacle to union, necessitating a complete
surrender on the part of the Catholics in order thereunto.
(3) He rebuts their charges of persecution on the part
of the Catholics by setting forth the intolerance of Do-
natists themselves, citing as instances the refusal of
Donatists in a town in which they were predominant to
sell bread to Catholics, and the forcible manner in which in
a schism in a Donatist church, led by Maximianus, the
stronger party had seized the church property. The fact
that the schism was afterward healed without require-
ment of rebaptism on either side he uses against the
Donatists to show their inconsistency in requiring rebap-
tism of Catholics. The deeds of the fanatical Circum-
celliones are also used to show the intolerant, persecut-
ing spirit of the Donatists.
6. The Donatists and the Carthaginian Council (A. D.
411). A great effort having been made (395 onw.) to
conciliate the Donatists by allowing their clergy to retain
their dignity and by making aa amicable adjustment of
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 323
claims to church property, etc., with little success, the
emperor, Theodosius II,, issued an edict (41 1) commanding
the Donatist bishops of Africa to meet the Catholic
bishops at Carthage in a great conference.
The Donatist bishops went much against their inclina-
tion, having no confidence in such measures. They
were indignant that an imperial commissioner should
preside. The Donatists were sullen, the Catholics im-
perious, and the discussion amounted to nothing.
Of the Catholic bishops of Proconsular Africa two hundred and
eighty-six were present, of the Donatists two hundred and seventy-
nine. It is evident that the dioceses were small and that Catholic
and Donatist congregations existed side by side in nearly every
community.
The Donatists were condemned and a fierce persecu-
tion ensued. The Vandals, however, put an end to party
strife, persecuting Catholics and Donatists alike, and in-
troducing Arianism (429 onw.). The Donatists declined
from the middle of the fifth century, but maintained
themselves as a distinct party until the sixth century or
later.
II. ON THE RELATIONS OF THE GODHEAD— THE ARIAN CON-
TROVERSY.
LITERATURE: Athanasius, *' Orai. Contra Arianos'^ "D# D$cniis
Smodm Wcamm^^ "D# SenUniia DionysU^^ ** Apologia contr. Arianos,^*
*^Histon'a Arianorum^^* etc. ; Basil, **A(iv. Emommm** ; Greg. Naz.,
**Oratfotus Theologieof^^ ; Greg. Nys., ^^ Contra Eunommm** ; Hilary,
•* D0 TrmUaU "; Ambrose, " D$ Fid$ "; Augustine, " De Trinitait Con-
tra Maximinum Arianum "; Epjphanius, ^^Ancoratus "; Hardouin and
MansI, *' Concilia '' ; " Fragmenta Arianorum^** in Mai's '* Scriptorum
ygt. Nov. Coll" Vol. 111. ; TDorner, " Person of Christ," Div. L Vol.
II. ; Neander, Vol. II., p. 403, ssq. , Schaff, Vol. II., pp. 616-698 ; Baur,
•• Gtsch. d. Lihrt der Dnieinigkiit,^' Bd, I., Sfit. 3o6-«25, and *' 'Dog-
nungesehichti^" Bd. I., Sdit. 13^-282; Kolling, '* Gesch» d, Arianischen
H'afisii^" 1874; works on tne history of doctrine, by Harnack,
Loofs, Seeberg, Thomasius, Hagenbach, Shedd, Sheldon, and
Fisher ; Hefele, " Hist, of Councils," Vol. I. ; De Broglie, " UEgliu
it VEmpirt^' ; Voigt, " Die Uhrt d. tAthanasius'*; Newman, "The
Arians of the Fourth Century " : Gibbon, " Dec. and Fall," Chap.
21; Stanley, "Eastern Church,*' Lect lI.-VII.: Gwatkin, "Stud-
ies of Arianism " and " The Arian Controversy " ; articles on Arius
(Arianism), Athanasius, Eusebius, Eunomlus, etc., in Smith and
Wace, Hauck-Herzog, Wetzer u. Welte, Lichtenberger, and McClIn*
tock and Strong.
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324 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PES. in
I. Preliminary Observations.
It was the doctrine of the pre-existent Logos that
more than any other had agitated the world of theolog*
ical thought during the second and third centuries. We
have seen that the Christians were driven to the ex-
pression of definite views on this subject by the pressure
of Gnosticism on the one hand, with its emanation
theory, and of Ebionism on the other, with its utter re-
jection of Christ's deity. We have seen that an influ-
ential part of the church, represented by Noetus, Praxeas,
Sabellius, and Beryl, had, with a view to obviating the
Gnostic and Ebionitic conclusions, striven to identify
Father and Son absolutely. This involved either Patri-
passianism (the maintenance that the birth and suffer-
ings of the Son can be attributed equally to the Father)
or Docetism (the incarnation and the sufferings of the
Son being regarded as merely phenomenal). Patripas-
sianism was, from the first, repugnant to the Christian
consciousness in general, and its success in gaining ad-
herents may have been due, in part, to the laxity of dis-
cipline with which it appears to have been commonly
jissociated.
The problem now forced itself upon the minds of
Christian thinkers, of distinguishing between Father and
Son, without denying either the humanity or the abso-
lute deity of the latter. We have seen how Tertullian,
by his ** Economy," and Origen, by his " Eternal Gen-
eration," attempted to meet the case. Dionysius of
Alexandria, in controversy with the Sabellians (about
260), declared that the ** Son of God is a work and a
creature, not appertaining to him by nature, but as re*
gards his essence as foreign to the Father as is the hus-
bandman to the vine. . . For, as a creature, he did not
exist before he was produced." These expressions
awakened vigorous opposition, and the matter was laid
before Dionysius, bishop of Rome, who called a synod
for the consideration of the question. Dionysius of Alex-
andria afterward disowned the opinions mentioned, and
in the Arian controversy his authority was claimed by
both parties.
Dionysius of Rome (with the concurrence of the synod)
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CHAR II.] COffTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 325
rejected the expressions of his Alexandrian namesake,
together with anything that would imply that there was
a time when the Son was not. He held that the Son was
always in the Father as his Power and Wisdom. " It is
necessary for the divine Logos to be united with the God
of the universe, and in God the Holy Spirit, also, must
be embosomed and dwell. And now it is altogether nec-
essary that the divine Triad be summed up and brought
together into a head, as it were — I mean in God, the
creator of the universe."
During the closing years of the third century and the
opening of the fourth, theological thought was focused
upon this great question. There was still a constant
vacillation between subordinationism and Sabellianism.
In the nature of things, such a state of vacillation on a
question that profoundly agitated men's minds could not
long continue. The time had come when Christian
thinkers must decide either that the Son is a creature,
and hence, not eternal, and not in the highest sense
divine ; or, that he is uncreated, eternal, truly God, of
the same essence with the Father, yet with a personality
distinct from that of the Father.
By the beginning of the fourth century, the idea of the
absoluteness of the Christian religion had taken strong
hold upon the Christian consciousness. This pre-sup-
posed, Christianity could not long remain content with
any statement that involved the subordination of its
head. If Christianity is the absolute religion, the Christ
must be regarded as absolutely divine. It was, there-
fore, no accident that the Nicene-Athanasian formulae of
the relations of the Godhead should have finally pre-
vailed, and should have become part and parcel of the
Christianity of the subsequent ages.
We observe here, as we shall constantly have occa-
sion to observe, the speculative character of Oriental
theology, as contrasted with the practical tendency of
the Occidental. Western Christians saw clearly the
practical need of asserting the absolute deity of Christ,
and were somewhat indifferent to minute distinctions.
Eastern Christians, on the other hand, often spent their
energies in fruitless hair-splitting.
The Arian controveisy was widespread, violent, and
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326 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. fll
prolonged. For nearly a century it absorbed a large share
of the energies of almost the entire Christian brother-
hood. It was the occasion of innumerable scenes of
bloodshed and violence, and it rent asunder whole sec-
tions of Christendom.
2. Rise of the Controversy,
We have seen that from the time of Origen Oriental
Christendom was constantly agitating the question of the
relations of the Godhead. Arius, a presbyter of the
Alexandrian church, had received his religious training
at Antioch, under Lucian. In opposition to the allegor-
ical interpretation which prevailed at Alexandria, Arius
had learned to interpret the Bible grammatically and his-
torically. He seems to have been almost destitute of the
intuitive faculty for which Alexandrian theologians were
distinguished, and his mind demanded an entirely clear
and rational statement of the doctrine that was agitating
the churches. Origen's theory of the eternal generation
of the Logos had no meaning for him. " We must either
suppose two divine original essences, without beginning
and independent of each other, we must substitute a
dyarchy for a monarchy, or we must not shrink from
asserting that the Logos had a beginning of his existence
— ^that there was when he was not."
Arius was a man of pure and ascetical life, and his in-
fluence in Alexandria soon began to be felt. In 321
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, called a synod, which
deposed him from the presbyterate and excluded him
from the communion of the church. The result was a
schism in the Alexandrian church which soon spread far
and wide.
3. The Three Parties in the Controversy.
(i) The ^rian. This party during the early stages rf
the controversy was not strong. Comparatively few
were willing to accept, without qualification, Arius* state-
ments with regard to the Logos. But a very large num-
ber, who had always, after the example of Origen, held
to a subordination of the Logos, protested against the
intolerance of Alexander, and hence were practically
defenders of Arianism.
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 327
We may sum up the strict Arian view as follows :
a. The Son was created out of nothing ; hence, he is
different in essence QrepooOato^) from the Father ; that he
is Logos, Wisdom, Son of God, is only of grace. He is
not so in himself.
b. There was, when he was not ; i. e., he is a finite
being.
c. He was created before everything else, and through
him the universe was created and is administered.
d. In the historical Christ the human element is
merely the material ; the soul is the Logos. The his-
torical Christ, therefore, had no human soul, and the
human elements that appear so prominently in the Gos-
pels, are attributed to the Logos. This is one of the
favorite arguments of the Arians for the finiteness and
imperfection of the Logos. The earlier theologians, with
the exception of Origen, had made no distinction between
the divine and the human in Christ, and the orthodox
theologians were . not able to meet this telling argument
of the Arians by making such distinction.
e. The Arians held, that although the incarnate Logos
is finite, and hence not God, he is to be worshiped, as
being unspeakably exalted above all other creatures, the
immediate Creator and Governor of the universe, and the
Redeemer of man.
/. The Arians adhered to the Scriptures, and were will-
ing to employ as their own any scriptural statements of
doctrine.
(2) The tAthanasian Party. This party was driven to
the rigorous definition of the relations of the Godhead
by the harsh polemical statements of the Arians. The
Origenistic representation was too metaphysical and was
a constant occasion of theological agitation. The needs
of the case were : to utterly repudiate the hypothesis of
any sort of subordination on the part of the Son ; to hold
fast to the absolute deity of the historical Christ ; and to
obviate Patripassianism.
According to the Arian theory, which was thought to
be the logical outgrowth of the Origenistic, the Son does
not even know the Father perfectly. If the Son does
not know the Father perfectly, then Christianity is not
the absolute religion. But Christianity is the absolute
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328 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
religion, therefore the Son must have. made a perfect
revelation, i. e., must be absolutely divine. This abso-
lutely divine Son was, as a matter of course, identified
with the historical Christ.
Patripassianism never had a very strong hold upon the
Christian consciousness, and was by this time looked
upon as blasphemous. " Hence, a distinction of personal-
ities in the Godhead must be made, if the life and the
death of the historical Christ were real, •which was not
doubted.
We may summarize the Athanasian view of the person
of Christ as follows :
a. The Son was begotten, not by the will of the Father,
as Origen supposed, but by a necessity of the Father's
nature. As God is unchangeable, there never was wl\pn
he was not Father. Just as God is good and merciful,
not by an exercise of will, but by nature, so he is pa-
ternal. Nature goes before all willing. The distinction
of Father and Son is, therefore, an eternal distinction.
b. The Son is identical in substance (6fioou<Tto^) with the
Father. His deity is identical with the deity of the Father.
Athanasius and his party discarded the Platonic exalta-
tion of God above all relations to the universe, which
Origen, Arius, etc., adhered to. Creation was the work
of the Son, but not because it was beneath the dignity of
the Father. The Arian view, it was held, in denying the
absolute deity of Christ, destroys the possibility of the
union of man with God. If Christ is not God there is no
true redemption for man.
c. Athanasius emphasized the personality of the Son
Just as much as his identity in essence with the Father.
Personality is involved in Athanasius' idea of Sonship.
The Son is not a mere attribute or mode of manifesta-
tion of the Father, but an independent personal subsist-
ence. Yet Athanasius would not allow anything that
involves a partition of the divine essence. He illustrates
his idea of the relation of Father and Son by the relation
of light and its reflection, thus really subordinating the
Son to the Father.
Athanasius thus set forth with great clearness the two
elements of the doctrine — the sameness of essence and
the distinction of personality of Father and Son. Later
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CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 329
theologians, such as Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, and
Gregory Nazianzen, attempted to reconcile the two
propositions of Athanasius, i. e., to make clear wherein
the oneness and wherein the trinity consists.
(3) The SemuArian or Eusebian Party. We may re-
gard this large and influential party as, on the one hand,
a continuation of the Ante-Nicene Origenistic party, and
on the other hand as a mediation between Arianism and
Athanasianism. Most of the early defenders of Arius
were not willing, with Arius, to deny absolutely the
deity of Christ, yet they were just as loth to accept the,
to them, self -contradictory representation of Athanasius.
The creed of the Semi-Arians may be summed up as
follows :
a. They rejected the Arian view that the Son was
created out of nothing, and hence is different in essence
from the Father; that "there was when the Son was
not " ; that the Son is a creature or a birth in the sense
in which other things are created and born.
b. On the other hand, they declared that the Son was
begotten of the Father, before all time, God of God,
entire of entire, only of the only, perfect of the perfect,
;mage of the deity, the essence, the will, the power, and
the glory of the Father. Yet they denied the Athana-
sian sameness of essence, holding only to likeness as to
essence (6fjLoto6ino^).
Remark.— This party appears In history chiefly in an apologetic
way, and most of its members were probably nearer to the Anans
than to the Athanaslans.
4. The Arians and the Nicene Council.
The chief object of the Nicene Council was to settle
the Arian controversy, which so seriously imperiled the
unity of organized Christianity that Constantine had
much at heart. In the council were three distinct
parties, the Arian, the Semi-Arian or Origenistic, and
the Athanasian. At the opening of the council the
Arians proposed a creed, signed by eighteen names.
This was indignantly rejected and torn in pieces. All
the signers, except Arius and two bishops, now aban-
doned the cause of the Arians.
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330 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.ni
Eusebius of Csesarea then proposed an ancient Pales-
tinian creed, which acknowledged the divine nature of
Christ in general biblical terms. The emperor had
already expressed a favorable opinion of this creed.
The Arians were willing to subscribe to it, but this latter
fact made the Athanasian party suspicious. They wanted
a creed that no Arian could subscribe, and insisted on in-
serting the term tneeining identical in substance (6/ioo64rto^),
The Nicene Creed in nearly its present form was then
proposed, and the emperor having decided to support the
Athanasian party, subscription to this was required of all
the bishops. The Semi-Arian bishops, who maintained
that the Son was not identical in essence with the Father,
but was of a similar essence (6fioto6<rto^), after consider-
able hesitation signed the document for the sake of
peace, explaining, by way of protest, their precise
position.
Two Egyptian bishops, Theonas and Secundus, per-
sistently refused to sign it, and together with Arius were
banished to Illyria. Thus the Athanasian party was for
a time victorious, and the Arians were suppressed as far
as possible by imperial force.
Athanasius, at this time a young man, soon became
the acknowledged leader of the Nicene party, and used
his great dialectic powers in writing and preaching
against Arianism.
5. Arian and Semi- Arian Reaction.
It is probable that Constantine himself, so far as he
had any convictions on the subject, was from the first in-
clined to Semi- Arianism. Soon after the closing of the
council the Semi-Arians began to assail the Nicene creed
and to insist upon the similarity over against the same-
ness of essence.
Constantine, through the influence of Eusebius, re-
called Arius and his party from exile (328). In 330 he
required Athanasius, now bishop of Alexandria, to
restore Arius to his office, and on his refusing was on
the point of deposing him, but was awed by the person-
ality of Athanasius. The influence of the Eusebian
party was increasing, and in 33; an Arian Synod was
convoked at Tyre which condemned the Athanasian
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CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 33 1
party. The emperor banished Athanasius to Treves,
and Arius was about to be restored to his position in the
Alexandrian church when he died suddenly, a^ed eighty.
After the death of Constantine (337) Constantius
reigned in the East and Constantine II. in the West.
The former was an Arian, the latter an adherent of the
Nicene creed. The Western church was all along pre-
dominantly orthodox, the Eastern predominantly Arian
or Semi-Arian. Constantine II. restored Athanasius, but
he was deposed again after the death of this emperor
(340). Constantius restored Athanasius a third time
(346), but after the death of Constans (350) he was
driven from Alexandria by Constantius with an armed
force.
Constantius, now sole emperor, introduced Arianism
into the West. The orthodox bishop of Rome was
dethroned and an Arian put in his place, but the former
was restored after the death of the latter on signing
Arian articles. Even Hosius of Cordova, who had been
foremost in the Nicene Council, was at last induced to
subscribe Arian articles.
For some years before the authoritative introduction
of Arianism into the West the Arians had been zealously
prosecuting mission work among the Goths and other
barbarians. Ulfilas, the great apostle of the Goths,
translated the Bible into Gothic about 350. Arianism
gained a strong hold upon these nations that were be-
coming every year a more important element in the
politics and civilization of Europe.
6. yictoty of the Athanasian Party.
Constantius died in 361. Julian was indifferent to
Christian parties. The Athanasian party, when freedom
was again allowed, rapidly regained their power in the
West and made progress In the East. The Emperor
Valens (364-378) persecuted the Athanasians with
fanatical zeal. Theodosius the Great (392-39S) com-
pleted the victory of orthodoxy in the Roman Empire,
yet Arianism continued for a long time to prevail among
the barbarians. The conversion to orthodoxy of Clovis,
king of the Franks (496), was followed by a rapid
decline of Arianism among the Teutonic peoples.
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333 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. lit
III. THE ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES.
Literature : a large body of important matter Is published in
connection with the Migne edition of Origen's works. See also
the pertinent sections in the works on the history of doctrine;
In Dorner*s "The Person of Christ"; in Hefele's "History of
Councils"; In the general works on church histon^ and in the
encyclopedias of Smith and Wace, Wetzer u. Welte, Herzog*
Hauck, and Lichtenberger.
Controversies regarding many aspects of his teachings
arose during the lifetime 6t Origen and were perpetu-
ated until the middle of the sixth century. Methodius,
bishop of Patara (Asia Minor), about the beginning of
the present period assailed with great bitterness Origen's
teachings regarding the creation, the relation of soul and
body, the resurrection, free will, etc. Methodius denied
the eternity of the creative process, the fall of the soui
in a pre-existent state and its probationary imprison-
ment in the body, the spirituality of the resurrection
(involving denial of the resurrection of the body), and
the inability of man to repel evil thoughts with the
temptations involved, A number of zealous defenders
of the great master were promptly in the arena, among
them Eusebius of Csesarea and Pamphilus, his friend.
The following are the more important of the phases of
the controversy that fall within the present period :
I. In Relation to the Arian Controversy.
At first there was a disposition on both sides of the
Arian controversy to ignore the teachings of Origen.
But some of the aspects of Arianism were so manifestly
in accord with Origen's teachings that the Athanasians
began to stigmatize him as ''the father of Arianism."
The Arians naturally were glad to claim the support of
so great a name.
Eusebius of Caesarea and the Semi-Arians zealously
defended the reputation of Origen, while Pachomius, the
founder of monasticism, who had adopted anthropomor-
phite views, regarded the spiritualistic teachings of the
Origenists with the utmost disfavor, supposing that such
views polluted the bodies as well as the souls of those
who accepted them.
Athanasius, while recognizing the errors of Origen,
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CHAP.il] controversies in the church 333
defended him against the fanatical assaults of the anthro-
pomorphites. During the course of the century, Basil
the Great, Gregory of Nazianzen, and Gregory of Nyssa,
sought to save the reputation of Origen for orthodoxy,
while Epiphanius reiterated the charges of Methodius
and assailed his allegorical method of interpreting the
Scriptures.
The controversies of this time were almost purely
literary and did not enter the realm of ecclesiastical
politics.
2. Politico-Ecclesiastical Strife in Palestine and in Egypt
(A. D. 390 onward).
(i) Jerome^ Aterbius, Epiphanius, and Rufinus. Pales-
tine, where Origen had spent the latter half of his life,
had always been devoted to his memory and faithful to
his teachings. At this time Jerome and his devoted
friend Paula from Italy were presiding over monastic
institutions at Bethlehem, while Rufinus and Melania,
likewise from Italy, had established religious houses on
the mount of Olives. Without accepting all his teach-
ings, Jerome and Rulinus were both earnest students of
Origen's works and were disposed to guard his reputa-
tion from unjust imputations.
In 392 Aterbius, an Egyptian anthropomorphite monk,
came to Jerusalem and attacked Jerome and Rufinus as
Origenists. Jerome repudiated Origen's errors, but
sought to minimize them. John, bishop of Jerusalem,
and Rufinus, stanchly defended Origen.
In 394 Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, came to Pales-
tine with the avowed object of crushing Origenism.
Jerome was ready by this time to co-operate with him
in his onslaught against John and Rufinus. Epiphanius
undertook to excommunicate John and to install in his
place Paulinianus, a brother of Jerome.
Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, was appealed to by
John and sought to reconcile the contending factions.
Though Origenistic in his sympathies, he was finally led
to ally himself with Jerome.
Rufinus made peace with Jerome and soon afterward
returned to Italy, where he translated into Latin the
defense of Origen by Pamphilus and Origen's great
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334 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.ni.
work on "First Principles.*' He rejected some of the
more objectionable expressions in Origen's works as
interpolations and professed his aversion to the charac-
teristic errors of Origen ; but Jerome's polemical zeal
was aroused afresh and he insisted that Rufinus could
not escape personal responsibility for such views of
Origen as he had put forth in the translation. Jerome
succeeded in inducing the Roman bishop, Anastasius,
who was profoundly ignorant of Origen 's works, to con-
demn them, and the Emperor Honorius to prohibit their
use (A. D. 400).
(2) TheophUus and the AnthropomorphiU Monks. In
399 Theophilus aroused the anthropomorphite monks to
a murderous fury by an unhappy expression in an
Easter letter. To escape their vengeance he disclaimed
sympathy with Origenistic teaching and made use of
language which they interpreted in an anthropomorphic
sense. The Origenistic monks (the •' Tall Brethren ")
now turned against their bishop. He determined to
crush Origenism, and secured the co-operation of Epi-
phanius of Cyprus, Anastasius of Rome, and of a synod
in Jerusalem. Theophilus now put forth in a synodal
letter a catalogue of the heresies of Origen's •* First
Principles, *' including his teaching regarding the ultimate
restoration to divine favor of evil men and angels and of
Satan himself, and denounced Origen as ''the hydra of
all heresies." He drove three hundred of the Origenis-
tic monks from the Nitrian desert, who with others took
refuge in Constantinople and sought the protection of
Chrysostom, the patriarch.
The Emperor Arcadius was led by the reports of
Theophilus* cruelties to summon him to the capital.
Epiphanius went in advance to explain matters, and on
Theophilus' arrival he found little difficulty in vindicat-
ing himself and in procuring the condemnation of Chrys-
ostom by a small council for the favor he had shown to
the Origenistic monks (403).
(3) Justinian's Repressive Measure (c. 542). The Nes-
torian and the Eutychian controversies were already
raging, and controversy en the teachings of Origen
came little into notice until about $20 when trouble
arose in the Palestinian Laura. The expulsion of fou>
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CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 335
Origenistic monks by the head of the institution and
their secret restoration some time afterward by his suc-
cessor led to an appeal to Constantinople. Avowed
Origenism rapidly spread throughout Palestine. After
much controversy Justinian was led to issue an edict for
the suppression of Origenism throughout the empire
(c. 542). It was crushed to rise no more as a distinct
party, though Origen's peculiar views have rarely been
without their zealous supporters.
IV. ON CHRISTOLOGY— THE NESTORIAN, EUTYCHIAN, AND
MONOTHELITE CONTROVERSIES, ETC.
I. Preliminary Observations.
Very little effort had been made during the first three
centuries to analyze the person of Christ. V/hether he
had a complete human and a complete divine nature was
not an agitated question. Origen was probably the first
to say distinctly that Christ had a human soul, this
being in accord with his theory that Christ became a man
to save men, an angel to save angels.
Arius expressly denied that Christ had a human soul,
and this view was admirably adapted to his polemical
purpose, viz., that of showing the imperfection of the
Logos.
Athanasius did not, as he might have been expected
to do, answer Arius with the assertion of the complete
divinity and the complete humanity of Christ and
ascribe what seemed unsuitable to deity in the New
Testament representation to Christ's human nature.
But he answered him with the assertion that when
Christ spoke or acted in a manner inconsistent with
deity (as, e. g., when he said : " My God ! my God !
why hast thou forsaken me ? ") he spoke in our name,
because he had put himself into our place and had taken
upon himself our guilt and abasement, or else he spoke
by way of accommodation to the ignorance of his dis-
ciples.
Gregory Nazianzen and Gregory of Nyssa adopted
and developed the Origenistic doctrine that the Logos
united himself with the sensuous nature by the media-
tion of a rational human soul. They held that the
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336 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. la
divine Logos took all parts of human nature into fellow-
ship with himself and pervaded them. This permeation
of the human by the divine was potential from Christ's
birthy but was fully realized only after the resurrection
and ascension.
Apollinaris (about 370) first took up the question in a
polemical way. In accordance with the Platonic trichot-
omy (body, soul, and spirit), he maintained that Christ
had a human body and soul, but that the divine Logos
took the place of the human spirit. His aim was to
maintain the complete union of the divine and human in
Christ. He thought it absurd to speak of Christ as
wholly God and wholly man. He is rather a mixture of
God and man. This view he illustrated, without irrever-
ent intent, by the case of hybrid animals. There exists
then in Christ only one personality. Apollinaris laid so
much stress upon the complete fusion of the divine and
the human in Christ that he did not hesitate to say
•• God died," ** God was born," etc.
This theory once clearly stated aroused opposition
among the churches. Athanasius himself was now led
to declare the complete humanity as well as the complete
deity of Christ. Gregory Nazianzen and also Gregory
of Nyssa wrote against Apollinaris. This doctrine was
condemned in several minor synods, and finally in the
Second Constantinopolitan Council (381).
But it was in the Antiochian school that Apollinaris
found his most formidable opponents, viz., Diodorus of
Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia, These writers in-
sisted on the completeness and the persistent integrity
of the humanity of Christ. Theodore fully elaborated
the theory known in the history of doctrine as Nes-
torianism.
2. The Nestorian Controversy.
LrrERATURE: Homilies of Nestorfus* In Mlgne's Patrology,
Vol. XLVIU. (Ut. trans.); ''Acta Omc, Eik.,''\Ti Hardouln and
Mansi; Theodoret, writings against Cyril; Theodore of Mop*
suestla, Fragments; Evagnus, ^H. £.," Bk. I., Chap. 2-7, Soc-
rates, *•//. £.," Bk. VU., Chap. 29-35; Cyril, writines against
Nestorius; Neander, Vol. II., p. 505, s/j. ; SchafF, vol. 11., p.
714, s$q.: Milman, "Latin Cnristianity,^' Vol. I., p. iq;, stq,..
Gieseler, Vol. I., p. 343. seq, ; Baur, ** Uhrt von d. i)reitmigkeii^*^
Bd. I., S«r. 695, uq, ; Dorner, " Person of Christ," Div. IL, VoL
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 337
I.« p. SI, s#ff.. etc.: works on the history of doctrine, referred
to above; and artldes on '* Nestorius,*' '* Cyril/' ''Johnof Anti-
och," " Leo the Great," '« Theodoret," the Councils of *« Ephesus,"
and ** Chalcedon," etc.. in the encyclopedias, eq)ecially Smith and
Wace and Herzog-Hauck.
(/) Riu ofiks %^0stariaH Catrtrav^sf.
We have seen the rise and progress of two modes of
thought with regard to the person of Christ: the one
insisting upon the completeness of both natures and yet
not able to show clearly the consistency of this repre-
sentation with unity of personality ; the other emphasiz-
ing the unity of personality in the incarnate Christ and
denying the completeness of his humanity from its sup-
posed inconsistency with such unity. The former view
prevailed among the Antiochian theologians, who, by
reason of their grammatico-historical interpretation of
Scripture, naturally tended to emphasize the human side
of Christ's nature ; the latter, among the Alexandrian.
Nestorius, a devout, learned, and eloquent monk, was
presbyter of the cnurch of Antioch, and in 428 was
made patriarch of Constantinople. At Constantinople
he found many erroneous expressions and modes of
thought current in the church. Especially offensive to
him was the term, " mother of God " (^eorrfxoy), applied
to Mary. He declared that if this representation were
true, the heathen were right in representing their gods as
having mothers. Mary did not bear God, but the man
(Jesus) who is the organ of the deity. Opposition was
aroused at Constantinople, but Nestorius found his
fiercest antagonist in Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria.
(2) StaUnuta of th$ Oppas^ ywps m ihs Caittrav^sf»
a. Nestorius* yiew of the Relations of the Human and
Divine in Christ. Nestorius as an Antiochian and as a
disciple of Theodore of Mopsuestia, in whom the Anti-
ochian humanism may be said to have culminated, held
to the following views :
(jz) That in Christ the two natures remained distinct,
yet are closely joined together and are harmonious in
will.
(b) That only by accommodation can Mary be spoken
of as the mother of God (atorrfxo^). We may venerate
w
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338 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
the human on account of its close connection with the
divine, but we must beware of confounding it with the
4ivine.
(f) Nestorius explained by this theory all those pas«
sages in the Gospels in which Christ is represented as
being subject to temptations, wants, sufferings, etc. In
fact, the method of interpreting Scripture that prevailed
in Antioch lay at the foundation of this extremely
humanistic view of the historical Christ.
b. Cyril's Opposing ytews. Cyril of Alexandria was
one of the most violent polemicists of that polemical
age, and into this controversy, as well as that with the
Neo-Platonists, he entered with fanatical zeal.
Apart from dogmatical considerations, he was probably
glad of an opportunity to humiliate the patriarchates of
Constantinople and Antioch, and to this end he did not
scruple to employ the ready instrumentality of court
intrigue.
After some correspondence with Nestorius he pre-
sented twelve propositions, with anathemas attached,
for his acceptance. They are for substance as follows :
(a) God is in truth Immanuel, and on this account the
holy virgin is mother of God, for she brought forth
carnally the Word of [proceeding from] God become
flesh.
(6) The Word [proceeding] from God the Father is in
the flesh one in essence, and Christ with his own flesh
Is one and evidently at the same time God and man.
(c) Hence, after the union, the natures in the one
Christ are not to be distinguished, nor is it to be said
that they are merely joined together in dignity or power*
Rather they have come together according to natural
(^wTtx6^) unity.
(d) The application of certain facts and expressions
in the New Testament to the human as unworthy of the
divine nature, and of others to the divine as too exalted
for the human, is condemned.
(e) Christ is not to be called a theophoric (God-bear-
ing) man, but rather God in truth, as one Son by nature.
(/) Neither is It to be said that the Word, which is
from God the Father, is God or Master of Christ, but
rather that he is at the same time God and man.
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CHAP.n.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 339
(g) It must not be said that Jesus as a man was ener-
gized by the Word of God, and that the dignity of the
only begotten was bestowed, as being another apart
from himself,
(A) it must not be said that the man having been
assumed is to be worshiped and glorified together with
God the Word, and is to be called God in a sense not
involving a recognition of him as ImmanueL
(i) It must not be said that the one Lord Jesus Christ
was glorified by the Spirit, using through him (the
Spirit) a power foreign to himself, but rather that the
Holy Spirit is his very own and is used by him.
(AJ The Word of God actually became flesh according
to the Scripture, and he offered up himself not for him-
self, but rather for us alone.
(/) The flesh of the Lord is life-giving, as being an
integral part of the Word of God himself.
(m) God the Word suffered in the flesh, was crucified
in the flesh, tasted death in the flesh.
The favorite text of Cyril was : " The Word became flesh."
The purport of this senes of propositions, in which Cyril meant to
exclude every phase of the Antiochian view, is : That the Incarnate
Word Is absolutely one ; is at the same time absolutely divine and
absolutely human.
Whatever is said about Christ Jesus in the New Testament, is
said about this one divinehuman being. Such expressions as were
regarded as unsuitable to Deity were sometimes explained by this
party docetically, i. ^., were represented as a mere accommodation
to the ignorance of the disciples, etc*
(j) Progress ofth$ Contraarsy.
a. The Appeal to the Bishop of Rome, and Agitation by
Cyril. After some correspondence between Nestorius
and Cyril, both parties laid their views before Coelestin,
bishop of Rome. The fact that Nestorius had recently
shown some favor to the Pelagians, predisposed the Ro-
man bishop against him ; and in a Roman synod (430)
Nestorius' views were condemned, and he was com-
manded to recant on pain of excommunication. To
Cyril was entrusted the office of making known the
decree to Nestorius. The Constantinopolitans and the
Oriental bishops were warned against the errors of Nes-
torius.
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340 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.in
Cyril had from the beginning of the controversy made
the fullest use of all the means at his disposal for arous-
ing hostility to Nestorius : the fanatical monks ; clergy,
whose vanity had been Injured by the appointment of a
foreigner rather than one of themselves to the patriarch-
ate ; the corrupt and powerful Puicheria, the emperor's
sister ; the bishop of Rome, who was glad of any oppor-
tunity to get his judicial prerogatives recognized.
b. The Council ofEphesus (431). The emperor, Theo-
dosius II., was suspicious of Cyril, and reproached him
for trying to meddle with the affairs of the imperial court,
and with the patriarchate of Constantinople.
When Cyril had issued his twelve propositions for the
acceptance of Nestorius, the controversy ceased to be a
private one between Cyril and Nestorius.
John, Patriarch of Antioch, had advised Nestorius to
allow the use of the expression *' Mother of God,'* in a
modified sense. Cyril's propositions showed that it was
no longer a question of the employment or rejection of a
word. Cyril had attacked the Antiochian theology, and
in such a way to leave no room for evasion. The con-
troversy now became general between the Antiochians
and the Alexandrians.
Nestorius issued counter-propositions and anathemas,
and Theodoret of Cyrus, one of the foremost scholars
and thinkers of the age, now entered the field of contro-
versy as a representative of the Antiochian theology.
Neither party understood, nor cared to understand, the
position of the other. Each sadly misrepresented the
other, and by stating its own views and those of its op-
ponents in the extremest form made the breach as wide
as possible.
The emperor saw no other way of restoring peace than
by calling a General Council. It was his intention to
have both sides fairly represented, to secure an impartial
investigation of the matters in dispute, and thus to have
the truth prevail.
The bishop of Ephesus, Memnon, was a friend of Cyril,
and as a metropolitan, may have been jealous of the su-
premacy of the patriarch of the Eastern capital. A large
body of fanatical monks were j)resent, ready to carry out
any riotous measures that Cyril and Memnon might sug*
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 341
gest. John of Antioch was delayed by the prevalence of
famine at Antioch, by stormy weather, etc., so that he
did not reach Ephesus until many days after the ap-
pointed time.
Neither did the deputies of the Roman bishop arrive
promptly. It was never the intention of Cyril to over-
come his opponents by fair means. With the support of
Memnon and his followers, together with that of the large
body of subservient clergy whom he had brought from
Alexandria, he was sure of an easy victory over Nes-
torius.
Nestorius was pressed to sit in council with this fa-
natical mob, but he persistently refused. The imperial
commissioner tried in vain to preserve order, and refused
to give the imperial sanction to the ex parte council of
Cyril. Cyril and Memnon, with their dependents, met
notwithstanding the imperial prohibition, deposed Nesto-
rius, and anathematized his doctrines. Cyril thus put
himself in direct opposition to the imperial will. He had
now before him the task of winning over the court to his
support.
Some days after these transactions, John of Antioch,
with his subordinates, arrived. The imperial commis-
sioners endeavored in vain to get the two parties to
unite in a deliberative assembly. John, with his own
thirty bishops and a few others, met together in council,
and excommunicated Cyril and Memnon for their illegal
proceedings.
Both parties were strictly prohibited from visiting
Constantinople. Cyril, however, sent an agent under
the guise of a beggar, with a letter to Dalmatius, an
aged monk of great influence, who had lived in soli-
tude for forty-eight years. Dalmatius had long since
warned the people against Nestorius, and was aroused to
fanaticism by the representations of Cyril. At Dalma-
tius' summons the monks and abbots left their cloisters,
and forming an immense torchlight procession, marched
to the imperial palace. Multitudes of the people joined
in the procession. Dalmatius was admitted to the im-
perial presence, and gave vigorous expression to his sense
of the guilt of Nestorius, and of the wrong done by the
emperor to the party of Cyril.
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342 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IIL
(4) Triumph ofiht tAUxandrian Party and ih$ T{*iirtmmt of N$sU>rius.
This was the turning point in favor of Cyril. The
agents of Cyril were freely admitted to the imperial
presence. By bribery and other means all influential
parties in Constantinople were conciliated.
The emperor saw that the popular feeling was too
strong to admit of Nestorius' continuance in the patri-
archate, and he was permitted to retire to his cloister.
Cyril had thus, while acting in the face of law and
order, triumphed over Nestorius and gained the imperial
acquiescence. But he was held responsible for the pre-
vailing turmoil in ecclesiastical affairs ; and he felt that
his triumph would be more complete and lasting if he
could gain the acquiescence of the Antiochians in the
proceedings of the council.
In 433, accordingly, after considerable negotiation to
this end, Cyril agreed to sign a creed in which ** Mother
of God " was applied to Mary in a limited sense, while
John acquiesced in the condemnation of Nestorius, and
sanctioned the appointment under Cyrilian influence of
Maximianus as his successor. This compromise was
effected under imperial pressure.
It was hoped that harmony would be thus restored.
But the friends of Cyril were dissatisfied with his con-
cessions to the Antiochians. The Antiochians, on the
other hand, were still averse to the Alexandrian doc-
trine, regarding it as leading logically to Apollinarianism.
Controversy, therefore, continued, and was revived in
an intensified form, about 444, in the Eutychian con-
troversy.
3. The Eutychian Controvert.
LITERATURE: "j^iMM/fVoif oi/v/rfftf Trogetdiam Irgtuei": the Acts
of the Councils of Constantinople, Ephesus II., Chalcedon;
epistles of Leo the Great. These and other documents are to be
found in lAansU " Concilia,'' V., VI., VII., IX. and in Hardouin,
•' Cone.** I. and II. ; Theodoret, ''Optra,'* Vol. IV. ; Evagrius, '*//.
£.," Bk. I., Chap. 9, s^q.; Neander, Vol. II., p. 560, sea. ; Domer,
" Person of Christ,*' Div. II., Vol. I., p. 79. s^q- ; Baur,^' Uhr$ v. d.
Dreinnigkiit" Bd. I., Siit, 890, seq, ; Gleseler, ** Commentatio qua
MonophysHarum veierum variai d$ Christi Persona . . . illustraniur ;
Walch, *• Hist d, Kiiureien^ 'Bd. VI., Seit. ^, seq. : Herzog, " ^briss
d. Kkchengeschichie," Bd. I., Sett. 505, sea, ; Moeller, *' Ch. Hist.," Vol.
I., p. 419, seq. : Perry, " The Second Synod of ephesus " (contains
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 343
the ** Syriac Acts of the Robber Synod," with English Translation);
Kriiger, '* Monopkvs, SinHigkiiUfr^ ; worlcs on me history of doc-
trine, especially those of Baur, Hamacl<, and Loofs, ana encycio-
pedia articles on the men« councils, etc., referred to in this section.
(/) Riuofihs Coutroversiy.
We have seen that the tendency of the Nestorian con-
troversy was to drive both parties to extremes. The
compromise between the Antiochian and the Alexandrian
schools really effected nothing; for though Cyril sub-
scribed to an Antiochian creed, he never abandoned his
twelve propositions and anathemas.
The fact that Cyril should have regarded it as expe-
dient to sign such a creed shows that a reaction had set
in, or at all events that the emperor was no longer will-
ing to support him in his extreme dogmatizing.
The learned Theodoret had assumed the leadership of
the Antiochian party, and his dialectic power was only
equaled by his wonderful tact. In 448 he published his
*'Eranistes," or " Beggar," in which he set forth in the
strongest light the logical tendencies of Monophysitism.
He maintained that Monophysitism cannot escape repre-
senting God as subject to suffering and change ; that in
a heathenish way it confounds the human and divine.
He did not direct his arguments against Cyril personally,
but rather against Apollinaris and his followers. In this
he showed great tact. His method was, not to confine
himself to the express doctrinal statements of his oppo-
nents in their proper connection, but to put the most ob-
jectionable construction on every statement, and then to
deduce the worst possible consequences from such con-
structions.
Cyril had died in 444, and had been succeeded by Di-
oscurus, a man of worse character and far less ability
than Cyril. Dioscurus was Cyril's ecclesiastical suc-
cessor, but his theological successor was the venerable
monk, Eutyches, archimandrite of a cloister in Constan-
tinople.
In 448, a synod, held at Constantinople, took substan-
tially the same ground that Theodoret had taken in op-
position to Monophysitism. Eutyches was charged with
holding to extreme Monophysite views, and refusing to
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344 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.nL
admit a duality of natures in the incarnate Christ, and
the sameness in essence of Christ's body with our own,
was deposed.
(2) SiaUmna ofihs Opposing Viiws.
a. Eutyches* yiew of the Person of Christ. Eutychea
carried Cyril's doctrine of the complete fusion of the
natures to its logical result. He held :
(fi) That the body of Christ was not the body of a man
(^ewfia Sa/^pmnao), but a human body (jsmiia dv^pdmvov^,
(b) That the body of Christ was not the same in es-
sence with our bodies (6pLooufftov),
(c) That before the union our Lord was born of two
natures ; after the union there was only one nature dis-
tinguishable.
Eutyches is said to have illustrated his view of the di-
vine and the human in Christ by the case of a drop of
honey in the ocean. The human remains in some sense,
but is so overwhelmed by the divine infinity as to be
practically annihilated.
b. Opposing Views. Theodoret did not make any es-
sential innovation upon the views of Theodore and
Nestorius.
(a) In opposition to Eutyches' denial of the sameness
of essence of Christ's body with our own, he maintained
this sameness.
(b) He held that a union of the two natures had oc-
curred; hence he confessed one Christ, one Son, one
Lord.
{c) According to this view of the unmingled (dMfjpno^)
union, he confessed that the holy virgin was the '* mother
of God."
c. Substance of Leo^s Letter to Flavian. The occasion
and the historical importance of this epoch-making docu-
ment will be discussed hereafter. It is characteristic of
Western theology by reason of its practical character and
its lack of delicate distinctions. It is an attempt to recog-
nize the elements of truth in both Nestorianism and Eu-
tychianism, without following either to its extreme con-
sequences. Leo maintains, therefore :
(a) The true humanity of Christ. He supposes that
the teachings of the New Testament are unequivocal on
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 345
this point. He regards it as essential to Christ's redemp-
tive worl< that he should have truly taken our nature.
Hence, he rejects unconditionally the Eutychian view
which reduced the humanity of Christ, after the union of
the two natures, to an infinitesimal.
(b) The true divinity of the incarnate Word. This he
maintained in common with both parties in the contro-
versy.
(0 While each nature and substance maintained its
own properties unimpaired, the two came together in one
personality.
By reason of his human nature Christ was able to die ;
by reason of his divine nature he was not able to die.
He assumed the form of a servant without the contami-
nation of sin, augmenting the human, not diminishing the
divine. As God is not changed by the compassion, so
man is not consumed by the dignity. Each form does
with the communion of the other what is proper to it ;
the Word, namely, operating what belongs to it; the
flesh executing what belongs to the flesh. The one
gleams with miracles ; the other succumbs to injuries.
Leo's position was essentially that of the Antiochians.
His chief merit here consists in the fact that he adhered
rigidly to the Scriptures, allowing full weight to the hu-
manistic as well as to the theistic representations of the
incarnate Christ.
The new element that he introduced was the theory of
two complete natures in one person. Yet he did not give
any satisfactory explanation of this point.
He uses the term person somewhat vaguely. What he
means by two complete natures in one person seems to
be this : the divine Word and the man Jesus united, as
they are, form Jesus Christ. Of this complex being we
have in the New Testament representations which are
only applicable to his human nature: suffering, dying,
etc. ; and representations which are applicable only to
his divine nature : oneness with the Father, the perform-
ance of miracles, etc.
It was greatly to the advantage of the Roman See that
this formula of the union of two perfect natures in one
person, which has from that time been a leading article
of Christian faith, though crudely developed and imper-
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346 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
fectly apprehended, should have proceeded from a Ro-
man bishop.
The adoption of Leo's view by the Council of Chal-
cedon, was an important victory for the papacy.
is) Thi Stcond Council of Ephesus^ or ike '* Rohbir ^fmod" (449)*
The condemnation of Eutyches in the Constantinopol-
itan synod had aroused the most bitter enmity of the
monks of Constantinople, Ephesus, Alexandria, etc.,
against Flavian, patriarch of Constantinople. Dioscurus
was in constant communication with the imperial court,
and brought all his influence to bear against Flavian and
his party. Both parties wrote to Leo, bishop of Rome.
Leo addressed to Flavian the celebrated epistle treated
above, the drift of which was entirely adverse to Eu-
tychianism. Through the influence of Dioscurus and
Eutyches, the emperor was induced to call a council for
the adjustment of the matter. From the first there was
no intention of allowing a free discussion of the doctrinal
points involved. Theodoret, the great theologian of the
Antiochian party, was excluded from the council. Dios-
curus was appointed president of the council by the em-
peror, and the friends of Dioscurus were made assessors.
Flavian and his supporters were allowed to attend not as
judges or voters, but' to learn the decision of the council.
Troops of ferocious monks were introduced into the
assembly room for the purpose of intimidating such as
might be inclined to oppose the proceedings of Dioscurus.
Leo had sent deputies to the council with instructions to
secure the reading and recognition of his doctrinal letter.
But Dioscurus would not even allow the letter to '")e read.
Some that refused to join in the condemnation of Flavian
and his party were shut up in the assembly room, and
were forced by threats and blows to subscribe to the de-
crees of Dioscurus. Flavian received bodily injuries
which are thought to have resulted in his death. Such
proceedings as these were sure to lead to a reaction in
favor of the condemned party, especially as the indefat-
igable Leo was committed alike by his letter to Flavian,
and by his sense of official dignity which had been
grossly offended by the above-mentioned proceedings, to
the support of the opposite party.
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CHAP.IL] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 347
(4) Tki Catmctl 0/ Chalcsdon (4$i).
Flavian, after the adjournment of the " Robber Synod/'
had lodged with the deputies of the Roman bishop an appeal
to another council to be held in Italy. For such a coun-
cil Leo labored most strenuously, bringing his influence
to bear upon Valentinian, the western emperor, and upon
Theophilus and Pulcheria. During the lifetime of The-
ophilus he met with little encouragement, but he had
gained the good will of Pulcheria ; and when (450) Pul-
cheria ascended the throne and associated with herself
Marcian, the plans of Leo seemed likely to be realized.
In accordance with his wishes, the deposed bishops were
restored, and assurances were given to Leo of co-opera-
tion in his plans.
But the unsettled condition of the West, resulting from
barbarian invasion, made an Italian council impracti-
cable, and Leo was at last obliged to relinquish his plan
and to content himself with the hope of controlling a
general council in the East.
In 451, in accordance with the imperial summons, six
hundred and thirty bishops met at Nicaea ; but for certain
reasons the emperor transferred the council to Chalce-
don. The council was disorderly and tumultuous. Dios-
curus, after a somewhat dignified defense of his proceed-
ings at Ephesus, and a persistent refusal to subscribe
Leo's doctrinal epistle, was deposed. Much opposition
was at first manifested in the council by Alexandrians
and by Antiochians alike, to the acceptance of the epistle
of Leo. The Roman deputies declared that if the epistle
was rejected, another council would be held in the
West, and the Emperor Marcian, who had determined
upon the ratification of the epistle, fortified this threat
with his own authority. The epistle was finally ratified,
and a Confession of Faith embodying its substance was
accepted.
Besides accepting Leo's epistle, the council recognized
the orthodoxy of the writings of Theodore of Mopsuestia,
the father of Nestorianism, of Theodoret, its ablest de-
fender, and of Ibas, a Persian bishop, who in a letter to
Maris had expounded the Nestorian views. This action
of the council proved fruitful of trouble.
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548 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.I1L
(5) Substanc4 of ihs Chalcidonian Symbol,
The Chalcedonian is one of the most important of the
ancient ecclesiastical symbols. Its Christology, based
upon that of Leo's epistle, set forth as it is in a series of
simple propositions, has been from that time to this the
Christology of the great majority of Christians.
a. Our Lord Jesus Christ is declared to be perfect in
deity and perfect in humanity.
b. He is consubstantial with the Father, and consub-
stantiai with us.
c. He was born of the Virgin Mary, the mother of God.
d. This one and the same Christ, Son, Lord, only-be-
f;otten, is to be acknowledged in two natures, incon-
usedly, unchangeably, indivisibly, inseparably ; the dis-
tinction of the natures being by no means taken away
through the union, but rather the property of each nature
being preserved, and concurring in one person and one
subsistence.
(6) PiTsisUnu ofihi Cantrowr^.
Ten Egyptian bishops refused to anathematize the
doctrines of Eutyches and to subscribe the letter of Leo.
In Egypt and Alexandria the controversy, led by fanat-
ical monks, soon raged more fiercely than ever before.
The Eutychians came to be commonly known as Mono-
physites (because of their insistence on the oneness of
nature in the person of Christ). They had their strong-
hold in Egypt and Abyssinia, but were numerous
throughout the East.
(7) Justinian and ih$ '* Thru ChapUrs.'^
Justinian was an earnest adherent to the symbol of
Chalcedon, but the notorious Theodora, his wife, favored
the Monophysites.
By her intrigues, Theodora managed to secure the elec-
tion of the unprincipled Vigilius as bishop of Rome, who,
in turn, recognized the orthodoxy of Theodora's Mono-
physite favorites in the East. Justinian was anxious for
ecclesiastical unity, and was willing to this end to make
concessions to the Monophysites.
The Monophysite leaders objected to the Chalcedonian
symbol on the ground that avowed favorers of Nesto-
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CHAP.IL] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 349
rianism had been participants in the council, and their
writings recognized as orthodox. They objected espe-
cially to the recognition of Theodore of Mopsuestia, The-
odoret, and Ibas. They agreed to submit to the authority
of the Council of Chalcedon on condition that Theodore
and his writings, Theodoret's writings against Cyril and
in defense of Nestorius, and Ibas' letter to Maris, should
be anathematized by imperial edict, and that these writ-
ings or the recognition of their orthodoxy should be ex-
punged from the acts of the council. To this Justinian
agreed, and he issued such an edict, anathematizing at
the same time any that should, with these exceptions,
reject the authority of the Chalcedonian council.
This, of course, aroused far more strife than it allayed.
Especially in the North African and the Ulyrian churches
was the opposition to the condemnation of the *' Three
Chapters " manifested. Vigilius, the unprincipled Roman
bishop, was caressed and imprisoned and excommuni-
cated in turn. He was induced to take oaths to use his
influence against the "Three Chapters," which oaths,
when freed from restraint, he persistently violated.
Bishops in Northern Africa and in lilyria were deposed
by imperial command, and others set up in their places,
not without much shedding of blood.
At length in 553, having long and earnestly endeav-
ored to allay the strife, Justinian called a council at Con-
stantinople which condemned Theodore but vindicated ;
Theodoret and Ibas.
But even this did not end the controversy.
4. The Manothelite Controversy.
LITERATURE: Documents and Acts of Councils, in Mansi,
'• Cone" X., XL, and In Hardouin, " Omc.'' III. ; Nicephori, "Brm^
armm Hisiana^\- Combeslsil, *' //tttoria Hctresis MonoihiUkarum*^ ;
Domer, " Person of Christ," DIv. 11., Vol. I., p. 155, m^. : Neander,
VoL III., p. 17$, seq.; Baur, *^ Uhu v. d. Onwuigkiit^^^ Bd. II.,
*' DogmitigesehKhU,'* Bd, II., S^. 88, s#^.; pertinent sections In the
works on the history of doctrines ; Herzog-Hauck, and Wetzer u.
Welter. Art. '* MancthiUtsn."
(/) Ris0 of ihs CofOraoir^.
From the time of Justinian the doctrine of the two
natures may be said to have been supreme in the Roman
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350 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER III
empire, both eastern and western. The Monophysites,
being no longer tolerated in the established church, now
became a schismatical party, with church organization,
bishops, and patriarchs of their own. In the East, chiefly
under the leadership of James, bishop of Edessa, a great
missionary activity was developed, and the Monophysites
spread into Armenia and Persia. Antioch, which had
been the birthplace and the chief nursery of Nestorian-
ism (Dyophysitism), became the chief center of Mono-
thelitism and has continued to the present day to be the
residence of the patriarchs of the party that adopted the
name of James ('* Jacobites "). In Egypt, by the begin-
ning of the seventh century, the Monophysites had come
to outnumber those in the communion of the established
church ten to one; and from Egypt they spread into
Abyssinia, where also they still constitute a strong party.
Probably in the fifth century, there appeared among
the Monophysites that strange body of writings purport-
ing to have been composed by Dionysius the Areopagite,
who was converted under Paul's preaching at Athens.
The transcendental character of these writings, resulting
from the mixture of Platonism with Christianity, was in
entire accord with the Monophysite ideas of the rela-
tions of the human and the divine in Christ. This writ-
ing was very popular among the Monophysites, and
afterward among the Catholics. Through this work and
through other instrumentalities, Monophysitic conceptions
had become widespread outside of Monophysitism. A
favorite argument with the Monophysites against the
doctrine of the two natures was the fact that two natures
required the supposition of two wills. This they regarded
as contradictory to the fact, and maintained that there
remained in Christ after the union one nature, and
hence, one will.
The question as to the human will of Christ was not
brought out distinctly either by the Antiochians, or by
Leo the Great, or by the Council of Chalcedon. Main-
taining, as they did, the persistent integrity of Christ's
human nature, they may be supposed to have held im-
plicitly to the persistence of the human will, side by side
with the divine, and in perfect harmony therewith.
In 614 the Persians invaded Syria and Palestine, and
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CHAP.ll.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 35 1
plundered Jerusalem. Afterward they laid wai,te North-
ern Africa, as far as Carthage. In 621 the Persian army
was threatening Constantinople. The encroathments of
the Persians led the Emperor Heraclius to make use of
all available means for self-defense. A large proportion
of his subjects were alienated from him on account of the
Monophysite schism, and these seemed likely to throw
themselves into the arms of the Persians, and thus to
prove an element of weakness to the empire. It occurred
to Heraclius and his advisers that something ought to be
done for the conciliation of the Monophysites. As before
remarked, a strong Monophysite tendency, as opposed to
the extreme Dyophysite interpretation of the Chalce-
donian Symbol, had become diffused throughout the
churches. Dionysius the Areopagite had employed the
expression, "divine-human energy " (^eav^/>«w? ivipj^tta),
as descriptive of Christ's activity. Sergius, patriarch of
Constantinople, thought that by the confession of two
natures and one energy in Christ, the Monophysites might
be conciliated without sacrificing entirely the Chalcedo-
nian Symbol.
In 626 the emperor had a conference with Cyrus,
bishop of Phasis, and by means of arguments and prom-
ises of promotion, made of him a zealous advocate of the
compromise measure. Cyrus became patriarch of Alex-
andria in 630.
In 629 the emperor won over to nis position Athanasius,
the leader of the Syrian Monophysites, and made him
patriarch of Antioch. There were now three Monothe-
lite patriarchs. Cyrus took measures at once for carry-
ing out the imperial scheme of union, and drew up a
series of articles to be submitted to the Monophysites.
In the seventh article the divine and the human phe-
nomena in the life of Christ are declared to be the result
of one divine-human energy.
The Monophysites of Egypt, Thebes, and Libya, read-
ily accepted the terms of conciliation, rejoicing that the
established church had at last come substantially to their
own position. But Sophronius, a learned monk, objected
to these proceedings, and after he became patriarch of
Jerusalem (634) wrote most violently against the Mono-
thelites, and secured their condemnation in a synod of
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352 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
his own bishops. Sergius, seeing that his most earnest
efforts to prevent the breaking out of controversy were
futile, now wrote to Pope Honorius, representing to him
the good service that had been accomplished by the com-
promise in uniting to the church the great body of Mono-
physites, and the evil that was likely to flow from the
controversy that Sophronius was about to stir up. Hon-
orius sympathized heartily with Heraclius, Sergius, and
Cyrus in their efforts to re-unite the church ; and spoke
contemptuously of the useless subtleties of Sophronius.
The controversy now became general.
{2) Siaitmmi of Opposing yiiws*
a. The f^iews ofSergius, Honorius, and the Monothelites.
During the early stages of the controversy the term
energy, and not will, was chiefly employed. The shib-
boleth of Sergius and his party was : ** One is the energy
of Christ," and this one energy was defined as a "divine-
human energy." The employment of the term ** energy "
was somewhat ambiguous, in that it might mean either
the volition or the effects of a volition. This ambiguity
was favorable to the irenical purposes of Sergius and
Cyrus, inasmuch as all would admit the use of the word
in the latter sense. Honorius, having been appealed to
by Sergius, entered warmly into the controversy with the
distinct assertion of two natures, each working in its own
way, but one will, which he assigned to the one person-
ality, recognized by Leo and the Council of Chalcedon.*
At a later time Honorius advised a discontinuance of
the employment of the term "one energy" or "opera-
tion," and the substitution of the term "one operator
Christ, who works by means of both natures."
Heraclius now issued his "Ecthesis** in which the
unity of the will in Christ is expressly taught, and in
which disputes about the unity or the duality of the
energies are strictly forbidden.* In 643 the Emperor Con-
stans finding that the '*Ecthesis*' had failed of its pur-
pose, substituted for it the " Typos," in which all contro-
versy with regard either to the energies or the will is
prohibited. The unity of will was not given up, but the
1 HtfdouiB. Vol III., p. 1319. Mff. * /M^., p. nt» «^.
•
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CHAP. IL] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 353
emperor was weary of controversy, and attempted to re*
press it by the severest legislation.
b. The yiews of Sophronius and the other Dyothelites.
Sophronius was the first to oppose the Monothelitic com-
promise. He insisted that Christ was perfect in deity
and perfect in humanity; that he was consubstantial
with the Father as God, and consubstantial with his
mother and with us as man. These two natures are un-
confusedly but inseparably united in one person. This
divine-human person, accomplished through the medium
of the divine and the human natures the things that be-
long to deity, and the things that belong to humanity.
While maintaining, therefore, the persistent integrity of
the divine and the human natures (he does not assert
the existence of two wills), he practically makes the
human nature a passive instrument of the divine-human
personality.
The successors of Pope Honorius, John IV., Theodore,
and Martin V., repudiated the Monothelitic view of Hon-
orius, and united Northern Africa, Libya, etc., in a po-
litico-religious opposition to the Eastern Empire and to
Monothelitism. In 640 a council was held at the Lateran,
in which the "Ecthesis, the "TJ^s," Sergius, and his suc-
cessors were anathematized, and the doctrine of two wills
was distinctly asserted.* The ablest defender of the
doctrine of the two wills was Maximus, a monk, who
was a member of the Lateran Council. In reply to the
objections of the Monothelites, that to say that there are
two wills is to presuppose that there are two who will,
Maximus answered, that the will pertains to the nature
and not to the personality, since otherwise there would
be three wills in the Holy Trinity. But duality of wills
does not involve antagonism ; for antagonism could only
arise from evil, and there was no evil in Christ. Free-
will, or self-determination, Maximus held, is an essential
part of human nature. If Christ's human nature had not
an independent will, Christ was an imperfect man.
In most of Christ's actions, the two wills, while work-
ing independently, arrived at the same results. In some
instances we see the working of the divine will alone ;
> Hardoum, VoL 111., p. t^, Mf.
X
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354 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.UL
in ethers the working of the human will alone, though
never antagonistic the one to the other.
The duality of wills in Christ was proved by the
Dyothelites from such expressions of Christ, as : "I
came from heaven not to do my own will, but the will of
the Father which sent me " ; ** not as I will, but as thou
wilt"; ''my meat is to do the will of him that sent
me," etc.
The third Constantinopolitan Council (680-681), con-
voked by the Emperor Constantinus Pogonatus, with a
view to reuniting the church, and especially to concili-
ating the Roman See, was directed chiefly by Pope
Agathon, whose letter on the person of Christ, addressed
to the council, was substantially adopted. The council
amended the Symbol of Chalcedon so as to teach explic-
itly two natural wills, not opposed to each other, but the
human will following the divine will, and in subjection
thereto. In the one hypostasis of Christ may be discerned
his two natures, and by this personality he both performed
his miracles and endured his sufferings in such a manner
that each of his two natures willed and worked what was
proper to it, in conjunction with the other.*
(j) Concluding Rtmarks,
a. Thus Dyothelitism triumphed chiefly through the
influence of the Roman See, notwithstanding the fact,
that Honorius, a Roman pope, was a Monothelite ; that
a long line of emperors had sustained Monothelitism by
argument and by the employment of outward force ; that
the incumbents of the great Patriarchal Sees of the East
were almost all Monothelites ; that a Roman pope and
the great theologian of the Dyothelites had died as mar-
tyrs in banishment; and that thousands of others had
suffered for their Dyothelitism.
b. The reasons for the triumph of Dyophysitism were
probably the following :
(a) The fact that the Christian consciousness required
\n Christ a perfect manhood. This had been asserted in
the earlier controversies ; but the existence of two wills,
which is involved in the assertion of perfect manhood
and perfect deity, had not been explained.
1 Hardouin, VoL HI,, p. 1043. Mf*
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 355
(b) The Monothelites were, from the beginning, ac-
tuated by motives of civil and ecclesiastical policy rather
than by a desire to arrive at the truth. The Dyothelites
seem to have had more at heart the interests of the truth.
(c) The persecuting measures of the Monothelite em-
perors tended to unite the whole West and a large part of
the East in common opposition to tyranny and false
doctrine. The cause of the Roman party from the time
of the **Ectkesis " and the *' Typos," and especially after
the Lateran Synod (649), was the gaining cause.
Thus after four hundred years of controversy on the
person of Christ, a formula was arrived at which the
great majority of Christians from that time to this hav#
recognized as correct and in accordance with the Scrip*
tures.
5. The Adoptionist Controversies.
LITERATURE: Conybeare, " The Key of Truth" 1858 (Intro-
duction and Appendices) ; writings of the Adoptionists, Glipandus
and Felix, in Migne's " Patrohgia Latma," Vol. XCVI. ; writings
of the chief opponents of the Western Adoptionists, Beatus, Heterius,
Alculn, Agobardus, and Paulinus, in Migne's ** Patrol. Lat.^*^ Vols,
XCVI.. XCIX., C, CI., and CIV.; Walch. ''Hist, Adopti-
anorum** 1755; Dorner, "Person of Christ," Div. II., Vol. L, p.
248, uq,<, Vol. II., p. 338, 5#g., Vol. III., p. 301, 5/^. ; Gams, *' Ktreh-
itutisch. von SpanUn^^^ Bd. If., SeH. 261, uq, ; Baudlssin, " Eulogms u.
Alvar." Snt. 61, seq.; Hamack, '' Dogmngfsch,,'* Bd, III.« Sift. 248,
S4q.; Hauck, '' Kirchengesch. DnttschlandsP Bd. II., 5^'/. 256, $$q.;
Grossler, " Di$ Austottung d. Adoptianismus im Rtieht Karls d. Gr?* ;
pertinent sections and articles in the manuals of church history
and doctrine history, and in the encyclopedias.
( / ) Prelimmary Rgmarks.
In the preceding period reference was made to the
wide diffusion, during the second and third centuries,
of Adoptionist views of the person of Christ. In
many cases, i)o doubt, the use of Adoptionist language
by otherwise orthodox teachers was due to the fact that
the doctrine of the person of Christ had not yet been
made the subject of exhaustive study, and the logical
consequences of such language were not understood ; but
in other cases (as in that of Theodotus and his followers)
Adoptionism was maintained polemically against those
who were asserting the absolute deity of Christ.
Reference was also made to the fact that this type of
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356 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.nL
Christianity was widely propagated in Persia and Ap
menia through the disciples or Paul of Samosata and
otherwise, and that the adherents of this type of teaching
in Armenia resisted the intrusion of the teachings of the
Greek Church, and when the influence of the latter be-
came dominant persisted as a persecuted party during
the Middle Ages, and even to modern times, under
the name of " Paulicians/' "The Key of Truth," an
Armenian writing found in the possession of the modern
Paulicians of Thondrak, that embodies the doctrines and
practices of the party, contains a most interesting state-
ment of the Adoptionist Christology in a form that Cony-
beare attributes to the present period. Our Lord Jesus
Christ is here represented as first receiving at his bap-
tism the priesthood, the kingdom, and the office of Chief
Shepherd.
Moreover, he was then chosen, then he won lordship, then he be-
came resplendent, then he was strengthened, then he was revered,
then he was aopointed to guard us. then he was glorified, then he
was made giaa, then he shone forth, . . then he oecame chief of
beings heavenly and earthly, then he became the li^t of the world,
then he became the way, the truth, and the life. Then he became
the door of heaven ; then he became the rock Imprc^^nable at the
gate of hell ; then he became the foundation of our filth ; then he
became Saviour of us sinners ; then he became filled with the God-
head ; then he was sealed, then anointed ; then he was called by the
voice; then he became the loved one; then he came to be guarded
by angels ; then to be the Lamb without blemish. Furthermore, he
then put on the primal raiment of light, which Adam lost in the
garden. Then, accordingly, was It that he was invited by the Spirit
of God to converse with fhe Heavenly Father ; yea, then also was
he ordained King of beings In heaven and on earth and under the
earth.
This view was held in connection with the acceptance
of the supernatural birth of Christ, and involved a recog-
nition of his exaltation to the highest conceivable dignity,
glory, and authority.
{2) Tlu Spamsh CoHtracirsy,
a. Source of the Spanish Adoptionism of the E^hth Cen-
tury. To what extent the Adoptionism of Elipandus,
bishop of Toledo (c. 780) and his followers was influ-
enced by Mohammedan thought and a desire to present
Christianity in a form as acceptable as possible to the
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CHAP. IL] CONTROVERSIES !N THE CHURCH 357
cultured Saracens that ruled the country, is a question
on which scholars are divided. It is certainly a remark-
able fact that Adoptionism in the East (Paulicians) as
well as in the West was in very close contact with Mo-
hammedanism, and it is not improbable that in both cases
Christian thought was consciously or unconsciously in-
fluenced by the enthusiastic monotheism of the Saracens.
But it is certain, as already intimated, that Adoptionist
modes of expression were widely current in the early
Christian centuries, and their persistence till after the
Mohammedan conquests is by no means improbable. It
may be that the enthusiastic propagandism of Adoptionist
views in the eighth century was due to a kindling of the
surviving Adoptionism of the older type by contact with
the fiercely aggressive monotheistic teaching of the
Saracens.
b. Statement of the Adoptionist yiew. The Spanish
Adoptionists of the eighth century, appealing in support
of their views to the authority of Ambrose, Hilary,
Jerome, Augustine,^ and Isidore of Seville, maintained
(a) That the eternal Son of God is to be distinguished
from the man Jesus of Nazareth. ''Jesus Christ is
adoptive in his humanity and by no means adoptive in his
divinity." According to his divine nature, he is the true
and proper Son of God, and could with propriety say,
" I and the Father are one." According to his humanity
he is the Son of God, '* not by generation, but by adop-
tion ; not by nature, but by grace." (ft) That this
adoption of Christ as man sustained a close and neces-
sary relation to the adoption of believers as sons of God.
According to his deity he is the " only begotten," accord-
ing to his humanity he is "the first born among many
brethren." Believers are ** adoptive with the adoptive
one — Christ with Christ." Christ is *'a God among
gods" (/. ^., believers, cf. John lo : 34, seq.). The
** adoptive members" must have "an adoptive head."
(c) Great stress is laid upon the baptism of Jesus (as by
the Paulicians) as the occasion or means of his adoption,
and as absolutely necessary to his mediatorial work.
* Aufttstlne was at one sUge of hit development e thorourh-8:oliic Adoptlonitt ;
but he was able to extricate hlBiscIf fron thlt as fron nany otber erroneous nodee
of thought
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3S8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. III.
The Redeemer according to his humanity comprehended
in himself two births: "the first, that is to say, which
he received from the Virgin by being born, the second,
indeed, which he initiated in the bath, by rising from the
dead." This coupling of baptism and the resurrection
seems to indicate that the process of adoption begun in
baptism was consummated in the resurrection. A close
connection was supposed between Christ's birth in bap-
tism and the regeneration of believers in baptism.
c. Polemics against the Adoptionists. Among the most
important opponents of Adoptionism was Alcuin, the
great British prelate and educator. The Adoptionists
were charged with Nestorianism, inasmuch as they sep-
arated the humanity from the deity of Christ so as to
postulate two sonships. Christ is not ** man " but "the
God-man." He is ** not in everything like us apart from
sin," but "in many things " — in most things and the most
important things he is unlike us. Alcuin even went so
far as to deny that Christ prayed for himself or for his
disciples. As God-man he could have no need to pray
for himself and he was abundantly able to bestow every
needed blessing on his disciples ; he had no occasion to
pray for them. What seem to be prayers were merely
for effect. It was insisted that the God-man, a$ such,
is Son of God, not by adoption or by grace, but eternally
and by nature.
This controversy extended far into the Middle Ages
and may have persisted in some of the sects until the
time of the Reformation and later. It is probable that
the Christology of the Antiochian school was directly or
indirectly influential in the Adoptionist Christology.
IV. ON ANTHROPOLOGY : THE PELAGIAN AND SEMI-PELAGIAN
CONTROVERSIES.
Literature: Works of Augustine, Pelagius, Jerome, Marius
Mercator, Paulus Orosius, Cassianus, Prosper, Fulgentius, in
Migne's '^ Patrologia** ; English translation of Augustine's "Anti-
Pelagian Writings," with elaborate Introductory Essay by Warficid,
in " Nic. and Post-Nic. Fathers," Ser. I., Vol. V. ; older modem
works by Vossius, Gamier, Norisius, Jansenius, Sirmond, Tillemont,
Walch, and Geffken ; Wiggers, " yirsuch iiner pragmai. DarsUUmg
d. tAugustmismus u. Pelagianistma^^^ 1821-1833 (cng. trans, of Pan
I., Andover» 1840) ; Cunningham, " S. Austin and his Place in the
d, tjiugustnUsmus u. Pelagianisnms" 1821-1833 (cng. trans, of Pan
I., Andover» 1840) ; Cunningham, " S. Austin and his Place in the
History of Christian Thought," 1886; Bindemann, *' Dir htaigi
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CHAP.n.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 359
j4iigusiimis" 1844-1869; Domer, **^ugustinu5^ ssin Thiol. SysUm u.
uim RtligiaHsphihsophischs Anschauung^'^ 1873 1 Warfield, " Augustine
and the Pelagian Controversy/' 1^7 ; Reuter, " tAngustinischi Siu-
dim^^ 1887 ; pertinent sections in the worlds on the history of doc
trine and in tne encyclopedias.
I. Antecedents of Augustinianism and Pelagianism.
Before the beginning of the fifth century the attention
of Christian thinlters had never been focused on the
great anthropological questions that figure in the Pelagian
controversy. Many expressions regarding the original
and actual condition of man can be found in the ante-
Nicene and the fourth century writings ; but they were
employed without dogmatic or polemical purpose and are
significant as showing the trend of thought rather than as
expressing the well-reasoned convictions of the writers.
(i) Writers Vikejustin^ Irenceus^ and Hippofytus, in com-
bating Gnostic fatalism were careful to vindicate the
freedom of man to obey the divine precepts and to avail
himself of the means of salvation graciously provided,
and his responsibility for the use or the neglect of the
means of grace. They were careful to guard against
the Gnostic supposition that the world, including man, is
the creature of an imperfect or malignant demiurge, and
to insist upon the original goodness of the work of the
good Creator ; yet they regarded imperfection as inhering
in the finiteness of created beings. Because of his lim-
itations man was subject to temptation and liable to fall.
Free from evil, but without experience, and susceptible
to temptation because of their sensuous nature, our first
parents yielded to the solicitations of the tempter. If
they had persisted in obedience to God, they would have
attained to communion with God and to eternal life. By
disobedience they became involved in evil, yet retained
freedom of will, the indelible image of God in man.
(2) Tertullian^ who was inclined to regard the fall as a
fearful catastrophe, still insisted most earnestly on free-
dom of will as an inalienable element of human nature
and as constituting in man ability to appropriate the pro-
visions of divine grace. Yet he regarded divine grace
as absolutely necessary to man's salvation. He was
probably the first to set forth clearly the propagation pf
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360 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. UL
souls together with their good and evil qualities (Tradu-
danism).
(3) Clement of Alexandria looked upon the fall as a far
less momentous event. Man was created in an infantile
state, with his sensuous nature far better developed than
his moral and intellectual. By yielding to sensuality he
became involved in disobedience to God. Sin consists
chiefly in subjection to sensuality. The effect of Adam's
sin upon the race was chiefly that of example. Inherited
tendency to sin is recognized, but sin as guilt inherent
in human nature finds no place in his system. The ex-
ample and the precepts of Christ he regarded as divinely
provided helps whereby man is able to overcome sensu-
ality and to attain to exaltation of character ; but not,
apparently, as absolutely indispensable to man's salva-
tion.
(4) Origen also maintained the freedom of the will and
the power of every man to avail himself of the salvation
of Christ ; yet he accounted for the sinful condition of
human souls by the supposition of a fall in a previous
state of existence. He seems to have had a somewhat
more adequate conception of the sinfulness of human
nature and the need of atonement than did Clement;
but he laid chief stress on the moral influence of Christ's
life and death in the plan of salvation.
(5) Paul cf Samosata is said to have magnified man's
natural ability and to have made little of the special
grace of God as a factor in man's salvation. In this as
in other respects Arius followed in Paul's footsteps. Re-
garding Christ as a result of the union of the divine
Logos (a created being) with a human body, and sup-
posing that he had attained to his present exalted po-
sition by the choice of good when a contrary choice was
possible, it was natural for him to lay undue stress on
man's ability to follow Christ in this respect. Athana-
sius understood him to make the higher divine character
of Christ dependent on his purely human activity. It
was inevitable, therefore, that Arianism should develop
a superficial view of sin, redemption, and divine grace.
Athanasius was justified in charging Arius with robbing
humanity of grace by his separation of the Word from the
Father as regards essence and dignity.
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chap.il] controversies in the church 361
(6) tApollinaris was almost Manichaean in his concep*
tion of the essential evil of human nature. He would not
admit that Christ had a complete human nature, for he
could not understand how he could in that case have
escaped the contagion of sin. As the divine Logos took
the place of the human spirit in Christ, so the salvation
of believers consists in their likeness to Christ and their
imitation of him and not in renewal and restoration (first-
fruits). Here also we have an inadequate view of grace
in redemption. The appropriation of Christ's salvation
is represented as a subjective process of imitation and
assimilation, dependent wholly on the will of the indi-
viduaL
(7) The cordiality with which Pelagians were received
in Antiochian circles during the early stages of the Pela-
gian controversy shows the close affinity between the Pe-
lagian and the Antiochian (Nestorian) modes of thought.
The emphasis laid by the Nestorians on the persistent
integrity of Christ's humanity, including freedom of will,
and their utter aversion to any view of Christ's humanity
that savored of Docetism, involved a relatively favorable
view of the condition of human nature as such. The
Augustinian view of man's depravity, lack of freedom,
and absolute dependence on special divine grace for de-
liverance, was distasteful to them ; and while they were
not prepared to accept the extreme statements of the
Pelagian anthropology, it was easy for a shrewd apol-
ogist like Julian or Coelestius to win the approval of men
like Theodore of Mopsuestia and Nestorius.
2. Augustine and Pelagius.
The temperaments and the experiences of the two
protagonists in this controversy no doubt had much to do
with the radical differences of their conceptions regarding
nature and grace.
(i) t^Ufrustine's was a tempestuous, passionate nature.
Despite his wonderful intellectual power it was with the
utmost difficulty that he could keep his body under. The
excesses and irregularities of his youth and early man-
hood were to him a lifelong subject of regret, almost of
remorse. His ideas of human depravity were derived
from the correspondence of his own experience with
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362 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. in
Paul's representation of the antagonism between the
flesh and the spirit, between the law of the mind and the
law of the members (Rom. 7). His *' Confessions " con-
stitutes one of the most remarkable psychological dis-
closures in all literature and should be read by every one
who wishes to sound the depths of human experience in
relation to the religious life. His connection with the
Manichseans for nine years accustomed him to regarding
human nature as fundamentally evil and human freedom
as a delusion. Delivered from the thraldom of Mani-
chseism through the medium of Neo-Platonism (Plotinus),
he was perilously near to exchanging Manicha^an dualism
for semi-pantheism, and by contemplating God in his
absoluteness to lose sight of the relative freedom of man.
Yet, in contending with the Manichseans, he went so far
in his assertion of human freedom as greatly to embar-
rass him in his controversy with the Pelagians.
(2) Pelagius, on the other hand, was a learned monk
of cold, even temperament, and of abstemious life. To
him it seemed easy to live uprightly. He was conscious
of freedom to perform the dictates of his higher nature.
He saw no need of supposing that Adam's posterity had
inherited his guilt. To him man seemed fully equipped
by nature for living a life of righteousness by the use of
such helps as have been graciously provided by God and
are available in some measure to all.
The early tradition that Pelagius was bom in Britain and that his
views of Christianity were tinctured with the naturalism of the
Dmids may rest on a foundation of fact. Yet we find him |)erfectly
at home among the Latin theologians of Italy. North Africa, and
Gaul, and among the Greek theologians of the East, it seems
probable that he had resided for many years in these regions before
we meet him in Rome, about 400. It is difficult to conceive that a
man brought up in Britain and reaching middle life there should have
been so completely at home in the great centers of Christian life as
he seems at that time to have been. He enjoyed the friendship of
Paulinus of Noia, and of Sulpicius Severus, the great promoters of
ascetic life, and for a time that of Jerome. He was highly honored
because of his learning and the purity of his life.
3. Rise of the Controversy.
Pelagius was strongly averse to controversy. It was
his more aggressive disciple Ccelestius, a Roman lawyer
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CHAP.n.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 363
of noble birth, who having been won over by him to the
ascetic life, presented his teaching in polemical form and
precipitated the great conflict with Augustine. Pelagius
and (Joelestius had taken refuge in North Africa at the time
of Alaric's invasion of Italy (41 1), and Pelagius had formed
a pleasant acquaintance with Augustine, bishop of Hippo.
Ccelestius sought admission to the Carthaginian min-
istry. From Italy the Carthaginians were warned of his
doctrinal unsoundness. In a Carthaginian synod he de-
fended the Pelagian teachings. That which awakened
most opposition was the implication that infant baptism
was unnecessary to salvation. This view was involved
in his denial of original or hereditary sin. He sought to
satisfy his opponents by allowing that infant baptism ad-
mitted to the kingdom of God, though eternal life did not
depend upon it. The controversy thus begun soon spread
throughout Christendom.
4. Stattment of the Views of the Contending Parties.
(I) The yiews of the Pelagians. Pelagius and his chief
coadjutors, Ccelestius and Julian, did not always express
themselves consistently. Their extreme desire to vin-
dicate their orthodoxy often led them to make partial,
compromising statements. There has been considerable
diversity of opinion among modern writers as to which
point of Pelagius' teaching is to be regarded as funda-
mental. Some give the primacy to the doctrine of free
will, others to denial of original sin, others to the denial
of the necessity of infant baptism, others to the mainte-
nance of the natural necessity of physical death, others
still to the superficial view of sin. The fact is, that from
either of these positions all the rest of the features of the
system can be logically derived. If we must choose one
principle as most fundamental, that of the freedom of the
will seems to have the advantage.
a. Freedom of the IVill. Pelagius maintained that man
was created with perfect freedom to choose between good
and evil, and that this freedom inheres in every man at
all times.
Wc contradict the Lord when we say "It is hard," "It is diffi-
cult," "we cannot," "we are men," **we are encompassed with
mortal flesh." On, blind nonsense 1 Oh, unholy audacity 1 We
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364 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. 111.
charge God with a two*fold ig;noTance : that he does not seem to
know what he has made, nor what he has commanded : just as )f
he, forgetting the human weakness of which himself is the author,
has imposedlaws on man which he cannot endure.^ In this capacity
for a two-fold choice ... lies the superiority of the rational soul. In
this consists the honor of our nature ; in this its dignity.' The ra-
tional creature has the advantage over all others in this, that while
the latter have only a goodness of condition and of necessity, the
former alone has it of will.' Sin that is necessary is not sin at all.
Man is neither good nor evil because he is free ; but neither coukl he
be good or evil unless he were free.* It is easier to avoid Darridde
andsacrilese and adultery, or like things, than to commit them.'
Free will after sins have oeen committed is Just as complete as it
was before.'
b. Sin. Closely connected with the doctrine of free
will was the Pelagians' doctrine of sin. Sin is purely a
matter of will. Adam sinned by the exercise of his free
will. Most of his posterity have sinned after his example,
but not all. To assert the heredity of sin involved, in
their opinion, the acceptance of the theory of the prop-
agation of the soul (Traducianism), which they regarded
as materialistic and horrible. Each soul is created pure
and has as perfect freedom to do good or evil as Adam
had. If sin is a man's own, it is voluntary ; if it is vol*
untary, it can be avoided.
** What then Is sin ? " wrote Julian. " It is the appetency of free
will for what Justice prohibits ... the will to do what Justice for*
bids and what there Is freedom to abstain from. . . Does God Im-
pute what he knows cannot be avoided?^ God . . . does not make
evil : a littie child before the decision of his own will has nothing
save what God made in him. Naturally, therefore, there can be in
him no sin."' Sin is represented by Julian as having its origin in
one's own appetite.'
c. Infant Baptism. As remarked above, the implied
needlessness of infant baptism was at first the chief
ground on which Pelagius and his disciples were at-
tacked. Denying hereditary sin they were unable to
find any adequate justification for this practice. Yet
they were not sufficiently interested in anti-pedobaptism
to be willing to make it a plank in their platform.
^"Bp,s4 Dmitr,;* Chap. 19. • IM^ Chap. «. • IHd„ Chap. ).
« Auffustlne. '^0^. imp.," Bk. V.. Chap. n.
• JttllAB, In '* Op. Imp,r Blc ni.. Chiip. ixx. • /fc/. Bk. I.. Chap. 91.
T AogustiM. "Q». Imp,r Bk. V.. Ch«p. it.
• Jttllan. la *' Op. Imp J' Bk. V.. Cbap. 63. • " Qp. tmf7* Bk. I.. Chap. 44. Mf .
