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THE SPIRIT OF 1941
''We are going to win the war and we are
going to ivin the peace that follows,
''And in the dark hours of this day — a7td
through the dark days that may be yet to
come — we will know that the vast majority
of the members of the human race are on
our side. Many of them are fighting with
us. All of them are praying for us. For, in
representing our cause, we represent theirs
as well — our hope and their hope for liberty
— From President Roosevelt's broadcast report on
the progress of hostilities, December 9, 1941.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt's
Messages to Congress
Declarations of War
The President's First Report of War
The First White Paper
Official Documents, Events, and Negotiations Leading
to War, and a Background for Understanding How and
Why We Went to War and What We Are Fighting For,
COMPILED AND EDITED by HAROLD L. IIITCHENS, B. A., M. A.
Copyright 1941 by
COLUMBIA EDUCATIONAL BOOKS, INC.
153 No. Mirhigan Ave., Chicago, Illinois
I believe in the United States of America as a
Government of the people, by the people, for the
people; whose just powers are derived from the
consent of the governed ; a democracy in a republic ;
a sovereign Nation of many sovereign States; a per-
fect union, one and inseparable; established upon
those principles of freedom, equality, justice and
humanity for which American patriots sacrificed
their lives and fortunes.
I therefore believe it is my duty to my country
to love it; to support its Constitution; to obey its
law^s; to respect its flag, and to defend it against all
This statement of American principles was written by
William Tyler Page, Clerk of the U. S. House of Representa-
tives, in 1917, and adopted by the House of Representatives,
on behalf of the American People, April 3, 1918.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
The Spirit of 1941 1
The American's Creed 4
Background of War with Japan 13
President Roosevelt's War Message 19
The Nation Responds 21
Text of War Resolution 11
President's Message to the Japanese Emperor. . 11
Secretary Hull's Statement 27
Japanese Reply 11
Prime Minister Churchill's Speech 4vS
President's First War Report 49
Background of War with Germany and Italy. . 60
President's Second War Message 63
Resolution on War with Germany and Italy. ... 64
Speeches of Hitler and Mussolini 65
German War Declaration 68
General Pershing Volunteers 71
The Atlantic Charter 73
Knox's Statement — Attack on Hawaii 75
President Roosevelt's First White Paper 84
President's Bill of Rights Address 101
America's Interests in the Pacific. 105
Scene of Strife in the Pacific 107
Commodore Perry and Japan 109
Japan Before the First World War 110
Japan's Pacific Bases 114
Japan in the First World War 115
Japan After the First World War 117
The Monroe Doctrine .120
The Declaration of Independence 123
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Endpapers courtesy of Works Progress
Franklin D. Roosevelt 2
Map of the Philippine Islands 7
President Roosevelt Delivering His War Message
to Congress 16
Secretary of State Cordell Hull 26
Prime Minister Winston Churchill 42
General John J. Pershing 70
Atlantic Meeting of Roosevelt and Churchill. . . 72
Map of the Pacific 80
Chart of World's Naval Strength 112
Japanese Mandate 116
MONDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1941 . . .
This momentous day in the history of our coun-
try will always be identified with the ''Declaration
of War Against Japan/' but the terrific emotional
impact of the days immediately preceding and fol-
lowing it has been so great that details are likely
soon to become obscure in our memories. Treach-
erous, dastardly, unprovoked, arrogant, unscrupu-
lous, ruthless, wanton — these are just a few of the
epithets that have been applied to the deadly attacks
on American territory and American people which
began at the very moment that Japan's crafty and
unscrupulous emissaries were calling on our Secre-
tary of State.
In these pages you will find a record of the nego-
tiations "for peace" which preceded that final diplo-
matic stratagem. Here are the notes which were
exchanged by the two Governments.
The decisive move was inevitable and rapier-fast.
Less than twenty-four hours after our radios broad-
cast the news of the bombing of Oahu, Hawaii, the
President appeared before a joint session of the
Senate and House of Representatives to ask the
Congress to declare that a state of war exists be-
tween the United States and the Japanese Empire
since Sunday, December 7, 1941.
The ultimate step came with equal swiftness. On
the morning of Thursday, December 11, 1941, Ger-
many and Italy joined in the war against the United
States as they had already joined in planning Japan's
dastardly attack. President Roosevelt at once sent
a terse message to the Congress asking for a dec-
laration of war.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt's two Messages
to the Congress and his first War Report to the
American people are features of this volume. Brevity
and dramatic restraint place the Messages and War
Report among the most inspiring expressions of one
of the greatest patriots in American history.
Included also are the writings of Woodrow Wilson,
Theodore Roosevelt, Abraham Lincoln, George
Washington, and other illustrious leaders. Study
them, for they reflect the American way of life and
lead to a better understanding of the present crisis.
We are now^ at war with Germany, Italy, and
Japan. It will probably be a long and hard war,
costly in "blood, sweat, and tears." It is not enough
to know whom we are fighting. It is the duty of
every American to know and keep foremost in his
mind the reason why we are fighting, and what we
are fighting for. As President Roosevelt said,
"Alw^ays will we remember the character of the
onslaught against us."
All Americans should read this book, for it is a
record of one of the most critical periods of our
nation's history. These documents will be an in-
spiration to us to make every sacrifice needed to win
an Allied- victory and achieve a new era of peace,
justice, and freedom for the whole w^orld.
WHOM WE ARE FIGHTING AND WHAT WE
ARE FIGHTING FOR
The United States has entered on a war unprec-
edented in its history.
Without warning Japan made an attack upon
American possessions and American lives.
At the very moment that the United States was
indicating its peaceful intentions by receiving the
Japanese envoys, Japanese w^arships and bombers
treacherously attacked our cities and Pacific terri-
tories, our warships and bases, our soldiers and
American warships were sunk.
American property was destroyed.
Thousands of American soldiers, sailors, and
civilians were killed.
Arid all this without provocation on our part.
We had demonstrated again and again our peace-
We had shown our willingness to negotiate on
principles of justice and democratic liberty.
We sought only to preserve freedom for the
peoples of East Asia threatened by Japanese ag-
We did not invade peaceful and defenseless
Can Japan so answer the charge of cowardly
assault and robbery?
China and Indo-China had already shown too
well how criminally skilled she is in the wicked
creed of her Axis partners.
To these robberies Japan added an unbelievably
arrogant and dastardly attack on the great Amer-
Like a cowardly thug she struck silently and
secretly in the dark.
She would seize and destroy all Asia as her Axis
partners had ravaged and stolen all Europe.
Germany and Italy then joined Japan in the
attack on the United States and the Western
These Axis Powers boasted of their world-wide
and devilish plans for the New Enslavement of all
Did ever robbers confess so insolently?
They made clear to all Americans that we must
fight to victory with Britain and our Allies to rescue
ourselves, our children, our children's children, and
all mankind from the brute rule of barbarian hordes.
The Axis has challenged us.
We Americans will answer that challenge!
W^e will not forget the unprovoked attacks or the
American citizens already mangled by Axis bombs.
We did not seek w^ar.
We asked only for a just peace for all the world.
Hitler and his henchmen would have none of
They wanted w ar, total war.
We Americans will give Germany, Italy, and
Japan all that these ruthless and blood-thirsty
aggressors asked for and more — more than they ever
The Axis Powers shall learn what it means to
arouse the unbeatable might of America.
They shall learn from our capacities for war which
they could not match in a thousand years.
They shall learn from our navy sworn to avenge
They shall learn from our soldiers remembering
their slaughtered comrades.
They shall learn from endless flights of dauntless
airmen spurred on by the memory of Hickam Field.
And, above all, they shall learn an unforgettable
lesson from the united and undaunted spirit of an
undefeated and free people rallied to a man behind
an army, a navy and an air force that knows only
In the past we have been separated in our opin-
ions on many policies, foreign and domestic.
But now we are united Americans, unswervingly
supporting our country, our President, and our
Our man power, materials, capital and labor shall
forge an invincible weapon for our armed forces.
Our differences are laid aside and we remember
with sublime faith in our country and our beloved
flag only the high spirit of our fathers.
Again and again that spirit has triumphed over
strong enemies that dared attack our liberties.
And in that spirit we pledge ourselves, as sons
of Washington and Jefferson, of Jackson, and of
Lincoln and Lee, to carry the Star-Spangled Banner
in triumph over the Axis banners of darkness for
our liberties and the liberties of mankind.
We are in this war and we will win!
V^ictory is ours.
THE BACKGROUND OF WAR
Throughout the last ten years, the history of
American-Japanese relations and Japanese aggres-
sions shows clearly the steps which led to Japan's
unprovoked attack on American possessions on
December 7, 1941. These ten years also show a
series of international aggressions, begun by the
Japanese with the Mukden incident of 1931, which
from our present point of view constitute a period
of undeclared war culminating in overt hostilities
in China in 1937, and in the Pacific in 1941.
On September 18, 1931, Mukden, Manchuria,
was the scene of the opening of this drama. Jap-
anese troops entered the city, and the forcible
seizure of Manchuria was begun. Later a puppet
state, Manchukuo, was set up by the Japanese.
On January 11 ^ 1932, Japanese forces were landed
in Shanghai. Later they were withdrawn.
On November S, 1936, iafter tension with the
Soviet Union had arisen from that country's friend-
ship for China, Japan joined with Germany and
Italy in an agreement to combat communism as
manifested in the Third International, or the
On July 7, 1937, there occurred an incident w^hich
the Japanese used to begin an undeclared and sav-
age war against China. Outside Peking Chinese
and Japanese troops clashed in an incident pro-
voked by the Japanese. The war w^as marked by
wholesale bombings of civilians in Chinese cities.
On July 16, 1937, a fourteen-point policy was
announced by Secretary Hull summarizing the pol-
icy of the United States in its dealings with foreign
powers. Upon this statement have been based
subsequent American dealings with Japan. In the
Far East, according to a statement made later by
Secretary Hull, American policy was aimed at equal-
ity of opportunity, respect for national sovereignty,
THE BACKGROUND OF WAR
and the faithful observance of treaties as bases of a
lasting international order. Therefore evacuation
of China by Japanese forces was asked for contin-
uously by the United States. The Japanese, how-
over, maintained with increasing threats of vio-
lence that the white race must cede Oceania to Asia-
tics, and that Japan had a ''natural right" to China
and any other part of the F'ar East Japan wished
to consider within its sphere of influence.
On December 12, 1937, the United States gun-
boat PanaVy lying peacefully in the Yangtze river,
was attacked by Japanese planes and sunk. Tw^o
people were killed. The United States accepted
payment from Japan as a peaceful settlement of
On December 30, 1938, a note was sent to Japan
by the United States, demanding that traditional
American rights in China be respected. At the
same time tjie United States offered to participate
in a conference to settle Asiatic issues. The Jap-
anese did not accept this offer.
On July 26, 1939, the United States gave notice,
as required by international law, that it intended
to abrogate its commercial treaty with Japan in
view of Japan's continued aggressions in Asia.
On September 27, 1940, after the European war
had been going on for a year, Japan announced
its full partnership in the Rome-Berlin axis, its
consequent alignment with the forces of fascism
against the democrafic nations.
On October 12, 1940, the fact that tension was
high was evidenced by the urging of the United
States government that Americans in China and
Japan should return home.
On July 25, 1941, began a series of economic
steps taken by the United States to apply pressure
against the Japanese and to stop the broad stream
of war supplies which was flowing from the United
States to Japan, aiding her in her attack on China
and reinforcing her threats against the Dutch East
THE BACKGROUND OF WAR
Indies, French Indo-China, and Thailand (Siam).
Japanese assets in the United States were frozen,
thus effectively ending trade between the two coun-
tries. Great Britain joined in this action, and Japan
retaliated by freezing American and British assets
On July 2-S, 1941, however, Japan defied the
threat of American economic pressures by forcing
French Indo-China to allow' Japanese forces to
land, occupy bases, and completely dominate the
On July 30, 1941, Japan further showed defiance
by bombing the United States gunboat Tutuila at
Chungking. This incident w^as allowed to pass with
an apology from Japan.
On August 1, 1941, President Roosevelt issued
an order forbidding Americans to ship aviation fuel
On August 4, 1941, Japanese steamship service
between Japan and the United States was stopped
On August 2^^ 1941, a personal appeal from
Premier Konoye of Japan, asking for peace, was
received by President Roosevelt. As a result dip-
lomatic conversations, exploratory in nature and
aiming at a peaceful settlement of points at issue,
On November 15, 1941, when it became apparent
that no real settlement could be reached as long as
Japan insisted on her right to dominate Asia by
force of arms and the United States retained its
traditional friendship with China, a special emissary
was sent by Japan, presumably to aid x\mbassador
Nomura in carrying on the diplomatic conversa-
tions. It is apparent at t-he present time that Japan's
aim was to gain time to prepare a surprise attack
on the United States under the guise of wishing to
continue friendly relations and attempting to secure
peace. This ambassador, Saburo Kurusu, arrived
"WITH THE UNBOUNDED DETERMINATION OF
OUR PEOPLE ... WE WILL GAIN THE
INEVITABLE TRIUMPH "
President Roosevelt Delivering His War Message to
Congress, December 8, 1941, with Supreme Court
Justices, Cabinet Officers, and a Crowded Gallery
Among His Hearers.
THE BACKGROUND OF WAR
On November 25, 1941, however, while these talks
were still being continued in a last-hope effort at
peaceful settlement, the United States received
news that Japan was concentrating troops in Indo-
China in such a manner that an attack on Thailand
seemed clearly indicated. Previously, the United
States and Great Britain had informed Japan that
they would resist such an attack. Nevertheless the
State department continued the diplomatic conver-
On November 26, 1941, the Japanese diplomats
were handed a formal memorandum by Secretary
Hull. This memorandum stated once more the
basic American principles outlined above and their
implications so far as the Far East question was
On December 2, 1941, the State department for-
mally asked Japan to state its intentions in regard
to its concentration of troops in Indo-China. This
inquiry was made at the request of President
On December 6, 1941, in a final appeal to Japan
for peace between the two nations, President Roose-
velt sent a personal note to Emperor Hirohito.
On December 7, at the very time that Secretary
Hull was receiving Japan's reply to the notes of
November 26 and December 2, which he termed
highly insulting, a sudden and devastating attack
was made upon the Hawaiian Islands, Wake, and
Guam. On December 8 Manila was bombed.
Meanwhile British positions were also attacked, in-
cluding Singapore and Northern Malaya and Japan
began an invasion of Thailand which met little
resistance. Japan had by an act of aggression
made a declaration of w^ar by the United States
inevitable. Britain and her allies, including the
Netherlands and the other refugee governments in
London, also declared war on Japan. Nicaragua,
Costa Rica and many other Latin American coun-
tries quickly follow^ed suit.
Text of message fo Congress, December 8, 1941,
following the unprovoked Japanese attack on the
To the Congress of the United States:
Yesterday, December 7, 1941— a date which will
live in infamy— the United States of America was
suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and
air forces of the Empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that nation
and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in con-
versation with its government and its emperor, look-
ing toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons
had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese
ambassador to the United States and his colleague
delivered to the secretary of state a formal reply to
a recent American message. While this reply
stated that it seemed useless to continue the exist-
ing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat
or hint of war or armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii
from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was
deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.
During the intervening time, the Japanese govern-
ment has deliberately sought to deceive the United
States by false statements and expressions of hope
for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian Islands
has caused severe damage to American naval and
military forces. Very many American lives have
been lost. In addition, American ships have been
reported torpedoed on the high seas between San
Francisco and Honolulu.
Yesterday the Japanese government also launched
an attack against Malaya.
PKESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S WAR MESSAGE
Last night Japanese forces attacked Hongkong.
Last night Japanese forces attacked Guam.
Last night Japanese forces attacked the Philip-
Last night the Japanese attacked Wake Island.
This morning the Japanese attacked Midway
Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise of-
fensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The
facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The
people of the United States have already formed
their opinions, and well understand the implications
to the very life and safety of our nation.
As commander-in-chief of the army and navy I
have directed that all measures be taken for our
Al-ways will we remember the character of the
onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome
this premeditated invasion, the American people in
their righteous might will win through to abso-
I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and
of the people when I assert that we will not only
defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make
very certain that this form of treachery shall never
endanger us again.
Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact
that our people, our territory and our interests are
in grave danger.
With confidence in our armed forces — with the
unbounding determination of our people — we will
gain the inevitable triumph — so help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the
unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on
Sunday, December Seventh, a state of war has
existed between the United States and the Japanese
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT.
THE NATION RESPONDS
War on Japan was declared by the Congress of
the United States shortly before 1 P. M., December
8, 1941, following a brief address by President
Roosevelt before the 77th Congress in joint session.
The two houses of Congress convened separately
at 12 o'clock, Eastern Standard Time, to vote au-
thorization of the joint session. The Senators then
proceeded to the House chamber where, shortly
after 12:30 o'clock, the President began his address.
The Senate-House committee, acting as escort
to the President, preceded him into the House cham-
ber. Then a thunderous burst of applause as the
President appeared and approached the speaker's
stand, supported by his son, James, Marine captain,
who was in uniform. Then a still louder outburst
after the President was presented to the assemblage
by Speaker Sam Rayburn. Members of Congress
and spectators, jamming the chamber to its four
corners, loudly applauded at frequent intervals
while the President spoke. He began his address
at 12:33 P. M. and spoke briefly, quickly reaching
this final paragraph:
'T ask that the Congress declare that since the
unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on
Sunday, December 7, a state of war has existed
between the United States and the Japanese Em-
Then a thunderous burst of cheering. Among all
the hundreds of men there assembled, representing
the will and opinion of the American people, there
was scarcely a whisper of dissent.
Resolutions had already been prepared for pres-
entation to, and immediate adoption by, both
houses of Congress. The vote was unanimous in
the Senate — S2 to — and well-nigh unanimous in
the House — 3SS to 1. The one dissenter was Repre-
THE NATION RESPONDS
sentative Jeannette Rankin of Montana, who also
voted against entry into the First World War.
Thus, at long last, for the people of the United
States, the Second World War ceased to be a mere
newspaper headline and became a grim reality.
But the people were ready. With a unity akin
to that displayed by their representatives, they stood
shoulder to shoulder with their President, ready to
give their all that liberty and freedom might prevail
in the great struggle now thrust upon them.
TEXT OF WAR RESOLUTION
The War Resolution voted by Congress, Decem-
ber 8. 1941.
''Declaring that a state of war exists between
the Imperial Japanese government and the govern-
ment and the people of the United States and mak-
ing provision to prosecute the same.
"Whereas, the Imperial Japanese government has
committed unprovoked acts of war against the gov-
ernment and the people of the United States of
"Therefore, be it resolved by the Senate and
House of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled,
"That the state of war between the United States
and the Imperial Japanese government which has
thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby
formally declared; and the President is hereby au-
thorized and directed to employ the entire naval
and military forces of the United States and the
resources of the government to carry on war against
the Japanese government; and, to bring the con-
flict to a successful termination, all of the resources
of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress
of the United States/'
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE TO THE
This message was dispatched by President
Roosevelt, December 6, 1941, the day before the
sudden Japanese attack.
''Almost a century ago, the President of the
United States addressed to the Emperor of Japan a
message extending an offer of friendship of the
people of the United States to the people of Japan.
That offer was accepted, and in the long period of
unbroken peace and friendship which has followed,
our respective nations, through the virtues of their
peoples and the wisdom of their rulers, have pros-
pered and have substantially helped humanity.
Emergency in Formation
''Only in situations of extraordinary importance
to our two countries need I address to Your Majesty
messages on matters of State. I feel I should now
so address you, because of the deep and far-reaching
emergency w hich appears to be in formation.
"Developments are occurring in the Pacific area
which threaten to deprive each of our nations, and
all humanity, of the beneficial influence of the long
peace between our two countries. Those develop-
ments contain tragic possibilities.
Peace in Pacific Sought
"The people of the United States, believing in
peace and in the right of nations to live and let live,
have eagerly watched the conversations between our
two governments, during these past months. We
have hoped for a termination of the present conflict
between Japan and China. We have hoped that a
peace of the Pacific could be consummated in such a
way that nationalities of many diverse peoples could
exist, side by side, without fear of invasion; that
MESSAGE TO EMPEROR
unbearable burdens of armaments could be lifted
for them all; and that all peoples would resume
commerce without discrimination against or in
favor of any nation.
^'I am certain that it will be clear to your Majesty,
as it is to me, that in seeking these great objectives,
both Japan and the United States should agree to
eliminate any form of military threat that seemed
essential to the attainment of the high objectives.
Reviews Japanese Moves
^^More than a year ago, your Majesty's gov-
ernment concluded an agreement with the Vichy
Government, by w^hich five or six thousand Jap-
anese troops were permitted to enter into North-
ern French Indo-China, for the protection of Jap-
anese troops, which were operating a^'iainst China
further north. And this Spring and Summer, the
Vichy Government permitted further Japanese mili-
tary forces to enter into Southern French Indo-China
for the common defense of French Indo-China. I
think I am correct in saying that no attack has been
made upon Indo-China, nor that any has been con-
"During the past few weeks it has become clear
to the world that Japanese military, naval and air
forces have been sent to Southern Indo-China, in
such large numbers as to create a reasonable doubt
on the part of other nations that this continuing con-
centration in Indo-China is not defensive in its char-
"Because these continuing concentrations in Indo-
China have reached such large proportions and be-
cause they extend now to the Southeast and the
Southwest corners of that peninsula, it is only rea-
sonable that the people of the Philippines, of the
hundreds of islands of the East Indies, of Malaya,
and of Thailand itself are asking thernselves whether
these forces of Japan are preparing or intending to
MESSAGE TO EMPEROR
make attack in one or more of these many direc-
"I am sure that your majesty will understand
that the fear of all these peoples is a legitimate fear,
in as much as it involves their peace and their
national existence. I am sure that your majesty
will understand why the people of the United States,
in such lar^^e numbers, look askance at the estab-
lishment of military, naval and air bases, manned
and equipped so greatly as to constitute armed
forces capable of measures of offense.
Situation Is Unthinkablk
'^Tt is clear that a continuance of such a situation
''None of the peoples, whom I have spoken of
above, can sit either indefinitely or permanently
on a keg of dynamite.
"There is absolutely no thought, on the part of
the United States, of invading Indo-China, if every
Japanese soldier or sailor were to be withdrawn
"I think that we can obtain the same assurance
from the governments of the East Indies, the Gov-
ernments of Malaya and the Government of Thai-
land. I would even undertake to ask for the same
assurance on the part of the Government of China.
Thus, a withdrawal of the Japanese forces from
Indo-China would result in the assurance of peace
throughout the whole of the South Pacific area.
'T address myself to Your Majesty at this moment
in the fervent hope that Your Majesty may, as I
am doing, give thought in this definite emergency
to w^ays of dispelling the dark clouds. I am confi-
dent that both of us, for the sake of the peoples
not only of our own great countries, but for the
sake of humanity in neighboring territories, have a
sacred duty to restore traditional amity and prevent
further death and destruction in the world."
'''"''''.ft' '' f f ftw.
( -.Z> V
SECRETARY HULL'S STATEMENT ON
THE TREACHEROUS JAPANESE
Japan has made a treacherous and utterly unpro-
voked attack on the United States.
At the very moment when representatives of the
Japanese government were discussing with repre-
sentatives of this government at the request of the
former, principles and courses of peace, the armed
forces of Japan were preparing and assembling at
various strategic points to launch new attacks and
new aggressions upon nations and peoples with
which Japan was professedly at peace, including the
I am releasing the Japanese reply, which was
handed to me by the Japanese ambassador today.
Before the Japanese ambassador delivered this
final statement from his government, the treacher-
ous attack upon the United States had taken place.
This government has stood for all the principles
that underlie fair dealing, peace, law and order, and
justice between nations, and has steadfastly striven
to promote and maintain that state of relationship
between itself and all other nations.
It is now apparent to the whole world that Japan
in its recent professions of a desire for peace has
been infamously false and fraudulent.
The text of the American note handed the Jap-
anese on November 26 was in two parts — an oral
statement and an outline of a .proposed basis for
agreement between the United States and Japan.
(The Oral Note)
The representatives of the government of the
United States and of the government of Japan have
been carrying on during the past several months
informal and exploratory conversations for the pur-
pose of arriving at a settlement if possible of ques-
tions relating to the entire Pacific area based upon
the principles of peace, law and order, and fair
dealing among nations.
These principles include the principle of inviola-
bility of territorial integrity and sovereignty of each
and all nations; the principle of non-interference
in the internal affairs of other countries; the prin-
ciple of equality, including equality of commercial
opportunity and treatment, and the principle of re-
liance upon international co-operation and concilia-
tion for the prevention and pacific settlement of
controversies and for improvement of international
conditions by peaceful methods and processes.
Recently the Japanese ambassador has stated that
the Japanese government is desirous of continuing
the conversations directed toward a comprehensive
and peaceful settlement in the Pacific area.
On November 20 the Japanese ambassador com-
municated to the Secretary of State proposals in
regard to temporary measures to be taken respec-
tively by the government of Japan and by the gov-
ernment of the United States.
The government of the United .States most ear-
nestly desires to contribute to the promotion and
maintenance of peace and stability in the Pacific
With this object in view the government of the
United States offers for the consideration of the
Japanese government a plan of a broad but simple
settlement covering the entire Pacific area as one
practical exemplification of a program which this
government envisages as something to be worked
out during our further conversations.
The plan therein suggested represents an effort
to bridge the gap between our draft of June 21,
1941, and the Japanese draft of September 25 by
making a new approach to the essential problems
underlying a comprehensive Pacific settlement.
(The second part, entitled ''Outline of Proposed
Basis for Agreement Between the United States
and Japan'' ):
Section I — Draft mutual declaration of policy.
The government of the United States and the
government of Japan, both being solicitous for the
peace of the Pacific, affirm that their national poli-
cies are directed toward lasting and extensive peace
throughout the Pacific area, that they have no terri-
torial designs in that area, that they have no inten-
tion of threatening other countries or of using mili-
tary force aggressively against any neighboring na-
tion, and that, accordingly, in their national policies
they will actively support and give practical appli-
cation to the following fundamental principles upon
which their relations with each other and with all
other governments are based:
(1) The principle of inviolability of territorial
integrity and sovereignty of each and all nations.
* (2) The principle of non-interference in the in-
ternal affairs of other countries.
(3) The principle of equality, including equality
of commercial opportunity and treatment.
(4) The principle of reliance upon international
co-operation and conciliation for the prevention
and pacific settlement of controversies and for im-
provement of international conditions by peaceful
methods and processes.
The government of Japan and the government
of the United States have agreed that toward elim-
inating chronic political instability, preventing re-
current economic collapse, and providing a basis for
peace, they will actively support and practically
apply the following principles in their economic
relations with each other and with other nations
(1) The principle of non-discrimination in inter-
national commercial relations.
(2) The principle of international economic co-
operation and abolition of extreme nationalism as
expressed in excessive trade restrictions.
(3) The principle of non-discriminatory access
by all nations to raw material supplies.
(4) The principle of full protection of the inter-
ests of consuming countries and populations as re-
gards the operation of international commodity
(5) The principle of establishment of such insti-
tutions and arrangements of international finance
as may lend aid to the essential enterprises and the
continuous development of all countries and may
permit payments through processes of trade con-
sonant with the welfare of all countries.
Section II — Steps to be taken by the government
of the United States and by the government of
The government of the United States and the
government of Japan propose to take steps as fol-
1. The government of the United States and the
government of Japan will endeavor to conclude a
multilateral nonaggression pact among the British
empire, China, Japan, the Netherlands, the Soviet
Union, Thailand and the United States.
2. Both governments will endeavor to conclude
among the American, British, Chinese, Japanese,
the Netherlands and Thai governments an agree-
ment whereunder each of the governments would
pledge itself to respect the territorial integrity of
French Indo-China and, in the event that there
should develop a threat to the territorial integrity
of Indo-China, to enter into immediate consultation
with a view to taking such measures as may be
deemed necessary and advisable to meet the threat
in question. Such agreement would provide also
that each of the governments party to the agreement
would not seek or accept preferential treatment in
its trade or economic relations with Indo-China and
would use its influence to obtain for each of the
signatories equality of treatment in trade and com-
merce with French Indo-China.
3. The government of Japan will w^ithdraw all
military, naval, air and police forces from China
and from Indo-China.
4. The government of the United States and the
government of Japan will not support — militarily^
politically, economically — any government or re-
gime in China other than the national government
of the republic of China, with the capital temporar-
ily at Chungking.