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CHAP. n] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 365
Pelagians admitted that baptism mi^ht properly be administered
to infants with the use of the regular rituai for older people. Pela-
gius went so far as to denounce the refusal of baptism to infants as
p^odlessness. He had heard one heretic so wiciced as to deny that
infants should be baptized.^ Infants answer truly through their
sponsors that they believe in the forgiveness of sins, meaning the
sins of those who are guilty. Julian Insisted that *' the grace of
baptism " was *' useful to all ages," and ** would smite with an eter-
nal anathema all who do not thinl< it necessary even for little chil-
dren." ' He thought that by the grace of baptism *' a sinner from a
wicked becomes a perfectly good man ; but an innocent person who
has no evil of his own will, becomes from a good a better person,
that is, the best. Both Indeed become members of Christ by bap-
tism ; only the one had before led a wicked life, the other was of an
uncorrupted nature." By baptism, he maintained, we become chil-
dren of God and members of his kingdom.' Pelagius distinguished
between ftmtal lifi^ which belongs to unbaptlzed infants, and the
kmgdam e/hsavM in which only the baptized participate.
d. Divine Grace, Pelagius and his followers used the
expression ** divine grace '* to include the fact of our cre-
ation, of our being alive, of our being rational, of our
being in the image of God, of our possessing free will, of
our enjoying God's unceasing beneficence, of our having
the divine law given us in the Old Testament, and above
all the fact of our enjoyment of the teachings, the ex-
ample, and the sufferings of the incarnate Son.* They
maintained that salvation is possible without law or gos-
pel and was attained by some before the giving of the
law ; that it was easier to attain under the law ; and
that the gospel dispensation greatly facilitates its attain-
ment.
(2) tAugustine^s yiews. Augustine's position in this
controversy was exceedingly embarrassing. In opposi-
tion to Manichaean fatalism he felt obliged to insist upon
such a degree of freedom as would furnish a basis for
human responsibility, and over against the Manichaean
doctrine of the absolute and essential evil of human
nature he felt obliged to maintain that it was not utterly
corrupt. He held with Pelagius, against the Manichaeans,
that all nature is good, because it proceeds from God.
a. OAan's Original State and His Possibilities. Man
came from the hand of his Maker faultless. He possessed
> " Of Grakm CMmH,** Chap. }a ; " Of Pu. Orig,r Chtp, il.
• *'Op, imp./' Bk. 1.. Chap. «>. s«f. • IhidT, Bk. V.. Chap. «.
« " Op, Imp., " Bk.ll., Chap. 94 ; I., X4«.
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366 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
freedom to do good, reason to know God, and the grace
of God. By the latter he means that supernatural assist-
ance whereby alone men and angels could have perse-
vered in goodness. To man, as a moral being, the pos-
sibility of sinning was necessary, but sinning only pos-
sible. If he had persevered in obedience he would have
attained to a state in which sinning would have been im-
possible. His bodily nature, mortal in itself, would thus
have become immortal.
b. Vie Fall. This consisted in the fact that the original
possibility of sinning became by willful disobedience a
reality. Augustine attributes the fall to the seductive
influence of the serpent, who inspired pride and self-
seeking first in the woman as the weaker. The sin was
committed before the fruit was eaten. The consequences
of the fall are : loss of freedom of choice (in matters per-
taining to salvation), a beclouding of the mind, loss of the
grace of God for performing the good that his freedom
willed, loss of paradise, subjection to concupiscence (in-
cluding all sensuous obstacles to the dominance of the
spirit), and physical death.
c. Hereditary Sin. Augustine maintained that the con-
dition of Adam after the fall is the condition of the race.
To the end of his life he was greatly perplexed regarding
the origin of the soul. The Traducian theory, with which
the Pelagians never wearied of reproaching him, claiming
as they did that it was logically involved in his doctrine
of hereditary guilt, seemed too materialistic to harmonize
with his Platonizing mode of thinking. The Creation
theory seemed, as was insisted upon in season and out
of season by the Pelagians, irreconcilable with his doc-
trine of original sin, or else with the goodness of God.
In his *' Retractations *' he confessed his ignorance on this
point, but insisted that Adam was the representative and
the progenitor of the race, and that in Adam all sinned.
He felt the need of Traducianism, but could not bring
himself openly to adopt it.
d. Baptism. By baptism the guilt of this original sin is
taken away, but not sin itself. Unconscious infants
dying without baptism are damned by virtue of their in-
herited guilt. The sinful nature remains after baptism
and with the dawn of moral consciousness actual sm ap-
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CHAP, a] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 367
pears in the choice of evil through the dominance of con-
cupiscence. This post-baptismal sin will inevitably lead
to eternal perdition if it be not healed by penance, by
good works, and by the intercession of the glorified
Saviour. The real conversion of the will by divine
grace, so that it becomes free for goodness, is independ-
ent of baptism and usually comes long after the latter
has been received. In such conversion of the will grace
manifests itself in revelation and teaching and in the in-
breathing of the divine love.
e. Divine Grace. Augustine maintained that special
divine grace was freely given to our first parents in such
measure as would have enabled them to persevere in
obedience. To fallen man it is absolutely necessary to
his willing or doing good, it is unmerited, and it is irre-
sistible. He conceived of all mankind as, on account of
Adam's fall, "a certain mass of sin (or of corruption),
amenable to the divine and supreme justice ; whether
this punishment is exacted or remitted, no injustice is
done." Out of this indistinguishable mass God brings
some to salvation and allows others to become repro-
bates. The very willing to secure salvation is a gift of
God withheld from some, whom he makes "vessels of
contumely " ; not that he is the author of sin, but those
from whom grace is withheld become vessels of dishonor
and contribute to the harmony of the divine system,
/. Predestination, Election, Perseverance, and Reproba-
tion. Augustine taught that with fallen humanity in
mind God "justly predestined to punishment " (or death)
a part of the race, while some " he benignantly predes-
tined to grace, not because we were holy, but that we
might be." He maintained the final perseverance of the
elect, but admitted that election could be known in indi-
vidual cases only from observation of perseverance to
the end. He did not distinctly teach that God determined
to create man in order that all the race might become in-
volved in sin and that he might save some by his grace
and damn others for the manifestation of his justice
(Supralapsarianism), though he comes perilously near to
this conception in making the existence and the punish-
ment of evil beings essential to the harmony of the
divine scheme.
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368 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Vl
4* Proceedings Against the Pelagians.
(i) Synods at Jerusalem and Diospolis. After his con-
demnation by a Carthaginian synod (412) Pelagius visited
Palestine, where he won the confidence of Bishop John of
Jerusalem. Jerome, the opponent of John (see Origen-
istic controversies above), who had been informed by
Augustine, through the presbyter Orosius, of Pelagius'
errors, wrote a sharp polemic against him. Pelagius
succeeded in stating his views in a Jerusalem synod to
the satisfaction of John, who bade Pelagius keep quiet
until the bishop of Rome could be heard from on the
matter. Further attacks from the West led to a fresh
investigation in a synod at Diospolis (Lydda) under
Bishop Eulogius of Csesarea. On this occasion Pelagius
declined to be held responsible for the teachings of
Ccelestius and by sophistical modes of statement gained
the recognition of the body.
(2) Popes Innocent I. and Zosimus. At the Instance of
the African bishops, Innocent I. condemned Pelagius
(416). Innocent's death occurring shortly afterward,
Coelestius was able to convince his successor of the or-
thodoxy of the Pelagians. Zosimus rebuked the Africans
for listening to slanderous reports against these excellent
men. The African bishops declined to withdraw their
condemnation until Pelagius and Coelestius should un-
equivocally assert "that the grace of God by Jesus
Christ assists us not only to the knowledge, but also to
the exercise, of righteousness in every single act, so that
without it we should be able to think, to say, or to per-
form nothing truly pious or holy."
In 418 a General Council of the African churches con-
demned the chief positions of the Pelagians, and Zosimus
of Rome felt constrained to withdraw his support and
caused their condemnation in a Roman synod. Julian,
bishop of Eclanum, refused to accept the decision of the
synod and was henceforth by far the most acute and
courageous defender of Pelagian principles. It was in
controversy with him that Augustine wrote his most im-
portant anti-Pelagian works. In these are incorporated
Julian's statements and arguments that would otherwise
have perished. This controversy with Julian was the
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 369
occasion of Augustine's working out with great fullness
his doctrines of freedom of will, sin, grace, predestina-
tion, etc.
(3) Pela^ns and Nestmans. Pelagius seems to have
remained in the East and is soon lost sight of. Julian
and Coelestius again sought and won the support of such
Oriental bishops as Theodore of Mopsuestia and Nesto-
rius. The fall of Nestorius (see Nestorian controversy
above) rendered his approval worse than useless, and
they were condemned along with him by the Synod of
Ephesus (431).
5. The Semi-Pelagians.
(i) Jerome, Prosper, yincentius, and Cassianus. The
Pelagians had failed signally to win Christendom to the
acceptance of their views. Augustine and his adherents
had industriously discredited them wherever they sought
to introduce their teachings.
But neither was Augustinianism to be the dominant
theology of the age. As it was radically different from
the theology of the past, so it was out of accord with the
dominant tendencies of the immediately succeeding time.
Luther and Calvin were the true successors of Augustine.
His own age was not ripe for his teachings. He laid too
much stress on the inner Christian life and too little
stress on external ceremonies to suit the spirit of the
age. While he held that baptism destroys the guilt of
original sin, he repudiated the thought that, apart from
special divine grace working a change in the direction of
the will and producing righteous character, salvation is
possible to those that reach moral consciousness. He
was an earnest advocate of asceticism, but he denied
that the mere torture of the flesh, apart from the trans-
formation of the life into Christlikeness, avails anything.
He regarded the Supper as a ** communion of the body of
Christ," yet he did not admit that the mere eating and
drinking of the elements were of any benefit apart from
the faith of the partaker. He taught the perseverance of
the saints, but he denied that any one could be assured
of the possession of the gift of perseverance until the
end of life. His teachings were radically opposed to the
«acramentalism and to the idea of salvation by external
V
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370 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. UL
works that more and more dominated the Christian
thought of the time.
Even Jerome, who joined with Augustine in condemn-
ing the Pelagians, was far from being an Augustinian.
Prosper of Aquitania and Hilary of Aries remonstrated
with Augustine regarding the rigor of his predestinarian-
ism, Vincentius of Lerins (434) put forth a vigorous,
though covert, attacic on Augustine's teachings, laying
stress on ecclesiastical traditionalism and insisting that
the greatest care should be taken that " we hold fast to
what has been believed everywhere, always, and by ail '*
(QUod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est).
These Gallic opponents of Augustine insisted on the rec-
ognition of such a degree of free will as would make each
man's salvation dependent on himself. *' All who perish,
perish against the will of God " (Cassianus).
(2) The *' Prcedestinatus " and Faustus of Lerins. About
450 appeared an anonymous work called ** Prcedestinatus,**
in which the doctrine of predestination was set forth with
the utmost harshness. "Those whom God has once
predestinated to life, even if they are negligent, even if
they sin, even if they are unwilling, yet unwillingly are
conducted to life ; but those whom he has predestinated
to death, even if they run, even if they hasten, labor
in vain." The immoral and almost blasphemous teach-
ings of this book aroused the polemical zeal of many
earnest Christian thinkers.
Faustus, abbot of Lerins, who represented the mod-
erate anti-Augustinianism of the Gallic monks, attacked
extreme Augustinianism with great vigor. He denounced
''the error of predestination," defended **the free choice
of the human mind," and identified the current predes-
tinarian doctrine with pagan and Manichaean fatalism.
He does not attack Augustine, but aims his blows at the
later somewhat exaggerated Augustinianism. While ad-
mitting that holiness cannot be attained without divine
grace, he made great claims for the efficacy of asceticism
in elevating character.
(3) The Scythian Monks and Fulgentius. About 519
some Scythian monks residing in Constantinople began
to agitate in favor of Augustinianism and pressed upon
Pope Hormisdas the utter inconsistency of his recognizing
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ChAP.IL] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 37I
both Augustine and Faustus as orthodox. One or the
other must be a heretic. This led Fulgentius, an Afri-
can theologian, to defend the doctrine of predestination
against Faustus' assaults ; yet he rejected the idea of
predestination to sin (reprobation).
(4) MedicBval Orthodoxy as fixed by Gregory the Great.
After much controversy Semi-Pelagianism was seemingly
vanquished, but the dominant type of Roman Catholic
theology, as embodied in the works of Pope Gregory the
Great (59CH604), was not Augustinianism, although much
of the language of Augustine was freely used ; but rather
the ascetic theology of Jerome, modified by the deepening
asceticism and formalism of the fully developed hierarch-
ical church.
V. CONTROVERSIES OCCASIONED BY PROTESTS AGAINST
THE PROGRESSIVE PAGANIZATION OF CHRISTIAN
LIFE AS SEEN IN ASCETICISM, THE VENERA-
TION OF SAINTS AND RELICS, ETC.
Long before the close of the fourth century the ascet-
ical view of Christian life, already aggressive at the be-
ginning of the present period, had become dominant.
The religious life was identified with asceticism. The
perfection of Christian character could be approximated
only by voluntary celibacy, poverty, and withdrawal
from secular life.
Martin of Tours (d. c. 400) established a monastery at
Poictiers (c. 367), where he practised the most rigorous
asceticism and acquired the reputation of being a mira-
cle worker. Sulpicius Severus, a Gallic nobleman of
character and culture, became his enthusiastic disciple
and biographer. He attributed to his master the raising
of the dead (several cases), the stopping of a falling
tree, the arrest of the progress of a fire, the healing of
demoniacs and lepers, etc. As bishop of Tours he
founded a multitude of churches and greatly extended
the influence of Christianity in Gaul. Sulpicius em-
ployed the revenues of his great estates and his personal
influence in the promotion of ascetical Christianity.
Paulinus of Nola, an Italian noble of enormous wealth
and elegant culture (he has been designated '* the Chris-
tian Cicero"), became a Christian and adopted the as-
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372 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. HI
cetical life (c^ 379). He devoted his income to charity
and the founding of a church and a monastery in which
relics and images of saints and martyrs were collected
and where a truly pagan cult was established. He spent
much of his time prostrate before the image of St. Felix,
his patron saint, and every year wrote a birthday poem
in his honor, — bestowing on him epithets suitable only for
Deity, attributing to his favor the blessing of life, and
imploring his good offices for the future. The influence
of Martin, Sulpicius, and Paulinus, was widespread.
Christian churches became assimilated to pagan temples
and the ascetical life grew apace.
Jerome (c. 341-420), the greatest scholar of his age,
was mastered by the ascetical spirit (c. 372), and to es-
cape hell and expiate his sins betook himself to the des-
erts of Syria, where he lived a life of incredible aus-
terity, waging meantime the fiercest battle with his pas-
sions. After four years of the most rigorous hermit life
and a brief residence at Antioch, he returned to Rome,
where (c. 382) he found the church in the most shameful
disorder on account of a disputed succession to the epis-
copal chair. Here he promoted ascetical life, especially
among women of rank, and established such intimate re-
lations with two young widows, Paula and Marcella, as
to awaken grave, but probably unjust, suspicions. In
385 he left Rome, which he now called "Babylon," to
take up his abode in Bethlehem, where he prepared his
edition of the Latin Bible (Vulgate) and wrote many of
his controversial and other works. He was a fanatic of
the most pronounced type and was one of the most vio-
lent and unscrupulous piolemicists of the age. He com-
posed fabulous lives of early ascetics (Antony, Paul,
Malchus, and Hilarion), in which he drew freely upon
the erotic pagan romances of the earlier time and
thought only of exalting the most extreme forms of
asceticism. He carried on an extensive correspondence
with the leading Christians of all parts of the world and
exerted a profound influence in favor of world-flight and
celibacy.
A milder and more rational type of asceticism was
represented and fostered in Syria and Asia Minor by
Basil (d. 379), Gregoiy Nazianzen, Gregory of Nyssa,
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 373
Diodorus (d. 394), Chrysostom (d. 407), Nestorius,
Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrus, etc., and
in Italy and Africa by Ambrose (d. 397) and Augustine
(d. 430). From the writings of these latter it is evident
that the ascetical spirit had become dominant, and they
were concerned to guard against its abuses and to insist
upon the possibility and the duty of true Christian
morality in secular life.
Closely connected with the growth of asceticism was
the rapid development of the most groveling idolatry —
worship of saints, relics, images, holy places, etc.
It was against the corrupt practices and corrupting
tendencies indicated above that the protests occasioning
the following controversies were uttered.
I. The Airian Controvert.
LITERATURE: Epiphanlus, " PoHorum'* ( " Hasns.,'' 75). Walch,
" Hisf. d. Kit^trswi^' Bd. III., Siit. 321* ssq. ; Ncandcr, " Ch. Hist.,*'
Vol. II., p. 342, ssq. ; encyclopedia articles.
Aerius, presbyter and superintendent of a Christian
almshouse at Sebaste, Asia Minor, was intimately asso-
ciated with Eustathius, who became bishop ^.355. Con-
troversy regarding the administration of the institution
arose between Aerius and the bishop, and the former
was obliged to resign his position c. 360. A large num-
ber of the constituents of the diocese supported Aerius,
who vigorously attacked not only the personal adminis-
tration of Eustathius, but the corruptions in doctrine
and practice that were coming to prevail in that region.
He accused Eustathius of being too much concerned
about the acquisition of property, insisted upon the
equality of presbyters and bishops on scriptural grounds,
denounced the practice of seeking the intercession of de-
parted saints and of celebrating the Supper as an offer-
ing for the dead, opposed the laws regulating fasts (fixed
seasons), and especially the celebration of the Passover,
which he regarded as a Judaizing practice out of place in
a Christian church. He charged the dominant form of
Christianity with substituting the bondage of Jewish
legalism for the liberty of the gospel.
Driven from the churches and severely persecuted,
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374 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. lit
Aerlus and his followers were soon widely scattered.
They were obliged to hold their meetings in fields, for
ests, and in mountainous retreats. They were soon lost
sight of as a distinct party ; but it is probable that the
spirit of their protest persisted in Paulicianism, or rather
that it formed part of the early evangelical movement
which became prominent in Paulicianism at a later date.
2. The Jovinianist Controversy.
LITERATURE: Jerome, ** Mvirsus Jaoinumum'' (Eng. tr.In " NIc.
and Post-Nic. Fathers," Ser. 2, Vol. Vi.) ; Augustine, *' flasres.;' 82,
"D^ 'Bono ConfuMlt,'^ and "D# Virginiiate'^: Lindner, ^^ Dtjomn-
iano it yigiLantio Turioris Doctrirus j4ntesi'gnanis^ 1839 ; Schaff , Ch.
Hist." Vol. Hi., p. 226, siq,; Neandcr, "Ch. Hist.," Vol. II., p.
269, ssq.; Walch, *'Hist. der Ktt{irtien^'* 'Bd, 111., Sett, 635,5^^.;
Zockler, ** Huronjmms" Siit, 194, 5#g.; Comba, "/ Nostrs Protss'
ianti,'' Vol. I., pp. 8?-ii4 ; Belling, '* Ueberjovmian " (in Zeitsckr. /.
KirchMgesch,^" Bd. IX., Seit. 391, ssq.); encyclopedia articles.
(i) T^seof the Controversy. Jovinianus, whom Nean-
der calls "the Protestant of his time/' a well-educated
Roman monk, began {c. 378) to assail the ascetical teach-
ings and practices represented by Jerome and his party.
Up to this time he had practised a rigorous asceticism.
Jerome represents him as allowing himself more liberty
henceforth and even hints at Epicurean indulgence ; but
there seems no reason to believe that he exceeded the
limits of sane Christian living. Augustine finds no fault
with his life, but accuses him of Stoicism in putting all
sins on a parity and of denying the perpetual virginity of
Mary. In this last particular Jovinian followed in the
footsteps of Helvidius, whom Jerome had a few years
before (c. 383) elaborately confuted {*^^dv. Helvidium*').
(2) Points at Issue. We are indebted for most of our
information regarding the protest of Jovinianus to Je-
rome, who ascribes to him, apparently in his own lan-
guage, four '* Vv.i.omous " propositions in which he hears
**the hissing of the serpent." These are as follows:
a. That " virgins, widows, and married women, who
have been once washed in Christ, if they do not differ
in respect to other works, are of the same me'-it."
b. That "those who have been baptized cannot be
tempted (elsewhere "subverted") by the devil." He
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CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 375
defined his meaning by saying : " But those who have
been tempted are shown to have been baptized by water
only and not by the Spirit, as we read in the case of
Simon Magus." Jerome further states Jovinian's posi-
tion thus : *' He denies tl\at those who with full faith
have obtained baptism can thenceforth sin." Elsewhere *
Jerome represents Jovinianus as saying : " That those
who with full faith have obtained baptism cannot be
tempted ; nay, in other words, that a baptized man, if
he be unwilling to sin, sins no further." That he did
not mean to teach that the truly regenerate man is of
necessity absolutely sinless is evident from the state-
ment attributed to him by Jerome: "Between that brother
who had always been with the Father, and him who as
a penitent was afterward received, there is no diversity."
It is probable that he meant simply to teach that suffi-
cient divine grace is bestowed upon the truly regenerate
man to enable him to resist the temptations of the evil
one, and that such a one will inevitably persevere to the
end.
Jovinianus seems to have attached no Importance to mere water
baptism, and to have regarded baptism as the outward symbol of
the inner transformation wrought through faith. Like the Christian
writers of the second century, he probably regarded it as the com-
pletion of the process of regeneration conditioning the remission of
sins.
c. That *' there is no difference between those that
abstain from foods and those that partake of them with
thanksgiving." He argued that " all things were created
to serve for the use of mortal men," and appealed to the
example of Christ, who was called a '* winebibber and a
glutton." He repudiated the idea that starvation con-
duces to holiness.
d. That ''to all who shall have preserved their bap-
tism (t. e., have been baptized on a profession of saving
faith and hence do not fall away) there is one remunera-
tion in the kingdom of heaven." He insisted that " Christ
dwells in all equally and is in us without any difference
of degrees. . . So also we are in Christ without de-
grees. Believers are '* a temple of God, not temples."
I " 'Dial. 0nn Felofiitms" Bk. H*. cb«p. 04..
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
576 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. lA.
He divided mankind rigorously into two classes, the
saved and the unsaved, and refused to allow that there
is any distinction to be made among the saved. Salva-
tion being of grace and not of merit, all who are saved
are saved absolutely. In these statements Jovinianus
was protesting against the current teaching regarding
works of supererogation, whereby saints and martyrs
were supposed to be able efficaciously to intercede for
sinners.
Jerome devotes the first half of his treatise to the refutation of the
first proposition, insisting that in the parable of the sower the thirty-
fold, sixty-fold, and hundred-fold fruitage of the seed sown in good
ground Indicates the relative merit of married life, voluntary widow-
hood, and virginity. Marriage is recommended by Paul not because
it is good, but because it is less bad than consuming lust. He is
able to quote much Scripture in favor of his contention that there are
among Christians differences in spiritual attainment, and that the
rewards of the saved and the sufferings of the lost are graded ac-
cording to desert. If Jovinianus is correctly represented by Jerome
and Augustine, he was certainly at fault in insisting upon absolute
equality as regards rewards and punishments, which his opponents
were probably right In attributing to the Stoic philosophy.
(3) Proceedings and ^(esults. That the protest of Jo-
vinianus awakened great interest and received influential
support is evident from the excited polemics of Jerome,
and from the public proceedings that were instituted
against him in Rome and Milan. In 390 a Roman synod
under Bishop Siricius condemned him, along with seven
of his adherents, and notified other bishops of the fact.
A Milanese synod under Ambrose excommunicated the
Jovinianists shortly afterward. Jerome in his writing
against Vigilantius (406) refers to the death of Jovinianus.
An edict of the Emperor Honorius (412) condemns one
Jovinianus, who had been holding unauthorized conventi-
cles in the neighborhood of Rome, to scourging and ban-
ishment; but if Jerome's statement and the dates of
both documents are correct another Jovinianus must be
supposed. The persistence of the influence of Jovin-
ianus is seen in the movement led by Vigilantius. It is
not unlikely that followers of Jovinianus took refuge in
the Alpine Valleys, and there kept alive the evangelical
teaching that was to reappear with vigor in the twelfth
century (Arnoldists, Petrobrusians, Henricians, etc.).
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 377
3. The yigilantian Controversy.
Literature : Jerome. " Ep. ad yigOataium " and " Ado, yigOof^
twm'' (Eng. tr. in " Nicene and Post-Nic. Fathers," Scr. a., VoL
Vi.); Lindner, '' D$ Joomiano it yigOaniio'* ; Schmidt, '* yigOatUms.
Sim Virkaltms {wn hiil, HuronymuSy^ i860 ; Zocicler,'* Hiironymus^^^
Sett. 503, siq. ; Lea, *' Sacerdotal Celibacy," 2d ed., p. 70, uq, ;
GUly, '^Vig! and his Times" ; Neander. '^Ch. Hist.,"^Vol. II., p.
313, s#g.; 373. sio.; Schaff, "Ch. Hist.," Vol. 111., p. 226, Mg. ;
encyclopedia articles.
^i) Sketck of yigUantim. Vigilantius was a native of
Gaul and was a dependent of Sulpicius Severus, who
discerning his capabilities liberated and educated him.
He was ordained presbyter about 390. Four years later
he was sent by his patron to visit the great ascetics of
Italy and the Hast He spent some time with Paulinus
of Nola (see above), who received him with the utmost
kindness, and became warmly attached to him. He
seems from the first to have been somewhat shocked by
the introduction of so much of paganism into Christian
worship as he saw at Nola. A visit to Jerome at Bethle-
hem intensified his aversion to the excesses of asceticism,
and he felt constrained to argue the matter with this
impetuous and intolerant ascetic. He journeyed thence
to Egypt, and became familiar with the most repulsive
features of monastic life through contact with the swarms
of ascetics who inhabited the Nitrian desert. The fact
that in Palestine and in Egypt the Origenistic controversy
was raging so furiously at the time no doubt contributed
to his dislike for asceticism. It is probable that he had
already become familiar with the protest of Jovinianus
through the reading of Jerome's polemic or otherwise.
On his homeward journey he seems to have visited
Milan and Alpine Italy, and no doubt came into direct
touch with the Jovinianist movement.
By this time he had become thoroughly convinced that
asceticism and idolatrous practices of every kind are for-
eign to the spirit of Christianity, and he returned to
Gaul full of zeal for the restoration of apostolic doctrine
and practice. His reforming views found much accept-
ance, Sulpicius Severus and the bishop of Toulouse at
first expressing approval. Jerome, however, was soon
in the field with a most virulent and scurrilous polemic.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
J78 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
and the forces of the hierarchy were soon arrayed against
him.
(2) yiewsofyiplantius. In general they were identi-
cal with those of Jovinianus ; but he did not concern
himself with doctrinal matters so much as with the moral
results of the ascetical and idolatrous practices that were
coming to dominate the churches. From Jerome's ex-
aggerated statement we can best ascertain where the
emphasis was placed in his protest :
He charges him with denying "that religious rever-
ence is to be paid to the tombs of the martyrs. Vigils,
he says, are to be condemned ; Alleluia must never be
sung except at Easter ; continence is a heresy ; chastity
a hotbed of lust." He spoke contemptuously of relics
of the martyrs as "the mysterious something or other
which you (Jerome and the ascetics) carry about in a
little vessel and worship," and as "a bit of powder
wrapped up in a costly cloth in a tiny vessel." Jerome
insists that so long as the devil and demons wander freely
through the world martyrs are not to be kept shut up in
a coffin. Vigilantius maintained that " so long as we are
alive we can pray for one another ; but once we die,
the prayer of no person for another can be heard."
Jerome insists that apostles and martyrs can intercede
more efficaciously now than when they were encumbered
with the flesh and their own sufferings. Vigilantius
charged that the vigils at the tombs of saints were the
occasion of the grossest immorality on the part of the
men and women who participated in them. Jerome
admits the fact, but denies that a good thing should be
disused because of abuses. He denounced indiscriminate
almsgiving, especially for the support of idle monks.
He regarded world-flight as cowardly : "This is not to
fight, but to run away. Stand in line of battle, put on
your armor and resist your foes, so that, having over-
come, you may wear the crown." Jerome confesses his
cowardice : " I would not fight in the hope of victory,
lest some time or other I lose the victory. If I flee, 1
avoid the sword ; if I stand, I must eitheV overcome or
fall. But what need is there to let go certainties and
follow after uncertainties ? . . . You who fight may
either be overcome or may overcome. 1 who fly do not
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 379
overcome, inasmuch as I fly ; but I fly to make sure that
1 may not be overcome."
(3) Fate of the Movement. The movement was lost in
the invasion of the Alans and Vandals ; but as we And
early in the Middle Ages evangelical bodies of Christians
in Southern Gaul, it is somewhat probable that the influ-
ence of Vigilantius persisted to some extent during the
intervening time.
4. The Paulician Controversy.
LITERATURE: PtttT Skulus, *' Histaria Mamchofonm" ; Photius,
^^Advtrsus Rscmtiorts (Mamchaos'' (in Wolf's ^' Amc, Gr." Vol. I.,
II.); also numerous casual notices in *^ 'Biblioikua Scr, 'Bjnatiimo^
rum,'' ed. Niebuhr ; Gieseler, " Ch. Hist.," Vol. II., p. 21, ssg., 231,
rother, Bd. i., SeiU 524, stq, ; Joh. Ozniensis, " Opira,'' ed. Aucner,
18 J4 ; Gelzer, *' Dis Anfanp dtr Armmischm Kifchi'' 1895 ; Fried-
rich, " Btricht ub^ d. PaiUihiantr'' (SitpmgsbmckU d, k, b, Akad. d.
yyisssnschafUn ^ (MunchiH, 1896). The above works, valuable as
regards the external history of the movement, have been almost
superseded by the following in respect to the doctrines and practices
of the body : Karapet Ter-Mkrttschian, '*Df> Paulikiamr im Byuw
tinischin Kaiserreicht und vifwandU ErschiinungeH in Arrmniin" ioQ3,
and Conybeare, ** The Key of Truth. A Manual of the Paulician
Church of Armenia. The Armenian Text, Edited and Translated
with Illustrative Documents and Introduction," 1898. The former
of these scholars, an Armenian priest educated in Germany, has
thoroughly discredited the accounts of the Paulicians given by Peter
Siculus and Photius, and by the monk Georgius, without being able
to reach any important positive results ; the latter, the foremost Eng-
lish authonty on Armenian church history, has brought to light the
manual of the ancient Paulician Christians, which has continued in
use to recent times, and has given in his Introduction and Appen-
dices much important documentary material not hitherto avallaDle.
(i) Rise of the Paulicians. The representation of the
monkish chronicler Georgius, Peter Siculus, and Photius,
that the Paulicians arose in the latter half of the seventh
century and had for their founder one Constantine, who
having received a copy of the New Testament from a
Christian returning from captivity among the Saracens,
was greatly interested by the Pauline Epistles and re-
solved as far as in him lay to secure a restoration of
Christianity to its primitive Pauline form, may have
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
38o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
had a basis of fact in the reforming labors of an evangel-
ical leader of that time. But the efforts of these writers
to fasten upon the Paulicians the stigma of Manichaean
(or Marcionitic) dualism were doubtless due to the un-
scrupulous polemical methods of the time, in accord-
ance with which the most damaging heresies might
legitimately be attributed to theological opponents. A
careful comparison of the "Key of Truth," which
contains an account of the doctrines and practices of
the Paulicians from about the eighth century onward,
with the Adoptionist literature of the second century,
seems to establish the fact that Paulicianism is a per-
petuation of the form of Christianity that was first in-
troduced into Armenia and represents a very early
type of doctrine and practice. Reference has already
been made in another section to the Adoptionist Chris-
tology of the '* Key of Truth " and to the fact that Adop-
tionism is known to have been the prevailing type of
Christology in Persia and Armenia during the early cen-
turies. Paulicianism was not so much an attempt to
introduce in Armenia a new form of Christianity as a
struggle against the encroachments of the Greek Chris-
tology, with its accompanying Mariolatry, saint-worship,
iconolatry, asceticism, intolerance, and moral corruption.
The name Pauliciani was probably derived not from
Paul the apostle, but from Paul of Samosata, deposed
from the bishopric of Antioch by a synod for teaching
Adoptionist Christology in 269 and forced to relinquish
his charge by the Emperor Aurelian in 272. This is the
representation of Gregory Magistros (eleventh century)
and of the Escurial Fragment, from which Photius, Peter
Siculus, etc., drew their materials. This document rep-
resents Paul's mother as a Manichaean and thus accounts
for the supposed Manichsan features of Paulicianism.
But even if we could be sure of this derivation of the
name, this would constitute no proof that the form of
Christianity that came to be thus stigmatized had its
origin at this late date.
Convbeare is probably justified In asserting that "the Paulkian
Churcn was not the national church of a particular race, but an old
form of the apostolic church, and that It included within itself
Syrians, Greeks, Armenians, Africans, Latins, and various other
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP. IL] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 381
races. Finding refuge in southeastern Armenia, when it was nearly
extirpated in the Roman Empire, it there nursed its forces in com-
parative security under the protection of the Persians and Arabs,
and prepared itself for that magnificent career of missionary enter-
prise in the Creels world, which the sources relate with so much bit-
terness."
It was the "huge recess or circular dam" formed by
the Taurus mountain range that furnished a comparatively
secure abiding place for this ancient form of Christianity,
when the Graeco-Roman form of Christianity, supported
by the imperial authority, was gradually making its in-
fluence felt throughout the more exposed parts of Ar-
menia. But the peculiarities of Armenian life and
thought were never obliterated, and from the fifth century
onward the Graeco-Roman influence was largely counter-
acted by the Persian and later by the Saracen (Moham-
medan). Under these influences, which also had much
to do with the uprising against image worship in the By-
zantine Empire, there was a widespread revival of the
old faith in Armenia in the eighth century. It is to this
aggressive and uncompromising hostility to the Christi-
anity of the empire, that the term " Paulician " is com-
monly applied.
Leo the Isaurian (717-741), the iconoclastic emperor,
was virtually a Paulician, and it has been maintained
that his successor, Constantine Copronymus (741-775),
was **a pure Paulician."* As the imperial influence,
with its Graeco-Roman type of Christianity, declined in
Armenia, the dominant form of Christianity (Gregorian)
in this region became, it would seem, more shamelessly
corrupt than before. Bishops were at the heads of clans
and ecclesiastical offices came to be hereditary. Infant
baptism had been introduced, contrary to the spirit of the
old Adoptionist Christology, as a concomitant of this
political form of Christianity. Blood-offerings had been
instituted, in accord with the old pagan practice, to expi-
ate for the sins of the dead. Crosses had been set up
as objects of superstitious reverence.
(2) Paulician Doctrines and Practices, From the *' Key
of Truth," compared with other sources of information,
1 Conybearep on the Authority of Theopb«nes. S— *' Key of Truth." Iotro4«t
to. cxvi.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
382 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. la
the position of the Paulicians at about the close of this
period, and presumably from the early time, may be
summarized as follows : a. They did not call themselves
"Paulicians" or ''Thondralcians" (a name commonly
applied to them because the movement had, during the
mediaeval time, Thondrak for its center), but rather "the
holy, universal, and apostolic church." The Roman,
Greek, and Armenian churches are regarded as abso-
lutely evil and Satanic, and are on every occasion de-
nounced in the bitterest way. This was no doubt due to
the terrible persecutions suffered by the Paulicians at
the hands of the dominant bodies. The ascription of
acts of these bodies to Satanic agency by the Paulicians
may have given color to the charge of Manichsean dual-
ism so constantly preferred against them by their adver-
saries. Satan occupies a very prominent place in the
" Key of Truth," as he does in Luther's writings.
J. The Adoptionist Christology, that forms so promi-
nent a feature of the Paulician system, has been fully
set forth in an earlier section. This did not involve any
lack of reverence for Christ or any depreciation of his
absoluteness as Saviour and Lord.
c. The Paulicians were uncompromisingly opposed to
infant baptism. The arguments of those who '* baptize
the unbelieving, the reasonless, and the unrepentant "
are declared to be ''deceitful," and those that thus per-
vert Christ's ordinance are declared to be " utterly false
and full of the deceit of demons," * are said to "lie un-
der the ban of the Lord and of the holy apostles," and
to be prompted in this " by the spirit of the adversary
of the Father.""
Therefore, according to the word of the Lord, we must first bring
them unto the faith, and then give it (baptism) unto them.' As the
holy, universal, and apostolic catholic church having learned from
our Lord Jesus Clirist did proceed : so also must ye after them do.
For they first taught ; secondly, asked for faith ; thirdly, induced to
repent ; and after that, granted holy baptism to those who were of
full age, and in particular were cognizant of their original sin.
A^aln ye, the elect ones, must observe the utmost care that they re-
ceive before baptism instruction and training, both of body and
soul, as St. Paul saith : " Practise thyself in godliness." So must
ye without delay bring those who come unto faith, hope, love, and
» "Kty of Truth," Chap. 1. > /iMf., Chap. a. «/Ki.«Ch«p.7
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 383
repentance, and with extreme care and testing practise them, no
matter who they be, lest peradventure any one should be an im-
postor, or deceitful, or a wizard lil<e Simon. . . Whether men o"
women, you must not at once baptize them nor communicate them
until they have been completely tested.^
In one passage it seems to be implied that as Jesus
was not baptized until he was thirty years old, so be-
lievers should postpone baptism until this age is reached ;
but it is probable that only maturity and full testing were
insisted upon.
A somewhat elaborate baptismal ritual is given, but
the manuscript is incomplete and some portions are ob-
scure. The candidate is required to "come on his knees
into the midst of the water," and ** with great love and
tears " to make a solemn profession of his faith. Trine
affusion follows. It is the opinion of Conybeare that
this affusion was followed by trine immersion, as was the
practice of the orthodox Armenian Church, and as we
should expect from the fact that the candidate is re-
quired to go naked on his knees into the midst of the
water. But immersion is not explicitly required in the
document as it has been preserved.
d. The Supper is called " the mystery of salvation."
The *' blessed " bread and wine are said to be "changed
into his (Christ's) body and blood." "False popes"
"with bread cajole all men and make that their own
flesh and blood, and not Christ's. . . Whosoever shall
make any water, any mere bread, or any moistened
morsel, and distribute deceitfully to the simple people, it
is their own flesh and blood and not Christ's." These
statements might seem to imply a doctrine of real pres-
ence ; but it is to be noticed that wicked priests are rep-
resented as changing the elements into their own flesh
and blood. It is probable that the writer meant to teach
only the spiritual partaking of the body and blood of
Christ by the believer. Undoubtedly this ordinance,
like baptism, was celebrated with the utmost solemnity.
It Is probable that the Paulicians attached undue impor*
tance to both these ordinances.
e. Ministers of the gospel were selected with the ut-
most care. The positive and negative qualifications \xf*t
» " Key of Truth," Chap. it.
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
384 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. UL
like those prescribed in the New Testament, but more
detailed and explicit. Much importance was attached to
the solemn setting apart of the "elect ones" with the
laying-on of hands. '* It is necessary for that man to
be on all sides free from blemish, before we give him
authority of priesthood, of episcopate, of doctorate, of
apostleship, of presidency, and of election. For all
these are one and the same thing ; nor are they one
greater or lesser than another. But they are on an en-
tire level." The graded ministry of the Latins, Greeks,
and Armenians is explicitly condemned. *' Authority if
one, and is not greater or less. For one was the Holy
Spirit which came down upon the universal apostles and
made them the universal and apostolic catholic holy
church."*
It seems that their church order was connectional and
that a general superintendent presided over the entire
body. Language is used in some instances which would
seem to imply undue reverence for the '* elect ones."
/. Consecrated places and objects and idolatrous prac-
tices of every kind were rejected with the utmost de-
cision. A beautiful form of consecration to be adminis-
tered in the home by the ** elect one " seven days after
the birth of the child is given in the *' Key."
(3) Sketch of tite Movement. Most of the history of
the Paulicians as a distinct and organized form of Chris-
tianity falls in the succeeding period ; but it seems best
to give a brief outline here. The Paulicians suffered se-
vere persecution at the hands of the Emperors Constan-
tine Pogonatus and Justinian II. (684 and 690), many of
them dying at the stake. The then leader of the move-
ment, Gegnaesius (715-745), was brought to Constanti-
nople for trial before the patriarch by order of Leo the
Isaurian. The Byzantine accounts represent him as
having cleared himself by dissimulsition ; but it is proba-
ble that Leo, as an iconoclast, was predisposed in his
favor. During the reign of Leo the Isaurian (714-741)
and Constantine Copronymus (741-775) the Paulician
body had a remarkable growth and spread over Armenia
and into many other parts of Asia Minor. Under Con*
" Key of Truth/' Chap. m.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. U.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 385
stantine VI. and Irene (c. 780) they suffered terrible
persecution. From this time they allied themselves more
or less closely with the Saracens and, aroused to almost
fanatical zeal by the persecutions suffered, devastated
the portions of the Eastern empire within their reach.
Sergius was their great leader (801-835) and was almost
worshiped by his people. Under the Empress Theodora,
a hundred thousand of the Paulicians are said to have
been massacred {c. 844). Tephrike, their stronghold,
was captured in 873 and their power was broken. The
destruction of this great Protestant organization in the
East was the death-knell of Oriental Christianity. The
Paulicians formed a mighty barrier against Mohamme-
danism so long as they were tolerated. But because
of the persecutions directed against them they were
forced at last, as a means of self-preservation, to co-
operate with the enemies of Christianity in overthrow-
ing the Christian empire. Their struggle was a heroic
one, and they have well been called ** Christian Macca-
baeans."
Constantine Copronymus had encouraged a large
body of Paulicians to settle in Thrace. The colony
flourished and their principles were disseminated in east-
ern Europe. During the ninth century the Paulicians of
the Taurus, according to Peter Siculus, who spent some
months at Tephrike, sent forth zealous missionaries to
evangelize Bulgaria. About 970 the Emperor Tzimiskes,
himself an Armenian, sent a hundred thousand Paulicians
to the lower Danubian region. That this great body of
evangelical Christians should have leavened eastern Eu-
rope with their teachings might have been expected.
The historical connection between the Paulicians and
the widespread and highly influential evangelical move-
ment in central and western Europe from the eleventh
century onward cannot at present be accurately traced,
but is no less certain.
Though greatly depressed in the Taurus region by con-
tinuous persecution, the Paulicians have survived to the
present century in the neighborhood of Thondrak, and it
was among a party of refugees, who, after the Russo-
Turkish War (1828-1829), had settled in a portion of Ar-
menia acquired by Russia, that the '* Key of Truth "
2
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
386 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Itt
was discovered and, by an inquisitorial process, much in-
teresting information was brought to light/
5. The Iconoclastic Controversy.
Literature : Documents in Hardouin, ** Cone.^'' Vol. IV., and
Mansi, "Coiw.," Vol. XII.-XIV.; Goidast. '' Imperialia Dtcrtta dt
cultu Imaginum in utroqui Impirio** ; John of Damascus, ** Dt Imagi-
Mtbus,*' efc. ; Nlcephorus, ''Brem'arwm Historic" ; Theophanes Con-
fessor, " Chfonoeraphia "; Hcfeie, " Omcilungtsch,,'' Bd. 111., Snt. 366,
ssq.; Gieseler, Bd. II., Siit. 14, stq.; Neander, Vol. 111., p. igS^ssq.;
Alzog, Vol. II., p. 206, ssq, ; Milman, ** Latin Christianity," Vol. II. ;
Greenwood. ** Cathedra Pitrt\^' Vol. 11., p. 463, seq» ; p. 532, seq.: Her-
rrother, *^ KirchtngtschiehU^^* Bd. I., Sett. 528, seq, (Roman Catho-
but remarkably satisfactory) ; Herzog, " Kirchengeschichte" Bd.
II., Sett. 10, seq. ; Schwarzlose, ** Der Btlderstreit, ein Kampf d. Cr.
Kirche urn ihre Eigenart u. ikre Fretheit " ; Herzog-Hauck, 3(f. ed., art.
*'Bilderstreitigkeiten tmd Bilderverehrung^^ ; Smith and Cheetham,
" Die. of Chr. Antlq.," art. " Images.*^
(/) Preliminary.
a. Introduction of Image Worship into the Christian
Churches. During the first, second, and third centu-
ries, Christians rejected with abhorrence anything like
a veneration of images. They were reproached by the
pagans as atheists, from the fact that they carefully ab-
stained from anything savoring of idolatry.
When the pagans replied to the charge of image wor-
ship preferred by Christians against them, that they
worshiped, not the images, but the gods that the images
represent, Christians asked them why then they did not
turn their eyes toward heaven." The Synod of Elvira
(305) decreed that "pictures ought not to be in the
churches," the reason assigned being the danger lest the
painting or image be worshiped or adored. This decree
IS evidence of the fact that pictures were already begin-
ning to be venerated. From the time of Constantine
onward this practice developed rapidly.
b. Causes of the Prevalence of Image Worship, (a) To a
very great extent it was transferred immediately from
paganism. Men of influence came from paganism to
Christianity with little change of views. Such men
were in many cases appointed to high offices in the
^ Set Conybeare's edition of the " tCey of Truth." Introd., p. ei, g«f.
« Ucuntlus. " Uus. Dsv.r Bk. IL. Ch*p. e.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 387
churches, and they devoted their energies to the assim-
ilation of Christian churches to heathen temples, (b) It
was not at first intended that the pictures should be
actually worshiped. The aim was rather to instruct the
uneducated in Christian truth, (c) The monastic system,
with its perversion of the imagination, was very favor-
able to an entire perversion of the use of images to
actual idolatry.
c. Images in the East and in the West. Oriental and
Occidental Christians, as they differed widely in other
respects, so also in the use of images. As monasticism
had its most perverse and extreme development in the
East, so the use of images was sure to lead to the worst
results there. It seems that the Oriental mind is so con-
stituted as to be incapable of using images at ail in con-
nection with religion, without making them actual objects
of worship. The worship of images had, by the seventh
century, become so marked that Christians were re-
proached by Jews and Mohammedans as idolaters.
(2) Rist ofiht Controvert,
The Saracens had by the eighth century established
themselves firmly in Palestine, Syria, Armenia, etc., and
were still aggressive. In 723 the Caliph Jezid had com-
manded the removal of all pictures from Christian
churches within his realm. The agitation of the subject
in the Saracen regions extended into Asia Minor. From
the beginning of the eighth century several bishops —
Constantine of Nicolia, in Phrygia, Theodosius of Ephe-
sus, Thomas of Claudiopolis, etc. — had opposed image
worship. These men had great influence with the Em-
peror Leo the Isaurian (718-741), who may also have im-
bibed his aversion to image worship from his dealings
with the Saracens. Leo looked upon image worship not
only as an abomination in itself, but also as a chief ob-
stacle to the conversion of the Jews and the Saracens.
He had repelled a great Saracen invasion, and he now
desired to lay the foundation of a permanent peace with
this aggressive power. He thought that the extirpation
of image worship would not only increase the unity of
his empire and promote peaceable relations with the
Taracens, but would also greatly promote the enlight-
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388 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IU
enment of his people. A volcanic eruption (726) led him
to take still more decisive ground aggiinst image worship.
He now issued an edict prohibiting prostration before im-
ages, and directing that images be put so high that the
people could not kiss them. The execution of this de-
cree met with much opposition, and was the occasion of
many bloody riots. The monks, especially, who were
much given to idolatry and who were engaged to a great
extent in the painting of religious pictures, were chiefly
instrumental in fomenting insurrection. The patriarch
of Constantinople, Germanus, opposed the iconoclastic
measures and was deposed from his office (730).
()) Siattnunt of Opposing yisws.
a. Views of Pope Gre^ty II. and other Advocates of the
feneration oj Images. The arguments in favor of images
are : (a) That God commanded cherubim and seraphim
to be made. (Jb) That pictures of Christ, alive and dead,
and pictures of the apostles and martyrs, were taken by
spectators to be looked upon by those that should come
after, {c) That Christ himself sent his own picture to
King Abgarus, at Edessa. {d) The commandment not
to make graven images, etc., was necessary at the time
to preserve the Israelites from heathenish idolatry ; but
circumstances are different now. God was invisible then
and could not be represented. In Christ he became
visible and capable of representation, (e) Those that
venerate images are not to be called idolaters. Rather
the memory is thereby aroused ; the inexperienced and
ignorant mind is erected and borne on high through those
whose names, whose appellations, whose images these
are.
It was attempted to make a distinction between w^^-
xuvi^ffn: (adoration or prostration before images) and Xarptta
(worship in the highest sense). The latter must be ren-
dered to God alone ; the former may be rendered to
pictures of Christ and the saints.
b. Views of the Iconoclasts. The grounds which the
Iconoclasts urged in favor of their position are : (a) That
image worship is prohibited by the Old and the New Tes-
taments (Deut. 5 : 4, 8 ; John 4 : 24 ; Rom. i : 23-25) and
fcy the Fathers of the early church, (b) That it consists
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CHAP.U.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 389
in the application of a heathenish art to purposes of re-
ligion, which is an abomination, and which is dishonoring
to Christ and the saints whom it is sought thus to rep-
resent, (c) That Christ having established the Supper
indicated thereby, that under the form of bread and wine
alone he desired to be represented, (d) The venera-
tion of images involves either Eutychianism or Nestori-
anism ; that is to say, such a union of the humanity and
deity in Christ that only the deity is perceptible (in this
case the image would represent the divine), or such a dis-
tinction of the natures that the humanity can be repre-
sented separately. The hypostatical union of the. divine
and the human in Christ is inconceivable, and hence
cannot be represented pictorially.
{4) Pfogrtss of ih$ Contraoersy.
a. Pope Gregory II. Opposes Leo. Pope Gregory II. wrote
a denunciatory letter to Leo (c. 730) reproaching him for
placing stumbling-blocks before the weak ones of Christ,
urging him to trust to the judgment of the councils and
the Fathers in the matter of images rather than to his
own ignorance, and setting forth the grounds mentioned
above in favor of the veneration of images.
b. Leo's Reply to Pope Gregory II. Leo was not a man
to be turned aside from his purpose by the denunciations
of a pope. The purport of his reply is : (a) That the six
general councils had said nothing about images, (b) He
declared that he himself was at the same time emperor
and bishop, /. e., was supreme in civil and ecclesiastical
matters, (c) He threatened to destroy the image of St.
Peter at Rome and to imprison the pope.
c. "l^pman Synod against Iconoclasm under Gregory III.
In 731 at a synod of ninety-three bishops, called by
Gregory HI., a decree of excommunication was passed
against whomsoever should thenceforth remove, destroy,
or injure images of Mary, Christ, or the saints.
d. Leo's Retaliation. Leo retaliated by cutting off the
papal revenues in Sicily and Calabria, and by annexing
the churches of Illyria to the patriarchate of Constan-
tinople.
e. Constantine V. and Iconoclasm. Constantine was not
less averse to image worship than his father had been.
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390 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. III.
From 743 to 775 he carried on an exterminating war
against image worship. All public officials, and all eccle-
siastics and monks were required to abjure image wor-
ship, and those that refused were ruthlessly slaughtered.
He seamed bent upon the utter extermination of the
monks. In 754 he called a council, in which image wor-
ship was stigmatized as Satan's poison in the church,
and it was declared that God had raised up the emperor
for its extirpation. The grounds against image worship
mentioned above were set forth on this occasion. The
religious pictures were now almost all destroyed — some
burned, some concealed by whitewashing the walls, and
in their places were put, in some instances, landscape and
hunting scenes. Few fiercer persecutions are recorded
in history than those of Constantine Copronymus.
/. Leo /K and Iconoclasm. His successor, Leo IV., was
also an Iconoclast, but was weak of purpose. His wife,
Irene, was a favorer of image worship. Leo IV. died
780, and was succeeded by Constantine VI., a boy nine
years of age.
g. Irene and the Second Council ofNiccea (787). Irene
was now practically empress, and she at once set about
devising plans for the restoration of image worship.
The army, which had received its training from Constan-
tine Copronymus, was known to be decidedly averse to
images. The ecclesiastics throughout the empire had
taken oaths against images, as a condition of their instal-
lation. Irene began by appointing monks to the most
important ecclesiastical offices. She opened the way for
all ranks of her subjects to become monks. The patri-
arch of Constantinople, Paulus, who had been a zealous
Iconoclast, was induced to lay down the patriarchal dig-
nity and to recommend for the position Tarasius, first
Secretary of State, who was known to be entirely sub-
servient to the will of Irene. In accordance with a pre-
concerted plan, Tarasius declined to accept the proffered
dignity, except on condition that measures be taken for
restoring the Eastern Church to fellowship with the rest
of Christendom. He insisted on calling an oecumenical
council for the purpose of reuniting the church. To this
end he entered into a correspondence with Pope Hadrian
I., setting forth his own orthodoxy, and requesting Ha-
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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 391
drian to send delegates to a council to meet at Constan-
tinople. Hadrian was satisfied with Tarasius' orthodoxy,
and agreed in this case to overlook the irregularity of
his elevation to the patriarchal dignity. It was de-
signed to make this council oecumenical, /. ^., to have
represented in it all the patriarchates of the East and the
West. Alexandria and Antioch were under the dominion
of the Saracens, and it was impracticable for them to
send representatives. But to secure the semblance where
the reality was wanting some monks were introduced to
represent these patriarchates. The council was con-
vened at Constantinople in 786, but the imperial troops,
abetted probably by a large faction of the bishops, be-
sieged the church where it was to be held, and by their
threats dispersed the gathered prelates. Irene yielded
for the time, but took measures for securing a guard on
which she could rely, and in 787 convened a council at
Nicaea. By this time the bishops, who were for the most
part men of no moral or intellectual force, had all made
up their minds to yield to the will of Irene. They came
to the council ready to confess their sins, and professing
to have become convinced by the declarations of Scrip-
ture and the Fathers that the use of images was in ac-
cordance with apostolic tradition.
The council laid down the distinction mentioned above,
between bowing down before or kissing, eind worshiping.
The former may be bestowed upon images ; the latter,
upon God alone. Image worship was thus once more
established in the East.
A. Opposition to the Second Nicene Council by Charle-
magne. Charlemagne, aided by his theologians, published
the ** Four Caroline Books " against the Second Nicene
Council. In this he condemns alike the Iconoclasts and
the image worshipers. Images are useful for the orna-
mentation of the churches, and for the perpetuation of
holy deeds. The idea that images are necessary for per-
petuating the memory of holy things is scouted. The
image worshipers, it is maintained, acknowledge them-
selves incapable of looking beyond the sensible into the
spiritual. Christians having fellowship with Christ, ought
to have him always present in their hearts. The Scrip-
tures, and not images, are the proper outward means for
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392 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. 111.
gaining acquaintance with Christ. This writing of Char-
lemagne is a remarkably clear and evangelical discussion
of the whole question.
At a Prankish Council at Frankfort-on-the-Main, called
by Charlemagne in 794, the " adoration and service of
images" was condemned. It is probable that the wor*
ship of images had never gone to the same extreme in
the Prankish Church as in the East. The general en-
lightenment, moreover, that was introJuced and fostered
by Charlemagne, could not fail to bring out truer views
with regard to images.
I. Iconoclastic Reaction in the East. The Iconoclasts had
been suppressed, but not exterminated. In the army
especially, the iconoclastic spirit prevailed, and a large
proportion of the subjects of the Eastern emperor were
ready, on the slightest encouragement, to renew the
struggle against images. In 813, Leo the Armenian, a
soldier and an Iconoclast, became emperor. He intended
to proceed cautiously, but the iconoclastic spirit of the
army could not be restrained, and in 814 he issued an
edict against image worship. In 815 the decrees of the
Second Nicene Council were declared null and void by a
synod held in Constantinople. Persecution followed,
but by no means so fierce as that under Leo the Isaurian
and Constantine Copronymus.
A. Final klctory of the Image Worshipers in the East.
After image worship had been opposed with varying
energy by several emperors the decrees of the Sec-
ond Nicene Council were re-enacted under the regency
of Theodora (842-867), images were restored to the
churches, and the Iconoclasts were persecuted with great
severity.
The Eastern Church has restricted its Images to pictures and mo-
saics, conformed rigorously to traditional and conventional models.
The Roman Catholic Church has given the freest scope to religious
art^ encouraging sculpture as well as painting, and allowing each
artist to depict Christ and the saints according to his own ideals.
The image worship of the East is probably more degrading than
that of the West.
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CHAPTER III
THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PAPAL POWER
LITERATURE: Works of leading popes in MIgne's *'Pairologia
Latma*' ; coilections of Canons of Councils by Mansi, Hardouin,
and Hefeic ; Jaff6, " Rigista Pont, Rom,^^ ; Greenwood. *' Cathidra
Pttri^' ; Milman, '* Lat. Christianity " ; Pennington, ** Epochs of
the Papacy" ; Lea, " Studies in Ch. Hist." ; Bryce, "The Holy
Roman Empire" ; Gibbon, " Dec. and Fall " : Langen, ** G$sch. d,
Rom. Kirchr; Guizot, " Hist, of Civilization'* ; "The Fathers for
Eng. Readers" ("Leo the Great" and "Gregory the Great");
Alzog, "Univ. Ch. Hist." (R. Cath.), Sec. 87, 125-131, 161-166;
Guizot, " Hist, of France," Vol. 1. : Bright, " The Roman See In the
Early Church," 1896 ; works on cL hist, and encyclopedia articles
on tne various popes and emperors involved. For an admirable sum-
mary of the history of the relations between Church and State from
Constantine to Charlemagne, see Greenwood, Vol. II., pp. 5-52.
I. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
I. Claims of Rome as to Early Pre-eminence.
We have seen that from the beginning of the second
century the position of the Roman church was a highly
honorable one, and that it was often appealed to by con-
tending factions in other churches. But of such appeals
it may be said, first, that Rome haci no monopoly of them,
as every church of influence and repute was frequently
asked for advice and moral support ; and secondly, that
the rescripts carried no authority with them beyond what
naturally grew out of the good repute of the church.
This remark would apply fully to the transactions of pro-
vincial churches with Rome in the time of Cyprian.
Cyprian could speak in the most extravagant way of the
authority of Rome when it suited his purpose to do so ;
but when Rome failed to sustain him, no man could re-
buke the bishop of Rome more severely. As one of the
f[reat metropolitan churches that could boast of apostolic
oundation, Rome occupied an influential position side by
side with Alexandria, Antioch, etc.
During the first three centuries the Roman church
393
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394 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IIL
did little in the way of theological advancement. Hip-
polytus and Novatian are the only important writers pro-
duced, and of these the former was completely out of
harmony with the church and denounced its bishops in
the most unsparing manner, while the latter felt himself
obliged to lead a schism and become head of a sect. But
what Rome lacl<ed in literary and theological ability was
more than counterbalanced by its practical wisdom and
its organizing ability. In some respects the absence of
the speculative and systematizing spirit was advanta-
geous to Rome in the struggle for ascendency, for it
served to prevent such doctrinal strife as kept the Ori-
ental churches in perpetual turmoil, enabled it to main-
tain a high reputation for orthodoxy, and so favored its
influential interference during the great doctrinal contro-
versies of the East. Besides, the church was thereby
left free to devote itself to practical questions, and was
enabled to be on the alert for opportunities of aggran-
dizement.
The interference of the Arian Emperor Constantius
with the government of the Roman church, the expul-
sion of Bishop Liberius, and the effort to secure the
recognition of Felix, proved unsuccessful, as the Roman
people adhered to Liberius. A most unseemly struggle,
accompanied by bloodshed, occurred (366) between Da-
masus and Ursinus, rival claimants of the Roman bishop-
ric. Damasus triumphed. Siricius (384-399) set forth
claims of universal jurisdiction somewhat liKe those of
later popes. From this time onward Rome pursued an
aggressive career.
2. The Relative Position Accorded to Rome by the Nicene
Council,
The sixth canon of the Nicene Council gives to the
lij^lRfcip^j^ bishops of Alexandria, Antioch, and Rome a certain au-
" thority over the bishops of the great divisions of the em-
pire of which these cities were centers, but there is no
hint of according a primacy to Rome. In fact, both the
other patriarchates are mentioned quite as prominently
as Rome. The canon reads, according to the Greek
text:
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caAP.IIL] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 395
Let the ancient usages which exist in Egypt, and Libya, and Pen-
tapolis, remain in force, to the effect that the bishop of Aiexandria
should have authority over all these, since this Tthe exercise of au-
thority over the provincial churches of the West] is customary also
for the bishop who is in Rome ; and similarly, both as to Antioch
and in the other provinces, let the churches have their privileges
secured to them.
A clause was interpolated into tliis canon in the in-
terest of the Roman primacy as follows: "Rome has
always held the primacy." This interpolation was first
used, so far as we know, by the representatives of Leo
the Great at the council of Chalcedon (451).
3. Relation of Constantinople to Rome in the Struggle for
Supremacy.
Constantinople was virtually a new city founded by
the Emperor Constantine as the imperial capital. The
church of Byzantium had no claim to apostolic founda-
tion, but was subject to the bishop of Heraclea in Thrace.
The Eastern emperors naturally sought to give to their
capital a primacy in ecclesiastical matters, and inasmuch
as apostolic foundation was thought to be essential to
ecclesiastical dignity, the Heraclean foundation, by a sort
of legal fiction, was transferred to Constantinople. Con-
stantinople wa9 dependent on Antioch and Alexandria for
an educated clergy, and we have seen how great was the
rivalry between these two centers in regard to the theo-
logical control of the capital. The immediate surveil-
lance of the imperial government left littie opportunity
to the patriarchs of Constantinople to develop independ-
ent power. Their attitude toward Rome at any time was
determined wholly by imperial policy. When the Eastern
empire was flourishing there was a disposition to exalt
the patriarchate of Constantinople. When an important
political end could be subserved by asserting the superior
dignity of the Roman See, the emperors did not as a rule
hesitate to recognize the pretensions of Rome.
4* The Relations of Imperial to Patriarchal and Papal
Authority.
The Eastern emperors from Constantine onward re-
garded themselves as supreme rulers of the Church as
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396 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. la
well as of the State. In fact they regarded the hierarchy
simply as a part of the political machinery, and they be-
stowed care and money and dignity on the church simply
as a means to the promotion of civil order and unity
Constantine regarded himself as a bishop of bishops
He called the Nicene Council and presided over it, occu-
pied himself with the suppression of heresy, and legis-
lated freely for the church. His successors followed in
his footsteps in this particular. The legislation of the
empire from Constantine to Justinian as embodied in the
** Corpus Juris Civilts,*' compiled under the direction of
the latter, makes the foregoing statement abundantly evi-
dent. There was during this age no thought in the im-
perial mind of a Church independent of or superior to the
State.
5. Circumstances that Favored the Growth of the Papal
Power.
(i) The supposed Petrine foundation and the supposed
primacy accorded by Christ to Peter.
(2) Rome early enjoyed a recognized supremacy in
the West and was free from local rivalry. In the East
Constantinople had Alexandria and Antioch to contend
against, and these were often willing to recognize the
supremacy of Rome afar off, in view of the moral support
that Rome could render, rather than that of Constanti-
nople which was nearer at hand and often oppressive.
(3) The transference of the imperial capital from Rome
to Constantinople and the feebleness of the Western
emperors after the division of the empire gave free scope
to the bishops of Rome. They soon came to be looked
upon as the most important personages in the West, and
Eastern emperors who wished to gain advantages in the
West were glad to avail themselves of papal influence.
This they could do only by recognizmg the high claims
of the popes.
(4) The barbarian invasions, with the setting up of a
number of rival governments in Southern Europe, gave
to the popes many opportunities to form advantageous
alliances, and so great was the political sagacity of the
Roman See that these opportunities were usually made
the most of.
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CHAP. III.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 397
(5) The growth of Christianity from the fifth century
onward was almost entirely in the West. In the East
Christendom was rent asunder by doctrinal controversies,
and the Persian and Mohammedan powers soon began to j
encroach upon Christian territory. In the West the bar- .
barian tribes, many of whom had been evangelized by '
the Arians, were speedily brought to a nominal ortho-
doxy, their rulers being glad to enjoy the moral support .
of Rome in their efforts to extend and confirm their do-
minions. Rome had the advantage, therefore, of occupy-
ing the center of influence in the part of the world where
Christianity was to make its greatest conquests.
(6) The great doctrinal conflicts in the East and the
mutual jealousies of patriarchs and metropolitans caused
frequent appeals to be made to Rome, and gave to Rome
many opportunities for advantageous interference.
(7) The almost unsullied orthodoxy of the Roman
Church during the Arian and succeeding controversies
greatly added to the prestige of Rome.
«. LEO THE GREAT AND THE PAPACY (440-461).
LITERATURE: Greenwood, Vol. I., p. 343, siq. ; Mllman. Vol. I.,
p. 253, 5#j. ; Tillcmont. " Mem.," XV., p. 4i4» ssq, ; Gore, ''Leo the
Great," also art. in " Diet of Chr. Biog." ; MuUer, '' Kirchmgssch.,'*
Bd. I., SiiU 263, seq, ; Langen, " G$seh, d. T{. Kircht v. Uo /. bis Nika-
laus /.," 5#f'/. 1-140; Lea, passim; Schaff, Vol. 111., p. 314, siq,;
Giesder, Vol. 1., p. 394, s^q.; Mailer, p. 345, s#g.; Alzog, Sec. 130.
Leo was elected by the clergy, senate, and people of
Rome during his absence. A Roman in sentiment as in
birth, possessed of the learning of his age, a statesman
of the shrewdest type, he embodied all the pride and
aggressiveness of imperial and ecclesiastical Rome. The
times were highly favorable for the realization of his am-
bitious aims, and he lost no opportunity that presented
itself for securing advantages for the Roman See.
Among his achievements the following may be men-
tioned :
1. He condemned the Manichaeans of Rome and se-
cured their banishment by the Emperor Valentinian III.
2. In Proconsular Africa he availed himself of the
disorder caused by the Vandal conquest (Donatists,
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398 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [«>bR fll^
Catholics, and Arians being in conflict) to secure recog
nition of his authority by the Catholic party.
3. In Gaul he humiliated Archbishop Hilary of Aries
and secured the recognition of his authority. Hilary,
an able and pious prelate, had, with the advice of a
Synod, deposed a bishop named Celedonius, because he
had married a widow and before his ordination had pre-
iSided as judge at a criminal proceeding that had resulted
In capital punishment, either of which acts, according to
the recognized ecclesiastical law of the time, disqualified
him for the episcopal office. The right of Hilary to deal
with Celedonius grew out of the fact that he was metro-
politan of the region in which the diocese of Celedonius
was situated. Leo's predecessor had twenty-eight years
before expressly recognized this relation. Celedonius
appealed to Rome and persuaded Leo that Hilary had ex-
ceeded his jurisdiction. Leo ignored the previous de-
cision, set aside Hilary's act in deposing Celedonius,
received Celedonius into communion, and restored him
to his bishopric. Hilary journeyed on foot to Rome and
remonstrated with Leo. He was thrown into prison for
his arrogance, cut off from the communion of Rome, and
restored only after he had thoroughly humiliated himself.
4. In connection with the foregoing transaction, the
Emperor Valentinian III., who was greatly under Leo's
influence, confirmed Leo's sentence in the matter of
Hilary and Celedonius, commanded the governor of Gaul
to aid in carrying out Leo's decision, and decreed *'that
not only no Gallic bishop, but no bishop of any other
province, be permitted in contradiction to ancient custom
to do anything without the authority of the venerable
pope of the Eternal City ; but on the contrary to them
and to all men, let whatsover the authority of the Apos-
tolic See has ordained, does ordain, or shall ordain, be as
law, so that any bishop being summoned to the Judgment
seat of the Roman pontiff be thereunto compelled by
the governor of the province." This joint action of
pope and emperor constituted an alliance offensive and
defensive between the spiritual and temporal sovereigns.
The State spiritual is thenceforth to be represented as
fully and as universally by the bishop of Kome as the
State temporal is represented by the emperor.
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CHAP. III.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 399
5. He asserted his authority in Illyricum by taking
sides with the metropolitan of Thessalonica, who was in
revolt against the patriarch of Constantinople.
6. In connection with the Eutychian Controversy in
the East, Leo gained several substantial advantages.
The appeals to Leo by both parties ; his doctrinal letter ;
the rejection of this letter by the ** Robber Synod " ;
its acceptance by the Council of Chalcedon ; his con-
trolling influence in this council through his legates, who
insisted on the fullest recognition of his authority, are
familiar facts. Anatolius, who had succeeded Flavian in
the patriarchate of Constantinople and was Eutychian
at heart, was compelled by the emperor to subscribe
Leo's letter. Leo followed up the advantage he had
thus gained over his rival by sending him minute direc-
tions as to the administration of the affairs of his diocese.
Anatolius was thus brought into a position of recognized
dependence on the pope. The Council of Chalcedon
(451), composed of six hundred and thirty bishops, was
on the whole highly favorable to the papal pretensions.
The legates of Leo presided in regard to ecclesiastical
matters and their demands were for the most part ac-
corded. Leo's doctrinal letter was accepted as a doctrinal
standard, and those who had impugned Leo's authority
in the " Robber Synod " were severely dealt with. Yet
the twenty -eighth canon aroused the indignation of Leo by
bestowing on the bishop of New Rome (Constantinople),
as the center of imperial government, equal authority
with that of Old Rome, and giving him the right to or-
dain the metropolitans of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace.
Leo protested most vigorously against the supposed in-
fringement of his prerogative. When Anatolius at-
tempted to exercise the authority bestowed, Leo promptly
excommunicated him and threatened to array against
him the dioceses of the East. Anatolius was compelled
by the emperor to yield. The emperor himself declared
that the assent of the bishop of Rome was essential
to the validity of the acts of councils, and Leo thus
gained a substantial victory. It should be said that the
canon in question only asserted a secondary rank, after
Rome, for Constantinople. The protest against this
canon has continued to the present.
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400 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. ill
7. Leo's statesmanship in dealing with the barbarian
invaders added much to his prestige. On two occasions
he saved Rome from being sacked, first by Attila, the
Hun, and secondly by Genseric, the Vandal.
III. THE PONTIFICATE OF GELASIUS (492-496).
LITERATURE: Greenwood, Vol. II., p. 42, s#g.; Mllman, Vol. I.,
p. 347« s^q- ; Lea, passim; Moeller, p. 349.
Gelasius, an African by birth, united African zeal with
Roman astuteness. He had all the pride of power and
position that characterized Leo. He was prepared to
utilize all the advantages that Leo had gained and to go
forward to new conquests. With him begins a new
phase of the controversy between Rome and Constanti-
nople.
I. He refused to receive into communion Euphemius,
patriarch of Constantinople. Eutychians were still
strong in the East, and adherents to the Chalcedonian
symbol looked to Rome as the bulwark of orthodoxy.
Gelasius took advantage of the fact that a number of
names of heretical bishops had been retained on the
calendar of the Eastern Church and refused to recognize
the patriarch of Constantinople until such names should
be erased. The patriarch and the Emperor Anastasius
strove in vain to conciliate him. When it was com-
plained that the excommunication of the bishops in
question was outside of the prerogative of the bishop of
Rome according to the decision of the Nicene Council,
he replied that they knew not what they were talking
about, as they were the first to violate the canons in
refusing obedience to the primate of all the churches.
From the decrees of Rome, he urged, there is no appeal.
He seems to have based his claim on the sixth Nicene
canon (interpolated), on Leo's achievements, and on the
edict of Valentinian III.
' 2. Gelasius seems to have gone beyond Leo in his
view of the relation of the civil to the ecclesiastical
power. The Emperor Anastasius had complained that
Gelasius was withdrawing from him the allegiance of his
subjects by his persistent refusal of fellowship to the See
of Constantinople. Gelasius in reply professed absolute
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CHAP. III.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 4OI
submission to the emperor in all matters of lawful obedi-
ence. But the world is governed by two powers, the
pontifical and the royal. The former is the more grave
and important of the two, for it must render account
unto God for the deeds of kings themselves. Though
the king rules over men in the world, he is yet in duty
bound in spiritual things to submit to his prelates. In
relation to the administration of divine ordinances, he is
not a ruler but a subject. The defiant attitude of Gela-
sius shows that the papacy was conscious of power
equal to the imperial in any conflict that might arise.
IV. THE PONTIFICATE OF SYMMACHUS (498-514)-
LITERATURE: Greenwood. VoL II., p. (A,s4a.; Schaff, VoL III.,
^324, ssg,; Milman, VoL I., p. 350: Gieseler, VoL L, p. 406:
(Bller, p. 350; *'Dict. of Chr. Biog.,^' Herzog-Hauck, and Wet-
zer u. Welte, art. ** Symmachus."
A striking proof of the futility of Gelasius' claim to
independence of the civil rulers is to be seen in the fact
that in 498, when two rival claimants of the papal chair
appeared, Theodoric the Ostrogoth, an Arian, interfered,
secured the election of Symmachus as pope and the
appointment of his rival to a bishopric, called a council
and caused it to adopt a canon restraining criminal ambi-
tion in seeking the papal office, and appointed a visitor
with power to reform the disorders that prevailed in the
Roman church. Symmachus was suspended until the
charges against him could be investigated. He promised
to submit to the decision of the council, but finding that
the bishops were unwilling to see the papacy thus de-
graded, and being popular in Rome, he determined to
resist investigation and to stand upon prerogative.
1. The theory advanced in Symmachus' interest, in
his conflict with Theodoric, was that of papal irresponsi-
bility. No tribunal, it was claimed, can compel the ap-
pearance of a pope or pronounce sentence against him
in his absence.
2. One of the Roman deacons maintained that by
virtue of his office the pope is impeccable, and in 503
Symmachus convoked a council that made this opinion a
dogma of the church.
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402 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. UL
3. The controversies in the East continued to rage,
and Symmachus was implored in view of the extreme
difficulty of fulfilling the demands made by Rome to
excuse the toleration of a certain amount of heresy.
Symmachus would not listen to any compromise, and in-
sisted on the anathematizing of all Eutychian leaders as
a condition of fellowship.
V. HORMISDAS (514-523).
LITERATURE: Greenwood, Vol. L, pp. 84-119; Miiman. VoL 1.,
p. 423 ; Lea, pp. 285, 287 ; encyclopedias, '* Hormlsdas."
He was a man of the same stamp as Leo and Gelasius,
and succeeded in accomplishing what his predecessors
had labored for in vain.
1. In $13 the Emperor Anastasius proposed a general
council for the pacification of the church. Eutychianism
was gaining the ascendency, and civil affairs were in the
utmost confusion. Hormisdas required as a condition of
the papal sanction an immediate and unqualified adoption
of the decrees of Chalcedon, together with Leo's doc-
trinal letter, and the absolute submission of the emperor
and the Oriental bishops to the papal guidance. The
demands were not at this time acceded to, but Anastasius
was succeeded in 518 by Justin L, and with him ortho-
doxy again became triumphant in the East.
2. Justin proceeded to make advances to the pope, and
finally yielded to the demands made of Anastasius.
Constantinople was humiliated by having the names of
a number of bishops erased from the calendar. Rome
had triumphed at last. The mass of Eastern Christians,
however, were glad to see unity and orthodoxy restored
at any price.
VI. JUSTINIAN AND THE PAPACY (527-565).
LITERATURE: '' Corpus Juris Cwtlis'*; Hadley, "Rom. Law";
Morey, " Rom. Law" ; Greenwood, Vol. I., ro. 120-172; Miiman,
Vol. I., pp. 449-514; Lta,i>assim; Tozer, '*The Ch. and the E.
Emp.," passim ; Gibbon, Chaps. 40-45 ; encyc. articles on " Jus-
tinlan," *' Roman Law," etc.
After the death of Theodoric anarchy prevailed in
Italy. Corrupt practices ki striving after the papal chair
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CHAP. III.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 4^3
were more shameless than ever. Yet even the most
worthless popes were careful to maintain and advance
papal prerogative.
I. Justinian and the Independence of the Papal Power.
From Justinian's letters and legislation it is evident
that he had no idea of admitting the irresponsibility of
ecclesiastical government. He believed in and exercised
the right to legislate for every department of ecclesiasti-
cal life. The imperial dignity, in his view, transcended
every other. Though Rome was in the power of the
Goths, he maintained his right to it, and was able at last
to secure the recognition of his authority.
2. Justinian's Declaration Regarding the Patriarchate of
Constantinople.
During his reign a number of bishops revolted from
the rule of the metropolitan of Thessalonica, who was
now an adherent of the patriarch of Constantinople,
claiming that they were under the jurisdiction of the
bishop of Rome, Justinian supported the claims of the
patriarch of Constantinople and gave him the title of
(Ecumenical Patriarch.
3. Justinian's Declaration with Regard to the Pope.
In the preamble to a decree, in 532, Justinian declared
that he had been diligent both in subjecting and in
uniting to the Roman See all the clergy of the entire
region of the East, and expressed a firm resolve never
to permit any matter affecting the general state of the
church to be transacted without notifying the head of all
the churches.
4. Capture of Rome by Belisarius and the Elevation of the
Profligate Vigilius to the Papal Chair.
Belisarius, one of the greatest generals of his age, was
sent by Justinian to secure the recognition of the im-
perial authority in Italy. He seems to have had a cor-
rupt understanding with the Empress Theodora that he
would use all his authority for placing Vigilius, a Euty-
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404 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.nL
chian, in the papal chair. Vigilius at once sent letters of
communion to the Eutychian bishops of the East and
abjured the doctrines of Chalcedon. Justinian hearing
of these scandalous proceedings compelled Vigilius to re-
affirm his adherence to the doctrines of Chalcedon.
Thus Justinian, while maintaining the rights of the
patriarch of Constantinople, acknowledged a kind of
superiority in the Roman See without defining wherein
that superiority consisted. He gave many additional
privileges to the clergy in general and particularly to the
bishops, entrusting to the latter extensive civil juris-
diction.
VII. THE MEROVINGIAN KINGDOM AND THE CHURCH {496-752).
Literature : Milman, Vol. I., p. 378, ug. ; Greenwood, Vol. I.,
0.48$. 5^., Vol. 11., p. i84i ssq., p. 272, ug.; Guizot, ** Hist, of
Civ.,'' Lcc. 12 and 13, " Hist, of France," Vol. 1. ; Brycc, p. 34,
ssq. ; Schaff, Vol. lV.,p. 80. 5*j,; Stq)hen, " Lcct on the Hist, of
France": Bradley, "The Goflis"; Merlvale, "The Continental
Teutons,'* p. 57. «#g.; Alzog, Sec. 155; Kitchln, "Hist of Fr.,"
Vol. 1.
The conversion of the Merovingian chieftain, Clovis,
to the Catholic faith is an event of primary importance
in the history of the papacy. Starting out with a mere
handful of followers, Clovis had by his military prowess
attached a number of tribes to himself. Brought up in
the Arian faith, he had married a Catholic wife. Ob-
serving the power and influence of the papacy, and
anxious to avail himself of papal support, he professed
conversion in 496, and his entire following united with
him in adherence to Catholicism, three thousand of
whom were baptized along with himself soon after his
conversion. As he expected, the Catholics rallied
around him as the only Catholic prince in the West, and
assisted him in conquering the Arian princes. The Goths
had become luxurious and disinclined to the hardships of
war, and were easily overcome by the Prankish warrior.
Victory followed victory until Gaul, Burgundy, and
Bavaria were more or less firmly united under one
government. Thus was established a vigorous Catholic
power, which found its interest in promoting the papacy,
and which in turn was zealously supported by it
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CHAP. IIL] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 405
Clovis and his successors bestowed considerable terri-
torial possessions upon the church, and acquiesced to
some extent in the papal claims. But the Franks were
little civilized, and the rulers dealt in the most arbitrary
way with bishops and clergy. When a Prankish king
bestowed territory upon the church for a bishopric it was
regarded as given in feudal tenure, the rights of suze-
rainty being retained. Excommunication and interdicts
were employed against them in vain. Obsequiousness
was the price of their support.
VIII. THE PONTIFICATE OF GREGORY THE GREAT (590-604).
LITERATURE: Greenwood, Vol. II., pp. 21 1-24 1 ; Milman, VoL
II., pp. 39-103 ; Schaff, Vol. IV.,p. 211, s^q.; Bamby, "Greg, the
Great" (also in ** Diet, of Chr. Biog.") ; Lea, passim. ^
From the time of Justinian to that of Gregory the
papacy gained little advantage. Italy had been deprived
of her independence and stripped of her resources by the
Eastern Empire and by barbarian invasion. The Lom-
bards invaded Italy in 570, and in ^77 the Roman See
became independent of the emperor. Gregory became
pope in the midst of pestilence and civil turmoil. It is
not wonderful that he should have hesitated to assume
so dangerous and responsible a position. His tastes were
those of a recluse rather than those of a politician, but
his learning, his confidence in papal prerogative, his per-
sistence in pursuing a policy of papal aggrandizement^
his political shrewdness, and his reputation for sanctity,
made him one of the greatest and most successful of
popes.
1. Rome had lost much of the ascendency that it had
gained over Constantinople. When the Emperor Mau-
rice was assassinated by Phocas and the latter ascended
the throne, Gregory congratulated him on the event,
and thus sought to gain his allegiance to the papal cause^
2. He established the practice of bestowing the pallium
upon bishops, thus attempting to make the pope's con-
sent necessary to the validity of episcopal ordinations.
3. He insisted, with great vehemence, on the celibacy
of the clergy. Being himself a monk, and swayed by
monkish ideals, he aimed to bring the entire body of the
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406 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. UL
clergy into an essentially monkish position. Yet when
other ends were to be subserved thereby, he was willing
to relax the rigor of his requirements, as in the case of
British missions.
y^A' He sent missionaries to Britain and Germany,
where a free, evangelical form of Christianity had long
existed, with a view to subjugating these Christians to
the Roman See.
$• He succeeded in greatly extending the authority of
the Roman See by missionary enterprise and by forming
advantageous alliances with civil rulers in the West as
well as with the emperor in the East.
y/^* By preparing forms of worship and by insisting on
uniformity of worship throughout Catholic Christendom,
he did much toward unifying and solidifying the papal
^omain.
IX. THE CARLOVINGIAN KINGDOM AND THE PAPACY.
LITERATURE: ** Works of Charlemagne" in MIgne's '*P«lr.
I^.," Vol. XCVII. and XCVIII.; Baluzius, ''CatHmUtria Rmm
Francarum" ; Greenwood. Vol. III., pp. 52-127; Milman, Vol. 11.,
SK 402-551 : Schaff, Vol. IV., p. 203, s#j. ; Cutts, " Charlemagne " ;
uizot, ^*Hist of Civ.''; encyc. Sides (esp. "Diet oTChr.
Biog." and Herzog-Hauck) on "Charlemagne," "Pwln,"
"Charles Martd," •^Boniface" (Winfrld), " Stephen HI.," ^Do-
nation of Constantine," etc.
By the middle of the eighth century the church had
sunk very low. The civilization of Southern Europe
had been swept away and the new civilization had not
yet taken its place. Learning was almost extinct, ex-
cept in Ireland, Scotland, and Wales. The barbarian
rulers were accustomed to appoint as bishops their rela-
tives and military followers, without reference to their
literary, moral, or spiritual qualifications. Bishops so
appointed spent their time in revelry, hunting, warfare,
the management of their estates, etc. The Merovingian
rulers soon degenerated and their power fell into the
hands of the mayors of the palace. These were more
attentive to the interests of the church than the earlier
Merovingian rulers had been. Pepin, mayor of the
palace (687-714), founded more than twenty bishoprics
and bestowed vast territorial possessions on the church.
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CHAP. III.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 407
Charles Martel, mayor of the palace (714-741), con-
quered the Saracens in 733, and more completely in 739,
when he drove them from Provence. Charles Martel
dealt with ecclesiastical endowments as with any other
portion of the royal domain. He gave to his liege Milo,
the archbishoprics of Rheims and Treves ; to his nephew
Hugh, the archbishoprics of Rouen, Paris, and Bayeux,
with the abbeys of Fontenelle and Jumieges. After
exercising the functions of royalty for years, Pepin as-
sumed the royal title in 752.