5. Both governments will give up all extraterri-
torial rights in China, including rights and inter-
ests in and with regard to international settlements
and concessions, and rights under the Boxer protocol
of 1901. Both governments will endeavor to obtain
the agreement of the British and other governments
to give up extraterritorial rights in China, including
rights in international settlements and in conces-
sions held under the Boxer protocol of 1901.
6. The government of the United States and the
government of Japan will enter into negotiations
for the conclusion between the United States and
Japan of a trade agreement, based upon reciprocal
most-favored-nation treatment and reduction of
trade barriers by both countries, including an un-
dertaking by the United States to bind raw silk on
the free list.
7. The government of the United States and the
government of Japan will, respectively, remove the
freezing restrictions on Japanese funds in the United
States and on American funds in Japan.
8. Both governments will agree upon a plan for
the stabilization of the dollar-yen rate, with the
allocation of funds adequate for this purpose, half
to be supplied by Japan and half by the United
9. Both governments will agree that no agree-
ment which either has concluded with any third
power or powers shall be interpreted by it in such
a way as to conflict with the fundamental purpose
of this agreement, the establishment and preserva-
tion of peace throughout the Pacific area.
10. Both governments will use their influence to
cause other governments to adhere to and to give
practical application to the basic political and eco-
nomic principles set forth in this agreement.
LINE-UP OF WORLD WAR II
DECEMBER II. 1941
*Have declared war on Japan only.
JAPANESE REPLY TO SECRETARY
HULL'S PLAN OF SETTLEMENT FOR
THE PACIFIC DISPUTE
This reply, branded by Secretary Hull as "In-
famously false and fraudulent," was handed to the
American Government by the Japanese Ambassa-
dor, Admiral Kichisaburo Nomura, even while
Japan was launching a devastating, unprovoked
attack on the United States.
1. The government of Japan, prompted by a
genuine desire to come to an amicable understanding
with the government of the United States in order
that the two countries by their joint efforts may
secure the peace of the Pacific area and thereby con-
tribute toward the realization of world peace, has
continued negotiations with the utmost sincerity
since April last with the government of the United
States regarding the adjustment and advancement
of Japanese-American relations and the stabilization
of the Pacific area.
The Japanese government has the honor to state
frankly its views concerning the claims the American
government has persistently maintained, as well as
the measures the United States and Great Britain
have taken toward Japan during these eight months.
2. It is the immutable policy of the Japanese
government to insure the stability of East Asia and
to promote world peace and thereby to enable all
nations to find each its proper place in the world.
Ever since China affair broke out, owing to the
failure on the part of China to comprehend Japan's
true intentions, the Japanese government has striven
for the restoration of peace and it has consistently
exerted its best efforts to prevent the extension of
It was also to that end that in September last year
Japan concluded the tripartite pact with Germany
However, both the United States and Great Brit-
ain have resorted to every possible measure to assist
the Chungking regime so as to obstruct the estab-
lishment of a general peace between Japan and
China, interfering with Japan's constructive en-
deavors toward the stabilization of east Asia.
Exerting pressure on the Netherlands East Indies,
or menacing French Indo-China, they have at-
tempted to frustrate Japan's aspiration to the ideal
of common prosperity in co-operation with these
Furthermore, when Japan in accordance with its
protocol with France took measures of joint defense
of French Indo-China, both American and British
governments, willfully misinterpreting it as a threat
to their own possessions, and inducing th€ Nether-
lands government to follow suit, enforced the assets
freezing order, thus severing diplomatic relations
While manifesting thus an obviously hostile atti-
tude, these countries have strengthened their mili-
tary preparations perfecting an encirclement of
Japan, and have brought about a situation which
endangers the very existence of the empire.
Claim U. S. Invited to Pacific Parley
Nevertheless, to facilitate a speedy settlement, the
premier of Japan proposed, in August last, to meet
the President of the United States for a discussion
of important problems between the two countries
covering the entire Pacific area.
However, the American government, while ac-
cepting in principle the Japanese proposal, in-
sisted that the meeting should take place after an
agreement of view had been reached on fundamental
and essential questions.
3. Subsequently, on September 25, the Japanese
government submitted a proposal based on the for-
mula proposed by the American government, taking
fully into consideration past American claims and
also incorporating Japanese views.
Repeated discussions proved of no avail in pro-
ducing readily an agreement of view. The present
cabinet, therefore, submitted a revised proposal,
moderating still further the Japanese claims regard-
ing the principal points of difficulty in the negotia-
tions and endeavored strenuously to reach a settle-
But the American government, adhering stead-
fastly to its original assertions, failed to display in
the slightest degree a spirit of conciliation. The
negotiations made no progress.
Therefore, the Japanese government, with a view
to doing its utmost for averting a crisis in Japanese-
x^merican relations, submitted on November 20 still
another proposal in order to arrive at an equitable
solution of the more essential and urgent questions
which, simplifying its previous proposal, stipulated
the following points:
(1) The governments of Japan and the United
States undertake not to dispatch armed forces into
any of the regions, excepting French Indo-China, in
the southeastern Asia and the southern Pacific area.
(2) Both governments shall co-operate with the
view of securing the acquisition in the Netherlands
East Indies of those goods and commodities of which
the two countries are in need.
(3) Both governments mutually undertake to
restore commercial relations to those prevailing prior
to the freezing of assets.
The government of the United States shall supply
Japan the required quantity of oil.
(4) The government of the United States under-
takes not to resort to measures and actions preju-
dicial to the endeavors for the restoration of general
peace between Japan and China.
(5) The Japanese government undertakes to
withdraw troops now stationed in French Indo-
China upon either the restoration of peace between
Japan and China or the establishment of an equit-
able peace in the Pacific area, and it is prepared to
remove the Japanese troops in the southern part of
French Indo-China to the northern part upon the
conclusion of the present agreement.
Claim U. S. Spurned China Peace Formula
As regards China, the Japanese government, while
e:xpressing its readiness to accept the offer of the
President of the United States to act as "introducer"
of peace between Japan and China as was previously
suggested, asked for an understanding on the part
of the United States to do nothing prejudicial to the
restoration of Sino-Japanese peace when the two
parties have commenced direct negotiations.
The American government not only rejected the
above-mentioned new proposal, but made known its
intention to continue its aid to Chiang Kai-shek;
and in spite of its suggestion mentioned above, with-
drew the offer of the President to act as so-called
"introducer" of peace between Japan and China,
pleading that time was not yet ripe for it.
Finally on November 26, in an attitude to impose
upon the Japanese government those principles it
has persistently maintained, the American govern-
ment made a proposal totally ignoring Japanese
claims, which is a source of profound regret to the
4. From the beginning of the present negotiation
the Japanese government has always maintained an
attitude of fairness and moderation, and did its best
to reach a settlement, for which it made all possible
concessions often in spite of great difficulties.
As for the China question which constitutes an
important subject of the negotiation, the Japanese
government showed a most conciliatory attitude.
As for the principle of non-discrimination in in-
ternational commerce, advocated by the American
government, the Japanese government expressed its
desire to see the said principle applied throughout
the world, and declared that along with the actual
practice of this principle in the world, the Japanese
government would endeavor to apply the same in
the Pacific area, including China, and made it clear
that Japan had no intention of excluding from China
economic activities of third powers pursued on an
equitable basis. Furthermore, as regards the ques-
tion of withdrawing troops from French Indo-China,
the Japanese government even volunteered, as men-
tioned above, to carry out an immediate evacuation
of troops from southern French Indo-China as a
measure of easing the situation.
It is presumed that the spirit of conciliation ex-
hibited to the utmost decree by the Japanese
government in all these matters is fully appreciated
by the American government.
Claim U. S. Disregarded Realities
On the other hand, the American government,
always holding fast to theories in disregard of
realities, and refusing to yield an inch on its im-
practical principles, caused undue delay in negotia-
It is difficult to understand this attitude of the
American government and the Japanese government
desires to call the attention of the American govern-
ment especially to the following points:
1. The American government advocates in the
name of world peace those principles favorable to it
and urges upon the Japanese government the ac-
The peace of the world may be brought about only
by discovering a mutually acceptable formula
through recognition of the reality of the situation
and mutual appreciation of one another's position.
An attitude such as ignores realities and imposes
one's selfish views upon others will scarcely serve
the purpose of facilitating the consummation of
Of the various principles put forward by the
American government as a basis of the Japanese-
American agreement, there are some which the
Japanese government is ready to accept in principle,
but in view of the world's actual condition it seems
only a Utopian ideal on the part of the American
government to attempt to force their immediate
Again, the proposal to conclude a multilateral
non-aggression pact between Japan, United States,
Great Britain, China, the Soviet Union, the Nether-
lands and Thailand, which is patterned after the old
concept of collective security, is far removed from
the realities of East Asia.
2. The American proposal contained a stipula-
tion which states: ''Both governments will agree that
no agreement, which either has concluded with any
third power or powers, shall be interpreted by it in
such a way as to conflict with the fundamental pur-
pose of this agreement, the estabishment and preser-
vation of peace throughout the Pacific area."
It is presumed that the above provision has been
proposed with a view to restrain Japan from fulfill-
ing its obligations under the tripartite pact when
the United States participates in the war in Europe,
and, as such, it cannot be accepted by the Japanese
The American government, obsessed with its own
views and opinions, may be said to be scheming for
the extension of the war.
While it seeks, on the one hand, to secure its rear
by stabilizing the Pacific area, it is engaged, on the
other hand, in aiding Great Britain and preparing
to attack, in the name of self-defense, Germany and
Italy, two powers that are striving to establish a new
order in Europe.
Such a policy is totally at variance with the many
principles upon which the American government
proposes to found the stability of the Pacific area
through peaceful means.
3. Whereas the American government, under the
principles it rigidly upholds, objects to settle inter-
national issues through military pressure, it is exer-
cising in conjunction with Great Britain and other
nations pressure by economic power.
Recourse to such pressure -as a means of dealing
with international relations should be condemned, as
it is at times more inhumane than military pressure.
4. It is impossible not to reach the conclusion
that the American government desires to maintain
and strengthen, in coalition with Great Britain and
other powers, its dominant position it has hitherto
occupied not only in China but in other areas of
It is a fact of history that the countries of East
Asia for the past hundred years or more have been
compelled to observe the status quo under the Anglo-
American policy of imperialistic exploitation and to
sacrifice themselves to the prosperity of the two
The Japanese government cannot tolerate the
perpetuation of such a situation since it directly runs
counter to Japan^s fundamental policy to enable all
nations to enjoy each its proper place in the w^orld.
Claim Jap Position Destroyed
The stipulation proposed by the American govern-
ment relative to French Indo-China is a good exem-
plification of the above-mentioned American policy.
That the six countries — Japan, the United States,
Great Britain, The Netherlands, China and Thai-
land — excepting France, should undertake among
themselves to respect the territorial integrity and
sovereignty of French Indo-China and equality of
treatment in trade and commerce would be tanta-
mount to placing that territory under the joint
guarantee of the governments of those six countries.
Apart from the fact that such a proposal totally
ignores the position of France, it is unacceptable to
the Japanese government in that such an arrange-
ment cannot but be considered as an extension to
French Indo-China of a system similar to the nine-
power treaty structure which is the chief factor
responsible for the present predicament of East Asia.
5. All the items demanded of Japan by the Ameri-
can government regarding China, such as wholesale
evacuation of troops or unconditional application of
the principle of non-discrimination in international
commerce, ignored the actual conditions of China,
and are calculated to destroy Japan's position as
the stabilizing factor of East Asia.
The attitude of the American government in de-
manding Japan not to support militarily, politically
or economically any regime other than the regime
of Chungking, disregarding thereby the existence of
the Nanking government, shatters the very basis of
the present negotiation.
This demand of the American government, failing
as it does, in line with its above-mentioned refusal
to cease from aiding the Chungking regime, demon-
strates clearly the intention of the American govern-
ment to obstruct the restoration of normal relations
between Japan and China and the return of peace
to East Asia.
In brief, the American proposal contains certain
acceptable items such as those concerning commerce,
including the conclusion of a trade agreement, mu-
tual removal of the freezing restrictions and stabili-
zation of yen and dollar exchange, or the abolition
of extraterritorial rights in China.
On the other hand, however, the proposal in ques-
tion ignores Japan's sacrifices in the four years of
the China affair, menaces the empire's existence it-
self and disparages its honor and prestige.
Therefore, viewed in its entirety, the Japanese
government regrets that it cannot accept the pro-
posal as a basis of negotiation.
6. The Japanese government, in its desire for an
early conclusion of the negotiation, proposed simul-
taneously with the conclusion of the Japanese-
American negotiation agreements to be signed with
Great Britain and other interested countries.
The proposal was accepted by the American
government. However, since the American govern-
ment has made the proposal of November 26 as a
result of frequent consultation with Great Britain,
Australia, the Netherlands and Chungking, and pre-
sumably by catering to the wishes of the Chungking
regime in the questions of China, it must be con-
cluded that all these countries are at one with the
United States in ignoring Japan's position.
7. Obviously it is the intention of the American
government to conspire with Great Britain and other
countries to obstruct Japan's efforts toward the es-
tablishment of peace through the creation of a new
order in East Asia, and especially to preserve Anglo-
American rights and interests by keeping Japan and
China at war.
This intention has been revealed clearly during
the course of the present negotiations. Thus, the
earnest hope of the Japanese government to adjust
Japanese-American relations and to preserve and
promote the peace of the Pacific through co-opera-
tion with the American government has finally been
The Japanese government regrets to have to
notify hereby the American government that in view
of the attitude of the American government it cannot
but consider that it is impossible to reach an agree-
ment through further negotiations.
J^%t^ A^^00^s €/€ 4 .^ ^<^ A 4> /^^
"THE GREAT DEMOCRACIES FACE
THEIR TASK WITH WHATEVER
STRENGTH GOD MAY GIVE
Text of Prime Minister Churchill's speech in the
House of Comnnons, Decennber 8, 1941, an-
nouncing a state of war between Britain and
As soon as I heard last night that Japan had
attacked the United States I felt it necessary that
Parliament should be immediately summoned.
It is indispensable to our system of government
that Parliament should play a full part in all the
important acts of state, and at all crucial moments
in conduct of the war, and I am glad to see so many
members have been able to be in their places in
spite of the shortness of notice.
With the full approval of the nation and of the
empire, I pledged the word of Great Britain about
a month ago that should the United States be in-
volved in war with Japan, a British declaration of
war would follow within the hour.
Therefore I spoke to President Roosevelt on the
Atlantic telephone last night with a view to arrang-
ing the timing of our respective declarations.
The President told me he would this morning
send a message to Congress, which, as is well known,
can alone make a declaration of war on behalf of
the United States.
Britain Keeps Pledge
I then answered him we would follow immediately.
However, it soon appeared that British territory
in Malaya had also been the object of Japanese
attack and later on it was announced from Tokyo
that the Japanese high command — a curious form
CHURCHILL'S WAR SPEECH
— not the Imperial Japanese government but the
Japanese high command — had declared that a state
of war existed between them and Great Britain and
the United States.
That being so there was no need to wait for the
declaration of Congress. In any case, American
time is nearly six hours behind ours. The cabinet
which met at 12:30 today, therefore authorized an
immediate declaration of war upon Japan. Instruc-
tions to this effect were sent to His Majesty^s am-
bassador in Tokyo and a communication was dis-
patched to the Japanese charge d'affaires at 7 o'clock
today to this effect.
"On the evening of December 7 His Majesty's
Government in the United Kingdom learned that
the Japanese forces, without a previous warning
either in the form of a declaration of war or of an
ultimatum with a conditional declaration of war,
had attempted a landing on the coast of Malaya
and had bombed Singapore and Hongkong.
'Tn view of these wanton acts of unprovoked ag-
gression, committed in flagrant violation of inter-
national law and particularly of article one of the
Third League Convention relative to the opening
of hostilities, to which both Japan and the United
Kingdom are parties. His Majesty's ambassador in
Tokyo has been instructed to inform the imperial
Japanese government in the name of His Majesty's
government in the United Kingdom, that a state
of war exists between the two countries."
Hostilities Already Begun
Meanwhile, hostilities had already begun. The
Japanese began a landing on British territory in
Northern Malaya at about 6 o'clock yesterday morn-
ing, and they were immediately engaged by our
forces which were in readiness.
Home office measures against Japanese nationals
were set in motion at 10:45 last night. The House
Churchill's war speech
will see that no time has been lost and that we
actually are ahead of our engagements. The Royal
Netherlands government at once marked their soli-
darity with Great Britain and the United States.
At 3 a. m. the Netherlands minister informed
the foreign office that his government was telling
the Japanese government that, in view of hostile
acts perpetrated by Japanese forces against two
powers with whom the Netherlands maintained par-
ticularly close relations, they considered as a conse-
quence that a state of war now exists between the
Kingdom of the Netherlands and Japan.
I do not know yet what part Thailand will be
called upon to play in this fresh war, but a report
has reached us that Japan has landed troops at
Singora in Siamese territory not far from the land-
ing they have made on the British side of the
Sends Message to Thailand
Meanwhile just before Japan had gone to war
with Siam, I had sent the Prime Minister of Siam
the following message. It was sent Sunday:
"There is a possibility of imminent invasion of
your country. If you are attacked, defend your-
self. The preservation of the full independence and
sovereignty of Thailand is the British interest and
we shall regard an attack on you as an attack on
It is worth-while looking for a moment at the
manner in which the Japanese have begun their
assault upon the English-speaking world. Every
circumstance of calculated and characteristic Jap-
anese treachery was employed against the United
Japanese envoys Nomura and Kurusu were or-
dered to prolong their missions in the United States
in order to keep conversations going whilst the sur-
prise attack was being prepared to be made before
the declaration of war could be delivered.
Churchill's war speech
The President's appeal to the Emperor, which I
have no doubt many members have read, reminded
him of ancient friendship and of the importance
of preserving the peace of the Pacific. This mes-
sage has received only this base and brutal reply.
No one can doubt that every effort to bring about
a peaceful solution had been made by the United
States and that an immense patience and composure
had been shown in the face of the growing Japanese
Issue Is Joined
Now that the issue is joined in the most direct
manner, it only remains for two great democracies
to face their task with whatever strength God may
We may hold ourselves very fortunate, and I think
we may rate our affairs not wholly ill-guided, that
we were not attacked alone by Japan in our period
of weakness after Dunkirk — or at any time in 1940
before the United States had fully realized the dan-
gers which threatened the whole world and had made
large advances in its military preparations.
So precarious and narrow was the margin upon
which we then lived that we did not dare to express
the sympathy we have all along felt for the heroic
people of China. We were even forced for a short
time in the summer of 1940 to agree to closing the
Burma Road, but later on at the beginning of this
year, as soon as we could regather our strength, we
reversed that policy, and the House will remember
that both I and the foreign secretary have felt able
to make increasingly outspoken declarations of
friendship for the Chinese people and their great
leader, Chiang Kai-shek.
We have always been friends. Last night I cabled
to the generalissimo assuring him that henceforward
we would face the common foe together, although
imperative demands of the war in Europe and iVfrica
Churchill's war speech
have strained our resources, vast and growing though
Big Warships in Orient
The House and the Empire will notice that some
of the finest ships in the Royal Navy have reached
their stations in the Far East at a very convenient
Every preparation on our part has been made,
and I do not doubt we shall give a good account
The closest accord has been established with pow-
erful American forces, both naval and air, and also
with strong and efficient forces belonging to the
Royal Netherlands government in the Netherlands
East Indies. We shall all do our best.
When we think of the insane ambition and insatia-
ble appetite which have caused this vast and melan-
choly extension of the war, we can only feel that
Hitler's madness has infected Japanese minds, and
that the roat of the evil and its branch must be
Stresses Gravity of Situation
It is of the highest importance that there should
be no underrating of the gravity of the new dangers
we have to meet, either here or in the United
The enemy has attacked with an audacity which
may spring from recklessness but which may also
spring from a conviction of strength. The ordeal to
which the English-speaking world and our heroic
Russian allies are being exposed will certainly be
hard, especially at the outset, and will probably
be long; yet when we look around us upon the
somber panorama of the world we have no reason
to doubt the justice of our cause or that our strength
and will power will be sufficient to sustain it.
We have at least four-fifths of the population of
Churchill's war speech
the world on our side. We are responsible for their
safety and for their future.
In the past we have had a light which flickered.
In the present we have a light which flames. In
the future there will be a light which shines over
all the land and sea.
These are the times that try men's souls. The sum-
mer soldier and the sunshine patriot willy in this
crisis, shrink from the service of their country; hut he
that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of
man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily
conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that
the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph.
What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it
is dearness only that gives every thing its value.
Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its
goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial
an article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated.
—Thomas Paine (From The Crisis)
The Pennsylvania Journal Dec. 19,
Our country! in her intercourse with foreign nations
may she always be in the right; but our country,
right or wrong!
— Stephen Decatur, Toast, at a dinner
in his honor at Norfolk, Va., April,
1816. (Mackenzie, Life of Decatur,
Millions for defense but not a cent for tribute.
— Robert Goodloe Harper, Toast, at
the dinner given by Congress at Phila-
delphia, 18 June, 1798, in honor of
John Marshall upon his return from
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S FIRST
Text of the report on the progress of hostilities
with Japan, delivered by radio fronn the White
House, December 9, 1941.
The sudden criminal attacks perpetrated by the
Japanese in the Pacific provide the climax of a
decade of international immorality.
Powerful and resourceful gangsters have banded
together to make war upon the whole human race.
Their challenge has now been flung at the United
States of America. The Japanese have treacher-
ously violated the long-standing peace between us.
Many American soldiers and sailors have been
killed by enemy action. American ships have been
sunk, American airplanes have been destroyed.
The Challenge Accepted
The Congress and the people of the United States
have accepted that challenge.
Together, with our free peoples, we are now
fighting to maintain our right to live among our
world neighbors in freedom and in common decency,
without fear or assault.
I have prepared the full record about past rela-
tions with Japan; and it will be submitted to the
Congress. It begins with the visit of Commodore
Perry to Japan 88 years ago. It ends with the
visit of two Japanese emissaries to the Secretary
of State last Sunday, an hour after Japanese forces
had loosed their bombs and machine guns against
our flag, our forces and our citizens.
Horror at Treachery
I can say with utmost confidence that no Ameri-
cans, today or a thousand years hence, need feel
FIRST WAR REPORT
anything but pride in our patience and our efforts
through all the years toward achieving a peace in
the Pacific which would be fair and honorable to
every nation, large or small.
And no honest person, today or a thousand years
hence, will be able to suppress a sense of indignation
and horror at the treachery committed by the mili-
tary dictators of Japan, under the very shadow of
the flag of peace borne by their special envoys in
The course that Japan has followed for the past
ten years in Asia has paralleled the course of Hitler
and Mussolini in Europe and Africa. Today, it
has become far more than a parallel. It is collab-
oration so well calculated that all the continents
of the world, and all the oceans, are now considered
by the Axis strategists as one gigantic battlefield.
A Recital of Events
In 1931, Japan invaded Manchukuo — without
In 1935, Italy invades Ethiopia — without warn-
In 1938, Hitler occupied Austria — without warn-
In 1939, Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia — without
Later in 1939, Hitler invaded Poland — without
In 1940, Hitler invaded Norway, Denmark, Hol-
land, Belgium and Luxembourg — without warning.
In 1940, Italy attacked France and later Greece
— without warning.
In 1941, the Axis powers attacked Yugoslavia
and Greece and they dominated the Balkans — with-
In 1941, Hitler invaded Russia — without warn-
FIRST WAR REPORT
And now Japan has attacked Malaya and Thai-
land — and the United States — without warning.
It is all of one pattern.
Have Suffered Serious Setback
We are now in this war. We are all in it — all
the way. Every single man, woman and child is a
partner in the most tremendous undertaking of our
American history. We must share together the
bad news and the good news, the defeats and the
victories — the changing fortunes of war.
So far, the news has all been bad. We have suf-
fered a serious setback in Hawaii. Our forces in
the Philippines, which include the brave people of
that commonwealth, are taking punishment, but
are defending themselves vigorously. The reports
from Guam and Wake and Midway Islands are still
confused, but we must be prepared for the announce-
ment that all these three outposts have been seized.
The casualty lists of these first few days will
undoubtedly be large. I deeply feel the anxiety
of all families of the men in our armed forces and
the relatives of people in cities which have been
bombed. I can only give them my solemn promise
that they will get news just as quickly as possible.
This government will put its trust in the stamina
of the American people, and will give the facts to
the public as soon as two conditions have been ful-
filled: First, that the information has been defi-
nitely and officially confirmed; and, second, that
the release of the information at the time it is
received will not prove valuable to the enemy
directly or indirectly.
Most earnestly I urge my countrymen to reject
all rumors. These ugly little hints of complete
disaster fly thick and fast in wartime. They have
to be examined and appraised.
As an example, I can tell you frankly that until
further surveys are made, I have not sufficient in-
FIRST WAR REPORT
formation to state the exact damage which has been
done to our naval vessels at Pearl Harbor. Admit-
tedly the damage is serious. But no one can say
how serious, until we know how much of this dam-
age can be repaired and how quickly the necessary
repairs can be made.
I cite as another example a statement made on
Sunday night that a Japanese carrier had been
located and sunk off the Canal Zone. And when you
hear statements that are attributed to what they
call ^'an authoritative source" you can be reason-
ably sure that under these war circumstances the
"authoritative source" was not any person in
Many rumors and reports which we now hear
originate with enemy source. For instance, today
the Japanese are claiming that as a result of their
one action against Hawaii they have gained naval
supremacy in the Pacific. This is an old trick of
propaganda which has been used innumerable
times by the Nazis. The purpose of such fantastic
claims are, of course, to spread fear and confusion
among us, and to goad us into revealing military
information which our enemies are desperately
anxious to obtain.
We Won't Be Trapped
Our government will not be caught in this obvious
trap — and neither will our people.
It must be remembered by each and every one of
us that our free and rapid communication must be
greatly restricted in wartime. It is not possible to
receive full, speedy, accurate reports from distant
areas of combat. This is particularly true where
naval operations are concerned. For in these days
of the marvels of radio it is often impossible for the
commanders of various units to report their activi-
ties by radio, for the very simple reason that this
information would become available to the enemy,
FIRST WAR REPORT
and would disclose their position and their plan of
defense or attack.
Of necessity there will be delays in officially con-
firming or denying reports of operations but we
will not hide facts from the country if we know the
facts and if the enemy will not be aided by their
To all newspapers and radio stations — all those
who reach the eyes and ears of the American people
— I say this: You have a most grave responsi-
bility to the nation now and for the duration of
Warns Against Rumors
If you feel that your government is not disclos-
ing enough of the truth, you have every right to say
so. But — in the absence of all the facts, as revealed
by official sources — you have no right to deal out
unconfirmed reports in such a way as to make people
believe they are gospel truth.
Every citizen, in every walk of life, shares this
same responsibility. The lives of our soldiers and
sailors — the whole future of this nation — depend
upon the manner in which each and every one of us
fulfills his obligation to our country.
Time Advantage to U. S.
Now a word about the recent past — and the fu-
ture. A year and a half has elapsed since the fall
of France, when the whole world first realized the
mechanized might which the Axis nations had been
building for so many years. America has used this
advantage. Knowing that the attack might reach
us in all too short a time, we immediately began
greatly to increase our industrial strength and our
capacity to meet the demands of modern warfare.
Precious months were gained by sending vast
quantities of our war material to the nations of the
world still able to resist Axis aggression. Our policy
rested on the fundamental truth that the defense of
FIRST WAR REPORT
any country resisting Hitler or Japan was in the
long run the defense of our own country. That pol-
icy has been justified.
It has given us time, invaluable time, to build
our American assembly lines of production.
Assembly lines are now in operation. Others are
being rushed to completion. A steady stream of
tanks and planes, of guns and ships, of shells and
equipment — that is what these eighteen months
have given us.
But it is all only a beginning of what has to be
done. We must be set to face a long war against
crafty and powerful bandits. The attack at Pearl
Harbor can be repeated at any one of many points
in both oceans and along both our coast lines and
against all the rest of the hemisphere.
Predicts Long War
It will not only be a long war, it will be a hard
war. That is the basis on which we now lay all our
plans. That is the yardstick by which we measure
what we shall need and demand; money, ma-
terials, doubled and quadrupled production — ever-
The production must be not only for our own
Army and Navy and Air Forces. It must reinforce
the other armies and navies and air forces fighting
the Nazis and the war lords of Japan throughout
the Americas and the world.
I have been working today on the subject of
production. Your government has decided on two
The first is to speed up all existing production
by working on a seven day week basis in every war
industry, including the production of essential raw
Plants to Be Expanded
The second policy, now being put into form, is
to rush additions to the capacity of production by
FIRST WAR REPORT
building more new plants, by adding to old plants,
and by using the many smaller plants for war needs.