1. Wishing to secure for himself the moral support of
the papacy, Pepin got himself crowned first by Arch-
bishop Boniface, with the consent of the pope, and after-
ward by the pope himself (Stephen 111.) in 753.
2. There was an agreement entered into by pope and
archbishop on the one hand, and Pepin on the other, that
the latter should aid the former in extirpating paganism
and heresy, and that the former should use all their in-
fluence in favor of Pepin's civil authority.
3. The position of the papacy at this time was such as
to make an alliance of this kind peculiarly welcome.
The exarchate of Ravenna, which had represented the
authority of the Eastern empire in the West and had
afforded a certain amount of protection to the popes, was
overthrown in 753 by Aistulph, the Lombard. The pope
tried in vain to secure from Aistulph a recognition of his
sovereignty over the Duchy of Rome. Failing in this,
the pope now betook himself to the court of Pepin, where
the following treaty was made : Pepin, his sons, his
court, and his nobles, swore to secure ample satisfaction
for the pope and the church, and engaged to reduce the
Lombards to submission and to insist on the fullest resti-
tution of all the rights and possessions of the papacy in
Italy. Stephen proclaimed Pepin and Bertrada king and
queen of the Franks, and bestowed the royal dignity on
Carlman and Charles, their sons. Pursuant to this
agreement, Pepin invaded Lombardy in 754 and com-
pelled the restoration of a part of the territory claimed
by the pope.
4. Charles (afterward known as Charlemagne or
Charles the Great) became joint king with Carlman in
768, sole king in 792. By favoring circumstances and
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408 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER, III
great military and administrative ability, tie succeeded in
vastly extending the Prankish domains and in consoli-
dating his acquisitions. Charles carried out the policy
of Pepin with reference to the papacy. He regarded the
relation of Church and State as that of mutual helpful-
ness. The State was to honor and protect the Church,
and discipline it if need be ; the Church was to aid the
State in maintaining unity and order. To the hierarchy
he accorded the greater degree of sanctity, and he was
willing to receive the imperial crown at the hands of a
pope ; but to the civil power belonged practical suprem-
acy in both civil and ecclesiastical matters. The Capit-
ularies of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious are taken up
far more with ecclesiastical than with civil legislation.
,^S. The growth of the papal power went hand in hand
with that of the Carlovingians. The Catholic missionary
had the full support of the civil arm in his effort to over-
come heresy and paganism. When gentler means proved
unavailing, the Church did not hesitate to ask, nor the
State to accord, the use of forcible measures. Bishops
were given a recognized administrative position, side by
side with civil officials, whose jurisdiction covered the
same territory, and each was expected to co-operate
heartily with the other. The Holy Catholic Church and
the Holy Roman Empire were regarded as the counterpart
one of the other, and each had before it the dominion ol
the world as its goal.
y" 6. Both Pepin and Charlemagne were imposed imon,
perhaps not unwillingly, by the forged " Donation of Con-
stantine." The popes based their claim to the territory
that the Lombards had deprived them of upon a docu-
ment that was long ago proved to be a forgery, in accord-
ance with which Constantine had bestowed large terri'
torial possessions upon Pope Sylvester and his successors.
U is possible that the Carlovingians would have bestowed
these possessions on the church without the production
of this spurious document, but the influence of the docu-
ment was probably considerable.
7. Charlemagne wrought assiduously and systematic*
ally for the revival of learning. He brought into Gaul
the best scholars to be found in Britain and elsewhere,
and gave a great impulse to education. This proved
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CHAP. 111.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 409
highly advantageous to the church, as the educational
work was left entirely in the hands of the clergy.
X. THE CHRISTIANITY OF BRITAIN IN RELATION TO THE
PAPACY.
Literature : Works of Gildas, Beda, Nennius ; *' Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle" : Haddan and Stubbs, '* Councils and Eccl. Doc. rel. to
Gr. Brit, and Ireland " ; Madear '^Conv. of the West " (" The Eng-
lish," " The Celts " ) ; Bright, " Ear. Eng. Ch. Hist." ; Prycc, " Anc.
Br. Ch." : McLaughlan/' Ear. Scot. Ch." ; Stokes, *• Irei. and the
Celt. Ch.'* ; Collins, " The Beginnings of Eng. Christianity," 1898 :
Mason, ** The Mission of St. Augustine according to the Original
Documents"; Wilson, "The Mission of St. Augustine"; Ught-
foot, " Leaders of the Northern Church" ; Haverfield, " Early Brit
Christianity " (" Eng. Hist. Rev.", July, 1896) ; Bund, " Celtic Ch.
in Wales,"^ 1898 ; Loofs, " Vi Aniiqua Britonum Scotorumqtu Eccl^
sia"; Skene, •^Celtic Scotiand" ; Rhys, " Celtic Britain*' ; Cath-
cart, " Ancient British and Irish Churches" ; German works on the
Iro-Scottish Ch., Boniface, etc., by Ebrard, Forster, Fischer, Wer-
ner, Muller, etc. ; Hauck, " D, Kirchengesch. d. Deutsch lands,'' 'Bd, L,
second ed., 1898; Greenwood. VoK II., pp. 28^343; Milman, Vol.
II., pp. I7S-23S; Schaff, Vol. IV., p. 19, 5^.; encyclopedia articles
on the leading personages.
The traditions in accordance with which Christianity
was introduced into Britain during the apostolic age are
unhistorical. It is impossible to determine the exact date
or manner of the conversion of the Britons. It was prob-
ably in connection with the Roman army, and as early
as the latter part of the second century. There are some
indications of the influence of Gallic Christianity, which,
through IrensBus, came directly from the East. By the
beginning of the fourth century Christianity had attained
to considerable influence in Britain. Several British
bishops sat in the Synod of Aries (314), and still more in
the Council of Ariminium in 350. There is no evidence
that any Britons sat in the Nicene Council (325). Pela-
gius and his disciples, Faustus and Fastidius, are said to
have been Britons, and Coelestius, another leading dis-
ciple, was probably a Scot. Whether the early British
Christianity was Pelagian in character is uncertain. After
the withdrawal of the Roman army froin Britain, about
410, there was little intercourse between the British
Christians and those under the influence of Rome.
About 449 the Angles, Saxons, Jutes, etc., from the con-
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410 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IlL
tinenty began to invade Britain. The British Christians
were gradually forced westward into the mountain fast-
nesses of Wales, and here they organized themselves in
a semi-monastic way for Christian life and work. They
seem to have formed themselves into vast communities,
each presided over by an abbot. These institutions were
conducted in a communistic manner. Each individual
seems to have been assigned to that kind of work for
which he was supposed to be best fitted. A large num-
ber devoted themselves to study, and the Bible was their
chief text-book. Their teachings in the fourth century
do not seem to have been more primitive than those of
the Gallic Christians with whom they were closely asso-
ciated. Their semi-monastic organization was probably
a perpetuation of the Celtic clan system.
I. Peculiarities of the British Christians.
Information on this point is exceedingly scanty. When
an effort was made, about the close of the sixth century,
to bring them into subjection to Rome, they were found
to be very tenacious of their practices. From the records
of the discussions that took place between the emissaries
of Rome and the leaders of the British Christians we
may deduce the following statement : (i) Diocesan epis-
copacy did not exist. (2) Great attention was given to
the study of the Scriptures, numerous semi-monastic col-
leges having been established for the promotion of Bible
study and Christian life. (3) They were full of mission-
ary zeal and were doing an extensive and successful
missionary work among the Picts of the North, in France
and in Germany. (4) They absolutely refused to recog-
nize human authority in matters of religion, indignantly
repelling the efforts put forth to bring them into subjec-
tion to the pope, (j) They insisted upon humility and
simplicity in Christian life, and were offended by the
?)mp and worldliness of the Romish missionaries. (6)
hey differed from the Romanists in several matters,
e. g.t as to the time of celebrating Easter, the mode of
baptism, tonsure, etc.
These differences do not seem at all fundamental. The Britons
followed the Eastern method of reckoning in regard to Easter. The
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, in.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 4I I
point at issue respecting baptism was probabiy single vs* trine im-
mersion. That tlie Britons shouid refuse to recognize tlie authority
of any foreign preiate was natural, and their uncompromising rejec-
tion of proposals in this direction was due in part to their determfna*
tion to be independent, in part to their belief that alliance with Rome
would involve submission to their mortal enemies the Saxons, and
in part, perhaps, to their opposition to hierarchical church govern-
ment of any Icind. It should be remariced that it was the Iro-
Scottish Celts rather than the British that engaged so largely in
missionary worlc. The Britons proper seem to have made no at-
tempt to evangelize the Saxons. Perhaps they could hardly have
been expected to labor for the spiritual well-being of those who had
driven them from their homes and destroyed so many of their kin-
dred. The Scottish Christians labored among the northern Teutonic
settlements of England zealously and successfully.
2. T(pman Interference.
In 596 Gregory the Great, who before his elevation to
the papal chair had intended to go to Britain with a view
to converting the Saxons, sent thither Augustine, a monk,
together with about thirty other monkish missionaries,
including some Prankish interpreters. By making a pa-
rade of ascetical life, by pretended miracles, and by prom-
ises of earthly advantages, they succeeded in converting
Ethelbert, king of the Saxons, who with about ten thou-
sand followers received baptism in a river at the hands
of the missionaries. A firm alliance having been formed
between the kindand the Roman See, the missionaries ad-
dressed themselves to the far more difficult task of sub-
jecting the British Christians to Rome. When all other
means proved unavailing, they persuaded the Saxon king
to make an expedition against them. Three thousand of
the British Christians were slaughtered on one occasion^
For centuries the Christians of the old British type, in
Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, as well as in various parts
of Germany, resisted with all their might the encroach-
ments of Rome, and it is probable that Christianity of
this type was never wholly exterminated.
Ethelbert was no doubt already favorably inclined toward Chris-
tianity because of Bertha, his Prankish Christian wife, who had
been allowed to have a Prankish chaplain. The methods employed
by Augustine savor of imposture, but he had doubtless reached the
conviction that deceit in a good cause is allowable. Ethelbert was
not disposed to force his subjects to accept Christianity. '* Only he
treated believers with a closer affection as fellow-dtizens with nim
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412 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.nL
in the kingdom of lieaven." ^ By 6oi a thorough orRanization had
been effected, Augustine having been constitute arcnbishoo, and a
number of churches and monasteries having been established*
3. British Missions.
Nothing is more characteristic of the early British
Christians than their zeal and success in missionary
work. In no country and in no age do we find the mis-
sionary spirit more active and aggressive. A brief ac-
count of the careers of the three most eminent mission-
ary leaders is all that can be here attempted.
(i) Patrick, born in Britain about 400, son of a deacon,
grandson of a priest, taken captive by Irish pirates when
about sixteen years of age, having been released from
captivity and educated in theology, was seized with an
irresistible desire to carry the gospel to the heathen Irish.
Whether he received part of his theological education at
the monastery of Lerins in Gaul is by no means certain.
Later Roman Catholic writers have sought to make it
appear that he received a commission from the pope to
evangelize the Irish. His own writings make no mention
of such commission, and it is highly improbable that he
consulted the pope with reference to his great life-work.
Going into Ireland with a few coadjutors, about 432, he
labored for many years with wonderful zeal and success,
evangelized more or less thoroughly the whole of Ireland,
and left a reputation for sanctity of life and spiritual
power that entitles him to be considered one of the
greatest of missionaries.
It cannot be supposed, of course, that anjr very large proportion of
the multitudes that nominally accepted Christianity on his invitation
and submitted to baptism at his hands actually experienced saving
grace. It is probable that in many cases chieftains were persuaded
by Patrick's earnest advocacy that Christianity was better than
their heathen cult, and that they adopted it outwardly without any
marked transformation of character. Clansmen seem to have been
ever ready to follow their leaders in such matters. It was Patrick's
powerful personality that enabled him so easily to master the Irish
clans and to fill them with partisan zeal against paganism. Bui the
converts of Patrick seem to have been no less tierce and resentful
than their pagan neighbors.
(2) Equally worthy of admiration is the missionary
> Be4e, Bk. 1.. Ch. s6.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 41 3
activity of Columba, " Irish by birth, Irish by education,
Irish in his life's work and devotion," born in 521, edu-
cated at the monastic school of Clonard (famous at that
time for learning and Christian zeal), he spent the earlier
years of his life in mission work in Ireland, where he is
said to have planted hundreds of churches. Expelled
from Ireland for having occasioned a war that resulted in
the slaughter of about three thousand of his enemies, he
went as a missionary to the Picts in Scotland, by whom
the Irish colony of Dalraida was in danger of being op-
pressed or destroyed. He succeeded, against much Dru-
idical opposition, in securing the conversion of the king
of the ricts, and through his influence was enabled to
plant Christian churches throughout Scotland. He made
lona, a small island, his headquarters, and had mastered
the language of the Picts and converted his near neigh-
bors before undertaking his great work. In the conver-
sion of the Picts he had the co-operation of several Picts
who had received their training in Ireland and who spoke
the language fluently. Columba was a great politician
as well as a great missionary, and on more than one oc-
casion his influence was of momentous importance.
(3) Cdumban is worthy of being placed by the side
of Patrick and Columba. Born in Leinster, Ireland, in
543, educated at Bangor, one of the most famous monas-
tic colleges of the age, he spent his active life in plant-
ing evangelical churches in Burgundy, Switzerland, and
Northern Italy. In fact, the influence of his work may
be said to have extended throughout the Rhine region of
Germany and the Netherlands. His extant writings
show that he was one of the most accomplished men of
the age, and his devotion to mission work was admirable.
About 585, with thirteen companions, he went to Bur-
gundy, where he was kindly received by rulers and
people. He founded, one after another, three great
monastic mission stations, which formed the centers of
the most self-denying mission work extending over a
wide territory. The high moral standard of the lives
and teachings of Columban and his followers contrasts
strikingly with those of the Gallic clergy who were in
alliance with Rome. Columban's John-the-Baptist-like
denunciation of the immoralities of the court and his
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414 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
resolute refusal to abandon the peculiarities of the Irish
Church in favor of those of the Roman and the Gallic
brought upon him the enmity of court and clergy, and
after about twenty years of labor, when about sixty
years old, he was driven from Burgundy. With a body
of faithful companions he made his way up the Rhine to
Switzerland, and founded a number of stations in that
region. Here his enemies after a few years again mo-
lested him. Leaving an undying influence behind him,
he went to Northern Italy, where in his old age he
formed another center of mission work. In many re-
spects Columban was the greatest and best of the Irish
missionaries, and the influence of his work, and that of
those who were like-minded with him, remained until it
was violently suppressed by the Carlovingian rulers and
the Roman missionaries of a later time ; nay, there is
reason to think that it was never wholly lost, but after a
period of latency reappeared in the evangelical parties of
the Middle Ages./ It is a remarkable fact that those very
regions in which the Iro-Scottish mission work was most
successful during the sixth and seventh centuries were
precisely the regions in which the evangelical sects of
the later times flourished most/ There was no doubt
much in the methods of these missionaries that we should
scarcely approve, but considering the age and the circum-
stances in which they lived we must pronounce their
lives marvels of Christian heroism.
It would be a mistake to suppose that the doctrines, practices, or
missionary methods of the Iro-Scottish Christians of the fifth, sixth,
and seventh centuries were In every respect apostolic or in accord
with modern evangelical ideas. They represent a far more primitive
type of Christian life and thought than that of the Roman Church
of the time of Gregory the Great ; but It was the Christianity of
the beginning of the fourth century rather than that of the first that
they perpetuated. Even this was modified, as might have been ex-
pected, by the national characteristics and the sociological conditions
of the primitive peoples of the British Isles. While they rejected
the Roman hierarchy and had no very elaborate hierarchical organi-
zation of their own, their leaders, like Patrick, Columba, and
Columban, were arbitrary and autocratic in the highest degree.
They seem to have been completely free from Mariolatry and saint-
worship In every form, and from every kind of idolatry. They
seem to have recognized no authority outside of the Scriptures.
But their views of the Christian ordinances seem to have been those
of the third or fourtii century rather than those of the apostles ; fMR
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CHAP. III.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 41$
views of Christian life were highly ascetical ; they laid great stress
upon the observance of their rigorous monastic rules, enforcing
absolute obedience to superiors, silence during protracted periods,
abstinence from any but the plainest foods, the Infliction of corporal
punishment for the infraction of even the least important rules, etc.
Columban's rules, that have been preserved in apparently authentic
form, do not differ greatly in their tone from those that prevailed in
the Roman Catholic Church of the time.^
XI. THE ADVANCEMENT OF PAPAL DOMINION THROUGH
MISSIONARY ENDEAVOR.
LrTERATURE : In addition to literature referred to in the preceding
section, see works of Gr^ory the Great, Boniface (Wintrid), and
Chariemagne ; Willibald, ^' Vita Banifacii" ; recent monographs on
Boniface by Cox, 1853, J. P. Miiller, 1869, Werner, 1875, Pfaler,
1880, Buss, 1880, Fischer, 1882, Ebrard, 1882, Loofs, 1881, Hahn,
1883 ; Hauck, " KirchiHgesch. 'DnasekUmds^'' second ed., Bd. I., 5#fir.
432-578 ; encyclopedia articles on the persons concerned.
I. Great Romish Missionaries.
Reference has been made in an earlier section to the
efforts of Gregory the Great to extend the dominion of
the Roman Catholic Church through an organized
missionary propaganda, and to the conversion of the
Saxons in Britain through his emissary, Augustine.
Within a few years a well-organized and well-equipped
State Church, enthusiastically devoted to Rome and the
pope, had been developed in the extensive Saxon
dominions. Large numbers of monasteries had been
formed, in which, as in the similar institutions of the Iro-
Scottish Christians, zeal for learning was combined with
missionary enthusiasm. Nowhere during the seventh
and eighth centuries was Roman Catholicism so vigorous
and aggressive as in Britain. It was from the Anglo-
Saxon monasteries that most of the great missionaries to
the continent of Europe went forth, and to them Charle-
magne was to look for leaders in the great educational
movement that he inaugurated in the early years of the
next period.
(i) Augustine. An account has already been given of
his attempt, first by diplomacy and afterward by armed
force, to subject the ancient British Christians to the
1 Sm the monastic rules of Columban in critical text edited by SeebM*. *• " *•*•"
ukri/if. Kircb9»g€scb.r 1896. S»t. axS. m«.
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4l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.1IL
Roman Church and to the newly-Christianized Saxons.
An estimate of his character as a missionary may here'
be given. Having succeeded in winning to the Catholic
faith King Ethelbert, which virtually meant the winning
of his entire people, he returned to Gaul, where in ac-
cordance with the wish of Gregory the Great he was
consecrated '* Archbishop for the English people/' No-
vember, 597. In 601 Gregory granted him a pall, gave
him directions for drawing up a liturgy, and counseled
the establishment of several other dioceses (London,
York, etc.).
If complete success in the accomplishment of a vast
undertaking is a criterion of greatness, Augustine was
assuredly a great missionary. But if we are to judge of
him by his correspondence with Gregory the Great, the
impression is by no means so favorable. It is taken up
largely with the asking of paltry questions as to the con-
duct of his work, which a great enlightened Christian
leader might have been expected to settle promptly and
independently. In nothing do we see more clearly the
fundamental difference between the Romish missionary
and the Iro-Scottish than in the scrupulosity with which
the former looked to Rome for directions in the most
trivial matters. A spirit of abject obedience to his great
superior characterized the work of Augustine from be-
ginning to end. This presupposed as the guiding prin-
ciple of his life, he did his work with the utmost fidelity
and with remarkable success. "At his coming in 597
the English people were entirely heathen ; when he died
the Church of the English was an accomplished fact."*
But it must not be overlooked, as the author just quoted
also points out, that "a very large part of England —
possibly the larger part — was converted from the north,"
that is, by the Iro-Scottish missionaries.' Augustine died
in 604.
(2) IVillibrard, Under the Merovingian rulers of the
first half of the seventh century, Lothair II. and Dago-
bert 1., the people of Friesland were to some extent
brought under the influence of Christianity ; but the
temporary decline of the Prankish power led to the
1 CoUias, " The Beeinaings of Eng. Christianity.'* p. T^ * Md,, p^^,m§.
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CHAP. 111.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 417
throwing off of the government and the religion of their
oppressors. It is not likely that the Catholic evangeliza-
tion of the Frisians had ever gone very far, and the
number that had been brought under the influence of
the Iro-Scottish missionaries was probably small. In
690, the year of Willibrord's arrival at the mouth of the
Rhine, the land was virtually heathen. Willibrord, b. 658
in Northumberland, England, son of an Anglo-Saxon re-
ligious enthusiast and ascetic named Wilgils, was brought
up in a monastery that had been founded by King Alch-
frid for Iro-Scottish monks but had been transferred by
him to Wilfrid, a zealous Catholic. In 678 he left Ripon,
probably on account of the expulsion of Wilfrid by the
king, and betook himself to Ireland, where he spent
twelve years under the guidance of the noted ascetic
leaders, Egbert and Wigbert. By Egbert he was sent in
690, with eleven companions, for the conversion of the
Frisians. The Franks, under Pepin, had just restored,
in a measure, their authority over the Frisians, and were
ready to give protection and support to the Anglo-Saxon
missionaries. But the subjugation of the liberty-loving
people had intensified their hatred of Christianity (Ro-
man Catholicism), and Willibrord felt that the chances
were small of winning them to the faith. He first betook
himself to Pepin to consult about the work to be under-
taken and the means to be employed. Afterward he
visited Rome in order to secure papal co-operation.
Armed with the authority of the Prankish king and the
pope, he returned to his work, and by 693 the success of
the missionaries had been so great that they chose one
of their number, Suidbert, bishop, and sent him to Eng-
land to be ordained by Wilfrid. This seems to have been
displeasing to Pepin, who insisted that Willibrord should
be the religious leader, and should proceed to Rome for
ordination as archbishop of Prankish Priesland (695).
Willibrord had been brought up to regard the authority
of the pope as supreme, and on this occasion he put
himself absolutely at the disposal of the Roman pontiff,
sought his permission to enter upon the work of evangel-
izing the Frisians and his blessing upon the work, and
obtained from him relics for the churches to be founded.
The Anglo-Saxons were at this time far in advance of
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4l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IJL
the Prankish Christians in their zeal for papal authority
as well as in missionary enthusiasm and in learning.
Returning to Friesland fully equipped with royal and
papal authority and support, the work of organizing an
ecclesiastical system, building churches, educating min-
isters, etc., advanced with wonderful rapidity. Pepin
believed that in no way could his political authority be
rendered so stable as by the establishment of organized
Christianity in obedience to himself and the pope, and
he bestowed unsparingly of his means for the promotion
of the work of the Anglo-Saxon missionaries. Willibrord
and his associates did not confine their propaganda to
Prankish Priesland, but the neighboring regions of Ger-
many were also brought under their influence.
The independent portion of Priesland repelled with
decision every effort for their evangelization, identifying,
as they did, Christianity with Prankish dominion. Wil-
librord's efforts for the conversion of the Danes were not
more successful. But so great was his zeal that no fail-
ure could quench it. In the island of Heligoland he
sought to break down the superstition of the natives by
baptizing a convert in a sacred spring and narrowly
escaped the fury of the outraged mob.
That the success of Willibrord and his associates was
chiefly external and material, and that the masses of the
Prisians were still bitterly antagonistic to Prankish rule
and political Christianity, became fully manifest after the
death of Pepin (714). The Prisians joined hands with
the enemies of Charles Martel, the Prisian church organ-
ism fell to pieces, Willibrord fled the country, priests
were hunted down, many church buildings were de-
stroyed, and relapse into paganism was almost complete.
A change in political conditions enabled Willibrord to
return to his work with the full support of Charles Mar-
tel, who had re-established his authority in Priesland.
In 734 Charles Martel subjugated the independent
Prisians, destroyed their pagan sanctuaries and forced
Christianity upon the population.
Willibrord died in 739, having been permitted to see
the whole of Priesland brought into subjection to the hu-
man hierarchy, and nominally Christian. But a general
return to heathenism succeeded his death.
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CHAP.IIL] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 419
(3) "Boniface (Winfrid). Of still greater importance was
the work of the Anglo-Saxon monk Winfrid, commonly
known as Boniface, "the Apostle of the Germans/' Son
of a Wessex noble (born c. 672), he early left his uncon-
genial home to enter a monastery at Exeter, situated on
the border between the Saxon and the British populations.
The Abbot Wynbert was devout and learned and was
often employed by the king in drafting public documents.
Winfrid made rapid progress in learning and enjoyed the
favor of the archbishop and the nobles. He had already
been entrusted with important diplomatic work, and had
he chosen to remain in England a distinguished career
would almost certainly have been open to him. His gifts
were those of an ecclesiastical statesman.
But the missionary enthusiasm, characteristic alike of
the Iro-Scottish and the Anglo-Saxon Christians of this
age, impelled him to turn his back upon fatherland and
politico-ecclesiastical position and to devote his life unre-
servedly to the Christianization of the heathen peoples
of the Continent. He had become thoroughly imbued
with the idea that the well-being of Christendom depends
upon the unity of the church under the lordship of the
pope, and he believed that the most expeditious way of
securing the conversion of pagan peoples was by bringing
them into subjection to Catholic princes and compelling
them to abandon all idolatrous practices and to accept
outwardly at least the forms of Christianity.
He visited Rome (718), entered into the most confi-
dential relations with Gregory II., and received from him
authority to conduct missionary work among the heathen
populations of Germany. He undertook to administer
baptism according to the Roman custom and to refer aU
difficulties that might arise to Rome. He had already
conceived the idea of a thoroughly organized and mag-
nificently equipped German Church in complete subjec-
tion to the papacy.
Thuringia was already to a considerable extent Chris-
tian, but a large proportion of the churches were of the
Iro-Scottish type and did not recognize the authority of
Rome, while heathen rites were still openly performed
by the pagan population. Boniface, as a papal emissary,
sought by negotiations with the nobles and clergy to
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420 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.ni
secure the prohibition of independent form's of Christi-
anity and of pagan practices.
Next he visited Charles Martel in order to secure his
co-operation in the work of ecclesiastical reformation in
Thuringia. But his work in Thuringia was interrupted
by what seemed to him a providential opportunity for
successful work among the Frisians in the death of King
Radbod, the enemy of Prankish rule and religion.
For three years (719-722) he labored under Willibrord
and received further preparation for his work in Southern
and Central Germany. Willibrord sought to make him
a bishop and connect him permanently with the Frisian
work ; but he preferred to labor elsewhere.
Hesse for a time occupied his attention. Here the
mass of the population was still pagan and had suffered
greatly from Saxon incursions. Boniface and his associ-
ates knew how to adapt themselves to the wretched con-
dition of the people. Living in the most abject poverty,
they went from place to place preaching the gospel, or
what purported to be such, and multitudes professed con-
version and were baptized into the Roman Catholic faith.
Never did Boniface labor with greater success.
Throughout his career he kept in the closest touch
with the pope, professing complete dependence and un-
conditional obedience, and asking for minute instructions
with regard to every important proceeding. Revisiting
Rome after the Hessian mission, he received episcopal
consecration and was clothed with all needful authority
for the great work he was about to undertake (722 or
723).
The work laid out for him by the pope was the con-
version of the remaining heathen in the eastern Frankish
provinces and the subjugation to Rome of all erroneous
forms of Christianity. Not only were there large num-
bers of Christians of the Iro-Scottish type in these
regions, but many of the Frankish Catholics fell far
short of Boniface's ideal of true obedience to the pope.
Charles Martel seconded his efforts with money, lands,
and military force. His brethren in England supported
his mission with money, books, and workers<r<^ast
Franconia, Bavaria, Thuringia, and Hesse were the
principal scenes of his. activity.
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CHAP. III.] RISE AND GROWTH OF PAPAL POWER 42 1
By 731 most of the Christian opposition to papal au-
thority in these provinces had been overcome and
heathenism had been forcibly suppressed. Vast num-
bers of churches and monasteries had been erected, im-
mense territorial possessions had been acquired, and
southern and central Germany had been covered by
organized Roman Catholicism/ He was now consecrated
archbishop by Gregory 111. (732), and a number of well-
endowed bishoprics were established : four in Bavaria, —
Salzburg, Freising, Passau, and Regensburg (739), and
four in Central Germany, — ^Wiirzburg, Buraburg, Erfurt,
and Eichstadt (742). The principal monasteries founded
under Boniface were those at Erfurt, Fritzlar, Ohrdurf,
Bishofsheim, Homburg, and Fulda.
In 743 the archiepiscopal dignity was definitely affixed
to the See of Mainz. With Mainz as his center of ad-
ministration, he supervised ecclesiastical matters from
Cologne to Switzerland and from Austria to Belgium.
In 744 Boniface, with the co-operation of Pepin III.,
assembled a synod for West Franconia at Soissons,
which condemned the chief opponents of the organized
Catholicism for which he stood, enacted laws for the
abolition of many ecclesiastical abuses, and in general
confirmed Boniface's policy of a unified and organized
ecclesiastical system supported by the Prankish rulers
and absolutely obedient to the pope. Twenty-three
bishops were present, besides a number of civil dignita-
ries. Pepin gave legal force to the decrees of the synod.
In 747 he assembled his last synod, in which the com-
plete subjection of the German Church to Rome was, if
possible, still more energetically expressed.
In 753 the aged missionary laid aside his archiepiscopal
dignity, appointed Lullus, a faithful disciple, to adminis-
ter the affairs of the German Church, and once more
went forth to evangelize the heathen. Friesland had re-
lapsed into heathenism, and It was his earnest desire to
win it to Christ and the church. His labors were not
crowned with success, and in 755 he was murdered by
the heathen.
The greatness of the achievements of this Anglo-Saxon mission-
ary is undeniable. That he was an ecclesiastical statesman of the
first rank must be admitted by all. That he was an intolerant and
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422 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. IIL
bigoted papist, and that he subordinated everything dse to the
securing of papal dominion, is clear from his own writings and the
writings of tils contemporaries. It is doubtful whether any pope did
so much for the advancement of papal absolutism as did tnis Anglo-
Saxon monl<. Circumstances were no doubt favorable lust at this
time for the completion of the Christianization and the politico-
ecclesiastical organization of Germany ; but only a man of^ genius
could have wrought the wonderful changes that occurred In the
generation 722-75 5. That he extirpated a large amount of Christian
life of a more evangelical type than his own, and that he Incorpo-
rated in his politico-ecclesiastical system a vast amount of unre-
generate pagan life, is certain. Whether he is to be regarded as a
benefactor or a malefactor will depend upon our opinion as to the
desirability or the undesirability of a State-Church system covering
the whole ground and bringing the entire population under its influ-
ence. The establishment of such a system, in complete subjection
to the pope, was in Boniface's opinion the means by which pagan-
ism and heresy could best be overcome and Christianity made tri-
umphant
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CHAPTER IV
THE CHRISTIAN WORLD AT THE CLOSE OF THE PERIOD
I. THE EAST AND THE WEST
DIFFERENCES between Oriental and Occidental Chiris-
tianity have been repeatedly referred to in the foregoing
chapters. These differences were no doubt due in part
to ethnological characteristics which science has as yet
only partially explained, and in part to the different
social and political conditions by which Christianity was
environed in the East and the West respectively. The
East had been covered and exploited by great despotisms
for thousands of years, and civilization was already in a
stagnant and declining state when Christianity appeared.
The Macedonian empire had spread the civilization of
Greece and had awakened a considerable amount of
intellectual activity. The Roman rule had given a
measure of temporary relief to the Eastern peoples from
galling oppression. But the Roman Empire itself, espe-
cially after the time of Constantine, had taken on the
character of an Oriental despotism, and there was no
place for aggressiveness in Christian life and thought.
The Eastern empire not only lost its control of Italy,
Northern Africa, the Mediterranean Islands, lllyricum,
and of course the provinces of Western Europe, through
barbarian conquest, but the encroachments first of the
Persians and afterward of the Saracens had by the end
of this period restricted its dominion to Asia Minor,
Thrace, a portion of Macedonia, and a portion of Greece.
The narrowing of the empire involved the gradual re-
ceding of Christian influence from the alienated territory.
The Christianity of the East was already too corrupt
and unaggressive to make any serious efforts at winning
the conquerors, and was content to be tolerated and to
become still further fossilized by inactivity. It is one of
the strangest and saddest facts of history that the land
4^3
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424 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
that gave birth to Christianity, and the lands in which
the apostles labored so abundantly, should have become
so completely lost to Christian influence as now to con-
stitute mission fields of the most discouraging character.
In the West, on the other hand, the dissolution of the
Roman Empire, while it was accompanied by a decline of
learning and a temporary loss of much of the older civil-
ization, was succeeded by the rapid growth of a new and
better civilization made iip of the remnants of the Graeco-
Roman, of the institutions of the vigorous and aggressive
and liberty-loving Teutonism of the conquering tribes,
and of Christianity corrupted but still aggressive and
ready for every opportunity to increase its influence.
The readiness with which the Teutonic peoples accepted
Christianity in the form in which it was presented to
them is as remarkable as the utter insusceptibility to
Christian influence of the Oriental conquerors of the
Eastern empire. The Prankish empire, at the close of
this period (under Charlemagne) embracing the territory
now covered by Italy, France, Belgium, Switzerland, the
Netherlands, and a large part of that covered by Ger-
many and Austria, was in the closest alliance with the
Roman Catholic Church, and wished to be regarded as
the Holy Roman Empire. Still more remarkable is it that
Christianity, an Oriental religion, should have had its
chief development among Occidental peoples.
The period closes with Eastern Christianity divided
into several parties, each contending most strenuously
for some minute point of doctrine and anathematizing
the rest and all alike tending to become stagnant, and
with Western Christianity tending to become uniform,
with a powerful and comprehensive organization, and
with the great mass of the population of central and
western Europe already nominally Christian and ready
to be molded by the powerful hierarchy that centered in
Rome.
A few more definite points of comparison between East-
ern and Western Christianity may not be out of place.
I. doctrinal Development. The Eastern theology was
speculative and transcendental (Origenistic, Arian, Apol-
linarian, Nestorian, Eutychian, Monothelite controversies)
and Eastern theologians took little interest in the great
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CHAP, IV.] CHRISTIAN WORLD AT CLOSE OF PERIOD 425
practical anthropological questions that agitated the West
(Pelagian and Semi-Pelagian controversies). The interest
of the West In the great Christological controversies was
slight and almost limited to their practical, political as-
pects. Greek theology received its character largely
from Greek philosophy ; Latin theology was greatly in-
fluenced by Koman law.
2. Church Polity. The Eastern churches did little after
the Nicene age in the way of developing church polity.
The emperors, beginning with Constantine, undertook
the control of ecclesiastical affairs, and there was little
opportunity for initiative on the part of prelates. For
imperial purposes it was convenient to have the ecclesi-
astical system center in the patriarch of Constantinople ;
but this official was the creature of the emperor and could
be deposed at his will. The development of the Roman
hierarchy was rapid and striking and constitutes one of
the most remarkable features of Western Christianity.
3. Monastidsm. Nothing better illustrates the funda-
mental differences between Eastern and Western Chris-
tianity than a comparison of Eastern and Western mo-
nasticism. Monasticism, as an outgrowth of the ascetical
spirit, was a product of Eastern Christianity influenced
by Oriental pagan practices and modes of thought. East-
ern monasticism was intensely ascetical and in its better
form contemplative and speculative ; but, like Oriental
Christianity in general, it soon became stagnant and de-
void of initiative. Missionary zeal has been manifest
among Oriental monks only in isolated cases and in
slight measure. In the West, great monastic orders, like
the Benedictines, spread themselves over Europe and
became the pioneers of civilization. The aggressive
work of the Roman Catholic Church from the time of
Gregory the Great has been done almost exclusively by
monks. Whenever an emergency has arisen that exist-
ing orders have seemed incapable of meeting, new orders
have sprung into existence peculiarly adapted to the
work to be done. No such phenomenon appears In con-
nection with Eastern monasticism, where all is stagna-
tion.
4. The Ordinances. The Eastern Church was content
to perpetuate the stage of development that had been
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426 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.nL
reached Dy the Nicene age. Trine immersion was still
almost universal at that time. This became the stere-
otyped form in the Eastern Church, whereas the West-
ern Church has felt perfectly free to vary the mode of
baptism to suit its convenience. The use of the cup by
the laity and infant communion have been perpetuated
by the Eastern Church, but disused by the Western. In
its doctrine and its practice with regard to the ordinances
the Western Church has allowed itself the utmost free-
dom, while the Eastern has adhered rigorously to the
teaching and practice of the fourth and fifth centuries.
So also in confirmation, extreme unction, and other rites.
5. Liturgical Development. Here also the Eastern
Church has remained almost stationary since the fifth
century, but the Western has allowed itself the utmost
freedom in the development of its forms of worship and
in its use of church music.
6. The Use of Painting and Sculpture for Religious Pur-
poses. It has been noticed that early Christianity rejected
entirely the use of art in connection with religion. With
the paganization of Christianity came the use of images
of Christ, the Virgin Mary, the apostles, and noted saints
and martyrs, and this use of images became scarcely dis-
tinguishable from pagan idolatry. The great uprising in
the East against image worship (Iconoclastic contro-
versy), under Persian and Mohammedan influence, was
settled by the triumph of image worship. The Oriental
Church restricted the use of Images to pictorial represen-
tations, and these to conventionalized forms. The result
has been the mechanical reproduction of the representa-
tions of Christ, Mary, the apostles, etc., that were in use
at the time of the controversy. These inartistic pictures
are still regarded with the greatest reverence.
In the West little interest was taken in the Iconoclastic
controversy, and pictures were freely used, not, It was
said, to be worshiped, but as a means of commemorating
the deeds of the heroes of the faith, and instructing and
inspiring the people. They were regarded as useful but
not necessary, and the reverence paid to them probably
fell considerably short, in most minds, of idolatry. The
Roman Catholic Church has not conventionalized its im-
ages, and allows the fullest scope to the genius of painters
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIAN WORLD AT CLOSE OF PERIOD 427
and sculptors alike in idealizing the lineaments of Christ
and the saints. While the use of images in the Roman
Catholic Church can scarcely be regarded as free from
superstition and idolatry, it has never sunk so low as the
iconolatry of the East. The Roman Catholic Church has
from the Middle Ages onward been a chief promoter of
art.
7. Eastern and Western Sects. In the earlier time
Gnosticism, Ebionism, Montanism, Manichaeism, Sabel-
lianism, and Arianism, all had their origin and chief devel-
opment in the East, whereas Novatianism and Donatism
were the products of the West. Early Eastern sects were
speculative, early Western sects were practical in their
origin and in their tendency. Out of the great Christo-
logical controversies of the East grew a number of mu-
tually antagonistic parties or denominations : Nestorians,
Monophysites (Jacobite, Coptic, and Abyssinian divi-
sions), Maronites, Gregorians (orthodox Armenian Chris-
tians), which at the time of their separation each became
fossilized and practically insusceptible of further internal
development or of modification by external religious in-
fluences.
In the West the case is quite different. The older
parties gradually vanished in the face of organized Ca-
tholicism. Donatism persisted with vigor in Northern
Africa until the Arianized Vandals broke its power.
Arianism, that had won to Christianity the Teutonic
tribes (Goths, Vandals, Franks, etc.), speediiy disap-
peared through the diplomacy of the bishops of Rome.
It is doubtful whether Arianism as a speculative form of
Christianity ever had any foothold among the Teutonic
peoples. It happened to be the form in which Christi-
anity was first presented to them, its general features
were in accord with their modes of thought, and it was
made acceptable to them by the bearing of its preachers.
But these rude peoples were little concerned about the
metaphysical subtleties that agitated the East. When
interest demanded co-operation with the bishop of Rome,
the princes were ready to drop Arianism and with their
people to become Catholics. Pelagianism can scarcely
be said to have become organized into a sect. The same
{s true of Priscillianism. The ancient Celtic Christians
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428 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IU
(British and Iro-Scottish) represented, as compared with
the Roman Catholicism of the time, an earlier stage of
Christian development under different surroundings, and
they long strenuously opposed the pretensions of the
popes and sought to propagate their more primitive type
of Christianity on the continent of Europe. But these
too were obliged to yield to the aggressive politico-
ecclesiastical organization that had its center in Rome
and its head in the papacy.
By the close of the present period organized opposition
to ecclesiastical unity and centralized ecclesiastical gov-
ernment was almost at an end. Corruption and oppres-
sion in ecclesiastical life and administration would here-
after provoke widespread revolt, and evangelical parties
almost exterminated in the onward sweep of the great
politico-ecclesiastical organism would reappear later with
vigor and effect. But for the time Catholic unity was
well-nigh realized in the West, while Eastern Christi-
anity was hopelessly divided and without a great central-
izing force.
II. LITERATURE AND LEARNING.
The intellectual and literary activity that marked the
close of the preceding period received a great impetus
from the favorable conditions attending the conversion
of Constantine and the ultimate union of Church and
State. In the East appeared great theologians, like
Eusebius, Athanasius, Apollinaris, Theodore of Mopsues-
tia, Theodoret of Cyrus, Cyril of Alexandria, Basil,
Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory of Nyssa, Chrysostom,
and John of Damascus, the greatest systematizer of
the period. The theological schools of Alexandria
and Antioch flourished, and new ones were founded at
Edessa and Nisibis. But many Christian students of
position and means were not content with the learning
to be acquired in Christian institutions, but resorted to
great pagan teachers at Athens, Alexandria, and else-
where.
The West produced such theologians, preachers, and
religious leaders as Ambrose, Augustine, Pelagius, Julian
and Ccelestius (Pelagians), Faustus (Manichsean), and
Leo the Great and Gregory the Great.
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIAN WORLD AT CLOSE OF PERIOD 429
From the middle of the fifth century learning steadily
declined in the West, while in the East intellectual stag-
nation set in and little of value was produced.
The Anglo-Saxon Christians became the chief con-
servators of learning and of missionary enthusiasm for
the West. The most noted of the Anglo-Saxon theolo-
gians of this period are the Venerable Bede (d. 735) and
Alcuin (d. 804). A certain amount of educational work
was carried on in the monasteries throughout the East
and the West, but nowhere with such vigor as in Eng-
land and Ireland at the close of this period.
A comparatively rich hymnology grew up during this
period in the Greek and Latin churches alike. Among
the most noted of the Greek hymnists are Anatolius
(died c. 458), John of Damascus (died c. 780), and Cos-
mas of Jerusalem (died c. 760). John and Cosmas were
foster-brothers, members of the same monastery, and
closely associated in literary labors. They were extreme
ascetics, zealous saint-worshipers, and enthusiastic oppo-
nents of iconoclasm.
Among the Latin hymnists of this period may be
mentioned Ambrose of Milan (d. 397), Venantius Fortu-
natus (died c. 609), Gregory the Great (d. 604), and the
Venerable Bede.
For full bibliography of the Greek and Latin hym-
nology of the period see Schaff, Vol. IV., p. 402, seq.
and 416, seq.
III. CHURCH DISCIPLINE.
I. In proportion as the churches drew into their mem-
bership masses of unregenerate, half-pagan people, and
accorded church privileges to those baptized in infancy
without any profession of conversion, did the difficulty
of controlling the churches increase. It was natural
that the higher ecclesiastical authorities should provide
the local priests with minute directions regarding the
punishment to be inflicted upon persons of every condi-
tion for offenses of every description. The disciplinary
rules drawn up from time to time, before and after the
beginning of the present period, gradually assumed a
systematized form in the *' Penitential Books.'' Among
the earliest books of this kind was that of Columban, the
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430 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
Iro-Scottish missionary, already referred to. Corporal
punisliment was prescribed for the sliglitest infringement
of the rules.
One of the most interesting' of the Penitential Books is that of
Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (66^-690). It prescribes depo-
sition for persistent drunkenness on the part of bishops, thirty days
penance for the drunken monk, forty for the drunken presbyter or
deacon, fifteen for a drunken layman, allowance being made for un«
due susceptibility to the influence of intoxicants caused by lone
abstinence, and for festival occasions. Fornication, incest, and aD
sorts of unnatural sins are punished with penance extending from
forty days to twenty-two )rears, and even to the end of life. The
form of penance was prescribed by the priest, and consisted in some
sort of self-denial and deprivation of church privileges, according to
the heinousness of the offense. This Penitential Book contains also
minute directions regarding the treatment of theft, homicide, heresy,
and perjury, deposition from the ministry, bars to ordination, com-
munion, idolatry, etc.
2. Canon Law. Long before the union of Church and
State, ecclesiastical canons had been drawn up and were
in common use. Each great section of Christendom had
canons of its own, but the interchange throughout the
churches of the Roman Empire was so close that con-
siderable uniformity of practice resulted. The so-called
Apostolic Canons were in common use as early as the
fourth century. The general councils from Nicaea on-
ward furnished a large amount of canonical material.
In the sixth century John the Scholastic made a digest of
ecclesiastical law, incorporating the ecclesiastical legisla-
tion of Justinian. In the West, near the close of the
fifth century, Dionysius Exiguus, a learned monk, made
a very full collection, containing not only canons of
councils and apostolic canons, but also decretals of
popes. Isidore of Seville (seventh century) added to
this work from later decretals and other sources.
3. Means Employed for Enforcing Ecclesiastical Decisions.
The possession of the power of the keys gave to the
hierarchy the prerogative of admitting to church privi-
leges or excluding from them. It was believed that out
of the church there is no salvation. Hence permanent
exclusion from church privileges meant loss of salvation,
and temporary exclusion involved more or less peril.
Excommunication was one of the most terrible penalties
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIAN WORLD AT CLOSE OF PERIOD 43 1
that could be inflicted. When accompanied, as was often
the case, with anathema, its terror was intensified. The
use of the interdict, involving the prohibition of religious
services (including marriage and burial, but not baptism
and extreme unction) in an entire community, was fre-
quently resorted to in order to enforce ecclesiastical de-
crees on an unwilling community, or to punish offenses in
which a large part of the community was implicated.
These penalties were inflicted far more commonly and
effectively in the succeeding period : but they were the
recognized weapons of the hierarchy long before the
close of the present period.
IV. MOHAMMEDANISM AS A RIVAL OF CHRISTIANITY.
Just as Christianity was mastering the barbarian peo-
ples and preparing the way for a politico-ecclesiastica/
organization that should cover and control Europe, there
arose in the East a politico-religious organism that was
within a few years to expand to immense proportions,
greatly narrow the boundaries of Eastern Christendom,
erect an effectual barrier against any further Christian
aggression in the East, and dispute with Christianity the
possession of Europe itself.
I. Rise of Mohammedanism. Arabia was inhabited by
star-worshiping Semites, with an intermingling of half-
heathen Jews and Christians. It appears that the Arabs
of the sixth century generally recognized Abraham as their
father, although they were hostile to their Jewish and
Christian neighbors. Mecca was their sacred city and the
Kaaba (a small temple containing the Black Stone) their
chief sanctuary. They had the characteristics of the mod-
ern Arab, and were admirably fitted to become the follow-
ers of a religious fanatic in a career of conquest. Moham-
med (born c. 570, of a young widow), epileptic in child-
hood, brought up without education by relatives, came
into close touch with Christianity and Judaism during a
commercial journey to Syria with an uncle. He was
employed during his early manhood in caravans and as
a shepherd. When twenty-five years of age he married
a rich widow, Chadijah, who was ready to believe in his
visions and to forward his plans for founding a new re-
ligion. During the fifteen years that intervened between
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432 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.nL
his marriage and his definite entrance on a prophet's
career he was subject to frequent attacks of epilepsy,
which he at first attributed to demoniacal possession, but
afterward to divine agency. He became filled with en-
thusiasm for monotheism and hatred of idolatry, and in
6io professed to have been commanded by God through
the angel Gabriel to *' cry in the name of the Lord."
After struggling for some time against his convictions,
he entered upon his career. His first three years were
devoted to the conversion of family and friends. Next
he preached to the pilgrims resorting to Mecca, de-
nouncing idolatry and incurring considerable persecution.
In 622 he was forced to fly from the wrath of the pagan
Arabs to Medina (the Hegird), where multitudes accepted
him as prophet and lawgiver. By 624 he had resolved
to subdue the world to his monotheistic faith and with
an army of three hundred and five enthusiasts he de-
feated double the number of pagan Arabs. His motto
soon became *' Islam, tribute, or the sword." No quarter
was to be given to persistent infidels, but Christians and
Jews were in many cases tolerated on their consenting
to pay tribute. Those who submitted were usually in-
spired with his enthusiasm and were ready to take up the
sword for Islam. Jewish and Christian communities
were attacked and six hundred resisting Jews were mas-
sacred in a single day, the women and children being
enslaved.
In 630 he entered Mecca with a considerable army, de-
stroyed the three hundred and sixty idols in the I^ba,
and secured recognition as the leader of the Arabs. The
discordant and unorganized tribes of Arabia were thus
welded into a nation and filled with enthusiasm for the
destruction of idolatry and for universal conquest.
During these twenty years Mohammed had professed
to be receiving revelations from time to time, which he
dictated to his followers and which became the Koran.
He died in 632 as he was planning a great campaign
against the Eastern empire.
2. Principles of Mohammedanism. These are fully em-
bodied in the Koran and exemplified in the history of
Mohammedan conquest, rule, and life, (i) Monotheism
occupies the foremost place. The oneness and soleness
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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIAN WORLD AT CLOSE OF PERIOD ' 433
of God are in the Koran continually asserted. *' There is
no god but Allah, and Mohammed is his prophet/' This
abstract monotheism was maintained in opposition not
only to polytheism but also to Christian trinitarianism.
God is thought of as omnipotent and omniscient, as a
despotic ruler mercilessly smiting down his opponents,
and as fate compelling all things to fulfill his will ; but
his love and his fatherhood are practically ignored, and
no provision for the redemption of mankind appears.
(2) Jesus is recognized as Messiah and prophet, but his
deity Is repudiated as involving blasphemy. His super-
natural birth and his miracles are admitted. He was not
crucified in reality, but taken up by God into Paradise.
Mohammed claimed to be the Paraclete promised by
Jesus.
(3) Ethics. Resignation to the will of God is the chief
virtue. Prayer, fasting, almsgiving, abstinence from pork
and wine (and, of course, alcoholic drinks of every kind),
are insisted upon. Polygamy and concubinage were
practised by Mohammed and are encouraged. Slavery
is approved and practised. War to the death against un-
believers is a sacred duty. Those who die in fighting for
the faith are supposed to enter at once upon a glorious
existence in which sensual delights abound. No system
has ever made men more enthusiastic or readier to lay
down their lives for its promotion. No system, it is
probable, hardens men more effectually against the in-
fluence of the gospel of Christ.
3. Achievements of Mohammedanism before the Close of
this Period. The successors of Mohammed entered at
once upon the world-conquest that he died too soon to
accomplish. Palestine, Syria, and Egypt were speedily
overrun, and thousands of Christian churches destroyed
or turned into mosques. Constantinople narrowly es-
caped falling into their hands (668 and 717) The East-
ern empire had become so weakened by internal corrup-
tion, barbarian invasion on the west and Persian attacks
on the east, and by long-continued religious controversy,
that it was unable to cope with so vigorous and deter-
mined a foe. Persecuted Christian parties were in many
cases willing to aid the Saracens against their Christian
oppressors. Toleration was granted to such Christians
2C
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434 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. HL
and Jews as would recognize their sovereignty and pay
tribute. In 707 Northern Africa fell into their hands.
Four years later they occupied the southern portion of
Spain and established the califate of Cordova, subju-
gating the Visigoths. In 732 they crossed the Pyrenees
and threatened to overthrow the Prankish kingdom and
to use St. Peter's in Rome as a stable for their horses.
Their ambition was boundless and they believed that no
power on earth could stay their progress. They were
defeated by Charles Martel and their conquest in the
West was brought for centuries to a period.
In the East they overran Persia, Afghanistan, and part
of India, and soon brought to the front as enthusiastic
fighters for Islam, the Turks, who have since figured so
prominently in political and religious history.
For an admirable account of Mohammedanism in its relation to
Christianity and a full bibliography, see Schaif, Vol. IV., pp. I4^-
201. The best translation of the Koran with introduction, etc., is
that by Palmer, in *' Sacred Books of the East." See also Muir,
'' The Coriln : Its Composition and Teaching ; and the Testimony
it bears to the Holy Scriptures,** third ed., 1878; Sprenger, ^*T)as
LehiH und di$ Ukr$ d$s Mohammad" ; Bosworth Smith, " Mohammed
and Mohammedanism"; Stobart, *Mslam and its Founder"; and
encyclopedia articles on ** Mohammed," *' Mohammedanism.'
'* Islam," etc.
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PERIOD IV
FROM THE CORONATION OF CHARLEMAGNE
AS EMPEROR OF THE ROMANS TO THE
OUTBREAK OF THE PROTESTANT
REVOLUTION (800-1517)
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CHAPTER I
SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION
I. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS
I. The Constituent Elements ofMediasval Civili^^ation
Considerable progress had already been made by the
beginning of the ninth century in the blending of the
Christianized Graeco-Roman civilization with the modes
of thought and life and the social and political institutions
of the Teutonic peoples.
Monkish missionaries had been the chief agents in
disseminating throughout Teutonic Europe the form of
Christianity that had resulted from the conversion of the
Roman empire by Christianity in its Graecised form.
Teutons had for centuries fought against the Romans
and had learned much about the empire and its institu-
tions from this hostile contact. They had afterward
filled the Roman armies and had thus come into still
more effective contact with this great civilized power.
Roman military and administrative posts throughout the
conquered territories had also exerted their influence.
But more efficient than all was the covering of heathen
Europe with monastic mission stations, which not only
won the people to a nominal adherence to Christianity
and familiarized them with its teachings, but which made
them acquainted with the arts and sciences, as they were
understood at the time, and transformed heathen hordes
into civilized communities.
It was political shrewdness quite as much as religious
zeal that led the Prankish kings to bestow so much of
wealth and effort on the conversion of the Teutonic peo-
ples and the establishment of a well-endowed and com-
[>rehensive hierarchical system throughout their domains,
n no other way could they hope to accomplish so much in
the direction of welding the peoples into a political unity
and securing an efficient, centralized civil administration.
437
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438 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
If they were over sanguine as regards the possibility of
maintaining a great empire made up of heterogeneous
and partially civilized peoples, they at least adopted the
most efficient means within their reach to the end in
view. Mediaeval civilization was essentially the outcome,
as suggested, of the blending of Christianized Graeco-
Roman civilization with Teutonism ; but its course was
to a considerable extent modified by the Saracen (Arabic)
and the Turkish conquests and contact.
2. The Middle Ages a Period of Progress.
It is a grave mistake to regard the Middle Ages as a
period of stagnation or retrogression. If we compare the
best Christian life that we know of in the ante-Nicene
age with the corrupt Roman Catholicism of the present
period, the latter, of course, appears at a great disadvan-
tage. But when we remember that outside of the hier-
archical churches there were throughout the Middle Ages
in the East and the West vast numbers of evangelical
Christians, and that inside of the established churches
even at their most corrupt estate a large number of
earnest Christians were to be found, it can hardly be
asserted that Christianity, on the whole, lost ground.
But the achievements of Christianity during this period
appear to still greater advantage If we compare the bar-
barian Europe of the fifth century with the Christianized
and educated Europe of the sixteenth. Christianized
Roman law took the place of the law of wager, the
ordeal, torture, and the wergeld} Life and property
became reasonably secure. Industrial development and
organization made wonderful strides. Commerce de-
veloped to world-wide proportions. Great cities, with
magnificent architecture, were built up from the Mediter-
ranean to the Baltic, in England, and throughout the
Danubian Valley. Almost every important town had its
university and education was becoming widely diffused.
There remained much of ecclesiastical corruption and in-
tolerance and much of political and social oppression and
injustice, which modern Christianity is gradually elim-
* Money compensatloa for the maiming: or the killing of a person, which was HmU
an advance on the older law of reuliation.
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 439
inating; but the Middle Ages represent the transition
period from the earlier barbarism to modern civilization.
There was retrogression in the East, caused chiefly by the gradual
encroachment of the Saracens and the Turks on the Christianized
Grsco-Roman civilization of the Eastern empire and the ultimate
extinction of the latter.
II. THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE.
LITERATURE: Bryce, "The Holy Roman Empire"; Emerton,
'' Introd. to the Study of the Middle Ages " : Adams, '' Hist, of Civ-
ilization dur. the Middle Ages " ; Guizot, '' Hist, of Civilization " ;
Haliam, " The Middle Ages '* : Greenwood, " Cathidra Pari" ; Mil-
man, "Lat. Christianity" ; Giesebrecht, ** Gesch, d. dmischitt Kau
s^teit " ; Hauck, '* Kirchingisch. Diutschkmds " ; Stephens, '' HIide-
brand and his Times"; Balzini, ''The Popes and the Hohen-
staufen"; Raumer, ''Gssch. d. HotUnstaufm*^ ; Fisher, ''The Me-
diaeval Empire," id^S.
I. The Idea of the Holy Roman Empire. The coronation
of Charlemagne by the pope, December 25, 8cx), was a
great event from a political no less than from an ecclesi-
astical point of view. The grandeur of the Roman Em-
pire and the legality and stability for which it stood had
made a profound impression on the Teutonic peoples.
With the decline and at last the virtual extinction of the
authority of the Eastern empire in Italy and the growth
of Prankish influence throughout Europe, it was natural
that the greiatest of the Prankish rulers, having been in-
vited to Italy by the pope again and again to guard the
papal estates from the Lombards, and having become the
virtual ruler of Italy, should think it worth his while to
assume along with his imperial authority the dignity and
the name of Roman Emperor. At one time he had strong
hopes of extending his dominion over the Eastern empire
by marriage, alliance, or conquest.
That he should have been willing to receive his crown
at the hands of the pope is easily comprehensible. Por
a long time the pope had been the chief representative
of the old imperial power in Italy. A firm alliance had
long existed between Charlemagne's predecessors and
himself on the one hand, and the popes on the other, for
the mutual advancement of each other's interests. He
had becpme seized with the idea of a Holy Roman Empire,
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440 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PEItlV.
co-ordinate with the Holy Catholic Church, each having
world-wide dominion, each advancing the interests of the
other, each supreme within its own sphere, and both to-
gether bringing peace and the blessings of civilization to
all mankind. We have seen how essential he regarded
the conversion to Christianity of conquered peoples, and
how ready he was to aid in the organization and the en-
dowment of provincial churches.
This idea of a Holy Roman Empire and a Holy Catholic
Church was a grand and impressive one and was prob-
ably never lost sight of even in times.of most complete
disintegration.
It should be remarked that while pope and emperor were wQUng to
rule the world conjointly, and each was desirous of the aid of the
other, neither was willing to recognize the supremacy of the other,
and each was inclined, when occasion offered, to assert his own supt-
riority. Charlemagne's idea of the relation of the pope to the em-
peror and the emperor to the pope was based upon that of Moses to
Aaron. He presided over an ecclesiastical council which legislated
in important ecclesiastical as well as in civil matters. He did not
hesitate to take strong ground in the matter of image worship
against popes and councils. He appointed bishops and abbots with
the utmost freedom.
Charlemagne was succeeded by Louis the Pi6us (814-840), who
though far weaker than Charlemagne, and greatiy under the influ-
ence of the clergy. Insisted on recognition of the imperial right to
control the church. He claimed a veto power on the appointment of
popes, and rebuked Paschal I. for falling to recognize this right.
Pooe Eugene II. (824-827) compelled the Roman clergy to take the
oatn of allegiance to the emperor. Louis In turn confirmed the terri-
torial grant and other privileges that the popes had received from his
predecessors.
Louis published a constitution in which he defined the relations of
the Imperial and papal governments. He simply formulated the
principles that underlay me policy of Charlemagne, the Imperial su-
premacy being carefully guarded.
2. TTie Dismemberment of the Empire.
The sons of Louis (Lothair, Louis, and Charles) were
placed by him in positions of administrative responsibility.
They were given the almost independent control of vast
territorial possessions. Upon Lothair he bestowed the
imperial dignity. He could not satisfy them. They re-
belled against him. He was compelled to abdicate, but
was afterward restored. He became a mere tool of con-
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDI/EVAL CIVILIZATION 441
tending factions. The bishops forced him to do penance
in a humiliating way. War broI<e out shortly after his
death.
The Partition of Verdun (843) gave to Charles the Bald
Neustria and Aquitania ; to Lothair a narrow strip ex-
tending from the North Sea to the Mediterranean, to
Louis the territory east of the Rhine within the Prankish
domain. Lothair retained the title of emperor. His do-
main was soon divided into three kingdoms, Italy, Bur-
gundy, and Lotharingia (Lorraine). The imperial sceptre
passed to Charles the Fat (881) and with him virtually
ended the Carlovingian empire (888). The process of
disintegration went rapidly forward and Europe was di-
vided into a multitude of petty sovereignties with mutu-
ally antagonistic interests and policies.
3. The Restoration of the Empire by Otho the Great.
By the middle of the tenth century feudalism had com-
pleted its disintegrating work and the former domains of
Charlemagne were in a most deplorable condition. Bryce
has concisely described the situation as follows :
The Saracen wasted the Mediterranean coasts and sacked Rome
herself. The Dane and Norsemen swept the Atlantic and the North
Sea, pierced France and Germany by their rivers, burning, slaying,
carrymg off into captivity ; pounng through the straits of Gibraltar,
they fell upon Provence and Italy. By land, while Wends and
Czechs and Obotrites threw off the German yoke and threatened
the borders, the wild Hungarian bands, pressing in from the steppes
of the Caspian, dashed over Germany line the fiving spray of a new
wave of barbarism, and carried the terror of their batue-axes from the
Apennines to the ocean. Under such strokes the already loosened
fabric quickly dissolved. . . The grand vision of a universal Chris-
tian empire was utterly lost in the isolation, the antagonism, the in-
creasing localization of all powers : It might seem to have been but a
passing gleam from an older and better world.
Henry the Fowler, a descendant of Charlemagne (fe-
male line), stayed the destructive forces by driving away
the Magyars and the Wends and introducing administra-
tive order in Lotharingia. He died just as he was about
to seek the imperial crown at the hands of the degenerate
papacy. Otho the Great, who succeeded Henry (936),
carried forward the work of reconstruction, and by 962
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442 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IV
was in a position to restore order in Italy, where anarchy
had long prevailed, and to receive the imperial crown
from a pope whom he afterward condemned and deposed.
His claim to be emperor rested on the fact that he was
master of Germany (or a considerable part of it) and that
he was in a position to control Italy.
Henry had been only a rough barbarian warrior, im-
moral, illiterate, without any appreciation of culture or of
the proprieties of life ; but deliberate and foresighted in
political affairs. Otho was a man of marked independ-
ence, wearing his beard in disregard of the prevailing
usage, and in general careless of conventionalities ; but
fond of pageantry (as in his coronation at Aix and at
Rome) and ambitious to emulate the glories of Charle-
magne. It was not so much a care for religion as a desire
to bring order into his domains that led him to interest
himself in ecclesiastical reforms. He paid far more atten-
tion than his predecessors had paid, or were in a position
to pay, to the qualifications of bishops and abbots, and
insisted strenuously on the right of investiture, the be-
stowal on the newly appointed bishop of the shepherd's
staff as a symbol of his right to rule his flock, accom-
panied by the bishop's oath of allegiance to the king.
The contest regarding investiture between popes and
civil rulers was to be bitterly waged for many years and
formed a marked feature of the later history.
Otho and his successors utterly failed to re-establish
the empire of Charlemagne: Europe had become hope-
lessly divided into small political aggregations. France,
itself subdivided into many more or less independent
provinces, gradually became unified and centralized, and
was unalterably opposed to being incorporated in a Ger-
man empire. Germany itself was hopelessly divided
and the rule of a German emperor was of a very lim-
ited and uncertain character. Italy was and remained
throughout the Middle Ages and until very recent times
divided into a number of principalities that stubbornly
resisted all efforts at amalgamation.
The imperial office, which for a time was virtually
hereditary, was nominally elective ; and in case a proper
hereditary successor were not available or another ap-
peared who was prepared to enforce his claini to leader-
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION 443
ship, actual election frequently occurred. An emperor
commonly procured the election of his eldest son during
his own lifetime. By the middle of the twelfth century
there seems to have been a distinct body of imperial
electors, consisting of the archbishops of Maintz, Treves,
and Cologne, representing the German ecclesiastical
estate, and the dukes of Franconia, Swabia, Saxony, and
Bavaria. The Golden Bull (1356) redistributed somewhat
the electoral franchises and regulated definitely the elec-
toral process. The ecclesiastical electors remained the
same. The secular electors were thenceforth the Count
of the Palatinate, the King of Bohemia, the Duke of Sax-
ony, and the Margrave of Bradenburg.
The Holy Roman Empire is of interest to the church
historian chiefly as the counterpart of the Holy Catholic
Church. From the middle of the eleventh century until
the middle of the fifteenth century these two powers,
that were theoretically the counterpart the one of the
other, were for the most part in mortal combat. Em-
perors deposed popes and procured the election of others
in their place. Popes excommunicated emperors and co-
operated with rivals in securing changes of dynasty.
Each furnished a sort of check upon the other and it is
probable that this contest prevented the triumph of ec-
clesiastical absolutism on the one hand and of imperial
absolutism on the other.
III. FEUDALISM.
LITERATURE: Greenwood, Vol. III., p. 61, uq.: Bryce, p. 125,
uq. it passim ; Guizot. ** Hist, of Civ." Lect IV., '* Hist of France/'
Vol. I., p. 227, seq. ; May, " Democracy in Eur.," Vol. I., pp. 232,
237, 253, 255, 260, ei passim; Blanqui, '^ Hist, of Pol. Econ.," p. 116,
sea., 155 : *^Encyc. Brit." art. " Feudalism " ; Hallam, " Mid. Ages,'^
Cnap. 11. ; Hosack, "The Law of Nations," pp. 23, 60, 100, uq,;
Freeman, "Norm. Conq.," ^tfS5fm (see Index); Kitchin, "Hist of
France," Vol. L, p. 235, uq., 391, seq,; Emerton, " Introd. to the
Study of the Middle Ages," p. 236, seq,: Adams, " Hist of Civiliza-
tion during the Middle Ages/' ; Waltz, ^'Anfangtdir yassalitaU'' and
" Dmtschi Vtrfasstmgsgeseh.,^' Bd. II., III., und iV., passim; De Cou-
langes, *' Us Origims du Rigims fuodaV^ ; Roth, ^' C«<:A. d. Bifw
ficiahusens " ; Brunner, " Dis LandvirUihungtn d, Merovinger u. Karo-
linger:'
One of the most characteristic institutions of the early
Middle Ages was feudalism. The essence of feudalism
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444 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
"was the combination of the tenure of land by military
service with a peculiar personal relation between the
landlord and his tenant, whereby the one was bound to
render fatherly protection, the other aid and obedience"
(Bryce). Politically it might be defined " as the system
which made the owner of a piece of land, whether large
or small, the sovereign of those who dwelt thereon, an
annexation of personal to territorial authority. On this
principle were founded and by it are explained feudal law
and justice, feudal finance, feudal legislation, each tenant
holding toward his lord the position which his own ten-
ants held toward himself. It resulted in a concentration
of power in the hands of a land-holding caste. The
monarch lost his ancient character as leader and judge of
the people, to become the head of a tyrannical oligar-
chy."* Feudal tenure is used in contradistinction to al-
lodial possession, or possession in fee simple. As a result
of conquest, etc., tenure of the latter kind almost disap-
peared, so that under Charlemagne and his sons most of
the property fell into the hands of the principal followers
and officials of the sovereign.
I. Feudal Classes and Feudal Terms,
The five classes of persons in feudal society were
Leudes, Antrustions, Freemen, Serfs, and Freedmen.
(i) The first included all who held their possessions
directly of the sovereign and constituted the nobility.
Personal performance of military service was required of
all Leudes, whether lay or ecclesiastical. (2) The second
class embraced the noblest and most powerful among the
Leudes, including prelates and abbots. To these was
entrusted the matter of administration of justice, etc.
(3) Freemen included the first two classes, and in addi-
tion all who were not serfs and bondsmen.' (4) The
Serfs were the chattels of their lords and were bound to
the soil. (5) Another class, the Freedmen, might be
mentioned. They had many of the privileges of Free-
men though not all. Both alike, when landless and with-
out handicrafts, were abject and dependent.
1 Bryc«, p. X*}, s<f. > Gr««nwoe4. Vol. HI., p. tt, scf.
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CHAP.L] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CmUZATION 445
2. The Elements of Feudalism .^
The forms assumed by feudalism dilffered greatly at
different periods and in different countries. It would be
difficult to describe feudalism in general terms in a way
that would be universally applicable. The following
particulars regarding feudal tenure are characteristic of
the system as a whole :
(i) Terms of Service. The holding of land upon terms
of service (in beneficium) applied whether the land was
bestowed originally as a fief or was placed by the original
owner under the guardianship of a more powerful land*
owner (in commendam).
(2) Vassalage. Those receiving land as fiefs or com-
mending land to more powerful owners for protection
undertook to serve the feudal lord with their lives. The
act by which they became vassals was known as ''hom-
age (from homo J man) ; they became the men of the
superior.
(3) Immunity. A person becoming a vassal and the
holder of a fief secured in the contract immunity from
any kind of interference with the government of the
estate beyond what was implied in the vassalage. Apart
from the service due to the higher lord he became abso-
lute sovereign within the territory acquired. Bishops
and abbots as well as secular nobles received vast grants
of land in which absolute sovereignty, apart from the
service of the king, was guaranteed. This immunity in-
volved, the right to maintain an army, to administer
justice, and to raise money at his own pleasure for any
purpose whatsoever.
Holders of large fiefs could, by submfiudaiitm^ subdivide their terri-
tory on precisely similar terms, and these in turn could still further
subdivide.
3. Effects of Feudalism on the Church.
(i) It retarded the progress of centralization of author-
ity in the papacy by making the prelates Leudes and
Antrustions, who did homage to civil rulers for their pos-
sessions, and whose interests lay in military and civil
duties rather than in ecclesiastical aggrandizement.
1 Co«p<n Emerton. " Introd. to th« Study of th« Middl* Ag«s/' p. 949, Mf .
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446 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
The Roman bishopric itself was for a long time a bone
of contention among Italian nobles 9nd lost its prestige
by becoming unspealcably degraded and corrupt.
Religious worlc, even from the Roman Catholic point
of view, was greatly neglected, owing to the absorption
of higher and lower clergy in secular affairs.
(2) On the other hand, feudalism was on the whole
favorable to the final realization of hierarchical power.
It put the church in possession of a vast amount of real
property which, though given in feudal tenure, could
afterward be claimed in fee simple.
At that time tenure of land was the chief means of ex-
erting influence. Apart from the acceptance of fiefs and
thus becoming an influential landholder, it is difficult to
see how the church could have held its own in those
troublous .times. As nearly all the education was in the
possession of the clergy, their influence on legislation
and jurisdiction was very great. The importance of pre-
lates in civil matters, acquired during the early feudal
period, could not fail to give a great advantage to the
church in later struggles for power.
The humane treatment bestowed upon the serfs and
other subordinates by the better class of prelates con-
trasted strikingly with the cruelty and oppression of most
of the lay lords and made service under the former highly
desirable.
There is no doubt but that the strong hold which the
Roman Catholic Church has always had upon the masses
of the people was acquired in part by means of the feu-
dal relation.
As soon as the papacy became somewhat free from
the interference of Italian nobles, the claims of preroga-
tive were revived and made still stronger. The influence
that had been secured over the masses of the people was
of the utmost value. Prelates having gained all the ad-
vantages they could hope to secure from the lay lords
grew weary of subserviency and sought deliverance
through papal aid. As centralization advanced, the popes
were able, by utilizing the vast ecclesiastical power al-
ready attained, to exert a controlling influence in civi
matters, and even to set up and depose kings and cip*
perors.
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CHAP. l] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDI>EVAL CIVILIZATION 447
IV. CANON LAW AND FORGED DECRETALS.
LITERATURE: '' Corpus Juris Canonid'' ; Greenwood, Vol. III.,
pp. 152-226; Lea, ** Stud, in Ch. Hist.," pp. 44-102 ; Hailam, Chap.
VlL; encyc. articles; Alzog, Sec. 186: Janus (Dollinger), "'The
Pope and the Council," pp. 78-122 ; Savigny, ** G^sch, d. rim.
Rechts m MitUlalier^^ \ Hinschius, ** DecrttaUs Psiuda-isidariamf $i
CapHula AngilramnV^ \ Schulte, ''Das Kathol, Ktrchmncht" and
'* Du Gtsch, d. Quillm tf. LUteratur d. Canon, Richts von Gratian bis
mt/d. Geiinwart^; Phillips, " /rfrtfA/iir«:A/ " ; Friedberg, '' Ktrchm-
rukt'\' Hinschius,'* Kirchmrfcht,*'
Reference has already been made to the rise and early
development of canon law. During the present period
It assumed an importance second to that of no other in-
stitution.
I. The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals.
As the Roman Catholic Church grew more ambitious
and became more completely involved in secular affairs,
the need was felt of stronger documentary support for
its claims than could be found. The " Donation of Con-
stantine" is one of the earliest examples of the manufac-
ture of documentary evidence of a valuable kind. The
success of this forgery was so complete that it was sure
not to be the last. Here again we see the popish doc-
trine that the end justifies the means, while not formu-
lated, yet consistently acted upon. The weakness and
subserviency of Louis the Pious encouraged the hierarchy
to promulgate one of the boldest and most magnificent
forgeries of history. The ** Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals"
appeared between 833 and 857. in the former year a
body of spurious documents was presented to Pope
Gregory IV. as a means of fortifying him in his proceed-
ings against Louis the Pious. To what extent these
writings corresponded with the fully developed Pseudo-
Isidorian collection is uncertain. On the basis of the
older Isidorian collection, a vast body of spurious decre-
tals and patristic citations was foisted upon Christendom.
Many older forgeries, the " Donation of Constantine," the
"Canons of the Apostles," the "Letters of Clement to
James," etc., were incorporated, along with decretals of
the popes of the second and third centuries, in which the
fully developed claims of the hierarchy are set forth.
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448 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
The aims of the forgery seem to have been, to free
bishops from secular jurisdiction and to give them juris-
diction in secular as well as in ecclesiastical matters ; to
free bishops from dependence on metropolitans and pro-
vincial synods ; and to establish for bishops the unlim-
ited right of appeal to Rome, the center and source of
ecclesiastical authority. It is probable that the forgeries
did not emanate from Rome ; but Rome was not slow to
utilize them.
2. Canon Law versus Civil Law.
Canon law grew more and more influential and im-
portant as the papal power and ambition increased. Ec-
clesiastical courts of every grade corresponding with civil
courts and culminating in the Roman Curia, the "Court
of Appeal for all Christendom," came into the keenest
rivalry with the civil courts. As every crime could also
be regarded as a sin, the ecclesiastical courts claimed the
right to a large portion of properly civil jurisdiction. The
study of canon law became popular and constituted an
indispensable qualification for a high ecclesiastical career.
A prelate might be a theologian, but he must be a canon-
ist. Canon law was from the beginning one of the prin-
cipal studies in the mediaeval universities. Bologna was
the first great center of canon law study and the Univer-
sity of Bologna grew out of a private law school (Roman
civil law). About the middle of the twelfth century
Gratian, a monk of Bologna, threw into systematic form,
after the example of the Justinian codification, the entire
body of canonical matter, including the Pseudo-lsidorian
forgeries. The ** Decretum of Gratian," supplemented by
the " Decretum of Gregory IX." (1234), the "Uber Sex-
tus/' of Boniface VIII. (1298), the ^'Clementines" (1311),
the **Extravagantes" of John XXII. (1316-34), and the
" Extravagantes Communes " (1488), make up the "Corpus
Juris Canonici," corresponding with the "Corpus Juris
Civilis" of Justinian, which was much studied in the
Middle Ages.
The canon law defines in the minutest way the duties and riffhts
of prelates, clergy, monks, nuns, and layment fixing the penames
for all transgressions. Much stress is laid upon pronibited degrees
in matrimony, relationships falling within the prohibited degrees bdng
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CHAP.L] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIitVAL CIVILIZATION 449
carefully indicated. The ages and other qualifications for the vari-
ous stages of clerical life are definitely fixed. From the dealing of
the hierarchy in general and the Roman Curia in particular with
transgressions of canon law, it is evident that the authorities in
workmg out this elaborate system were intent not upon guarding
priests and people from sin, but upon bring^ing into the ecclesiastical
courts as many cases as possible and deriving as large a revenue
and as much power therefrom as they could.
V. THE ROMAN CURIA.
LITERATURE: Bangen, "T). Rom. Kuris'' ; Bonix. ''T)$ Cma
*Romana^^ ; De Montault, "* La Sacri ColUgidis Cardintaux^^ ; Phil-
lips, " Kirchinrtcht," Bd. VI., Ssit. 6c-^; Bering, '* S^s. d. KtrchiH-
Ticktes^^^ Sec. 104, s$q, ; art. ** Kuris" and " Kardmal " in Herzog and
Wetzer u. Welte; art. "Curia" and "Cardinal" in Schaff-ffirzog
and McClintock and Strong ; art. " Rom. Curia " in " Cont. Rev.."
1874; Alzog, Sec. 194 and 229; Greenwood and Milman, passim;
Gottlob, "t/^itf dtr Camera Appsioliea des XV,)ahrh:' ; Woker, " Das
KirMichi Fman^isen d$r TafsU" : Hinschius, ** ^Um d, Kathol,
Khrchmrechtis fur Dmtschlandj Th. u^SiH. 309-498 ; Lea, " A Formu-
lary of the Papal Penitentiary in the Thirteenth Century" (Latin
Text, Translation, and Introduction). -8€e also encyc. art. on " Con-
clave," "Consistory," "Rota," "Penitentiary," "^Pope."
It is important that we should know something of the
character and constitution of the papal court that wielded
such power over Europe during the Middle Ages. As
early as the fourth century the city of Rome was divided
for ecclesiastical purposes into twenty-five parts, each
presided over by a presbyter. Each of these parishes
was called a titulus, and the presbyters were called in-
titulated presbyters. For charitable purposes the city
was divided into seven parts, each presided over by a
deacon. In the eighth century the suburbican bishops
were added to these presbyters and deacons, and from
the eleventh century the body thus formed was known
as the college of cardinals. During the later Middle
Ages many princes secured the right to nominate each
one or more cardinals. These were known as crown
cardinals.
The term cardinal is derived from cardo^ a hinge. It was applied
in the early time to clergy in general with regular charges. Gradu-
ally its use became restncted to the clergy with regular functions in
cathedral churches, these churches being regarded as the hinges on
which the other churches revolved. In the eleventh century its ap-
plication was still further limited so as to denote the bishops, presby-
ters, and deacons of Rome and the States of the Church, who consti-
aD
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
450 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
tuted the official advisers or senate of the pope In his administration
of ecclesiastical affairs. ?oj>t Leo IX. put the matter thus : *' As the
whole door Is ruled by the hinRe, so by Peter and his successors the
emolument of the whole church is disposed. . . Whence his clergy
are called cardinals, as adhering more closely to that hinge by which
other things are moved."
I. Functions of the College of Cardinals.
To the clergy of Rome it belonged in the earlier time
to nominate the bishop of Rome, the people having the
right to vote on the nomination. Leo the Ureat, Gregory
the Great, and even Hildebrand, were elected by popular
acclaim. The presbyters and deacons constituted a sort
of senate for the bishop in administering the affairs of
the diocese. As the ambition and power of the popes
increased, the business of the Roman Curia grew in
amount and importance. When Rome became the court
of appeal for all Christendom and came to sustain the
most multiform and complicated relations with all the
civil governments, as well as with every bishop and
abbot, it became necessary to systematize the work of
administration. The college of cardinals assembled for
business, with the pope at their head, constitute the Con-
sistory ; assembled for the election of a pope they form
a Conclave. The Signature of Grace and the Signature
of Justice have to do, the former with all cases of bind-
ing and loosing, the latter with appeals from Italy. The
Penitentiary deals with cases of heresy, indulgences,
etc., in a more public way than the Signature of Grace.
The Rota is the supreme court of appeal for Christendom.
The Datary is a Board of control registering and dating
incoming and outgoing communications. During the six-
teenth century a number of Congregations were formed,
each with a specialty : the Congregations of the Inquisi-
tion, of Prohibited Books, of Indulgences, etc. In con-
nection with each of these courts, congregations, etc., a
large number of lawyers and clerks are employed. The
number of cardinals has varied from thirteen to seventy-
six. A majority are always Italians.
2. ^(elation of the Curia to Papal Power and Corruption.
The development of this vast mass of administrative
machinery was in a sense a necessary result of the at-
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION 4$ I
tempt of Rome to secure universal ecclesiastical and civil
control. For a time it contributed greatly to the consol-
idation of papal power ; but its maintenance involved
vast expenditures of money and greatly promoted eccle-
siastical corruption. The presence of this great ecclesi-
astical machine makes all attempts to reform the Roman
Catholic Church from within hopeless. It is not the pope
that controls the Roman Catholic Church, — it is the Ro-
man Curia. It is doubtful whether a pope earnestly de-
sirous of reforming the church in its head and members
could accomplish anything permanent in that direction.
The Roman Curia was deeply interested, both financially and
administratively, in encouraging appeals from all parts of Chris-
tendom. It came to be well understood that the disciplinary de-
cisions of metropolitans, abbots, and bishops, could be easily reversed
in the Curia, if the aggrieved party could command sufficient money
or influence. Bishops appealed against the censure of archbishops
or metropolitans, lower clergy appealed against the censure of
bishops, wealthy laymen were sure of kindly consideration in Rome.
The benignancy of Rome in granting dispensations appears very
clearly in the "Formulary of the Papal Penitentiary" published by
Lea. Bishops who were disposed to be rigorous in their discipline
were helpless. The facility with which any sort of crime was con-
doned by the Roman Curia had a piost demoralizing effect on clergy
and people. It became evident that Rome was intent not on enforcing
the observance of the canon law or even of ordinary morality, but
rather on the collection of fees for their violation. See Lea's excel-
lent account of papal dispensations in the Introduction to the work
above referred to.
VI. MEDIAEVAL MONASTICISM.
LITERATURE: Montalambert, "The Monks of the West";
Cutts, "Scenes and Char, of the Mid. Ages," p. i, stq, ; Lacrolx,
" Military and Religious Life in the Mid. Ages " ; Helyot, " dsch. d.
KlosUf' und Rittsuardm,** 17^4 ; Hospinlanus, " De Monachis,** 1609 ;
Lea, " An Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian
Church," second ed., 1884; Mohler, '' Gtsch. d, Monchthums^^
(Sckriftm^ 'Bd. II., 5^'/. i6c, sea.) ; Hamack, " 'Das Monchthum, uine
IdioU ». seim Geschichte^^ : Base, ** Handbuch d. Trot. Tolemtk^^
fourtti ed., StH, Tji), sgq. ; Miiller, " 'Die Anfan& d. Minaritinordtns " ;
Knox-Littie. "St. Francis of Assisi," 1897 ; Sabatler, " Life of St.
Francis of Assisi " ; Heimbucher, " Du Ordm und Congrtgaiionm d,
Kath. Kircht^'^ i8g6; Danzas, ^* Etudes sur le Temps primitifs de
fOrdre di St. Domrn.,'' 1873-1885 ; Champly, ''Hist, de fAbbajfede
ClugHjfy^ 1866 ; Schultze, " Forschungen per Gesch. d. Klosterreform im
X. Jakrh.:' 1883 ; Neandcr, " St. Bernard " ; Storrs, " St. Bernard " ;
Alzog, Sec. 2^9-2^1; Stephen, "Essays in Eccl. Biog.," "St.