Over the hard road of the past months, we have
at times met obstacles and difficulties, divisions and
disputes, indifference and callousness. That is now
all past — and, I am sure, forgotten.
The fact is that the country now has an organ-
ization in Washington built around men and women
who are recognized experts in their own fields. I
think the country knows that the people who are
actually responsible in each and every one of these
many fields are pulling together with a teamwork
that has never before been excelled.
On the road ahead there lies hard work — gruel-
ling work — day and night, every hour and every
I was about to add that ahead there lies sacrifice
for all of us.
But it is not correct to use that word. The
United States does not consider it a sacrifice to do
all one can, to give one's best to our nation, when
the nation is fighting for its existence and its future
It is not a sacrifice for any man, old or young, to
be in the Army or the Navy of the United States.
Rather is it a privilege.
It is not a sacrifice for the industrialist or the
wage earner, the farmer or the shopkeeper, the
trainman or the doctor, to pay more taxes, to buy
more bonds, to forego extra profits, to work longer
or harder at the task for which he is best fitted.
Rather is it a privilege.
It is not a sacrifice to do without many things
to which we are accustomed if the national defense
calls for doing without.
A review this morning leads me to the conclusion
that at present we shall not have to curtail the
normal articles of food. There is enough food for
FIRST WAR REPORT
all of US and enough left over to send to those who
are fighting on the same side with us.
There will be a clear and definite shortage of
metals of many kinds for civilian use, for the very
good reason that in our increased program we shall
need for war purposes more than half of that por-
tion of the principal metals which during the past
year have gone into articles for civilian use. We
shall have to give up many things entirely.
Confident of Nation
I am sure that the people in every part of the
nation are prepared in their individual living to
win this war. I am sure they will cheerfully help
to pay a large part of its financial cost while it goes
on. I am sure they will cheerfully give up those
material things they are asked to give up.
I am sure that they will retain all those great
spiritual things without which we cannot win
I repeat that the United States can accept no
result save victory, final and complete. Not only
must the shame of Japanese treachery be wiped
out, but the sources of international brutaUty,
wherever they exist, must be absolutely and finally
"We Must Never Forget"
In my message to the Congress yesterday I said
that we "will make very certain that this form of
treachery shall never endanger us again. '^ In order
to achieve that certainty, we must begin the great
task that is before us by abandoning once and for
all the illusion that we can ever again isolate our-
selves from the rest of humanity.
In these past few years — and, most violently,
in the past few days — we have learned a terrible
It is our obligation to our dead — it is our sacred
FIRST WAR REPORT
obligation to their children and our children — that
we must never forget what we have learned.
And what we have learned is this:
There is no such thing as security for any nation
— or any individual — in a w^orld ruled by the prin-
ciples of gangsterism.
There is no such thing as impregnable defense
against powerful aggressors w^ho sneak up in the
dark and strike without warning.
We have learned that our ocean-girt hemisphere
is not immune from severe attack — that we cannot
measure our safety in terms of miles on any map.
We may acknowledge that our enemies have per-
formed a brilliant feat of deception, perfectly timed
and executed with a great skill. It w^as a thoroughly
dishonorable deed, but we must face the fact that
modern warfare as conducted in the Nazi manner is
a dirty business. We don't like it — we didn't want
to get in it — but we are in it and we're going to
fight it with everything we've got.
Tells of Nazi Role
I do not think any American has any doubt of our
ability to administer proper punishment to the per-
petrators of these crimes.
Your government knows that for weeks Germany
has been telling Japan that if Japan did not attack
the United States, Japan would not share in dividing
the spoils with Germany when peace came. She was
promised by Germany that if she came in she would
receive the complete and perpetual control of the
whole of the Pacific area — and that means not only
the Far East, not only all of the islands in the
Pacific, but also a stranglehold on the West Coast
of North, Central and South America.
We also know that Germany and Japan are con-
ducting their military and naval operations in
accordance with a joint plan. That plan considers
all peoples and nations which are not helping the
FIRST WAR REPORT
Axis powers as common enemies of each and every
one of the Axis powers.
That is their simple and obvious grand strategy.
That is why the American people must realize that
it can be matched only with similar grand strategy.
We must realize for example that Japanese suc-
cesses against the United States in the Pacific are
helpful to German operations in Libya; that any
German success against the Caucasus is inevitably
an assistance to Japan in her operations against the
Dutch East Indies; that a German attack against
Algiers or Morocco opens the way to a German
attack against South America.
On the other side of the picture we must learn to
know that guerilla warfare against the Germans in
Serbia helps us; that a successful Russian offensive
against the Germans helps us and that British suc-
cesses on land or sea or in any part of the world
strengthen our hands.
Remember always that Germany and Italy, re-
gardless of any formal declaration of war, consider
themselves at war with the United States at this
moment just as much as they consider themselves
at war with Britain and Russia. And Germany puts
all the other republics of the Americas into the cate-
gory of enemies. The people of the hemisphere can
be honored by that.
Goal Above Battle
The true goal we seek is far above and beyond
the ugly field of battle. When we resort to force^ as
now we must, we are determined that this force
shall be directed toward ultimate good as well as
against immediate evil. We Americans are not de-
stroyers — we are builders.
We are now in the midst of a war, not for con-
quest, not for vengeance, but for a world in which
this nation, and all that this nation represents, will
be safe for our children. We expect to eliminate
FIRST WAR REPORT
the danger from Japan, but it would serve us ill if
we accomplished that and found that the rest of
the world was dominated by Hitler and Mussolini.
We are going to win the war and we are going to
win the peace that follows.
And in the dark hours of this day — and through
the dark days that may be yet to come — we will
know that the vast majority of the members of the
human race are on our side. Many of them are fight-
ing with us. All of them are praying for us. For, in
representing our cause, we represent theirs as well—
our hope and their hope for liberty under God.
Damn the torpedoes!
—David Glasgow Farragut,
At the battle of Mobile Bay,
5 Aug., 1864
We give up the fort when there's not a man left to
— Captain George Croghan, to
General Proctor, Fort Stephenson,
Lower Sandusky, 1 August, 1813
/ have not yet begun to fight.
— John Paul Jones, when summoned to sur-
render as his ship, the Bonhomme Richard,
was sinking under him in his fight with the
British Serapis, 23 Sept., 1779.
THE BACKGROUND OF WAR WITH
GERMANY AND ITALY
America is at war with Germany and Italy. Hitler
and Mussolini declared war on us after their part-
ner Japan treacherously attacked us. According to
Axis philosophy no excuse is needed for aggression.
We have seen Germany and Italy attack one demo-
cratic nation after another with swift and brutal
force, until only Britain, Russia, and China were
left to wage stubborn and unrelenting war against
Nazism and Fascism. America has attempted to
maintain its traditional neutrality in a world grown
too small for isolation; now, by a series of unpro-
voked aggressions she has been notified that her
existence, too, is at stake. Neutrality is only a thin
shell of protection. The events of the last ten years
In March, 1933, Hitler rose to power in Germany
and, by means of lies, brutal violence, threats, and
wild promises of world domination, assumed abso-
lute control over the lives of the German people.
In December, 1934, despite all the League of
Nations could do, Italy attacked, invaded, and con-
In March, 1936, Hitler's militaristic ambition
bore its first fruits in the re-occupation and mili-
tarization of the Rhineland and the discarding of
pledges solemnly given in the Versailles Treaty.
In October, 1936, Germany and Italy formally
recognized their natural affinity by forming the
Between 1936 and 1939 Italy and Germany made
it possible for Franco to undermine the liberal and
legally constituted government of Spain, by sending
armed forces and equipment for his use, while the
democracies, in an attempt to preserve neutrality,
In March, 1938, by means of fifth-column tactics
and threats, Germany annexed Austria.
BACKGROUND OF WAR WITH GERMANY AND ITALY
In October, 1938, by threats of war, Germany
was allowed to annex the Sudetenland, a part of
democratic Czecho-Slovakia. In the next few
months Germany abrogated her pact with England
and France by taking over the rest of Czecho-
In March, 1939, the Nazis seized the district of
In April, 1939, Mussolini invaded the little moun-
tain kingdom of Albania.
On September 1, 1939, Germany defied England
and France and marched into Poland. The Second
World War was begun.
In April, 1940, Germany invaded democratic Nor-
way and Denmark, despite their attempts to retain
their neutrality as they had done during the First
In May, 1940, in a single terrific drive. Hitler's
mechanized forces rolled over Holland, Belgium, and
Luxemburg, all peace-loving little countries that had
been assured again and again by Hitler that he would
respect their neutrality.
In June, 1940, when France was sorely beset,
Italy, by declaring war, stabbed her neighbor in the
back. France was forced to bow to harsh German
terms of peace: to surrender two-thirds of her terri-
tory to the conqueror and govern the other third
according to Hitler's dictates.
In September, 1940, German forces occupied
In October, 1940, Italy attacked Greece, but
found that small and gallant nation too much for
In April, 1941, Germany went to Italy's rescue,
annihilated Yugoslavia and Greece and took Bul-
garia under Axis control.
In June, 1941, in spite of Hitler's non-aggression
pact with Stalin, Germany began an invasion of
Soviet Russia. It is still being stubbornly fought off
by the indomitable Russian people.
BACKGROUND OF WAR WITH GERMANY AND ITALY
Meanwhile, the United States repealed its arms
embargo, traded old destroyers to Britain for bases
in the Western Hemisphere, passed the Lease-Lend
Act, patroled western Atlantic waters, and finally
partially repealed the Neutrality Act, showing that
our government was fully aware that only the abil-
ity of Britain and her allies to defeat the common
enemy stood between us and attack. We knew our
safety was at stake, but remained at peace even
when German submarines torpedoed our ships.
Now there is no doubt anywhere. The enemies
of democracy in Europe and Asia are the enemies of
democracy in the Western Hemisphere. Germany,
Italy, and Japan have always known it. Now we
know that only if Fascism and Nazism are destroyed
can our democratic way of life survive.
The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the
destiny of the republican model of government, are
justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked,
on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the
— George Washington,
First Inaugural, 1789.
What constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and
independence? It is not our frowning battlements,
our bristling seacoasts . . . Our reliance is in the love
of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense
is in the spirit which prized liberty as the heritage of
all men, in all lands everywhere.
— Abraham Lincoln, Speech,
13 Sept., 1858
THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE ON WAR
WITH GERMANY AND ITALY
Text of the message to Congress, December I I,
1941, after Germany and Italy declared war on the
On the morning of December 11, the government
of Germany, pursuing its course of world conquest,
declared war against the United States.
The long-known and the long-expected has thus
The forces endeavoring to enslave the entire
world now are moving toward this hemisphere.
Never before has there been a greater challenge
to life, liberty and civilization.
Delay invites great danger. Rapid and united
effort by all of the peoples of the world who are
determined to remain free will insure a world victory
of the forces of justice and of righteousness over the
forces of savagery and of barbarism.
Italy also has declared war against the United
I therefore request the Congress to recognize a
state of war between the United States and Ger-
many, and between the United States and Italy.
TEXT OF THE DECLARATION OF WAR
AGAINST GERMANY AND ITALY
The War Resolution voted by Congress, Decem-
ber II, 1941.
Joint resolution, declaring that a state of war ex-
ists between the government of Germany and the
government and the people of the United States, and
making provision to prosecute the same.
Whereas, the government of Germany has
formally declared war against the government and
the people of the United States: Therefore be it re-
solved by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress
assembled, that the state of war between the United
States and the government of Germany which has
thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby
formally declared: And the President is hereby
authorized and directed to employ the entire naval
and military forces of the United States and the
resources of the government to carry on war against
the government of Germany; and, to bring the con-
flict to a successful termination, all of the resources
of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress
of the United States.
(The separate declaration against Italy was
identical, except for substitution of names.)
SPEECHES OF HITLER AND MUSSOLINI
ANNOUNCING WAR WITH THE
Because the German and Italian peoples have
long been deprived of the truth about America and
the world scene, their dictators can make such
false and ridiculous statements as those contained in
these two messages.
SPEECH BY MUSSOLINI
This is another day of solemn decision in Italy's
history and of memorable events destined to give
a new course to the history of continents.
The powers of the steel pact, Fascist Italy and
National-Socialist Germany, ever closely linked, par-
ticipate from today on the side of heroic Japan
against the United States of America.
The Tripartite Pact becomes a military alliance
which draws around its colors 250,000,000 men de-
termined to give all in order to win.
Neither the Axis nor Japan wanted an extension
of the conflict.
BLAME ROOSEVELT FOR WAR
One man, one man only, a real tyrannical demo-
crat, through a series of infinite provocations, be-
traying with a supreme fraud the population of his
country, wanted the war and had prepared for it
day by day with diabolical obstinacy.
The formidable blows that on the immense Pacific
expanse have been already inflicted on American
forces, show how prepared are the soldiers of the
Empire of the Rising Sun.
I say to you, and you will understand, that it is
a privilege to fight with them.
Tomorrow the Tripartite Pact will become an
instrument of just peace between the peoples.
Italians! Once more arise and be worthy of this
We shall win.
SUMMARY OF AND EXCERPTS FROM
He opened his long tirade with a now familiar
pattern of boasting about his divine mission and
vaunting Germany's successes.
'li Providence wanted it that war should not be
avoided, so I must thank Providence for putting me
at the head of the German nation in this war which
will decide the fate not only of Germany but of the
entire world throughout the next 500 or 1,000
He proceeded to attempt to build up a thesis of
an unconquerable Germany.
He repeated the old charges of British efforts to
''encircle Germany" and of Russian preparations
against the Reich. He reviewed the whole course
of the war.
''It is my decision," he stated, "to make the
European front unconquerable for the enemy."
"I am now the head of the strongest military force
in the world," he boasted, "of the strongest air
force and the most gallant navy."
He made excuses for the German reverses in the
Libyan campaign and for the winter slow-down in
Russia and insisted that next Spring "nothing will
be able to stop the German advance."
After thus reassuring the German people he built
up his purported case against the United States.
He claimed that the United States had "forced
the struggle" on Japan and expressed deep satisfac-
tion "with this Japanese challenge to this American
He announced a new alliance with Italy and
Japan to prosecute the war "with every means
available" in order to establish "after victory" a
"Italy and Germany are forced, in agreement with
the stipulation in the Tripartite Pact, to associate
themselves with Japan."