Francis of Assisi ^ ; Hurter, " Innocent III.," Vol. III., p. .^37f ssq. ;
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452 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
Neander, Vol. IV., PP* 239-293 ; encyc. art. on various orders and
monastic leaders.
No institution more faithfully reflects the spirit of me-
diaeval Christianity than monasticism as it appeared in
the great monastic orders.
I. Fundamental Characteristics.
Monasticism represents the externalizing, legalistic,
pagan view of religion as opposed to a spiritual view. It
represents asceticism, which nearly all pagan religious
systems have exalted. It lays chief stress on obedience
to authority. It had completeness of organization. Its
votaries were enthusiastic and single minded.
2. Reasons far the Enormous development of Monasttcism
in the Middle Ages.
(i) The general belief in the meritoriousness of mo-
nastic life. (2) The perfect adaptation of the monastic
orders for the purposes of the hierarchy and the great
encouragement given to them by the popes. (3) The
disordered state of Europe, and the prevailing mis^y led
multitudes to seek refuge in the monasteries from the
ills of life. (4) Such as had a taste for learning found in
the monasteries during the earlier Middle Ages almost
the only means of gratifying this taste. (5) Many were
brought into the monasteries through the enthusiastic
advocacy of great monastic preachers like Benedict, Ber-
nard, Francis, and Dominic. (6) The popes favored mo-
nasticism by making the monasteries independent of the
bishops, by using monks for responsible positions, by
giving to monastic preachers the right to preach, hear
confessions, etc., without the permission of bishops or
parish clergy, and in many other ways. From the time
of Gregory the Great onward it was the aim of the more
aggressive popes to bring the entire body of the clergy
into a monastic mode of life.
3. Achievements of the Monastic Orders.
(i) They absorbed most of the Christian life of the
age. (2) The monasteries were the conservatories of
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIi€VAL CIVILIZATION 453
learning. (3) The monks performed almost all the mis-
sionary work of the age and were foremost in all kinds
of Christian and philanthropical work. (4) They were
the great writers, preachers, philosophers, and theolo-
gians of the age. (5) They were at the head of the Cru-
sades and the Inquisition. (6) The monasteries, owing
to the great popularity of monasticism, acquired immense
wealth, which invariably led to grievous corruptions,
necessitating the periodic formation of new orders by
those who wished to stem the tide of worldliness. (7)
To the monasteries we are indebted for such men as
Tauler, Staupitz, Luther, and Erasmus. (8) The monastic
orders sustained somewhat the same relation to mediaeval
Christianity as modern denominations sustain to Protes-
tant Christianity. They were characterized each by a
peculiar type of life or doctrine. So long as absolute
obedience to the Roman Curia was preserved a generous
freedom was for the most part accorded them in matters
of life and doctrine. Apart from the freedom given to
peculiarities of life and doctrine in monastic orders it is
probable that a far larger amount of earnest Christian
life would have separated itself from the dominant
church. Thus monasticism was a means of conserving
the unity of the hierarchical church.
4. Evils of Monasticism.
(i) From mediaeval Catholic sources it is possible to
construct a picture of monastic life and work in which
heroism, self-sacrifice, industry, zeal for sacred learning,
literary activity, missionary enthusiasm, purity and sim-
plicity of life, and every moral and religious virtue
abound ; and a picture in which idleness, luxury, discon-
tent, nameless vices, ignorance, and utter moral worth-
lessness are the prominent features. It is abundantly
evident from monastic literature that the great majority
of the inmates of monasteries represented a very low
type of intellectual, moral, and spiritual life. Living was
beset with difficulties during the Middle Ages, and multi-
tudes took refuge in monasteries from the hardships and
perils of life with no thought but that of living at ease.
Many whose lives had been disreputable sought to hide
themselves in monasteries from public contempt. Given,
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
454 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
a body of men or women, many of them young and
sensually inclined, the great mass devoid of high moral
and religious principles, all pledged to celibacy, minis-
tered to by monastic oflficials and by clergy who in many
cases set the example of vicious living and were ready
to debauch their charges, freed to a great extent from
outside observation and from the jurisdiction of secular
courts, and the moral rottenness of mediaeval monasteries
can be easily accounted for. Add to this the fact that
the confessors were instructed to ask questions that pre-
supposed moral vileness in each individual and caused
vice to be looked upon as a matter of course, that slight
disciplinary penance was supposed to make good the
gravest breaches of morality, and especially the fact that
many priestly confessors were ready to use their power
of absolution for making victims of the weak and the ig-
norant, and the wonder would be that any should escape
the contagion.
(2) Narrowness, bigotry, intolerance, avarice, secta-
rian zeal, characterize mediaeval monasticism at its best
estate.
(3) While in the earlier time monastic colonies were a
means of diffusing civilization and were thus econom-
ically valuable, the enormous expansion of monastic life
was economically hurtful. The withdrawal of so large
an amount of life from productive activity and the accu-
mulation of wealth for the support of so vast a popula-
tion could be justified only on the ground that their moral
and intellectual activity compensated for the loss to the
communities in which they were situated and tended
powerfully to make the lives of the remaining population
nobler and more productive. It is not probable that the
monasteries in most communities were worth to them
anything like what they cost.
(4) Again, the choice of monastic rather than domestic
life by hundreds of thousands of men and women dimin-
ished by so much the number of possible homes and pre-
vented such a growth of productive population as would
have been in the interest of the countries of mediaeval
Europe. Prostitution, illegitimate births, abortion, and
infanticide everywhere abounded, largely as a result of
monasticism and of clerical celibacy.
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 45$
5. Founding and Characteristics of the Various Orders.
While monasticism had its rise in the East, it had its
most remarkable development in the West. The Bene-
dictines established in 529 by Benedict of Nursia, re-
formed and strengthened in 817 by Benedict of Aniane,
had a remarkable revival about the middle of the eleventh
century. Clugny, founded in 910, was the great center
from the middle of the tenth century onward. By the
middle of the twelfth century there were two thousand
convents subject to Clugny, mostly in France. The Cis-
tercians (convent of Citeaux) arose about 1098 from a
desire on the part of the more zealous of the Benedictines
to escape the luxury and corruption of the now wealthy
monasteries. Bernard of Clairvaux gave great lustre to
the new order during the first half of the twelfth century.
The Carmelites were founded in connection with the
Crusades on Mount Carmel in 1209, and received full
papal recognition in 1224. The Augustinians were
formed out of a number of older bodies in 1244. The
great preaching orders, the Dominican and the Francis-
can, were founded during the early years of the thir-
teenth century under Innocent III., but failed to receive
unconditional papal approval till the time of Honorius
111 (the former in 1216, the latter in 1223). They arose
at a time when heresy was spreading rapidly in France,
Italy, and elsewhere, and constituted the most effective
agency that the hierarchy employed to crush out dissent.
The Franciscans (Minorites) represented the intensely
emotional form of ascetical piety and sought to win back
to the churches the masses of the people through enthu-
siastic preaching and through extreme asceticism ; the
Dominicans represented a more intellectual type of life
and work and were forward in theological disputation and
in the founding and management of the Inquisition. The
three great military orders were founded in connection
with the Crusades : the Hospitalers of St. John the Bap-
tist (1092), the Templars (11 18), the Teutonic Knights
(1 190). Many other orders were founded during the
Middle Ages, most of which still exist. Most of the or-
ders had related organizations for women, and tertiaries,
or outside secular adherents.
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4S6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
VII. THE CRUSADES.
LITERATURE : Cox, " The Crusades " ; Guizot, " Hist, of Fr.,'
VoL L, pp. 296-380; Michaud, ** Hist, of the Crusades"; Wllken,
*' Giscfi, d, Kfna{{ug0** ; Greenwood (see Chronol. Index) ; Milman,
Vol. IV., pp. 15-67, etc.; Alzog, Sec. 216; Lane- Poole, " Saladin
and the Fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem,'* i8q8; Kugler, '* Gfsch,
d. Kretai{ug$:' 1880 (from Oncken, "^Uggm. Gtsch.,'' Bd. II.) ; Sy-
bel, *^ Gesch. d, erstsn Krmt{{uges** ; Hahn, ^^ Ursofihtn u. Folgm d.
KrtuMugen" ; Prutz, '' Kulturg^sch. d. Kr0ut{{iig4n,'* 1880 ; Raumer,
*' Gtsch. d, Hoh^nstaufm^'* Bd. I., Sett. 37-^31.
I. Occasion of the Crusades.
(i) The long series of religious wars for the rescue of
the Holy Land and the holy places from the desecrating
possession of the enemies of the cross of Christ occupy a
position of great prominence in the history of mediaeval
civilization. In a sense they represent the reawakening
of the spirit of adventure and conquest that had been
slumbering during the centuries that followed the some-
what definite settlement of Europe. Feudalism, with its
subdivisions of territory and its limitations of the areas
of intercourse had greatly hampered and narrowed the
lives of the people and when once a great moving cause
for breaking over territorial bounds and embarking in
world-wide adventure appeared the masses of the people
were likely to respond with great enthusiasm. The gen-
erally prevailing misery and hopelessness of the impov-
erished classes made them ready to grasp at any oppor-
tunity for social amelioration. The feudal rulers were
finding war with their neighbors less and less profitable
and the danger of an overwhelming Mohammedan inva-
sion from the East was constantly before them. Besides,
the popes were coming to interfere more and more influ-
entially in the political strifes of Christendom and were
appropriating to themselves the advantages that came
from European wars.
(2) The conversion of the Normans to the Catholic
faith (911) was an event of primary importance in the
civil and ecclesiastical history of Europe. The rapid ex-
tension of the Norman conquests until they possessed
not only a large part of France, but also England (1072)
and Southern Italy, and the willingness of Norman
princes like William the Conqueror and Robert Gulscard
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CHAP.L] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 457
to recognize the claims of the popes and to co-operate
with them in their schemes of aggrandizement, raised up
in the Mediterranean a maritime power, which along
with those of Pisa and Genoa, was deeply interested in
driving the Saracens from the western Mediterranean
and in crippling or destroying their power in the East.
The rescue of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica (c. 1090) from
the grasp of Mohammedanism was the achievement of
the Normans and increased their appetite for Oriental
conquest. The subjugation of the Eastern empire and
ultimately of the Saracen powers was an object of their
ambition and they were careful to keep to the front as the
religious motive for conquest the spread of the Catholic
faith and the destruction of all opposing forms of religion.
Thus the war with the Saracens was opened long before
the first Crusade.
(3) But apart from these more secular considerations,
there were forces at work that enable us to account for
the even more important religious enthusiasm that lay at
the basis of the Crusades. Mediaeval Roman Cathol-
icism was a religion of forms and ceremonies, and super-
stition abounded. The veneration of shrines and relics
and the belief in their capacity to work miracles and to
confer spiritual benefits was almost universal. From the
fifth century onward pilgrimages to the Holy Land and
to the Holy Sepulchre had been regarded as the surest
way to acquire merit and to atone for the most grievous
sins. Pilgrims without purse or scrip often set out on
foot to beg their way to Palestine, fortified by the belief
that the loss of life in such an enterprise would involve
immediate entrance into heavenly bliss. The early Mo-
hammedan rulers had guaranteed to Christians the right
to visit the holy places without molestation. The fail-
ure of the year 1000 to bring the end of the age, almost
universally expected by Christians, greatly stimulated
pilgrimages.
(4) The conversion of Hungary (c. 997) opened up an
overland route to the Holy Land, which also tended to
multiply the number of pilgrims.
(5) In loio the Sultan Hakem, a mad fanatic, ordered
the destruction of the chief Christian sanctuaries in Jeru-
salem, The conquest of Asia Minor and Syria by the
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458 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PBR.IV.
Seljuk Turks (c. 1076) greatly increased the hardships of
the multitudinous pilgrims. Extortionate tolls, robbery,
imprisonment, and acts of sacrilege, greatly exasperated
the pious pilgrims, and the story of these atrocities rap-
idly spread throughout Europe.
(6) Pope Sylvester II. (999) had exhorted Christendom
to take measures for the protection of pilgrims and of
Christian interests in Jerusalem. Gregory VII. addressed
to the Christians of his time letters of exhortation to go
to Jerusalem for the sake of the faith and to "defend our
Christian brothers."
2. The Preaching of the First Crusade (1095).
(i) In 1095 the Greek Emperor Alexius, sorely beset
by the Turks, sent ancibassadors to the Council of Pia-
cenza to pray for the aid of Western Christendom. Pope
Urban II. was profoundly impressed with the opportunity
to extend the dominion of his church and to do a highly
meritorious work. Peter the Hermit had returned from
a pilgrimage and preached a crusade with consuming
zeal.
(2) At the Council of Clermont (1095) Urban II. and
Peter both appeared and aroused the crusading enthusi-
asm to the point for immediate action. An extract from
the pope's address will best exhibit the spirit of the move-
ment :
That land in which the light of truth first shone ; where the Son
of God, in human guise, deigned to walk as man among men;
where the Lord taught and suffered, died, and rose again ; where
the work of man's redemption was consummated,— this land, conse-
crated by so many holy memories, has passed into the hands of the
Impious. The temple of God has been profaned, his saints slain,
and their bodies cast out upon the plains for the fowls of* the air and
the beasts of the field to feed upon. The blood of Christians flows
like water in and about Jerusalem, and there is none to do the poor
service of giving burial to their remains. Strong in our tmst in the
divine mercy, and by virtue of the authority of Sts. Peter and Paul,
of whose fullness we are the depositary, we hereby grant full remis-
sion of any canonical penalties whatever to all the faithful of Christ
who from motives of devoUon alone and not for theprocurement of
honor or gain shall have gone forth to the aid of God's church at
Jemsalem. But whosoever shall have died there in true repentance
shall undoubtedly have the remission (indulgiiaiam) of sins and the
fruit of eternal reward.
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDli€VAL CIVILIZATION 459
He promised to all who would enlist the plenary re-
mission of all the infinite penalties and penances they
had incurred by their past sins, and the immediate pro-
tection of Peter, Paul, and the holy church, for their per-
sons and estates, and pronounced an anathema upon any
that should molest them.
The multitude rose to their feet and cried out repeatedly : *Mt is
the will of God!'* The pope then exhibited the cross and said:
** Wear it upon your shoulders and upon your breasts ; let it shine
upon your arms and upon your standards ; it will be to you the
surety of victory or the palm of martyrdom ; it will unceasingly
remind you that Christ died for you, and that it is your duty to
die for him/' This gave the name to the movement (crusade, from
crux, cross).
(3) The pope proclaimed a truce of God among the
princes of Europe and bade them join in the great effort
for the rescue of the Holy Land. So great was the en-
thusiasm that they were for the most part ready to obey.
Insolvent debtors were liberated from their obligations.
The prisons of Europe were emptied of all who would
join in the Crusade. The truce of God was extended so
as to embrace the full protection of the lives and belong-
ings of all crusaders.
(4) About six hundred thousand men, besides women
and children, are said to have embarked on the First
Crusade. It was a motley and disorganized host. Freed
by their plenary indulgence from all moral obligations
and compelled to support themselves to a great extent
on the populations through which they moved, they car-
ried devastation everywhere. Pestilence and famine
rapidly reduced their numbers. Jerusalem was captured
in 1099, about forty thousand crusaders having been
spared to participate in the glory. Godfrey of Bouillon,
the chief leader, was proclaimed king, but he refused to
wear the crown of royalty where Christ had worn a
crown of thorns.
The success of the crusaders was only partial and
temporary.
3. Later Crusades.
It will not be practicable in the present work to give
the details of the successive efforts of united Europe to
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460 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
destroy the power of the Saracens and the Turks. A
few outstanding facts must suffice :
(1) The Second Crusade (1147-1153), of which Ber-
nard of Clairvaux was the chief promoter, is said to have
numbered about one million two hundred thousand fight-
ing men. It was a complete failure. Nearly all the host
was destroyed. Bernard, when confronted with the fail-
ure of his prophecies, attributed the disaster to the guilt
of the pilgrims themselves.
(2) The Third Crusade (1190-1193), in which Richard
the Lion-hearted and Saladin figure so prominently, ac-
complished little. Richard himself was taken captive and
long held for ransom.
(3) The Fourth Crusade (1196-1197) resulted in a
complete defeat and a terrible massacre of crusaders at
Jaffa.
(4) The Fifth Crusade (i 201-1204) was under the di-
rection of Innocent 111., the most powerful of the popes.
It expended its efforts chiefly in gaining control of Con-
stantinople and establishing a Latin empire in the East,
with Baldwin of Flanders, at its head. By this means
the pope could bring the Eastern Church into obedience.
This Latin empire lasted till 1261, when the Greeks re-
gained control. The alienation between the Eastern and
the Roman Catholic churches was intensified by this at-
tempt at coercion.
(5) The Sixth Crusade (1216-1229) was rendered fruit-
less by the lack of harmony between the popes and the
Emperor Frederick II., and the disposition of the latter to
disregard the interests of the papacy in his treaty-making
with the Saracens. Frederick was in no proper sense a
crusader, and had regard solely to political and personal
considerations.
(6) The Seventh Crusade (1239-1242) was made up of
a French and English expedition, in which neither pope
nor emperor co-operated fully. It was without important
results.
(7) The Eighth Crusade (1248) was led by Louis IX., of
France. His army was almost completely destroyed and
he was taken prisoner ; but he had the satisfaction of
visiting Nazareth in sackcloth on a permit issued by the
Sultan of Damascus.
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION 461
(8) The Ninth Crusade (1259-1291) embraces several
feeble expeditions. The crusading spirit was almost
extinct, and the most desperate efforts to reawaken it
proved futile.
(9) Mention should be made of the Children's Crusade
(i2i2)» in which thirty thousand French children, led by
the boy Stephen, went forth under the enthusiasm of the
time, they knew not whither. Multitudes died of ex-
posure and hardship, and several thousands who secured
passage to the East were seized by the Arabs and sold
into slavery. A similar movement, in which twenty
thousand boys and girls were involved, occurred in
Germany. About five thousand reached Genoa, where
they were detained. Many of these became prosperous
citizens.
(10) There were many crusades against heretics in
Europe, as against the Albigenses (1208-1249) and against
the Hussites (1420-1431). These were accompanied by
the indiscriminate massacre of the helpless populations
in the regions invaded.
4. Attitude of the Popes toward the Crusades.
From the beginning the popes recognized in the Cru-
sades a means of influence and aggrandizement and
favored them to the utmost. They sought to impress
upon the princes the wickedness of warring among
themselves, while infidels were allowed to desecrate
the Holy Land and the holy places. They granted
plenary indulgence to all who would go. This involved
forgiveness of past sins and the forgiveness in advance
of any sins they might commit while engaged in cru-
sading, with the assurance of freedom from purgatorial
pains. The prisons of Europe were thrown open and
the worst criminals were encouraged to join the cru-
sading hosts on the same generous conditions. Thus
for two hundred years the popes were at the head of a
movement that was thoroughly popular and absorbed the
attention of Christendom. As feudalism had added vastly
to the territorial possessions of the church, the Crusades
confirmed the church in the possession of the territory
already acquired and gave an opportunity for acquiring
enormous additional wealth. Many an enthusiastic cru-
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462 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
sader, to make his salvation doubly sure, bequeathed his
entire estate to the church in case of his failure to return.
Many in starting needed ready money, which the church
was prepared to furnish on good security. Thus the
church came to possess about one third of the real prop-
erty of Europe.
5. Summary of the Results of the Crusades.
(i) The breaking up of feudalism and the establish-
ment of great nations. Having secured enormous advan-
tages during the periods of turmoil, the church was ready
to avail itself fully of the opportunities that awaited it
during the period of the consolidation of the States of
Europe.
(2) The great increase of the wealth and the power of
the papacy. The power of the pope was beyond all
comparison greater than that of any civil ruler. The
policy of the papacy was consistent, while that of the
civil rulers was fluctuating. The princes became accus-
tomed to follow the leadership of popes and obey their
orders.
(3) The opening up of commerce. This resulted from
the long-continued intercourse between the East and the
West and had great influence upon civilization. Manu-
factures went hand in hand with commerce and the face
of Europe was changed. The vast wealth squandered in
the Crusades was far more than made good by the revival
of trade and manufactures.
(4) The general diffusion of enlightenment. Contact
with the learning and the civilization of the East was not
without its effect on the crusaders. An intellectual ac-
tivity such as had not been known before became almost
as general and as absorbing as the Crusades themselves
had been. The founding of the great universities of the
Middle Ages and the revival of learning were indirect re-
sults of the Crusades.
(5) The building up of great commercial centers whose
interest lay in opposing feudalism and in promoting free-
dom of thought and action was largely due to the Cru-
sades.
(6) The Crusades tended to fuse Christendom into a
homogeneous mass by uniting it in a common cause.
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CHAP, l] SOME ASPECTS OF MEOliCVAL CIVILIZATION 463
(7) The Crusades proved in the end a means of weak-
ening, as earlier they were the means of strengthening,
the papal cause. The popes continued to urge the rulers
to engage in crusades long after the spirit of crusading
had departed, and thus had the misfortune to advocate
an unpopular cause. Moreover, the growth of intelli-
gence, freedom of thought, commercial and manufacture
ing enterprise, strong national governments, etc., was
adverse to papal absolutism.
VIII. THE INQUISITION.
LITERATURE: Llmbord^,'* Lib^r SfnUntiarum Inamsitiams Tolosatut^
1 307-1^23," i^« Llorente, ^'Histoirt Critiqus at V Inquisition ttEs-
tagm^ 1^17 ; Gams, "^ Di$ Kirchtngisch. von Spani^n,** Bd. III. ; Ber-
nardus Guidonis, '^ Practica Inquisitionts Hirttica Pravitatis,'^ ed.
Douais, 1886; Dollinger/* Btitwe {ur Sektsng$sch. d. M, /^.," Bd. II.
(contains many important inquisUonal documents); Fredericq/* Cor-
tus Docummtorum Inquisitionts H^rsticaf Pravitatis Nurlandicm^ 1889*
seq*; Molinier, '' U Inquisition dans I4 midide la Francs au XIII, ttauXik^,
SucU,'' 1881 ; Hoffmann, ''Gesch. d. Inquisition,'' 1878 ; Lea, " A Hist,
of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages,^ 3 vols., 1888 (by far the best
work in any language, being based upon exhaustive research and
written with masterly skill).
I. T^iseofthe Inquisition.
(i) The inquisition of heresy was from the early time
a function of each bishop, and in a sense, of each parish
priest. The theory had long prevailed that out of the
church there is no salvation and the toleration of
heresy was looked upon as involving the gravest and
most culpable neglect of duty. As the organization of
the hierarchical church grew more complete, and as doc-
trine came to be more rigorously defined, it was natural
that increasing stress should be laid upon the enforce-
ment of uniformity in doctrine and practice. Aggressive
and ambitious popes were sure to insist with even greater
rigor upon the diligent inquisition and punishment of
heresy on the part of metropolitans, bishops, and civil
rulers. When heresy became so widespread and aggres-
sive as to threaten the foundations of ecclesiastical au-
thority, it might have been expected that the Roman
Curia and General Councils would adopt measures of
universal applicability for its extermination, and as the
business of searching out and punishing heresy became
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464 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
great and complicated it might have been expected that
an Inquisitor General and a special Board or Congrega-
tion would be created in the Curia for its superintend-
ence. Heresy was generally looked upon by churchmen
as the greatest possible evil, and the heretic as the
enemy of God and meti and as worthy of no humane
consideration.
(2) The early tradition (confirmed by a bull of Pope
Sixtus V.)that Dominic (founder of the Dominican order)
was commissioned by Innocent HI. to establish the In-
quisition, seems not to be in accord with the facts.* But
that the Dominicans were from the beginning the chief
promoters and agents of the Inquisition there can be no
doubt.
(3) The Councils of Montpelier and Lateran (1215)
both enacted rigorous decrees for compelling bishops
to greater diligence in the inquisition of heresy. The
Council of Narbonne (1227) made it obligatory upon
every bishop to constitute in each parish a special com-
mission for searching out and reporting cases of heresy.
Where bishops were suspected of indifference or ineffi-
ciency papal legates (usually monks) were sent into their
dioceses to assist in the matter, and if necessary to act
independently.
(4) The Emperor Frederick II., though a pronounced
antagonist of the papacy, joined hands with the popes in
the persecution of heresy (1220-1239). Laws were en-
acted requiring those suspected to purge themselves, de-
privation of all civil rights being the penalty. Heresy of
every kind was made a criminal offense. Obstinate
heretics were condemned to the stake; those. that re-
canted were to be imprisoned for life ; those that re-
lapsed were to be executed ; the property of heretics
was to be confiscated and their heirs disinherited ; favor-
ers of heretics were to be banished and their property
confiscated ; houses of heretics and their friends were to
be destroyed and never rebuilt ; the lands of civil rulers
who should neglect to purge them of heresy were to be
open for occupancy by any Catholic who would extirpate
heresy therefrom. Frederick was prompt to place at the
1 Sm LtA» V«L L. p. 999» Mf.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION 465
disposal of the organized Inquisition all the machinery of
the civil government. A more sanguinary code can
hardly be conceived.
(5) In 1233 Gregory IX. assigned the prosecution of
heresy to the Dominicans and armed them with au-
thority to carry on their work everywhere independently
of the bishops. From their decisions there was to be no
appeal, and they were authorized to call in the aid of the
secular arm. 1 he transition from the earlier episcopal
inquisition to the Inquisition as a department of the papal
government entrusted to the Dominicans was thus a
gradual one. For years permanent tribunals had existed
in the south of France (Toulouse, Carcassone, etc.) con-
ducted under the direction of the popes. The papal bulls
of 1233 completed the process of supplanting the epis-
copal inquisition by the papal. Yet the bishops were not
wholly relieved of responsibility ; but were urged to
greater diligence and to hearty co-operation with official
inquisitors.
(6) Another stage in the development of the Inquisition
is marked by the bull of Innocent IV. ("^44 Extirpanda/'
May, 1252). The aim of this document was to extend
the organized inquisition of heresy to every community.
All rulers are required to put heretics under the ban.
Each magistrate must appoint, on the nomination of
the bishop and of representatives of the Dominican and
Franciscan orders, twelve good Catholics and several
clerical assistants, whose sole business it should be to
arrest heretics, seize their goods, and deliver them up for
trial to the bishop or his representatives. Their wages
and expenses were to be paid by the civil government
and by fines and confiscations. They were to be ap-
pointed for six months, subject to removal at any time
and to reappointment. They were to be exempt from
civil duties and from interference by civil authorities.
As the commission went from place to place it was to be
accompanied by a deputy of the civil ruler who was re-
quired to summon three men of good repute and to compel
them to give full information regarding heretics within
their knowledge. The civil authorities were required to
act in entire subserviency to the inquisitors, and to have
lists of all heretics made out, to be read three times a
n
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466 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
year in public. The local inquisitors were to have a
third of the proceeds of confiscations and fines, the cities
a third, and the bishops the other third. Officials were
required, on pain of excommunication for themselves
and interdict for the city, to inscribe these regulations in
the statute books. Every ruler was required to appoint
three good Catholics, nominated by the ecclesiastical
authorities, whose business it should be to prosecute him
for any failure to carry out the requirements of the bull
and to report on the conduct of his predecessor in office.
Revised editions of this bull were issued in 1254, 1255,
1256, 1257, 1259, and 1265.
(7) The completeness with which these requirements
were carried out depended upon the subserviency of the
civil rulers. In Italy, Spain, and Southern France the
Inquisition was established in all of its irresponsibility
and terrible rigor. In most parts of Germany it was ap-
plied only partially and spasmodically.
(2) The office of Inquisitor General was created by
Urban IV. in 1262, one of the cardinals having been up
to this time charged with the general superintendency of
inquisitorial work.
2. The Inquisitorial Process.
(i) The evils of the Inquisition were exaggerated by
the fact that the avarice of the ecclesiastical authorities
and of informers was greatly stimulated by the practice
of confiscating the estates of convicted heretics and of
dividing the proceeds between the authorities and the in-
formers. The censure and obloquy resting upon officials
of the Inquisition who should fail to convict any one who
might afterward be proved guilty was so grave that in-
quisitors felt bound to use all diligence, and to convict
by all means if grave suspicion rested upon the accused.
The benefit of the doubt was by no means likely to be
given to one who had fallen into the clutches of the In-
quisition. As evidence must be found for the conviction
of suspected heretics, torture in its most exquisite and
varied forms was employed in order to compel confession
of personal guilt and betrayal of accomplices. Skilled
cross-questioners were employed to use every device for
betraying the victims into damaging admissions, and
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. I J SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 467
false promises of favor were often made to secure con-
fession.
(2) Abundant information has been preserved in the
handbool<s of the Inquisition as to the means employed
for eliciting evidence. The facts ascertained in any way
with reference to each sect or class of heretics were care-
fully recorded and placed at the disposal of inquisitors
everywhere. The particular methods that had succeeded
in given cases were described for the guidance of others.
Modes of expression or the avoidance of particular words
and phrases were carefully noted. In fact, everything
that would occur to a skilled detective was sure to be
thought out by one or other of the multitude of able men
employed in inquisitorial processes and even if the in-
quisitors had been scrupulously careful not to condemn
the innocent there was little chance that one really
guilty should escape. The details of the inquisitorial
process, including the accusation, the denunciation, the
examination, the application of torture, imprisonment in
the dungeons of the Inquisition with all the horrible ac-
cessories that human ingenuity could devise, the sen-
tence (with its mocking prayer to the civil authorities for
executive clemency), the execution, the confiscation of
estates, the branding of the families of condemned here-
tics with perpetual infamy, cannot be given here.*
3. Effects of the Inquisition.
(i) It could not have failed to brutalize those who
were immediately engaged in the work and all who
sympathized therewith. The frequent perpetration in
every community of the horrible scenes accompanying
the trial and execution of heretics, and the unpitying, often
gloating, attitude of inquisitors and spectators, must have
exerted a powerfully demoralizing influence. The earlier
influence of Christian teaching and life upon barbarian
sentiment and custom was humanizing and refining. In
the Inquisition all the worst features of pagan cruelty
were revived and indefinitely intensified and multiplied.
The encouragement given to the gratification of private
1 The reader Is referred to Lea's great work for the details of the process and for
concrete cases of Its application In the different countries of Europe.
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468 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
malice and avarice must have wrought disastrously to
the public sense of righteousness and fair dealing. In
general, it appealed to and stimulated the basest passions
and propensities of the human soul. It reacted power-
fully upon civil law and administration and largely neu-
tralized the humanizing effects that Christianized Roman
law had earlier produced. It tended to destroy good
neighborliness among the people. Each was under ob-
ligation to act as a spy upon the private religious life of
the other, and each regarded the other as his possible
betrayer.
(2) It powerfully stimulated and intensified dissent
from the hierarchy, which could not fail to be regarded as
antichristian by those who knew something of the spirit
of the gospel. The Inquisition destroyed, it is probable,
hundreds of thousands of the most earnest and steadfast
representatives of evangelical Christianity. A far larger
number in each community were compelled by tortures
and despair to deny their faith. It was the experience
of inquisitors that such rarely became good Catholics,
but continued secretly and sometimes openly to practise
and propagate their heresy. It is in accord with the
principles of human nature that the sufferings endured
would intensify their hatred of the pretended Christi-
anity of which they were the victims. Again, it dissem-
inated the persecuted forms of Christianity throughout
Europe. Even the most remote and inaccessible regions
became filled with anti-Romanist Christians. It led the
various bodies of evangelical Christians to perfect their
organization and their methods of secret propagandism.
The organized and omnipresent vigilance of the Inquisi-
tion had to be met by equal astuteness and resourceful-
ness on the part of the hunted evangelicals. Europe
became covered with a system of secret evangelical
agencies that could carry forward Christian work in the
very teeth of the Inquisition. The multitudinous trade-
guilds and secret societies of various kinds became most
efficient agencies for the propagation of anti-Romanist
teaching. Along with the growth of evangelical dissent
skepticism and infidelity greatly increased by way of
revolt against papal atrocity and dogmatism.
(3) It co-operated with other influences in bringing the
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDI>£VAL CIVILIZATION 469
papacy into disrepute and effecting the papal captivity
and schism ; in causing the revolt of Germany against
the papacy (under Louis the Bavarian, 1324 onward), of
England (Wycliffite movement, 1360 onward), of Bohe-
mia (Hussite movement, 1410 onward) ; and finally in
bringing about the Protestant Revolution of the sixteenth
century. The Christian consciousness was outraged by
the Inquisition, and was sure to have its revenge.
IX. MEDIi€VAL UNIVERSITIES.
LITERATURE: Denlfle, '* Die EntsUhung d, Unrc, d. MitUlaltirs" ;
Rashdail, ** Universities of the Middle Ages," 3 vols. ; Budseus,
^'Historia Unhtrsitatis Paris,** 6 vols., 16(55-73; Dollinger, '' Du
Uniwrsitdiin Sonsi wtd J$ttt'* ; Brodrick. *' A Hist, of the Univ. of
Oxford" : Mullinger, '^A Hist, of the Univ. of Cambridge" ; art.
••Universities" in •• Encyc. Brit."; Lacroix, ••Sc. and Ut. in the
Mid. Ages," pp. 1-40.
The impulse given to education by Charlemagne was
never entirely lost. The Palatine school in which Alcuin
taught and in which Charlemagne and his court learned
was not a university, but was a precursor of universities.
In the schools of Charlemagne and his successors were
taught the trivium (grammar, logic, and rhetoric) and
the quadrivium (music, arithmetic, geometry, and astron-
omy). During the early Middle Ages teaching was almost
confined to the monasteries. The intellectual activity
awakened by the Crusades began to manifest itself
everywhere during the twelfth century. Eagerness for
knowledge may be said to have been epidemic during
the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries.
I. Origin of Universities.
We may distinguish two classes of universities : those
that were developed out of monastic or cathedral schools,
as Paris, Oxford, etc., and those that grew up around some
great teacher, or were founded by States or municipali-
ties. The great importance that came to be attached to
civil and canon law during the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies created a demand for teaching in these branches
of study. There appeared in Bologna about i icx) a cele-
brated teacher of Roman law, Irnerius by name. His rep-
utation soon extended over Europe and students flocl<ed
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470 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
to Bologna from all quarters. His more advanced pupils
were naturally drawn into the work of teaching to meet
the ever-growing demand. It was not long before in-
struction in civil law was supplemented by faculties of
canon law, theology, etc. Emperors and popes vied with
each other in extending protection and more material
favors to the institution. The university idea once hav-
ing taken hold upon the public mind it became the am-
bition of every province and of every great city to have
one. The earliest of the universities were Bologna
(1158), Paris (I2CX) or earlier), Montpelier (about 1180),
Oxford (about 1200), Salerno (before 1200). During the
thirteenth century eight new universities were founded,
during the fourteenth century about twenty, during the
fifteenth about twenty more, and two were founded at
the beginning of the sixteenth century. Many of these
universities numbered their students by thousands, some
by tens of thousands.
The term ** university " was not universally or exclusively applied
to higher institutions of learning. Unnsfrsitas means primarily a
cofparatioH^ and was applied in the Middle Ages to civil corporations,
etc. Among the terms commonly applied in mediseval documents to
higher educational institutions are stydium gemraU, studhtm com^
ntum^ siudmm untvirsaU^gemralis disciplma^ as well as universitas
and uHtviTsitas studii. The term unmersitas seems never to have
meant, in mediaeval usage, an institution where all branches of
learning were taught.^ It was sometimes applied to a single faculty
of an institution of higher learning.
2. Internal Organisation of Mediaeval Universities.
At first there was little or no organization. Those who
could teach taught, the more advanced scholars assisting
the teachers proper. There were no fixed rules of gov-
ernment, each case of discipline being disposed of on its
own merits. But the concourse of thousands of men and
youths of various nationalities and degrees of culture
soon made it absolutely necessary to develop a complete
organization. Relations between students and teachers,
between students and teachers of one nation and those
of another, and between university and city or province,
had to be definitely determined. Regular forms of pro-
> Denlfle. S«it. 3a. Mf .
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 471
motion to the teacher's office and to various academic de-
grees must be prescribed, etc.
(i) Relations between Students and Masters. Two classes
of universities may here be indicated: Universities of
scholars and universities of masters. The Italian univer*
sities grew up for the most part out of law and medical
schools and in the midst of republican forms of govern-
ment and republican sentiment. These were accordingly
universities of scholars. In these the appointment of
officers and the government of the entire body was in
the hands of students and teachers alike. At the begin-
ning most of the students were doubtless mature and
earnest and little risk was involved. The University of
Paris and the universities modeled after it, were univer-
sities of masters. This is to be accounted for by the fact
that it was developed out of a monastic or cathedral
school in which rigorous discipline had been practised
and the old relation was sustained in the new order of
things. The work of masters or doctors was three-fold :
lecturing, repeating, and disputing.
(2) nJiviston into Nations. All the nations together
elected a rector, who held his position for a stated time
and who stood at the head of university administration.
Each nation elected a procurator, or counselor, to repre-
sent it in general university affairs and to preside in all
matters affecting the internal interests of the nation.
The procurators constituted a sort of senate for the
rector.
The *^ nations'* in the various universities did not strictly follow
national lines. The masters and students of several nations were
often grouped in one '* nation," and those belonging to the same
nationality were sometimes subdivided into several " nations." In
the University of Paris the nations were France, England, Nor-
mandy, and Picardy. All but England were virtually French, and
England embraced not only Great Britain but neariy the whole of
Northern and Eastern Europe. The intention was to give to French-
men a preponderance in tne government of the institution. The
'* English nation" became the '^German nation" in 1437 because of
hostility between France and England.
(3) Privileges and Immunities of Universities. Univer-
sities usually sought and obtained the right of self-gov-
ernment, involving immunity from municipal interference.
Misconduct of students often led to serious conflicts with
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472 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
the police, and jeopardized the right of self-government.
Threats to remove the university to another town usually
brought the municipal authorities to terms and the ** boy-
cott " was very treely and persistently employed as a
means of punishing obnoxious inn-keepers and shop*
keepers. The university authorities dictated the price
of lodgings, provisions, writing materials, manuscript
books, etc.
3. The University of Paris.
We may illustrate the constitution and work of a me-
diaeval university by giving some particulars regarding
the University of Paris, the greatest and most influen-
tial of them all. The faculty of arts embraced the Mv-
ium and the quadrivium. There were faculties of the-
ology, canon law, civil law, and medicine.* The fac-
ulty of arts had four proctors, one for each nation. The
faculty of theology, besides its dean, appointed each year
a syndic to manage its business. The other faculties
had each a dean. The proctors and deans, with the rec-
tor, who was nominated by the proctors and who must
belong to the arts faculty, constituted the highest tribu-
nal of the university. The rector while in office had
almost absolute power.
The University of Paris was fostered by popes and
kings alike. The Sorbonne,or theological faculty (founded
by Robert Sorbon in 1250), came to be the highest the-
ological authority in the world, not excepting that of the
popes themselves, with whom it was frequently in col-
lision.
The glories of the University of Paris are eloquently
set forth by Lacroix :
If BoloRna might boast her civil lawyers. Salerno her physicians,
Paris might vie with these great schools in their peculiar studies,
and in herself concentered the fame of all, especially of the highest-
theology. The university of Paris had its inviolable privileges, its
own endowments, government, laws, magistrates, jurisdiction; it
was a State within a State, a city within a city, a cnurch within a
church. It refused to admit within its walls the sergeant of the
1 Accordlnir to an early account canon and civil law were at one time grouped to-
retlier and " rational, natural, and moral philosophy " formed the fourth. This four-
fold division of what Is called the " fountain of wisdom ** is compared. In a *' letter
of the university of masters and scholars studying at Paris," »$4* to the tour rtvert
of paradise. (See penlfle, Sftt, 67, uq.)
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MED1>EVAL CIVILIZATION 473
mayor of Paris, the apparitors of the bishop of Paris ; It opened Its
gates sullenly and reluctantly to the king's officers.
4. Contents of the Courses of Instruction.
The necessity of dictating both the text and the eluci-
dation greatly limited the ground that could be covered
in any department.
(i) in theology the Bible and the " Four Books of Sen
tences," by Peter Lombard, were the customary text
books. Six years were normally spent in biblical study
This completed, the student became a "sententiary,'
and began to study Peter Lombard. With the comple
tion of the third book he became a '* formed bachelor.*
After the completion of the fourth book he must remain
for three years in the university to exercise himself in
disputing and preaching before he could become a " mas-
ter " in theology. This course presupposes the arts de-
gree or its equivalent. (2) In canon and civil law the
"Decretum of Gratian," the "Theodosian Code," and
the Justinian books comprised the texts. (3) In medicine,
Avicenna (an Arabian author), Hippocrates, and Galen
were the chief texts. (4) In arts Aristotle, Porphyry,
and Priscian were most frequently used. (5) The mas-
ters sometimes compiled summaries of the authors stud-
ied, which practically took the place of the full texts.
Readers were in many cases employed to dictate texts.
(6) Besides the texts and the lectures by the masters
disputations were frequently held between masters and
students for the benefit of the latter. Masters also held
public disputations among themselves which did much
toward devoloping the dialectic spirit. The quodlibeta-
rian disputations, in which masters offered to discuss
any subject that might be mooted with any one who
might present himself, always awakened great interest
as occasions on which brilliant men could distinguish
themselves for learning and dialectic skill. (7) From
this brief account it will be evident that there was in the
mediaeval universities no such thing as research. The
inductive method had not yet been introduced, and the
methods of discovering truth were not yet available.
There was abundance of zeal for learning, but it was not
according to understanding, and the universities did little
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
474 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IV.
beyond conserving the learning of the older time, per-
fecting the scholastic philosophy and theology, sharpen-
ing the intellect by excessive application to dialectics,
and making skilled sophists. Most of the independent
thinking of the age was outside of university circles.
X. MEDIAEVAL THEOLOGY.
LITERATURE: Pertinent sectioifs In the histories of Philosophy,
by Uet)erweff, Erdmann, Ritter, Windelband, and Weber ; Maurice,
*• Mor. and Metaph. Philosophy," Vol. I., p. 432, stq,^ Vol. II., p. i,
s$q, ; works of the leading mediaeval theologians (Roscellinus, Scotus
Erigena, At)elard, Peter Lombard, Anselm, Thomas Aquinas, Duns
Scotus, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Occam, etc. ) ; Hampden,
•• Bampton Lectures " ; Lacroix, " Science and Literature of the Mid-
dle Ages," pp. 41-76; works on the history of doctrine, by Har-
nack, Loofs, Seeberg, Baur, Fisher, Sheldon, etc. ; Werner, " Dis
Scholastik dn spateren Mitttlalttrs " ; Rousselot, '' Etudss sur la Phil,
dans U Moytn-lAgt^^ ; Harper, ** The Metaphysics of the Schools " ;
Lowe, " Dif Kamtf twischin dim T{talismus und Nommalismus im Mil-
Ulalter^* ; Nitzsch, ^* Di$ Ursachtn des Umschwmgs wid olufschwimgs
dif Scholastik im XllL Jahrh." ; Reuter, ** dsch. d, nl. Mufkidruni tm
M. j4"; encyclopedia articles on '* Scholasticism " and the leading
scholastics.
The beginning of the present period found theological
science in a degenerate and moribund condition. The
achievements of the preceding periods were not even
being properly conserved, and advance was out of the
question. The impulse given by Charlemagne to the
revival of learning was never wholly lost in the time of
feudalistic disintegration and demoralization ; and the
age of the Crusades, as has already been pointed out,
brought with it a reawakening of interest in theological
science. Only a brief outline of the history of mediaeval
theological thought is here practicable. The doctrinal
controversies of the period are relatively unimportant.
I. Incipient Scholasticism.
The term scholasticism (or the teachings of the
schools) has long been used to designate the formal the-
ologizing conducted according to the categories of the
Aristotelian philosophy and with the use of the deductive
method, that prevailed during the Middle Ages and later.
Scholasticism was philosophy in the service of established and
accepted theological doctrines, or, at least, in such subordination to
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CHAP. 1.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 475
them, that where philosophy and theology trod on common ffround,
the latter was received as the absolute norm and criterion or truth.
More particularly, scholasticism was the reproduction of ancient
philosophy under the control of ecclesiastical doctrine, with an ac-
commodation in cases of discrepancy between them, of the former to
the latter.'
(i) The first great representative of the methods of
thought and of discussion that afterward was developed
into full-fledged scholasticism was John Scotus Erigena
(b. 800-810), probably an Irishman by birth and educa-
tion, who was invited (843) by Charles the Bald to the
headship of the palatine school at Paris, which the king
sustained after the example of Charlemagne. He was
employed by the king to translate into Latin the Pseudo-
Dionysian (Christian Neo- Platonic) writings, with the
spirit of which he became deeply imbued. He was
somewhat acquainted with the writings of Plato and of
Aristotle. A very imperfect translation of some of Aris-
totle's dialectical works by Boethius (d. 525), a Roman
statesman and philosopher, had long been in use in
Christian education and had before this time produced a
marked impression on theological thought. As a Chris-
tian Neo-Plafonist, Scotus Erigena opposed the Aristo-
telian theologians, whom he called ''dialecticians.''
The most noteworthy features of his system were the
following : a. He set the example to later scholastic the-
ologians of placing the *' Fathers " on the same level of
authority as the Scriptures. It is not for us to pass judg-
ment on the wisdom of the Fathers, but piously and rev-
erently to accept their teachings. Where they seem to
contradict each other we are at liberty to choose what
seems to us more in accord with the divine oracles.
b. With Augustine, he insisted on the identity of true
philosophy and true religion. He refused to identify true
religion with the current orthodoxy. " Authority pro-
ceeds from true reason, but true reason by no means
proceeds from authority. All authority that is not ap-
proved by true reason seems to be weak.'" He was
thus fundamentally a rationalist and so far fell short of
fully developed scholasticism.
> Ueberweg. *' Hist of Phil..*' Vol. I., p. jss*
< *' Dt DMsiomt Ngturte," Vol. I., pp. 39. n.
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476 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
c. With Pseudo-Dionysius he insisted that God alone
** essentially subsists," that he alone "truly is," that he
is '*the essence of all things," and that he is "the be-
ginning, middle, and end of all things." Our life is
God's life, it is "the Holy Trinity in us" that "loves,
sees, moves." His doctrine of the Trinity was deeply
tinged with Neo-Platonism.
d. His doctrine of universals laid the basis for the later
realism. He held that universals are before and also in
the individual objects ; but he did not develop his real-
istic teaching. As a Neo-Platonist he could not consist-
ently have held to nominalism, the doctrine in accord-
ance with which universals are mere abstractions formed
in the mind by a contemplation of individual objects.
Universals rather are the divine ideas, which alone are
realities and of which individual objects are the non-sub-
stantial copies. The Platonic realism, in accordance with
which universals exist apart from and before the individ-
uals, was tempered in Scotus Erigena's scheme by the
Aristotelian view that universals exist only in the indi-
viduals. They exist both before and in the individuals.
e. The influence of Aristotle is everywhere manifest in
his methods of discussion.
(2) j4nselm of Canterbury (1033-1109) represents an-
other important stage in the development of scholas-
ticism. He was a contemporary of Hildebrand and of
Peter Damiani and was in thorough sympathy with the
aggressive hierarchical strivings of these great prelates.
He has been designated, with some propriety, "the fa-
ther of scholasticism." He is best known for his elab-
oration of the ontological argument for the existence of
God (in his ** Proslogium ") and of the satisfaction theory
of the atonement (in his **Cur Deus Homo?*'). He
adopted the Socratic method of argumentation, and most
of his writings are free from the formalism and the end-
less definitions and distinctions of the fully developed
scholasticism.
He differed from Scotus Erigena and agreed with the
later scholastics in the following particulars : a. He in-
sisted on unconditional submission to ecclesiastical au-
thority. "I believe, that I may know," was his favorite
maxim, and his creed was the dogma of the church.
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIi€VAL CIVILIZATION 477
Scientific insight the theologian should seel< to attain ;
but reason is to be held in the strictest subordination to
creed.
b. While he made considerable use of Platonism and
Neo-Platonism, he was not dominated by these modes of
thought.
c. He was fundamentally a realist, but his realism was
further removed from pantheism than that of Scotus
Erigena. His realism appears in his proof of the exist-
ence of God, in his doctrine of the Trinity, and in his
doctrine of hereditary sin.
(3) Roscellinus, a contemporary of Anselm, if not the
founder of nominalism, was the first to develop it fully
and to advance its positions in a polemical manner.
Roscellinus insisted that universals are mere mental ab-
stractions formed from the contemplation of individuals,
mere names. He applied this theory to the doctrine of
the Trinity in such a way as to call down upon himself
the censure of Anselm and others and condemnation at
the Council of Soissons (1092) for tritheistic heresy. He
insisted that just as color is nothing apart from the body
in which it inheres, so personality is nothing apart from
the person. Assuming the orthodox doctrine of the tri-
personality of the GcShead, he maintained that these
three persons have each a distinct subsistence, yet are
absolutely the same in will and power.
(4) Realism, in a more decided form than that of An-
selm, was popularly taught by William of Champeaux
(1070-1121), who for some years before 1108 was at the
head of the cathedral school at Paris and who ended his
life as Bishop of Ch&lons.
(5) Abelard (1079-1142) was taught by Roscellinus and
William of Champeaux and was one of the greatest
thinkers and teachers of his age. Erdmann characterizes
him as an " incarnation of French scholasticism with its
acuteness and elegance." His romantic love affair with
Heloise, a highly gifted young woman for whom he con-
ceived an undying affection, caused much scandal and
greatly marred his career. He was accused also of inor-
dinate ambition and of avarice, shown in his relations to
William of Champeaux in the Paris cathedral school. He
was bitterly assailed for heresy by Bernard of Clair-
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478 MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
vaux and made his peace with the church by abject hu-
miliation and recantation of the errors with which he
was charged. He was strongly inclined toward rational-
ism and was combative in a high degree ; but he had not
the moral courage of which martyrs are made, and his
career was an inglorious one.
The most characteristic features of his theology (or
philosophy) are : a. His attempt to mediate between the
nominalism of Roscellinus and the extreme realism of
William of Champeaux. He insisted that universals ex-
ist not in words as such (voces), but in words employed
to express thought {semtones). In opposition to Wil-
liam's contention that the universal in its totality dwells
in each individual object, he insisted that the universal
is that whose nature it is to be predicated of several
objects.
Abelard's view is frequently designated conceptualism ; but it
falls far short of the fully developed conceptualism of the later time.
It is doubtful whether Roscellinus would have objected to his max-
im that only words conveying thought (sirmones) are predlcable, as
contrasted with mere words (voces). Most nominalists would have
accepted it. Abelard. therefore, may properly be classed with the
nominalists, though his language doubtless suggested the concep-
tualism of the later time.
b. He combated the extreme realistic position that
universals have an independent existence before the
individuals (Platonic ideas).
c. He was strongly inclined to reject the absolute au-
thority of the church, but did not have the courage to
remain steadfast in this position. In his work " Yes and
No" C'Sic et Non") he arrays the authorities against
each other on each matter of discussion, thus exhibiting
the worthlessness of human authority. No doubt he
was himself a decided skeptic and his methods of discus-
sion greatly promoted skepticism. Bernard had a correct
Instinct when he was remorselessly pursuing him as an
enemy of orthodoxy and of ecclesiastical authority. He
insisted on the right and duty of investigation and sought
to show that skepticism is a condition of earnest research.
Where absolute proof regarding any doctrine cannot be
reached, the moral consciousness must be our guide.
Peter de Bruys and Arnold of Brescia were his pupils.
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CHAP. 1.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIi€VAL CIVILIZATION 479
Bernard claimed that Abelard " savored of Arius when he spoke
of the Trinity, of Pelagius when he spoke of grace, and of Nes-
tonus when he spoke of the person of Christ," and that ** while he
labored to prove Plato a Christian, he showed himself a heathen.*'
(6) Peter Lombard (d. 1160) wrought the orthodox
scholasticism of his time into a convenient handbook
(''Four Books of Sentences ") which for centuries served
as a text-book in many of the universities. The great
scholastic theologians made the " Sentences " the basis
of their lectures.
2. Mediaeval Arabian Philosophy.
During the early part of the present period the Chris-
tians of Syria developed considerable interest in Greek
philosophy and science and made translations of the
works of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Themistius, Alexander
of Aphrodisias, etc. These Syriac versions were trans-
lated into Arabic by Mohammedan scholars. A number
of the writings of Plato and the Neo-Platonists were also
rendered from the Syriac into the Arabic during the early
Middle Ages. On the basis of the Greek philosophy and
science, considerably modified by this process of transla-
tion and retranslation, there grew up in the East, in
North Africa, and in Spain, a remarkable Saracenic cuN
ture. "The whole philosophy of the Arabians was only
a form of Aristotelianism, tempered more or less with
Neo-Platonic conceptions " (Ueberweg).
The most important of the Arabic philosophers as
regards their influence on mediaeval Christian thought
were Avempace (d. 11 38), Abubacer (d. 1185), and Averr-
oes (d. 1 198).
This vigorous Neo-PIatonized Aristotelianism was made
available to Christian thinkers in part directly through
the sojourn of Christian students among the Arabs, and
in part indirectly through the Jewish philosophers, who
mastered the Arabic learning and developed a Jewish
speculative philosophy of which the Cabbala is one of
the most remarkable products, and of which Avicebron
(d. 1080) and Moses Maimonides were the most illustrious
representatives.
To the Arabs and the Jews mediaeval Christian the-
ologians were indebted for a remarkable scientific im-
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48o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
pulse and for a better knowledge of Aristotle, Plato, and
the Neo-Platonic writers. For further details reference
must be made to the works on the history of philosophy
and to monographs on the individual writers and doc-
trines concerned.
3. Fully Developed Scholasticism.
( / ) Th$ FwidammUal Prme^U of Scholasticism,
This was absolute submission to authority. Nothing is
right or wrong, good or evil in itself. If God should re-
verse the relations of right and wrong, good and evil,
we should be bound to call wrong right and evil good.
The church is the final and absolute judge of what the
will of God is at any particular time and under any par-
ticular circumstances. The teachings of the church must
therefore be accepted and defended without regard to the
dictates of conscience or reason. The tendency of the
entire mediaeval system was in the direction of dethron-
ing conscience in the individual and making the will of
the hierarchy the conscience of the entire priestly and
monastic body, and through this body, of the entire con-
stituency of the church.
(2) ThtMaUrial.
The teachings of the church are to be found in the
Bible (including the Old Testament Apocrypha), the
decretals of popes, the canons of councils, the writings
of the early Fathers, etc. The Bible is authoritative
only as it has been authoritatively interpreted by the
church, and so ceases to have any independent influence
upon thought. The premises for philosophical and the-
ological reasoning are thus unalterably fixed for the indi-
vidual. There is no inducement to apply the intellect to
the searching after truth by scientific methods. To at-
tempt to arrive at the exact teaching of the Scriptures by
a study of the original languages and the application of
correct exegetical principles would have been regarded
as an impertinence, and would have subjected a person
to persecution for heresy. For the same reason the
history of the growth of opinion had no interest for
scholastics.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP.L] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 481
(^) ThiFarm.
The theology and philosophy of the earlier Middle Ages
had consisted largely of a concatenation of pertinent pas-
sages from Fathers, decretals, etc., in support of each
authoritative proposition. Commentaries on the Bible
were scarcely more than catetut of exegetical remarks
gleaned from earlier writers. Later the dialectics of
Aristotle came to be applied and theology assumed a
more systematic form. The authority of Aristotle in all
matters of formal reasoning came to be regarded as al-
most absolute. The work of the theological writer was
now to draw out, according to the categories of Aristotle,
as many conclusions as possible from each authoritative
proposition. Little reference was had to the practical
value of the conclusions, and theology degenerated into
idle hairsplitting, sometimes into gross irreverence.
{4) Effects of Scholasticism,
a. It sharpened the logical faculties without furnishing
fresh materials for thought. The outward form of the-
ology came to be regarded as of supreme importance, the
spirit of Christianity being lost sight of.
b. Scholasticism being a product of papal Christianity
and partaking of its spirit, became one of the greatest
bulwarks of the papacy and has constituted one of the
chief obstacles to the reformation of the Roman Cath-
olic Church.
c. The frivolousness and formalism of mediaeval the-
ology brought about reactions which resulted in evan*
gelical revolt, mysticism, humanism, and finally in the
Protestant Revolution.
(5) Lioding RipriSitUaUois of fiulff Ditilopsd Scholasticism,
a. tAlexander of Hales (d. 1245), surnamed the "Irref
ragable Doctor'^ and the "Monarch of Theologians,*'
was the first scholastic theologian to make full use of
Aristotle's works as they were known among the Sara-
cens and of the Arabic commentaries thereon. He be-
came a member of the Franciscan Order and joined with
the Franciscans in insisting upon the immaculate concep-
tion of Mary. He souebt to justify the withholding of
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48a A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY QPER.IV.
the cup from the laity on the ground that the body con-
tains the blood, i. e., that the transubstantiated bread
contains both body and blood. He was the first to de-
velop fully the doctrine of the 'Mndelible character" of
baptism, confirmation, and ordination. He gave definite
form to the distinction between attrition and contrition
(the former indicating sorrow for sin proceeding from
fear of punishment, the latter, sorrow for sin proceed-
ing from love to God, in connection with repentance),
attrition being considered sufficient. He regarded the
pope as "immediately under God," and so as possessing
supreme earthly authority. He was a realist of the
moderate type, denying that universals are separately
subsisting substances before the individuals and main-
taining that the universal is in the thing as its form.
b. 'Bonaventura, the ''Seraphic Doctor" (d. 1274), was
a Franciscan and was General of the Order (1257 on-
ward). His piety was of a strongly emotional type, like
that of the founder of the Order, and his theology per-
petuated the ascetical mysticism of Bernard of Clair-
vaux and Hugo of St. Victor. As a pupil of Alexander
of Hales he followed him closely in most doctrinal mat-
ters. The influence of Neo-Platonism prevented him
from being fully dominated by the newly recovered
knowledge of Aristotle, whom on the contrary he fre-
quently censured. He denied the immaculate conception
of Mary, holding that the sanctification occurred in her
mother's womb. He laid less stress than Alexander,
Duns Scotus, or Thomas Aquinas on church authority
and upon the mere will of God ; but sought rather to
find rational grounds for each position taken. Baptism
he regarded as not simply working the forgiveness of
sins but as communicating supernatural virtues. He in-
terested himself little in the question of universals, con-
tenting himself with the assertion that God is not only
the beginning and end of all things, but their archetypal
ground as well. He insisted on God's providential care
of earthly things, with which he supposed the Aristotelian
objection to the immanence of the ideas of things in the
divine mind was inconsistent.
c. fAlbertus Magnus (d. 1280), the " Universal Doctor,"
mastered the whole of Aristotle as known by the Arabs
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CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDliCVAL CIVILIZATION 483
and the works of the Arabic commentators more com-
pletely than any of his predecessors had done. He was
regarded as a marvel of learning and of philosophical in-
sight. More than any of his predecessors he sought to
adapt the doctrines of Aristotle to the purposes of the
church. He was deeply indebted to the Arabic philoso-
pher Avicenna and to the Jewish Maimonides. He re-
jected Aristotle's theory of the eternity of the creation,
which he did not attempt philosophically to explain, but
classed with the miraculous as to be accepted on faith.
Universals he regarded as existing before the thing (in
the divine mind), in the thing, and after the thing. He
sought thus to combine what was true in realism, nom-
inalism, and conceptualism. Like Alexander and Bona-
ventura he was a Franciscan.
d. Thomas Aquinas^ the "Angelic Doctor" (d. 1274),
was a pupil of Albertus Magnus, and was the greatest of
all the scholastic theologians. His ''Sumtna Theologice**
still occupies the highest rank in the Roman Catholic
Church, and the student of mediaeval thought can find it
here in its most perfect form. More completely than
Albert had done, he exploited the works of Aristotle for
purposes of Christian theology. He rightly regarded the-
ology as the empress of all the sciences and as using all
other sciences for her own purposes. More than other
scholastic theologians he uses the Scriptures, but only for
the confirmation of ecclesiastical dogma. He represents
the principle of absolute subserviency to ecclesiastical
authority in its complete form. He was a realist of the
moderate type, rejecting as absurd the Platonic doctrine
of ideas existing as substantial entities in the divine
mind apart from individuals, but holding that everything
existed in the divine thought before it came into separate
existence. His demonstration of the existence of God,
based upon that of Aristotle, is wrought out with great
thoroughness. Thomas was a member of the Dominican
Order and from this time onward the Dominican theolo-
gians were commonly pronounced realists and were
called Thomists to distinguish them from the nominalistic
followers of Duns Scotus, who were designated Scotists.
e. John Duns Scotus, the "Subtle Doctor" (d. 1308,
aged forty -three or thirty -four, whether Scotch, Irish, or
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
484 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
English is uncertain), was a Franciscan and gained great
distinction in the University of Oxford, where several of
his works were published. He was removed by the au-
thorities of his Order to Paris to defend the immaculate
conception of Mary against the Dominicans, and through
the performance of this task and his brilliant lectures in
the University of Paris, won the reputation of being the
foremost theologian in the world. In the midst of his
glorious career he was ordered by his general to take
charge of a convent in Cologne. This he did without
even taking time to bid adieu to his brethren in Paris
and without a murmur. The principle of absolute and
unquestioning obedience to his superiors dominated his
life.
Even supposing the longer period assigned to his life to be correct,
the amount and Quality of his literary product is astonishing. He
had the work of Albert and of Thomas t>ehind him, and the full
fruitage of mediaeval Mohammedan and Jewish thought was readily
available to him. He accepted unquestioningly the authority of
Scripture and that of the church. '* Nothing is to be held as of the
substance of the faith, except what can be expressly had from Scrip-
ture, or has been expressly declared through the church, or evidently
follows from something plainly contained in Scripture or plainly de-
termined by the church," He extended considerably the scope of
Christian teaching that must be accepted on faith and could not be
rationally established. What the church declares heresy must be
accepted as such without question. The principle of blind submis-
sion to papal authority was never accepted with less reserve. His
subtlety was expended almost wholly on efforts to discredit the
reasoning by which his predecessors had sought to establish church
dogma. Naturally Thomas Aquinas, the great Dominican, was the
chief object of his attack. He not only showed the inadequacy of the
rational g^rounds on which the doctrine of the Trinity and omer spe-
cifically Christian doctrines were based, but also denied that the doc-
trine of the creation of the world out of nothing and the immortality
of the soul could be demonstrated. He attached less importance to
Aristotle and more to Plato and the Neo-PIatonists than did Thomas.
He was a moderate realist, like Thomas, holdlne that universals are
before. In, and after individuals. His univers^ skepticism regard-
ing the inadequacy of rational proofs for Christian doctrines was far
more widely influential during the stormy times that followed his
death (Papal Captivity, Papal Schism, Renaissance, etc.) than his
Insistence on blind submission to authority ; and the later nominal-
ism, with its bold skepticism even In relation to church authority,
was a legitimate outcome of his teachings.
/. William Occam (d, 1347) was the reviver of nom-
inalism, and to his influence is due the renewed emphasis
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. I.] SOME AFFECTS OF MEDIi€VAL CIVILIZATION 485
that was placed by the Thomists on the defense of real-
ism as a bulwark of orthodoxy. From this time onward
scholastic theology was divided into two hostile factions,
realists (Thomists) and nominalists (Scotists). Occam
went beyond Duns Scotus in his skepticism, denying that
any theological doctrines are demonstrable by pure reason.
He maintained that universals do not exist in things, but
in the thinking mind. Outside of the mind they are only
words. Ideas do not exist in God as substantial entities,
but only as thoughts or plans. He laid great stress on
intuition as a source of knowledge. Occam prepared the
way for the application of the inductive method to the
study of nature and of mind. He was among the most
zealous advocates of ecclesiastical and political reform.
4. Mediofval Mysticism.
Literature: Published works of Eckart, Suso. Tauler, Ruys-
broek. and Thomas a Kempls; the "German Theology" (Engflsh
trans.) ; Preger, " C^sch. d* dnUdun Mysiik im M. ^." ; Jundt,
^^Histairt du PoMthiisnu popuiain au Af. ^.; Denlfle, **MmUr Echaris
LaUiniscki SchrtfUn und dis GruudoMschauuHg siiner Uhre " (in ^^Archiv
/. Lit, u. KirciiHgtsch, d. Af. -r<.," 'Bd. 11., pp. 417-^8) : Vaughan,
*' Hours with the Mystics "; Pfelifer, *' 'Drntscht MysUlur^': Schmidt,
''Eiudn smr U Aifstidstiu alUmand au XIV. SucU" ; Schmidt, '7.
Ta$d^ von Strasshtrg" ; articles on ** Afystik" and on the various
mystics with full bibliography in Herzog-Hauck.
The influence of Neo-Platonism (especially of the
Pseudo-Dionysian literature) on the devout thinking of
the mediaeval times was from the beginning of the period
considerable. It gave intensity and fervor to the ascet-
ical piety of Bernard, of Hugo and Richard of St. Victor,
of Albertus Magnus, of Bonaventura, and of many other
eminent thinkers. The dominance of Aristotelian dia-
lectics, and the degeneration of Christian thinking into
hairsplitting subtleties and barren abstractions, could not
fail to produce a reaction in the minds of those who
cared more about the reality of religious experience than
about mere formal statements of truth. 1 he growth of
sacramentalism, which attached saving grace to mere
outward forms and ceremonies, and which, by making the
priesthood the channel through which alone spiritual
benefits could be procured, tended to destroy the imme-
diate communion of the soul with God, and failed to sat-
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
486 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
isfy those who felt that direct communion with God is
alone efficacious.
In the Dominican Order, which produced a Thomas
Aquinas and was the chief agency in establishing and
conducting the Inquisition, there arose in Germany to-
ward the close of the thirteenth century that peculiar
type of religious thought and life known as Mysticism.
(/) Characteristics of German Mysticism,
a. One of the most fundamental features of German
mysticism was an intense striving in the present life to
transcend the human, and to attain to a state of perfect
union and communion with God.
b. A fundamental doctrine with the mystics was the
absoluteness of God and the nothingness of man. To
God alone can being be ascribed. God is above all
names. Names given him by men simply indicate his
relations. All creatures have their source of life in him.
Being capable of self-knowledge and self-revelation, God
developed the Trinity out of himself. God as Son, by
means of the Spirit, disseminated the divine essence in
the visible world. According to its very nature the di-
vine principle seeks to return to its original oneness.
This, then, is the ideal of Christian life : to seek absorp-
tion into the divine essence. In these conceptions we
see the influence of Platonism, especially as developed
in the works of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite.
c. Enjoying, as they supposed, perfect and constant
communion with God, the mystics claimed to speak from
divine inspiration, and exalted their own reveries above
the written word.
d. Most of the eminent mystics were Dominican friars.
It is remarkable that while in France, Italy, and Spain,
the Dominican zeal manifested itself in persecuting her-
etics, in Germany it expended itself in profound contem-
plation of the love of God, and in striving after oneness
with God.
e. The pantheism that characterized much of the Ger-
man mysticism, was based upon realism. Ideas in the
divine mind are realities. If God thinks of man he is a
man ; if he thinks of a stone he is a stone. So man be-
comes what he contemplates. If he contemplates God
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 487
he becomes one with God. If he contemplates the suf-
ferings of Christ, he becomes united with Christ in his
sufferings.
(2) T^sprgsentatws Afystics.
From the large number of able, earnest men that
sought, by bringing the people to realize the immanence
of God and the immediateness of their relations to him,
to deliver them from thraldom to priestcraft and sacra-
mentalism, two of the greatest may be selected for con-
cise treatment,
a. Master Eckart (d. 1327), a German of noble birth,
became a Dominican early in life and was probably edu-
cated at Cologne. Later {c. 1300) he studied in the
University of Paris, where he received his Master's de-
gree. He was promoted from one official position in the
Order to another until (1310) he was chosen Provincial
by the Teutonic Province of the Order. He has been
fitly called the "father of German speculation." He
was a voluminous writer, producing besides the large
body of popular speculative and devotional works, by
which he has been chiefly known, a number of scholastic
works in Latin that have recently been brought to light.
As a scholastic theologian he did not differ materially
from the orthodox theologians. A recent writer has de-
clared that *' Eckart is before everything else and essen-
tially a scholastic.*' * But *' in precision and elegance of
representation he falls far behind Thomas." The con-
trast between scholasticism and mysticism is not so great
as has sometimes been supposed. The liberty that the
leading scholastics took of discriminating between the
things that can be rationally proved and the things that
have to be accepted by faith on the authority of the
church, gave them much freedom to speculate about
transcendental matters, their orthodoxy being saved by
their profession of submissiveness in each case to the
authority of the church.
Eckart's speculations found expression chiefly in his
sermons and other popular discourses. He was an en-
thusiastic preacher and was earnestly desirous of im-
pressing upon the monks and nuns to whom he minis-
1 Pentfcb, in H«no{|f-Hftiick, third cd., art " Eckart."
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
488 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
tered his profound thoughts about ** the divine nature in
its unity and trinity, the relation between God and the
creature, especially between God and the human soul,
about the nature of the soul, about regeneration and
union with God, to which he is constantly recurring."*
(a) His view of God was hardly distinguishable from
pantheism. His expressions correspond closely with
those of Gnostics like Basileides and with extreme Neo-
Platonism.
'• All that is in the Godhead Is one. Thereof we can say nothing.
It is above all names, above all nature. The essence of all creatures
is eternally a divine life in Deity. It is God who worlds, not the
Godhead. . . Tlierein are they distinguished— in worthing and not
worlting." He was not content with the definition of Pseudo-Dlo-
nysius: "God is not,'* rather he is the negation of negation
S'ichtssuicht), He applies the expression **unnatured nature'' to
ity. The Trinity Is the self-revelation of the indistinguishable
and indefinable Godhead, or ''natured nature." God as Father
knows, speaks^ generates. His Fatherhood exists only in relation
to the Son. The Son is in all things like the Father except in gen-
eration. Out of the pleasure and love that Father and Son have in
each other proceeds tne Holy Spirit.
(b) All creatures he regarded in a pantheistic manner
as having their existence in God. This is especially the
case of the human soul.
** There Is soroethins; in the soul which is above the soul, divine,
simple, an absolute nothing, rather unnamed than named, unknown
than known. • . It is absolute and free from all names and forms,
as God is free and absolute in himself. It is higher than knowledge,
higher than love, higher than grace. In this power doth blossom
and flourish God, with all his Godhead. . . In this power doth the
Father bring forth his only begotten Son, as essentially as in him-
self, and in this light arisetn the Holy Ghost. This spark rejects all
creatures, and will have only God, simply as he Is m himself. It
rests satisfied neither with the Father, nor the Son, nor the Holy
Ghost, nor with the three Persons, as far as each exists in its re-
spective attributes. . . This light is satisfied only with the super-
essential essence. It is bent on entering into the simple ground, the
still waste, wherein is no distinction, neither Father, Son, nor Holy
Ghost." Again: "God in himself was not God— in the creature
only hath he become God."
(c) From the above quotations it is evident that he
regarded the whole process of revelation and redemption
> Deutsch, at before cited.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP.L] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 489
as taking place in each individual. God is conscious only
in the creature. Prayer is unnecessary, for we have all
truth and all Godhead essentially in ourselves.
** God and I are one In knowing. God's essence is his knowing,
and God's knowing makes me to know him. Therefore is his
knowing my knowing. . . Mine eye and the eye of God are one
eye, one vision, one knowledge, and one love."
The birth of the Son takes place in each soul that submits itself to
divine influence as It occurred in Jesus. Historical Christianity with
Its revelation and its redemption sinks Into insignificance in compari-
son with the individual experience of union and communion with the
infinite source of being. The incarnation he regarded as the result
of the striving of all creatures since the fall to produce a man who
should restore harmony. In the creation of the first man Christ was
the object. The earthly life of Christ is valuable as an example.
(d) Sin consists in directing the will toward the finite
and taking pleasure therein. Salvation consists in attain-
ing to a consciousness of our unity with God and in hav-
ing the Son begotten in us. Absorption in Deity involves
the purging away of all sensuous and creaturely affec-
tions and the attainment of perfect Christlikeness.
b. John Tauler(d. 1361), a Dominican and a pupil of
Eckart, early became a preacher of great power. In
mid-career he came under the influence of a "Friend of
God," whose identity will probably ever remain shrouded
in the deepest mystery, and had a profound religious
experience which he regarded as conversion (1350 ^^'
ward). After years of meditation and study he resumed
his preaching in Strasburg, where he attracted great au-
diences, whom he marvelously impressed with his impas-
sioned eloquence. He was one of the foremost preachers
of the mediaeval time and by his sermons and writings
did more, it is probable, than any other man for the dif-
fusion of evangelical mysticism and the promotion of
spiritual Christianity.
It must suffice at present to say that he avoided to a
great extent the pantheistic extravagance of Eckart,
while yet insisting on the completeness of the union of
the believer with God and the directness of the inner
experience of divine truth.
c. Among the other more influential mystics may be
mentioned Henry Suso (d. 1365), who was also an eloquent
Dominican preacher .and who almost equaled Eckart m
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490 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PBR.IV.
the extravagance of his pantheistic expressions; John
Ruysbroek (d. 1381X the chief of the Dutch mystics and
almost as evangelical as Taukr ; Rulmann Merswin (d.
1382), a Strasburg merchant who founded (1366) a re-
ligious house for the " Friends of God," or the evangel-
ical mystics, who sought by a semi-monastic organization
to carry forward their evangelical preaching and educa-
tional work; the author of the anonymous "German
Theology/' whose influence on Luther and others will
be noticed hereafter; and Thomas a Kempis (d. 1471),
author of the ''Imitation of Christ," which has held its
place as one of the great devotional works of the ages.
{)) InfluiHCi of Mysticism upon Christian Lifi and Thought,
The writings and sermons of the German mystics
made a powerful impression upon the minds of a large
number of Christians. Comparatively few were led to
the extreme of mystical contemplation at which the
leaders arrived. But a strong current of earnest Chris-
tian life, as opposed to the outward, formal Christianity
that prevailed, proceeded from these men, and was per-
petuated by their writings. It was not an altogether
wholesome mode of viewing Christianity. Yet it was
very effective in its opposition to the dead formalism
into which Christianity had sunk. Luther, Carlstadt,
MUnzer, Denck, Schwenckfeldt, and many other leading
men in the Reformation time, acknowledged or mani-
fested their deep indebtedness to the mystics, and by
these their theological views were in a great measure
determined.
Xl. THE RENAISSANCE.
LITERATURE : Pater, " Studies in the Hist, of the Renaissance "* ;
Symonds, '* The Renaissance in Italy '' ; Roscoe, '* Life of Lorenzo
de' Medici," and " Life of Leo X." ; Reumont, " Lorenzo de' Medi-
ci "; Haliam, " Int. to the Literature of Europe in the Fifteenth, Six-
teenth, and Seventeenth Centuries," Chap. I. and II. ; Berington,
•'Lit. Hist, of the Middle Ages"; Gregorovlus, *' Gesch. d, Stadt
Rom,*' "Bd, VII. (also Eng. trans.) ; Burckhardt, '' Kultur </. Renais-
sanci" : Voigt, " Humamsmus'* ; Crelghton, ** Hist, of the Papacy,"
Vol. lli. and IV. j Villari, "Savonarola"; Schaif, "The Renais-
sance" ; George Eliot." Romola" (a historical novel of great power
and value) ; and Ranke, " Hist, of the Popes." See also encyclo-
pedia articles on the leading humanists.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. I] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiEVAL CIVILIZATION 49I
I. Preliminary Observations.
One of the most remarkable phenomena of the latter
part of the Middle Ages was the revival of learning.
The decline of the Roman Empire witnessed a corre-
sponding decline in literary production. The barbarian
invasions swept away, for the most part, the culture that
remained. Charlemagne took energetic measures for
the revival of learning, and gave a great stimulus to the-
ological studies.
From the time of Charlemagne there was considerable
literary activity in the monasteries, but this was for the
most part misdirected. Under the influence of dead for-
malism in general, and of Aristotelian philosophy and
dialectics, which gave shape to the theological and philo-
sophical productions of the Middle Ages, theology and
philosophy degenerated into endless and aimless hair-
splitting. Deductive, rather than inductive in its meth-
ods, mediaeval theology consisted in the drawing out
from a single proposition recognized as authoritative (a
text of Scripture, or an expression of a pope, council, or
early theologian), of as many conclusions, positive and
negative, as possible. From each of these conclusions,
arrived at by logical processes, in like manner an almost
infinite number of other conclusions were drawn.
Thus resting entirely upon ecclesiastical authority,
there was little effort or inclination among the mediaeval
theologians to arrive at new views of truth. The church
had determined how Scripture was to be interpreted, and
the Latin text of the Bible was regarded as infallibly
correct. There was, therefore, no reason why mediaeval
theologians should attempt to find out the true meaning
of the Scriptures by a study of their original languages,
and of the historical relations of their different parts.
Mediaeval theology thus furnished one of the strongest
barriers to the progress of true enlightenment.
While the Saracen occupancy of Spain was regarded
by Christians as a great evil. Christians received from
the Saracens more of enlightenment during the Middle
Ages than from any other source. The influence of
Arabic learning upon Christian thought that had already
become manifest, was still more marked during the pe-
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
492 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IV.
riod of the Crusades, and especially in the thirteenth
century. Yet there was in this Arabic influence little
that tended to progress. Indeed, the most scholastic of
the mediaeval theologians and philosophers were those
that were most under the influence of Arabic learning.
The universities, as we have seen, were dominated by
the spirit of scholasticism, and while they conserved and
diffused the learning of the past did little for the ad-
vancement of science in any of its branches.
Freedom of thought was greatly promoted by the dis-
ordered and divided state of the hierarchical church dur-
ing the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The skep-
ticism of the nominalists became widely diffused.
The contact of Western Christians with the Greek
learning of the East, during the fourteenth and the early
part of the fifteenth centuries, and the emigration of
Greek scholars to Italy, promoted the awakening interest
in classical learning.
2. Rise of the New Learning.
In the thirteeth century the Latin and Greek classics,
long since almost forgotten in the West, had begun to be
studied and admired. Dante and Petrarch, the founders
of Italian literature, had interested themselves in Latin
poetry, and Boccaccio had applied himself to Greek po-
etry as well. By the middle of the fifteenth century
considerable interest in classical studies had already
been awakened in Italy.
The continued encroachment of the Turks upon the
Greek Empire, and, finally, the fall of Constantinople
(1453), caused a large number of Greek scholars to take
refuge in Italy. Here they were welcomed, and their
services as teachers of the Greek language and philosophy
were in great demand. In 1450 a school was founded by
Cosmo de' Medici for the promotion of classical studies.
The writings of Plato were especially cultivated, and the
Platonic philosophy was contrasted with the scholastic
theology to the disadvantage of the latter. It was even
shown that the schoolmen had not properly understood
Aristotle, whom they professed to follow.
The study of antiquity became an enthusiasm. The
monastic libraries were ransacked for manuscripts of the
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP. I.] SOME ASPECTS OF MEDIiCVAL CIVILIZATION 493
Greek and Roman classics, which were regarded as more
precious than gold. To write in a Ciceronian style be-
came a great object of ambition and the study of Greek
became the fashion of the day. The art of printing, dis-
covered about the middle of the century, was a powerful
auxiliary to the new learning. Architecture, painting,
and sculpture participated in the great esthetic awaken-
ing. Popes and civil rulers alike were lavish in their ex-
penditures on literature, architecture, and the fine arts.
3. Characteristics of the New Learning.
(i) As might have been expected, the tendency of the
one-sided cultivation of the Greek classics was to pro-
mote aesthetic, far more than religious advancement.
(2) The cultivation of the elegant literature of Greece
and Rome incapacitated men for appreciating even the
good elements of the barbarously written scholastic the-
ology. The elevated sentiments and ideal conceptions
of Platonism were held by many to be far more divine
than the stiff formalism of a Thomas Aquinas.
(3) Such cultivation and admiration of classical litera-
ture was sure to lead to the extreme of denying the su-
periority of the Christian religion to paganism ; but after
the first reaction, a harmonizing of Christianity with
Platonism was naturally attempted. This effort led to
the study of the Neo-Platonic writings (Plotinus, Por-
phyry, Proclus, Pseudo-Dionysius, etc.), and to a com-
parison of these with the biblical writings in their original
languages. Thus the study of the Greek and Hebrew
Scriptures was revived.
(4) This study of the Greek and Hebrew Scriptures,
without scholastic prepossession, was sure to lead to a
better understanding of the Scriptures and a better ap-
preciation of the spirit of Christiiainity. Without the re-
vival of learning, Colet, and Reuchlin, and Erasmus, and
Luther, and Zwingli, and Calvin, would have been im-
possible.
(5) The Renaissance involved an earnest application
of the mind to nature with the determination to penetrate
its secrets. It involved a recognition of the dignity of
life and of mind, and of the right and duty of the indi-
vidual to cultivate his powers to the utmost, and to enjoy
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494 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
in a rational way what nature has provided. The super-
stitions of the past had to give way before the spread of
enlightenment by the new learning, with its new philoso-
phy and its new science. The spirit of the Renaissance
pervaded the religious, social, and political life of the
time. The papacy itself came under its spell, and several
of the popes were far more devoted to literature and art
than to the interests of religion or even the maintenance
of ecclesiastical power. Educational methods were rev*
olutionized. Theology itself experienced a new birth at
the hands of men like Pico de Mirandola, Reuchlin,
Erasmus, and Colet. Philosophy was transformed under
Nicolas of Cusa, Pico, Reuchlin, Agrippa of Nettesheim,
and Galileo.
(6) We may say that in connection with the revival of
learning, the principle of emancipation from authority in
matters of thought and worship, which is the distinctive
idea of modern times, as compared with mediaeval, was
developed. This idea, though a fundamental one in
Protestantism, was not fully apprehended by the great
Reformers. While it was claimed on their own behalf,
it was not accorded to others. But it was so involved in
the origin of the movement and in the spirit of the times,
that it was perfectly sure of final recognition.
(7) The Reformation was, therefore, only a single
phase of a movement which had already made consider-
able progress. The first manifestations of the modern
spirit were humanistic, and were lacking in religious ear-
nestness and zeal. The movement of which Erasmus
was the best representative, only needed to have infused
into it the patriotic and religious spirit of a Luther in
order that it might be able to shake the religion of Eu-
rope to its very foundations.
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CHAPTER II
THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES
I. THE POPES FROM 800-1044
LITERATURE : Greenwood, " Cathsdra Titri,'' Vo.. III., pp. 51-
446; Mllman, **Lat. Christianity," Vol. 111.; Adams, ''Hist, of
Civilization dur. the Middle Ages" ; Emerton, ''An Introd. to the
Study of the Middle Ages " ; Bryce, " The Holy Roman Empire " ;
Eginnard, *' Life of Chariemagne" ( Eng. trans.) ; Hauck, ** Kirdun-
gtsch, DiiUschlands^*^ TM, II. ; Simson, ^^Jahrhuchtr d, Frdnkiscktn
Riichs uHt$r Lmtwii d, Fr,** ; Diimmler, ** dsch, d. Ostfr'ank, Rucks ";
Wenck, ** Das Frank. Riick nock dim Virirag van y$rdm " : Simson,
** Of> EntsUkmg d. Psiudisidorisckm Fdlsckmigin in U Mans '' ; Diimm-
ler, ** Auxilius und l^ulgarius : Quellm umd torsckungtn {iir Gisck. d,
P4>sttkums m Anfang a, X.Jakrhundtris^^ 1866; Langen, ** Gisck. d.
rotmsckm Kireh$ von NikoUms /. his Gr$gor VIL^^ 1892; Niehues,
'* G$sek. d. yirkalinissm ^wisckm Kais$rtum u. Papsttum im MitUk
alter ^^ 1887; Gregorovius, ** Geuk. d, Stadi T{om^" 'Bd. HI. (also
Eng. trans.) ; He&e, '' KimttlitngisckickU,'' Bd, IV. ; Jaifi-Watten-
bach, '* /?tf#5/a Tontificorum^^ : articles on the various popes con-
cerned in Herzog-Hauck and Wetzer u. Wdte.