HITLER S SPEECH
He then attempted to justify a declaration of war
against the United States by reviewing what he
termed a long series of attacks against Germany. He
asserted Germany was saving Europe from "strange
elements from abroad.''
He charged the American "threat to Europe"
sprang from "an inheritance of Jewish and Negro
"If anyone said that cultural values have been
brought back from America to Europe, it was only
the intention of a decayed Jewish culture."
He made a long personal tirade against President
Roosevelt and even attacked Mrs. Roosevelt "for
refusing to live in a world as we National Socialists
"In his ambition for world dictatorship, Roose-
velt has refrained from doing nothing."
"President Roosevelt has done everything to pre-
vent Germany and Italy from securing their
He said that between him and President Roosevelt
"there is a world-wide abyss."
He charged that the President had plotted to
attack Germany and rejoiced that the President had
given him the opportunity to "write a page in the
book of honor of German history."
He claimed American instigations had exhausted
his "patience to the straining point."
He then proceeded to announce the declaration
"I have told the German Ambassador to the
United States to ask for his passport . . . and I have
given the American Charge d 'Affaires his passport
GERMAN DECLARATION OF WAR
Texf of the German note handed to the United
States Charge d'Affaires in Berlin by Foreign
Minister Von Ribbentrop, December II, 1941,
Mr. Charge d'Affaires:
The government of the United States, having vio-
lated in the most flagrant manner and in ever-
increasing measure all rules of neutrality, in favor
of the adversaries of Germany, and having contin-
ually been guilty of the most severe provocations
toward Germany ever since the outbreak of the
European war provoked by the British declaration
of war against Germany on September 3, 1939, has
finally resorted to open military acts of aggression.
On September 11, 1941, the President of the
United States publicly declared that he had ordered
the American navy and air force to shoot at any
German war vessel. In his speech of October 27,
1941, he once more expressly affirmed that this or-
der was in force. Acting under this order vessels of
the American navy since early September, 1941,
have systematically attacked German naval forces.
Thus American destroyers, as for instance, the
Greer, the Kearney and the Reuben James, have
opened fire on German submarines according to the
plan. The Secretary of the American Navy, Mr.
Knox, himself confirmed that American destroyers
attacked German submarines.
Furthermore, the naval forces of the United
States, under orders of their government and con-
trary to international law, have treated and seized
German merchant vessels on the high seas as enemy
The German government therefore establishes the
Although Germany on her part has strictly ad-
hered to the rules of international law and has
GERMAN DECLARATION OF WAR
treated with the United States during every period
of the present war, the government of the United
States from initial violations of neutrality has
finally proceeded to open acts of war against Ger-
many. The government of the United States has
thereby virtually created a state of war.
The German government, consequently, discon-
tinues diplomatic relations with the United States of
America and declares that under those circum-
stances brought about by President Roosevelt, Ger-
many, too, as from today, considers herself as being
in a state of war with the United States of America.
Accept, Mr. Charge d'Affaires, the expression of
my high consideration.
December 11, 1941.
TIMETABLE OF ACTION ON
(By The Associated Press)
WASHINGTON, Dec. 11— Here is the timetable of action
today on war declarations against Germany and Italy:
12:21 P.M. — President's message read to Senate: Delivered,
12:26 — Senate took up German declaration.
12 :36 — House took up German declaration.
12 :39 — Senate vote approving German declaration com-
12 :40 — Senate took up Italian declaration.
12:48 — Senate vote passing Italian declaration completed.
12 :59 — House vote approving German declaration com-
1 :23 — House completed roll-call on Italian declaration.
3 :05 — President Roosevelt signed the German declaration
3 :06 — The President signed the Italian declaration.
GENERAL PERSHING VOLUNTEERS
Generaljohn J. Pershing, at the age of 81, sent
this letter to President Roosevelt, December 10,
All Americans today are united in one ambition —
to take whatever share they can in the defense of
their country. As one among these millions, I hasten
to offer my services, in any way in which my ex-
perience and my strength, to the last ounce, will be
of help in the fight.
With supreme confidence that, under your calm
and determined leadership, we will retain our bal-
ance, despite foul blows, I am faithfully yours,
JOHN J. PERSHING
The President's reply to General Pershing:
You are magnificent. You always have been — and
you always will be, I am deeply grateful to you for
your letter of December 10. Under a wise law, you
have never been placed on the retired list. You are
very much on the active list and your services will
be of great value,
FRANKLIN D, ROOSEVELT
I ^w . * ' m%^
HISTORIC MEETING OF PRESIDENT FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
AND PRIME MINISTER WINSTON CHURCHILL ABOARD H.M.S.
PRINCE OF WALES ON THE ATLANTIC, AUGUST 10, 1Q41
PRESIDL i KM. rVELT AND PRIME MINISTER CHURCHILL
ACCOMPANIED BY HIGH AMERICAN AND BRITISH OFFICIALS!
ABOARD THE U.S.S. AUGUSTA, AUGUST 9, 1941
THE ATLANTIC CHARTER
The Declaration issued by Prime Minister Churchill
and President Roosevelt after their meeting at sea
in August, 1941.
The President of the United States of America
and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, represent-
ing His Majesty's Government in the United King-
dom, being met together, deem it right to make
known certain common principles in the national
policies of their respective countries on which they
base their hopes for a better future for the world.
FIRST, their countries seek no aggrandizement,
territorial or other;
SECOND, they desire to seek no territorial
changes that do not accord with the freely ex-
pressed wishes of the peoples concerned;
THIRD, they respect the right of all peoples to
choose the form of government under w^hich they
will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and
self-government restored to those who have been
forcibly deprived of them;
FOURTH, they will endeavor, with due respect
for their existing obligations, to further the enjoy-
ment by all States, great or small, victor or van-
quished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and
to the raw materials of the world which are needed
for their economic prosperity;
FIFTH, they desire to bring about the fullest
collaboration between all nations in the economic
field with the object of securing, for all, improved
labor standards, economic adjustment and social
SIXTH, after the final destruction of the Nazi
tyranny, they hope to see established a peace which
will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in
safety within their own boundaries, and which will
afford assurance that all the men in all the lands
THE ATLANTIC CHARTER
may live out their lives in freedom from fear and
SEVENTH, such a peace should enable all men
to traverse the high seas and oceans without
EIGHTH, they believe that all of the nations
of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual rea-
sons, must come to the abandonment of the use of
force. Since no future peace can be maintained if
land, sea or air armaments continue to be employed
by nations which threaten, or may threaten, aggres-
sion outside of their frontiers, they believe, pending
the establishment of a wider and permanent system
of general security, that the disarmament of such
nations is essential. They will likewise aid and
encourage all other practicable measures which will
lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden
Franklin D. Roosevelt
Winston S. Churchill
Don't tread^ on me.
— Motto of the first flag of the Revolution,
raised on Paul Jones's ship, the Alfred y in
1776. The flag showed a pine tree with a
rattlesnake coiled at its foot.
The interesting and inspiring thought about Amer-
ica is that she asks nothing for herself except what
she has a right to ask for humanity itself.
— Woodrow Wilson, Speech,
New York, 17 May, 1915
SECRETARY OF THE NAVY FRANK
KNOX'S STATEMENT ON THE JAPA-
NESE ATTACK ON HAWAII
Wri+fen December 15, 1941, after his return
from a trip of personal inspection.
"My inspection trip to the island enables me to
present the general facts covering the attack which
hitherto have been unavailable.
"The essential fact is that the Japanese purpose
was to knock out the United States before the war
began. This was made apparent by the deception
practiced, by the preparations which had gone on
for many weeks before the attack, and the at-
tacks themselves which were made simultaneously
throughout the Pacific. In this purpose the Japanese
"The United States services were not on the alert
against the surprise air attack on Hawaii. This fact
calls for a formal investigation which will be initi-
ated immediately by the President. Further action
is, of course, dependent on the facts and recom-
mendations made by this investigating board. We
are all entitled to know it if [a] there was any error
of judgment which contributed to the surprise,
[b] if there was any dereliction of duty prior to
Losses by Navy
"My investigation made clear that after the at-
tack the defense by both services was conducted
skillfully and bravely."
The report then detailed the losses suffered by
Ninety-one officers and 2,638 enlisted men were
killed; 20 officers and 636 enlisted men wounded.
The battleship Arizona was destroyed when first
its boiler and then its forward magazine exploded
SECRETARY KNOX S STATEMENT
when a Japanese bomb literally went down its fun-
nel. The obsolete battleship Utah, used as a target
ship for many years, which was in service as a train-
ing and experimental ship, also was destroyed.
Listed as lost were three destroyers, the Cassin, the
Dowries, and the Shaw, and the mine layer Oglala.
Damage to Other Vessels
''The navy sustained damage to other vessels
This damage varies from ships which have been
already repaired, and are ready for sea. or which
have gone to sea, to a few ships which will take
from a week to several months to repair. In the
last category is the older battleship Oklahoma, which
has capsized but can be righted and repaired.''
The remainder of the Pacific fleet, the statement
said, is at sea hunting the enemy.
Knox said the known Japanese losses in equip-
ment were 3 submarines and 41 aircraft. He added
that the army suffered severe losses in aircraft,
that some hangars were destroyed, but that replace-
ments have arrived or are on their way.
The Secretary of the Navy told in some detail
of many individual actions of outstanding courage.
''In the navy's gravest hour of peril, the officers
and men of the fleet exhibited magnificent courage
and resourcefulness during the treacherous Japanese
assault on Pearl Harbor. The real story of Pearl
Harbor is not one of individual heroism, although
there were many such cases. It lies in the splendid
manner in which all hands did their job as long as
they were able, not only under fire, but while fight-
ing the flames afterward and immediately starting
salvage work and reorganization.
"Prompt action saved many lives and a vast
amount of material. Without exception, all ships
and stations rose to the emergency. Less than four
minutes after the first alarm, guns of the fleet w^ent
SECRETARY KNOX'S STATEMENT
into action against enemy aircraft. Seconds later
the first Japanese plane was shot down.
''To a recruit seaman aboard a battleship prob-
ably goes the honor of striking the first telling blow-
in the fleet's defense. Even before general quarter
sounded, this youngster single handedly manned a
machine gun and blasted an attacking torpedo plane
as it leveled against his ship.
"The dying captain of a battleship displayed the
outstanding individual heroism of the day. As he
emerged from the conning tower to the bridge, the
better to fight his ship, his stomach was laid com-
pletely open by a shrapnel burst. He fell to the
deck. Refusing to be carried to safety, he continued
to direct the action.
"When the bridge became a blazing inferno, two
officers attempted to remove him. But he ordered
them to abandon him and save themselves. The
latter found themselves blocked by the flames. Only
the heroic efforts of a third officer enabled them
to escape. He climbed through the fire to a higher
level from which he passed one line to an adjoining
battleship, and another to his trapped shipmates.
By this frail means they made their way to safety.
Fight by Aircraft Tender
"Entire ship's companies showed exemplary valor
and coordination. Drama was thus crowded into
a few seconds on board an aircraft tender moored
at the naval air station, target of the enemy's fiercest
bombing and strafing. With the ship already on fire
from repeated high-altitude attacks, her antiaircraft
batteries downed a plane which crashed in flames on
deck. At this moment her captain observed the
shadow of an enemy two-man submarine aoproacb-
ing within a few yards of the vessel. It was placed
"Hits were scored immediately and the subma-
rine exposed her conning tower. At that instant a
SECRETARY KNOX'S STATEMENT
destroyer stood down channel, passed directly over
the submarine, and sank it with depth charges.
Doubtless saved from this craft's torpedoes, the
tender then shot down a second plane, Which fell on
"Men fought with the cool confidence that comes
from complete indoctrination for battle. In one
case, a single bluejacket manned a 5-inch anti-
aircraft gun after his 10 battery mates had been
shot down by a strafing attack. He would seize a
shell from the fuse box, place it in the tray, dash to
the other side of the gun, and ram it home. He
would then take his position on the pointer's seat
and fire. After the third such round, a terrific explo-
sion blew him over the side of the battleship. He
Rescue Guns from Flames
"At the several naval air stations attacked, crews
dashed into the flames enveloping plants set ablaze
by incendiaries, stripped off free machine guns, and
with them returned the enemy's fire. In at least one
instance an enemy craft was shot down.
"Two cruiser scouting seaplanes, their speed and
maneuverability reduced by heavy pontoons, de-
stroyed an attacking Japanese pursuit ship of thrice
"Simultaneously throughout the navy yard ex-
amples of personal heroism developed. Several
workmen of Japanese ancestry deserted their benches
to help the marine defense battalion man machine
gun nests. Two of them with hands blistered from
hot gun barrels, required emergency treatment.
"Cool as ice, the men who manned the navy yard
signal tower from which flashed orders to the
anchored fleet, carried out their assignment under
a hail of machine gun fire and bombs from the en-
emy, as well as shrapnel from their own force's
antiaircraft batteries. None left his dangerous post.
secretary knox s statement
First to Observe Invaders
^'First to observe the invaders through their long-
glasses from their high vantage point, they sent out
the astounding air raid warning by visual signals.
Then they settled into the complex business of trans-
mitting the scores of orders to the ships that fought
back at the attackers from their berths, or pre-
pared to stand out to sea.
"Men from ships out of action managed at any
cost to return to the battle. There were the sur-
vivors of the capsized ship who swam through
blazing oil to clamber aboard other ships and join
gun crew^s. Crews from another disabled vessel
swam into midchannel where they were hoisted
aboard outward bound destroyers.
''Proof that getting back into battle took preced-
ence over their ow^n lives was the fact that the
comparative safety of the shore lay only a few yards
away. Lying in a hospital bed when the first air
raid alarm sounded, one officer leaped up, brushed
aside nurses and ran across the navy yard to his
ship. He fought with such gallantry and zeal, de-
spite his illness, that his captain recommended him
Disabled, Turns to Rescue
"There was the case of the destroyer tender which
lay alongside a dock undergoing major overhaul,
powerless and without armament. Unable to assume
an active defense role, she concerned herself with
the vital task of rescue with her available ship's
boats. One naval reserve ensign volunteered as skip-
per of a motor launch. With four men he proceeded
across Pearl Harbor's reverberating channel through
a hail of enemy machine gun fire and shrapnel.
They saved almost 100 men from one battleship —
men who had been injured or blown overboard into
the oil-fired waters.