A FIRM alliance had been established between Charle-
magne, king of the Franks, and Pope Hadrian I., each
being pledged to use all of his resources for the advance-
ment of the interests of the other. These interests were
not thought of as in any sense antagonistic. The head of
the great Christian civil power of the West was willing to
recognize the ecclesiastical authority throughout his do-
mains of the Roman pontiff, while the latter was ready to
support with his spiritual authority the civil government
of the Prankish ruler. It is probable that each looked
upon his own authority as supreme and thought chiefly
of the advantages he was to reap from the alliance ; but
both were so well satisfied with a mutually advantageous
arrangement that it was not thought necessary to define
rigorously the spheres of civil and ecclesiastical adminis-
tration. By the joint efforts of pope and emperor the
Saxons had been won to the empire and the church. In
this both alike could rejoice. Chariemagne was eager
495
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496 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
to gain all the power and prestige that the pope could
confer ; but he had not the remotest idea of renouncing
a particle of his own sovereignty over lands or persons.
1. To Pope Leo III. (795-816) was accorded the privilege
of placing the imperial crown upon the head of the great
Prankish monarch. The coronation of Charlemagne as
emperor of the Romans marks an epoch in the history of
the papacy no less than in the political history of Europe.
As early as 774 Hadrian I. had made Charlemagne a
Roman patrician. With the growth of his dominions and
the complete withdrawal of the Eastern empire from
effective interference in Italian politics, the importance of
restoring the Roman Empire, and by this means legalizing
and confirming the authority of his government, became
more and more apparent to Charlemagne and his ad-
visers. Shortly after the death of Hadrian, Leo had sent
to Charlemagne the ** keys of the confessional of St.
Peter," along with the standard of the city, and had on
behalf of the citizens of Rome tendered to him an oath
of fidelity. In 709 Leo was driven from the city by a
hostile faction. He visited the court of Charlemagne,
and was assisted by him in regaining his authority.
In 8cx), having established peace and tranquillity
throughout his vast realm, Charlemagne betook himself
to Rome with the purpose, it can hardly be doubted, of
securing recognition as the successor of the Cssars. On
Christmas Day, while he was kneeling with the pope at
the altar prior to communion, the latter placed upon his
head a jeweled crown, and the multitude cried out: "To
Charles Augustus, crowned by God, the great and pacific
emperor of the Romans, long life and victory."
Charlemagne affected to be surprised and somewhat
shocked at this proceeding, but he at once exchanged
the title of Patrician for that of Emperor Augustus, and
compelled all his subjects to take a fresh oath of allegi-
ance to him as such.
Leo was involved in local disturbances and by causing
some of his enemies to be executed aroused a storm of
opposition, which might have resulted disastrously for
him had not death intervened.
2. Stephen /K (816-817) crowned Louis the Pious and
his bride at Rheims, the emperor having prostrated him-
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 497
self before the pope and treated him with greater consid-
eration than had ever before been shown by an emperor
to a pontiff.
3- Gregory ly. (827-844) was a feeble pope and was
used by able but unscrupulous churchmen for the perpe-
tration upon Christendom of a body of spurious documents
in support of papal prerogative. The sons of the feeble
emperor were in rebellion against him and had managed
to get Gregory committed to their support. Yet he
scrupled to take extreme measures against so pious an
emperor. The Abbot of Wala and his associate, Pascha-
sius Radbertus, overcame his scruples by exhibiting to
him "certain writings and documents, founded on the
authority and under the hands of his own holy predeces-
sors/' showing, among other things, **that in him dwelt
the fullness of that living power which came down from
God and the Apostle Peter, whereby he was ordained to
be judge of all men and of all things ; and in such wise
that he himself should be judged of no man."* He no
longer hesitated to complete the overthrow of Louis and
to recognize Lothair, his son, as emperor (833). " The
Field of Lies" was a term fittingly applied by contem-
Eoraries to this transaction and others that followed.
)espite the wishes of Gregory and his advisers, the sons
of Louis proceeded to apportion the empire among them-
selves and the unified civil government on which church-
men had counted so confidently for aid in the centraliza-
tion of ecclesiastical authority was at an end.
Whether the documents presented to Gregory constituted the en-
tire body of Pseudo-Isidorian decretals or only a limited number of
spurious documents that formed the basis of the great collection Is
uncertain. But the full-grown collection was soon available and was
used with the utmost confidence for the promotion of papal power
and irresponsibility.
Gregory denounced the partition of the empire after
the death of Louis (Treaty of Verdun, 843) and his au-
thority was repudiated by the sons of Louis, whose con-
spiracy he had furthered. During his later years he
was much occupied with defending Rome against the
Saracens.
> PMChAs. Rftdbertus, In his " Kito IVaia/* Ub, II., Ch«p. x6. quoted by Green-
wood. Vol. III., p. 149.
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498 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
4. Nicholas I. (858-867) came to the pontificate just
after a time of wild disorder, when a rival claimant of
the oflfice had taken possession of the city, sacked the
churches, destroyed the images, and imprisoned the pope
(Benedict III.)- Louis II. treated him with the utmost
reverence. The imperial power was little more than a
shadow. Feudalism had almost completed the work of
disintegration. The domains of Louis II. were limited to
a portion of Italy and he was willing to join hands with
the pope for the extension of influence. The Saracens
had been successfully repelled. Internal strife had sub-
sided. Nicholas was glad to be protected against Prank-
ish interference by an Italian kingdom. He had fully ap-
propriated the teachings and implications of the Pseudo-
Isidorian decretals and was prepared to wage a relentless
warfare against any that should impugn the absolute
sovereignty and the irresponsibility of the Roman See.
Archbishop John of Ravenna defied the pope's au-
thority. He was deposed and anathematized, and was
restored only after the most humiliating submission.
The right of appeal to Rome and the supreme jurisdic-
tion of the pope were insisted upon by Nicholas and suc-
cessfully enforced in a number of test cases.
HIncmar, archbishop of Rheims, had deposed Bishop Rothald, of
Soissons, because of his refusal to obey the mandates or a provincial
synod. He appealed to the pope, who insisted on his being rein-
stated, and Hincmar was obliged to apologize to the pope and to rec-
ognize his right to interfere.
Lothair 11. divorced his wife, Tietberga, and married Waldrada.
Tietberga appealed to the pope, who espoused her cause, denounced
Waldrada as a harlot, and insisted upon the right of the pope to ex-
ercise moral superintendence over civil rulers as being the sole source
of their authonty and responsible to God for their nghteous admin-
istration.
5. Hadrian II. (867-872), an able and aggressive pope,
was unable to hold the papacy at the point of influence
reached by his predecessor. His attempt to fix the do-
mains of Lothair II. upon the Emperor Louis II., in defi-
ance of the claims of Charles the Bald, supported by the
prevailing sentiment, secular and ecclesiastical, of the
land, was a complete failure, and he was powerless to
avenge the severe rebuke of Archbishop Hincmar.
6. John HIL (872-882) was obliged to appeal to Charles
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 499
the Bald (now emperor) for protection against local en-
emies and the Saracens. The death of Charles (877)
left him in a lamentable position. He was obliged to
make a humiliating treaty with the Saracens. The Car-
lovingian Empire was approaching its end and the papacy
became involved in the general dissolution of society.
7. From Martin II. (882) to Christopher (903). Never
was the papacy more degraded than from 880-icxx).
After the breaking up of the Carlovingian Empire Eu-
rope lapsed into a state of almost complete anarchy.
Italy was rent into fragments by contending factions.
Bishoprics and abbeys were seized upon by warring
nobles for their sons or other dependents. Bishops thus
appointed were anything rather than pious or learned in
theology. The papacy lost almost all its power and
prestige and came to be a bone of contention among
rival factions. Pope Formosus (891-898) having been
treated with the utmost indignity by one party and hav-
ing been enabled afterward to wreak bloody vengeance
upon his enemies, was probably poisoned. He was suc-
ceeded (after fifteen days, during which Boniface VI. be-
fan and ended his pontifical reign) by his mortal enemy,
tephen VI., who had his body exhumed, tried, con-
demned, deposed, stripped of pontifical robes, cut to
pieces, and thrown into the Tiber. The pontifical acts
of Formosus were of course abrogated by Stephen. In
about a year the other party triumphed and Stephen was
imprisoned and strangled. Stephen's successor, Marinus,
reigned four months and Marinus' successor three weeks.
John X. was elected by the party that had sustained
Formosus (898) and devoted his energies to annulling the
proceedings of Stephen. Leo V. (903) having reigned
for two months was murdered by his chaplain, who suc-
ceeded him. The murderer was murdered and succeeded
by Sergius III., after eight months of pontifical glory.
8. The Pomocracy. With Sergius was inaugurated what
is known in history as the Pomocracy. Marozia, a licen-
tious noblewoman, as mistress of Sergius, directed the
papal government for seven years. His successor John
X. was appointed by his mistress Theodora. He led in
person a successful military expedition against the Sara-
cens, but returned to be driven into exile by Marozia.
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500 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
Through the influence of another licentious woman he
succeeded in reinstating himself, but through the influ-
ence of Marozia he was soon afterward strangled in a
dungeon. The next three popes were creatures of Maro-
zia, the third (John XI.) her bastard son by Pope Sergius,
a youth of twenty-one. From 936 to 956 a sort of Ro-
man Republic, with Alberic at its head, prevailed. Al-
beric appointed four popes in succession and restrained
them from political interference. A son of Alberic (a
boy of twelve or, as others say, eighteen), profligate be-
yond his years, succeeded his father in the civil govern-
ment and moreover assumed the papal office (John XII.).
He was charged by his contemporaries with the violation
of almost every principle of morality and religion : sac-
rilege, adultery, violation of widows, living with his
father's mistress, invocation of Jupiter and Venus, and
turning the papal palace into a brothel. He was driven
from the city at the request of the people by the aid of
the German emperor Otho before whom he had been
tried. After a time he was restored through the inter-
vention of harlots, but was soon afterward killed by the
injured husband of a paramour.
The authority of Otho the Great was increasing and
he was earnestly endeavoring to bring order out of chaos.
He secured control in Italy in 962 and from that time as-
sumed the responsibility of appointing popes. Thus the
papacy was delivered from the debasing position into
which it had fallen and was enabled to enter anew upon
the aggressive policy that had so long been kept in abey-
ance. The tradition of past greatness was' still preserved
and with the revival of the Holy Roman Empire by Otho
the papacy entered upon a career of brilliant conquest.
9. Otho the Great and the Papa(y. In 962, following the
example of Charlemagne, Otho sought to fortify his im-
perial authority by receiving anointing, although he had
already assumed the imperial crown, at the hands of the
pope, even the disreputable John XII. Otho is said to
have solemnly promised to do all that in him lay to exalt
the Church of Kome and her pastor, and to protect them
in the enjoyment of their dignities and territorial posses-
sions. When John's vicious life was brought to his at-
tention he treated the matter lightly, expressing the hope
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 50I
that with increasing age he would learn to conduct him-
self with more propriety. But on learning, soon after-
ward, that John was seeking to induce Greeks and Hun-
garians to invade Italy and to expel the Germans, he
proceeded to capture Rome, and in 963 convoked a synod
of bishops and cardinals for the deposition of the pope
and the appointment of a successor. A layman was
appointed pope under the name Leo VIII. On Otho's
withdrawal from Italy John was able to drive out the
new pope and to reoccupy the papal chair. John died
in 964 and his friends appointed a successor under the
name Benedict V. Otho returned to Italy, recaptured
Rome, and convoked a synod of bishops from the various
divisions of his empire, which deposed Benedict. Leo
VIII., with the approval of the synod, issued a decree
recognizing the right of Otho and his successors to nom-
inate thenceforth the rulers of Italy, to appoint all future
popes, and to invest all archbishops and bishops.
After the death of Otho I. Italy relapsed into anarchy
and the papacy shared the same fate. Murder, intrusion,
and robbery resumed their sway. Otho III., however,
regained control and appointed Gerbert, one of the most
learned men of the time, pope, under the name of Syl-
vester II. (999). Gerbert had studied in Cordova under
Saracen scholars, and his scientific knowledge was so
much in advance of that of his contemporaries, that he
was suspected of practising " black magic" (witchcraft).
Otho is said to have added at this time eight counties to
the States of the Church, though the authenticity of the
deed has been called in question. Sylvester II. was the
first French pope, and the first pope, so far as is known,
to propose a crusade for the deliverance of the Holy Sep-
ulchre from the hands of the Saracens.
Henry II. (ic»2-i024) was noted for his religious zeal.
He rebuked the vices of clergy, high and low, promoted
men to ecclesiastical offices on the ground of merit, and
instituted vigorous measures for reforming the church.
Conrad II. and Henry III. (1024-1056) pursued the same
general policy ; but the Italian clergy proved irreform-
able. Benefices were bought and sold with the utmost
recklessness; licentiousness was rampant. Henry 111.
in his zeal for reform called a synod at Sutri (1046), sum-
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502 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. IV
moned Pope Gregory VL, deposed him for simony, along
with the pope from whom he had purchased the office
and another rival pope, and appointed a respectable Ger-
man bishop, Suidgar of Bamberg, to the position under
the name Clement II. Henry purposed to carry out the
good work thus begun into every department of ecclesi-
astical government and life. In 1049 Bruno, bishop of
Torel, Henry's uncle, was elevated to the papacy as Leo
IX., who forthwith associated with himself Hildebrand as
subdeacon and administrator of the Patrimony of Peter.
With the co-operation of the emperor strenuous measures
were entered upon for the abolition of simony and im-
morality among the clergy. Many of the more upright
clergy rejoiced in his well directed efforts and heartily
co-operated with him.
It should be noted that the close of the first miiienniuni was
looked forward to by many Christians with grave apprehension as
the date of the closing of the dispensation, or the end of the world.
Otho III. shared in this morbid anxiety. When the year iocx> passed
without a catastrophe there was universal rejoicing.
n. THE HILDEBRANDINE SCHEME OF REFORM.
LITERATURE: Greenwood, Vol. IV., pp. i3o-'422; Mllman, Vol.
IV.; Stephens, ''Hildebrand and His Times"; Stephen, ''Essays in
(Uutsch. Kaissr^iii," Bd, III. ; Gregorovius, " Gisch. d, Stadt T{om''
(and Eng. trans.); Hauck, ** Kirchmgisch, Deutsehlands^^^ Bd, HI.,
1896 ; Langen, *^Gesch. d, rom, Kircht van Nikolaus I. bis Gregory K//.";
Mirbt, " T>f> PMitistih im Zeitalter Gngors yil.,*^ 1894 ; Martens,
" Gng. yiL, Sim Ubni u. IVirken,'' 1894 ; Potthast, " Bibliothsca His-
toriea MedHMvi^^ second ed., 1896 ; Sagmuller, " Du Thdtigkiit u, Stel-
lung d. Kardin'aU his Pt^st Bonifar yUL*^ 1896 ; Bryce, p. 159, uq. ;
Freeman, "Norm. Conq." (see Index); works of Hildebrand and
Peter Damlani; Jaff^-Wattenbach, ^^ FUgisia Pontiflcum** ; Alzog,
Sec. 214.
I. Hildebrand as the Maker and Ruler of Popes. As the
Roman hierarchy gradually regained its power under the
fostering care of the emperors, a high church party came
to the front under the leadership of Hildebrand, which
resented civil interference in matters of religion as out-
rageous and sacrilegious, and sought to emancipate the
church from dependence upon civil rulers by centralizing
all ecclesiastical authority in the papacy. Hildebrand,
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 503
of whose early history scarcely anything is known,
seems to have been born about 1020 of plebeian Italian
parents. He first appears as chaplain of Gregory VI.
(1044-1046), resided at Clugny, where he carried for-
ward his education and became filled with monkish zeal
(1046-1049), became subdeacon and cardinal under Leo
IX. (1040), and thenceforth controlled the papal policy as
the chief statesman of the Roman Curia until 1073, when
by the acclamation of the people and clergy of Rome,
ratified by the cardinals, he became pope. He had dic-
tated the appointment of several of his predecessors and
might on several occasions have secured election for
himself, but he preferred up to this time to labor in a
subordinate position and assumed the tiara at last under
strong pressure. He was unquestionably the greatest
ecclesiastical statesman of the Middle Ages. In him the
spirit of the papacy became incarnate. He identified
papal supremacy in the most absolute way with the will
of God and allowed nothing to stand in the way of the
realization of his ideal of universal papal dominion in
spiritual and secular things. With a shrewdness rarely
equaled and a boldness of conception and action never
surpassed, he set to work to utilize the current reforming
spirit for the building up of ecclesiastical authority. His
aim was to take disciplinary power out of the hands of
civil rulers and to use it for the complete subjugation of
clergy and laity to the pope. More definitely stated, the
policy of the Hildebrandine party was : (i) To free the
papacy and the church in general from lay interference.
(2) To reduce all metropolitans, bishops, abbots, and
clergy to absolute subjection to the papacy. (3) To re-
duce civil rulers to the necessity of acting in the papal
interests.
2. Decrees of the Roman Synod of lo^g. Advantage was
taken by the Hildebrandine party of the death of Henry
III. (1059) and the infancy of his successor to inaugurate
the new policy. At a synod convened in Rome the fol-
lowing points were settled : (i) Nomination of popes re-
stricted to cardinal bishops. After the nomination the
cardinal clergy to be brought in. After these bodies
have agreed, the nomination to be brought before the
inferior clergy and the laity for approval, A terrible
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504 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
anathema involving excommunication, ''the wrath of
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit and the fury of the Apostles
Peter and Paul " is pronounced upon all who shall impugn
this decree. (2) No clerk under any pretense whatever
to accept church or benefice from or by procurement of
any lay person or be amenable to lay jurisdiction. (3)
No Christian man shall hear mass sung by any priest
known to keep a concubine. This included all married
priests, as no distinction was made by the Hildebrandine
party between married and concubinary clergy.
3. Peter Damiani the Coadjutor of HUdebrand, Peter
Damiani (born c. 1007 at Ravenna) early became a pro-
nounced ascetic and a leading writer on ascetical sub-
jects, was appointed cardinal bishop of Ostia, the highest
position in the college of cardinals (1057), and was
thenceforth the ablest literary defender of the Hilde-
brandine scheme. He maintained that every invasion
of the prerogative of the Roman Church is heresy and.
should be dealt with as such ; that all law, even the law
of God himself, may be set aside if this should be
deemed by the church necessary for the accomplish-
ment of its purposes ; that the divine law bends to the
exigencies of the church ; that the present interests of
the church, the church itself being the judge, represent
God's will and must be secured even if the violation of
God's will otherwise expressed be involved ; that the
church may and should violate any compacts made with
civil rulers if contrary to the interests of the church.
He did not say it in so many words, but it is clearly im^
plied, that the end justifies the means and that no faith
is to be kept with heretics. He fully sympathized with
Hildebrand in his uncompromising warfare against simony
and clerical marriage.
Peter Damlani's idea of the relations of the papacy and the em-
pire is succinctly set forth in the following paragraph from his
'* Disceptatio Synodalis " : *' The supreme priesthood ana the Roman
Empire should be joined together In mutual compact to the end that
the numan race, which is ruled In both respects (ecclesiastical and
civil) through these two supreme powers, may be rent asunder in
none of its parts, and so the eminences of the world may concur In
a union of perpetual iove, . . to the end that these two exalted
personages may be joined together with so great unanimity that by
a certain cement of mutual love the king may be found in the Ro
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES Jo;;
man pontiff and the Roman pontiff in the l^ing." He did not al-
ways work harmoniously with Hildebrand, whose supremacy In
ecclesiastical affairs he resented. The following caustic epigram
(written In verse) expresses his feelings : '* The pope I rightly wor-
ship, but thee I prostrate adore : thou makest him lord, lie makes
thee God." He died in 1072.
This scheme involved a desperate struggle with the
clergy on the one hand and the civil rulers on the other.
In this struggle Hildebrand availed himself fully of all the
means of influence that the past had placed within his
reach, — monastic orders, forged decretals, popular super-
stitions, and admiration for asceticism, etc.
4. Hildebrand^s Achievements, (i) In the face of the
gravest difficulties and the most determined opposition
on the part of the clergy he remorselessly enforced the
law of celibacy. Married clergy were stigmatized as
concubinaries, or worse ; the people were forbidden to
confess to them or to receive religious service of any
kind from them ; monks were commissioned to go into
parishes where there was a reluctance to obey and to
arouse popular sentiment against recalcitrant clergy to
such an extent that they were compelled in many cases
either to renounce their wives or flee. Bishops and ab-
bots were refused recognition in case they had secured
appointment through lay Influence. They must either
renounce any sort of dependence on the lay patrons and
submit themselves absolutely to the pope or see their
offices usurped by papal appointees. There was much
resistance, but Hildebrand was for the most part able to
carry his point.
(2) The civil rulers were very reluctant to abandon
the patronage they had enjoyed from time immemorial.
By the use of the interdict and other means of making
his power felt, Hildebrand gained some great triumphs
over his lay adversaries, notably over the Emperor
Henry IV. The humiliation of Henry at Canossa be-
came one of the most noted events in the history of the
struggle of Church and State for supremacy.
(3) Besides reducing the clergy into almost complete
submission, securing a general recognition of the papa^
marriage laws and humiliating the emperor, Hildebrand
fully established the legatine power, by virtue of which
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506 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
he had duly accredited and fully recognized representa-
tives in all parts of his constituency. The legates were
chiefly monks, whose training had been such that he
could delegate large powers to them in full assurance
that they would represent him faithfully. Thus the
pope was able to be virtually omnipresent so far as the
interests of the hierarchy were concerned. Yet in no
respect was his triumph complete. Henry did not long
remain in the Canossa frame, but was soon capturing
Rome and driving the pope from his throne. Neither
did he fully succeed in subjugating the clergy.
(4) He employed the interdict for the enforcing of
ecclesiastical censures far more effectively than any of
his predecessors had been able to do.
(5) Yet he died in exile, having been driven from the
city by his lifelong enemy, Henry IV. His dying words
are characteristic of the man : " Because I have always
loved righteousness and hated iniquity, therefore 1 die in
exile."
5. Hildebrand's Claims Regarding Papal Prerogative.
The position of Hildebrand in the history of the develop-
ment of the papacy is so important as to justify the quo-
tation of some of his more striking utterances on papal
prerogative. In a letter to William the Conqueror he
writes :
Like the two great luminaries fixed by the Creator in the firma-
ment of the heaven to give light to his creatures, so also hath he
ordained two great powers on earth by which all men are to be gov-
erned and preserved from error. These powers are the pontifical and
the royal ; but the former is the greater, the latter the lesser light.
Yet under both the religion of Christ is so ordered that, by God's
assistance, the apostolical power shall govern the royal ; and Scrip-
ture teacheth that the apostolic and pontifical dignity is ordained to
be responsible for all Christian kings, nay, for all men. before the
divine tribunal, and to render an account to God for their sins. If,
therefore, I be answerable before the dreadful judgment seat, judge
ye whether ye are not bound upon the peril of your soul, and as you
desire to possess your kingdom in peace, to yield unto mi wteondi'
tional obedtinct, for that is no more than to prefer the honor of God
to your own honor and to love him in a pure mind, with all your
heart and with ail your strength.
Exhorting his subjects to renounce their allegiance to
Henry IV. he writes :
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 50;
For this reason we cry aloud and spare not ; as saith the prophet :
*' If thou declare not unto the wicked his evil way, his blood will I
require at thy hand " ; and again : *' Cursed be he that wlthholdeth
the sword from blood." God is herein our witness, that we are not
moved by any desire of temporal advantage or by carnal respects of
any kind in reproving wicked princes or imperious priests ; but that
all we do is done from pure regard for our high office and for the
honor and prerogative of the Apostolic See : for it were a hundred-
fold better that we should suffer the death or the body by the hand
of the tyrant than for our own profit or from fear to hold our peace
and therein consent to the overthrow of the Christian law ; for we
are clearly taught by the holy fathers that he upon whom the duty
resteth. yet neglecteth to resist the wicked man, m reality consentetn
unto the evil, and himself commits the sin it was nis duty to
punish.
Defending his right to excommunicate princes, hav-
ing cited a number of false decretals, he goes on to say :
But perhaps there are persons who will pretend that when God
thrice committed his church to the blessed Peter by the words *' feed
my sheep," he excepted kings. But let them reflect that when he
gave to Peter the power to bind and loose in heaven and on earth,
he excepted nothing out of that power. He that denies that he may
be bound by the chains of the cnurch must go on to affirm that he
cannot be absolved by the same authority. But whosoever affirms
this separates himself from the body or Christ ; and verily if the
Apostolic See, by virtue of the principality divinely conferred, ad-
judicates upon spiritual things, why should it not have power to
adjudicate in temporal things also? The kings and princes of this
world who prefer their own honor and temporal advantage to the
righteousness of God are, as you well know, the members of him
whom they serve ; they, on the other hand, who prefer the will of
God to their own will, and obey him rather than man, are members
of Christ, just as the former are members of antichrist. If there-
fore spiritual men are when needful themselves brought to judgment,
why should they not have power to punish carnal men for their evil
lives? But perchance they imagine that the royal dignity is
superior to the episcopal. Now let us try the two powers bv their
source and origin. The former was engendered in human prids^ the
latter m dnim uligion; the one Is incessantly grasping at empty
glory, the latter always aspiring to celestial life.
In connection with the second excommunication of
Henry IV., Hildebrand concludes an elaborate document
as follows :
And now, O ye princes and fathers, most holy Apostles Peter
and Paul, deal ye with us in such wise that all the world may know
and understand that you, having power to bind and to loose In
heaven, have the like power upon earth, according to men's merits
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508 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
to give and to take away empires, kingdoms, principalities, duke-
doms, marquisates, earidoms, and ali manner of human rights and
properties, for have you not oftentimes taken away patriarchates,
primacies, archbishoprics, and bishoprics, from the unworthy and
given them to religious men ? And having such mighty power in
spiritual things, wnat is there on earth that may transcend your au-
thority in temporal things? And if you judge the angels, who are
high above the proudest of princes, wnat may you not do unto those
beneath them? Let the kings and princes of the earth know and
feel how great you are, how exalted your power. Let them tremble
to despise the commands of your church. But upon the said Henry
do juagment quickly, that all men may know that it is not by fortune
or chance, but by your power that he has fallen. May he thus be
confound^ unto repentance that his soul may be saved in the day
of the Lord.
6. The Hildebrandine Theocratic Scheme in its Relation
to Civil and Religious Liberty. The following general
statement on this topic from an article by the author, en-
titled " Liberty and Creed,"* may be here reproduced :
The Hildebrandine scheme, which owed many of its features to
Hildebrand's great contemporary, Peter Damianl, represents the
ideal of the theocracy in an almost completed form. The church is
conceived of as an institution absolutely divine. It consists virtually
of the hierarchy, the great body of the laity being in the position of
materials to be ruled and exploited. The pope Is the head of the
sacerdotal body, through which alone it is possible for mankind to
derive spiritual blessings. The church, with its papal head, is con-
ceived of as that for whose welfare the world exists, and to whose
interest everything else is secondary. Civil governments exist only
by divine (papal) permission and tnat they may subserve the inter-
ests of the church.
God's supreme concern being for the dominion of the church, he
has bestowed upon Peter and his successors, the bishops of Rome,
all the power that would belong to Christ if he were personally
reigning on earth. The pope is the vicar of Christ. As Peter ex-
hibited two swords and his Master said it is enough (not too many),
so to his successors have been committed the spiritual and the secu-
lar dominion. Civil rulers rightly occupy their positions only by
virtue of the approval of the vicar of Christ. As perfect unity and
harmony in the administration of the world are the ideal to be at-
tained, and there can be no center of unity other than the divinely
appointed vicar of Christ, all secular rulers and ali ecclesiastical
rulers must submit themselves absolutely to his authority. To
tolerate civil or ecclesiastical insubordinanon, where power to sup-
press it exists, would be in the highest degree blameworthy.
As the divine will is identical with the maintenance and advance-
ment of this ecclesiastical authority, any available means may be
> " American Jounul of TbMlogy." January, 1898.
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CHAR II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 509
employed to this end, even though the divine will, as expressed in
Scnpture and in conscience, must be vioiated. Does heresy arise
and spread? It must l>e rooted out, although in the process multi-
tudes of the faithful themselves may be destroyed. Does a civil
ruler resist the encroachment of the papal power r His throne may
be declared vacant and offered to any Catholic prince who will seize
it, the allegiance of the subjects forbidden, an interdict placed ui)on
the administration of the sacraments of the church until submission
shall have been made, a deadly crusade preached against the king-
dom. Everything was on principle subordinated to this one central
aim of securing: absolute temporal as well as absolute spiritual do-
minion. The Crusades in the East were fostered and forced, when
need appeared, in the interest of this world dominion. The union of
the kings of Europe under the papal banner in this great enterprise
was in Itself a great achievement tor the papacy. The hope of sub-
duing the Eastern empire and the Mohammedan power greatly
added to the interest of the papacy in these terribly destructive ex-
peditions. The securing of vast territorial possessions In Europe
through skillful use of advantages offered by tne Crusades was in tne
highest degree promotive of the papal aim of universal dominion.
Here we nave a theocracy of the most complete type. The pope,
as the head of the theocracy, occupies the place of God on earth, and
he is free, as even God is not. to make use of the most immoral
means for the enforcement of his authority. The scheme is a mag-
nificent one. It provides for the uniform administration of the
world from a single center, according to a single ideal. Its advo-
cates no doubt believed that such a government, putting an end, as
it would, to civil and religious strife, would result in universal peace,
universal good will, universal righteousness. Yet it is easy to see
that to realize or perpetuate such a system, civil and religious free-
dom must be remorselessly suppressed. The only freedom possible
would be that enjoyed by those who were thoroughly in sympathy
with the ideal of the theocracy and who found their highest delight
In submission to its authority.
III. THE CONTROVERSY ON INVESTITURE AND THE
CONCORDAT OF WORMS (1122).
LITERATURE: Greenwood, Vol. IV., p. 672, s^.; Mllman, Vol.
IV., p. 144, ssq. ; Bryce. p. 163 : Hinschius, *' Kirchtnncht d. Katho-
lisctun u. TroUstanten,'^ Bd, II.. Siit. 530-658; Meltzer, '' Papst
Gngor yiL u. d. 'Bisho/swahUtt,*^ seconcf ed., 1876 ; Witte, " For-
schungin ^ dsch, d, fVormstr Konkordatis" 1877.
I. Grounds of the Controversy. The term '* investi-
ture " designates the conferring of the insignia of office
upon bishops, abbots, etc. That the civil rulers should
have insisted on exercising this function grew out of the
feudal relations that subsisted between them and their
ecclesiastical beneficiaries. As members of the feudal
state, having territorial possessions corresponding with
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5IO A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
those of the larger subordinate nobles, bishops and abbots
enjoyed the same privileges and immunities as the secular
nobles, participated like these in the general legislation
and administration, and were naturally expected to share
the burdens of common defense and administration.
Kings who had set apart great tracts of land for bishoprics
and abbacies could not afford to allow the administration
of these lands to fall into hostile or indifferent hands, and
might have been expected to insist on nominating to
these positions trusted men who would swear fealty to
them. It was against the exercise of this right that
Hildebrand and his successors carried on a determined
warfare. To receive investiture was declared to be
simony, and was regarded as incapacitating the recipient
for the valid performance of ecclesiastical functions ; and
for a civil ruler to arrogate to himself the right to be-
stow investiture was looked upon as a sacrilegious in-
trusion.
2. The Concordat of Worms. After the death of Gregory
VII. the struggle between emperor and pope continued
with varying results, the pope holding the balance of
power between the emperor and other rulers, but being
for much of the time an exile from Rome, with a rival
pope of imperial appointment in his place. In 1122 peace
was made between Calixtus II. and Henry V. on the
following conditions: (i) Elections to bishoprics and
abbeys in the emperor's dominions to be held in the
emperor's presence, without simony or any kind of com-
pulsion, the emperor to have the right to decide in dis-
puted elections. (2) The bishop or abbot elect to receive
from the emperor the temporalities of the office by the
delivery of a rod or sceptre, the pope to have the sole
right of investing with the ring and crozier. (3) The
pope to absolve all who had incurred ecclesiastical disa-
bilities through attachment to the emperor, the emperor
to restore in full the territorial possessions of the Roman
See and to lend his aid to the pope whenever required.
It is scarcely needful to say that neither party adhered
to the agreement any longer than convenience dictated.
The imperial advantages of the Concordat were formally
abandoned in 1125 by Lothair III. as the price of urgently
needed papal support.
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 51I
IV. THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPERORS AND THE POPES.
LITERATURE: Greenwood, Vol. V., pp. 57-668; VoL VL, pp.
1-109; Milman, Vol. IV., pp. 261-554; Bryce, pp. 166-220 ; Alzog,
Sec. 219-224; Balzani, '' Th4 Popss and the Hohinstaufm ^'; Raumer,
''Gisch. d, HohtnstaufiH'\- Hurter, "/««. ///."; Reuter. "/^I#je.
///."; Freeman and Froude on Thomas a Becket; Geffcken,
" Church and State " ; Ribbeck, " Fnd. /. u, d. Romiseke Kurur
1881 ; Giesebrecht, " Gesch. d, Diutsckm Kaiserteit,'' 1885 ; Wolfram,
*'Fr#rf. /. «. d. IVorms^r Concordat'': Prutz, *' Kaiser Fred. /.,''
1871-74 ; Hunt, " The Eng. Ch. in the Middle Ages," 1888 ; Deutsch,
**Papst Innocmt III. u. ssin Einfluss auf d. Kirchi^' 1876; Watten-
bach, ** Gtsch. d. ronmchtn Papstthums^'^ i%76\ Gregorovius, **Gisch.
d. Siadt Rom im OditUlalter,'' 'Bd. V. (also Eng. tr.) ; Stubbs, ** Con-
stitutional History of England," Vol. I., p. 520, seq.
A new line of German emperors began with Conraa
III. in 1 137. With Frederick 1. (Barbarossa) was re-
newed a bitter conflict that was to last for centuries.
The name of the chief German antagonist of the emperor
(the Duke of Welf) was transferred to Italy as the party
name of the supporters of papal absolutism under the
form Guelf. The imperial supporters accepted the name
Ghibeiline (Waibeling).
I. ^Alexander HI. (^11^9-1181).
(i) Contest with Frederick Barbarossa. Frederick, the
greatest of the Hohenstaufens, invaded Italy in 11 58
with one hundred and fifteen thousand troops. He at-
tempted to reconstruct both civil and ecclesiastical gov-
ernments. He filled vacant bishoprics with men of his
own party. He bestowed the estates of the Countess
Matilda, the friend of Hildebrand, which had been left to
the Roman See, upon the Duke of Bavaria. Hadrian IV.,
who died in 11 59, is said to have been the first pope to set
up the claim of exclusive jurisdiction.* Alexander III., who
as cardinal had for some time directed the movements of
the ultra-papal party, was chosen by a small majority
(1 159). The minority of the cardinals, supported by the
clergy, Senate, and people of Rome, set up a rival (Victor
IV.). The emperor called a council to adjudicate the mat-
ter. Alexander treated with contempt the imperiaj sum-
1 GrMOWood. Vol. v.. p. m- *IM., Vol. V.. p. 107.
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512 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
der denounced the procedure in vigorous language and
appealed to the nations. He secured the support of Eng-
land, France, Spain, Hungary, and Sicily. Frederick
captured Rome in 1166, but immediately afterward his
army was attacked by pestilence and he was obliged to
withdraw with a small fraction of it surviving. This
was a partial victory for Alexander, but his rival still
held the Roman See. Again in 1174 Frederick invaded
Italy, but in 1 176 he suffered a disastrous defeat. In the
treaty of Agnani the emperor renounced the anti-pope
and agreed to restore the Patrimony of Peter, including
the estates of Matilda. In the treaty of Venice (1177)
the emperor abandoned all claims to sovereignty within
the pontifical territory, and submitted himself in the most
abject way to the pope, the sole condition being that he
and his wife should be recognized as emperor and em-
press of the Romans.
(2) The Council of the Lateran Cn79)' This council
attempted to settle the title and territorial claims of the
pope and to unite Christendom in opposition to heresy,
which was making alarming headway. The basis of the
Inquisition was here laid. The law as to the election of
popes was made so definite as entirely to exclude any
participation therein by the emperor or by the clergy and
people of Rome, The Hildebrandine laws against simony
were restated with emphasis, and it was decreed that no
pecuniary burden or tax of any kind should be imposed
upon the clergy for any secular purpose. Christian
princes and people are called upon to take up arms
against heresy and are assured of plenary indulgence
while engaged in this work, with full forgiveness of sins
in case of death. ^
(3) Alexander and England. Henry 11. was a strong-
willed and arrogant ruler. Since the Norman conquest
the ecclesiastical power had been encroaching more and
more upon the civil. The national spirit was being
developed anew and Henry represented this spirit in its
extreme form. In 1163 Thomas a Becket, by the king's
mandate, was made archbishop of Canterbury. Henry
had reason to expect a large measure of subserviency
1 Greenwood, Vol. V., p. igo.
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 513
from Becket. In this he was sadly mistaken. Becket
had not oeen iong in office before he showed himself the
almost fanatical advocate of papal absolutism. The
Constitutions of Clarendon were adopted in 1164 by a
great national council called by Henry. The articles of
the constitution forbid the encroachment of ecclesiastical
courts on the civil, restrain English prelates from going
to Rome without the king's license, and forbid the exer*
cise by the pope or by his representatives of excommuni-
cation or interdict without the king's license. The king is
to constitute the highest court of appeal. Ecclesiastical
vacancies are to be filled under the direction of the king,
and the revenues during vacancies are to go into the
royal exchequer. These constitutions struck at the root
of papal pretensions. Becket resisted the royal policy
in the most determined and insulting way. Ill feeling
steadily increased between Henry and Becket, until at
last the former became so exasperated as to procure the
assassination of the latter. The martyrdom of Becke^
turned the tide of sentiment against Henry in favor of
the papal cause. England was put under an interdict
and Henry was compelled to humiliate himself and to
abrogate the Constitutions of Clarendon in 1172.
2. Innocent III. (^1188-1216).
Innocent was one of the ablest and by far the most
successful of popes. He came to the office at the most
favorable time. He had the work of Hildebrand and
Alexan.der III. behind him. The Crusades had given
immense authority and vast resources to the church, and
the crusading spirit was still at its height. Canon law
was fully developed and the great intellectual activity
that resulted from the Crusades was manifesting itself
in the founding of universities, a chief object of which
was the defense of church dogma. Innocent had com-
pletely grasped the papal idea of absolute civil and eccle-
siastical control, and he approached more nearly to a
realization of this idea than any other pope ever did.
He was the first pope to designate himself the represent-
ative of God on earth.
(i) Relation of Innocent to the Empire. Henry VI. had
left an infant son. His widow was under the influence
au
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514 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
of Innocent, and she appointed him guardian of the
future emperor and regent of his hereditary domain. A
struggle over the imperial dignity having arisen between
Philip of Swabia (Guelf) and Otho IV. (Hohenstaufen),
Innocent had the privilege of deciding between them.
Without comntitting himself fully to either, he favored
the cause of Otho. Philip's popularity grew so great
that Innocent was on the point of recognizing him as
emperor when he was assassinated. The way was now
clear for him to crown Otho, which he soon did. Otho
having attained to the object of his ambition grew inso-
lent and insubordinate, and undertook to meddle with
Italian affairs. His enemies in Germany were so many
and strong that Innocent had little difficulty in deposing
him and putting Frederick II. on the imperial throne.
Frederick disappointed the papal expectations. He had
received the crown on the two-fold condition that on the
birth of a son he should resign the crown of Sicily, and
that he should organize and lead a crusade within the
next three years. This latter promise Frederick was
most reluctant to fulfill. Innocent failed during the four
years that remained to him to induce him to fulfill his
promise, and the spirit of insubordination that led to the
prolonged conflict between Frederick and the successors
of Innocent, to the excommunication of Frederick, to his
determination to put an end to papal tyranny, to his ful-
filling his crusading vow in an independent crusade, and
his crowning himself in the church of the Holy Sepulchre,
etc., was manifest long before the death of Innocent.
(2) Innocent's Dealings with Other Rulers and Countries.
In England King John for political reasons insisted upon
the appointment of John de Grey to the archbishopric of
Canterbury. Part of the electors refused to vote for
John de Grey and set up a rival. Both parties appealed
to Rome. Innocent set aside both claimants and caused
the appointment of Stephen Langton, whom he duly
consecrated. King John was exasperated, and in re-
sponse to the pope's threat to put England under an
interdict, he threatened to banish the clergy and mutilate
every Italian he. could lay hands upon. After many
threats and counter-threats, Innocent excommunicated
John, released his subjects from their fealty, and called
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 515
upon Christian princes to depose him and talte the Iting'
dom. John was very unpopular at home, and Philip
Augustus of France, with the papal support, was pre-
paring to take possession of England. John was re-
duced to such straits that he was glad to surrender his
Icingdom to the pope and to receive it back as a fief. By
reason of his blundering dealings in civil and ecclesiasti-
cal matters and the disgrace that he had thus brought
upon the country, the barons levied war against him
and compelled him to sign Magna Charta, the great
charter of the liberties of the English people. Innocent
compelled Alphonso of Spain to break off a matrimonial
engagement with his niece. He compelled Philip Au-
gustus of France to take back his divorced wife. He
summoned Peter of Aragon to Rome, took away his
crown and restored it only on condition that he should
recognize the pope's sovereignty by the payment of an
annual tribute. His influential interference in political
matters extended to Hungary, Poland, Norway, and
even to the East, where his supporters founded in 1203
a Latin empire. The glory of this performance was
short-lived, but he had the satisfaction of governing a
patriarch of Constantinople, and thus gratifying an in-
veterate ambition of the papacy. The fact is that he
had his hand upon every part of the political and ecclesi-
astical machinery of Christendom and was generally
able to carry his point.
(3) The Fourth Lateran Council (72/5). When the
papal power had reached its zenith shortly before the
death of its most mighty pope, one of the most august
and important councils of the Middle Ages was held in
Rome. There were in attendance seventy-one primates
and archbishops, four hundred and twelve bishops, and
eight hundred priors and abbots. East and West partici-
pated. Most of the Oriental patriarchates were repre-
sented. The organization of a new crusade was the
most prominent topic of discussion. It was enacted
that the "peace of God" be kept among Christian
princes for five years to this end. Union with the
Greek Church was also considered. The doctrine of
Transubstantiation was now for the first time defined in
opposition to the followers of Berengarius and to evan-
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5l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
gelical dissent. The word itself seems to have been
now first used. Ample provision was made for the
persecution of heretics. Toleration of heresy was made
a ground for punishment and even death.
. 3. The Papacy During the Thirteenth Century.
(i) Guelfs and Ghibellines. The most uncompromising
warfare was waged between the emperor and the popes
during the lifetime of Frederick II. (d. 1250), who had
been greatly embittered against the papacy by the arro-
gant conduct of Innocent III. Identifying Christianity
with priestcraft he seems to have become an avowed
unbeliever, and his contact with Mohammedanism during
the crusade In which he engaged led to his adopting the
modes of life and thought of the arch-enemies of Christi-
anity. He interested himself in Saracen science and
philosophy, had Saracens in his court, used Mohammedan
soldiers to fight against Christians, and maintained a
harem of Saracen women. Every community was di-
vided into factions by this long-continued feud and
bloody encounters were frequent. In 1241 Gregory IX.
convoked a council. About one hundred prelates, who
had embarked at Genoa for Rome, were captured by
Enzio, son of Frederick, and a number of them mur-
dered. On the election of Innocent IV. (1243), Fred-
erick is said to have remarked : ** As cardinal, Fieschi
was my friend ; but as pope, he will be my enemy. No
pope can be a Ghibelline." A council held at Lyons in
1245 excommunicated and deposed Frederick for infi-
delity, heresy, perjury, sacrilege, and collusion with the
Saracens. Frederick died in the midst of a campaign
against the supporters of the papacy, having during the
last years of his life treated the popes and their support-
ers with every conceivable indignity.
(2) Gregory IX. (1227-1241), a nephew of Innocent III.,
was more explicit than his great relative in the assertion
of the absolute authority of the papacy. He declared
that the pope "possesses the principality of the whole
world (in universe mundo) of things and of persons (jerum
et corporum).'* Gregory published five books of decre-
tals, to counteract the imperial legislation of Frederick,
and these became part of the " Body of Canon Law.'*
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CHAP, n.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES J 17
(3) Innocent ly. (1243-1254) attempted still further to
fortify the assertion of universal and absolute papal
domination. He denied that Constantine had given sec-
ular power to the papacy, which possesses this power
directly from Christ himself, who founded a kingdom
and gave to Peter the keys both of heavenly and earthly
authority. He insisted that it is the duty of every cler-
ical person to obey the pope even if he should command
what is wrong (unless heresy be involved). Laymen
need only to know that there is a God who rewards the
good, and, for the rest, they are to believe implicitly
what the church believes. Bishops and pastors need to
know well the Apostles' Creed ; other clergy need know
no more than the laity, except that the body of Christ is
made in the sacrament of the altar.
(4) Clement /K. (1265-1268) asserted the right of the
Roman pontiff to dispose of all benefices vacant or other-
wise according to his good pleasure. By this decree he
intended to give legitimacy to the practice of selling ex-
pectancies, already becoming an important source of
papal revenue. This proceeding seems to have called
forth the pragmatic sanction of Louis IX., the great
crusader and champion of the church. The pragmatic
sanction was an assertion of the liberties of the French
church (Gallicanism) over against papal claims of uni-
versal jurisdiction. " The kingdom of France, recogniz-
ing no other superior or protector than God Almighty, is
independent of all men, and consequently of the pope."
It involves a vigorous protest against the corrupt and
extortionate methods of raising money employed by the
papacy and the attempt of the papacy to dominate the
civil governments, and insists on the restoration of the
church to its primitive spirituality and purity.
(5) Gregory X. (1271-1276) made a desperate but
wholly unsuccessful effort to inaugurate a new crusade,
and in connection with a council at Lyons (1274) suc-
ceeded in inducing the feeble Eastern emperor and some
of the Greek bishops to assent to the doctrines of the
Roman Church and to the supremacy of the pope. But
this affiliation was looked upon with such abhorrence in
the East that fasts, ablutions, and processions were re-
sorted to as a means of expiating the guilt involved.
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5l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
Excommunication and punishment of heresy was made
the duty of Christian princes and of all the faithful. To
facilitate the conviction of heretics it was made oblig-
atory upon every Christian to confess and receive the
Eucharist at least once a year. Failure to do this was to
incur the penalty of excommunication and persecution for
heresy. In general the object of the council was to con-
solidate, conserve, and extend the power and preroga-
tives that had been attained. The Inquisition was not
yet formally established, but its principles were enacted.
4. Theocratic Principles Established at the Death of
Innocent III.
(i) The bishop of Rome representative of the Almighty
on earth. (2) The pope and the priesthood constitute the
visible church. (3) Territorial fixity and material endow-
ments belong to the outward body of the church. (4)
The title of the church to its possessions, however ob-
tained, indefeasible. (5) The pope the ultimate judge in
religious matters. (6) The pope the sole dispenser of
temporal honors. (7) The pope the supreme criminal
judge even of princes. (8) The pope the sole guardian
of the faith, to repress and exterminate gainsayers.*
V. DECLINE OF THE PAPAL POWER.
Literature : Greenwood, Vol. VI., pp. 277-560 ; Milman, Vol.
VI. and VII. ; Creiehton, " Hist, of the Papacy during the Refor-
mation," VoL I. and II.; Alzog, Sec. 226,227,265-272; Gieseler,
Vol. III., pp. i-ioo, 215-289 (very valuable); Schmidt, **TapstL
Urkunden und Rigesia aus denjahren I2g$-i^^2 ; Pottliast, ** T{egesta
Poniifieum "/Rletzler, ** Die liUr. IVtdffsacher d. PdpsU {ur Zest Ludvig
d4s 'Baiifs " ; Lechler, *' Der Kirckinstaat und die Opposition gegen den
pdpstl, Ahsolutismus im Anfang d. XIV. Jahrh." ; Souchon, ** Dig
Tapstwahlen von 'Bonif, VIll. bis Urban W' : Gregorovius, " Gesch.
d. Stadt Rom," 'Bd. V. (also Eng. trans.) ; Wattenbach, '* Gesck. d.
rom, Papsithums" ; Geffckcn, "Church and State"; and encyclo-
pedia articles on the various popes, councils, etc.
I. Causes of the Decline.
In general it may be said that most of the factors that
entered into the growth of the papal power afterward co-
operated in working its overthrow. The papacy under
1 Greenwood. Vol. VI.. p. 3. seq.
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CHAP. IL] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES Jig
Innocent III. overreached itself. The irresponsible au-
thority that he was able temporarily to exercise by
reason of personal power and highly favorable circum-
stances, could by no possibility have been maintained.
Frederick II. resisted the successors of Innocent in the
most determined way, and called upon the princes of
Europe to join him in overthrowing the intolerable tyr-
anny of the papacy. We may particularize as follows :
(i) The Crusades that had done so much for the
papacy were influential in its overthrow. The crusading
enthusiasm had entirely subsided by the close of the
thirteenth century. Yet the successors of Innocent III.
continued in season and out of season to press for new
crusades, to the disgust of princes and people. The lib-
eralizing effects of the Crusades made them strongly
averse to the maintenance of papal absolutism, as did
also the growth of commercial and manufacturing enter-
prise, the growth of great municipalities, the consolida-
tion of the States of Europe, etc., which were due in part
to the Crusades.
(2) The rigid enforcement of uniformity in doctrine
and practice by the Inquisition and other means proved
so oppressive, that dissent, heretofore latent and unag-
gressive, was forced into publicity and powerfully stimu-
lated. It is noticeable that just as the church reached
the highest point of exaltation dissent manifested itself
almost everywhere and soon a large proportion of the
population was in open revolt.
(3) The vast increase in the machinery of the church
brought about by the introduction of the legatine power,
by the Crusades and the Inquisition, by the universal
judicial authority claimed and exercised, by the wars of
the popes in defending the Patrimony of Peter, by the
introduction of luxurious living into the Roman Curia,
necessitated the raising of immense revenues and led to
the devising of the most unscrupulous and oppressive
methods of getting money : Annates or first fruits (the
first year's revenues) were exacted of bishops and ab-
bots, and in order to make occasions for extorting an-
nates as frequent as possible Collation from one bishopric
to another was frequently resorted to. Thus a single
vacancy might be made an occasion for several changes,
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520 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
each furnishing opportunity for the exaction of annates.
Some of the richest benefices in each country were re-
served by the popes (Reservations) for their own use and
that of the cardinals and other fa%^orites. Vast revenues
were thus drawn, without any compensating service.
Not only were vacant benefices sold to the highest bid-
der, but Expectancies were sold as well. The same ex-
pectancy was often sold to a number of applicants, and
when the vacancy occurred the claimant that would bid
highest was likely to carry the day. Indulgences, which
had previously been given for going on crusades, were
now shamelessly sold. Canon law having put burden-
some restrictions upon almost every relation of life, Dis-
pensations for the violation of these restrictions were
readily granted for money. It became a leading aim with
the popes to enrich their relations, especially their illegiti-
mate children. Hence Nepotism was practised in such a
way as to scandalize Christendom. It came to be said,
even by faithful Catholics, that in the Roman Curia
everything could be had for money.
(4) The enforcement of celibacy on the clergy and the
vast increase of the number and the membership of mo-
nastic orders, in the absence of any proper ethical princi-
v^iples, led to an appalling increase in immorality. The
most horrible licentiousness became widely prevalent
and the moral influence of clergy and monks was highly
corrupting.
(5) The papacy became more and more an object of am-
bition. The cardinals restricted the choice to their own
number. Bitter factions were developed among thera.
Weeks and sometimes months elapsed before an election
could be reached and frequently rival popes were elected
by rival factions. It became a common practice of the
cardinals to elect the oldest and most infirm of their
number as pope, so that the next election might not be
unduly delayed. Thus the papal government became
weak and contemptible.
(6) After the fall of the Hohenstaufens (1254) the Ger-
man emperors for some time neglected their sovereignty
in Italy and Sicily. What might have seemed a victory
for the papacy proved the reverse. The French influ-
ence bec^ipe ipore s^nd mpre donoinant. The policy of
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CHAP. 11.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 521
the French kings was to strengthen their hold upon Italy
and Sicily by securing a preponderance of Frenchmen in
the college of cardinals. The Babylonish captivity of
the church was the result of this policy.
2. Boniface yilL and Philip the Fair 0^94-' S^S)*
(i) Boniface having secured the abdication of Cceles-
tine v., a weak-minded old hermit who had been ap-
pointed by virtue of a compromise between two factions,
on his assumption of the pontificate found the Roman
Curia banished from Rome and the papal power in a
state of degradation. In fact the whole of Europe was
in a very unsettled condition at the time. He was a
man of considerable learning and unbounded arrogance,
and he made a determined but foolhardy attempt to play
the part of Innocent III. At his coronation a king held
each of his stirrups and the ceremony was of the most
Imposing character. He attempted to appoint a king of
Sicily who was to accept the kingdom as a fief from the
Holy See ; but the people chose a king for themselves in
defiance of the pope. Boniface tried excommunication,
interdicts, etc., but the time for such things had passed
and they fell flat. He was soon carrying on a war with
the Colonna family, two of whom were cardinals, and
succeeded in banishing its principal members. He busied
himself with overthrowing the Ghibellines in Italy and
advancing the interests of the Guelfs,
His most famous struggle was that with Philip the Fair,
of France. France and England were at war. The pope
commanded them to make peace. They refused. Philip
levied a heavy tax on the French clergy. Many of them
were unwilling to submit and appealed to the pope.
Boniface forbade Philip's taxing the clergy and threat-
ened excommunication, interdicts, etc. Philip retaliated
by forbidding the exportation of gold, silver, and precious
stones, thus cutting off the papal revenue from France.
Boniface was compelled to withdraw his extravagant
statements, or to put so mild an interpretation on them
as to make them innocuous ; and to appease Philip he
canonized his grandfather, Louis IX. The peace arrived
at was not permanent. In 1301 the struggle was re-
sumed,
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522 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
(2) The bull " Unam Sanctam " was issued by the pope
with the concurrence of a synod to which some French
prelates, contrary to the orders of the king, had gone.
This document represents the papal claims in their most
extravagant form. Philip responded by calling together
the three estates of his realm. Boniface was accused by
the French nation, including the ecclesiastics, of many
crimes, and an appeal was made to a General Council.
When about to carry his folly to greater extremes still,
he was taken prisoner by the agents of Philip. He was
released by a mob, but was imprisoned again by one of
the cardinals. Owing to old age and hardships, he died
shortly afterward.
The bull **UHam Sanctam " purports to be a scriptural proof of the
absolute universality of papal dominion. Jer. i : 10, '* Behold, I
have set thee over Kingdoms and empires," is his principai text.
There being but one faith and one baptism, and the church consti-
tuting but one body, there can of necessity be but one head. The
Invisible head is Jesus Christ ; the visible, his representatives, the
successors to Peter. Christ has established two swords or powers
In the church— the one temporal, the other spiritual. The latter he
has committed to the priesthood, the former to kings ; and both being
in the church, both have the same end. The temporal power being
inferior. Is subject to the spiritual, which Is the higher and more
noble, and directs the former as the soul does the body. Should the
temporal power turn aside from Its prescribed course. It is the duty
of the spiritual to recall it to Its tme destiny. It is of the faith that
all men, even kings, are subject to the pope ; for If kings were not
subject to the censures of the church whenever they might sin in the
exercise of the power committed to them, they would as a conse-
auence be out or the church, and the two powers would be essentially
distinct, having, in this case, their origins in two different and oppo-
site principles, an error not far removed from the heresy of the Mani-
chaeans.
(3) Boniface's arrogant assertion of papal supremacy
not only called forth in France the assertion of the liber-
ties of France and of the Galilean church, but was the
occasion of a remarkable defense of the empire, that the
popes had almost destroyed, by Dante, the great poet of
the Middle Ages. In his treatise on Monarchy (**^«
tMonarchia**) he insisted that the empire derived its exist-
ence and its rights immediately from God and by no
means from the church, that it existed before the church,
that Christ sanctioned it by being born in it, and still
further by submitting to condemnation and death at its
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CHAP. 11.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 525
hands, that he gave to the church no authority over the
empire, that the empire is necessary to the well-being of
mankind, the end of society being unity and unity being
possible only through obedience to one head. This was
followed by a number of other defenses of civil govern-
ment over against papal absolutism. Egidius, of Rome,
published a disputation in which the arguments for and
against the papal power are set forth, the advantage
being given to the latter. John, a Dominican monk of
Paris, published a treatise on " The Royal and the Papal
Power."*
3. The Babylonish Captivity of the Church (/ 305-/ 376).
After the death of Boniface and a pontificate of less than
a year by his successor, Philip secured the appointment
of Clement V., who seems to have made a secret pledge
to remove the papal court to France, to annul the pro-
ceedings of Boniface, to anathematize Boniface, and
(probably) to destroy the Templars. A period of terri-
ble corruption ensued. Nothing did so much to weaken
the papacy as the papal residence at Avignon. The
luxury of the papal court went far beyond anything that
had been known in the past. Every known way of
raising money was resorted to. Venality, mendacity,
and licentiousness abounded. The spirit of resistance
to papal absolutism that had long ago begun to manifest
itself now became well-nigh universal. The removal of
the papal court to Avignon weakened the papacy in the
following ways :
(i) By the manifest subserviency of the papacy to
French interests other nations were alienated.
(2) The shameless immorality of the papal court de-
stroyefl respect for the hierarchy and caused a general
demand for reform.
(3) Every known way of raising money was carried
to its extreme development, and the intolerableness of
the burden came to be generally felt throughout Europe.
The conviction grew that the people were being imposed
upon. The French government itself and the Univer-
sity of Paris soon became utterly disgusted with the
1 These two writings «re available la GoMast, *' MoMMrektm S. 'RomMmi ImptrU,**
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524 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
Avignon court and were among the most persistent advo-
cates of reform. Germany, England, and Bohemia, one
after another, revolted from papal domination. The
pope was declared by theologians, jurists, and poets to
be unworthy of confidence. Many regarded him as
antichrist. We can only refer at present to the great
revolt in Germany under Louis the Bavarian, that in
England with which the name of Wycliffe is so closely
associated, and that in Bohemia connected with the
name of Huss. In all of these countries there grew up
an extensive vernacular literature in which the vices of
clergy and monks, high and low, were mercilessly ridi-
culed or scathingly condemned. These anti-papal move-
ments will come up for fuller consideration in a later
chapter.
(4) Each pope during this period was compelled as a
condition of his election to promise to restore the papal
court to Rome, but each found some excuse for violating
his oath. The perfidy of the popes intensified the con-
viction that they were antichrist.
(5) The destruction of the Templars and the confisca-
tion of their estates was an unpopular movement and did
much to weaken the papal cause.
(6) Prophetesses, like Brigitta and Catherine of Siena,
denounced the divine judgment upon the Avignon papacy
and enthusiastically urged the return of the papal court
to Rome.
The details of papal history during this period must be omitted in
the interest of brevity. The destruction of the Templars, a military
order that had acquired great wealth and influence in France,
and that had awakened both the jealousy and the cupidity of the
king, seems to have been due to a secret understanding between
pope and king. A criminal offered to testify, as the price of his
liberation, that he had been informed by a member of the'order, a
fellow-prisoner, that the Templars were guilty of blasphemy, sac-
rilege, and of every conceivable abomination (spitting on the cru-
cifix and trampling it under foot, worshiping a hideous idol, denying
the existence of God, practising unnatural lust, broiling their ille-
gitimate children, etc.). There is no reason to suppose that the
specific charges on which they were condemned were true, or that
tneir moral and religious principles were worse than those that pre-
vailed In the papal court. Some of the Templars, under torture,
were induced to admit the charges ; but their condemnation was a
foregone conclusion. The Council of Vienna ( 1311-1312) consented
to the suppression of the order as a matter of expediency.
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 525
John XXII. (1J16-1334), whose struggle with Louis the Bavarian
will be dealt with in another chapter, was accused of heresy by the
Dominican theologians and the Universit>r of Paris, for asserting
that departed souls could not enioy the intuitive vision of God until
after the general judgment ana the resurrection of the body. He
recanted on his death-bed. He aaumulated eighteen millions of
gold florins and seven millions' worth of jewels, the chief sources of
revenue having been annates, expectancies, and tithes. Some of
the Franciscans asserted that Christ and his apostles practised pov-
erty, having no possessions either as individuals or in common.
The Dominicans declared this assertion heresy and were supported
by the pope. The Franciscans declared the pope a heretic. Wil-
liam of Occam, one of the greatest thinlcers or the Middle Ages,
and Michael of Cesena. general of the Franciscans, defended the
Franciscan position, and wrote strongly against the |>oi>e's claim of
temporal power and of infaliibilitv in doctrine, and msisted that a
;eneral council is the highest eartKlv tribunal. By 13(2 France had
come so turmoiled and weakened by war with England that the
pes no longer found advantage in residence at Avignon. Urban
. was removed to Rome in 1367, but the city was in ruins and Italy
in an unsettled condition. He returned to Avignon in 1370.
The States of the Church having been reduced to obedience.
Gregory XI. took up his residence in Rome (i377)« but he found
himself beset with difficulties and died soon afterward (1378).
gen
beo
I50]
4. The Papal Schism i 1378-14)9).
The papal schism, occasioned by persistent eflforts on
the part of the Italians and others to secure the restora-
tion of the papal court to Rome, was a source of still
greater scandal than the captivity, and utterly confused
Christendom. During part of the time France, Scotland,
Savoy, Lorraine, Castile, Aragon, and Naples adhered to
one pope, while Germany, England, Denmark, Poland,
Prussia, and the rest of Italy, adhered to another. The
spectacle of two popes (sometimes three) excommuni-
cating and anathematizing each other was by no means
edifying. The disaffection that had long been manifest-
ing itself in England and Bohemia broke out into open
schism during this period.
After the death of Gregory XI. the utmost solicitude was felt by
the Roman people lest his successor should forsake the city. Of
the sixteen cardinals at that time in Rome eleven were French. The
French cardinals were known to be disgusted with the squalor and
the barbarism of Rome. United they could easily have elected a
Frenchman pledged to return to Avignon. The mob without the
conclave shouted unceasingly : ** We want a Roman pope, or at
least an Italian.* ' While awaiting the result, they broke into the papai
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526 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
wine cellars, and their enthusiasm for a Roman pope was thereby
mightily increased. The archbishop of Bari (not a Roman) was
elected, but the cardinals feared to face the mob. At last some one
falsely reported that the cardinal of St Peter's was pope and the
cardinals made good their escape. The anger of the mob on learn-
ing of the deception was such tnat they were ready to tear the pope-
elect to pieces, but after a few days quiet was restored and he was
duly crowned as Urban VI., April, 1378.
Within a few weeks a majority of the cardinals, who had retired
to Anagni, having gained political and military backing, renounced
Urban vl. as havins been elected under the pressure of a Roman
mob, and in September elected Robert of Geneva as Clement VII.,
who made Avignon his capital. Thus was precipitated the great
schism that was to last for sixty years, notwithstanding the most
earnest and persistent efforts of princes and clergy to reconcile the
factions and to restore unity to the administration of ealesiastical
affairs.
5. Efforts to Heal the Schism {1)94-1409).
The papal schism became so distressing to the nations
of Europe that concerted measures for the restoration of
unity were earnestly considered. Among the first to
move in favor of a general council was the University of
Paris. The theologians of the Sorbonne had just tri-
umphed in a controversy with the Dominicans, supported
by Pope Clement VII., on the immaculate conception of
the Virgin Mary, Dominicans and pope denying. In 1394
Nicolas de Clemangis presented to the king on behalf of
the Sorbonne a plan of reformation. It provided that
both popes should resign ; that arbitrators should be ap-
pointed by both popes ; and that a general council should
be convoked by the king, which by its own authority
should put an end to the existing state of things. Clem-
ent died shortly afterward. Notwithstanding the king's
injunction to abstain from an election, the Avignon car-
dinals proceeded to elect Benedict XIII., one of the ablest
and most upright of their number. He had professed a
willingness to abdicate in case the interests of the church
should require this action. The king was enraged and
called a national synod to deal with the matter ; but the
synod made the mistake of recognizing Benedict ad in-
terim. Public calamities occurring about this time had
made the king willing to be rid of the papacy.
The University of Paris joined with the king in his efforts to com-
pel Benedict to resign, but he was obstinate, defying all the author-
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CHAP. U.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 527
Ities arrayed against him. The l<ing of Castile and the University
of Toulouse came to his support. He even succeeded in attaching
to himself such reformers as Nicolas de Clemangis and Peter d* Ailly
of the University of Paris. The retirement of these great leaders to
enter the papal service enhanced the violence of the opposition to
Benedict in the university. It was now proposed that the pope be
declared guilty of heresy and mortal sin in refusing to abdicate, that
the cardinals renounce obedience to him, that his censures be un-
heeded, and that he be compelled b}^ a general council to abdicate.
John Gerson, the greatest of the Paris theologians, counseled milder
measures, but when Benedict interfered with the university an ap-
peal was made to a future pope who should be ** one, true, orthodox*
and universal." By 1397 England, Germany, and Spain were ready
to join with France in a determined effort to heal the schism. Bene-
dict continued defiant and the allegiance of France was withdrawn
from him (1398). He was besieged in Avignon, September, 1398-
April, 1399, and Imprisoned from the latter date to March, 1403, when
by reason of a popular reaction in his favor he was able to escape.
Two months later the cardinals induced the king to restore to Bene-
dict the allegiance of France, but fresh difficulties soon arose.
In Rome a somewhat similar war was waged between Boniface
IX. and the German emperor, Wenzel, in which the pope was vic-
torious. Boniface was one of the most avaricious of the popes and
made the most unscrupulous use of all available means for gaining
wealth. When asked on his deathbed how he was, he answered :
** If I had more money, 1 should be well enough." It was hoped
that his death ( 1404I would facilitate the healing of the schism, but
amid the wildest confusion such cardinals as could get together pro-
ceeded to elect a successor as Innocent Vll.
Gregory XII., who had succeeded Innocent VII. as Roman pope
(1406), professed a consuming; zeal for papal unity. He would go
in a nsning-boat or on foot, if necessary, to confer with his rival.
In a letter to Benedict he besought his co-operation in '* bringing
health to the church that has been so long diseased." To this end
he would resign, if Benedict would. The University of Paris was
again urging that France should renounce Benedict. A synod assem-
bled for the consideration of this demand (November, 1406-January,
1407) decided to leave to him his spiritual dignity, but to deprive him
of his revenues. In this action the king joined. Gregory's pacific
utterances caused much rejoicing in France. Benedict professed also
a desire for the restoration of unity, but only •* by way of justice."
Negotiations between the two popes during this and the following
years were fruitless. Each longed for unity, with himself at the
head ; neither could be persuaded that the interests of the church
required his abdication.
6. The Reforming Councils {1409-144)).
In 1408 both popes found themselves in a forsaken
and desperate situation. Four cardinals of each met at
Livorno and agreed to re-establish the unity of the
church by a general council. Those who had been at-
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$28 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
tached to Gregory issued a letter calling upon the faith-
ful to withdraw from him obedience and financial sup-
port. A like exhortation was sent forth by Benedict's
cardinals. Both bodies of cardinals united in calling a
general council to meet at Pisa, May 29, 1409.
(i) The Council of Pisa (1409). This council was called
under the protection of Charles VI. of France. Two sets
of cardinals, representing Benedict XIII. and Gregory XII.,
were present. Every effort had been made by the cardi-
nals and the princes of Europe to make the body really
ecumenical. There assembled twenty -two cardinals, the
Latin patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem,
twelve archbishops in person and fourteen by proxy,
eighty bishops in person and one hundred and two by
proxy, eighty-seven abbots in person and two hundred
by proxy, a large number of priors and generals of orders,
deputies of the universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Paris,
Florence, Cracow, Vienna, Prague, etc., more than three
hundred doctors in theology, ambassadors from the kings
of England, France, Portugal, Bohemia, Sicily, Poland,
Cyprus, Brabant, Burgundy, etc.
The rival popes were summoned and, not appearing,
were declared contumacious by a sentence affixed to the
church door. After much negotiation and controversy
both sets of cardinals were induced to abandon their
allegiance to their respective popes. Both popes were
declared to be ** schismatical, abettors of schism, heretics,
and guilty of perjury," and were deposed and excommu-
nicated.
The cardinals were compelled to promise, each for
himself, that if elected pope he would continue the coun-
cil until the church should be reformed in its head and
members, and they were shut up and kept under guard
until an election should take place. The aged and feeble
cardinal of Milan was appointed and assumed the name
Alexander V.
Notwithstanding the apparent strength of the council,
the schism was not healed. There were now three popes
instead of two, who persisted in heaping upon each other
the most terrific anathemas. Benedict (at Avignon) was
acknowledged by Spain, Portugal, and Scotland ; Gregory
(at Rome) by Naples, Hungary, and parts of Germany ;
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CHAP, u] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 529
while Alexander was supported by France, England, and
other parts of Germany.
Alexander V. died the following year and was suc-
ceeded by John XXIII., one of the most infamous of
men.
(2) The Council of Constance (1414-1418). The aim of
this council was to heal the schism, to condemn and sup-
press heresy (especially that of Huss in Bohemia), and
to reform the church in its head and members. It was
called by John XXIII., and was the most numerously at-
tended council of the Middle Ages; eighteen thousand
clergy are said to have been present, and one hundred
and fifty thousand people, many of whom were mounte-
banks, strolling actors, money lenders, and prostitutes,
are said to have thronged the city at one time. These
numbers are probably exaggerated, but the attendance
was certainly immense. The retinue and luggage of the
pope were conveyed by sixteen hundred horses, those of
the emperor by one thousand. John had intended to
control the council by packing it with Italians. To ob-
viate this it was arranged to have the voting by nations.
Thus the German, French, and English, being united in
main points, were able to overbear the papal influence.
John was accused of the most immoral and atrocious
conduct, of the most abominable heresy (infidelity,
swearing by the devil), etc. He was deposed and de-
prived, though afterward he was appointed cardinal
bishop. The claims of the other popes were repudiated.
The doctrine which had already been elaborated by John
Gerson and Peter d'Ailly that the church universal as-
sembled in council is the highest ecclesiastical tribunal
on earth, and that to such a court it belongs to depose
unworthy popes and to do anything necessary for the
well-being of the church, was clearly enunciated and was
put into practice. The burning of John Huss and of
Jerome of Prague by the council will be considered in
another chapter.
In November, I4i7t the cardinals, under the direction of the
council, appointed Cardinal Otho Colonna pope, who was crowned
as Martin V. The new pope, with the help of the officials of the
Roman Curia, busied himself at once with editing the rules of the
papal chancery. The extortionate methods of raising money that
ax
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530 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
were in vogue (including the exaction of annates, the reservation of
the chief dignities in cathedral, collegiate, and conventual churches,
and the sale of expectancies, dispensations, indulgences, etc.) were
confirmed.
After concordats, fixing the relations between the church and the
various nations, had been drawn up and confirmed, the council was
adjourned in Aprii, 1418. The pope had promised to carry forward
the work of reformation : but it nad become well understood that he
had no sympathy with the Galilean idea of the relation of popes and
general councils, and that he was determined to insist upon papal
firerogative as it had been established by Gregory VII. and Innocent
11. A few weeks after the adjournment of the council he declared
that it was *' unlawful for any one either to appeal from the Judg-
ments of the Apostolic See, or to reject its decisions in matters of
faith."
The council of Constance virtually put an end to the
schism, though Benedict XIII. continued till his death
(1424) to claim the papal dignity and to anathematize all
but his handful of followers. In 1425 three of Benedict's
cardinals elected a new pope, who called himself Clement
VIII. Another of these cardinals, who was absent at the
time of the election, took the responsibility of electing
another pope as Benedict XIV. The former was sup-
ported for a time by Alfonso V. of Aragon, but aban-
doned his pretensions in 1429.
Martin V. had promised to convoke a council at an
early date for the further reformation of the church. In
response to an invitation (which he privately neutralized)
a few bishops, etc., assembled at Pavia (1423) and after-
ward at Siena ; but nothing was accomplished. Shortly
before his death, in view of the great Hussite schism, he
was induced to call a council to meet at Basel.
(3) The Council of Basel (1431-1449). A crusade against
the Hussites (1427) had completely failed and the Bohe-
mians were raiding Germany (1430). The Hussites in-
sisted that they were true Catholics and demanded that
the points at issue between themselves and the papal
church be adjudicated in a general council. The pres-
sure for a council became so great by 143 1 that Martin
felt it unwise longer to defer its convocation. The
council was formally opened under the authority of
Eugenius IV. (July 1431), who had succeeded Martin in
February. A last attempt at subjugating the Hussites,
attended by fearful slaughter and devastation, was still
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CHAP. IL] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 531
in progress. It resulted in the disastrous defeat of the
crusaders. The news of the disaster produced a deep
impression upon the assembly. A letter was addressed
to the Bohemians inviting them to join with the council
in restoring the unity of the church and offering safe-
conduct to their representatives. "Send, we beseech
you, men in whom you trust the Spirit of the Lord rests,
gentle, God-fearing, humble, desirous of peace, seeking
not their own but the things of Christ, whom we pray to
give to us and to you and all Christian people peace on
earth, and in the world to come life everlasting."
This letter was probably drafted by Cardinal Cesarini, who had
led the last crusade and was deeply concerned for the restoration of
church unity. Eugenius was fearful lest in their anxiety to concili-
ate the Bohemians the council should compromise the papal dignity
and authority. He issued a bull dissolving the council (Nov., 1431 ).
The council refused to accept the bull and Cesarini wrote the pope a
letter of earnest remonstrance. He pointed out that the morals of
the German clergy were such that if not amended the people would
rise up against them as the Hussites were doins. *' Even if the Bo*
hemian heresy were extinguished, another would rise up in its place."
To refuse to meet the Bohemians, now that they had been mvited,
would be as disgraceful as the flight of the German army had been.
** If we do not let this council alone, we shall lose our temporalities,
and our lives and souls as well."
The Emperor Sigismund tried in vain to induce the
pope to withdraw his bull of dissolution. Only when he
saw that the council, with Sigismund's support, were de-
termined to go forward and that his own deposition was
imminent, did the pope at last consent to permit the
body to proceed with its work (Feb., 1433). Before the
arrival of the pope's legates the council passed a decree in
favor of decennial councils, — as the council of Constance
had done, — declaring the right of a council to reassemble
without papal authority, and making suspension and
deprivation the penalties of an attempt by a pope to im-
pede or prorogue a council. On the arrival of the papal
legates the right of sharing in the presidency was refused
them.
Eugenius was driven from Rome in 1434 and the council
proceeded with its reformatory measures and its negotia-
tions with the Hussites. The renewal of negotiations
with the Greeks, who were being sorely pressed by the
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532 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
Turks and felt the need of the aid of Western Christen-
dom (1433), greatly complicated the situation. Eugenius
was anxious to bring about the removal of the council
from Basel, in the hope that thereby he might regain
control. He arranged to bring to Italy the Greek em-
peror and a large number of Greek prelates at the ex-
pense of the council. Basel was not sufficiently acces-
sible for the purpose. As a compromise the council
chose Avignon as the place for meeting the Greeks. In
1437 the council suffered schism, about seventy members
stubbornly insisting, with the pope, on an Italian loca-
tion, and about two hundred adhering to Avignon, not-
withstanding the protest of the Greeks.
The pope recognized the minority as the true council
and ratified their choice of Florence or Udine. The ma-
jority summoned the pope to Basel, and on his failure
to appear declared him contumacious. The pope pro-
nounced the council dissolved. Both parties sent embas-
sies and galleys for the Greeks, who after some hesita-
tion committed themselves to the papal party.
The Emperor Sigismund tried in vain to heal the breach
between pope and council ; for he was deeply interested
in the pacification of Bohemia as a means of securing
recognition for himself as king. Slgismund's death (Dec,
1437) left the council free to proceed against the pope.
The remnant of the council, now supported by the king
of Aragon and the dukes of Milan and Savoy, suspended
the pope (Jan., 1438). Most of the other leading rulers
protested.
Early in 1438 the papal party assembled a council at
Ferrara (transferred to Florence, Jan., 1439) to confer with
the emperor, the patriarch, and several bishops erf the
Greeks. The doctrines of purgatory, the procession of
the Holy Ghost, the supremacy of the pope, and the use
of unleavened bread, were elaborately discussed. The
Greeks finally accepted the Latin views on the points in
dispute, including the supremacy of the pope. But the
sentiment in the East was so bitterly and uncempromis-
ingly opposed to the measure that it was speedily aban*
doned. In 1443 the patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch,
and Alexandria issued an encyclical in which thev de-
nounced the council of Florence as a '' council or rob-
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, n.] THE Papacy during thb middle ages sit
bcrs," and the patriarch of Constantinople as ''a matri-
cide and a heretic.'' The fall of Constantinople ten
years later put an end to attenipts at union.
In July, 1436, legates of the council, with the Emperor
Sigismund, met the Bohemian envoys at Iglau, and the
Compactata, the terms of which had previously been
agreed upon, was signed. It provided for communion un-
der both kinds (bread and wine), the use of means for the
reformation of the lives of the clergy, a certain amount of
freedom of preaching, and the removal of some grievances
regarding the holding and administration of church prop-
erty. Thus the council condescended to treat on equal
terms with heretics and to grant special privileges to those
that had openly defied the authority of the church.
A number of reformatory measures were adopted by
the council, including prohibition of clerical concubinage,
abuse of appeals to the Roman Curia and of interdicts,
collection of annates, and sacrilegious disorders in con-
nection with ecclesiastical feasts. It prescribed the mode
of electing popes and the qualifications of candidates for
the pontificate and sought to legislate for the reformation
of the Roman Curia.
In May, 1438, a national French synod at Bourges,
called by Charles VII., adopted the reformatory .decrees
of the council (Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges) and thus
France virtually declared against Eugenius and in favor
of the council. Germany had already declared her neu-
trality, which meant the repudiation of the authority of
the pope.
In May, 1439, ^^^ council declared Eugenius guilty of
heresy for denying that a general council has power over
a pope and for attempting to dissolve a general council
lawfully constituted, and in June deposed him from his
office. In October electors were nominated for the ap-
pointment of a new pope. The choice fell upon Amadeus
VIII., duke of Savoy, who by reason of his wealth and
connections was a man of weight. A few years before
he had retired from active life and with seven compan-
ions was living in religious seclusion. The electors repre-
sented equally France, Italy, Germany, and Spain. The
new pope assumed the name Felix V., and the council
(Feb., 1440) commanded all men everywhere on pain of
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534 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IV.
excommunication to obey him. In July he entered Basel,
ajccompanied by his two sons and the Savoyard nobility,
and was crowned pope in the presence of fifty thousand
spectators. Felix failed to secure the hoped-for recogni-
tion of the great powers. He had been elected in part
because of his wealth, but he demanded that the council
should make financial provision for the support of his
court, and it was obliged to resort to methods of raising
money that it had solemnly condemned. Having made
every effort to gain the adherence of Frederick III., the
new German emperor, and finding his relations with the
council unsatisfactory, he retired to Lausanne in 1443.
Thenceforth the council was a vanishing quantity.
By bribery and bargaining, conducted chiefly through
/Eneas Sylvius Piccolomini, one of the most astute eccle-
siastical politicians of the age (afterward to become Pope
Pius II., 1458), Germany was won to the support of Eu-
genius and his successor, Nicolas V. (1447-1453). The
Concordat of Vienna (1448) was the fruit of these negoti-
ations. It was a provisional arrangement between pope
and emperor, which somewhat limited the scope of papal
reservations and provisions (benefices, except the chief
positions in cathedrals and collegiate churches, falling
vacant in alternate months were to be at the pope's dis-
posal), but allowed the collection of annates and the
papal confirmation of elections. The advantages of this
concordat were wholly on the side of the pope.
Nicolas was disposed to be conciliatory and was willing
to treat with kindly consideration the remnant of the
council of Basel and the anti-pope. Felix V. abdicated
(April, 1449) and was promptly admitted into the College
of Cardinals. The council of Basel elected Nicolas V.
pope and dissolved. Nicolas restored to the cardinalate
d'Allemand, who for some years had been leader of the
council, and accepted three of the cardinals who had been
created by Felix. Thus the schism was healed. It was
the good fortune of Nicolas also to aid materially in the
pacification of Italy and especially in the restoration of
order in the Papal States. The papacy had lost much of
prestige through the captivity and the schism, but it had
at last triumphed over the opponents of its high prerog-
atives and was prepared to enter afresh upon a career of
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 535
irresponsibility and self-aggrandizement. The last state
of this great institution was to prove worse than the
firsf.
in 1452 Fredericlc III. visited Rome, took the oath of
obedience to the pope, was made a canon of St, Peter's,
and was solemnly crowned emperor of the Romans.
Many special immunities and privileges were conferred
upon the emperor in consideration of his subservient
attitude.* Yet Frederick failed to secure the support of
the Austrian and German estates and the pope shared in
his humiliation.
The fall of Constantinople (1453) led Nicolas to preach
a crusade against the Turks. He was persuaded by
i4Eneas Sylvius that a successful crusade under papal
guidance would be the crowning glory of his reign ; but
the princes of Europe were too much occupied with their
own affairs to give heed to the call.
He devoted much attention to the restoration of the
architecture and fortifications of Rome and the Papal
States. Among his architectural achievements are the
Vatican palace and the basilica of St. Peter's. The Vat-
ican library was his creation. His architectural plans
were sufficiently numerous and expensive to have oc-
cupied several pontificates. He died in 1453, after hav-
ing launched the papacy on a career of extravagance in
architectural and artistic enterprise.
Calixtus III. (14; 3-1458) owed his election to his age
and feebleness. He declared war against the Turks and
sent a fleet against them ; but he was unable to arouse
Europe to crusading fury. He devoted much attention
to the promotion of his near relatives. Two of his
" nephews " (Borgias) he made cardinals, a third he
made prefect of Rome, etc. iCneas Sylvius, who had
been chief agent of Nicolas V. in Germany and Austria,
became cardinal under Calixtus and joined hands with
the Borgias in their schemes for self-aggrandizement.
VII. THE POPES OF THE RENAISSANCE.
LITERATURE: Creighton. "A Hist, of the Papacy During the
P^iod of the Reformation," Vol. II., p. 233, uq.. Vols. 111., IV. (this
\^ by far the best work in English, If not in any language. It is
* S«t Creighton, Vol. II.. p. n^ m^.
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536 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER IV.
based upon a masterly use of the sources) : Pastor, *' dsck. d.