"The attack on this vessel was at its height as
SECRETARY KNOX'S S'fATEMENT
these rescue operations proceeded. Suddenly the
launch's propeller jammed. Coolly, the ensign di-
rected the work of disengaging the screw as flames
licked around its wooden hull, meantime also super-
vising the picking up of more victims from the har-
bor. His captain cited him for 'initiative, resource-
fulness, devotion to duty, and personal bravery dis-
"Four motor torpedo boats had been loaded
aboard a fleet tanker for shipment. Their youthful
ensign-captains put their power-driven turret ma-
chine guns into immediate action, accounting for at
least one enemy plane.
Auxiliaries Aid in Fight
''To the unsung heroes of the harbor auxiliaries
must go much of the credit for helping stem the on-
slaught. Even the lowly garbage lighters shared
the grim task. One came alongside a blazing ship
which threatened momentarily to explode. Calmly
the yardcraft's commander led fire fighting both
aboard the warship and on the surface of the harbor.
He kept his tiny vessel beside the larger one for
"Men's will to fight was tremendous. One sea-
man had been confined to his battleship's brig for
misconduct a few days earlier. When an explosion
tore open the door, he dashed straight to his battle
station on an antiaircraft gun. On the submarine
base dock a bluejacket, carrying a heavy machine
gun for which there was no mount immediately
available, shot the weapon from his arms, stagger-
ing under the concussion of the rapid fire.
Examples of Quick Thinking
"Quick thinking in the dire emergency probably
saved many lives — and ships. An aviation machin-
ist's mate aboard one ship saw that the flames from
the huge vessel threatened a repair ship alongside.
He ran through the blaze and singlehandedly slashed
SECRETARY KNOX S STATEMENT
the lines holding the two ships together. Freed, the
smaller craft drew clear.
"Only in the final moments, when remaining
aboard appeared utterly hopeless, would men leave
their ships. Then they went reluctantly. Once
ashore, instead of finding some dry place to recu-
perate from their terrific pounding, they pitched
emergency quarters as near their vessels as possible.
And with portable guns they continued to fight;
later they stood guard at the same camps as repair
operations began on their ships, setting regular ship-
"Like all treacherous attacks, the bombing of
Pearl Harbor by the Japanese caught certain vessels
of the fleet under periodic overhaul. While in this
condition of repair, such ships were not able to
utilize their offensive powers to the greatest effec-
tiveness. These ships, therefore, turned to with a
will at many useful purposes.
"One ship rescued with its boats, hundreds of sur-
vivors thrown into the water by the force of explo-
sions; meanwhile the surface of the water was be-
coming a raging inferno from burning oil. Other
ships sent their repair parties to help the fighting
ships keep afloat. Others sent ammunition parties
to maintain the flow of powder and shells to the guns.
"Without doubt the whole spectacle was the
greatest spontaneous exhibition of cooperation, de-
termination, and courage that the American navy
has been called upon to make. The crew of one ship
followed it around on its outside as it capsized firing
their guns until they were under water. Those same
men stood on the deck and cheered as one of the
more fortunate ships cleared the harbor and passed
by, en route after the Japanese. Of all the accounts
submitted on that memorable day the record shows
a continual demonstration of courage, bravery, and
fearlessness of which the American nation may well
FIRST WHITE PAPER
A report fo Congress reviewing Japanese-
Annerican relations, Decennber 15, 1941.
"On December 8, 1941, I presented to the con-
gress a message in person asking for a declaration
of war as an answer to the treacherous attack made
by Japan the previous day upon the United States.
For the information of the congress, and as a public
record of the facts, I am transmitting this historical
summary of the past policy of this country in re-
lation to the Pacific area and of the more immediate
events leading up to this Japanese onslaught upon
our forces and territory. Attached hereto are the
various documents and correspondence implement-
ing this history.
^^A little over 100 years ago, in 1833, the United
States entered into its first far eastern treaty, a
treaty with Siam. It was a treaty providing for
peace and for dependable relationships.
China Treaty Concluded in 1844
^Ten years later Caleb Cushing was sent to
negotiate and in 1844 there was concluded our first
treaty with China.
"In 1853, Commodore Perry knocked on Japan's
doors. In the next few years those doors began to
open, and Japan, which had kept itself aloof from
the world, began to adopt what we call Western
civilization. During those early years, the United
States used every influence it could exert to protect
Japan in her transition stage.
"With respect to the entire Pacific area, the
United States has consistently urged, as it has for
all other parts of the globe, the fundamental impor-
tance to world peace of fair and equal treatment
among nations. Accordingly, whenever there has
FIRST WHITE PAPER
been a tendency on the part of any nation to en-
croach upon the independence and sovereignty of
countries of the Far East, the United States has
tried to discourage such tendency wherever possible.
Attitude of America
"There was a period when this American attitude
was especially important to Japan. At all times it
has been important to China and to other countries
of the Far East.
"At the end of the 19th century the sovereignty
of the Philippine Islands passed from Spain to this
country. The United States pledged itself to a
policy toward the Philippines designed to equip
them to become a free and independent nation. That
pledge and that policy we have consistently carried
''At that time there was going on in China what
has been called the 'scramble for concessions.'
There was even talk about a possible partitioning
of China. It was then that the principle of the
'open door' in China was laid down. In 1900, the
American government declared that its policy was
to 'seek a solution which may bring about perma-
nent safety and peace to China . . . protect all rights
guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and inter-
national law, and safeguard for the world the prin-
ciple of equal and impartial trade with all parts of
the Chinese Empire.'
Open Door Advocated
"Ever since that day, we have consistently and
unfailingly advocated the principles of the open-
door policy throughout the Far East.
"In the year 1908 the government of the United
States and the government of Japan concluded an
agreement by an exchange of notes. In that
agreement, the two governments jointly declared
FIRST WHITE PAPER
that they were determined to support 'by all pacific
means at their disposal the independence and integ-
rity of China and the principle of equal opportunity
for commerce and industry of all nations in that
empire'; that it was 'the wish of the two govern-
ments to encourage the free and peaceful develop-
ment of their commerce on the Pacific ocean/ and
that 'the policy of both governments' was 'directed
to the maintenance of the existing status quo in
"The United States has consistently practiced
the principles enunciated in that agreement.
Nine Powers Confer
"In 1921, following the close of the first World
War, nine powers having interests in the western
Pacific met in conference in Washington. China,
Japan, and the United States were there. One great
objective of this conference was the maintenance of
peace in the Pacific. This was to be achieved by
reduction of armament and by regulation of com-
petition in the Pacific and far eastern areas. Sev-
eral treaties and agreements were concluded at
"One of these was the Nine-Power Treaty. It
contained pledges to respect the sovereignty of
China and the principle of equal opportunity for
the commerce and industry of all nations throughout
"Another was a treaty between the United
States, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan
providing for limitation of naval armament.
"The course of events which have led directly to
the present crisis began 10 years ago. For it was
then — in 1931 — that Japan undertook on a large
scale its present policy of conquest in China. It
began by the invasion of Manchuria, which was part
first white paper
1932 Notes Recalled
'The council and the assembly of the League of
Nations, at once and during many months of con-
tinuous effort thereafter, tried to persuade Japan to
stop. The United States supported that effort. For
example, the government of the United States on
January 7, 1932, specifically stated in notes sent to
the Japanese and the Chinese governments that it
would not recognize any situation, treaty, or agree-
ment brought about by violation of treaties.
"This barbaric aggression of Japan in Manchuria
set the example and the pattern for the course soon
to be pursued by Italy and Germany in Africa and
in Europe. In 1933 Hitler assumed power in Ger-
many. It was evident that, once rearmed, Germany
would embark upon a policy of conquest in Europe.
Italy — then still under the domination of Mussolini
— also had resolved upon a policy of conquest in
Africa and in the Mediterranean.
'Through the years which followed, Germany,
Italy, and Japan reached an understanding to time
their acts of aggression to their common advan-
tage — and to bring about the ultimate enslavement
of the rest of the world.
Jap Reply Friendly
'Tn 1934, the Japanese minister for foreign af-
fairs sent a friendly note to the United States, stat-
ing that he firmly believed that no question existed
between the tw^o governments that was 'fundamen-
tally incapable of amicable solution.' He added that
Japan had 'no intention whatever to provoke and
make trouble with any other powder.' Our Secretary
of State, Cordell Hull, replied in kind.
"But in spite of this exchange of friendly senti-
ments, and almost immediately thereafter, the acts
and utterances of the Japanese government began
to belie these assurances — at least so far as ihe
FIRST WHITE PAPER
rights and interests of other nations in China were
"Our government thereupon expressed to Japan
the view of the American people, and of the Ameri-
can government, that no nation has the right thus
to override the rights and legitimate interests of
other sovereign states.
Nippon Arms Sped
"The structure of peace which had been founded
upon the Washington conference treaties began to be
discarded by Japan. Indeed, in December of 1934,
the Japanese government gave notice of its intention
to terminate the naval treaty of February 6, 1922,
which had limited competition in naval armament.
She thereafter intensified and multiplied her rearma-
"In 1936 the government of Japan openly asso-
ciated itself with Germany by entering the anti-
"This pact, as we all know, was nominally di-
rected against the Soviet Union; but its real pur-
pose was to form a league of facism against the
free world, particularly against Great Britain,
France, and the United States.
Mask of Hypocrisy Dropped
"Following this association of Germany, Italy,
and Japan, the stage was now set for an unlimited
campaign of conquest. In July, 1937, feeling them-
selves ready, the armed forces of Japan opened new
large-scale military operations against China. Pres-
ently, her leaders, dropping the mask of hypocrisy,
publicly declared their intention to seize and main-
tain for Japan a dominant position in the entire
region of eastern Asia, the western Pacific, and the
"They thus accepted the German thesis that 70
or 80 million Germans were by race, training ability.
FIRST WHITE PAPER
and might, superior in every way to any other race
in Europe — superior to about four hundred million
other human beings in that area. And Japan, fol-
lowing suit, announced that the 70 or 80 million
Japanese people were also superior to the seven or
eight hundred million other inhabitants of the
Orient — nearly all of whom were infinitely older
and more developed in culture and civilization than
"Their conceit would make them masters of a
region containing almost one-half the population of
the earth. It would give them complete control of
vast sea lanes and trade routes of importance to
the entire world.
Americans Killed by Japs
"The military operations w^hich followed in China
flagrantly disregarded American rights. Japanese
armed forces killed Americans. They wounded or
abased American men, women, and children. They
sank American vessels — including a naval vessel,
the Panay. They bombed American hospitals,
churches, schools, and missions. They destroyed
American property. They obstructed, and in some
cases, drove out, American commerce.
"In the meantime, they were inflicting incalcu-
lable damage upon China and ghastly suffering upon
the Chinese people. They were inflicting w^holesale
injuries upon other nations — flouting all the prin-
ciples of peace and good will among men.
"There are attached hereto lists of American
nationals killed or wounded by Japanese forces in
China since July 7, 1937; of American property in
China reported to have been damaged, destroyed,
or seriously endangered by Japanese air bombing or
air machinegunning; of American nationals reported
to have been assaulted ; arbitrarily detained or sub-
jected to indignities; of interferences with Amer-
ican nationals' rights, and interests. These lists are
FIRST WHITE PAPER
not complete. However, they are ample evidence of
the flagrant Japanese disregard of American rights
and civilized standards.
Conquest on Rampage
^'Meanwhile, brute conquest was on the rampage
in Europe and the Mediterranean.
^'Hitler and Mussolini embarked upon a scheme
of unlimited conquest. Since 1935, without provo-
cation or excuse, they have attacked, conquered, and
reduced to economic and political slavery some 16
"The machinery set up for their unlimited con-
quest included, and still includes, not only enormous
armed forces, but also huge organizations for carry-
ing on plots, intrigue, intimidation, propaganda, and
sabotage. This machine — unprecedented in size —
has world-wide ramifications; and into them the
Japanese plans and operations have been steadily
Fear of Attack Described
"As the forces of Germany, Italy, and Japan
increasingly combined their efforts over these years,
I was convinced that this combination would ulti-
mately attack the United States and the western
hemisphere — if it were successful in the other con-
"The very existence of the United States as a
great free people, and the free existence of the
American family of nations in the new world, would
be a standing challenge to the axis. The axis dic-
tators would choose their own time to make it clear
,that the United States and the New World were
included in their scheme of destruction.
"This they did last year, in 1940, when Hitler
and Mussolini concluded a treaty of alliance with
Japan deliberately aimed at the United States.
first white paper
Counterpart of Hitler
^'The strategy of Japan in the Pacific area was
a faithful counterpart of that used by Hitler in
Europe. Through infiltration, encirclement, intimi-
dation, and finally armed attack, control was ex-
tended over neighboring peoples. Each such acquisi-
tion was a new starting point for new aggression.
''Pursuing this policy of conquest, Japan had first
worked her way into and finally seized Manchuria.
Next she had invaded China, and has sought for
the past four and one-half years to subjugate her.
"Passing through the China Sea close to the Phil-
ippine Islands, she then invaded and took pos-
session of Indo-China. Today the Japanese are
extending this conquest throughout Thailand — and
seeking the occupation of Malaya and Burma. The
Philippines, Borneo, Sumatra, Java, come next on
the Japanese timetable; and it is probable that
further down the Japanese page are the names of
Australia, New Zealand, and all the other islands
of the Pacific — including Hawaii and the great chain
of the Aleutian Islands.
Mandated Isles Fortified
^To the eastward of the Philippines, Japan vio-
lated the mandate under which she had received
the custody of the Caroline, Marshall, and Mariana
Islands after the World War, by fortifying them,
and not only closing them to all commerce but her
own, but forbidding any foreigner even to visit them.
"Japanese spokesmen, after their custom, cloaked
these conquests with innocent-sounding names. They
talked of the 'new order in eastern Asia'; and then
of the 'co-prosperity sphere in greater east Asia.'
"What they really intended was the enslavement
of every nation which they could bring within their
power, and the enrichment — not of all Asia, not even
of the common people of Japan — but. of the war
FIRST WHITE PAPER
lords who had seized control of the Japanese state.
Here, too, they were following the Nazi pattern.
Defense Held Necessary
"By this course of aggression, Japan made it
necessary for various countries, including our own,
to keep in the Pacific in self-defense large armed
forces and a vast amount of material which might
otherwise have been used against Hitler. That, of
course, is exactly what Hitler w^anted them to do.
The diversion thus created by Hitler's Japanese
ally forced the peace-loving nations to establish
and maintain a huge front in the Pacific.
'Throughout this course and program of Japanese
aggression, the government of the United States
consistently endeavored to persuade the govern-
ment of Japan that Japan's best interests would lie
in maintaining and cultivating friendly relations
with the United States and w^ith all other countries
that believe in orderly and peaceful processes.