Tdpsit^^* Bd. I. (also bng. trans.); Gregorovlus, '* Gtuh. d. Stadt
'Rom,'' Bd, VII. and Vlil. (also Eng. trans.); Hefde, '' Comnlitw
oschichu'* Bd. VIII. (written bv Hergenr5ther), 1887 » Voigt, '* Eiua
Silvius di^ Ticcolomini als Papst Pius //.'* ; Gebhardt, *' Die Gravamina
dtr diuAschm NaiioHy' 1884 ; Symonds, *' The Age of the Despots " ;
Ranke, *'Z>f# romischen Papstt in din Ut{iin vier Jahrh.,'' sixth ed.,
1874 (Eng. trans, of earlier ed.) ; Roscoe, " The Life and Pontificate
of Leo X?' For excellent sketches of the various popes, with ample
bibliographies, see latest ed. of the Herzog-Hauck ^^ Rial-Encyklopd-
dii'' (the third ed. is in progress and six vols, have appeared to
August, 1899).
I. Pius II. (1458-1464) was a diplomatist and a states-
man of the Machiavellian type. He had taken a leading
part in the council of Basel and for a time served Felix
V. as secretary. He was noted for his elegant Latinity
and for his poetical gifts no less than for his agreeable-
ness of manners and his astuteness as a man of affairs.
His life was most careless and self-indulgent. In 1442,
with Felix's consent, he became secretary to the Emperor
Frederick 111. In 1443 he was won to the service of Eu-
genius IV. and devoted some years to attempts at concil-
iating pope and emperor. Nicolas V. bestowed upon him
two bishoprics and Calixtus III. made him cardinal. By
shrewd management he was elected pope over a strong
French candidate. As Pius 11. he was ambitious to raise
the papacy to its former grandeur and he believed that
a successful crusade against the Turks was the most
effective means to this end. He founded a new order of
knights, the Hospital Order of St. Mary of Bethlehem,
and called together at Mantua (1459-1460) a council of
princes to arrange for a i)owerful expedition against the
Turks.
The effort was a failure. He took occasion at Mantua to denounce
appeals from a pope to a general council. Several appeals were
soon afterward made. He sent Cardinal Bessarion to Germany to
labor for a crusade ; but a fresh body of grievances was the result.
His own liberal attitude in the council of Basel was constantly quoted
against him when he undertook to insist upon papal prerogative.
He felt obliged afterward in a bull of retractations to apologize for
the errors into which as a youth he had fallen ; but he rather weak-
ened than strengthened his cause thereby. He attempted by a letter
to convert the sultan to Christianity. When he announc«l his de-
termination to lead a crusade in person and offered the usual plenary
indulgences and immunities to those who would join him, only the
rubble responded. He died just as he was about to embark.
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CHAP. II.] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES $37
From this time onward to the Protestant revolution the College of
Cardinals showed their utter disregard of religious principles and
even of common decency by appointing to the papacy some of the
most depraved of their number and making for themselves the best
terms possible at each election. Luxury and license, murder and ra-
pine, aoounded. The Turkish war and the completion of St. Peter's
tumished pretexts for the extorting of extraordinary taxes from
Christendom.
2. Sixtus ly. (1471-1484) was chiefly intent on exalt-
ing and enriching his humble family. To this end he
stirred up strife among the Italian republics and brought
-the papacy into general contempt.
3. Innocent niL (1484-1492), though he had promised
the cardinals that he would not promote more than one
of his relatives to the cardinalate and that he would em-
ploy no layman in administrative matters, proceeded at
once to use his position for the advancement of his seven
illegitimate children, whom he openly acknowledged. He
multiplied the offices of the Roman Curia and sold them
for large sums, spent much money on architecture, and
bestowed considerable patronage on the new learning.
He was amiable, but unscrupulous and without political
ability. In the last year of his reign the Moors were
driven from Grenada, their last stronghold in Spain, and
Columbus discovered the new worfd. Savonarola was
just beginning his wonderful career as preacher and
prophet in Florence. Lorenzo de' Medici, the great pro-
moter of the new learning, died the same year with Inno-
cent. The immorality of Rome, already appalling, was
made still more flagrant by the pope's entertainment of
his illegitimate children in the Vatican.
4. Alexander VI. (1492-1503). Roderigo Borgia was
over sixty years of age when he was made pope, and he
had been a cardinal thirty-six years. He had combined
business shrewdness with matchless opportunities, and
was the richest of the cardinals. Besides a number of
children of whose mother (or mothers) nothing is known,
he had a family of four children by a Roman woman with
whom he lived somewhat regularly. He was regarded
as a genial, kindly man, and beyond his affection for his
family and his efforts for their promotion, there seemed
no reason why he should not make a satisfactory pope^
In fact, great things were expected of him. It soon ap-
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538 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
peared that he was capable of any crime that the inter-
ests of himself or his children seemed to require. He
entered at once on a series of intrigues with the Italian
princes, the king of France, the emperor, the king of
Spain, and the sultan. He made his eldest son Juan,
duke of Gandia, and bestowed upon him the duchy of
Benevento, which belonged to the States of the Church.
He caused a combination of the emperor, the king of
Spain, the doge of Venice, and the duke of Milan
against Charles VIII. of France, whom he had first op-
posed and then aided in his efforts to conquer Naples.
The exclusion of the French from Italy left Alexander
and his son Caesar Borgia to work their will upon the
minor rulers. Caesar, whom he made cardinal, usurped
the administration of the States of the Church, causing
the imprisonment, assassination, or poisoning, of any
that stood in his way. Of the cardinals that had opposed
Alexander's election some were murdered, some impris-
oned, and others fled from the city. Caesar was sus-
pected of causing the death of his brother Juan, to whose
estates he succeeded. In 1498 Alexander made a treaty
with Louis XII. of France, who made Caesar Borgia a
duke and gave him a French princess in marriage. The
pope added to Caesar's possessions and dignities the
principality of Romagna.
The marriages, divorces, and Intrigues or Lucretia Bocgia, the
pope's daughter, were equally scandalous. Contemporary Catholic
writers have perpetuated the current suspicion that she was crimi-
nally intimate with the pope himself. So shocking were the crimes
of these three that nothing was supposed to be too monstrous for
either of them to do. Lucretia' s later life as the wife of Alfonso of
Ferrara seems to have been free from scandal and it is probable that
in her earlier irregularities she was more sinned against than sin-
ning. That Alexander was a monster of iniquity Roman Catholic
writers, contemporary and recent, agree in admitting ; that he was
the most depraved of all popes is not so certain.
^.Julius IL (1503-1513) held Alexander and Caesar
Borgia in utmost abhorrence. The latter fled from Italy
and died in the military service of his brother-in-law, the
king of Navarre. Julius professed a determination to
reform the Roman Curia and issued a decree against
simony; but he soon became involved in war for the
•restoration of the States of the Church, He formed an
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. IL] THE PAPACY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 539
alliance with the king of France and the emperor to
secure the submission of Venice. He then joined with
Venice and Spain against France, bestowing on Ferdi-
nand the claim of the French king to Naples. Soon
France and the empire were arrayed against the pope
(1 510) and called a general council at Pisa for the refor-
mation of the church. This council was of no weight,
being made up almost exclusively of French prelates.
The pope retaliated by calling an ecumenical Lateran
council (1 5 12) and made a firm alliance with Spain,
Venice, England, and Switzerland, whereby he was able
to drive the French from Italy. The pope died soon after
the opening of the council (Feb., 15 13).
Julius was the most warlike of all the popes. He could
not endure the presence of foreign powers in Italy and
he maintained and used great armies in driving them out.
He was far more a soldier than an ecclesiastic.
6. Leo X. (1 5 1 3-1 521). A member of the Medici family
of Florence, he had been made a cardinal in his boyhood
and had been brought up in the atmosphere of the Re-
naissance. He was only thirty-eight years of age, and
it was well understood that his inclination would be for
peace and splendor. He was reported to have said after
his election : '* Let us enjoy the papacy, since God has
given it to us." His contemporaries smiled when he took
the name Leo^ saying that ^gnus would suit his character
better. He surrounded himself with men of letters and
artists, and spent immense sums in literature and art.
He was far more interested in the revived paganism of
the Renaissance than in Christianity and is said to have
regarded the narratives of the origin of Christianity as
fabulous. His court was in the highest degree luxurious
and licentious. Yet he was alive to the political neces-
sities of the papacy and the opportunity that the office
presented for the enrichment and the aggrandizement of
his own family. He took a deep interest in foreign poli-
tics and made from time to time such alliances as suited
his purposes, but he gained his ends by peaceable means,
and discouraged war.
The Lateran Council was continued under Leo. In
this he refused to deal harshly with the cardinals who
were in rebellion in the interests of France or to press
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540 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IV
for the immediate abolition in France of the Pragmatic
Sanction. The council reasserted the papal prerogatives
in the spirit of the bull ^^Unam Sanctam " of Boniface VIII.,
and made some pretense at reform. But most of the re-
forms were, in the words of a contemporary, "slight,
almost futile, not to say puerile." Reformation was as
far as possible from the thoughts of Leo and his advisers.
The council took note of the rapidly spreading infidelity
of the Renaissance and prohibited the teaching of the mor-
tality of the soul in the universities. A decree in favor
of the pacification of Europe was unanimously adopted.
The intrigues of the pope with various European powers
during the next few years cannot be here narrated. In
i;i6, after he had long schemed in vain for the discom-
fiture of France, he entered into the most friendly rela-
tions with the king. The Pragmatic Sanction was with-
drawn and a concordat was signed between pope and
king in accordance with which the king was to nominate
abbots and bishops, papal reservations were abolished,
papal provisions were limited, university graduates were
to be appointed to vacant benefices during four months
of the year, limitations were put upon appeals to Rome
and the exercise by the pope of excommunication and
interdict, and concubinary clergy were to be disciplined ;
the pope retained the right of collecting annates and
other ecclesiastical taxes. This arrangement was ratified
in the Lateran Council still in session. Oh March i6,
1 5 17, the Lateran Council was dissolved. On October
31 Luther posted his ninety -five theses and the Protes-
tant Revolution was inaugurated.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAPTER III
REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES
I. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS
1. The Pauiicians, the "Protestants of the East,'*
continued their struggle against ecclesiastical corruption
and oppression in Asia Minor during the present period,
and were settled in vast colonies in Thrace and Bulgaria.
That their influence throughout eastern Europe should
become widespread and pervasive might have been ex-
pected. It is certain that it extended to western Europe
as well, and in a somewhat corrupted form had much to
do with the extensive Catharistic movement.
2. It is highly probable that Manichasan modes of
thought, disseminated so aggressively in the fourth and
fifth centuries, were perpetuated with greater or less
vigor until the eleventh century, when they co-operated
with Paulician and other influences in producing the
Catharism referred to in the preceding paragraph.
3. It is equally probable that evangelical forms of
Christianity survived in greater or less strength and
purity during the dark ages that followed the barbarian
invasions and that the evangelical parties that appeared
in the twelfth and following centuries were consciously
or unconsciously influenced by earlier evangelical life.
The historical connection of the Paulicianism of the
present period with the evangelical life and thought of
early post-apostolic Christianity seems well established.
The persistence of the older British type of Christianity
in England, Wales, and Scotland, even after Hilde-
brand's vigorous efforts to suppress it, is unquestioned,
and the connection of the later Lollardism with this old
evangelical doctrine and life is highly probable. From
what we know of the persistence of types of religious
life and doctrine we have reason to suspect that earlier
types persisted to a greater or less extent in almost
541
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
542 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
every part of Europe ; but opportunity and a certain
amount of stimulus from without were necessary to
bring them into activity and publicity. The rapidity
with which evangelical parties spread over Europe and
the hearty reception everywhere accorded to evangelical
preachers by the masses can be best accounted for by
the supposition that latent evangelical life was widely
diffused.
4. The persistence of these and other early types of
religious thought and life and the action and reaction of
these upon each other and upon the dominant form of
Christianity, and of this upon them, with the influence
of racial and other sociological factors, enables us to ac-
count, in a general way, for the multiplex phenomena of
dissenting Christian life during the Middle Ages. But in
most cases the historical materials are too meager to
allow us to determine the precise relations of any par-
ticular movement to the past or to determine precisely
which of the earlier modes of thought have entered into
it and in just what proportions. This is true in a meas-
ure even of modern religious movements, where the
documentary materials are relatively abundant.
5. It should be remarked that for the history of
mediaeval dissenting parties we are dependent almost
•vholly on data preserved by their enemies. By far the
largest and most important part of extant information
regarding the doctrines and practices of the " heretics "
of the period is due to the work of Romish inquisitors.
Such representations are necessarily unsympathetic and
unfair. Much of the material is due to the confessions
of ** heretics" under the most excruciating tortures.
On the other hand, it was the business of inquisitors to
ascertain accurately and to put on record for the guid-
ance of other agents of the Inquisition the peculiar fea-
tures and all the details of the doctrine and practice of
each persecuted party. While allowance must therefore
be made for extorted confession of corrupt and abomi-
nable practices, we may place considerable confidence in
the detailed accounts of doctrine and polity given in the
inquisitorial records.
6. Again, we are dependent on inquisitorial records for
our knowledge of the numbers and the diffusion c^
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. 111.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES $43
** heretics/* As the work of the Inquisition was by no
means uniformly thorough in all parts of Europe, or
equally so at all times, and as "heretics" of the va-
rious types became exceedingly skillful in evading the
officers of the Inquisition, allowing themselves in many
cases to conform outwardly to the established church
and to use ambiguous language in answering inquisitors,
we may be sure that those actually arraigned consti-
tuted a very small fraction of what actually existed.
It is also certain that the inquisitorial records preserved
represent a very small part of the actual inquisitorial
proceedings. With these considerations in mind, we can
perhaps form some just estimate of the importance of
mediaeval dissent.
The anti-Romanist Christian life of the Middle Ages
may be conveniently classified as follows: (i) Dualistic
parties ; (2) Pantheistic parties ; (3) Chiliastic parties ;
(4) Evangelical separatists; ($) Churchly reforming
parties.
DUALISTIC DISSENT.
LITERATURE: Doilinger, '' BeitraMt {mt SskUngtsch. disOi, A.^\'
Schmidt, " Histoire tt Doctrim di la Sscte d$$ Caihofis ou Anng$ois " ;
Conybcarc, " The Key of Truth" (Introduction and Appendix).
See also literature on the Waldenses, a large part of which is com-
mon to the two parties. Cf. my " Recent Researches Concerning
Medieval Sects'^ (in ''Proceedings of the Am. Soc. of Ch.
Hist.," Vol. IV.).
I. The BogomUes.
(i) T^se of the Party. The Bogomiles were a Bul-
garian sect, about whose origin little has been definitely
ascertained, and the extant accounts of whom are *' for
the most part hopelessly confused and untrustworthy."*
They are thought to sustain a very intimate relation to
the Paulicians, on the one hand, and to the Cathari of
western Europe on the other.
The settlement in Thrace of a vast number of Paul-
icians under Constantine Copronymus (middle of eighth
century) and of one hundred thousand more under John
Tzimiskes (970) was an event of fundamental importance
to the religious development of Eastern Europe. Peter
1 ConybMTt. " Kty of Truth/* p. cxviii. of Introd.
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544 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. IV.
Siculus» who resided for nine months in Tephrik, the
ancient Paulician stronghold (c. 870), refers to the send-
ing of missionaries by the Paulicians of Asia Minor to
the heathen Bulgarians. It is probable that among the
non-dualistic Paulicians, who emigrated to Thrace and
who evangelized the Bulgarians, there were considerable
numbers of dualistic Christians (Messalians, Euchites,
etc.). If the account of Cedrenus (c. 1050) can be
trusted, the dualistic type of teaching soon became
prevalent throughout the whole of the European part of
the Eastern empire. The Bogomiles seem thus to have
been a product of the dissemination of this dualistic
Christianity among the Slavonic populations. The name
*' Bogomiles " is said to mean *' Friends of God."
(2) Teaching of the Bogomiles. About iiii the Em-
peror Alexius Comnenus, alarmed by the rapid spread
of the Bogomiles, insinuated himself into the confi-
dence of their leader and induced him to give a full ex-
position of the doctrines and practices of the party,
which concealed scribes carefully recorded. From this
record we gather the following particulars :
a. An elaborate dualistic cosmology, like that of the
Gnostics and Manichaeans, seems to have been funda-
mental to their system. The details need not be given.
b. They held to a doctrine of the Trinity resembling
the Sabellian. The Incarnation was a mere appearance
(Docetism). Christ's work on earth wa^ to overthrow
the rule of fallen spirits that were dominant here.
c. They are said to have rejected water baptism, and
to have substituted for it a very solemn purificatory cere-
mony, preceded by seven days of fasting and prayer.
The ceremony consisted in placing upon the head of the
candidate the Gospel of John, invoking the Holy Spirit,
and repeating the Lord's Prayer. After a further period
of testing and instruction in the mysteries of the sect,
the candidate was admitted into the inner circle. The
initiatory ceremony was concluded with the laying-on of
hands.
d. They are represented as rejecting the Lord's
Supper, holding that the bread of the Communion is the
Lord's Prayer, and that the cup is the last discourses of
our Lord in the Gospel.
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CHAP. IIL] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 54$
e. Like the Manichsans thev are said to have rejected
marriage and the use of flesh for food.
/. Like the Paulicians they rejected the use of images
as idolatry and regarded the Greek and Roman Catholic
churches as Satanic.
g. They are represented as accepting cne Old Testa-
ment psalms and prophets, but as rejecting the Mosaic
law as the work of Satanael (the evil deity) devised, for
the corruption and enslavement of mankind.
A. They employed the allegorical method of interpret-
ing the Scriptures in the most fantastic way.
(3) Fate of the Party. Severe persecution followed the
discoveries made by Alexius. Multitudes of the Bogo-
miles were massacred. But they are said to have sur»
vived in -mall numbers to modern times. It seems cer-
tain that the western Cathari long looked upon Bulgaria
as the source and center of their denominational life and
ihat they recognized the head of the Bogomiles as their
spiritual father.
2. The Cathari.
(i) Rise of Catharism. It is probable that Manichseism
survived to some extent in southwestern Europe from
the sixth to the eleventh century. The same may be
said of Priscillianism. The presence of the Saracens in
Spain was highly favorable to the development of Ori-
ental forms of heresy, especially as these latter had in
many cases joined hands with the Mohammedans against
persecuting Catholicism. In 991 Gerbert (afterward Pope
Sylvester II.), on the occasion of his consecration as
Archbishop of Rheims, took occasion to denounce certain
Gnostic errors, which were doubtless giving trouble at
the time.
After several isolated cases of dualistic heresy had
been brought to light, an extensive dualistic movement
was discovered in Aquitania and Orleans (1022). These
heretics are represented by a contemporary monk as
" seducing the populace, denying holy baptism and the
virtue of the cross, abstaining from foods, as if they were
monks, and simulating chastity."* The heresy is said to
have been brought from Italy by a certain woman, who
led astray not only the common people, but also many
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
546 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
among the better educated of the clergy. Ten of the
canonical clergy were burned in Orleans (1022).
About 1025 a band of heretics appeared at Arras. Like
the later mystics they rejected the ordinances of the papal
church, and regarded outward ordinances in general as
matters of small importance. They claimed to hold to
nothing but the Scriptures, but to hold to these in word
and in deed. Their principles were: to relinquish the
world, to curb the flesh from concupiscence, to obtain
support by the labor of their own hands, to injure no one»
to show charity to their fellow-believers. This standard
attained, there was no need of baptism. Especially was
infant baptism worthless. So also they rejected cere-
monial marriage and the veneration of confessors, and
denied the efficacy of penitence for sins committed after
profession. The arguments of their opponents indicate
that they rejected, after the manner of the Manichaeans.
all intercourse of the sexes. They held a private room
to be as sacred as a church, and altars to be no bette/
than other heaps of stones. They were, therefore, in-
tense Protestants and mystics ; and had, apparently,
some dualistic tendencies.* These bands of heretics
multiplied in France during the eleventh, twelfth, and
thirteenth centuries.
(2) Doctrines and Practices of the Cathari, From the
records of the Inquisition and from other Roman Catholic
accounts we have detailed information regarding the
doctrines and practices of the Cathari in general and of
the different parties among them. The only important
extant documents originating with themselves are a Rit-
ual and a version of the New Testament. According to
Salva Burce (1235) and Rainer Sacchoni (c. 1259) there
were two chief parties of the Cathari, who according to
the former,* "are called Albanenses and Concorricii,"
and whom he represents as at mortal enmity, each claim-
ing to be exclusively "the church of God." He also
refers to a third party called Calojani or Francigense,
He speaks of unsuccessful efforts that have been made
to harmonize these parties in order that they might more
effectively contend against the Catholics.
* D'Achery. " SptciUtium," Vol. I., p. fer, wf.
< Sm " Stiprm Stglia," Dnuioger. Bd. 11., S«>i. SS. Mff^
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFOR.MING PARTIES 547
a. He represents the two chief parties as agreeing in
rejecting marriage as fornication and as an ordinance of
the devil, the Albanenses giving a spiritual meaning to
all New Testament passages referring to matrimony, the
Concorricii admitting that some passages refer to carnal
matrimony, but holding that it is not allowable in the
church, i. e., for those that aspire to evangelical perfec-
tion.
b. The Albanenses denied that Christ and his apostles
actually healed the bodies of men, regarding the flesh as
a work of the devil and as unworthy of divine considera-
tion ; the Concorricii admitted that Christ healed the
bodies as well as the souls of men.
c. The Albanenses were absolute dualists, holding
" that there are two creators without beginning and mid-
dle and end," and accounted for the blending of good
and evil in the present world and in man in a purely
Manichaean fashion. The Concorricii maintained that
there was "only one creator," and accounted for the
evil in man by the fall of Satan, who divided the ele-
ments of the good God and fashioned thereof the body
of Adam, into which he forced one of the minor angels
so that he became a living soul. They taught that Eve,
who was extracted from Adam, was seduced by the ser-
pent of whom she conceived Cain, and herself seduced
Adam. They claimed that "all human generation in its
totality proceeds from Adam according to the flesh and
according to the spirit, in such manner that all our spirits
have descended from the angel that Lucifer . . . placed
in Adam ; whence they say that what is born of the flesh
is flesh, and what is born of the spirit is spirit."
d. Both parties agreed in ascribing the Old Testament
to the prince of evil.*
e. Both parties held to a docetic view of Christ, deny-
ing that he ate, drank, suffered, etc., and that he had a
carnal body.
/. Both laid great stress upon the imposition of hands
(the Consolamentum), whereby those that are already
sanctified (the perfect) impart the Holy Spirit and salva<
> For the C«th«rittic argunents to prove the evil origin and character of the OI4
Testament see a docoment fron the archives of the Inquisition of Carcassonne In
Lea. " Hist, of the Inquisition." Vol. I., p. s6s. »«• ; «/• Moncta, "Advenui Oakaros"
Ub. n.. Cath 6.
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548 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
tion to others. This was administered after a long period
of training and the most solemn promises of fidelity and
secrecy. The Consolamentum^ according to all the sources,
took the place of water baptism. The validity of this or-
dinance depended wholly upon the worthiness of the ad-
ministrator, and it must be repeated in case the adminis-
trator prove to have been unworthy.
g. The outer circle (believers) seem, according to the
best accounts, to have ordinarily postponed the reception
of the Consolamentum till death was supposed to be ap-
proaching. This enabled them to mingle somewhat freely
in the world and to enter the future life with all their sins
forgiven. Having received it, even in cases where re-
covery seemed possible, food was sometimes withheld,
lest the benefit of the Consolamentum should be lost.
This starving of the '* consoled " was called the Endura,
and their enemies made the most of the criminality in-
volved in the transaction.
The Albleenslan Ritual shows that the Endtira was not atwavs
employed ; tor it gives directions as to the course to be pursued by
one consoled on a sick-bed in case of recovery. No doubt in some
Instances the candidate preferred, after having been fully prepared
for death, to avoid the means to recovery ; and it is probable that in
^me cases the elect favored the practice of withholding food.
(3) The Provencal Ritual of the Albigemes. This im-
portant document, preservecf in a Lyons Codex, has re-
cently been translated into English by Conybeare.* It
is preceded by a number of short invocations. It begins
with a somewhat elaborate confession of sins and prayer
for pardon, each paragraph concluding with : " Bless,
spare us" (Benedicite, parcite nobis). Then follows the
ceremony of the reception by a believer of the Lord's
Prayer, The believer appears fasting and washed, per-
forms with considerable ceremony his Melioramentum, or
act of contrition, and receives the book from the hand of
an elder. An elaborate exhortation to purity and fidelity
precedes the delivery to him of the Lord's Prayer. He
now for the first time receives from God, the elders, and
the church the right to use this prayer. This imparta-
tion of the power carries with it the obligation henceforth
1 " Kty of Truth." A|>»m4Ix VI.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 549
"to say it all the time of *' his " life, by day and by night,
alone and in company." It is to be used always before
eating and drinking.
Directions for the administration of the Consotamentum
follow, with elaborate ceremonial. Abundant scriptural
authority is given for the laying-on of hands and the im-
partation therewith of the Holy Spirit. '* This holy bap-
tism by the imposition of hands was instituted by Jesus
Christ.'* It corresponds with the baptism with the Holy
Ghost and with fire spoken of by John the Baptist. It
is claimed that '* this holy baptism by which the Holy
Spirit is given, the church of God [meaning their own
communion] hath kept from the apostles until now, and
it hath passed from good men to good men until the
present, and will continue to do so until the end of the
world."
The person thus " baptized " puts himself under obli-
gation to live according to the Sermon on the Mount and
places himself and his property at the disposal of the
church.
The Ritual closes with directions for the administration
of the Consotamentum to the sick.
The Ritual shows a firm gra^ of New Testament principles. It
makes no reference to the Old Testament, which was probably re-
jected by its authors. There is nothing distinctively dualtstic m the
document, but it probably represents the moderate dualism of the
Concorricii. There is no reference to the Lord's Supper. This or-
dinance was probably identified with their regular meals, which must
be preceded by the Lord's Prayer. It is altogether lilcely that this
ritual was used by a large party of Catharistic Christians, in whom,
by contact with Petrobrusians, Waldenses, etc., dualistic elements
had been reduced to a minimum, and evangelical conceptions had
been brought into prominence.
(4) The Diffusion and Fate of Catharism. Within a few
years of their first appearance in France and Italy, the
Cathari had spread over France, Italy, Spain, Germany,
the Netherlands, and even into England. They are
represented by a monkish opponent as like the sands of
the sea for multitude.
a. Through the influence of Peter de Bruys, Henry of
Lausanne, and their followers, and of the Cathari, who
had already gained many adherents, almost the whole of
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
550 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
Southern France had become anti-Catholic by the middle
of the twelfth century.
In 1 147 Bernard, the great preacher of his age, trav-
ersed the country with a view to recalling the people
from their heretical pravity, but could not get a hearing.
Princes and nobles protected the heretics. In 11 78 a
cardinal legate, Peter, attended by numerous prelates
and monks, made a similar attempt with like results. In
1180 Alexander III. sent forth a Cardinal Henry to preach
a crusade against the Albigenses. Many were slain, and
others forced to abjure, but the heresy remained as pow-
erful as before. At the beginning of the thirteenth cen-
tury nearly all the princes and barons of the south of
France were favorers of the heretics, and the heretics
were allowed to assemble for worship in castles and for-
tified towns.
The Albigenses * are represented by Catholic writers,
indiscriminately as Cathari or Manichaeans. That many
of them were such, rejecting the Old Testament, out-
ward ordinances, etc., and holding to a dualistic idea of
God and the universe, is probable. Yet there were un-
doubtedly among them many evangelical followers of
Peter de Bruys and Henry. See below.
b. After the many vain attempts to suppress the Albi-
gensian heresy. Innocent III., when he became pope, re-
solved to extirpate it. He sent forth two legates, with
full power over bishops and princes, and offered indul-
gences to those that should aid them. Diego, bishop of
Osma, with Dominic (afterward founder of the Domini-
can order), persuaded the legates to adopt more apostol-
ical measures. Accordingly the legates, with a number
of others, wandered barefooted from place to place, with-
out money, etc., and held several conferences with the
heretics. This failing, they resorted to violent measures.
The legate, Peter of Castelnau, was murdered in 1208.
Count Raymond of Toulouse was suspected of com-
plicity in the murder. Innocent III. now caused a cru-
sade to be preached against the region : the extirpators
of heresy were to have the territory and the spoils, and
plenary indulgence was to be granted to those that should
> TlM Bane AlblgtUM Is 4crlv«4 from the regloa of Albl, in SMtben Franc*.
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES $$1
take part. A large army was soon raised, with the fanat-
ical Arnold, the papal legate who had preached the cru-
sade, at its head. City after city was sacked, and the
inhabitants slaughtered and outraged. The work of de-
vastation went on for years, and the country was almost
depopulated. Some of the heretics escaped to Spain,
where they were afterward hunted down by the Inquisi-
tion. Many took refuge in the Netherlands, where her-
etics were numerous till the Reformation. In a word,
they were scattered throughout Europe. They seem to
have continued throughout the period, though they were
doubtless gradually absorbed by the more evangelical
parties. The blending of the more evangelical types of
Catharism with the non-dualistic evangelical life enables
us to account for the dualistic features sometimes as-
cribed to parties that were otherwise thoroughly evan-
gelical.
11. CHILIASTIC AND ENTHUSIASTIC SECTS.
As the hierarchy grew more and more corrupt and op-
pressive, and as the hopes of reform from within became
less and less, enthusiasts arose, who on the basis of the
apocalyptic Scriptures undertook to prophesy regarding
the course of events that should lead through a time of
still greater disaster to a glorious age in which righteous-
ness and blessedness should prevail.
I. Joachim ofFloris and the Joachimites.
LITERATURE : Works of Joachim ; Dollingcr, " The Prophetic
Spirit and the Prophecies of the Christian Era,'' ed. H. B. Smith;
Renan, *^ Joachim d$ Flart tt VEvangiU Etmul** (in '' 7{gv. d$ Dmx
OAondis^ 1866, pp. 94-142); Preger, *' G^sch. d, IMystik^^^ Bd. I.,
Siii. IQO, uq,^ ana ** Das Evangtlium Etirnum u. Joach. von Fhris " ;
Reuter, ^^ Uesch. d, tAufhfarmg im M. A.^^ Bd. II., Seii. 191-218;
Lea, " Hist, of the Inquis.," Vol. III., p. 10, uq, ; Tocco, " U Ensia
ml tMidio Evo," p. 265, seq. ; Hahn, ^^Gesck. d, Kit^tr im M.A." Bd.
S4it, 49* Siq.)
(i) Sketch of Joachim. Joachim, a Sicilian (b. c. 1145),
made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and soon afterward
became abbot of a Cistercian monastery in Italy (c. 1178),
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552 A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.fV
and began to prophesy (c. 1183 or earlier). He conferred
with and greatly interested three popes, Lucius HI.
(1 183), Urban ill. (1185), and Clement ill. (1188).
About 1 190 he left his monastery and went into retire-
ment, but soon afterward, supported by the Emperor
Henry VI., he founded a new monastery at Floris, whose
rigorous rules were approved by Pope Coriestine MI.
(1 196). The order spread rapidly and Joachim's fan-
tastic expositions of Scripture were highly appreciated
by popes and people. A large body of apocalyptic liter-
ature, in addition to his own products, became associated
with his name, and his influence in later enthusiastic
chiliastic movements was very great. He claimed to
have had the entire fullness of the meaning of the Apoc-
alypse miraculously revealed to him, and he supposed
that all the mysteries of Scripture were as clear to him
as to the biblical prophets themselves. Joachim died c.
1202.
(2) Joachim's Prophetical Scheme. He divided the his-
tory of the world into three epochs : that of the Father
(or the Petrine), up to Christ ; that of the Son (Pauline),
from the birth of Christ to 1263; and that of the Holy
Ghost (Johannean), 1260 onward. He attempted to
give in detail the events from I2CX) to 1260. The papacy,
which had made the church '* a house of prostitution "
and *'a den of robbers" and which he identified with
Antichrist, was to fall into utter ruin at the hands of the
emperor, who was to deprive it of power and possessions.
The empire was then to be destroyed by the Saracens
and ten kmgs from the East, who in turn were to be an-
nihilated by the Tartars from the North. The divine
instrument for the reformation of the church and the
ushering in of the epoch of the Holy Ghost was to be
an order of contemplative monks. Such a spirited pro-
gramme, announced by himself and his disciples with the
utmost confidence and enthusiasm, naturally caused in-
tense excitement. The complete failure of these proph-
ecies, including that of the inauguration of a new age in
1260, was somewhat discouraging, but the prophets were
ready with their explanations, and they modified their
scheme from time to time to suit the exigencies as they
arose.
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CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 553
Joachim was not the originator of this type of religious thought,
but he wrought it out with great fullness, and from him, directly or in-
directly, most later chiliastic systems have derived their impulse. It is
surprising how little freshness there is in modem chiliastic schemes.
2. The Spirituous.
LITERATURE : Lea, ** Hist, of the Inquisition '' Vol. III., pp. 1-89 ;
Miiller, ** *Du %Anfang$ dn iMmarHinardens " ; Dollinger (as on Jo-
achim); Loofs. **Uas ftsiamsHi d. Franfvon Assisi^^ {** Chrisil.
IVili,'' 1894) ; Lives of Francis of Assisi, t)y Sabatier, Hase, Wil-
kens, Knox-Little, Bohringer, Monnier, etc. ; Zockler, ^^tAsktu u*
tMoHckihum^^ ; and art. on ^^ Fran^ von Assisi^*^ in Herzog-Hauck,
third ed., where a full bibliography is given.
(i) The Early Spiritual Franciscans. It was among the
stricter element of the Franciscan order that the doctrines
of Joachim found most acceptance and the Spirituales or
the Spiritual Franciscans are to be regarded as essentially
Joachimites. Francis was an ascetic of the most extreme
type, and it was his intention that the rule of absolute
poverty should be perpetually enforced by his order as
regards individuals and the community as a whole. To
assure this end, he left behind him a will in which he
made the rules of the order unchangeable. Some time
before his death (1226) a party of progress had appeared,
led by Elias of Cortona, who repudiated the principle of
communal poverty and insisted that the order could do
its proper work only by accumulating all the wealth pos-
sible, erecting imposing buildings, etc. After Francis'
deatli discord in the order soon became acute. Elias was
not at once appointed his successor, but he controlled the
policy of the new general and began at once to collect
funds for the erection of a magnificent church as a recep-
tacle of the bones of Francis. This provoked contro-
versy. In 1230 Elias sought, on the occasion of the
translation of the corpse of Francis to its new abiding
place, to secure by intrigue the deposition of the general
and his own election. Turbulent proceedings resulted
in his temporary defeat, but in 1232 the general, Gio-
vanni, was deposed and Elias elected. He soon showed
himself a most unscrupulous and cruel tyrant. Those
who resisted his measures were scourged, imprisoned,
and some of them put to death. Pope Honorius ill. had
refused to sustain the will of Francis, Gregory IX. was
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S54 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
appealed to by the persecuted party and was induced to
condemn and excommunicate Elias, who took refuge with
the Emperor Frederick If., the enemy of the pope. But
the lax party speedily gained the ascendency. The order
was spreading rapidly and with the pope's consent ac-
quiring property. In 1248 the strict party secured the
election of John of Parma as general, who earnestly
sought to restore the order to its original purity and sim-
plicity and was unsparing in his denunciations of the lax
party. Innocent IV. supported the lax party and Alex-
ander IV. removed all restrictions to the academic activity
of the order (1257), facilitating their access to the pro-
fessorships of the universities.
(2) The Everlasting Gospel. By this time the leaders
of the strict party had become imbued with the prophetic
spirit and the chiliasm of the Joachimites. In 1254 ap-
peared "The Everlasting Gospel" (referring to Rev.
14 : 6). It consisted of three of Joachim's prophetical
works, with introduction, notes, and applications to cur-
rent events. Joachim's date for the end of the age
(1260) still held good, and the dispensation of the Holy
Ghost would be inaugurated in six years. The publica-
tion of this work created immense excitement. Gherardo,
a leader of the strict party, who had obtained a chair in
the University of Paris, seems to have been the editor.
It constituted one of the boldest attacks on the papacy
that had yet been made, and the Spiritual Franciscans
who sympathized with it thereby put themselves in the
position of a heretical sect. Gherardo was thrown into
prison where, on a diet of bread and water, he languished
for eighteen years, remaining faithful to his convictions.
John of Parma resigned and retracted, and is said for
thirty-two years to have lived the life of an angel and to
have remained a faithful Joachimite. Bonaventura, his
successor, sought to harmonize the discordant elements
and to curb the laxity of the dominant party.
(3) Persecution of the SpirittuUes. The council of Lyons
1374) gave the Mendicants the right to hold property,
"his action intensified the inner strife of the Franciscans.
The Spirituales were now cruelly persecuted, large num-
bers of them rotting in prison, deprived of spiritual as
well 9S material help. Bonif$ice IX. surrendered then?
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^
CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES $$$
to the tender mercies of the Inquisition (1296-1297). The
details of their sufferings cannot here be given.
(4) Pierre Jean Olivi. The most noted representative
of the Spirituales during the latter part of the thirteenth
century was Pierre Jean Olivi, whose writings were con-
demned and who, after his death (1298), was adjudged a
heretic.
The modified Joachimism of the Spiritual Franciscans became
widespread through persecution and we need henceforth never be at
a loss to account for the appearance of this mode of thought. The
Identification of the papacy with Antichrist became one of the fixed
thoughts in the minds of chiliastic reformers evervwhere. We see
the influence of Joachim and the Spirituales in Wvcliffe, in the prede-
cessors of Huss in Bohemia, such as Militz, Mattnias of Janow.etc,
in the Taborites, and in the chiliastic Anabaptists of the sixteenth
century.
III. PANTHEISTIC HERESY.
I. ^malric ofBena (d. 1207).
LITERATURE : Preger, ''Geseh. d. diutschen MysiiV Bd. I., SeH, 166,
uq.t and I73« seq. ; Jundt, *' Hist, du Panthiisme populairf au Af. j4.*':
Lea." Hist, of the Inquisition," Vol. II., p. 320, siq. ; art. " Amalric •*
in Herzog-Hauck, third ed.
(i) Sketch of Amalric. Amalric was professor of phi-
losophy and then of theology in the University of Paris
and was a favorite of Prince Louis, the heir apparent.
Condemned for heresy oy the university (1204), he ap-
pealed to the pope, who compelled him to abjure (1207).
He is said to have died of mortification shortly afterward.
He was charged with teaching that " God is everything
(or all things), that each Christian is bound to believe
that he is a member of Christ, no one who does not be-
lieve this being saved, and that to those constituted in
love no sin is imputed."
(2) The Amalricians. His followers are said to have
divided religious history into three ages : the age of the
Father, beginning with the incarnation of God in Abra-
ham ; the age of the Son, beginning with the incarnation
of God in Mary (Jesus) ; the age of the Spirit, beginning
with the incarnation of God in the Amalricians. With
the inauguration of the age of the Son the Mosaic law
ceased to be binding (antinomianism). 'With the inaugu-
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556 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IV.
ration of the age of the Spirit the ordinances of Christ
were abrogated. They rejected therefore all external
ordinances. The resurrection of the dead they supposed
to be accomplished in the regeneration of the believer.
Hell they identified with a consciousness of sin. They
claimed that God spoke in Ovid as much as in Augustine,
and that every man is God in precisely the same sense as
Christ is God. They are said to have held that to one
who is in the Spirit the deeds of the flesh do not consti-
tute sin.
The Amalridans seem never to have become very numerous. From
time to time they fell Into the hands of the Inquisition. Their influ-
ence on later bodies will appear hereafter.
2. Vegkards and Beguities.
LITERATURE : Mosheim, '* Th B^ghardis "; Hahn, ''G^uh. d. Kgh
Xif," 'Bd. II., Snt. 420, sfq. ; Jundt. '^ Hist, du Panihsisme M.^**p.
42, ssq.; Lea, *'Hist. of the Inq.,'' Vol. 11., p. 3$o, s#g.; Haupt,
*' 7>. fW. S^Uh in Franksn,^' Ssii. S, i#9., and art. in Herzog-Hauck.
third ed.; OoUlnger, " SskUngsschichU," Bd. 11., 5#f'/. 378» ssq., and
702, uq.
These semi-monastic brotherhoods and sisterhoods
probably owed their origin to the priest Lambert de
B^gue (d. 1 187). The sisterhoods seem first to have
come into prominence. The age was one of great relig-
ious excitement, and the Crusades had withdrawn hun-
dreds of thousands of men from the population, leaving
multitudes of women without opportunity of marriage
and unprovided for. This accounts in part for the found-
ing of these institutions, whose members engaged largely
in the work of caring for the sick, and who supported
themselves by manual labor and if necessary by begging.
Many of them became fanatical under the influence of
the Spiritual Franciscans and from other causes. Similar
institutions for men appeared early in the thirteenth
century. They spread rapidly throughout Europe, being
especially numerous in the Netherlands and adjoining
countries. Some of the brotherhoods and sisterhoods
came under the influence of the pantheistic teachings of
the Amalricians and adopted the immoral views and prac-
tices ascribed to the latter.
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CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES $$7
3. "Brethren of the Free Spirit.
LITERATURE: Hahn, ** dsch. d. Kititr^'' Bd. II., Snt. 470, stq.;
Lea, '* Hist, of the Inq.," Vol. II., p. 123, s$q,^ 322. uq,^ 404. s/9.
^ ik/ami|f tm Af. /^.," a</. II., Sff/. 240, i/ff. ; Haupt, in Herzog-Hauck,
I third ed., " /Wrf^ d. fr. GiisUs^
The Brethren of the Free Spirit are not accurately dis-
tinguished in medieval writings from the Amalricians and
the Beghards. It is not probable that all the parties thus
\ designated, who were arraigned from time to time in dif-
I ferent parts of Europe from the middle of the thirteenth
century onward, were historically connected the one
with the other, but all alike were directly or indirectly
related to Amalric. It is probable that the later Brethren
^ of the Free Spirit owed their origin more directly to the
I pantheistic teachings of Master Eckart, which the un-
learned and less churchly could easily have perverted
f into the antinomianism with which they are charged.
' Some of the Brethren are represented as ascetical and
pure in their lives, but as rejecting all church ordinances
, and holding to the set of views known as Amalrician,
. while others are represented as, like some of the Amal-
ricians, denying that carnal indulgences are sinful for the
I spiritual man.
' There Is no sufficient reason for connecting the Brethren of the
i Free Spirit with the Ortidiebarians, who seem to have been funda-
I mentally a Catharistic sect with Waldensian antecedents, or with
Nicholas of Basely the " Friend of God " (d. 1397).
There was no doubt in some cases a blending of the apocalyptic-
chiliastic teaching of the Joachimites with the pantheistic teachings
f of Amalric.
) The popular pantheism of the Middle Ages persisted until the six-
j teenth century, when it reappeared In the Libertines and related par-
ties. In one form or other It still reappears from time to time (as in
•'Christian Science," etc.).
IV. EVANGELICAL SEPARATISM.
I. The Petrobrusians and the Henricians.
LITERATURE : Peter tiie Venerable, *' Tractatus aduirsus Tiirohw
stoHos Hargiieos*'; Doliinger* '* SektsngiukichU^** Bd. \.,Siii. 7$« ug.;
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558 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
Gieselcr, " Ecc. Hist./' Vol. II., p. 533. sm. ; Lea, " Hist, of the In-
quisition," Vol. I., p. 69, uq,; Neander, *^ T:>ir kdl, Bernard u, mm
Ziitaltsr"; Hahn, '' Gssch. d. Kit^ir im M. /#.," 'Bd. L; FiissUn,
*' Ktrchm- und Kititrggsch.^'' Bd. I., S$it. 189, s$q.
(i) Antecedents and Rise of these Parties, it is impos-
sible to determine with certainty tlie source of the im-
pulse that started the Roman Catholic priest Peter de
Bruys and the Roman Catholic monic Henry of Lausanne
on their reformatory careers. No doubt a considerable
amount of evangelical life and thought had been perpet-
uated in the corrupt churches that had come under the
control of the Roman hierarchy. Protests against eccle-
siastical corruption had been uttered by churchmen from
time to time during the period of growing corruption.
a. Claudius of Turin (d. 832 or earlier), a native of
Spain, sent by the Emperor Louis the Pious as bishop of
Turin to counteract Mohammedan influence and to con-
tend against the prevailing heathenism in northern Italy,
adopted Augustine's theology, after eliminating its sacer-
dotal elements, and on the basis of the Scriptures in-
sisted upon the immediateness of the relation of the be-
liever to God. '* Whoever seeks from any creature in
heaven or on earth the salvation which he should seek
from God alone, is an idolater." He denounced image
worship and removed images from the churches over
which he presided. Departed saints, he taught, do not
wish to be worshiped and can render us no service.
Prayers for the dead are of no avail. The worship of the
cross he regarded as absurd. We had as well worship
every virgin, because Christ was born of a virgin, and
every manger because he rested in one. We are to bear
the cross, not worship it. Crucifixes were an abomina-
tion to him. Pilgrimages to Rome and elsewhere for
merit he discountenanced, holding to the futility of all
external works as means of gaining the divine favor. He
denied that any one is apostolical because he sits in the
seat of an apostle. He denied that Peter had received
any power to bind and to loose and regarded him as the
divinely commissioned founder of the Jewish, as Paul
was of the Gentile, church. That so thoroughgoing and
aggressive an evangelical should have been permitted to
end his life in the episcopate of the hierarchical church is
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CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES^ 559
evidence of the comparative freedom that still existed,
and there can be no doubt but that his influence long
continued to be felt in Northern Italy and Southern
France. Claudius may be regarded as having revived
or perpetuated the influence of Jovinian and Vigilantius,
and as a connecting link between these early reformers
and the evangelicals of the twelfth century.
b. Again, it is possible that side by side with the dual-
istic heresy that from time to time attracted the atten*
tion of the authorities during the eleventh century a
purer form of evangelical dissent may have found place.
From the considerations set forth in the preceding section
it is evident that the Cathari differed greatly among
themselves in the nature and degree of their dualism. It
is probable that in some the dualistic element did not
much exceed the bounds of orthodoxy, and that the
evangelical element closely approached in its strength
and purity what we find in the Petrobrusians and their
successors. Men educated in the Roman Catholic Church,
like Peter and Henry, might well have been awakened
by the purity of life, the zeal, and the self-sacrificing
spirit of the better class of Cathari, while their knowledge
of the Scriptures and of the evangelical writings of the
earlier time would have sufficed to guard them from dual-
istic error.
To conclude with DolUnger, that because we can find only Ca-
tharistic antecedents for the Petrobrusians and Henricians, and be-
cause the latter agreed with the former in rejecting infant baptism,
image worship, cross worship, saint worship, the use of consecrated
church buildings, and all of the non-scriptural appurtenances of the
hierarchical church, Peter and Henry were themselves Cathari, is
wholly unjustified. That they were not Cathari is evident from the
following considerations : (a) The Cathari, as we know them, re-
jected water baptism ; the Petrobrusians are charged with rejecting
Infant baptism and with rebaptizing those christened in Infancy.
{b) The Cathari abstained from animal food ; the Petrobrusians are
accused of violating fasts, {c) The Cathari rejected marriage; Peter
is charged with compelling monks "by terrors and torments to
marry, '^ and Henry with removing impediments to marriage and
urging men and women who had lived irregularly to enter the mar-
ried state, (d) Their chief Catholic opponent does not stigmatize
them as Manichsan and refrains from accusing them of rejecting the
OldTestoment.*
1 For fuller rtfutatlon of DOlllngcr's position mo orticic by the author l« ** Plo-
coodings of the American Socltty of Clivrtai Hltlory." Vol. IV.. p. 181. Mf.
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560 A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PQLIV
(2) Sketches of Peter and Henty. a. Little is known of
the life of Peter de Bruys before his appearance as a re-
former (c. 1 104). For the facts of his career we are de-
pendent almost wholly on the polemical writing of Peter
the Venerable, and a slight notice in Abelard s " Intro-
duction to Theology." From these we learn that he was
a priest ; that he was a pupil of Abelard, the great free-
thinker of the century ; that for over twenty years he
preached throughout Southern France, where the Cathaii
already abounded, with enthusiasm and success, baptizing
large numbers on a profession of their faith, denouncing
the use of crosses and destroying them when he couM,
and causing priests and monks to be despised and some
times roughly handled by the people ; that, though his
preaching was subversive of the established order, he was
able for many years to defy the hierarchy and to preserve
life and liberty ; and that he was at last burned (c. 1126)
on a heap of crosses that he had lighted, are the chie!
facts recorded.
Peter the Venerable, addressing the autiiorities in a region whot
Peter and Henry had been at work, wrote : '* In your parts the peopfe
are rebaptlzed, the churches profaned, the altars overmrown, a
burned, on the very day of our Lord's passion flesh is publicly 1
priests are scourg^, monks imprisoned and compelled oy lerrofs and
tortures to marry." Again : " O miserable men, whoever you are,
who have yielded not to many nations, but to two wretched little
men only, Peter de Bruys and Henry, his pseudo-apostle."
b. To the wonderful eloquence and popularitj" of Henr>'
of Lausanne abundant testimony is borne by his Catholic
contemporaries. We first meet him (c. 1 1 16) as a Clugn-
iac monk, left in charge of the spiritual work of his
diocese by the bishop of Mans during his visit to Rome.
The records of the diocese show how he utilized his posi-
tion. He had already gained a great reputation for strict-
ness of living, humility, and courage. " By his speech,"
it was said, " a heart of stone could easily be moved to
compunction.*' He soon had the diocese thoroughly
awakened regarding spiritual things. Clergy and people
were moved to tears by his earnest appeals. He is said
to have resounded in so oracular a manner that it ap-
peared as if legions of demons howled forth their mur-
murs at one opening of his mouth. ** Nevertheless he
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CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES $61
was in a wonderful manner eloquent^ his speech infused
through their ears adhered to the minds of the common
people like fresh poison." The people rose up in fury
against the clergy and their familiars, regarding them as
heathen and publicans, and refusing to sell to them or
buy from them. It was thought that had not the civil
authorities intervened they would have destroyed the
priests' houses, scattered their goods, and would have
stoned the priests themselves. Immoral women were in-
duced publicly to burn their meretricious attire and their
hair. He convinced the people that they need not insist
upon receiving with their wives, gold, silver, possessions,
or marriage portions, or bestow a dowry, but that an
empty-handed man might marry an empty-handed
woman, and that all conventionalities In regard to mar-
riage might be ignored. Some who had lived unchastely
together were induced to marry. He took up collections
in order that some provision might be made for the ex-
tremely poor. He seems to have regarded marriage as
the best remedy for the terrible immorality that prevailed
in the diocese.
Henry is said to have associated himself with Peter de
Bruys and for ten years these zealous preachers carried
on conjointly their evangelistic work. In 1134 he was
arrested by the archbishop of Aries and was pronounced
a heretic in the Council of Pisa, but he was on some
ground permitted to depart and he resumed his propa-
ganda with unabated zeal. In 1 147 Pope Eugenius III.
commissioned Bernard of Clairvaux and the Cardinal
Albericus to counteract his destructive work in Langue-
doc, etc. It was found that the people would not come
near the churches, despised the "divine mystery," and
refused to pay the customary dues or to accord the cus-
tomary reverence to the priests. Henry was thrown into
prison, where he probably died in 1148.
(3) Doctrines and Practices of Peter and his Followers.
Peter the Venerable, a contemporary, charges them with
the following heretical (?) views :
a. They denied that children before they had come to
an intelligible age could be saved by the baptism of
Christ ; that another person's faith could profit those
that could not use their own — according to the Scripture :
aL
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562 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
"He that believeth," etc. They protested against the
charge that they rebaptized, regarding the christening of
infants as unworthy of the name.
b. They maintained that temples and churches ought
not to be built, and that those built ought to be torn
down ; that sacred places were not necessary for wor-
ship ; that God hears prayers as well in a tavern as in a
church, in a market-place as in a temple, before a stable
as before an altar.
c. They maintained that crosses ought to be broken to
pieces and burned, denying that the instruments by
which Christ was cruelly slain should be adored, or ven-
erated, or supplicated.
d. They denied that the body and blood of Christ
could be wrought and offered by the priest, regarding the
claim to do so as absurd and sacrilegious. They are
charged mpt simply with rejecting the papal view of the
Lord's Supper, but also, apparently, with rejecting the
outward ordinance altogether, if so, it was probably on
account of its superstitious associations.
e. Sacrifices, prayers, alms, and other works for the
dead, made by the living, they derided, holding that such
things were of no avail, each one's lot being decided per-
manently at death.
/. That God is mocked by ecclesiastical chanting, be-
cause he who delights in pious feelings alone, can neither
be appealed to by high tones, nor soothed by musical
modulations.
g. In addition to these points, Peter the Venerable in-
forms us casually that Peter de Bruys rejected the au-
thority of the Fathers and of tradition, adhering to the
Scriptures alone. Peter the Venerable had heard that
they held only to the Gospels, rejecting the Old Testa-
ment and parts of the New Testament, but was not sure
that this was true.
2. Arnold of Brescia, the Amoldists, the Humiliati, and the
Poor Men ofUmbardy.
LITERATURE: R. Breyer, ''tAmold von Buscia'' (In Mauren-
brecher's '' Historischtn Taschenbuch," 1889). '*Oi# j^rnoldistinJ* (In
Brieeer's ^* Ziitschrift fur Ktrchtngischichte, XII., 1891); Gicse-
brecht, '* Arnold von Brtscia^'' 1873 ; Tocco, *' U Ertsia ml Maiio Evo"
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CHAP. 111.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 563
1884; Hausrath, "Arnold von Bnscia" i8qi ; excellent art. by
Deutsch in Herzog-Hauck, third ed., Bd. II., Ssit. 117-122.
(i) Sketch of Arnold. The main facts of Arnold's re-
markable career are well known. He was of noble line-
age, and was born and reared at Brescia. Like Peter de
Bruys he studied under the famous teacher and free-
thinker, Peter Abelard. On his return to Italy, full of
zeal for the reformation of Church and State, he was ad-
mitted into one of the lower grades of the clergy. But
he saw in the secularization of the church, and in the
devotion of clergy, high and low, and of the monastic
orders as well, to the accumulation of wealth as means
of luxury and oppression, the root of the corruptions of
the time, and he was able to give all the greater empha-
sis to his scathing denunciations of ecclesiastical corrup-
tion by reason of his own austerity and sanctity of life.
He demanded the complete renunciation of all wealth,
on the part of the church as a whole and of individual
clergy and monks, high and low, and a complete with-
drawal from all secular affairs, insisting that to the civil
rulers alone all property rightly belongs, to be adminis-
tered for the well-being of the people, and that the clergy
should be supported entirely by the freewill offerings of
the people. Owing to a general recognition of the ex-
treme corruptions of the time, his views met with general
acceptance throughout Northern Italy, but having been
accused of heresy by his bishop in a Lateran synod he
was obliged to leave Italy in 11 39. He returned to
France, where he defended Abelard against Bernard and
others, and soon had this fierce and unrelenting heresy-
hunter on his track. He went thence to Switzerland,
where he labored with acceptance and success for a time
under the protection of the liberally inclined bishop of
Constance, until the zeal of Bernard, who warned the
bishop not to harbor this "roaring lion," this "enemy of
the church," wrought his expulsion from Switzerland.
He found protection with a papal legate who soon became
Pope Coelestin IL, and in Rome during a decade (1145-
II 55) he was at the head of a popular movement that
aimed at the restoration of the ancient form of govern-
ment and was able to expel the pope and to establish and
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$64 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
maintain for a while a new rlgime. In the treaty between
Frederick Barbarossa and Pope Alexander III. he was
basely sacrificed by the former to the latter, and executed
in pursuance of this arrangement. He was hanged, his
dead body was burned, and his ashes were cast into the
Tiber, lest his followers should gather his remains for
sacred relics.
(2) Arnold* s Reformatory l/iews. The questions about
which there has been difference of opinion are the fol-
lowing : Was Arnold a religious schismatic as well as a
social and political agitator ? Did he attack the doctrinal
system of the church ? Did he found a sect ? We should
attach very little importance to Bernard's railings, who
stigmatizes him as a schismatic, if we had no better evi-
dence to rely upon.
Otto, of Freising, one of the best informed and most
judicial of the contemporary authorities, remarks that
" besides these things (that is, his demand for reform in
the directions mentioned above), he is said to have been
astray with reference to the sacrament of the altar and
the baptism of infants." The former part of this state-
ment is confirmed by several writers ; the second part
has commonly been supposed to be unconfirmed and to
rest upon a confounding of Arnold with Peter de Bruys
and Henry of Lausanne.
It has recently been claimed by Breyer, to whom the
writer is deeply indebted, that Durandus confirms Otto's
-eport as to Arnold's unsatisfactory views on infant bap-
tism,' and that this notice of Otto's can no longer be
looked upon as resting on a confounding of Arnold with
the Petrobrusians. It is pretty certain, at all events,
that Arnold was no mere churchly reformer, but that he
held to views radically antagonistic to the current ortho-
doxy. It would be natural to suppose, in view of his
long-continued activity and his strong influence over the
masses, that he impressed his views regarding the sacra-
1 Tht passage cited by Breyer has reference not directly to Arnold, but rather to
the Amoldlsts. The use made of it by Breyer Is lustifiable only on the supposition
that the Amoldlsts derived their views from Arnold of Brescia. Durandus does not
even say directly that the Amoldlsts were astray as regards Infant baptism ; but
their denial that the Holy Spirit is received in connection with the baptismal act is
probably thought by Breyer to Imply a radically antUR6manist conception of the or*
dlnance as such. The passage is as follows: " AmoldtUm . . . userumt, fuoi
nunquam ptr ht^smum mqiur homines Spiritum $mutum mecipimitt »*c S^nmaritsm hi^
l»^«fi Mum reetperumt, donee mMius tmponHomem meetperumi**
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CHAP.III.J REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 565
ments, as well as regarding political, social, and religious
reform, on large numbers of his contemporaries.
it is highly probable in itself that he founded a sect.
The testimony of contemporaries changes the probability
into a certainty. It is related by Johannes Saresberiensis
in his '* Historia Ponttficalis," that during his stay in
Rome Arnold ** founded a sect of men which is still
(about 1 164) called the heresy of the Lombards/' and
that its adherents, on account of the uprightness, rigor,
and piety of their lives, had found the most enthusiastic
support among the people and especially among pious
women. Johannes was resident in Rome during Arnold's
time, and must have known whereof he affirmed. Arnold
was beyond doubt the founder of a sect.
(3) The Arnoldists. The next question to be settled is,
whether he was founder of the sect known during the
succeeding century as the Arnoldists. The affirmative
has been maintained by most writers, including Leger,
Fusslin, Muratori, Dieckhoff, Tocco, and Keller ; the
negative by Gottfried Arnold, Guadagnini, and Giese-
brecht. The latter view has rested, no doubt, on a fail-
ure to find convincing evidence that Arnold held to anti-
Catholic views, or that he was the founder of any sect.
Those who accept the evidence that Arnold founded a
sect can hardly fail to regard it as highly probable that
the Arnoldists of history derived their impulse as well as
their name from Arnold of Brescia. The fact that the
Arnoldists flourished in Lombardy, where Arnold's influ-
ence is known to have been greatest, is, moreover,
strongly favorable to the identification of the Arnoldists
with the followers of Arnold of Brescia.
What, then, were the views of the Arnoldists, and what
do we know of their history? They agreed with Cathari,
Petrobrusians, and other sects, in their uncompromising
hostility to the Roman Catholic Church, directed espe-
cially against the secularization and the corrupt lives of
the clergy, whose ministration of the sacraments they
considered invalid. They denied the efficacy of water
baptism to secure remission of sins, and laid considerable
stress upon the imposition of hands as complementary to
baptism^ That, like the Cathari, they rejected water
baptism and substituted therefor the Consolamentum^
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566 A MANUAL OP CHUftCri HISTORY [per. IV.
there is no credible evidence. Our information about
the Arnoldists is extremely meager ; but they are men-
tioned with sufficient frequency in the Roman Catholic
literature of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to
prove that they persisted as a distinct party until long
after the rise of the Waldenses. It is certain that, like
Arnold and Peter de Bruys, they made the apostolic
church their model, and aimed to restore Christianity to
its primitive purity and simplicity. Tocco affirms *'that
the Poor Men of Lombardy descended in a direct line
from the Arnoldists."
(4) The Humiliati. The origin of this party as regards
circumstances and date is exceedingly obscure. It seems
to have arisen some time between 1017 and 1184, prob-
ably during the reign of Frederick I. There is. an old
tradition, not improbable in itself, that it was organized
by a party of Italian noblemen who were taken captive
to Germany, and on their return resolved to abandon
rank, to devote themselves to a semi-monastic communal
life, and to support themselves by the labor of their hand:,.
Their chief industry seems to have been wool-weaving,
and they are said to have had almost a monopoly of this
industry in certain parts of Italy.
Little is known of their views, except that they rejected
oaths. The party seems at first to have been composed
chiefly of laymen, and celibacy was not required. Be-
fore the close of the twelfth century there were two par-
ties, one of which was in harnrjony with the church, and
the other classed by the church among heretics. It is
highly probable that the heretical Humiliati became so
through Arnoldistic influence.
In 1 184 Pope Lucius III., in a bull against the heresies
of the time in Lombardy, mentioned the Humiliati and
the Poor Men of Lyons as if they were one and the same
party (qui se hutniliatos vel pauperes de Lugduno falso
nomine mentiuntuf). It is improbable that such a state-
ment would have found place in an official document
emanating from the Roman Curia with reference to
contemporary Italian sects, unless at that time some
sort of relationship was known to have been established
between the anti-churchly Humiliati and the followers
of Peter Waldo.
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CHAP. UI.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 567
3. Early Evangelical Movements in the Netherlands and the
%hine trolley.
LITERATURE : Hahn, "G«<:A. d. Ketur im M. /f .," Bd. I., SiiU 459i
uq.^ and 463, stq. ; Schmidt, "//»/. et. Uoctr. d$ la Sects d$s Cathans/*
Vol. I., p. 48. siq.j Lea, " Hist, of the Inquisition," Vol. I., p. 64,
siq,; 6icselcr,''^^ccl. rflst.," Vol. 11., p. 532, ssq.; MUlIcr, ** ATir-
chingesch,^^^ Bd. I., 5^'/. 495, uq,
(i) Tanchelm (1115-1124), a contemporary of Peter de
Bruys, preached with enthusiasm and success in the
Netherlands. Multitudes thronged his discourses and
treated him like a king. He denounced the churches as
brothels ; denied that the priestly consecration in the
Supper was of any value, — their rites being pollutions
rather than sacraments ; insisted that the virtue of sac-
raments depends upon the character of the adminis-
trator, and dissuaded the people from receiving the
eucharist at the hands of the priests and from paying
tithes for their support. He is charged with claiming to
be equal to Christ in sanctfty and in the possession of
the plenitude of the Holy Spirit. His disciples are said
to have held him in such reverence that they drank the
water in which he bathed. These reports have the ap-
pearance of gross exaggerations. Apart from the fanat-
icism that seems to be involved in these charges, his
teaching seems to have closely resembled that of Peter
de Bruys.
(2) Eudo de Stella (d. c. 1148), preached with like fer-
vor in Brittany. He was of noble birth, but is said to
have been illiterate. He is charged with having made
fanatical claims regarding his divine commission to re-
form Christendom. The people were attracted to him in
great numbers and followed him, it is said, as if he had
been the Lord of lords. Under the influence of his violent
denunciations of ecclesiastical corruptions the people went
forth destroying churches and monasteries, ihe civil
authorities long sought in vain to apprehend him. In
1 148 he was seized and was condemned to perpetual im-
prisonment by the council of Rouen under Pope Eugenius
III. He probably died soon afterward.
The following description of the heresy that abounded In this re-
^on by Hugo, archbishop of Rouen (114$), Is thought to ref^r to Q)^
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
568 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER IV.
teachings of Eudo and his disciples : *' The sacraments profit oniy
the intelligent, not the ignorant ; they profit adults, they bestow noth-
ing upon Tittle children. They condemn the baptism of little children
and infants and say : ' In the gospel we read, IVhosotwr shall haw
Miivid, etc. ; but little children do not believe. Therefore baptisms
do not profit little children.' Asain : ' If justification is of faith and
salvation is of baptism, what does confirmation, made by the hand
of a pontiff, add to those who believe and have been baptized, to
those who are justified and saved ? ' "
(3) Similar bands of dissenters appeared at about the
same time in the Rhenish provinces. About 1115a num-
ber of heretics, among them two presbyters, were brought
before the authorities at Treves. They denied the trans-
mutation of the bread and the wine into the body and
blood of Christ in the hands of the priests, " nor did they
say that the sacrament of baptism profits little children
unto salvation." The reporter charged them with having
taught many other erroneous things that he thought it
wrong to record.
In a letter to Bernard (1146), Evervin, provost at Stein-
feld, describes certain Catharistic heretics that infested
the neighborhood of Cologne and carefully distinguished
from these, as ''absolutely at variance with them, certain
other heretics in our land " :
They deny that the body of Christ is made at the altar, on the
Sound that all the priests of the church are not consecrated. For
e apostolic dignity, they say. has been corrupted, implicatinj^ itself
in secular affairs : and in the chair of Peter not fighting with God, as
did Peter, it has deprived itself of the power of consecrating, which
was given to Peter. . . And so they make void the priesthood of the
church, and condemn the sacraments, except baptism alone, and this
in adults, who, they say, are baptized by Christ, whoever may be the
administrator of the sacrament. In me baptism of little children
they have no confidence on account of that gospel passage : " Whoso-
ever shall have believed," etc. They are further represented as re-
jecting marriage unless both parties are virgins, as repudiating the
suffrages of the saints and fasts and other afflictions for sins, and
as calhng *' superstitions " all observances in the church that *' Christ
and his apostles have not established." They rejected the doctrine
of purgatory, maintaining *' that immediately after they go forth from
the body souls pass either into eternal rest or eternal punishment."
4. The IValdenses.
LITERATURE: Waldensian documents published in Leger.
Hahn, Herzog, etc. ; *' Rgscr^tum Hfrniarcharum Lamhardii ad Tom-
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. Ill ] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 569
tifis d$ Lugduno qui stmt in Alamama^^^ recently discovered and edited
by Preger— a most important document ; Bernhard, ''%Adv, fVaUbn'
stum Sictam^* ((Max. Bib, XXIV.); Alanus ab Insulis, ^'Suntma quad-^
genfre, 1.) ; Rainerius, '^Sumtna dt Catharis ft Uouistis sm Paupfr-
ibus dt Lugdutto" (Martene ft Durand, V.); Moneta, ^^v^dv»
Catharas ft JValdfttsfS " ; *' De Hat. Pa^^ffr. d$ Lugduno'' (in Martene
ft Durand, V.); Limborch, ^^Libfr Sftttfntiarum Inquisitionis To-
iosana'*; Hahn, '' Gfsch. d. IVaidftisir'* ; Dieclthoff, "'Dw IVah
dfttsfr^\' Herzog, *'Dw T{omanisehfn IVahUnsfr^^; Preger, ^^ Bfitr'agf
twr GfuhichU dtr Waldesitr im Mittflaliff," 187S. '* Dfr Tractat dfs
'David van Augsburg ubtr di» Waldtsitr^^ 1878, *' Ufhfr das k^ffhaltnis
dfr TahoritfH {u dm IValdfsifru dfs Xl^. Jahrkwidfrts," 1887. ''Ufbfr
dit Vfrfassung dfr fran^osischfn Waldfsitr in dfu dltfTfn Zfit^** 1S90;
M tiller, '* T>if IValdfttsfT ttnd ihrf fitiultifn Grvppfn bis turn Anfang dts
Xiy.JahrhuHdfrts'' (first published in the " ThtoL Studifu tmd Kri-
tikfnr 1886, Hfft IV., and 1887, Hfft I.), Review of writings of
Keller, Haupt, and Jostes on the '* Codfx TfpUnsis^^* in the ** Thfol.
StudifH mid Kritikfn," Hfft II., 1886, and Hfft 111.. 1887 ; Haupt, *' Di$
rfligiosfH SfktfH in Frannsn vor dtr %fformation^ 1882, '* Dif dfutschf
BibflubfTSftptng dfr miitflaltfrlichfn IVaUfnsfr,'^ i88^ '* Dfr IVatdfu-
sischf Ursprtmg dts Codtx TfpUnsis tmd dtr vorluthtrischtn dtutschtn
Bibtldruckt,*' i«86, ''IVaUtnsia " (In ''ZtitschriftfiirKirchtngtschichtt,"
Bd, X., Hfft. II., 1888), '' Waldfnstrthum und Inquisition im sudostlichtn
Dfutsfkland^** 1800 ; Keller, *' Dif Rffarmatian und dit alttrtn Rtform'
partiisn^^^ 188$, ^^ Dif IValdtnsfr una dit Dtutschtn BibtHbtrsttprnftn.
IJifbst BfHrdgtn ntr Gtschichtt dtr R$formation^^ 1886, ** Zur Gtschtchtt
dtr Alttvangtliscntn Gtrntindtn, yartrag^ gthalttn {tf Btrlin am 20 ApriL
1887" 1887, ''Johann von Staupitt und dit An/angt dtr Rtformaiion^^^
1888 ; W. Wattenbach, ** Utbtr dit Inquisition gtgtn dit fValdtnstr in
Pommtrn und dtr Mark Brandtnbufg^ 1886 ; Comba, *' Valdo td i VaU
dtsi a:oanti la Riforma^^ 1880, *^ Storia dtlla Riforma in Italia narrata
col Sussidio di Nuovi Documtntt^'* 1881, ^^ Histoirt dts Vaudois d*Italif
dtpuis Ifurs Origims iusqu'a ttos Jours, Primitrt Partit : Avant la 7{0-
formt,'* 1887 (also Eng. tr. "The Waldenses of Italy, from their
Origin to the Reformation," London, 1888) ; Dollinger, " BtHragt
tur Sthttngtschichtt dts Mitttlalttrs," 1 Thtil: ** Gtschichtt dtr Gnos-
tisch'Manick'aischtn Stkttn^^; 2 Thtil: " Dokumtntt vomthmlich ^ Gt^
schichtf dtr Valdtsitr und Kathartr^'^ 1890 ; Lea, " A History of the
Inquisition of the Middle Ages," New Yori^, iSSS,passim; C. Douais,
" Tractica Inquisitionis Htrttict Pravitatis, Auctort Btrnardo Guidonis
Ordinis Fratrum Trtdicatortwt. Dociwttnt publii pour la prtmitrtfoiSf^*
Paris, 1886 ; Friess, *' Patartntr^ Btghardtn und tValdtnstr in Otsttr-
rtich v'ahrtnd dts Mitttlalttrs,** 1872 ; Knatz, ** ^audois tt Taboritts"
i88q; Fredericq, ^* Corpus Doeumtntorum Inquisitionis littrlandicce^^
1889 ; Duverger, " V Inquisition tn Btlfiaut,'* 1888 ; Goll, " Dit tVal-
dtnstr im Mitttlalttrtmdjhrt Littratttr ^^{In ** Mitthtiltmgtn dts Inst, fur
Otsttrr, Gtsch..*' ~* "^ """^ *»--..
Gtschichtt dtr i
Codfx Ttpltnsis,^
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
570 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
hahirische deutsche BibtliUf^rsit^ungM" 188$, *' Dis TepUr BtMubsrsH^
{img. Eiiu {iciiU Kritik,'' 1886 ; WeiSS, *' UniinuchungiH fur B^stiw
tmsttg dis DiaUctes dis Codix TgpUnsis," 1887 ; Rachel, '^ Utb^ du
Fr$$trg$r Bibelhandschrift nsbst BiHrdgin nir Gtsch, d, vorluthsrisekm
Bibtljibirs4t{ung,'' 1886 ; S. Berger, ''U BibU Frati^isg au Mqym j^gs,"
1884; Niontet, '* Histoiu Littsratn des yaudois du Pumont^" Paris,
188; ; Kolde, '7. von Statebitz, tin IVcddmsir md tin H^iidtriau/ir'*
(" Zeitsch.f. Kirchtngisch,/' 1885); W. Bohm, " Friidrick RHstr's '«#-
formation diS K. Sigmund/ '' i87iS ; Tocco, '* V Ensia ml Mtdio Evo"
1884 ; F. Palacky* '* Uiber dis Bs{ishungM wid das VifhaUms dtr
^aldgnser pi din eksmiligen Sikten in Bohmm^^ 1869 ; Mdller, Review
of Preger's *' Uehir dis Vsrfassung dsr fran^otischin Waidni^^^ and
of Haupt's ** IValdsnssrthum und Inquisition im sudostlichsH Deutsche
land^^ in '* Thsologischs Littsratur-Zsitung" No. 1$, 1891 ; L. Lemme.
Review of Keller's *V* ^<^ Staupitr und dis Anfangs dsr RtforwuUion^
in '* Thsologischs Studisn und Krittksn,'' Hsft 1., 1890; Melia, '*The
Origin, Persecutions, and Doctrines of ttie Waldenses," 1870.
(i) Origin of the Waldenses. According to early ac-
counts, the founder of the sect was Peter Waldo, a
wealthy merchant of Lyons, who, from curiosity to know
the contents of the Scriptures, which he was accustomed
to hear in Latin, employed two priests, the one to trans-
late, and the other to copy into the vernacular, large por-
tions of the Scriptures. It is probable that he was already
inclined to make the Scriptures his guide. Certainly,
when he came to a knowledge of scriptural truth he was
not slow to put it into practice. Following the command
given by Christ, when sending forth the Seventy, and in
view of Christ's expressions with regard to the danger of
wealth to the Christian life, Peter distributed his means
to the poor, secured numerous followers, and, both per-
sonally and through his disciples, taught the Scriptures
to all that would hear throughout that region, urging
them to turn from their sins (c. 1170).
The Archbishop of Lyons forbade their preaching, on
the ground that they were laymen ; but they replied :
*'We must obey God rather than men." When the
archbishop insisted upon a cessation of their work, they
appealed to Pope Alexander 111. (1179), sending him some
of their translated bopks. Alexander commended their
poverty, but refused to come between them and the
archbishop. They continued to teach and preach, and
appealed to Lucius IIL, successor to Alexander (1183).
At the synod of Verona they were excommunicated (i 184),
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] REACTlONAftV AND ftEFORMmO PARTIES 571
They now assumed a more decidedly hostile attitude
toward the hierarchical church, and through their evan-
gelical zeal spread rapidly all over the South of France
and Piedmont, and into Italy, Spain, the Rhine Valley, etc.
Even as late as 12 12 some of the Waldenses appealed
to Innocent III., who gave them permission at Metz to
assemble and read the Scriptures.
It is probable that Peter Waldo had been to some ex-
tent affected by the evangelical life developed in connec-
tion with the labors of Peter de Bruys and Henry of
Lausanne, though there is no evidence that he entered
into any relations with these. He was content to carry
on his evangelistic work within the church. His object
at first was to reform the church by teaching the Scrip-
tures and preaching the gospel to the common people
in their own language. If the church had allowed him
this liberty, he would probably not have become a
separatist.
(2) The Poor Men of Lyons, the Poor Men of Lombardy,
their Relations to Each Other, and to the German and Aus-
trian Evangelical Parties. We have decisive proof that
the followers of Peter Waldo entered into relations of
some kind with some evangelical party in Lombardy.
According to the '* Rescript of the Heresiarchs of Lom-
bardy to the Poor Men of Lyons who are in Germany,"*
a convention was held at Bergamo, Lombardy, in 1218,
between representatives of the Poor Men of Lombardy
and the Poor Men of Lyons or followers of Peter Waldo,
for the purpose of endeavoring to harmonize differences
that had arisen between the two parties. From this doc-
ument it is evident that the Waldenses had some time
before formed a more or less closely cemented union with
an evangelical party that they found already in Italy.
The chief points of difference were as follows : a. The ,
Italians, like Arnold and his followers, insisted that the
validity of the sacraments depends on the character of
the person administering them ; the Waldenses attributed
the efficacy to the words of consecration.
b. The Italians insisted on the toleration of '* congre-
.gations of workmen *' for such as preferred this mode of
^ '* Iteuriplum Htrtsiarebum LombardU ad *Pauperts de Lufduno. qui sunt in Ais^
Ik written about sajo or earlier, and Itnt edited by Preger In x87S*
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
572 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
life ; while the Waldenses were strenuous in their de-
mand for the abolition of such congregations. In this
they doubtless reflected the opinion of Waldo himself,
who had opposed this institution because of its incompat-
ibility with the enthusiastic evangelism for which he
stood. It is probable, as the Italians seem to admit, that
the life of these institutions was far below the standard
required by the Poor Men of Lyons and that reform was
urgently needed. These congregations of workmen were
probably heretical Humiliati.
These two i)oints of difference furnish a highly probable ground
for the conclusion reached by Preger (and in this conclusion Breyer
and Karl Miilier concur), that the party of Italians that entered into
relationship with the followers or Waldo represents a blending of
Arnoldist with Humiliatlst elements. If this conclusion is accqpted
as valid, the thoroughgoing Protestantism of the Amoldists, omer-
wise probable, is strongly confirmed. Since the publication of Doi-
linger's volume of documents, we are able to speak more positively
than was possible before as to the early relations of the Poor Men of
Lombardy and the Poor Men of Lyons According to a writing
called **5t^a SUlla^^ (12^5)1 certain Italian brethren, under John
Roncho, separated themselves from the Poor Men of Lyons. The
mention of Roncho as the leader of the Lombardy party enables us
to identify the Runcarians, mentioned by David of Augsburg as.
along with the Poor Men of Lyons, the Ortidlebarians, the Arnold-
ists, and the Waldenses, having formerly constituted one sect with
the Italian party of the " 'Riscriptum."
The '*'Reseriptum^' and Xht'^ Supra SUlla,^' mentioned In the pre-
ceding section, when taken in connection with statements of David
of Augsburg and of an anonymous writer in Martene and Durand,'
show that the followers of Peter Waldo had, soon after the beginning
of his reformatory career, formed a union more or less complete with
certain evangelical Christians in Lombardy ; that the union was
soon dissolve (1205) owin^ to serious differences of view ; that rep-
resentatives of the two parties met in convention at Bergamo in 1218
with a view to harmonizing these differences ; that some time after-
ward, when the " Tttscriptum " was written, the breach is as far as
ever from being healed ; and that at the date of the writing of *' S^tpra
Stella^* (1235) the two parties are still recognized as distinct.
c. Another point at issue was that of a general super-
intendency. The Italians had asked to Be assured as to
the position of the Ultramontanes. Waldo, they had
been informed, had strongly opposed the appointment
during his lifetime or after his death of a general super-
1 Omnes Pauptres uMusqus ttetm mmdtm atodmrn comsscrstutt ttmtkmiii , . . jwfo divt'
tunum qua fuit itUtr 40S.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, in.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 573
intendent {propositus), and they had asked to be informed
whether the Ultramontanes were resolved to adhere to
this position. The Ultramontanes had expressed a will-
ingness to meet with the Italians and in co-operation
with them to elect superintendents for life or rectors for
a time, as might be thought more useful to the commu-
nity of believers or more in the interest of peace. The
Italians, it would seem, had adopted the former practice,
the Ultramontanes the latter. The practice of the two
parties in the matter of appointing and ordaining minis-
ters was likewise at variance, the Italians appointing for
life, the Ultramontanes for a limited time.
d. The next question regards baptism. To certain in-
quiries of the Ultramontanes the Italians had replied:
" We say that no one rejecting baptism of material
waters can be saved, least of all do we believe that chil-
dren not truly baptized are saved, and this we beseech
them (the Ultramontanes) to believe and acknowledge.'*
The Ultramontanes had mildly assented to this position
in the following words: "We believe that no one is
saved unless he shall have been baptized materially in
water."
e. As regards the permanence of the married relation
che Italians had expressed themselves thus: "We be-
lieve that no one ought to separate those lawfully mar-
ried except for cause of fornication or by the consent of
both parties." The Ultramontanes expressed a some-
what laxer view as follows: lawful wedlock "should not
be dissolved except through the will of both parties, un-
less, in the opinion of the congregation of believers, just
occasion should intervene."
The Poor Men of Lyons insisted upon the celibacy of the Inner
circle of evangelists, and did not hesitate to dissolve the marriage re-
lation In favor of evangelism, which they emphasized above every-
thing else.
On the foregoing points the two parties, though they
were not entirely at one, were able to come to a good
understanding. On two points they failed to reach a
satisfactory basis of agreement.
/. The Ultramontanes insisted that the Italians should
acknowledge that Waldo and Vivetus (one of his chief co-
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
574 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
laborers) *'are in God's Paradise," and made such ac-
knowledgment an indispensable condition of peace. The
Italians would go no further than to say that " if before
their death Waldo and Vivetus satisfied God for all their
faults and offenses, they could be saved."
Six representatives of each party had held a prolonged conference
over this question without reaching a more satisfactory result. The
significance of this contention about Waldo and Vivetus has been
pointed out in an instructive way by Muller. The probability is that
Waldo had recenUy died and that his death was the occasion of the
efforts to reunite the parties. The ** faults and offenses " referred to
would doubtless denote the Italians' view of the proceedings of Waldo
and others that led to the schism.
g. The other point of serious difference was with regard
to the Eucharist. Both parties believed in the real pres-
ence, apparently in transubstantiation. The question at
issue was, whether transubstantiation takes place through
the simple utterance of the divine words, so that even a
Jew, a heathen, or a harlot can work the change ; or
whether it takes place only in answer to the sincere
prayer of a believer who has been set apart for the ad-
ministration of the ordinances. The Ultramontanes held
to the former view, the Italians to the latter. The Ultra-
montanes based their contention on the theory that the
administration of baptism and that of the Supper are to
be placed on the same level. Both parties admitted that
even a harlot could in an emergency validly baptize ; If
so, said the Ultramontanes, why could she not validly
administer the Supper ?
Such are the chief points of agreement and difference between the
two parties, according to this interesting and important document.
It must be confessed mat neither party is as evangelical, according to
this document, as we would fain regard it. Of the two parties the
Italian is dearly the more anti-Catholic. Both alike hola to infant
baptism ; both alike insist on the necessity of water baptism to sal-
vation—the Italians more emphatically than the Ultramontanes ; both
hold to transubstantiation, or something bordering on it, the Ultra-
montanes placing the transubstantiating efficacy in the words of cele-
bration, the Italians in the personal character of the minlstrant.
(3) The IValdenses as Represented by Catholic Writers,
about 1260. Fortunately we are not wholly dependent
on the ** l^scriptum " for our information concerning the
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 575
Poor Men of Lyons. During the generation that fol-
lowed the negotiations between the two parties a marked
advance toward an evangelical position seems to have
been made by both parties. Two contemporary writings
are available, both describing the views and work of the
Poor Men, but one representing a party more closely
related to the Italian party of the " Rescript," the other
to the Ultramontane party (c. 1260). These writings are
abundantly confirmed by other documents of the imme-
diately succeeding time.
a. The writer of the first document to be considered is
designated by Preger the **Passau Anonymous." It is
in connection with his work that the '' Rescript " has been
preserved. This is one indication of the close relation-
ship of the Passau *' Leonists " of 1260 with the Italian
Poor Men of the *' Rescript."
The author mentions forty-two places in the diocese of Passau that
were infested with the heresy described. In twelve of these there
were " schools " (conventicles) and in one of them a ** bishop." He
characterizes them as free from pride in the matter of attire, dressing
neither luxuriously nor meanly. Their teachers are weavers and
shoemakers. They avoid lyinp;, swearing, and deceit. They are
content with the necessaries of life and free from avarice. They live
chastely. They are moderate in eating and drinking. They avoid
ail kinds of fnvolous pastimes. They are all the time working,
learning, or teaching. Both men and women among them commit
large portions of Scripture, some of them the entire New Testament,
to memory. The writer is frank enough to say that a clergyman
can rarely be found who can repeat three chapters of Scripture.
They labor with great caution, but very effectively, among the upper
classes of the people. He gives uc some interesting information as
to their method of inculcating their views. He enumerates the abuses
in the church that lead to heretical reaction, and a frightful exhibition
of depravity this enumeration surely is.
He represents the heretics as decidedly hostile to the church and
the clergy. He says that in Lombardv the heretics (meaning the
same party whose presence in Austna he bewails) have more
** schools "^(conventicles) than the theologians and also more hearers.
They dispute publicly and call the people to solemn assemblies in the
market-place or In the open field. Nobody dares hinder them on ac-
count or their numbers.
A Roman Catholic document of 1398 represents the Austrian Wal-
denses as rejecting ninety-two points of papal doctrine and practice,
and holding to thorougnly evangelical views. There Is evidence,
therefore, tnat the partv in Austria became more and more evangel-
ical, and it is certain that this party had much to do with the later
evangelical movement in Bohemia and Moravia, and so with the
Reformation of the sixteenth century.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
576 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IV.
b. The other Roman Catholic document which we
must consider is the " Tractate of David of Augsburg/**
a Franciscan friar. David's writing is almost contempo-
rary with that of the ** Passau Anonymous." Like the lat-
ter he was an inquisitor, and the aim of his writing was to
aid future inquisitors in detecting heresy. The heretics
he has in view are the Poor Men of Lyons, whom he de-
clares to be more noxious than others on account of thdi
cautious methods of work, and their apparent simplicity
of life and piety. He gives with some modifications the
usual Roman Catholic account of the rise of the Poor
Men of Lyons. He makes no mention of Waldo, bu»
simply of ** certain simple laymen " who, in a spidt ct
presumption, undertook "to live absolutely according to
the doctrine of the gospel and to keep it perfectly to the
letter." Having sought and failed to secure papal recog-
nition, they began to claim that they were, in an espedaJ
manner, '' disciples of Christ and successors of the apos-
tles," and that "they alone were the imitators o:
Christ."
Having been excommunicated for presuming to teach
and preach without papal authority, they "reputed that
excommunication an eternal benediction to themselves,
glorying in being successors of the apostles," in suffering
persecution, as did the apostles, at the hands of "scribes
and Pharisees."
He represents these heretics as rejecting absolutely all ecdcstas-
tlcal miracles, all statutes of the church enacted after Christ's as-
cension, all festivals, fasts, orders, benedictions, and offices of the
church, saying that these things had been introduced into the church
by the clergy for avaricious ends. '* They sav that a man is thea
first baptized when he has been inducted into th'dr heresy. But som
say that baptism is of no avail to little children, inasmuch as thev a?v
not yet able actually to believe." " The sacrament of confirmation
they reject, but their leaders {magistri) impose their hands upon ibd:
disciples instead of this sacrament." ** They do not believe that tfef
body and blood of Christ are truly present ( in the Eucharist), but on:%
blessed bread which in a certain figure is called the body of Christ '^
^* But this (the valid administration of the Supper) some say ts dor.e
only through good men, but others through all who know the words
1 This document was published In a frafrmentarv form bv Mart^ne and Dwaad *?
their " Tbtiaurus Novus Anecdotorum** and the author was long supposed to be a
Dominican friar named Yvonetus. Prefer discovered the real author and pnbiis^
A full and critical text with prolegomena under the title. " 7X;r TrmetM dn u^mi «*
Auis^rg vUr dte Waldetitr** Miinchen. s^8
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 577
of consecration.^ This also they celebrate in their own conventldes,
reciting those words of the gospel," etc.
*' They say also that a pnest who is a sinner cannot bind or loose
any one, since he himseli is bound by sin, and that any good and
intelligent layman whatever can absolve another and impose pen-
ance.
** They say that matrimony is sworn fornication unless they live
continently.*^
*' They say that every oath, even concerning what is true, is un-
lawful and IS a mortal sin." Yet he says they allow those whose
lives are in danger, etc., to swear. ** They say that it is not lawful
to slay evil-doers through secular judgment."
He subjoins certain Manichaean views which he attributes to
" some," but which are quite antagonistic to the rest of the views of
the Waldensian party he describes.
4« 1-1. xu ..... ..... ... ..__ ^yjug P35S immedl-
ijected prayers, offer-
\ faith in prayers to de-
parted saints, or in their intercession'for believers.
'* The Old Testament they do not receive for believing, but only to
learn some things from it in order therewith to attack us or to defend
themselves."
The fact seems to be, that they rejected the use that
was made of the Old Testament by the monks and
clergy of the time, in support of the persecution of here-
tics, concubinage, sacerdotalism, legalism, etc., and held,
in David's own words, that "the gospel supervening, all
old things passed away."
He mentions also the use made by them of the patristic
writings in defense of their dogmas.
" But not only do the men among them teach, but also
the women, because to women there is better opportunity
for perverting women, that through them they may also
pervert the men."
According to David, there were two classes among the
Poor Men of Lyons : the ** perfect " (by whom he doubt-
less means the masters or ministers), who practised vol-
untary poverty and celibacy, and who devoted themselves
entirely to religious work ; and the "disciples," who min-
istered to the temporal wants of the masters, provided
places of meeting, collected congregations, and in every
way strove to promote the objects of the party." Our
> This reminds us of the controversy between the Italian and the Ultramontane
brethren ; yet the change of sentiment as to the nature of the ordinance is remark-
able.
• The relation between the " perfect " and the " dlsciptet,** as D«vld repretenta It
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578 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
author gives an interesting account of the secret methods
which they were obliged to adopt, and of the inaccessible
and remote places, such as subterranean caverns, where
for safety they were in the habit of holding their meet-
ings.
He naively mentions the fact that " they do not call
themselves heretics, which they are, but * true Christians/
* friends of God,' * poor men of God,' " etc.
He calls attention to the existence of various parties
among the heretics, and mentions four of them : The
Poor Men of Lyons, the Ortidiebarians, the Arnostustians
(probably the Arnoldists are meant), the Runcharians,
and the Waltenses. He does not mention the particulars
in which they are at variance, but says that ''they all
unanimously hold the church in detestation."
(4) Church Polity of the Waldenses. As has already
appeared, the Waldenses consisted of an inner and outer
circle. The inner circle (the peifecti, or the Poor Men
proper) constituted the of5ficers and the itinerant evangel-
ists of the party. Only after years of training and test-
ing were candidates admitted to the inner circle. This
took place at the great annual meetings of the body
(usually held in Lombardy). Renunciation of private
property, celibacy, and a promise to devote themselves
unreservedly to religious work, were conditions of ad-
mission. This inner circle had much in common with
the monastic orders, especially with the Franciscan.
The annual meeting of these initiated workers received
reports of work from the entire field, received and dis-
tributed the funds collected during the year, appointed
each worker to his sphere of labor, admitted candidates
into the ranks of the perfecti, appointed and consecrated
the general superintendent, elders, and deacons, as occa-
sion arose, disciplined or excluded the unworthy, etc.
The organization combined the features of a connectional
church and a missionary society. The general superin-
tendent, usually appointed for life, was virtually the
monarchical head of the body. Presbyters and deacons
constituted the other ranks of their three-fold ministry.
Is very simiUr to that which subsisted between the various monastic orders and tb«
Tertlaries of these orders. These Tertlarles were very |"*neral after the rise of tht
Dominican and Franciscan orders.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP, m.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 579
Bernard Guy ^ gives in an apparently authentic form full Informa-
tion regarding the three-fold ministry and the methods of appointing
and consecrating members of each ranl<. He supposes the possible
presence of another bishop {mafor) at the ordination of a bishop. It
IS probable that at certain ^ochs, if not throughout the later Middle
Ages, the territory covered by Waldensian work was subdivided into
two or more provinces. There are some other indications of such
subdivision. It is possible that bishops disabled by age and infirm-
ities sometimes retired from the active superintendency and assisted
in choosing and setting apart their successors.
Each newly appointed evangelist was obliged to travel for years
in company with an experienced man before he was allowed to itin-
erate independently. Waldensian evangelists became familiar with
all of the by-ways and became experts in disguising themselves and
evading their persecutors.
Hospices, presided over usually by elderly women, were main-
tained by the society in each center of worlc, for the entertainment of
itinerant preachers and as places of meeting for the outer circle. The
organization of the body was so complete that it was possible, even in
times of dire persecution, to carry forward the work with consider-
able vigor. The trade guilds were no doubt in many cases largely
under their influence and furnished important aid for their propa-
ganda.
As a means of avoiding detection the Waldenses usually allowed
themselves to conform outwardly, as far as seemed necessary, to the
Roman Catholic Church. In many cases they had their infants bap-
tized by the priests and occasionally attended mass. When brought
before the Inquisition a large proportion usually recanted, but the in-
quisitors soon learned that such recantation amounted to nothing
and that they almost invariably relapsed.
(5) Concluding Remarks, a. From the materials that
have been presented it appears that Waldo and his im-
mediate followers differed little from enthusiastic churchly
reformers like Dominic and Francis, who secured recog-
nition from the hierarchy and constituted monastic orders.
When freedom to teach was refused them they repudi-
ated church authority and followed their religious im-
pulses. It was some time after Waldo's death, and after
his followers had come into influential contact with the
more radical reformers of an earlier type, that they at-
tained to a thoroughly evangelical position.
b. The Waldenses, like most of the churchly and non-
churchly reforming parties of the Middle Ages, were anti-
Augustinian in their theological conceptions. They laid
especial stress on the direct teachings and the example
of our Lord. The Sermon on the Mount they interpreted
> " PrMcHcm InquitiHomt,** mL Douais, p. 136. Mf.
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58o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PCR.1V.
somewhat literally and attempted to carry out its pre-
cepts in their lives. On this ground they rejected oaths,
warfare, magistracy, capital punishment, and usually
even the right of self-defense. They laid great stress oa
suffering for and with Christ as a test of true disciple-
ship. Private property, especially in the case of the in-
ner ci/cle, was renounced. Marriage was thought to be
inconsistent with unreserved devotion to evangelistic
work and was even dissolved in favor of such work.
The ascetical principle was not carried by them to the
extreme reached in monasticism, asceticism being re-
garded by them not as an end in itself but as a means to
the great end of evangelizing the world.
c. From the middle of the thirteenth century onward
the Waldenses and related parties seem to have repudi-
ated the papal church with all its corruptions and depart-
ures from New Testament Christianity, and to have
earnestly striven for the realization of apostolic simp]icit>
and purity. They rejected the Roman Catholic doctrine
of transubstantiation and insisted that Christ is present
in the bread and the wine only spiritually. Many of them
rejected infant baptism, as did Peter de Bruys and most
of the evangelicals whom we meet in the twelfth centur>'
before Waldo. The New Testament was their text-book
and even the women and children mastered it in a man-
ner that surprised the ignorant priests of the time. This
they circulated in vernacular versions.
The '* Codix TtpUnsis^^ discovered a few years ago in a Babe
mian monastery, has been proved to be a copy of an early Wakte-
sian version and to represent the text of the earliest German prinlHl
Bible. Romance versions have also been preserved.^
d. It is impossible to form any well-assured estimate
as to the numbers of the Waldenses and related parties
during the later Middle Ages. But we have enough facts
to justify a belief that they existed in nearly every part
of Europe and that their adherents numbered tens, if net
hundreds, of thousands. The fifteenth century was highly
favorable for the spread of the old evangelical Christi-
anity because of the continued and flagrant corruption of
the papal church and the relaxation of the work of the
1 See the author Is " Recent Researches Cone. Med. Sects.** ^ sts. saf.
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CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 581
Inquisition. It was unfavorable to the preservation of
historical data regarding their work precisely because of
the lethargy of the authorities to whose inquisitorial pro-
ceedings we are chiefly indebted for information.
5, The Taborites.
LITERATURE: Krummel, '' UtraqtmtM u. Tabanitn" ; Preger,
" Ufbif d, yerhaltnis d. TabarsUn {u d. IVakUsiem d. XIV. Jakrh.'' ;
Palacky, '* Utb^ d. Be^uhmgm u. d, yerhaltms d. IValditutr tu d,
itumaligm Stktm in Bohmm " ; Zezschwitz, ** D, Katechisnun d, IVal'
diHser fi. Bohmischin BrwUr " ; Gindely, ** dseh, d. 'Bohm^ 'Brudif" ;
Bezold, '' Ziif Gjsch. d. Husitisnms " ; Haupt, '' IValdtnurthum u. In-
quisiiioH im sudostlichen Dsutschland" ; Loserth, ** 'Biitrags par Cisch.
d. Husitisehen Bfwegung" ; Goll, ** QwlUn u. Untersuchungtn {iff
Cisch, d. 'Bohm. 'Brudir^^^ csp. Part 11., pp. 47-64.
The Taborites represent the extreme democratic and
religious development in connection with the Hussite
movement in Bohemia. Owing to the fearful persecu-
tion to which they were subjected, the Taborites came
to despair of the resources that are available for Chris-
tians under the present dispensation and to take refuge
in millenarian expectations. But fundamentally they
were so evangelical that they may properly be consid-
ered here.
(i) "Elation of the Taborites to the IValdenses. This
question has been much discussed within recent years.
It has been abundantly proved by Preger and others that
the Waldenses of the stricter (Italian) party were numer-
ous and aggressive in Bohemia during the fourteenth
century. Heretics supposed to have been Waldenses
were so numerous in the possessions of the Baron of
Neuhaus (southern Bohemia) about 1340 as to defy their
Catholic adversaries, whom they are said to have threat-
ened to destroy in case their liberties were interfered
with. The teachings of the Taborites were almost iden-
tical with those of the more evangelical Waldenses. On
the other hand, Loserth has proved the identity of most
of the teachings of the Taborites with those of Wycliffe.
whose writings were at this time widely circulated in
Bohemia and whose thoughts had been popularized by
Huss. It seems best to suppose that these two sets of
influences were combined in the Taborite movement.
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582 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
(2) Sketch of the Movement. The execution of John
Huss and Jerome of Prague by the council of Constance
(141 5) and the measures adopted by the council for the
extirpation of heresy from Bohemia, led to a popular up-
rising under the leadership of Nicholas of Hussinetz and
John Ziska. Mount Tabor became their chief stronghold
and thousands gathered there to enjoy religious privileges
and to resist their enemies (1419). The ecclesiastical
leaders of Prague were inclined to make the best com-
promise they could with the imperial and papal authori-
ties. This exasperated the radicals, who, under Ziska,
marched upon Prague and administered terrible chastise-
ment. The death of King Wenceslaus and the refusal
of the Bohemians to submit to the Emperor Sigismund
threw the country into anarchy. The Taborites formu-
lated their teachings, constituted themselves into a the-
ocracy, and for years resisted the efforts of the Catholics
and of the Hussites to subdue them. They remind us of
the Paulicians in the fierceness with which they resisted
their oppressors and in their iconoclastic zeal, as well as
in the evangelical character of their teachings. For years
they carried on a devastating warfare. The terrible
stress of conflict with the powers of Antichrist drove
many of the Taborites into a fanatical expectation of
special divine interposition and of the setting up of a mil-
lennial kingdom through the sword of Gideon.
In 1433 peace was made between the Hussites and the
Catholics. For a number of years the Taborites enjoyed
a measure of freedom under Sigismund. After many
efforts at conciliation on^ the part of the dominant party
they were conquered and scattered by George Podiebrad
(1453). They ceased from this time to exist as an or-
ganized party, but many congregations long continued to
propagate their radical reformatory views in secret and
many of the more moderate were absorbed by the Bohe-
mian Brethren.
(2) doctrines and Practices of the Taborites. a. The
Taborites were just as decided as the Italian Waldenses in
their rejection of the apocryphal Scriptures, of tradition,
and of ecclesiastical authority, and in their assertion of the
sole and absolute authority of the canonical Scriptures in
matters of faith and practice. In their Confession of
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. 111.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 583
Faith of 1420 it is asserted, *' That no written or spoken
statements of any doctors whatsoever are to be held or
universally (catholice) believed, except what are explic-
itly contained in the canon of the Bible," and that " no
decrees of the holy fathers or institutions of the elders,
no rites of any sort or tradition humanly invented, are to
be held ; but all such things are to be abolished and de-
stroyed as traditions of Antichrist." The Masters of
Prague, or the Hussites proper, were just as explicit in
their denial of this principle : " Let no one dare to say that
only those things are to be believed for faith or otherwise
held that are expressed and explicitly posited in Sacred
Scripture," etc.
b. Like the Waldenses of all parties in the later time,
and those of the Italian party from the beginning, the
Taborites believed their own sect to constitute the true
church of Christ, in which alone salvation was to be
found, regarded the Roman Catholic Church as "the
church of the malignant and of the beast and of the har-
lot," as "the house of lies," and maintained that "all
Catholics, little children alone excepted, are worthy of
damnation," etc.
c. As regards the ordinances, the Taborites took a po-
sition, in most respects, alongside of the more advanced
of the Waldenses. They maintained that " no chrism, or
sacred oil, or baptismal water ought to be consecrated or
sanctified." They rejected the use of exorcism, and
maintained the sufficiency of any fresh water, anywhere,
for baptismal purposes. In one respect alone they seem
to have been less radical than the most radical of the
Waldenses, namely, in the retention of infant baptism.
Their theory and practice in reference to the Supper were
equally at variance with Roman Catholic and Hussite,
and equally accordant with the most advanced Walden-
sian theory and practice. They rejected the entire body
of ceremonies that had grown up in connection with the
mass, insisting on the use of an ordinary unconsecrated
cup and simple bread, and making the validity of the or-
dinance, thus simply administered, independent of con-
secrated places. They rejected transubstantiation and
consubstantiation alike, and held to the spiritual presence
of Christ in the devout celebration of the ordinance.
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584 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
d. Like the Petrobrusians and the Waldenses, they
rejected with the utmost decision all ecclesiastical fasts
and festivals, except such as have apostolic sanction, and
ecclesiastical chanting and all liturgical devices, and re-
pudiated the doctrines of purgatory, prayers for the dead,
intercession of saints, the veneration of relics, shrines,
images, etc. They agreed with the Waldenses and earlier
evangelical parties in condemning all forms of luxury and
frivolity in food, drink, dress, social intercourse, etc., in-
sisting on the greatest simplicity and purity of life. Like
the Waldenses of all parties they rejected oaths.
6. Marsilius of Padua.
LITERATURE : His " D^fmsar Pacts" (first printed at Basel, 1522.
then at Frankfurt, 1C98, and more recently in Goldast, ^^iMonarehia
Sancti Rom. ImperiL" Vol. 11., pp. I $4-312, copious extracts in Gie-
seler, " Eccl. Hist.,*' Vol. 111., pp. 29-33) ; Lechler, '7. van l^iclif;'
Bd. I., Sett. 107, seq.; Riezler, '* 'DUlitirar. IVidersacher d. Papstt {ur
Ziit Ludufu^ d, 'Bayifs^^ SnU 30, 5/9., 76, s$q,^ 122, s/^., 193-240 ;
Muller, " Tier Kampf Ludwigs d, 'Bay. mit d, T{om. Kun'e," 'Bd. L, Srf/.
161, uq.. Bd. II., Sett. IS9, m^., etc. ; Meyer, *' Etttde sur (MarsiU ds
Tadoue^*: Jourdan, '' Etude sur Afarsih deTadoueJ* 1892; Sullivan,
"Marsiglio of Padua and William of Ockam^' (in "Am. Hist.
Rev.," Apr. and Jui., 1897) ; articles in Herzog-Hauck and Lichten-
berger.
(i) Sketch of Marsilius. Marsilius of Padua, rector of
the University of Paris (1312), espoused the cause of the
Emperor Louis the Bavarian against Pope John XXIL
(1323 onward), and wrote, in collaboration with John of
Jandun, the '* Defensor Pacis^' (1324), in which he set
forth views in almost every respect thoroughly in accord
with those of the Waldenses and related parties, with a
philosophical insight that was for the most part foreign
to the evangelical teachers. For years he was court phy-
sician to the emperor and no doubt powerfully, influenced
the sentiments and the policy of his patron. The friends
of the excommunicated emperor treated the hierarchy
with the utmost contempt. In some cases the clergy
were driven out of the cities and otherwise abused, and
a large measure of freedom was given to the various
forms of dissent.
(2) Views of Marsilius. Marsilius insisted on the ex-
clusive authority of the canonical Scriptures naturally
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CHAP. Hi] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 585
interpreted by the consensus of believers, without
priestly interference. ** For defining doubtful opinions
regarding the divine law a general council of believers,
and not any kind of partial body of men or any individual
person of whatever condition he may be, ought to be
solely authoritative." ** There is no gospel precept for
compelling any one by pains and penalties to observe
the precepts of the divine law." " The precepts of the
new divine law alone (the New Testament), and the
things that are necessarily involved in these," and '*by
no means all the precepts of the ancient law," are ob-
ligatory for Christians. '* In regard to the divine pre-
cepts or prohibitions of the new law no one can grant
dispensation." To prohibit things permitted by the New
Testament belongs only to a general council or to a
Christian civil legislator. *'The sole human legislator
is the entire body of the citizens, or the stronger part
(valentiorem partem) thereof." ** Decretals or decrees of
Roman pontiffs or of any pontiffs whatsoever, unitedly
or dividedly, constituted without the concession of the
human legislator (a majority of the citizens) oblige no
one to inflict or suffer temporal pains and penalties."
"To excommunicate any one or to interdict the perform-
ance of religious services, without the authority of the
Christian legislator, is lawful for no bishop or priest or
body of them." " All bishops are of equal authority,
immediately through Christ." He insists on the right of
other bishops to excommunicate the bishop of Rome, de-
nies the right of the latter to promote men to ecclesias-
tical dignities, urges the right of the people as the sole
legislators to determine the number of churches and
church officials that shall be maintained, and the right of
the human legislator (the people) to use the revenues
from ecclesiastical property for purposes of public utility
and defense as well as for charitable and purely religious
purposes. It belongs to a general council alone to pro-
hibit the marriage of the clergy, if this be thought ex-
pedient. He insists that the terms "presbyter" and
"bishop" were synonymous in the primitive church, the
former having reference to age, the latter to dignity or
to watchcare over others. He repudiated the claim of
the Roman church to be the Cathedra Petri, or to have
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586 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
any superiority over other churches. As regards Peter he
denies that there is any scriptural proof that he was bishop
of the Roman church or even that he ever visited Rome.
Paul rather than Peter was indubitably a Roman bishop.
Peter was bishop of Antioch. He explains intelligently
the rise of the papal power and its growth until it reached
the arrogance of Boniface VIII. and his successors.
7. Peter Chelcicky.
LITERATURE: Goll. ^' Qjulltn md Unttrsuckwtgm {ur G$$ck. d,
Bohm. BrwUr,** Thtil II. (an excellent exposition of Cheldcky's
teachings, with copious extracts from his writings). See also the
Literature on the Bohemian Brethren.
(i) Sketch, Peter, called Chelcicky from his native
town Chelcic, in Bohemia, was born about 1385. Nothing
is known of his earlier life, or of his educational advan-
tages. We first meet him in Prague about 1419, when
he protested vehemently against the proposal of Nicholas
of Hussinetz and John of Ziska to take up arms in de-
fense of religious freedom. He was one of the foremost
thinkers and popular writers of the fifteenth century, and
was deeply indebted to the writings of Wycliffe and Huss,
to the Waldenses, and probably to the Taborites. He
has been fittingly called the spiritual father of the Bohe-
mian Brethren. For years he sustained intimate relations
with Rokycana, the leader of the Utraquist Hussites.
(2) His Teachings and Influence. In a far more emphatic
way than Marsilius, he contrasts the old law with the
new. In his discussion with Rokycana, the head of the
Hussite party that had compromised with Rome, he
shows the utter inadmissibility of defending hierarchical
church government by connecting it with the sacerdotal
system of the Old Testament. The old law was cor-
poreal and had to be observed according to the letter.
It is otherwise with the new law. This is spiritual, and
is embraced in a few words, in which, however, great
things are implicitly contained. It has nothing in com-
mon with men who do not possess God's wisdom and
Christ's spirit. He repudiates with decision all prelatical
or churchly authority.
The only source of faith, according to Chelcicky, is the
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CHAP. Ill] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 587
will of God as made known authoritatively and exhaust-
ively, once for all, through the apostles in the New Tes-
tament Scriptures. The idea of development or of change
by church authority was intolerable to him. This law of
God is absolutely sufficient in all things. Christians live
in the State, but have no part in it. They must not
bring their disputes for decision before worldly magis-
trates. Apostasy began when the relations of Church
and State changed. If all the heathen who by baptism
became nominally Christian had become such in reality,
the State would thereby have ceased to exist; for its
whole organism would have become unnecessary and
superfluous. For non-Christian people the State is nec-
essary, but it is a necessary evil ; the greater evil, how-
ever, is the so-called Christian State ; the greatest of all
the civil power in its union with the church. Before the
union of Church and State, under Constantine, Chris-
tians lived under heathen ; since that time good and true
Christians live under bad ones. The only advantage he
can see in this arrangement for true Christians is that
thereby they have an opportunity to endure suffering
and so to confirm their faith. The very expression
" Christian State *' involves an insoluble contradiction.
It is Christian only in name, for it belongs to the essence
of the State to use compulsion and violence, which is
completely foreign to the spirit of Christianity. In seek-
ing to reconcile the State and Christianity Augustine
sucked blood, instead of milk, from Scripture. All do-
minion, all class divisions, he regarded as a violation of
Christ's command of brotherly equality (Luke 22 : 24-
27). Equality and brotherhood he considered fundamen-
tal requirements of God's law, and he was able to con-
ceive of no form of civil government in which these could
be realized. Like most of the old evangelicals of the
Middle Ages, and like the Anabaptists of the sixteenth
century, he rejected, along with magistracy, as a Chris-
tian institution, oaths, warfare, and capital punishment.
He laid great emphasis upon the imitation of Christ,
but did not lose sight of his atoning work. Christ is not
only teacher and exemplar, but also Saviour and eternal
Mediator between the creature and the Creator. Through
his blood he has cleansed the human race from sin and
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;88 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
as high priest stands continually before God to intercede
for believers.
Man's will even after the fall has remained free. Good
and evil stand before it : choose ! Only the freely chosen
good is truly good and valuable. Yet man does not at-
tain to this choice without God's help. Inner regenera-
tion cannot be introduced without God's grace, nor can
the will of man be brought into harmony with the divine
will. It is the inner regeneration that gives man a new
heart, a new understanding, new thoughts, new works.
He derives salvation from God's grace alone ; yet so that
man is not passive but active in the appropriation of it.
Good works are to be performed not of compulsion, not
from fear of hell, but from love to God. The idea of
meriting salvation he regarded as absurd. No man in
this life can be perfectly well pleasing to God. As
Christ transformed water into wine, so our imperfect
works may be transformed so as to be found sufticient.
On Christ's death and the grace of God alone rests our
hope of salvation.
Chelcicky recognized only two sacraments, in the strict
sense, baptism and the Supper. Regarding the former,
after quoting the Great Commission, he proceeds :
*' Open and clear is the word of the Son of God : first he speaks of
faith, then of baptism . . . and since we find this doctrine in the
gospel we should now also hold fast to it. But the priests err griev-
ously in baptizing the great mass, and no one is found whether old
or younp; who knows God and believes his Scripture, and this is
evident in their works . . . nevertheless all without discrimination
are baptized and receive the body and blood of Christ. . . But we
should rather hold fast to the view that baptism belongs to those who
know God and believe his Scripture. . . In order to receive baptism
In truth, a man must have the will to die to sin."
He regarded baptism as freeing the recipient from the guilt of
hereditary sin, but not from hereditary sin itself, which remains as
lon^ as life lasts. The above teachings would seem to involve a re-
jection of infant baptism ; but he found a place for it in his system :
'* If true Christians desire baptism for their children they cannot
be blamed for it." A^ain : " It such have children, baptism should
be bestowed upon their children in their (the parents') conscience."
His view of the Supper involved denial of transubstan-
tiation and probably fell short of consubstantiation ; yet
he does not seem to have regarded it as a mere memorial.
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 589
He seems to teach that the body and blood of Christ are
partaken of spiritually by the believer.
Chelcicky made an earnest effort to win Rokycana
(archbishop elect) to his evangelical position, and was in
close communication with those who organized them-
selves as the Bohemian Brethren (Unitas Fratrum). He
seems not to have entered into this organization, prefer-
ring to keep aloof from parties and to conserve his wider
influence as an independent teacher.
8. 7he Lollards.
LITERATURE : Wllkins, " Concilia Moffim 'BrUannim!^ Tom. III. ;
Foxc, "Acts and Monuments" ; Lechler, "yoA. von IVielif tmd du
yorgtschichU d. Reformation^' (Eng. trans, of part of the work by
Lorimer) ; Green, ^* Hist, of the Eng. People"^; Trevelyan, " Eng-
land in the Age of Wycliffe."
The history of evangelical life in England before and
after the time of Wycliffe has received little attention in
comparison with that given to Continental parties. No
doubt there is a relative sparsity of materials, due in
some measure to the fact that the Inquisition was never
fully established in England. It is certain that the influ-
ence of the early British and Iro-Scottish form of Chris-
tianity survived the strenuous efforts to suppress it and
persisted until long after the Norman conquest. We
have occasional notices of the appearance in England, in
^he thirteenth and fourteeth centuries, of heretics from
the Continent, especially from the Netherlands. That
many of the persecuted sectaries of the Continent should
have taken refuge in England, where the authorities
were less vigilant than in most other countries, was to be
expected. The comparatively evangelical teachings of
several of Wycliffe's predecessors were doubtless due in
some measure to the prevalence of evangelical views
among the people and in turn greatly promoted evangel-
ical life and thought. It seems certain that in Wales and
the neighboring English counties a large part of the pop-
ulation remained comparatively free from Roman Cath-
olic influence. The circulation of the popular writings of
Wycliffe and of his version of the Bible, and the evan-
gelizing activity of his " Poor Priests," brought out into
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publicity and aggressiveness much of the older evangel-
ical life that had long been latent and multiplied the
numbers of those who would recognize no other authority
in religion than the word of God.
It is remarkable that Wycliffe's followers consisted
largely of the noble and educated classes. This was due
in part to the fact that his reformatory teachings had a
distinctively patriotic basis.
The Lollards were not hampered by Wycliffe's philo-
sophical realism, and did not hesitate to become schis-
matics.
The history of the Lollards may be conveniently di-
vided into four stages: (i) From Wycliffe's death till the
elevation to the throne of the house of Lancaster (1384-
1399). (2) From 1399 till the execution of Lord Cobham
(1417). (3) From 1417 till the close of the persecution
(1431). (4) From 1431 till the Reformation.
(I) The Lollards until i^gg. The Lollards spread rap-
idly during this time. We know of many evangelists
who preached with great power throughout England and
Wales. It is asserted by a Roman Catholic writer of the
time, that one could scarcely see two men on the road, but
that one was a Wycliffite. These evangelists were also
active in forming a popular literature, and many of their
writings have been preserved. The most noted of these
preachers and writers were Hereford, Aston, and Purvey,
who, with many other Lollards, had received university
training, and were thoroughly versed in Scripture. These
were protected by such noblemen as John of Montacute,
Count of Salisbury, Sir Thomas Latimer, Sir Thomas
Trussell, and Sir Lewis Clifford. In fact, most of the
gentry and many of the nobility seem to have been fa-
vorers of the new party.
In 1395 the Lollards presented a memorial to Parlia-
ment, in which it is declared that the corruption of the
church is the result of pride ; that the priesthood which
began in Rome is not that priesthood that Christ or-
dained ; that the law of celibacy induces unnatural
vice ; that the doctrine of transubstantiation leads to
idolatry ; that exorcisms and blessings made on wine,
bread, water, wax, etc., are practices of necromancy ;
that prayers for the dead are a false foundation of alms ;
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that auricular confession exalts the pride of the priests,
and gives them opportunity for secret conversations for
vicious purposes ; that homicide through war, or under
pretence of law, is expressly contrary to the New Testa-
ment; that vows of celibacy made in the church by
women are the cause of the most horrible crimes (sins) ;
that arts that do not minister to actual wants, but to
pride, should be abolished.
This memorial is of interest, as showing the boldness and zeal of
the reforming party, as well as the spirit of the reform— a return to
primitive simplicity and purity of doctrine and lite.
The Lollards of Leicester denied the power of pope or
prelates to excommunicate any one not previously ex-
communicated by God, or to grant indulgences. They
held that any layman has a right to preach and teach
the gospel anywhere ; that every good man is a priest
whether he knows literature or not ; and that no ecclesi-
astic in a sinful state is able to administer ordinances
validly.
in 1 391 Walter Brute, a Welshman, who had studied
at Oxford and had been for some time engaged in evan-
gelistic work, was arraigned before the Bishop of Here-
ford. After a prolonged examination he submitted.
The following particulars with regard to the belief of the Lollards,
may be learned from his statements :
He agreed with Wydiffe in putting all authority in Scripture, and
m making Christ the sole head of the church. In the Lord's Sup-
per, he held that the body and blood of Christ are present only sym-
Dollcally. He rejected, as Wydiffe did not, the idea of sacrifice in
the Eucharist. He denied the power of papal excommunication, the
validity of ordinances performed by vicious priests, etc. He had a
clear insight into the nature of the gospel and its distinction from
the law. He set forth the doctrine of justification by faith far more
dearly than Wydiffe had done.
We may say of the Lollards of this time, that they had attained to
a position far more evangelical than that of Wydiffe. With regard
to infant baptism, and the rebaptism of those baptized in the Roman
Catholic Church, the writer has not found any expressions.
Up to 1395 no adequate measures had been adopted
for the suppression of the reforming party. The presen-
tation of the memorial to Parliament, the accession to
the archbishopric of Canterbury of Thomas Arundel,
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592 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
the deposition of Richard II., and the accession of Henry
IV.y of the house of Lancaster (1399), led to the adoption
of more rigorous measures. Archbishop Arundel was a
violent opponent of the reform party, and from the be-
ginning took the side of the house of Lancaster against
Richard.
(2) The Lollards from 1)99 till 1417. Henry IV. at once
threw himself into the arms of the papists, promised the
clergy immunity from taxation, and offered all needful aid
in the extirpation of heresy. In 1400 an act was passed for
the burning of Lollards, with full provisions for the arrest
and trial of such. All unauthorized conventicles, schools,
books, and preaching were to be suppressed. Under this
legislation, together with other legislation in the same di-
rection (1414), the inquisition of heresy was now pushed
forward with vigor. Many Lollards were burned, espe-
cially preachers; the University of Oxford was har-
assed ; Wycliffe's books were destroyed in large num-
bers.
Lord Cobham (Sir John Oldcastle), distinguished for
military ability and for uprightness of character, had long
been a follower of Wycliffe. He disregarded the legis-
lation against heretics, and continued to promote evan-
gelical preaching in his extended domain. After the
death of Henry IV. (1413), Convocation brought accusa-
tion against Oldcastle, and urged Archbishop Arundel to
take steps against him. This did not seem advisable to
Arundel, on account of the confidential relations that ex-
isted between Oldcastle and the king. The king, having
been informed of Oldcastle's heresy, had an interview
with him and endeavored to persuade him to renounce
his heresy. This failing, the king urged the archbishop
to proceed against Oldcastle. Oldcastle protected him-
self for some time, but was at length brought before par-
liament (1417) and condemned to the stake. Up to this
time the Lollard movement had been looked upon as
political rather than ecclesiastical, and little notice had
been taken of it outside of England. Now it came to be
regarded as a heresy in the same sense in which the
Waldenses were heretics. Before the death of Cobham,
the party had hoped by political influence to carry out
its reformatory plan. This hope was now at an end.
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(3) The Lollards after 1417. After this time the party
was driven into secrecy, and necessarily declined. From
time to time Lollards were discovered, and numerous
martyrdoms occurred. From 143 1 onward the author-
ities seem to have thought that the heresy was utterly
exterminated. Yet the Lollards persisted in considerable
numbers till the Reformation.
9. The Bohemian brethren.
LITERATURE : Besides the pertinent Items in the Literature on the
Taborites, Czerwenka, " Gtsch. d. Evang, Kirchs hn Boknun "; Croger,
" Gesch. d. alUn Brudirhircht'' ; De SchweiniU, " The Hist, of the
Church l<nown as the Unitas Fratrum '' ; J. Mulier. ** Bischo/thum
d. BrudsrimHdt^^^ and his comprehensive account of the Brethren in
Herzog-Hauck, third ed., Bd. III., 5Mr. 44$-467.
(i) Origin of the Party. In general it may be said that
the Bohemian Brethren embodied the thorough-going
evangelical results of the Hussite movement. After the
compromise of the moderate Hussite party (Utraquists or
Calixtines) with Rome on the basis of the Compactata,
which it was well understood the Roman Curia had no
intention of permanently observing, and the overthrow
of the Taborites that resulted from this compromise, a
large number of earnest men in various parts of the
country felt that something must be done for the con-
servation and expansion of the evangelical life that had
been developed during the preceding half-century in Bo-
hemia and Moravia. The evangelical teachings of Wye-
liffe and Huss had pervaded the land. The Waldenses
were numerous in Bohemia and were in close contact
with the still more numerous body in Austria. Their in-
fluence was widespread and profound in favor of evan-
gelical teaching and practice.
The Taborites, though their power was broken and
their membership scattered, still exercised a considerable
influence In favor of radical reform. It is probable that
after the failure of the Taborite theocracy a large pro-
portion of the membership had their eyes opened to the
unreality of their millenarian expectations and came to
understand that the kingdom of God is not to be set up
by " the sword of Gideon.*' The writings and the per-
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594 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
sonal influence of Peter Chelcicky were highly influen-
tial in the organization of the Unitas Fratrum.
Rokycana as archbishop-elect of Prague wrought zeal-
ously (1448 onward) in favor of moral reform and inner
piety. He had insisted that the law of God is the highest
of all laws and that the lives of individuals and the civil
and ecclesiastical power must be brought into subjection
thereto. He had made a profound impression by the
sharpness of his criticism of Catholics and (Jtraquists.
In fact he was looked upon by the thorough-going evan-
gelicals as one who would lead them in their struggle for
the restoration of primitive Christianity.
His nephew Gregory, a young noble, adopted an ascet-
ical mode of life and became zealous for religious reform.
He was the center of a small group of enthusiasts (1453-
1454), who insisted on carrying out practically the re-
formatory teachings of Rokycana. It was Rokycana's
insistence on a spiritual ministry that had particularly
impressed the Brethren. They made it their business to
get into communication with all the good priests of whom
they could learn and to draw them into their circle.
Rokycana directed them to Peter Chelcicky, whom he
had long known as one of the ablest and devoutest of
religious thinkers.
In 1457-1458 they obtained through Rokycana permis-
sion from the regent, George Podiebrad, to settle in the
village of Kunwald, in the province of Lititz, for the
working out of their religious ideals. The people of this
district were largely Taborites.
(2) Early Organisation of the Brethren and their Pro-
ceedings to 1464. The aims of the Brethren were in
many respects similar to those of the founders of mo-
nastic orders. A community in which every detail of life
should be prescribed and brought into harmony with the
law of Christ was their ideal. An organization was pri-
vately effected soon after their settlement at Kunwald
(1457-1458). They called themselves at first ** Brethren
of the Law of Christ." Fearing lest this should cause
them to be looked upon as monks, they afterward changed
it to " Brethren," and again to " Unity of Brethren "
(^Unitas Fratrum),
They had no thought, it appears, of organizing a new
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church. Like John Wesley and his associates in the
eighteenth century, they aimed to establish a fraternal
association which should cultivate a high type of piety
and should labor earnestly for the reformation of the
national church. Twenty-eight elders were appointed
for the spiritual guidance of the people. The names of
these have been preserved.* Other elders or directors
were added a little later.
During the years 145^1459 the numbers of the
Brethren increased. Rokycana treated them with con-
sideration until after the election of George Podiebrad,
who had for some years been regent, to the Bohemian
throne.
Since 1434 Rokycana's great ambition had been to secure papal
recognition of his election to the archbishopric of Prague. When
this seemed utterly hopeless he became a bold reformer (as about
i4$4-i4S8. He now hoped that his friend Podiebrad might be able
to make favorable terms with the papacy and it would not do for
him to ^how friendship for the Brethren. He may be designated as
the Cranmer of his time.
Difficulties arose among the Brethren about 1459 ^^'
yarding the Supper, some insisting on the simple Taborite
view, which denied the real presence, others holding to
the Utraquist or even the Roman Catholic view (consub-
stantiation or transubstantiation). A compromise was
reached in the adoption of Peter Cheldcky's view, which
was formulated thus : ** All who receive the sacrament
in truth, through faith, believe and confess that it is the
true body and blood of Christ, according to his word and
mind without adding anything or taking away anything,
and rejecting all human explanations."
Later it was resolved that the Brethren ** should be satisfied with
God's word and simply believe what it taught, avoiding all tracts
(referring to the polemical discussions of the time) ; and that even
such as seemed to approximate to the truth ought not to be read until
they had been examined and approved by the elders." It Is manifest
that they were pursuing an unwise course in seeking to maintain
harmony by stifnng discussion. But it answered the purpose for the
time. Large numbers of Taborites from Moravia united with the
Brethren in 1460.
1 Sm Dt SchwtiBitt, p. 109, Mf.
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George Podiebrad, though a liberal at heart, had ac-
cepted the crown on condition that he should be obedient
to the pope and destroy all heresy. Complaints came to
the throne regarding the rapid increase and the proceed-
ings of the Brethren and of the growing influence of the
Taborites in the movement. It was found that several
professors and masters and many students in the Uni-
versity of Prague were sympathetic with the Brethren.
A royal edict of banishment was issued (1461) against all
who should refuse to be Utraquist or Catholic. Gregory,
who was in Prague for conference with sympathizers
there, was imprisoned and tortured, along with several
others. The rest recanted, but he abode steadfast. Many
of the Brethren were cast into prison in various places ;
some were burned alive. Rokycana felt obliged to ac-
quiesce in these shameful proceedings. Only thus could
he retain the favor of the king or hope to be recognized
by the pope. The Brethren remonstrated with him and
when they could gain no satisfaction declared : "Thou
art of the world and wilt perish with the world." This
angered him and he now joined more heartily in their
persecution. Political complications soon afterward led
the king to discontinue his persecuting measures.
(3) Vie Completed Organization (^1464-146'/). The pol-
icy of persecution pursued by Podiebrad and Rokycana
convinced the Brethren that there was no place for them
in the national church and that a separate church organi-
zation was a necessity. At a synod held at Reichenau
in 1464 statutes were agreed upon for the government
of the Brethren in all their inner and outer relations.
Community of goods is not insisted upon therein, but is
highly recommended ; and the care of the needy and the
persecuted is made a matter of Christian obligation. The
type of life advocated is that of gentleness, submissive-
ness, helpfulness to each other and to those who are
without, obedience to elders and other leaders, disregard
of temporal comforts, and absorption in spiritual things.
These rules are probably similar to those privately
adopted in 1457-1458. Doctrinal matters are kept out
of sight. The question of a complete church organiza-
tion was discussed, but the time for decision was not
yet. Three of the elders, Gregory, Procopius, and John
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CHAP, in.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES $97
Klevonsky, were appointed chief elders for tlie general
superintendency of the body.
The question of a separate church organization and an
independent ministry continued to be a subject of pray-
erful consideration. Among the most earnest advocates
of independent organization was Martin Lupac, who had
been a Taborite and who had afterward been appointed
suffragan bishop under Rolcycana.
Another synod was called about 1465 for the consider-
ation of this question. The Brethren determined to let
the Lord decide the matter through the use of the lot.
The lot was cast and answered affirmatively the ques-
tions : ** Is it God's will that we shall separate entirely
from the power of the papacy and hence from its priest-
hood ? Is it God's will that we shall institute, according
to the model of the primitive church, a ministerial order
of our own ? "
In 1467 a synod was held at Lhota for the completion
of the organization. After Gregory had voiced the sen-
timents of the body in favor of the action about to be
taken, a hymn of thanksgiving and praise composed for
the occasion was devoutly sung. Then, in token of their
separation from Rome and its corruptions, each member
of the synod received a new baptism. Until 1535 the
Brethren regularly rebaptized all that came to them from
the Roman Catholic Church. They abandoned the prac-
tice then to avoid the odium of Anabaptism.
As the lot had convinced them that God willed the
constitution of a separate church organization and a sep-
arate ministry, so they were content to leave the selec-
tion of the leaders to God speaking through the lot.
First of all nine men distinguished for piety and zeal
were nominated by ballot. Then twelve strips of paper,
three of them marked, were placed in a vessel. After
prayer for divine guidance, a lad was called in to draw
out the slips and distribute them to the nominees. All
three of the marked slips were drawn. Two priests,
Matthias of Kunwald and Elias of Chrenovik, and
Thomas of Prelouc, a layman, were the chosen. There
were present two other priests, Michael of Bradacius, and
an aged Waldensian. It was determined by lot that the
latter should ordain the brethren who had been chosen.
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598 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PBtlv.
Some of the brethren were dissatisfied with this merely
presbyterial ordination and felt episcopal ordination to be
desirable. The synod appointed a deputation to seek
episcopal ordination from the Waldensian bishop Stephen,
who resided in Moravia. The priest Michael was conse-
crated by Stephen and bestowed consecration on Mat-
thias, from whom in turn he received it (his third conse-
cration), and Matthias ordained again Thomas and Elias.
The Waldenses claimed apostolic succession for their epis-
copacy and the Brethren felt that they had made their
position doubly sure by adding to their Roman Catholic
succession that of these old evangelicals. Michael laid
down his episcopal dignity in favor of Matthias, who thus
became the general superintendent of the body.
To satisfy such scruples as still remained, a deputation
was sent to the far East to confer with old Christian
parties and, if they were satisfied with the teachings and
life of these Christians, to secure episcopal ordination
from this source. But they found the Oriental churches
so corrupt and unevangelical that succession through
such a channel was thought undesirable.
It is apparent from the above that the church order
of the Brethren, like that of the Waldenses, was connec-
tional and episcopal. A three-fold ministry was provided
for. The ministers were required to abandon private
property and to depend wholly for support on the offer-
ings of the private members. Like the Waldenses they
rejected oaths, magistracy, warfare, capital punishment
and such pursuits as seemed to involve the seeking of
advantages at the expense of others or to minister to
luxury, vice, or war.
(4) Later History of the Movement. The proceedings of
1467 intensified the wrath of Podiebrad and Rokycana
against the Brethren and caused a renewal of persecu-
tion. Both of these dignitaries died in 1471 and a con-
siderable measure of freedom was for some years the
portion of the Unitas Fratrum. They spread rafMdly
over Bohemia and Moravia, absorbing most of the rem-
nants of the Taborites and a considerable number of the
Waldenses. They were commonly called, in the Cath-
olic and Utraquist writings of the time, Waldenses or
Pickards (Beghards).
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Efforts were made from time to time to consummate
an organic union with the Waldenses; but the latter
could not be induced to declare in favor of absolute sep-
aration from Rome or to abandon occasional conformity
to the ceremonies of the established church.
Large numbers of Bohemian and Moravian noblemen
were sympathetic with the Brethren and protected them
on their estates. Some desired membership in the body.
By 1490 the rule against magistracy, including ail exer-
cise of public civil functions, and the rule prohibiting en-
?;agement in military service even in case of urgent need
or warding off hostile attacks, had become exceedingly
embarrassing. Violation of these rules provoked contro-
versy. Procopius of Neuhaus, one of the constituent
members of the body, advocated the modification of the
rules. He received the support of Lukas of Prague, a
university graduate, who from 1496 to 1528 (from 15 17
he was the bishop or official head) was the leading spirit
in the body. The more liberal principle prevailed and
the more radical elements in some cases withdrew.
Under the leadership of Lukas the Brethren still fur-
ther perfected their organization and defined their doc-
trine. Education was systematically promoted. The
Brethren made the freest use of the printing press soon
after it came into general use, and printed and circulated
during the last years of the fifteenth century and the
early years of the sixteenth far more literature than the
Catholics and Utraquists of Bohemia and Moravia com-
bined. They had numerous schools, that drew students
from Austria and Germany as well as from their imme-
diate constituencies.
The Brethren differed among themselves regarding infant baptism.
A contemporary document states: ''Some baptize children, but
many do not." " To sum up," says the writer referred to, " almost
all the articles of the Anabaptists have place in the synagogue of the
Waldenses." »
About I5(X) onward. King Wladislaus, at the instiga-
tion of Pope Alexander VI. and some courtiers, under-
took to deprive the Brethren and the Waldenses of their
privileges. In 1508 their meetings were prohibited, their
1 Sf DOllincer. *' StltUrngtub,:* *Bd, U.. S«i/. 66z.
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600 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill
writings were condemned to the flames, and they them*
selves were ordered to unite with the Catholic or the
Utraquist Church. Considerable suffering ensued in Bo-
hemia; but the Moravian Diet peremptorily refused to
accept or to execute these measures.
At the close of the present period the Bohemian
Brethren and the Waldenses together constituted a
widely distributed, intelligent, aggressive, evangelical
force in the religious life of Europe. Through them
many editions of the Bible and of Bible portions were
being widely circulated in several of the vernaculars of
the territories covered. Their public activities were con-
siderably hampered by the unfriendliness of the ecclesias-
tical and the civil authorities ; but they were thoroughly
organized and had learned to do efficient work under ad-
verse circumstances. It is a great mistake to suppose
that the Lutheran Reformation represents the inaugura-
tion of evangelical life and thought in Germany. Lu-
ther himself recognized the evangelical character of the
Brethren and made no claim to originality in his efforts
at religious reform.
v. EVANGELICAL CHURCHLY REFORMERS.
The movements to be here considered have much in
common with the more or less separatist parties that
have just been considered and stand in the closest rela-
tionship to these as effects and causes. The Wycliffite
and the Hussite movements were to a great extent due
to the older evangelical influence that manifested itself
chiefly in the Waldenses and related parties, and in turn
exercised a considerable influence on the subsequent
history of these parties. They were in many respects
thoroughly evangelical, but they were hampered seri-
ously in their reformatory efforts by their horror of
schism, based in most cases upon their realistic view of
the church.
I. The Wycliffite Movement
LITERATURE : Only a few of Wycllffe's writings were published
until the present generation. The Wycliffe Society of England
undertook some vears ago to publish a complete critical edition of
hi$ voluminous Catln works. Several volume? huve already ap-
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CHAP.IIL] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 6oi
glared, edited by Buddenseig« Poole, Loserth, Beer, Pollard, and
ziewicky. See also WycTiffe's "Select English Works," ed.
Arnold: ^' Fasciculi Ziramorum Mag, J. fVicUA*' ed. Shirky ; "The
Eng. Works (of W.) Hitherto Unpubrfshed ." ed. Mathew; the " Tri-
alogus " and the " Ds Officio PasioraU" (of W.)» cd. Lechler ; Grosse-
tite, ** Epistola^*^ ed. Luard; Foxe, *^Acts and Monuments," ed.
Townsend ; Lechler, "y. von tViclif u, d. VofgnchichU d, Riforma-
People" ; Buddensdg, "/. fyicli/u. s$ini ZiH,
(i) Antecedents, a. The enslavement of England to
the papacy, and the uprising of the barons, which re-
sulted in the securing of Magna Charta (121 5) under
John, produced a powerful reaction against the papal ab-
solutism that Innocent III. was attempting to establish in
England. England was now recovering from the con-
fusion that had followed the blending of nations at the
Norman conquest. The spirit of national unity was de-
veloping. In 1240 the students at Oxford almost mobbed
a cardinal legate.
b. In 1235, Robert Grossetfite, was appointed to the
bishopric of Lincoln. He was a man of profound religious
convictions, great learning, and great pertinacity. He
set to work to reform his diocese, deposing without
scruple unworthy priests. He held it to be the duty of
a bishop to preach to everybody in the diocese ; and as
this was impracticable, he determined to assemble the
whole body of clergy at stated times, and so to instruct
them that they should be able to instruct the people.
He resisted with great zeal plurality of benefices, insist-
ing that every holder of a benefice should reside in the
parish. As few of the clergy could preach, he encour-
aged the mendicant monks to enter their parishes and
preach to the people.
About 1250 he presented a memorial to Pope Innocent
IV., in which he bewailed the corrupt state of the church.
The cause of this corrupt state is the want of good pas-
tors, the prevalence of bad ones, and the limitation of the
power of the parish clergy. The Roman Curia is the
source of this want, not only because it does not sup-
press corruption, but because by dispensations, pro-
visions, collations, etc., the parishes ?ire thrown into the
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602 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [l
hands of bad shepherds, who care for the flock not for
its own sake, but for the sake of the milk and the wcc!,
and thus the souls of men are delivered over to perditioc.
The bishops themselves, when they would reform the::
own dioceses, are hampered by the privileges of cloister?,
and the right of appeal to the archbishop or pope. He
exhorts the pope to abolish these abuses. .
In 1258, Innocent IV. appointed one of his relations tc
a benefice in Robert's cathedral without consulting him,
making the threat that if any one should oppose his en-
tering upon his benefice, the opposer should appear at
Rome in two months to answer for it. The bishop, no»
eighty years of age, defied the pope and thus became
more popular than ever.
The influence of Robert upon the English thought of
the next century, and especially upon Wycliffe, is
clearly discernible. He was regarded by the people in
(i:eneral as a saint. Heavenly music was reported to
have been heard at his death, and miracles to have beec
wrought at his tomb. The spirit of Robert was perpetu-
ated in England till the time of Wycliffe, who quoted hin
as a high authority.
c. In 1299 Boniface VIII. set forth in a bull the claim
that Scotland belonged to the pope. If Edward I. thought
he had any right to it, he might submit to the pope the
documents on which his claim was based. Edward I. put
the matter before Parliament, which boldly sided with
the king against the papal claims. Parliament decided
that it would not allow the king, even if he desired it, tc
€ubmit his claims to papal jurisdiction. Great surprise
and disgust were expressed by the nobles at the audacity
of the pope.
d. From 1339 England was at war with France, and the
dependence of the papacy on the king of France, together
with the notorious corruption of the papal court, tended
still further to promote the spirit of independence.
When, in 1343, Clement VI. bestowed English bene-
fices on two newly appointed cardinals (one of them
his nephew or illegitimate son), Parliament united in
an open letter to the pope, demanding a reversion of
this action, maintaining that the revenues of church
property in England ought to be employed entirely ia
Digitized by LnOOQ IC
CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 603
maintaining worship and assisting the poor in England,
and that it was contrary to the intention of those who
endowed English churches that the revenues should be
bestowed on non-resident foreigners. When these car-
dinals sent their agents to collect their revenues they
were driven away in disgrace. The pope appealed to the
king, who, in turn, wrote with great boldness and sever-
ity against the unrighteousness of the papal proceedings.
Edward 1. had thus attempted to shake off the papal op-
pression, but under Edward IK the pope regained the
power he had lost in England.
Edward III., during his long and vigorous reign, took
still more decisive measures. In 1350 the Statute against
Provisors was enacted by Parliament. In this are set
forth at length the great evils that England has suffered
from the bestowment of provisions contrary to the design
of those who endowed benefices, upon unworthy men,
foreigners, etc., who performed no service for the English
people ; and it is ordered and established that the free
elections of archbishops and bishops and of all other
dignities and benefices elective in England shall be
henceforth according to the original intention of the
endowments. And in case reservations, collations, or
prohibitions be made by the pope, in disturbance of free
elections, collations, etc., the king shall have the rev-
enues from the time when the benefice becomes void,
etc. In case the papal provisors cause disturbance in
trying to collect their revenues, contrary to the law,
they shall be imprisoned and fined according to the
king's will. ■
In 1352 the Statute of Praemunire was enacted, in ac-
cordance with which it was made treason for any subject
of England to be arraigned before any foreign tribunal, or
to take any case that falls within the jurisdiction of the
king, to a foreign court. This was a blow aimed at the
Roman Curia, which was usurping the rights of civil
rulers by calling Englishmen, etc., to account in matters
of church property, etc. In 1363 the Statute of Provisors
was reaffirmed. In 1386 it was enacted that no English
subject should go or send beyond the sea for the pur-
chase of a benefice.
We see, therefore, that at the time of Wycliffe there
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604 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
was a widespread opposition to papal usurpations — a
strong national feeling for the maintenance of English
independence. This feeling was chiefly political, but it
afforded a grand opportunity for an able religious leader
to combat the hierarchical church on religious grounds.
Such a man was Wycliffe, combining patriotism and re-
ligious zeal in a remarkable degree, one of the greatest
theologians of his day, and in every way fitted to lead all
classes of Englishmen.
(2) iVydiffe's Reformatory Plan. a. Wycliffe, like his
predecessors, was, at first, a thorough churchman. He
had strong convictions with regard to the unity of the
church. As a Realist he looked upon schism as the
greatest of evils. As the church is one, so it ought to
have a single head. Yet he was led little by little to
assume positions decidedly at variance with the hierarch-
ical church. We can trace three stages in his attitude
toward the papacy.
(a) Previous to the time of the papal schism (1378), he
recognized to some extent the pope's authority as the
head of the church, while rejecting boldly his usurpa-
tions. Even before the schism he declared that "they
blaspheme who extol the pope above all that is called
God," etc.
(ft) The papal schism made upon Wycliffe a deep im-
pression, and from this time forth he declared that it
would be better for the church of Christ if both popes
were deposed.
(c) During Wycliffe's controversy on the Lord's Sup-
per, he was led, by the opposition that he -met, to pro-
nounce the pope to be Antichrist, and to see in the
papacy the fulfillment of the Apocalyptic prophecies with
regard to Antichrist. He now declared that only two
orders of ministry were established by Christ — presby-
ters and deacons — ^and that the introduction of other
orders was the result of the se<;ularization of the church.
Wycliffe's reformation, if it could not succeed through-
out the whole church, must necessarily lead to schism.
b. The aspects of the papacy that most offended Wyc-
liffe were : the extortion of funds from England, involving
the impoverishing of the State and the robbing of the
poor ; the appointment of foreigners to benefices, rather
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CHAP, in.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 605
than such as would minister to the people ; and the send-
ing forth of mendicant monks, who were at this time
gaining predominance in the University of Oxford, and
whose mendicant proceedings in robbing the poor filled
him with indignation.
Wycliffe's first public appearance was in a contest
with the monks in the university. At first he was sus-
tained by the archbishop (1363), but after the death of
the archbishop Wycliffe lost his place (1366). He ap-
pealed to the Roman Chancery. While his case was
pending the pope demanded a large sum of money as quit
rent in virtue of the feudal relation to the papacy in which
England was placed by King John. Parliament was de-
termined to resist, and Wycliffe wrote in defense of
parliament. By this proceeding he gained the favor of
the court, was made chaplain to the king, and at once
entered upon a brilliant career in the university.
In 1374 Wycliffe was sent as an ambassador to Avig-
non, where he remained about two years. Observation
of the proceedings at Avignon confirmed him in his oppo-
sition to the avarice and unscrupulousness of the papal
court. The fundamental point in Wvcliffe's earlier ac-
tivity was the deliverance of England from the oppression
and extortion of this court, and his polemics were chiefly
against the monks, who were the agents and instruments
of this oppression and extortion.
c. As a means of counteracting the influence of the
monks, Wycliffe wrote numerous popular treatises in
English, and appointed what he called " poor priests " to
evangelize throughout England. In 1380 he published
his translation of the Bible, which was distributed by his
"poor priests." These missionaries met with great ac-
ceptance wherever they went, and large numbers were
brought through them to reject the papal church, and to
despise the monks.
d. Although Wycliffe was, in the first instance, moved
to oppose the papacy by political considerations, there is
no reason to doubt but that he was actuated at the same
time by religious motives. Certain it is, that from the
time of his entrance upon public life, his zeal for the
purity of the church of Christ, and for the instruction of
yie people in the way of salvation, knew no bounds, and
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6o6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. IV
he would, apparently, have been ready to die for his
principles.
e. In general, Wycliffe aimed to reform the church by
abolishing the corrupt financial system which he believed
had led the church into apostasy, and by bringing the
Bible into general use as a guide for doctrine and life.
The monks he regarded as an abomination, and as the
cause of much evil. They begged not for the supplying
of their wants, but for the enriching of the monasteries,
and used all sorts of methods for extorting money from
rich and poor. Hence he aimed to abolish mendicancy.
In some of his Latin polemical tracts he seeks to identify
the mendicants with every class of evil-doers denounced
in the New Testament. His exceeding bitterness against
these ** four sects" is one of the most marked features
of these tracts, in which he passes by no opportunity to
rebuke them.
(3) Wycliffe' s Doctrinal Position. It is difficult to de-
termine precisely Wycliffe's doctrinal views. We may
say in general that he tended to depart more and more
from Roman Catholic dogma. From his "Trialogue,"
one of his latest productions, we gather the following :
1. He maintained a rigorous predestinarianism, amount-
ing almost to fatalism. He says : " It seems probable to
me that God necessitates each active creature to each of
its acts." He did not hesitate to express the supralap-
sarian view of man's fall. This view of the relation of
God to man was necessitated by his extreme realism.
It was inconceivable to him that there should be in the
divine mind ideas that were not real. Hence God him-
self could do only what he actually did.
2. He rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation, main-
taining that before the loosing of Satan (A. D. looo) all
the teachers of the church were in accord with his own
view. When it is said, this bread is the body of Christ,
it is implicitly affirmed that it is bread and remains bread,
and is, at the same time bread and the body of Christ.
The eucharistic controversy occupied a very important
place in Wycliffe's polemics. The Roman Catholic view
was, that in the same sacrament we have **accidens sine
subjecto," I. e., that while the bread and the wine main-
tain their form and taste, the substance is annihilated, or
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CHAP. III.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 607
transformed into the body and blood of Christ. This
Wycliffe denied on realistic grounds. He supposed that
the cause of men's falling into this error was that they
discredited the gospel, and accepted rather papal laws
and apocryphal sayings. 'Mf there were one hundred
popes, and all the friars were turned into cardinals, their
opinion ought not to be acceded to in matters of faith ex-
cept in so far as they base themselves on Scripture."
3. While he believed in baptismal regeneration, he
thought it possible that God might save such infants as
died without it, but denied that any injustice would be
involved in case he should damn such.
With all of his doctrinal rigidity, Wycliffe possessed a
truly evangelical spirit. He spent much of his time in
preaching the gospel, as he understood it, to the people,
and sent forth scores of tracts in the vernacular language
for their instruction.
(4) Proceedings against IVycliffe. No public proceedings
were instituted against Wycliite until about 1381, when
he began to impugn the doctrine of transubstantiation.
The chancellor of the university at once condemned
Wycliffe's view, whereupon he appealed to the king.
He was prohibited from speaking again on that doctrine.
He disregarded the prohibition, and expressed his views
more elaborately than before. About the same time oc-
curred a great insurrection of the peasants. This was
attributed to the influence of Wycliffe's doctrines, as dis-
seminated by the "poor priests." In 1382 the arch-
bishop of Canterbury, at a council in London, con-
demned a series of propositions from Wycliffe's writings
as heretical, Wycliffe was now obliged to leave Oxford,
and to withdraw to his parish at Lutterworth. The rest
of his life he spent in writing and preaching. Forty-four
years after his death (Dec. 31, 1384) he was condemned
as a heretic by the council of Constance (1418), and it
was ordered that his bones be removed from consecrated
ground. They were burned and the ashes were thrown
into the Severn.
2. The Hussite Movement.
LITERATURE: ** Hisioria it MommsfOa J. Huss atqw Huroiwmi
(contains alsc the extant writings of Matthias of Janow) ; Palacky,
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eo8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. IV.
*'DocumsHta Mag. J. Huss VUam . . . illusirantia'' ; Hardt, ''Cam.
Omstantwisis," lib. IV. : iCneas Sylvius, ''Hist. Boksmia''; Bonne-
chose, '' Letters of J. Huss'' ; Denis, "Huss tt la Giurrs dss //«»-
itss "; Giliet, " The Life and Times of John Huss " : Neander, " Ch.
H.," Vol. v.: Lechler, "Johann vom WtcUf!' Bd. II., SsU. 110-489
(this part of Lechler's great work has been unfortunately omitted
from Lorimer's translation) ; Krummel, " Gesch,d.B6hmischM R0f.9"
also "Utraqmstmu. Taboritm*'; Palacky, "UrhmdlicJu 'B$itrag4 fMT
Gisch. BohmtHs "; Hofler, "Urkundm tur Biliuehtungd. Ges. Bohm^ns ";
Loserth, •' Wycliffe and Huss" ; Creighton, "History of the Pa-
pacy." Vol. L, pp. 37-60, and passim; Friedrich, " Dit Ukn d. J.
Hus '' ; Berger, ^' /. Huss u. Komg Stgismund.'*
(i) Antecedents, a. Bohemia received the gospel, not
from the Roman, but from the Greek Church (ninth cen-
tury). The invasion of Bohemia by the Magyars (eleventh
century) led the Bohemians to seek German alliances,
and gradually the forms of the Latin Church were intro-
duced. Yet up to the time of Huss there seems always
to have been considerable opposition to the Roman rule,
and the Bohemians were always ready to receive those
who opposed the pretensions of Rome, as the Bogomiles
and the Waldenses.
Under Charles IV. (i 346-1 378), a most zealous Roman
Catholic, Bohemia was brought fully under papal control ;
the bishopric of Prague was erected into an archbishopric ;
and the University of Prague was established with its
thousands of students. Magnificent cathedrals were
erected in various places. The most rigorous laws
against heretics were enacted.
Yet the apparent triumph of the papal church was to
be succeeded immediately by an almost complete defec-
tion. The very means by which it seemed to triumph
led to a reaction. The university, established for the
propagation of papal doctrine throughout Bohemia, Mo-
ravia, etc., became the chief stronghold of opposition to
the papacy. The enrichment of the churches led to such
a degradation of morals among the clergy as to cause a
general desire for reform.
Here, as in England, the papal financial system was in
full operation, and had the same effect on civil rulers and
people. In 1379-13803 grand inspection of the morals
of the Bohemian clergy was undertaken. Of thirty-nine
curates that were visited, sixteen were convicted of im-
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CHAP. UI.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 609
moralities, and the manner in which they answered the
charges showed great lacic of moral sense.
b. The Archbishop of Prague. Pardobitz was a man of
great purity of life, and was earnest in his efforts to re-
form the morals of clergy and monks. From 1339 ^^'
ward he held synods in which measures were taken for
the purification of the church. It was forbidden to the
clergy to keep concubines, to frequent the taverns, gam*
ble, bear arms, etc. It was enjoined upon them to teach
the people the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Com-
mandments. All efforts for the reformation of the clergy
were favored by Charles IV.
c. A Number of Eloquent and Zealous Evangelical Preach-
ers now Appeared, (a) Conrad of U^aldhausen, an Aus-
trian, an Augustiniar« monk, having previously gained a
high reputation for eloquence at Vienna, was called to
Prague through the influence of Charles IV. (1360 or
1362). He was full of zeal, feeling that the salvation of
his own soul and that of the people depended upon his
preaching of repentance to the utmost of his ability. He
rebuked in the most thoroughgoing way the sins of high
and low, laymen and clergy. The more severe his
preaching, the more the people flocked to hear him.
Women laid aside their costly dresses; usurers made
haste to restore their ill-gotten gains ; libertines made
vows of chastity. His denunciation of monks and clergy
aroused their animosity. They brought various accusa-
tions against him, and a day for trial was appointed ; but
the monks prudently failed to appear. Conrad preached
n German and Latin ; hence a large part of the popula-
tion of Prague were affected only indirectly by his
preaching.
(ft) But before his death (1369) a native Bohemian of
greater genius than Conrad had appeared, Militsch of
Kremsier. Militsch already held a high ecclesiastical po-
sition when Conrad appeared in Bohemia, and was also
private secretary to Charles IV. As archdeacon, In his
visitation journeys, he had an opportunity to observe the
extreme corruption of the church. In 1363 he renounced
his dignities and income, adopted an ascetical mode of
life, and resolved in humility and poverty to follow Christ
in preaching the gospel.
ao
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6lO A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
He soon began to preach In Bohemian — a new thing.
At first he had few hearers, but in a short time his min-
istry was thronged, so that he preached every day two
or three hours at a time, and on Sundays and fast days
from two to five times. He soon had great influence with
all classes. When he was not preaching, most of his time
was taken up in ministering consolation and direction in
private to the multitudes that visited him. More than
two hundred prostitutes were induced to abandon their
life of shame. An ill-famed part of the town — ^the *' Little
Venice " — was destroyed by his direction, and in its place
was built a house of refuge for these reformed women
—"Little Jerusalem."
By a study of the apocalyptic Scriptures, Militsch be-
came convinced that Antichrist had come in the corrup-
tion of the church. In 1367 he went to Rome to inform
the pope of the new light that he had received, and to
urge him to take in hand the reformation of the church.
The pope was absent, and he published his views on the
door of St. Peter's. For this he was arrested and im-
prisoned until the pope returned, wnen he was liberated.
He returned to Prague much discouraged, but soon went
to work with renewed zeal, and in addition to his former
activities, undertook the work of training evangelists.
In 1372 the monks brought accusation against him, but in
1374 he journeyed to Avignon and vindicated his ortho-
doxy. While there he fell sick and died.
(c) Matthias ofjanow, son of a Bohemian knight, had
spent six years in the University of Paris as a student of
philosophy and theology. He had also traveled much in
Germany and Italy, and was one of the most cultivated
men of the time. He represents himself as having been,
during his early student life at Prague, a slave to his pas-
sions. But, probably under the influence of Militsch,
there "entered into his breast a certain fire, subtle, new,
strong, and unusual, but exceedingly sweet." He now
came to feel himself called to preach the pure gospel, and
by his writings to diffuse the truth. In 1381 he became
a prebendary at Prague, where he spent much time in
preaching and in pastoral work. But Matthias' chief
merit is as a writer. As a theological writer he stands
second only to Huss among Bohemian reformeis, while in
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CHAP, ni.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 6l I
some matters he seems to have gone beyond Huss him-
self. His work, " Concerning the Rules of the Old and
New Testament," is one of the most remarkable of the
reformatory productions of the Middle Ages. It was read
and admired by professors and students and learned
men in general, but being written in Latin it could have
only an indirect influence upon the people. Matthias,
with his clear reformatory views, seems *'to have lacked
only exterior action for becoming the chief of the Bohe-
mian revolution." The papal schism had already been
consummated when he entered upon active life. Two
or three rival popes were demanding the allegiance of
the people and anathematizing one another. He was
therefore enabled more definitely than Militsch to center
his notions of Antichrist upon the papacy.
A leading thought with Matthias, therefore, is, that
Antichrist is in the world. Antichrist and his doings are
alluded to and condemned on almost every page. He
inquires as to the cause of the papal schism. It arose,
"not because they loved Jesus Christ and his church,
but because they loved themselves and this world." The
body of Antichrist is thus rent asunder, but not the body
of Christ. Matthias believed in the church as an organic
unity, with its one head and its gradation of officers.
His great complaint was of the selfishness, tyranny, and
secularization of pope and bishops. He regarded the
guidance of the church by means of the word of God
taught by the parish clergy as a most important thing,
and he bewailed the viciousness of the great body of the
clergy and their lytter neglect of duty.
The multiplication of ecclesiastical laws seemed to him
to be at the bottom of much of the corruption of clergy
and people. Human ordinances, with superiors whose
business it was to enforce them, had come to make more
impression on men's minds than divine ordinances,
whose nature is spiritual. Thus men lose sight of Christ
crucified, so that they are ashamed even to mention his
name.
Matthias combated the notion that the clergy are the
church, and that ordinary Christians should be admitted
to the Lord's Supper as seldom as possible. He regarded
the Supper as a most important means of grace, which
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6l2 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IV.
ought to be provided frequently for the people. He
strongly emphasized the universal priesthood of believ-
ers. This was one of the burning ideas in the Bohemian
revolution, and involved the right of laymen to commun-
ion under both kinds.
Matthias' exposition of the corruption of monks and
clergy drew upon him the ill-will of these classes. At a
synod held in Prague (1389) he was called to account,
especially with regard to his expressions in favor of the
full right of laymen to the Lord's Supper ; yet he con-
tinued to strive for the reformation of the church till his
death (1394).
d. What Matthias did toward awakening the reform-
atory spirit among the learned, Thomas of Stitny did
among the masses. The requirement made of each
bachelor of arts in the university, that he should devote
at least two years to teaching, had diffused intelligence
throughout a large part of the community. Stitny was
educated in the University of Prague, a thorough Bohe-
mian, and a charming writer in the Bohemian language.
His writings combine religious earnestness with Bohem-
ian patriotism and recognition of the rights of the lower
classes. The tendency of his writings was strongly rev-
olutionary, and they did more than any other agency,
perhaps, to prepare the great mass of the Bohemian
people for the uprising against Roman and German op-
pression.
The Bohemians belonged to the Slavic race, and could
never be induced to merge themselves in the German.
For generations they had been dependent upon Ger-
many. Most of the great landed proprietors and nobles
were German, as were also the wealthy tradesmen and
officials of the cities. Bohemians were ineligible to high
civil offices. The great body of serfs was Etohemian, as
were many of the laborers and artisans in the cities.
The Bohemian people, through hatred of their op-
pressors, were ready for revolution. They required only
strong leaders. The landed proprietors and the rich mer-
cantile class opposed revolution with all their might.
Stitny had awakened the mass of the Bohemian popu-
lation.
The great university was attended by thousands of
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CHAP, in.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 613
Germans, and here, also, the Germans were attempting
to dominate. The Bohemians, under the leadership ol
Huss, resisted their encroachments, and the revolution
may be said to have begun with the departure from
Prague of the German students (1409).
e. The arbitrary manner in which Waclav IV., the
successor of Charles IV., a weak and vicious ruler, had
proceeded with the clergy (arresting and treating with
indignity the archbishop, and ordering a monastery to be
pillaged), and the support he had lent to the Bohemians
in the university against the Germans, tended to de-
crease the respect of the Bohemians for the Roman
Catholic Church, and to prepare the peasants to rise up
against their oppressors.
/. The writings of Wycliffe had been introduced into
the University of Prague before the close of the four-
teenth century. After the marriage of Anne, daughter
of Charles IV., to Richard II. of England (1382), consid-
erable intercourse had been established between the
universities of Oxford and Prague ; and by the time of
Huss' public appearance Wycliffe's writings were held in
high esteem, and were subjects of frequent discussion.
The immediate influence of these writings on Huss was
very great.
(2) Reformatory Work of John Huss. John Huss, born
1367, was educated at the University of Prague, where
he became bachelor in 1393, master in 1396, lecturer in
1398, dean of the philosophical faculty in 1401, and rector
of the university in 1403. In 1402 he was appointed
preacher in the '* Bethlehem '* chapel, which had been
established some years earlier by two wealthy citizens
of Prague, for the purpose of promoting evangelical
preaching in the Bohemian language — a result of the
labors of Militsch.
Up to 1402 Huss had taken more interest in philos-
ophy and scholastic theology than in evangelical work.
He had studied the philosophical writings of Wycliffe, and
had used them in his lectures. He had adopted the real-
ism of Wycliffe, and had already come into controversy
with the nominalistic Germans.
His duty as preacher to the people, and his sense of the
responsibility of his position, led him to study the Scrip-
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6l4 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV.
tures as he had never done before. He came to feel that
the great evils in the church had resulted largely from
neglect of biblical study. About the same time he became
acquainted with Wycliffe's theological works through
Jerome of Prague, who had studied at Oxford, and who
became even more zealous than Huss for reform.
Huss soon won great reputation as a moral preacher.
In 1405 he began to denounce the corruption of the clergy
in the synods, in which he was supported by King Waclav.
By preaching against the clergy he made many enemies,
and his Bohemian patriotism and his zeal in defending
Wycliffe and disseminating his views, made him odious
to the Germans in the university.
In the church at Wilsnack miracles were supposed to
be wrought by the pretended blood of Christ there ex-
hibited. In 140; Huss was appointed on a commission
to visit the place and investigate the matter. The fraud
was exposed, and pilgrimages to Wiisnack forbidden.
The strife between the Bohemian nation and the Ger-
man, in the university, induced partly by the strong
national aversion of Bohemians to Germans, partly by
differences of philosophical views, led in 1409 to the dim-
inution of the privileges of the Germans, and their with-
drawal from Bohemia.
Huss was now completely dominant in the university.
The archbishop had become jealous of Huss' influence,
especially as he felt himself rebuked by some of the re-
former's denunciations of the clergy. In 1410 he pro-
cured from Pope Alexander V. a bull forbidding preach-
ing in private chapels and requiring the burning of Wyc-
liife's works. Huss, supported by king and queen, no-
bility and university, continued to preach in the " Beth-
lehem " chapel and to write in defense of Wycliffe ; and
Archbishop Sbynko revoked his accusation of heresy.
In 141 2 the pope issued a crusading bull against
Waclav, with the usual promise of indulgences. Huss
and Jerome now protested with greater zeal than before
against indulgences and their abuses. This led to the
condemnation of Wycliffe's works at Rome and to the
excommunication of Huss (141 3).
Huss now wrote his great work on the church, and
retired from Prague. He was summoned to appear be-
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CHAP, m.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 6l$
fore the council of Constance (1414), and went under the
safe-conduct of the Emperor Sigismund. He felt secure
from the fact that he was not charged with heresy, and
that the object of the council was reformation. But it
was made known at Constance about the time of his
arrival, that James of Misa, a priest of Prague, had begun
giving the communion to the laity under both kinds, and
this was considered the result of Huss' teaching. More-
over, Huss was regarded as the chief cause of the expul-
sion of the Germans from the university. On November
28, 1414, Huss was thrown into prison on the charge of
heresy. Despite the protest of the Prague University
and the Bohemian nobles, the safe-conduct of the em-
peror was violated, and without the show of a fair trial
Huss was burned, July, 141 5.
(3) Reasons for the Condemnation of Huss. a. The con-
demnation of Huss was due, probably, not to any doc-
trinal aberration on his part, but to the fact that he was
the leader of a party that threatened the existence of the
hierarchical church. His unsparing denunciations of the
clergy had brought the latter into disrepute. The visible
striving of the Bohemian nation for political freedom from
the Germans was seen to tend toward freedom from ec-
clesiastical authority. Moreover, Huss was a zealous
defender of Wycliffe, and the results of Wycliffe's views,
as seen in Lollardism, were well known. It required no
extraordinary amount of penetration to see that similar
results would follow the teachings of Huss and Jerome.
b. Again, Huss appeared to the council to be obstinate
and self-willed, and to set up his own views of truth in
opposition to those of the universal church.
c. Again, the very fact that the Council of Constance
was a reformatory council, led by such spirits as John
Gerson, Peter d'Ailly, etc., helps us to account for the
condemnation of the reformer Huss. The members of the
council felt that they were taking a bold step in assem-
bling without papal summons, and to deal with popes.
They must guard against any appearance of sympathy
with revolutionary spirits, else the council would fail to
secure the general recognition necessary to the accom-
plishment of its ends. It was clear that Huss was a
revolutionary spirit. If allowed to return to Bohemia,
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6l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IV
he would, without fall, carrv on a revolution which would
result in the alienation of Bohemia from the church.
d. Again, the council was called by Sigismund, who was
hated by Bohemians, and who had no sympathy with
them. The preponderance of power in the council was
German ; Huss was looked upon as the great champion
of Bohemian liberty, and it was remembered that he
had been chiefly instrumental in driving away the Ger-
mans from Prague. The members of the council were,
therefore, extremely prejudiced against him.
(4) Doctrinal Position of Huss. a. On the Church. The
holy Catholic Church is, according to Huss, the whole
number of all the predestinated — ^present, past, and
future. Hence, he distinguished between being in the
church and being of the church. Of this universal
church Christ alone is the head. Neither pope nor car-
dinals are necessary to the regimen of the church.
b. The Eucharist. Huss was accused of holding, with
Wycliffe, that the bread and wine remain bread and wine
after consecration. This he absolutely denied.
Apart from his view with regard to the church, and
his denial of the authority of pop>es and clergy, when
corrupt, nothing like heresy could be established against
Huss. He was a man of less originality and power than
Wycliffe. In fact, most of his writings are made up
almost wholly of excerpts from Wycliffe.*
(5) The Hussite Wars, The contempt which the council
of Constance showed for Bohemia, the decree pro-
nouncing heretics those who should insist on communion
under both kinds, the execution of Huss and afterward
of Jerome of Prague, exasperated the Bohemians, already
restless and desirous of revolution.
James of Misa defended communion under both kinds
against the council ; Huss was honored as a martyr ; the
Bohemian and Moravian nobles assembled and wrote a
condemnatory letter to the council, and formed a league
for six years for the protection of purity of doctrine ; the
university pronounced for communion under both kinds,
and the Bohemian people were now ready to defend this
view with their lives.
— •
1 Set Losertb. '* Wlcllf and Has/' p. iti. $§§,
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CHAP. lU.] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 617
The council issued instructions for the putting down of
the schism, and the pope sent legates to carry out the
plan of the council, under Nicolas of Hussinecz, and
John Ziska, noblemen, thousands of Bohemians gathered
for self-defense. This enthusiastic host ascended Mount
Tabor, and there celebrated the Lord's Supper under both
kinds. The city of Tabor was founded, and the Tabor*
ites became fanatical in their zeal for reform. Waclav
was utterly unable to control the different parties or to
keep order.
In 1419 Ziska moved upon Prague, and in a most san-
;uinary manner took vengeance upon the council. When
■ aclav died (1419) the people were so determinedly op-
posed to Sigismund that complete anarchy prevailed.
There now appeared two parties of Hussites : the Huss-
ites of Prague, who did not go beyond Huss and James of
Misa, who simply demanded the cup (Calixtines or Utra-
quists, from calix, a '' cup," and sub utraque specie, ** under
both kinds''), who did not desire to make a complete
schism with the hierarchical church, who held in general
to the doctrine of the Romish Church, but desired to see
the church reformed in morals ; and the Taborites, who
assumed a position of the most uncompromisinfi; hostility
to the papal church, and under the influence of the Wal-
denses and other older sects, made the Scriptures their
absolute authority and guide.
3. Brethren of the Common life.
LrrERATURE: Ullmann, ** Reformers Before the Reformattun " ;
Preger, ** 'Bntragi ntr Gssch. </. r//. Btwigung in </. OfudirUmdin in d.
rw^SiH HalfU d. Xft^.Jakrh."; Kettleweil,^' Thomas a Kempis and
the Brethren of the Common Life " ; art. by Schultze on '* 'Brudir d.
gfmmsamm Lshms " In Herzog-Hauck, third ed., Bd, ill., Siit. 472-
$07 (this able account of the Brethren is preceded by a full bibliog-
raphy).
The Brethren of the Common Life originated in the
Netherlands as a result of the evangelical mysticism of
Joh. Ruysbroek. Its founders were Gerhard Groot and
Florentius. It combined the most evangelical type of
mysticism with semi-monastic life and enthusiastic devo-
tion to evangelistic work, to education, and to literary
production. It arose about the middle of the fourteenth
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6l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [I
century, during the " Babylonish exile '* of the papac>\
With the permission of his bishop and with the counst
of the aged Ruysbroek, Groot began preaching repent-
ance and conversion to multitudes of eager listeners at
Deventer, Zwolle, Leyden, Delft, Gouda, and Amster-
dam (c. 1379). A number of well-educated, evangelical
men were soon at his side, ready to carry forward tbe
work thus inaugurated. Florentius was among his earli-
est converts and succeeded him in the leadership of tbe
movement (1384).
Religious houses were soon organized in these and a
number of other places in the Netherlands and in many
of the chief centers of Northern Germany. Similar
houses for sisters were speedily founded in a number 0^
places, and the influence of the brotherhood became
widespread and beneficent. It was at its height aboLt
the close of the period, and many of the Brethren wel-
comed the Protestant revolution and joined hands widi
the Reformers.
There was no intention on the part of Groot and his
coadjutors to break with the Roman Catholic Church.
Groot hesitated to introduce the communal principle, be
lieving that the mendicant orders would never tolerate
them, but he was persuaded by Florentius to make the
experiment and to leave the results to God.
The peculiarity of their organization consisted in their
dispensing with vows, and voluntarily associating on the
basis of devout living combined with labor for support.
Mendicancy was forbidden. The Brethren copied books
and did various other kinds of remunerative work foe
their support, and engaged as far as practicable in teach-
ing and preaching. .
They have been compared by Acquoy to the modem
Methodists and by RitschI to the Pietists. While they
preached justification by faith, they were careful to in-
sist on the necessity of upright and devout living. They
emphasized the freedom of the will, like most of th«
evangelicals of the Middle Ages and like the Anabaptists
of the sixteenth century. No doubt their piety was oft
somewhat ascetical type and fell somewhat short in its
freedom and joyfulness of the best types of niod«ro
evangelical lif^,
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CHAP. Ill] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 619
4. ^^ Reformers Before the Reformation^
Literature : Ullmann, *' Reformers Before the Reformation " ;
Clemen, 'VoA. Tupptr vou Goch *' ; Friedrich, *'Joh. H^esul, gin 'BtU
am d. KirchiHgisck. d. XV. JakrV ; Gleseler/' Ecd. Hist./' Vol.
III., p. 4i3« S4q. ; Lea, " Hist, of the Inouisition,'' VoL III., p. 209,
SM. (on Savonarola); Villari, '*Llfe of Savonarola"; Creighton,
••Hist, of the Papacy," Vol. III., passim.
The designation " Reformers before the Reformation '*
has been somewhat exclusively applied, without any suf-
ficient reason, to a number of able reforming spirits of
the fifteenth century, including John Pupper of Goch,
John of Wesel, John of Wessel, and Savonarola.
(i) Savonarola (d. 1498) was a Dominican monk of the
extreme ascetical type, who attempted in Florence by
bold (rash) denunciations of political and ecclesiastical
corruption, to bring about a reformation of abuses. The
stress of his enthusiastic efforts for reform seems to have
destroyed his mental equipoise, and he assumed the rdle
of a prophet with the usual fanatical manifestations.
Savonarola was not an evangelical Christian in the mod-
ern sense of the term, and his success would not have
meant the restoration of Christianity to its primitive sim-
plicity and purity. He fell a victim to civil and papal
intolerance.
(2) John Pupper of Goch (d. 1475), under the influence
of the Brethren of the Common Life, of the Renaissance,
of the revived study of the works of Augustine, and of
evangelical mysticism, emphasized the authority of the
Scriptures rightly interpreted, over against traditionalism
and ecclesiastical authority. He laid great stress on love
to God and love to man as embodying the essence of
religion. He was an extreme nominalist in philosophy
and repudiated the speculations of scholasticism as vain
and useless. He denied that reason could p>enetrate the
realms of the supernatural. Only the *' light of faith and
of grace" can apprehend the "supremely true " and the
"supremely good.'* He preached justification by faith
in the Augustinian sense, and repudiated Pelagianism
and Semi-pelagianism as well as the whole mediaeval
system of justification by works. He regarded saving
fsrith as a transforming process wherein the subject is
not simply declared righteous but made righteous.
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620 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PBtn
He probably received his early training in a school ca
the Brethren of the Common Life. He studied at Cok^ae
and then in the University of Paris. From 1459 onwiit
he presided over an Augustinian monastery for women
that he had founded.
(S) John of IVesel (d. 1482) was professor in the Univer-
sity of Erfurt during the middle years of the centun
(c. i44S-i4$6). He had been profoundly influenced h
the new learning and by the revived study of Augustice.
As preacher at Worms he denounced indulgences and tbe
entire sacerdotal system of the hierarchical church «
which indulgences rested. '* Whom God wishes to sa«
he would save by giving him grace, if all the priests
should wish to damn and excommunicate him." He re-
pudiated the authority of the church to interpret tte
Scriptures for believers. The personal authority of tte
church extends no farther than its agreement with tbe
gospel. The law of Christ he made supreme. He insiste:
that the elect are saved by grace alone. He rejected the
Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation, holdu)^
that the substance of the bread and the wine remair.
He was arraigned before the church authorities at Mai:.!
and after defending his positions as well as he could N
felt obliged to recant (1479). He died in prison three
years later.
(4) John oflVessel (d. 1480), educated in a school of the
Brethren of the Common Life, in the University of Co-
logne, and in the University of Paris, was one of the nos:
eminent scholars and thinkers of his age. He was callec
by his contemporaries the ** light of the world." He
taught in the universities of Cologne, Lou vain, Paris, aci
Heidelberg, and ended his wonderful career in peace.
Luther said : 'Mf he had been read by me beforehand, i:
might well have seemed to my enemies that I had drawt
everything from Wessel, so completely does the ^Irit a:
us two conspire into one.'* In him also we see a con-
vergence of the influence of the Renaissance, of the re-
vived study of Augustine, and of evangelical mysticism.
Like John of Wesel he clearly proclaimed the doctrine ct
justification by faith. " He who thinks to be justified
through his own works does not know what it is to be
just.'^ Like John of Wesel, and on the same groundSi
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9 CHAP.IIL] REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES 62 1
: he attacked indulgences. Works of supererogation on
. which they were in part based he declares to be impos-
r sible for sinful man.
', The possibility of carrying on with so little interrup-
tion the evangelical work of the Brethren of the Com-
. mon Life and of the great reforming teachers whose
. activity has been considered, was due in a large measure
. to the widespread popular desire for evangelical teaching
. and in part to the tolerant spirit of the Renaissance.
If we consider the civilizing forces that were at work
• at the close of the present period, as set forth very briefly
I and imperfectly in Chapter 1., the appalling corruption of
' the hierarchical church, as set forth in Chapter II., the
evangelical forces that were leavening the population of
'" Europe, which have been only partially described in the
' present chapter, and the widespread discontent of the
■ masses with the social and economic conditions that pre-
'' vailed, the Protestant Revolution of the sixteenth cen-
tury, with its true and its false elements, can be easily
understood.
END OF VOLUME I
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GENERAL INDEX
▲belaid: sketch of, 477, eeg.; men-
tioned, Ma 668.
Aoolytee, referred to, 294.
Acti : why abruptly terminated, 118 ;
19: 82, 39, 4a 41, 125; 9:81,125; 16:
5, 126; 2: 46. 187; 20: 7, 11, 187.
** Acts of Pilate,*' mentioned, 170.
Adoptionlsm, early: account of, 196;
of Archelaus, 200 ; of Hermas. 200.
Adoptlonist oontroveny, dlacuflwd,
8»,M9.
Aella Capitollna, mentioned. 154.
Adrian oontroversy, outlined, 878, teg.
ASrius. mentioned, 878, tea.
Agapat (ftyttvai) 187, teq., 14a
Ahilman, 86, 87.
Albanensea, the, sketch of, 646, 9eq,
Albertus ICagnus, sketch of, 4^2, teg.
Alblgenses, the, account of, 648, 9eq,
Aibinus, 117.
Alcuin,368.
Alexander of Hales, sketch of, 481, teq,
Alexander ScTerus, Bmperor, 162, teq.
Alexander the Great : a pupil of Aris-
totle, 24 ; the Influence of his con-
Quests, 27 ; treats the Jews kindly,
r
Alexander III., Fope, 511, seg.
Alexander V.. Pope, 628.
Alexander VL, FOpe, 687. mo.
Alexandria : a center of culture and
of cults, 27, teg.; the place of the
Jews in. 89^ teg.
Alexandrian school: its relation to
Philo, 62; under Alexander Seye-
ras. 162; rise of, 271 ; teaching and
influence of, 272 ; Chiistology of. 887.
Allegorical method of interpretation :
adopted by Philo, 59. tea,; use of.
r earlier QreelES, Egyptians,
bristians, 60; use of, in '*E^.
of Barnabas," 221 ; polemical writers
feel its weakness, 218; rejected by
Irenaus, 249 ; reduced to a system
Iqr the Alexandrian school, 2f72 ; rise
and progress of, 286; Origen's use
of, 286; place of, at beginning of
fourth century, 296.
Alogoi. the, reffBrred to. 166. 198.
Alaog, as a church historian, 16.
Amalric, sketch of, 666.
Amalridans, the, sketch of, 665, seg.
AmbiQsius. the friend of Origen, 28L
Ameietat, mentioned. 87.
American church historians. 16.
Anabaptist, use of the term la pyp-
rlan*s time, 27a
Anaoletus, Roman bishop, 215.
Anastasius of Rome, his attitude to>
ward Origea, 834.
Anatollus, referred to, 899.
Anchoretism, referred to, 817.
Andrew, mentioned, lia
Angels: in Zoroastrianlsm, 87: in
Riarisaism, 49 ; in Philo, 61 ; of the
Seven Churches, 184.
Annates, referred to, 619.
Anselm, sketch of, 476, teg.
Antony, the hermit» 817. teg.
Anthropology, diacuaBedjSaS, seg.
Antichrist, referred to, 128.
Antioch : its rise, 27 ; eTangellsed, 89,
90; an eyangelizing center. 9a
Anttochian school: forerunners of,
200; its history and teachings, 297,
826 ; Christology of, 386, teg.
Antlochus Eplpnanes, mentioned, 46.
Antiochus in., mentioned. 45.
Antoninus Pius, mentioned, 164.
Antrustions, defined, 444.
Apocalypse. (Bee Revelation.)
Apocrypha, mentioned. 41, 42.
ApolUnarls, views of, 886.
Apollonius of Rome, martyrdom oi;
ApoUonins of Tyana, 82. 161.
Apologists, early Christian, 237, teg.
ApolloB, referred to, 99, seg.. 111.
Apostle, two senses of the word, 182.
Apostolic influence ceases, 128, 124.
Apostolic succession, 158.
Apotheosis of the emperors, its two-
fold Influence on the people, 13.
Arabic philosophy. 479, sm.
Archangels in Zoroastriaiusm, 86.
Archelaus, acts of, 200.
Arian controversy, 324, seg.
Arianism : its teaching. 806, tea. ; for-
tunes of, 880i seg.,- its relation to
Origan's teachings, 882 ; Its view of
sin, 86a
Arius, sketch of. 826: at the Nicene
Council, 829, teg.; his Christology,
886.
" Aristides. Apology of*' : referred to,
165; its recovery, history, and oon-
Arlstotie: his^laoe in Greek philos-
ophy. 24; his influence on pre-Chris-
tian thought, 24; his Influence on
mediasval theology. 24: his views,
24, seg. ; his approximation to Chria-
tlan doctrine. 26 : his influence on
nUlo, 60; his Influence on Bcotos
623
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624
GENERAL INDEX
/
Briffena, 47S, teg.; hli Infloenc* on
Araoio i>hlloiopb7, 479: his inila-
enoe on itcliolaitidfliii. 481, 488 ; pio-
tesli of the Mystlci against. 486.
Aruiinian Christlauity, influenced by
Mardon. 1«.
Arnold, Gottfried, refsned to, 14.
Arnold of Breeda, M8, teo.
Araoldists. 665.
Ariihtat, 87.
Artazenei LongimanuB, aids the
Jews, 86.
Artisans, their piece in the spread of
Cliristianity, 142.
Anindel, mentioned, 592.
Asoeticism: among the Essenes, 51.
9eq. ; of the Bbionites, 176 ; in Gnos-
ticism. 184, 186; of Tatian, 186; of
the Manichnans, 196, »eq.: of the
Montanists. 206. 205 ; of Origen, 280 ;
at the dose of the fourth century,
371, seo. ; protests against, 874. 877.
Asha Vahisbta. menUoned. 86.
Asia ICinor, the Jews in, 66.
Aslii, mentioned, 87.
Atar. mentioned, 87.
Aterhlus, attitude of toward Oi1gen*s
opinions, 383.
Athanasius: views of, 828: becomes
/ leader of opposition to Arius, 880;
his attitude toward Oiigen*s teach-
, ings, 882. teq.
Athanasiiis. patriarch of Antloch, 851.
Athanasiaus, the: Tiews of, 887, 828,
335 ; triumph of, 881.
Athenagoras. " Apology '* ot 2S7, 246.
Athens, Paul's work in, 96.
Augurs, among the Romans, 80.
Augustine: on the Donatists. 822:
characterised. 861. teq.; doctrinal
views of. 865, #09. ; his views not im-
mediately accepted, 809, #09.
Augustine, the monk: mentioned.
411 : sketch of, 415. sm. ; influence
of his writings at the dawn of the
Refbrmation. 619, 620.
Augustinian order of monks, 466.
Augustinlanism, its antecedents, 869.
neq.
Augustus, the Emperor : his vain strug-
gle against UMlonal unbelief. 81:
becomes Fontlf^z Mazimus, 81.
Aurdlan, the Bmperor, referred to,
196.
Authorship of early writings. (See
Pseudepigrapha. )
A.vignon, papalresldenoe at^ 628, ssg.
Asarias, prayer of. 41.
Babylonian captivity of the Jews, Its
effects. 85.
Babylonian dualism, relation ot to
Gnoeticidm. 182.
Babylonian secti at Alexandria, 28.
Babvlonish captivity of the church,
Baptism : among the Bnenes, 51, 64 :
Of Jewish proselytes, 58, 69; of
John, 70; of Jesus, 70; the Fente-
. 82: at day oT Puulauil B
fint. of Gentile into fcUonfetai *
of tnoee who bad known of Jois}
baptism only. 101 : Its maaalng sk
form in New TestaiDcnL W: &^
nack, Hanek, and looii oo, H
Zenos on, 137; in ** dnBawineL
178, 179; among tbe EbhwHw. n
180: In the ^ FiMit ^BiipMa,* ym.ht
vatian'S view o|,2py; Dniiitrt nv
** i^ad&ng of tbe Twelvn." fli; i
Justin Martyr, M5: TatalHci
view of, 26^288; OriBen^ vfcv d
285; In **Eoc&esiasaenI Gdasn
tions."290: at the beginning of n>
fourth oentniy, 286w 297 ; viewsola
validly when perfonnml by 1
ties. 270: PelKlaa view at »
Augustine's view of. M6: Jeo
lan's view of, S75: rtatiea:
views ot 882.888;
about, 4101411: Baa
doctrine of. 425. 496: :
view of. 482: Fetroi
ot 561, 562: Arnold's viewa cLIm
Kudo's views of, SC7. 608; Bfaeaa*
disnnters' views oC MB; y^gm-i
Poor Men of Lyons and of I^
bardy regarding, 574: Waldons
views of75aO:Cbeleiek7"a vicvsot
588; views of Bota«inlaa Bt^tae.
raKardlng, 599; Wrellfle^ view d.
Barcochab, rebellion otl56. i:&.
Barnabas: weleomea Pant, 99: t?
misrion work with Fan!, n. sk. ; ^
mlsundeistanding with PM. »
tradition regarding. UOl
"Barnabas, Bplstle oi;** tts artte
ahip. date, oontenta. eea^ SHL nf
Bartholomew, the apoatia, ■moUomL
llOi
Baroch. referred to. 4L
Basil of ~
BasiUdea, his _
expounded, 186, mq.
Baur, as a church hisiorlaa. &
Beeket, Thomas a» 512. 5U.
Beghards, the. sketch of. 866L
Begulnes. the, sketch oC, iSi^
Bel and the r
Dragon.
Benedict xni.rsu.
Benedictine order of 1
Bernard of Clalrvanx:
455, 460: preaches t
550: preachea and wiffeaa
Arnold of Breaela. 568.
Beroea. Paul's work at; 18.
Beryllua. referred to, VL
Beysehlag. his eatlmate of iba a»
acter and influence of Jean^ Ti.
Bible. (See SerlptoreaL)
Biblical oittldsmrOilB«n tiM MMr
of. 282.
Bin. his view of Phllo, gL
BiSop: place of. In •*! dtaitfi'
IM; place of, in Kaw l^alaw*
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GENERAL INDEX
625
]», 184; ideptloal with praibjter.
184 ; meMiing in time of Ignatius,
327 ; place of. in •« Heiinae/' 881 ; po-
sition at beginning of fourth cen-
tury, 298, 295; Cyprian the flntto
distinguish from presbyter, 286.
Black Stone of Edessa, 162.
dus, translator of
totleil75.
fioCthius, translator of works of Aiia-
BogomJles, history and doctrines of,
Bohemia, Christianity in, 606.
Bohemian Brethren, sketch of, 598,
teq,
Bologna : became center for the study
of Boman law, 448; Uniyeralty of,
47a
Bonaventura: sketch of, 482; men-
tioned, 554.
Boniface, Archbishop of Malnts, 419,
BoflSft
Jfice VIII., 821, fcg.
Boniface IX., 554.
BoBBuet, as a church historian, 14.
Brethren: of the Free Spirit, 557;
Common Life, 617, mo.
Breyer, on Arnold of Bresda, 664.
Brlgitta of Sweden, prophetess, 524.
Britain, early Chrii^ianity in, 408, teq.
British Empire, compared with the
Roman, as regards evangelisation,
82.
British church historians, 16.
Brotherhood, Pythagorean. 22.
Bruce, A. B., on the character and in*
iluence of Jesus, 78.
Brute, Walter, Tiews of, 681.
Buddhism : relation to Bnenlsm, 68 ;
relation to Qnosticism, 182; in-
fluence of, on Mani, 195.
Bunsen, on the ** Ignatian Epistles."
Cabbala, referred to. 181.
Cncilian, of Carthm, 209, 820, 821.
Casarea : Paul at, IM ; Origen*s home,
287.
Caligula, Emperor, enrages Jews of
Palestine. 116.
Callistus, bishop of Rome, 201, 255,
CaSSctns III., Pope, 585.
Canon Law: disooTered. 480; and
forged decretals. 447, teg.
Canon : Old Testament. 89; New Tes-
tament, 212; Irenteus on. 250; his-
tory of New Testament. 801. teq.
CaptiTity, Babylonian, effects of, 85.
Caraealla. Emperor. 161.
Cardinal: origin of the term, 448^
MO. ; functions of, 450.
CarioTingian kingdom, and the pa-
pacy. 406, eeq.
Carmelite order of monks. 455.
Carthage : early church life in. 264 ;
council of, in relation to Donatism,
822. teq.
Cassiodoms. mentioned. 13.
Catacombs, use of, for Christian wor^
ship, 167, 295, teg.
Catechizing, early nse of, 297.
Cathari : sketch of, 545, teq. ; relation
of. to Peter de Bruys and Henry ol
Lausanne, 559.
Catharine of Sieua. prc^etess, 501
Cathedra Fetri, Church of Rome first
regarded as, 267.
Catholic (Roman) doctrine, antici-
pated by the Montani«ts, 208.
Celedonius. a Gallic bishop, 898.
Celibacy of clergy: iu rise, 296;
Gregory the Great insists on, 406i
(See also Asceticism.)
CelKUs, the philosopher, writes against
Christianity, 150 ; answered by Oil-
gen, 282.
Cerdo, Gnostic teacher. 228.
Cerinthus, speculative Ebionite, 128,
Chalcedon. council of, 847, teq.
Chalcedonlau symbol. 848.
Charity among early Christians : dis-
cussed. 128, 129. 148 ; by whom dis-
tributed. 184, 185; perverted. 292;
how distributed in days of Cyprian,
260,27a
Charlemagne: sketch of, 407. mo.;
and Holy Roman Empire. 489, 440 ;
opposes image worship, 891, 892;
influence of, in spread of learning,
460 ; relation of, to the papacy, 495,
496.
Charles Martel, 418, 420, 484.
Charles the Bald. 441.
Charles the Fat, 441.
Chelcicky, Peter: work and views of,
586, teq. ; influence of, on the Bohe-
mian Brethren. 608. teq,
i
i
29
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626
GENERAL INDEX
▼ored by GaUleniiB, 1C7 : peraeeuted
by Diocletian. 16»-170: pottettes
■ome digtioguished oonyerts. 168:
penecuted by Mazimlnus in the
East, 170; partial toleration of, 170;
oomplete toleration of. 171 : triumph
of, in Roman Empire, 172: parties
in, 173, 174 : secti of, 174, teq. : philo-
sophical statement of, occasioned by
Qnoeticlsm, 193 ; influence of mys-
teries on, IM : ritual from Onostic
influences, 194; influenced by pa-
ganism, 194; influenced by Mani-
chttism, 197; conditions for scien-
tiflc statement of, 213 ; piety of, in
flnt to third centuries, 214; influ-
enced by Montani8m,280: condition
of, at beginning of fourth century,
291. te?., 296, 299 ; Oonstautlue's atti-
tude toward, 80S, teq, ; opposed by
Julian, 809, 810: supportea by law
nnder Theodosius. 310. 811 : was in-
fluenced by union with the State,
811, $eq,; Its influence on Roman
law^ 812 ; becomes a persecutor, 315 :
lavT, o&A , wouuuicB ■ t»ctBomii>ur, tun •
of East and West compared. 825 ; at
beginning of eighth century, 406;
at close of eighth century, 421, teq.
Christian science, medi»7al parallel
to. 557.
Christian thought: influenced by
Pythagoras, 22 ; influenced by Plato,
23. 24 ; influenced by Aristotle, 25 ;
influenced by Stoicism, 26; influ-
enced by Gnosticism. 193, 194 : amal-
gamation of. with pagan thought,
194; how influenced by Origen, 286,
287.
Christians: community of goods
among. 83, 84: of Jerusalem with-
drew to Fella, 118 ; forced to meet in
secret, 148 ; meetings of, in Trajan's
time, 151 : public calamities arouse
the people against, 154, 156, 166 : tor-
ture used against, 158; charged
with arson. 168; their confiscated
property restored, 171: gradually
acouire culture, 212, 213 : moral con-
dition of in time of Hennas, 229-
281; culture spreads among, 238:
serious charges made against, 149,
157, 288 : at beginning of fourth cen-
tury, 297,296.
Christmas, when it was first celebra-
ted. 299.
Christology : of Paul of Samosata, 196 :
of Sabelfius, 201 : of Justin. 244 : of
IrensBUS. 25a 251; of Tertullian.
260. 261 : type of. In Carthage. 264 : of
Clement of Alexandria, 277. 278 : of
Oriffen, 281 : of Dionysius of Alex-
andria, 288, 289 ; becomes center of
rigorous discussion, 824, mo.. 885.
•07. ; of Leo. 844. 845 : a satUfactory
formula arrived at, 854, 855 : of the
Adoptioniits, 855, teq. (See also
^UlgOfc)
Chronology: of the Qoipels, 71; of
- >B flfc, 9a
Paul's I
Chrysoftom, condemned, Z2L
Church : the first Christian, 83, m
the Pentecostal. 88: ofllcialsof. i
use of ttie term in the New Tes
ment, 125. 126 ; New Testament con-
ditions of membership in, 129: re-
lation of, to kingdom of heaven,
126 : pagans flock into, 167 ; Gnostic
teachers excluded from, 198; view
of in " 1 Clement,'* 218 ; Justin's view
of. 245: idea of an orthodox. 248:
Irenseus' view of, 2S2; different
views regarding discipline, 256. 257 :
its moral condition in Tertullian's
time. 268, 264.
Churoh buildings, for worship when
introduced. 142, 162, 295, 296.
Church : discipline in. at end of eighth
century. 429, aeq. : power of enforcing
its decrees. 43a 431.
Church hiKtory : defined, 4 : its task.
5; what it presupposes, 5: sources
of, 9. 10 ; its history (a) ancient, 12;
18. (6) medisval, 13, (e) Reforma-
tion, 13. 14, (d) recent. 14-16 ; periods
of, 16. 17 : reasons for ita study, 17-
19 : equipment for its study, 6* 6, 11,
12 : schools of, 6-9.
Churoh organisation : helped by Paul,
92 ; nature of, implied in Phllippians,
97: relation to Jewish synagogue,
128, 129: in apostolic times, 131-135:
in *' Teaching of Twelve," 234 ; in
Justin Martyr, 215 : in " Ecclesiastl-
cai ConstituUons."2t», 290; how in-
fluenced by union of Church and
State. 314, 815.
Cisteroians, mentioned, 455.
Claudius, the Emperor: banishes
Jews, 56. 111. 112; conciliates Jews
of Palestine, 116.
Claudius of Turin, sketch of, 558.
Clement of Alexandria : his position,
lea 271 : life and works of. 273, tea. ;
genius and influence of, 274. 275;
contrasted with Tertullian, 279, 28a
Clement of Rome : '* First Epistle " ot
referred to, 121 : discussed and anst-
lyaed, 128, 124; authorship, date,
etc. 214-219: "Second f^istle" of
(so-called). 215.
Clement IV.. Pope. 517.
*' Clementine Homilies and Recogni-
tions." referred to. 177. 218.
Cleomenes. mentioned, 201.
Cloister life, referred to, 818.
ClovlB, sketch of. 404, 405.
Clugny, mentioned. 455.
Cobnam, Lord, defends Lollards and
suffers martyrdom. 692.
Ccsnobitic life, early, 818.
CoBlestius, Pelagian teacher, 868.
Collations, to benefices, 519.
Colossians. Epistle to. 105.
Columba. Irish missionary, 418.
Colnmban. Irish missionary. 411 ssg^
Oommodus, Emperor, 159. ssg.
Community of goods annw* «Arly
Ohriatians, 88. #07.
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GENERAL INDEX
627
OompaOttta. between fhe emperor and
the Huasites, 538.
GonclaTe. of Roman Curia, 45a
Concordat of Worms, 5ia
Couoorricii, a Catharistic party, 616,
ConieflBorB, great influence of, 280.
Congregatious, EU>man, defined, 450.
Conrad of Waldhauaen, mentioned,
609.
OmMfomflifiim. a Catharistic rite, 548.
Constance, council of, 529 •eq.
CouMtans: referred to, SOB; his atti-
tude toward Donatir*" **"• **•*"
Conscantine Oopronyn i,
881 : and ioiage-won
Constantine the Ore 1
Augustus. 170 : his m r
ing Christianity, 805 i
toward Christianit; 1
paganism, 806, 807 I
Church and State, a e
toward Donatfsts, 81 l-
tude toward Nioen \
881.
Constantius II.: becomes emperor,
806: attacks paganism, 806, 809; re-
ferred to, 881.
Constantinople : becomes center of the
empire, 806 ; council of (see Coun-
cils) ; church in, 395, #09. ; dispute
with Rome, 899, teq. ; defeated by
Rome. 408.
Constantinopolitan council, and sym-
bol of Chalcedon, 354.
Constantius, Emperor, 169, »eq„ 831.
Constitutions of Clarendon, 513.
Corinth : Paul's labors in, 96, 99, 102 :
state of church in, 99 ; Clement sends
letter to. 128. 215.
Corinthians : Epistles of Paul to. 99
•09.. 102: 1 Cor. 16 : 9. 126; 1 Cor. 10 :
16-22, 188: 2 Cor. 10-12, supposed
by some to be a separate epistle. 100 :
lost epistles to, 100 : Epistle of Clem-
ent of Rome to, 12, asg., 214 9eq.
Consistory, defined. 45a
Councils: rise of. 294: of Nicsea, 807.
329. 880: of Constantinople, con-
demns Apollinarianism. 336: of
Sphesns, 84a 341: of Ephesus (the
second), 346 : of Chalcedon. 347 9eq. ;
of Nicsea, the second, its deliverances
and their fate, 391.392: of the Lateran.
512, 515, 569. 54a 9eq. ; of Lyons, 517,
564: of Pisa. 828: of Constance. 629,
660: of Basel, 580. 581: of Ferrara,
532.
Creeds, beginning of, SOa
Crescens. pagan philosopher: infln-
ence of, on M. Aurelius, 156 ; opposes
Justin Martyr. 157.
Crucifixion, date of. 71.
Crusades : discussed 466. 9eq. ; results
of. 462, 468 ; operate against ^e pa-
pacy, 519.
Culture : not possessed by Christians
at first, 148 : now it helped and how
it hindered, 148; growing
., oppoees Nestoriu,
Christians, 158; gradually acquired
by Christians. 212, 218: spread of.
among Christians. 288 : high quality
of, among Christians at beginning
of fourth century, 291 ; Anglo-Saxons
became conservators of, 429 ; spread
of, in Bfiddle Ages. 409.
Cureton, on " Ignatian Epistles." 222,
228.
Curia, Roman, the, discossed. 449-151.
Cyprian: mentioned. 166; life, doc-
trines, etc.. of, 266-271 : his views of
the church of Rome, 396.
Cyprus, eyangeiised, 89, 9a
Cyrene. Jews in, 56.
Cy rilof Alexandria, 0
838, MQ.
Cyrus, lung of Persia, helps the Jews.
34.
Cyrus, patriarch of Alexandria, men-
tioned, 851.
Dalmatlus, the monk, supports Cyril,
841.
I in, 6a
}utor of Hilde-
ditions to, 4L
ipire,522.
U Tractate of,*'
Testament, 185;
th century, TSU,
294.
Deacons: in New Testament. 134, 185;
in Clement, 218 ; in Polycarp, 238 ;
in Justin Martyr, 245 : at beginning
of fourth century, 296. 294.
Decius Trajan, referred to. 164-166.
Declaration of faith, the earliest. 249.
** Defentor Poets,** of Marsilius of Pa-
dua, 684.
Demetrius of Alexandria, opposes
Origen, 281.
Demiurge : Plato's view of. 23 : in tjW'
tem of Basilides. 186; in system of
Valentinus, 188, 189; according to
Marcion. 191. 192.
Diana's temple at Ephesus, 101.
" Diatessaron,** of l^tian, referred to,
186.800.
Diocletian, acooant of, 166-170.
Diodoms of Tarsus, Christology of,
836.
" Diognetus, Epistle to.'* 237.
Dionysins: of Alexandria, referred
to. 288. 289; of Rome, referred to.
824.825.
Dionysius the Areopagite: tradltioB
about. 96 : writinn ascribed to, 850.
Dioecurua. patriarch of Alexandria,
referred to, 843. 346.
Dispensation, the old. terminated, 118.
Dispensations, referred to. 62a
Dispersion, the Jewish, its causes and
extent. 66, 6a
Divine honors claimed by Domlttaa,
laa
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628
GENERAL INDEX
Docettsm: in John's time, 128: of
QnostiGt, 181 ; of HanlcluBana, 196.
Dftlllnger: as a church hlMtorian, 16:
his views of the Petiobruaians and
Henriclaus criticised, S&O.
Domestic happinesfi. of the Jews, 57.
Dominic, mentioned, 65a
Dominicans, the: mentioned, 456;
their place in the Inquisition, 464,
465 ; rise of mysticism among, 486^
Domitian,Kmperor: mentioned, 120;
perhaps referred to in Revelation,
Donatism : referred to, 169 ; history of,
Donatist oontroyersy, described, 820
D^tists, the: discussed, 20»-21O;
persecution of, 821, 822.
Donatus, mentioned, 209.
Dorotheos, referred to, 168.
Dualism of Zoroaster, how it helps
morality, 87.
Duns Sootus, sketch of, 488, 484.
Dryer, as a church historian, 16.
Dyothelites, compared with Monothe-
liteb, 854, 855.
Dyothelitlsm triumphant, 855.
Mt, the : at dose of eighth century,
428. teq,; compared with West, 424,
ir, celebration of, 299.
Baster controversy: rise of, 156; In
time of Irenaus, 292.
EMonism : alluded to in the BpisUe to
the Hebrews, 116: in John's time,
128 : origin and principles of, 1T4, esg.
Ebrard. mentioned, 15^
Bcclesla ( jmAi}^*), 125.
"Ecclesiastical Annals,*' mentioned,
14.
" Ecclesiastical Constitutions," dis-
cussed. 289. 290l
Ecclesiasticus, referred to, 42.
Xckhart, views of, 487, teg.
Bckhart, influence of, on Brethren of
the Free Spirit, 567.
Eclecticism: of Phila 60: of Helio-
gabalus, 161 ; of Alexander Severus,
162.
" Bcthesls.'* The, of the Emperor Her-
aclius, 892, teo.
Bdificatory writings of flrst to third
century. 218, teq.
Education : promoted by stodr of
church history. 17 : religious, vigor-
ously prosecuted after exile. 88:
Christian, makes progress. 162; at
beginning of fourth century, 296.
297 : forbidden by Julian, 809.
Edward HI. and the papacv. 608, 604.
Egjpt and the Jews, », 40. 66.
Sivptian theosophy, relation of, to
Gnosticism. 182.
Ciders : silence of New Testament re-
garding introduction of, 127 : place
of, in •' 1 Clement," 124. 217 ; in New
Testament, 188, 184; identical with
Msbops, 184 : place of. in *' Hermaa.**
281; place ox, in Polycarp, 288; at
* ' of fourth century, 298,
the first to distinguiah
from bishops, 266.
Election. Augustine's view of. 867.
Ellas of Cortona, referred to. 653, 564.
Elkesaites, referred to. 177.
Emperor, election of, in Middle Ages.
4C2,443.
Emperors, The Roman: list of, IfHL
teq. : their varying attitude toward
Christianity, 150 : which of them be-
came Christians. 168: their aim In
persecuting during third century,
" Enoch. Book of." discussed, 48, 44.
Enthusiasm : early Christian, 142 : dis-
tasteful tophilosophers, 150.
Ephesians, E^dstle to. 105.
Ephesus, Paul at, 99-101 ; council of.
(See Council.)
Bpicureaniam, its place and inilnenoe.
Epigoniis, mentioned, 201.
^Imeletes (i«ifi«AirT^), in pagan or-
ganizations, 129.
Epiphanius, attitude of, toward Ori-
B^lfSiany, feast of. its origin, 299.
EpisooDMy: in **Ignatlan Epistiee,"
226-2W; in IrensBUs, 2fQ; in time
of Tertullian, 268 ; development of.
under Cyprian, 286, 267 ; history of
its growth, 286. 287 : stimuhited by
union of Church and State, 814.
Episcopate, monarchical : rise of, 155;
growth of. 158.
Episcopos (iviVxMVf). in pagan or-
ganizations, 129.
SKhatology: the Jewish. 63. 64; of
Thessalonians, 97. 96; of 2 Peter,
108 ; of Montanists, 305 ; of *' 1 aem-
ent," 217: of Irenteus, 250; of Ori-
gen, 289, 286. (See also Judgment.)
1 Bsdras, referred to. 41.
Esoteric philosophy of Bnrp^ enteri
the cuirent of thought, 28.
Bssenes: discussed, 50i teq.; their
teaching and that of Jesus, 52, 58.
Esther, apocrvphal additions to, 4L
Eteroousios (tr«poov««oc), 827.
Ethelbert converted. 411.
Ethiopia. Jews in. 56.
Eucharist, yearly observance of, made
obligatory, 518.
Eudo de Stella, sketch of. 567. 568.
Eugenius. mentioned, 531. 562.
Eusebius, referred to. 12. 882.
Eustathius, mentioned. 878.
Eutychean controverqr. desorfbed,
84il.M9.
Eutyches, discussed. 848, teq.
Evsgrius. referred to, 18.
Evangelical doctrines, survival of, in
pre-Reformation times, 541. «eo.
Evangelical separatism of Middle
Ages, 557. aeg.
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GENERAL INDEX
629
BraDgelifti* In New Testament. 188.
Bzorcif ts, at beginuing of fourth cen-
tury, 294.
Bxpectandes, referred to, 500.
Imk, hii reforms, 25.
Fairbaim. his estimate of the charac-
ter and influeuce of Jesus, 79.
Fasting, in •' Teaching of the Twelve,"
286.
Faustus of Lerins, attacks Augustini-
anfsm, 870.
Feet-washing, referred to, 140.
Feliclsslmus, referred to, 260, 27a
Felicitas, referred to, 161.
Felix, referred to, 104, 116.
Felix v., mentioned. 658, 654.
Festivals, ecclesiastical, multiplica-
tion of, 299.
Festus, referred to, 104, 116.
Fetichism, at beginnlnig of fourth cen-
tury. 292.
Feudalism, discussed, 448, teq.
Fisher, referred to, 16.
FlavU Domltilla, referred to, 120, 142.
Flavian, mentioned. 846.
Flavins Clemens, referred to, 120, 215.
Florentius, mentioned. 617, 618.
Florus, referred to, 117.
Forgeries, documentary, referred to,
France, in the Middle Aces, 442.
Francis of Assisi. referred to, 558, sm.
Franciscans, the: mentioned, 465;
parties among, 558, «eg.
Fravashi, referred to, 87.
Frederick Barbarossa, 512.
Frederick II.. 516.
Freedmen, referred to, 444.
Freemen, referred to, 444.
Free-will: in Pharisaism, 49: in
'* Clementines," 178 : Wvcliire*s view
of, 606 : views of " Brethren of Com-
mon Life" concerning, 618. (See
also Will.)
Fronto, Influence of, on Marcus Aure-
lius, 156.
Fulgentius, mentioned, 871.
Fullness of time, discussed, 67.
Funk, mentioned, 16.
Oalatians. Bpistle to. discussed, 95.
Oallicanism. origin of. 517.
Gallienus, mentioned, 167.
Qalerius : expels Christians from the
army, 168 ; as emperor, 169, 17a
Galilee, welcomes Jesus, 76.
Oallus, mentioned, 166.
Oeiger, on Pharisees and Sadducee8.48.
Qelasius. referred to. 400. 401.
Gentiles, their place discussed. 98, 94.
German writers of church history, 16.
Germany. In Middle Ages. 442.
Gerson, John, referred to. 527.
Gherardo, mentioned, 554.
Ghlbbellne. origin of the term, 511.
Gieseler. referred to. 16.
Gladiatorial shows, suppressed by in-
fluence of Christianity. 812.
Gnostic views, adopted by Tatlan, 246.
Gnosticism : Christianity organiaed to
meet, 155; its history and princi-
ples. 18a teq. : its influence on Chris-
tian life and thought, 198, 194 ; Mon-
tanlsm a reaction against, 202: re-
futed by IreusBUS, 24a 250; attacked
by Tertullian. 259 ; influences of, on
Cnristlau worship, 296.
Gnostics: influenced by Pythagoras,
21, 22: influenced by PhUorS; in-
fluence of, In second century, 247.
God: Jewish doctrine of. 57; Philo's
idea of, 60; Gnostic Idea of, 187;
Justin's view of, 244 : Irenaus* view
of, 2Sa 251; Tertullian's view of,
260; Clement's view of, 277; Ori-
gen's view of, 288. 284.
Gods, Greek Ideas of. 21.
Gorgonios. mentioned. 168.
Gospels: discussed, 119; their cano-
nicity recognized by IrensBus, 25a
Grace, Augustine's view of, 367 ; Pela-
gian view of, 865.
Gratian. mentioned, 8ia
Greece: its contribution to the world's
culture. 20-27 ; the Jews in. 56.
Greek culture : spread by Alexander's
conquests, 27 ; Influence of, in Clem-
ent of Alexandria, 278, 274.
Greek language : its diffusion, 27 ; used
by early Christian writers, 255.
Greek literature, how used by the
arologists, 289 ; and the Renaissance,
Greek phlloeophy : history of, 21-27 ;
its influence on Roman thought. 81 ;
related to the Old Testament by
Phllo, 59 ; influence of. on Alexan-
drian school, 272 ; ascribed by Clem-
ent to the Son. 278.
Greek religion : its nature, 2a 21 ; fails
to satisfy the heart. 28, 29.
Greeks : contrasted with Romans, 29 ;
influence their Roman conquerors,
8a
of. 287. 288.
Groesetdte. Robert, work and Influ-
ence of. 601. 602.
Groot. Gerhard, mentioned. 617, 618.
Gnelf. origin of the term. 511.
Guilds. Oraco-Roman. their influence
on church organisation, 128
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630
GENERAL INDEX
OymoatiQm, erected in Jeraalem, 46.
Hadrian: reign of. 158, IM; rescript
of. 158.
Hadrian U., referred to, 496.
Hamack: his place in historiography,
16 ; on the mode of baptism. 136 ; nis
view of the " Ignatian Epistles " dis-
cussed. 223-226.
Hase, mentioned, 15.
Hauclc, on tbe mode of baptism. 186.
Hauryatat (wholeness), mentioned, 87.
Hebrews, Epistle to: author of, HO.
HI; summary of, 115, 116; gospel
acoordiiig to, 177.
Heffisippus, meutioned, 12.
Helloaorus, referred to, 45.
Heliogabalus, referred to, 161, 162.
Heliopolis, referred to, 4a
Hell. In Zoroastrianism, 87.
Hellenistic influences : dominated the
Roman Empire, 28 ; reach the Jews
through Macedonian conquest. 89.
Henricians, the, sketch of. 557, teq.
Henry the Fowler, mentioned, 441. 442.
Henry II. (of England), referred to,
512,518.
Henry IV., mentioned, 506, 506.
Henry of Lausanne, referred to, 549,
•09. ; sketch of. 560, 9eq,
Heracllus, and the Monophysites, 351.
Heresy : attacked by Irenteus, 249, teg.;
becomes a crime, 464.
Hergenr5ther, mentioned. 16.
Hennas: mentioned, 228; "Shep-
herd *' of, 228-231.
Hermias, mentioned, 287.
Hermit life, referred to, 817.
Hertsog, mentioned. 16.
Hilary of Aries, referred to, 89g.
Hildeorand : bis influence in develop-
ing the papacv. 602, tea. ; his achieve-
ments, 505; nis claims regarding
papal prerogative, 506^506 ; views of.
on dvil and religious liberty. 508.
509; his attitude regarding investi-
ture. 5ia
Hlppolytus: referred to. 168; life,
writings, etc.. of. 252-257,
Historical perspective, Philo's lack of,
60.
Histoiy. defined. 8.
Holy QhoBt, Catharistic views of. 548.
sgq.
Holy Roman Empire, the, discussed,
439, M^.
Holy Spirit: Justin's view of. 244:
Irenseus' view of. 251 ; Clement of
Alexandrians view of. 278; Orlgen*8
view of. 284. (See also Paraclete.)
Hormisdas, work of. 402.
Honorius, Pope, Monothelitic views
of, 352.
Hospitalers, the. mentioned. 455.
Humiliati, the. sketch of, 566.
Hunst, referred to, 16.
Huss, John : sketch of, 618, aeq, ; rea-
sons for his condemnation, 05, 616 ;
views of, 616.
Hussite movement, the, 609, tea.
Hussites, the, persecution of, 580, mq,
Hvar. mentioned, 37.
Hymns, among early Christians, 151.
Hymn writers, before end of eighth
century, 429.
Ibas, vindicated, 849.
Ichthi
us ( IXOYS), a symbol for Chrfst,
262.
Iconoclastic controversy, outlined,
386, 9eq,
*' iKuatius, Epistles of," their authen-
ticity and contents, 222-228.
Images, use of, in East and West, 892,
Image-worship : origin and causes of,
386, 387 ; arguments for and against,
388, 389 ; history of, 889. 9eq.
Immortality: Pharisees' view of, 48;
pre-Christian belief in, 63.
Incarnation, Philo sees no need of, 62.
(See also Chrlstology.)
Indulgences : doctrine of. stimulated
by Hanichseans. 197; to cniaaders,
referred to. 520.
Infant baptism : not practised in
apostolic churches, 196; probably
not practised by Ebionites, 179, 180 ;
Pelagian view of, 864. (See also
Baptism.)
Informers: discouraged by Trajan,
152: discouraged by Hadrian, 158;
discouraged by Antoninus Plus, 156 :
encouraged by M. Aurellus, 158.
Innocent I., attitude toward Pela-
gians, 868.
Innocent III. : reign of, 518, teq. ; ex-
tirpates the Cathari. 650, teq.
Innocent IV.. referred to. 517.
Innocent VIII., pontificate of. 587.
Inquisition, The : discussed, 486, teg. :
operates against the papacy, 519*
information preserved by. 50, ssg.
Intermediate State, in Jewish cscba-
tology, 64.
Interpretation of Scripture : prind^ce
of. according to Irenseus. 249 ; Ori-
gen's principles of, 286. (See also
Allegorical Method.)
Investiture, controversy regarding,
442. 509, 5ia
Irenseus, life, works, and doctrines of,
248-252.
Irene, and image-wonhip, 89(^ 891.
Isaiah 45 : 5-7.^ : and 42 : 1-14, 78.
Italy, in Middle Ages, 442.
James: at Jerusalem conference, 96,
109; pastor of Jerusalem church,
109; his attitude toward Mosaic
law. 109: traditions of his holiness,
109 : tradition of his death, ua
Jason, mentioned, 46.
Jehoehaphat. Saint, mentioned, 24a
"Jeremiah," apocryphal letter of. 42.
Jerome : his attitude toward Ortgen.
838, aeq.: his attitude toward the
Pelagians. 868 ; the triumph of hli
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GENERAL INDEX
631
flews, 871 : aUitode toward aieed-
<l8m. 872; attitude toward Jovin-
lanui, 874. tea.; Vigrllantiua visits,
877 ; opposes Vlgilantius, 377, teq,
Jerusalem : desecrated, 46 : confer-
ence at, 92-94 : church at. 109 ; de-
struction of, 110, 9eq,: influence of
church at, 180. 181.
Jesus Christ: his place, work, and
doctrines, 67-«); satieties the yearn-
ings of the heart, 68 : duration and
divisions of his public ministry, 71,
72 ; his conception of his life-work,
72, 78 : his methods of teaching. 74 ;
nls works of power. 74, 75 ; his rejec-
tion and its cau»e, 76, 76 ; his trial
and oruciiixion, 76, 77; his resur-
rectiou and ascension, 77; results
of his ministry, 76 ; Stalker. Bruce.
Falrbalrn, Beyschlag. and Weudt on
his character and influence, 78-80 ;
his bust placed in chapel by Alex.
Severus. 162 ; his divinity insisted
on. 175 : views of, among Eblonites,
175, 176 : his place in the ** Clemen-
tines," 177, ift: his place in Onos-
tlcism, 184 ; his place in system of
Valentinus, 189; his place among
the Alogoi, 196 : Paul of Samosata's
view of, 199 : Mohammed*s view of,
438. (See also Christology.)
Jewish- Alexandrian philosophy: re-
ferred to, 69: John's relation to,
122 ; influences Gnosticism. 181, 182 ;
traces of, in "Bamabaii,*'221.
Jews: cease to be a nation. 118: lose
political influence, 119: forbidden
by Hadrian to enter Palestine, 164.
Joachim of Floris : sketch of, 651, 662 ;
influence of. 654, 655.
John, Gospel of: prologue to, com-
pared with Philo. 62 ; discussed. 119 ;
relation of, to Jewish-Alezandrian
philosophy, 122.
John Hyrcanus, referred to, 47.
John in., referred to, 498.
John IV.. Pope, repudiates Monothe-
litism, 868.
John of Antioch, attitude in the Nes-
torian controversy, 840, 841.
John of England, some account of,
514. 515.
John of Parma, referred to. 564.
John of Weeel, sketch of, 620.
John of WesMl, sketch of, 620, 621.
John Pupper of Goch, sketch of, 619,
•20. .. .
John the Apostle : meagreness of infdr-
mation regarding, 110: banishment
of, 121: residence of. at Ephesus,
122 : Polycarp's memories of. 282.
John the Baptist, referred to, 60. 7a
John (1). the Epistle, 2 : 18. 20, 28 and
4 : 2, referred to. 128.
John XXII., referred to. 525.
John XXIII.. referred to. 529.
Jonathan, mentioned, 46.
Josephus, describes destnictlon of
Jeninlem, 117.
Jovinian, survival of his doctrine, 559.
Jovinianist controversy, outlined. 874,
JovinianuB, life and doctrine of, 874,
*' JubUees, Book of." referred to. 44.
Judaism : its spread and methods. 57;
not an obscure sect, 68 : deathblow
of its influence on Christianitr, 154;
enjoys a revival, 175; crushed. 175;
struggles in the *' Clementines'* for
ascendency, 177 ; Marcion's enmity
toward, 11K2; in Montaulsm, 208 ; in
•* Barnabas "220, 221.
Judaisers: discussed, 94, 96: at Coi^
inth, 100; their influence in Ebion-
ism, 174, teq.
Judas HaccaDBBUs. referred to, 46.
Jude, referred to, lia
Jude 12. 138.
Judea: turns away from Jesus, 76;
procurators of, 136.
Judgment : in Zoroastrianism, 87 ; in
Pharisaism. 48. (See also Bseha-
tology.)
Judith, referred to, 42.
Julia Domna, her influence on relig-
ious policy, 161.
Julia Mamn
163.
mentioned, 161, 162.
Julia Moesa. mentioned. 161.
Julian the Apostate, reign of, 809, 8ia
Julian of Eclanum, referred to, 368,
869.
Julius II., sketch of. 688, 689.
Justin I., mentioned, 402.
Justin Martyr : " Apology " of, 155, 242,
248 ; martyrdom of, 157 ; life of, 241,
242 ; " Dialogue with Trypho," 244.
Justinian : suppresses Orlgenism. 834,
335 ; and the '* Three Chapters," 348 :
in relation to the papacy, 402, teq.
" Key of Truth. The," 856. 385.
Khshathr^ VairTs, referred to, 86.
Kingdom. Messianic : Jesus' view of,
72, 73; its relation to the church,
126. (See also Eschatology.)
Kraus, mentioned, 16.
Kurtz, mentioned, 15.
Lapst, the : referred to, 166 ; Cyprian's
attitude toward. 268-271.
Lateran: council of, 512; fdurth
council of, 615, teg.
Lateran Council, 689. 64a
Latin, Tertollian among the fhnt to
use it f6r theolonr, 257, 258.
Law. ceremonial observance of,
ceases, 118.
Legates, papal, used by Hildebrand,
Leo the Great : sketch of, 897, teq. ;
his letter to Flavian, 844. teq.
Leo III., crowns Charlemagne, 496.
Leo X.. sketch of, 689, 64a
Leo the Isaurian: mentioned, 881;
hii Tiews of image worship. 887,
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GENERAL INDEX
licontopolis, temple of. 118.
Leudes, referred to, 444.
UbeUaticU referred to, 166.
Liberty, religious : its evlieet oonoee-
don by a civil government, 171;
attitude of Augustine and Ambrose
toward. 811.
Library of Alexandria, referred to, 27.
Liotnius, mentioned, 170, 172.
Lightfoot, his view of '* Ignatian Spia-
tlcs '* dbeussed. 223-228.
Linus, mentioned, 215.
Litanies, Zoroastrian like Catholic,
Vt /fljkoiklivt Wnnihln.^
PllU0*8
lew of.
Paul of
meat's
3f,284;
,n the-
>f, 827;
ultury,
11)
1 early
o Sab-
}f the
yr, 245.
!7,Mo.;
a. 187;
nmen-
.ntiSes
lepara-
idmin-
water
Teach-
i," de-
al Con-
n, 588,
S, 607;
296.
Boh«-
40.441,
497.
Louts the Pious, mentioned, 440. 447.
496.
Love-feast, referred to. 187, 188, 140.
LuoHla, mentioned, 209.
Lnkasof Prague, mentioned. 509.
Luke, referred to, 111 ; Qospel of, 21 :
20-28, discussed, 119.
Lyons, council of. 517. 518.
Lyons, persecution ox chureh at, 157.
Maccabees : books of, 42 ; struggles of,
Macedonia, Jews in, 56.
Macedonian conquest, its influence on
the Jews, 89.
Macedonian period, monuments of, in
Jewish history, 40. teq.
Maorlnus, mennoned. 161.
" Magdeburg Centuries,** referred to,
Mah. menticiMd. 17.
Maiorinus, menttooed, 208.
" MauaMes, Prayer of/* referred to, 4L
Maui, referred to, 195.
Maiiichsism : Diocletian's decree
against, 168; influenced by Marcion,
196; origin and doctrines of, IM-
197; its influence on Christianity,
197.
Maroia, referred to, 150. 16a
Marcian. mentioned. 847.
Marcion: sketch of. 191-198; his rela-
tion to New Testament canon. 300.
Marcus Aurelius, reign of. 156-150.
Mark: his experience in mission
work, 96; hiK relation to Alexan-
dria, lia
Mark, Gospel of: referred to. 119:
Peter's relation to, 108 ; when writ-
ten. 110.
Marsilius of Padua, sketch of, 564-586.
MarUn V.. referred to, 529. 58a
Martin of Tours, helps asceticism, STL
Martyrdom: of Stephen, 85, 86; of
Peter and Paul. 100 : of JusUn Mar-
tyr. 157. (See also Persecutions.)
Mattathias and his sons, referred to,
46,47.
Matthew: referred to, 110: Gospel of.
referred to, 119 ; 21 : 43. 119; & : 87-
89. 119: 16 : 18, 125; 18 : 17. as?., 126.
Matter, Philo*s idea of, 6a 61.
Matthias of Janow, sketch of. 610412.
Maxentius. mentioned. 17a
Maximian, mentioned. 169, 17a
Maximilla, mentioned. 204.
Maximinus the Thncian, mentioned.
168; referred to, 17a
Maximus. a defender of Dyothelitism,
Medisvai civilisation, discussed, 487,
Media, many Jews in. 5a
Melito. referred to. 287.
Memnon. attitude of, on Neatorlaa
controversy, 84a 841.
Menander. mentioned. 185.
Menelaus. mentioned. 4a
Mensurius, mentiohed, 200.
Merovingian kingdom, the, referred
to. 404. 405.
Merswin, Rulmann. referred to, 49a
Mesopotamia, many Jews in. 5a
Messfah. Jewish conception of. 68.
Messianic hope: in "snoch,** 44; in
Judaism generally. 02-64.
Messianic programme of Jesus. 72.
Methodius, rejects Origen's views. 882.
Middle Ages, The. not a time of retro-
gression. 488.
Milan, edict of: mentioned. 171; its
effect on Christianity. 80a 807.
Militsoh of Kremsier, sketch of, 60a
6ia
Millenarianism. in Mfcldle Ages, 551.
Milvian Bridge, battle of. 171.
Miracles of Jesus, referred to, 71
Miracle-working, ascribed to Gregory
Thaumaturgus. 28a
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GENERAL INDEX
633
Mtelonary methods among early
Christians, 142, 148.
Missions, spirit of, in Britain, 412, seq.
Mithra, referred to, 87.
Mitbras-worsliip : referred to, 292 ; in-
fluence of, on Christianity, 296 ; ca^
tore of. 805.
Hodaiism, discuised. 200, teq,
Moeller, mentioned, 15.
Mohammedanism, history and doc-
trines of, 481, teq,
Monarchianism : Dynamlstic, ex-
plained, 196-200: Modalistic, dis-
onsnd and explained, 108, 200-202;
its spread and influence, 258, 250.
Monaiticism: among Ewenes, 50;
Tertullian the forerunner of, 280:
its place in Christianity, 816, aeq. ;
its grades and its effects, 817-819 ; of
Bast and West contrasted, 425 ; me-
di»Tal, described and discussed,
451, SCO.; defined, 452; in Wycliffe's
day. 604, 605.
Monobasus of Adiabene, mentioned,
58.
Monophysitism : Theodoret opposes,
848 : further history of, 848, 85£851.
Monotbelite oontroTeny, history of,
849, era.
MontanfBm: rise of. 156. 158; char-
acteristics, origin, doctrines, and In-
fluence of, 202-206; Tertullian goes
over to, 258-260 : influences Cliristi-
anity througn Tertullian. 260.
Montanists, their attitude toward he-
retical baptism, 270.
Montanus, referred to, 204.
Moutpelier, Uniyersity of, 470.
Mosheim, mentioned, 14.
Mttller. Karl, mentioned, 16.
Mysteries, Greek, their influence on
Christian worBliip, 296.
Mysticism : of Julia Domna and her
aswdatas, 161 ; medisTal, 485, teq.
Name, the, persecution for, 115. 154.
Naiarenes, referred to, 176, 177.
Neander, referred to. 15.
Nehemiah, his reforms. 84.
Neo-GoBsarea, the home of Gregory
Thaumatnrgus, 287.
Neo-Platonism, Origan's xelatlon to,
280,281.
Nepotism, referred to, 520.
Nero : gentle In early years, 112 ; Paul
appeals to. 112; tils later cruelty,
112, 118 ; persecutes Christians, 118 :
influence of Jews on. 114; belief
that he would return, 121.
Neronian persecution, referred to in
Revelation, 121.
Nestorian oontroTeny, its nature and
history. 337-389.
Neetorius. his yiews, etc., 887-842.
New Jerusalem, Jewish expectation
of, 64.
New Testament: canon of. 211. 212;
how regarded in first and third cen-
turies, 214; place of, In Folycarp,
288 ; place of, In " Teaching of the
TwelTe," 285, 236 ; as used by polemi-
cal writers. 247 ; its connection with
Old Testament In view of IrensBUs,
250 ; its place in first and third cen-
turies, 800, 801. (See also Scriptures.)
Nicene Council. (See Ooundl.)
Nioomedia, persecution at, 169.
Nicholas I., referred to. 498.
Nicholas v., mentioned. 584. 586w
Nicholas of Hussinets, mentioned, 682.
Niedner, referred to, 15.
Noetian heresy, described, 256.
Noetus, referred to, 201.
Nominalism, referred to. 476, 477.
Normans, importance of their oonvo
sion,456,457.
Novauanists, described, 206, 207.
Novatian, referred to, 207.
Novatian schism, referred to, 167.
Novatus, referred to, 269.
Occam, WUliam of, sketch of, 484. 485.
Officers of church : election of, 85 ; in
apostolic days, 181-185: in '*1 Clem-
ent," 218. (See also Blsnop, Elder,
and Deacon.)
Oldcastle, Sir John, defends Lollards,
602.
Old Testament: canon of, 39: related
to Greek philosophy by Philo. 69:
Marcion's view of. 192 : attitude of
ManlchsBism toward, 197; how re-
red in first and third centuries,
how used in " 1 Clement," 216 ;
how used in " Barnabas," 2m, 221 ;
place of. in Folycaxp, 288 ; place of, in
^' Teaching of the Twelve," 285, 236 :
use of, by apologists, 239; Tatian's
yiew of, 246 : Irenieus' defense and
use of, 250 ; Clement's yiew of its use
by Greeks, 276. 277 ; its place in first
and third centuries. 800; influence
of, in stimulating persecution, 815.
(See also Scriptures.)
Ollyi. Pierre' Jean, mentioned, 565.
Omolousios (ofiotov«-ioc),829.
Omoousios (ofAoov«-»of ), 828, 844.
Onesimus, referred to, 105.
Onias, mentioned, 4a
Onias III., mentioned. 46.
Ordinances: of apostolic churches,
135 ; peryerted. 292.
Ordination, need of. felt by Bohemian
Brethren, 596.
Ornnisation of churchea (See
Church Organization.)
Oriental religions : emigrate to Rome,
81, 32 ; Romans receiye, 57.
Origen : sayed from maiityrdom, 160 :
- instructs Julia Mammaw, 162; at
GsBsarea, 168: at Alexandria, 271;
life, works, and doctrine of, 280-287 ;
influence of, on Christian thought,
286, 287 ; fate of his yiews after his
death, 882-886; school of, 272; in-
fluences Clement, 277; influenoes
Apollinaris. 836.
Onnasd, raftered to, 86.
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634
GENERAL INDEX
Ortldiebvlaiis, mentioowv. '^7. 572.
Otho the Great: restores the empire.
441, 442 : seeks to reform the papacy,
Otto/oTrreislng, mentioned, 664.
Oxford, UniveiSty of, 470.
Fachomius: niles of, 818, 819; atti-
tade of, toward Orlgen, 382.
Pagan writers, begin to study Christi-
anity, 159.
Paganism: becomes alarmed, 166;
not repudiated by edict of Milan,
171: amalgamatea with Christian
thought, 194 ; in time of Constaii-
tlne. 291 : how treated by Constan-
tine, 806, 807 ; adherence of aristoc-
racy to, 307; attacked by Constan-
tius II.. 306: restored by Julian, 809 ;
its victory in defeat, 811, 818. 814.
Panns, flock into Christiaii churches,
Pamphilus, mentioned, 882.
Pantenus, mentioned, 271 ; Clement's
opinion of, 278.
Pantheistic heresy of Middle Ages,
665-^7.
Papacy: important yictory for, S46;
nse and growth of. 893, teq.; the
circumstances favoring it, 386, teq. ;
impeccability claimed for, 401 ; Jus-
tinian's attitude toward, 40B, 404;
and the MerovingianB, 404, 406;
and Gregory the Great, 406, teq. ,
and the Cariovinglans, 406 ; effect c«
Crusades upon, 462, 463; effect of
Inquisition upon, 4i68, 469: during
the Middle Ages, 496. teq,; de-
Teloped by Hildebrand, 50*2, teq.;
ppsltion of. at death of Innocent
III.. 518: decline of, 518, teq,; in
Babylonish captivity. 523, teq, (see
also Roman Catholicism) ; Its rela-
tion to councils, 582. 588 ; immedi-
ately before the Reformation, 537 ;
its claims to Scotland rejected, 602 :
the attitude of Edward III. toward,
608 : Wycllffe'R attitude toward, 604,
teq.: in Bohemia. 608, teq.; Mi-
litsch's view of. 610: Matthias* at-
titude toward, 611 : Huss' views of,
616.
Papal schism, the. discussed, 625, 526.
Papiaa. Fragments of. 287.
Paraclete : Simon Magus regarded as,
185 : Manl professes to be, 196 ; Mon-
tanistic view of, 205. (See also Holy
Spirit.)
Parendi, mentioned, 87.
Paris, University of, 470, 472.
Parties, in Christianity, 173, 174.
'* Passau Anonymous, The," referrod
to. 675.
Patrick, sketch of, 412. 418.
Patripassianlsm : referred to, 202;
spread and influence of. 258. 259.
Paul : first appearance of, 86 ; a per-
secutor. 88; conversion and events
following, 88, 89; enters missloii
field, 90; origin of his name, «;
first misslouary journey, 91, 92; at
Jerusalem conference, 93; rebukes
Judaizers, 94: second missionary
Journey. 96 ; third missionary jour-
ney, lUO; opposition to him snows
success of nis work, 108 ; at Troea,
102 : last visit to Jerusalem. 108. KM ;
plot against, 104 : Imprisonment at
OsBsarea, 104 ; appeals to GsBsar, 104 ;
voyage to Rome, 104 ; imprisonment
at Rome, 104 ; martyrdom of, 106^
216 ; date of his death. 115.
Paul of Samosata, referred to, 197-199.
PauUcian controversy, outlined, 879,
Paulicianlsm, influenced by Marcion,
198 ; foreglearos of. 874 ; outiine of.
881, teq,: historical sketch of, 886.
teq. ; the fateful ness of its suppres-
sion, 886 ; the influence of, 385.
Paulicians: mentioned, 199: referred
to, 856, 857 ; sketch of, 879, teq.: con-
nection of, with the Reformation,
541. M9.
Paulinusof Kola : and asceticism, 871 ;
Influences Vigllautius, 877.
Pelagian controversy, outilned, 862,
•09.
Pelaglanism : Clement of Alexandria
the forerunner of, 280 : antecedents
of, 859, teq.
Pelagians: views of, 368. teq,; pro-
ceedings against, 868. 869.
Felagius, characterised, 362.
Pella. referred to, 118.
Penitentiary, defined, 450.
Pentecost : referred to, 82 ; as a Chris-
tian festival, 299.
Pepin : his attitude toward the papacy,
406, teq. : referred to. 417, 418.
Perpetua, mentioned, 161.
Persecution : the first general, 86, 87 :
the flntt imperial (Neronian), 111-
115; under Domltian. 120. 121 ; rela-
tion of. to spread of gospel. 148;
causes of. 148-150: under Marcus
Aurelius. 156-159 : at Lyons and Vi-
enne. 157; at Pergamus, 157. 156:
under Sept. Severus. 160; under
Maziminus. 163 : under Decius, 164-
166; nnder Valerian. 166, 167; dar-
ing third century, remarks on, 167 ;
under Maxlmlnus in the East. 170;
gives rise to Kovatianism and Do-
natism, 207. 208: under Julian. 810;
of heresy, etc., by Christiana, 816,
816,321.
Perseverance. Augustine's view of,
867.
Persians : their contact with the Jews,
36, 87: their influence on Jewish
thought, 8ft. 89, 53. 54 : Invade the
Roman Empire. 8.V), 851.
Peter : spokesman of apostles, 82 :
early ministry of, 89 ; at Jerusalem
conference. 96 : at Antiooh. 94 ; after
Jerusalem conference, ino ; Paul's
Influence over, 106; at Rome, 107;
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GENERAL INDEX
635
traditions of death of. 107 : relations
to Asia Minor. 107 ; relation to Mark,
106 ; apocryphal works ancrlbed to.
108 : relation to Roman Church, 108 :
date of death of, 115 ; " 1 Clement **
•on death of, 216: First Epistle of,
106 : 2 : 18-17. 112 ; Second Epistle of.
108 : place of. In the canon, 108 ; 2 :
18, !».
Peter de Bruys : referred to, 649, 550 :
sketch of. 56a
Peter Chelcicky, work and views of,
686'589. «
Peter the Hermit mentioned. 458.
Peter Lombard, mentioned. 479.
Peter the Venerable, mentioned, 560,
561.
Peter Waldo, sketch of. 570. bU.
■ Petrobroslans, the, sketch of, 557, »eq.
Pharisaism, discussed. 47. 4&
Pharisees: nearer than Sadducees to
doctrines of Jesus, 48 ; their charac>
teristic teachings, 48, 49; oppoee
Jesus, 75, 76.
Philemon : Yet. 2, explained, 126 : re^
ferred to, 105.
Philip, referred to. 86. 87, 108, 110.
Philip, the Arabian, referred to. 168.
Philip the Pair, referred to. 521. 522.
Phllippi : Paul's work at. 96 : Paul's re-
lations with church at, 97.
Phillppians, Epistle to: referred to,
97,105; 4:8,215; 4:15.126.
" Philippians. Polycarp'i Epistle to, *'
discussed. 78\, 238.
Philo: his place in the history of
thought, n; metliods, Tiews, etc.,
of, 50-82 ; lacks historical perspec-
tive, 60 ; his view of the Logos, 183,
188.
Philostratus, referred to, 161.
Phcsnida. evangelised, 89, 9a
Pisa, council of. 528.
" PUU$ Sophia." referred to, 189.
Pius II. : mentioned, 543 ; sketch of.
586.
Plato, " the philosopher of the Spirit **:
his place in philosophy, 28 : his
views. 28. 24 ; his influence on Jew-
ish and on Christian thought, 28. 24 :
Goethe's opinion of. 28: Eusebius*
opinion of. 24 : Westcott's opinion of.
24 : Influence of. on Philo, 60, 61 : in-
fluence on "Clementines." 178; in-
fluences Gnosticism, 181 ; his views
attacked by Irenseus. 249 : influences
Alexandrian thought. 272: influ-
ences Scotus Erigena. 475. 476: in-
fluences Arabic philosophy, 479: in-
uences the Mystics. 485; influences
leaders of New Learning. 492.
Pliny, correspondence of. with Trajan.
151.
Podiebrad. proceeds against the Bohe-
mian Brethren. 596. .^08.
Polemical Period, discussed. 246, $eq
'*Polycarp. Epistle of": discuased.
882-288 : referred to. 155. 182.
Pompey, takes Jews to Rome. 56.
Pontianus. mentioned. 168.
Pontifex Maximus: among the Ro
mans. 30 ; Augustus becomes, 31 ;
equivalent of. In State Church, 807.
Poor Men of Lombardy, referred to,
571.
Poor Men of Lyons, the : referred lo.
566: relation of. to Poor Men of
Lombardy. 571. Sfo.
Pornocracy, the, outlined, 499, 500.
Pramunire, Statute of, 608.
Pragmatic Sanction, the: adopted,
538; withdrawn, 54a
Praxeas, discussed. 201, 258. 259.
Prayer : in " Teaching of the Twelve,"
236 : forms of, how introduced. 298.
Predestination: in Pharisaism, 49;
Augustine's view of, 867.
Presbyter. (See Elders.)
Priests, among the Romans, 29, 8a
Prisca. mentioned, 108.
Prlsdlla, Montanlst prophetess. 204.
Prophecy. Old Testament, its impor-
tance for the apologists, 289.
Prophets, place and authority of, in
New Testament. 182. 188.
Proselytes Jewish : nature and num-
bers of, 57, 58 : two classes of. 58.
Proselytism, early Christians charged
with. 149.
Protdpon (vpovMvor), referred to. 257.
Protestants, before iho Reformation.
543. K9-
ProvIsoTS. Statute of, 608.
" Psalter of Solomon," mentioned. 48.
Pseudeplgrapha : discussed. 42-44 :
their number. 48; still written In
second and third centuries. 44.
Pseudo-Isidoiian Decretals, the. dis-
cussed. 447. 448.
Ptolemies, the : promote learning, 27 :
found Jewish colonies. 28 : have Old
Testament translated into Greek,
28 ; considerate to Jews, 60.
Pulcheria, mentioned. 847.
Purvatory: in Zoroostrianlsm. 87: in
"Clementines." 178; germs of. in
" Hermas." 281.
Pythagoras : the basis of his philoso-
phy. 21 : his Influence on the Qnoe-
tlcs. 21 ; propagation of his ideas,
22 ; influence on early Christian
thought, 22. (See also nrthagorean-
Ism.)
Pythagoreanism : and Essenism. 58.
54: in Philo. 60: in the "Clemen-
tines," 178; in Gnosticism, 181.
Quadratos. mentioned. 287.
Quod vMque, etc., the flrst use of. 870.
Ramsay, his South Galatlan view, 95.
Rashnu. mentioned. 87.
Realism. 476.
Redemption, promise of. by Jews. 57.
Reformation, the : precurHors of, 54L
teg. : preparation for. 600.
Reformers, before the Reformatiaii,
619. sag.
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636
GENERAL INDEX
Relici, worship of. 209.
Religion, its InflueDoe on its adher-
ents, 4.
Religious yearnings: not satisfied hj
Greece or the East. 29, 31. 82, 87 ; sat-
isfied by ChrUt. es.
Renaissance, slcetch of, 490, teg.
Repentance, its relation to the liesi-
anic kingdom, 68.
Reprobation, Augostine's view of, 887.
Reservations, papal, 600.
Resurrection: in Zoroastrianism. 87:
in Pharisaism. 48 ; pre-Christian be-
lief in, 63 : place oi. in early Chris-
tian preaching, 83, 84.
Reyelatlon. book of : reason for its ob-
scurity, 118: Its date, 121. 122: 6 : 9.
teg., explained, 121: 17 : 11, ex-
plained, 121 : 17 : 5. explained. 122.
ReTille, on " Ignatiaii Epistles." 228.
Rhenish dissenters, the. referred to,
668.
Rhoda. in *' Hennas." 229.
Ritual: helped by Gnostics, 194;
stimulated by Manichssism, 197: at
b^inning of fourth century, 296:
causes of development of. 296.
Ritual, of the AlbigenseB. 548.
'Robber Synod, The," referred to.
846.
Robert Grossetftte, work and influence
of, 601, WL
Robertson, mentioned, 16.
RokTcana, referred to. 694. 696, 696,
Roman Oatholic Church : its early be-
ginnings. 156 ; effect of Leo's letter
upon. 846 : historians of. 16 : media-
▼al opposition to, classified. 648. se?.;
attitude of Marsilius of Padua
toward. 586. 566: attitude of Chel-
eicky toward. 588: Lollards' atti-
tude toward, 590. 591 : Waldensian
attitude toward, 576, 577.
Roman Catholicism : triumphant in
the West. 427. 428: how affected by
feudalism. 445. teq.; the Curia In.
449-451 : effect of Crusades upon, 461.
seg. (See also Papacy.)
Roman Church : prevailingly Gentile
in Paul's time. 102 : prestige of. in
scoond century. 252. 255 : its primacy
first advocated by Cyprian. 266. 267 :
historyof its supremacy as Oaihedra
Pttfi, 267. 268.
Roman Empire : prepares the way for
the spread of Christianity. 82. 83:
early political contact of the Jews
with. 56. 56 : protec1« Jews of the
Dispersion. 55 : tiow regarded in the
Apocalypse. 121, 122: attitude of.
toward secret societies. 128: sus-
pects Christianity. 149 : shows sifrns
of decay, 164 : Persians invade. 850.
851.
Roman law, its infiuence on Tertol-
lian. 257.
Roman officials: protect Paal. 108;
protect early ChiMana. IIL
Roman lellgioo:
effecu on the people.
9: pbd
of priestt in. 29, ao : (lu«aicDed i
Christianity and nllica for ddeai
101.165.
Romans : contrasted wfth the Gieefa
29 : their views of rd%ioB. 9; ^
fiuenocd by conqoeiea Greeks. >
their policy coucerains ttitgiom c
conquered peoples, SO. 31.
Romans. Epistle to: diar. ii— id. :c
18 : 1-7. explained. 112 : 1«, is a ij^
placed? 102.
Rome : cosmopolitan. 28 : its task. S
Jewsin. 56 ; PauKa work in. KM. I» .
Peier in. 107 : oonflagnUioo at^ IT
ecclesiastical oiKanisation ot 4a
growing power of church la. m
•eg.
Roscellinus,ach
Rotbe. mentioned. I&.
Rufinus: referred to. IS: transkM
Orlgen, 288 ; attitude toweid (Mgea.
888.834.
RuTsbroek, John, lefened to, 69G. C
Sabbath, attitude of Chrlatiaai
toward. 141.
Sabellius. 201, 256. 257.
Sacerdotalism: uosopport'fioriBy.T.
129 : stimulated 1^ Manlchahw b:.
helped by dement of Alexaadi^
379 : at beginning of fotuth oeater
292.
Saddncees: arirtocratoand tieethte>
ers.49. 50: regard Je
75.76.
Sadduceelam. oatllned. 47. «L
Sanris. martyrdom of. 15A.
Salerno, University of. 47a
Samaria, a fruitfid aoO for <
herefty, 55.
Samaritan Pentateoch. referred to. H
Samaritans, referred to. 54. 5&
Sanhedrin : rise of, 47 : in ~
synagogues. 127.
Saracens, the. Christians atteek. 4Sr
Saseanides, referred to. 19&.
Satominus. mentlooed, ISft.
Saul. (See Paul.)
Savonarola, short sketch of. iiiL
Saviour : pre-Christian history item
need of. 29 : expected bj ZoraasK
ans. 37.
Schaff. mentioned, tft.
Scholasticiam, ontUncd, 474. ss«^ 4B
§eg.
Sootns Erigena. sketch of, «Bl
Scribes, their origin. 39.
Scriptures : great principlea oC. exf»
plffled by church historr. n : IX^
detlan orders their deetmettoe. 3«
169: Symmachus transieiea. tm
Greek. 177 (see aim 8e
Gnostic use of. I81.1S: A
converted by stndr of.
ieal writers acooid
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GENERAL INDEX
637
217, 248 : reading of, at beginning of
fourth century, 2M ; their place in
flrM to third century, 8U0 ; translated
into Gothic. 331 ; Wycliffe translates,
into English, 006. (See also New
Testament and Old Testament.)
Secret societies : relation of, to Roman
government, 128: formally pro-
scribed by Traian, 161 ; law against,
enforced by Pliny, 162.
Sects: Jewish. dcTelopment of, 47;
Christian. 174, teq.
Secundus, mentioned. 200.
Simon Maccabeus, referred to, 48.
Simon Magus: in Acts. 87; in the
**aementines." 177, 178. 181; in
Gnostic systems, 185.
Sin : Greek ideas of. 21 ; Philo*s yiew
of, 62 : in ** Clementines.*' 178 : Gnos-
tic Tiew of. 181 : classified by Mon-
tanists. 206. 206 ; post-baptismal, ac-
cording to Hermas. 280. 281 : Tertul-
lian's yiew of. 261. 262: post-bap-
tismal, according to Tertulilan. 263 ;
history of theology of, before Pela-
gios, Sno, teq. ; Pelagian Tiew of, 364 :
Augustine's views of. 866.
Siztus : bishop of Rome, 167 : '* Sen-
tences '* of, 287.
SIztus IV.. menUoned. 687.
Skepticism, prevalent among the edu-
cated. 81.
Smith, mentioned. 16.
Socrates, his place in philosophy and
his views, 22 ; writer of church his-
tory. 18.
** Solomon. Wisdom of." mentioned.
42 : '* Psalter of." mentioned, 48.
Song of the three children, 41.
Sorbonne. the. referred to. 472.
Sophronius, the monk, referred to. 851 .
Soteriology: of Mani, 106: of Clem,
ent, 218 : of Justin, 245 : of Irenteus,
251, 252: of Clement of Alexandria,
278,279; ofOriKen. 285.
Taborites: sketch of. 681, wo.; doc-
trines of. 582-.'S84 : mentioned. 617.
Tacitus, describes persecution of
Christians. 118. 114.
Talmud, referred to. 47.
Tanchelm, sketch of, 667.
Targums: mentioned, 47: the Word
in. 61.
Tatian. mentioned, 186, 287, 246. 24A.
Tauler. John, views of, 489. teq.
Teachers, in New Testament. 188.
"Teaching of the Twelve Apostles " :
date, authenticity, etc.. m-287 : re-
lation to "Ecclesiastical Constitu-
tions," 289.
Telesphorus. mentioned. 164.
Templars, the: mentioned. 455: de-
stroyed. ,S24.
Temple of Jerusalem, destroyed by
Titus. 117. '
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638
GENERAL INDEX
Temptation of Jesos : iti rignlflcftnce,
70; when related to the disciples,
70.
Tertulllaa : attitude toward Praxeas,
201 ; life, works, etc.. of, 257, teq. ;
contrasted with Clement of Alexan-
dria, 279, 280 ; influence of, on Cyp-
rian, 265.
Teutonic Knights, the, mentioned, 456.
Teutonic peoples, the, relation of, to
Christianity, 437.
Thaddeus, referred to, 110.
Theodore, bishop of Rome, repudiates
Monotheliti8m.353.
Theodore of Mopsuestia : Christology
of, 886 ; condemned, 349.
Theodoret: mentioned, 13: defends
Nestorlanism, 340: opposes Mono-
physltism. 343: opposes Eutyches,
844; excluded from '*Robber
Synod," 346 : vindicated, 349.
Theodoms, meutloned, 13.
Theodoeius the Qreat, referred to,
810, 311.
Theodoeius II., attitude of, toward
Cyril, 340.
Theodotus, referred to, 197, 198.
Theology in Middle Ages. 474.
Theophiius. referred to, 237, 246; atti-
tude of, toward Origen, 834.
Theosophv of India, encouraged at
Alexandria, 28.
Thessalonians, Kplstle to, discussed,
97.
Thessalonica, Paul's work at, 97.
Thomas, mentioned. 110.
Thomas a Kempis, referred to, 490.
Thomas Aquinas, sketch of, 483.
Thomas of Stltnev, mentioned, 612.
Thraseas, martyrdom of, 158.
" Three Chapters," fate of, 349.
Tiberius, allows Jews to return, 66.
Tillemont, mentioned, 14.
Timothy: chosen by Paul, 96; 1 Ep.
to, 106; 2 £p. to, 106; 1 Tim. 8 : 15,
125.
Tishtrya, referred to, 87.
Titus, mentioned, 117.
Toblt, referred to, 42.
Tradition, its place among the Phari-
TWufftors,' referred to. 169, 206.
Traducianism. Tertulllan its first ad-
vocate, 262, 359. 860.
Trajan : referred to, 151 ; correspond-
ence with Pliny, 151; policy re
Christians, 152.
Transubstantiatlon, defined for the
first Ume, 515.
Trinity: In "1 Clement," 218; Nean-
der's view of, 251 ; Tertullian's view
of, 260, 261.
Troas, Paul at_102.
"Two Ways, The": in "Barnabas,"
221; in "Teaching of the Twelve,"
ZH', in " Boclolastlcal Constitu-
tions," 280.
"Tvpos, The," of the Emperor Hera-
Uhlhom, on Roman goTemnent and
Christianity, 83.
Ulfilas, referred to. 881.
Ulpian, referred to. 163.
" Dnam jtenefam." bull of, 622.
Uniias J^ratrum explained, 594.
Unity, Christian : promoted by slodT-
log church history, 18; Cyprlan^i
view of its importance, 270. ifl.
Universities: of Middle Ages, 469,
ieq. : origin of the name. 470.
Urban II., nis relation to theCruaadei,
458.
Valentinus: referred to, 188, 189; hla
views attacked by Irenaus, 249.
Valeria, referred to. 168.
Valerian, referred to, 166. 167.
Vatican, palace and library, when
built. 5807
Verethraghna, referred to, 87.
Vespasian: besieges Jerusalem, 117;
policy toward Christians and Jews,
119, 120l
" Vicar of God," when the term was
first used, 518.
Victor of Rome: attitude toward
Praxeas, 201 : attitude regarding the
Easter controversy, 252; his dupo*
sition, 255.
Vienne, persecution at, 167.
Vigilantlan controversy, mentioned,
377, MO.
Vigilanttus, sketch of, 877. teg,
Vlgllantius, survival of his doctrine,
Vigilius, mentioned, 408. 404.
Vlncenaus of Lerins, mentioned, 370.
*' Virgins, Epistles to," referred to, 218.
Vohu Manah, referred to, 36.
Waldenaee, the. sketch of. 569, tea.
Waldo, Peter, sketch of, 570. 6n.
Water, its sanctity extolled by Tertul-
llan, 262, 263.
Wendt, on character and influence of
Jesus. 79.
West of Europe: at dose of eighth
century, 428, teq.; compared with
the last. 424, teq.
Will : Justin's view of, 244 : Irensns*
view of, 251 ; Tertullian's view of,
261 ; Clement of Alexandria's view
of, 278, 279 : history of theology of.
before Pelagiua, &■». teq.: Pelagian
view of, 3f% aro. ; Augustine's vlewi
of,86^366. (See also Free Will.)
William of Champeaux, referred to,
477.
Willibrord, sket( h of, 410, teq.
Winifrid. (See Ronifece.)
** Wisdom or Solomon," mentioned, 42.
Works, of merit, among Christians at
beginning of fourth century, 292.
Woridllness: its presence In the
churches, 165; in the churches at
end of third century, 167 ; Montan-
ist protest against, 206; of Chria-
tbttia in time of Tertulllan. 9M; of
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GENERAL INDEX
639
Christians, giyes rise to monmsti-
dsm, 817.
Woridiy power, its relation to Chris-
tian growth, 148.
Worms, Concordat of, 510.
Worship: in early cnurehcs, 140-142;
{places for, among early Christians,
42; of relics, 209; in Justin Mar-
. tyr's writings, 245 ; at beginning of
fourth century, 292, 295 ; was influ-
enced by union of Church and State,
313, 814.
Wydiffe : influences Taborites, 561 ; his
Slan of reformation, 604. $eq.; his
octrinal views. 606, teq.: proceed-
ings against, 607: influence of his
writings in Bohemia, 618, 614.
Wycliffite movement, the. sketch of,
600k 9eq,
Yasatas, referred to, 87.
Zahn, his view of the " Ignatian Epis-
tles " discussed, 22fr-226.
Zealots, Jewish, in the wars with
Bome A. D. 70 onward, 117, teq,
Zenobia, referred to, 196.
Zenos, on the mode of baptism, 187.
Zephyrinus, mentioned, 201, 255, 256.
Ziska, John, mentioned, 582.
Zoroastrianism : at Alexandria, 26;
outline of, 36, 87 : relation to Bssen-
ism, 58, 54 ; relation to Gnosticism,
182 ; revival of, 195.
Zosimus, attitude of toward Pelagi-
ans, 868.
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