"Following the outbreak of hostilities between
Japan and China in 1937, this government made
know^n to the Japanese government and to the
Chinese government that whenever both those gov-
ernments considered it desirable we stood ready to
exercise our good offices. During the following
years of conflict that attitude on our part remained
Bid to Parley Declined
"In October, 1937, upon invitation by which the
Belgian government made itself the host, 19 coun-
tries which have interests in the Far East, including
the United States, sent representatives to Brussels
to consider the situation in the Far East in con-
formity with the Nine-Power Treaty and to en-
deavor to bring about an adjustment of the diffi-
culties between Japan and China by peaceful
FIRST WHITE PAPER
"Japan and Germany only of all the powers
invited declined to attend. Japan was itself an
original signatory of the treaty. China, one of the
signatories, and the Soviet Union, not a signatory,
attended. After the conference opened, the countries
in attendance made further attempts to persuade
Japan to participate in the conference. Japan again
''On November 24, 1937, the conference adopted
a declaration, urging that 'hostilities be suspended
and resort be had to peaceful processes/
"Japan scorned the conference and ignored the
"It became clear that, unless this course of affairs
in the Far East was halted, the Pacific area was
doomed to experience the same horrors which have
"Therefore, in this year of 1941, in an endeavor
to end this process by peaceful means while there
seemed still to be a chance, the United States
entered into discussions with Japan.
"For nine months these conversations were car-
ried on for the purpose of arriving at some under-
standing acceptable to both countries.
Honest Rights Considered
"Throughout all of these conversations this gov-
ernrrent took into account not only the legitimate
interests of the United States, but also those of
Japan and other countries. When questions relating
to the legitimate rights and interests of other coun-
tries came up, this government kept in appropriate
contact with the representatives of those countries.
"In the course of these negotiations the United
States steadfastly advocated certain basic principles
which should govern international relations. These
FIRST WHITE PAPER
"The principle of inviolability of territorial in-
tegrity and sovereignty of all nations.
"The principle of noninterference in the internal
affairs of other countries.
"The principle of equality — including equality of
commercial opportunity and treatment.
"The principle of reliance upon international co-
operation and conciliation for the prevention, and
pacific settlement of controversies.
Qualified Statements Offered
"The Japanese government, it is true, repeatedly
offered qualified statements of peace intention. But
it became clear, as each proposal was explored, that
Japan did not intend to modify in any way her
greedy designs upon the whole Pacific world. Al-
though she continually maintained that she was
promoting only the peace and greater prosperity of
east Asia, she continued her brutal assault upon the
"Nor did Japan show any inclination to renounce
her unholy alliance with Hitlerism.
"In July of this year the Japanese government
connived with Hitler to force from the Vichy gov-
ernment of France permission to place Japanese
armed forces in southern Indo-China and began
sending her troops and equipment into that area.
"The conversations between this government and
the Japanese government were thereupon suspended.
"But during the following month, at the urgent
and insistent request of the Japanese government,
which again made emphatic profession of peaceful
intent, the conversations were resumed.
"At that time the Japanese government made the
suggestion that the responsible heads of the Japa-
nese government and of the government of the
United States meet personally to discuss means for
FIRST WHITE PAPER
bringing about an adjustment of relations between
the two countries.
Moves for Assurance Fail
'^l should have been happy to travel thousands of
miles to meet the premier of Japan for that purpose.
But I felt it desirable, before so doing, to obtain
some assurance that there could be some agreement
on basic principles. This government tried hard —
but without success — to obtain such assurance from
the Japanese government.
"The various proposals of the Japanese govern-
ment and the attitude taken by this government are
set forth in a document which the Secretary of State
handed to the Japanese ambassador on Oct. 2, 1941.
"Thereafter, several formulas were offered and
discussed. But the Japanese government continued
upon its course of war and conquest.
"Finally, on Nov. 20, 1941, the Japanese gov-
ernment presented a new and narrow proposal which
called for supplying by the United States to Japan
of as much oil as Japan might require, for suspen-
sion of freezing measures, and for discontinuance by
the United States of aid to China. It contained,
however, no provision for abandonment by Japan of
her warlike operations or aims.
Settlement Plan Offered
"Such a proposal obviously offered no basis for a
peaceful settlement or even for a temporary adjust-
ment. The American government, in order to clarify
the issues, presented to the Japanese government on
Nov. 26 a clear-cut plan for a broad but simple
"The outline of the proposed plan for agreement
between the United States and Japan was divided
into two parts:
"In section 1 there was outlined a mutual decla-
ration of policy containing affirmations that the
FIRST WHITE PAPER
national policies of the two countries were directed
toward peace throughout the Pacific area, that the
two countries had no territorial designs or aggressive
intentions in that area, and that they would give
active support to certain fundamental principles of
peace upon which their relations with each other and
all other nations would be based. There was pro-
vision for mutual pledges to support and apply in
their economic relations with each other and with
other nations and peoples liberal economic princi-
ples, which were enumerated, based upon the gen-
eral principle of equality of commercial opportunity
"In section 2 there were outlined proposed steps
to be taken by the two governments. These steps
envisaged a situation in which there would be no
Japanese or other foreign armed forces in French
Indo-China or in China.
Mutual Pacts Suggested
"Mutual commitments were suggested along lines
as follows: (a) To endeavor to conclude a multilat-
eral nonaggression pact among the governments prin-
cipally concerned in the Pacific area; (b) To en-
deavor to conclude among the principally interested
governments an agreement to respect the territorial
integrity of Indo-China and not to seek or accept
preferential economic treatment therein; (c) Not to
support any government in China other than the
national government of the Republic of China with
capital temporarily at Chungking; (d) To relinquish
extra-territorial and related rights in China and to
endeavor to obtain the agreement of other govern-
ments now possessing such rights to give up those
rights; (e) To negotiate a trade agreement based
upon reciprocal most favored nation treatment; (f)
To remove freezing restrictions imposed by each
country on the funds of the others; (g) To agree
upon a plan for the stabilization of the dollar-yen
FIRST WHITE PAPER
rate; (h) To agree that no agreement which either
had concluded with any third power or powers shall
be interpreted by it in a way to conflict with the
fundamental purpose of this agreement, and (i) To
use their influence to cause other governments to
adhere to the basic political and economic principles
provided for in this suggested agreement.
New Troops Moved
"In the midst of these conversations we learned
that new contingents of Japanese armed forces and
new masses of equipment were moving into Indo-
China. Toward the end of November these move-
ments were intensified. During the first week of
December new movements of Japanese forces made
it clear that, under cover of the negotiations, attacks
on unspecified objectives were being prepared.
'T promptly asked the Japanese government for a
frank statement of the reasons for increasing its
forces in Indo-China. I was given an evasive and
specious reply. Simultaneously the Japanese opera-
tions went forward with increased tempo.
Attack Already Ordered
"We did not know then, as we know now, that
they had ordered and were even then carrying out
their plan for a treacherous attack upon us.
"I was determined, however, to exhaust every
conceivable effort for peace. With this in mind, on
the evening of Dec. 6 last, I addressed a personal
message to the emperor of Japan.
"To this government's proposal of Nov. 26 the
Japanese government made no reply until Dec. 7.
On that day the Japanese ambassador here and the
special representative whom the Japanese govern-
ment had sent to the United States to assist in peace-
ful negotiations delivered a lengthy document to our
Secretary of State, one hour after the Japanese had
FIRST WHITE PAPER
launched a vicious attack upon American territory |
and American citizens in the Pacific.
Reply Denounced by Hull
"That document was, a few minutes after its
receipt, aptly characterized by the Secretary of the
State as follows:
^I must say that in all my conversations with
you (the Japanese ambassador) during the last
nine months I have never uttered one word of
untruth. This is borne out absolutely by the
record. In all my SO years of public service I
have never seen a document that was more
crowded with infamous falsehoods and distor-
tions — infamous falsehoods and distortions on
a scale so huge that I never imagined until to-
day that any government on this planet was
capable of uttering them.'
"I concur emphatically in every word of that
Timetable of Jap Attack
"For the record of history it is essential in read-
ing this part of my message always to bear in mind
that the actual air and submarine attack in the Ha-
waiian Islands commenced on Sunday, Dec. 7, at 1 : 20
p. m., Washington time — 7:50 a. m. Honolulu time
of same day — Monday, Dec. 8, 3:20 a. m., Tokyo
"To my message of Dec. 6 (9 p. m. Washington
time — Dec. 7, 11 a. m. Tokyo time) to the emperor
of Japan, invoking his cooperation with me in fur-
ther effort to preserve peace, there has finally come
to me on Dec. 10 (6:23 a. m. Washington time —
Dec. 10, 8:23 p. m. Tokyo time) a reply, conveyed
in a telegraphic report by the American ambassador
at Tokyo dated Dec. 8, 1 p. m. (Dec. 7, 11 p. m.
"The ambassador reported that at 7 o'clock on
FIRST WHITE PAPER
the morning of the 8th (Dec. 7, 5 p. m., Washington
time) the Japanese minister of foreign affairs asked
him to call at his official residence; that the foreign
minister handed the ambassador a memorandum
dated Dec. 8 (Dec. 7, Washington time) the text
of which had been transmitted to the Japanese am-
bassador in Washington to be presented to the
American government (this was the memorandum
which was delivered by the Japanese ambassador to
the Secretary of State at 2:20 p. m. on Sunday, Dec.
7 (Monday, Dec. 8, 4:20 a. m. Tokyo time); that
the foreign minister had been in touch with the
emperor; and that the emperor desired that the
memorandum be regarded as the emperor's reply
to my message.
Told to State Views
"Further, the ambassador reports, the foreign
minister made an oral statement. Textually, the
oral statement began 'his majesty has expressed his
gratefulness and appreciation for the cordial mes-
sage of the President.' The message further con-
tinued to the effect that, in regard to our inquiries
on the subject of increase of Japanese forces in
French Indo-China, his majesty had commanded his
government to state its views to the American gov-
ernment. The message concluded, textually, with
" 'EstabHshment of peace in the Pacific, and con-
sequently of the world, has been the cherished de-
sire of his majesty for the realization of which he
has hitherto made his government to continue its
earnest endeavors. His majesty trusts that the
President is fully aware of this fact.'
"Japan's real reply, however, made by Japan's
war lords and evidently formulated many days
before, took the form of the attack which had
already been made without warning upon our terri-
tories at various points in the Pacific.
first white paper
The Historical Record
''There is the record, for all history to read in
amazement, in sorrow, in horror, and in disgust!
"We are now at war. We are fighting in self-
defense. We are fighting in defense of our national
existence, of our right to be secure, of our right
to enjoy the blessings of peace. We are fighting in
defense of principles of law and order and justice
against an effort of unprecedented ferocity to over-
throw those principles and to impose upon humanity
a regime of ruthless domination by unrestricted
and arbitrary force.
''Other countries, too — a host of them — have
declared war on Japan. Some of them were first
attacked by Japan, as we have been. China has
already been valiantly resisting Japan in an unde-
clared war forced upon her by Japan. After four
and one-half years of stubborn resistance, the Chi-
nese now and henceforth will fight with renewed
confidence and confirmed assurance of victory.
U. S. -British Stand Cited
^'All members of the great British commonwealth,
themselves fighting heroically on many fronts
against Germany and her allies, have joined with
us in the battle of the Pacific as we have joined
with them in the battle of the Atlantic.
"All but three of the governments of nations
overrun by German armies have declared war on
Japan. The other three are severing relations.
"In our own hemisphere many of our sister re-
publics have declared war on Japan and the others
have given firm expression of their solidarity with
the United States.
Nations Against Japan
"The following are the countries which have to
date declared war against Japan: Australia, Canada,
China, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic,
FIRST WHITE PAPER
Gautemala, Haiti, Honduras, the Netherlands, Nic-
aragua, New Zealand, Panama, El Salvador, South
Africa, United Kingdom, and Poland.
'These and other peace loving countries will be
fighting as are we, first, to put an end to Japan's
program of aggression and, second, to make good
the right of nations and of mankind to live in peace
under conditions of security and justice.
"The people of this country are totally united
in their determination to consecrate our national
strength and man power to bring conclusively to
an end the pestilence of aggression and force which
has long menaced the world and which now has
struck deliberately and directly at the safety of the
PRESiDENT ROOSEVELT'S "BILL OF
RIGHTS" ADDRESS TO THE
BROADCAST DECEMBER 15. 1941
''No date in the long history of freedom means
more to liberty loving men in all liberty loving
countries than the 15th day of December, 1791.
On that day, 150 years ago, a new nation, through
an elected congress, adopted a declaration of human
rights w^hich has influenced the thinking of all man-
kind from one end of the world to the other.
^'bill of rights address
Basic for Americas
'^There is not a single republic of this hemisphere
which has not adopted in its fundamental law the
basic principles of freedom of man and freedom ot
mind enacted in the American Bill of Rights.
'^There is not a country, large or small, on this
continent which has not felt the influence of that
document, directly or indirectly.
^'Indeed, prior to the year 1933, the essential
validity of the American Bill of Rights was accepted
everywhere, at least in principle. Even today, with
the exception of Germany, Italy, and Japan, the
peoples of the world — in all probability four-fifths
of them — support its principles, its teachings, and
its glorious results.
^'But, in the year 1933, there came to power in
Germany a political clique whidh did not accept
the declarations of the American bill of human rights
as valid: a small clique of ambitious and unscrupu-
lous politicians whose announced and admitted plat-
formi was precisely the destruction of the rights that
instrument declared. Indeed, the entire program
and goal of these political and moral tigers was
nothing more than the overthrow, throughout the
earth, of the great revolution of human liberty of
which our American Bill of Rights is the mother
Words They Would Cancel
"The truths which were self-evident to Thomas
Jefferson — which have been self-evident to the six
generations of Americans who followed him — were
to these men hateful. The rights to life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness which seemed to Jefferson,
and which seem to us, inalienable were, to Hitler
and his fellows, empty words which they proposed
to cancel forever.
'The propositions they advanced to take the
place of Jefferson's inalienable rights were these:
''bill of rights address
"That the individual human being has no rights
whatever in himself and by virtue of his humanity;
"That the individual human being has no right
to a soul of his own, or a mind of his own, or a
tongue of his own, or a trade of his own; or even
to live where he pleases or to marry the woman
"That his only duty is the duty of obedience,
not to his God, and not to his conscience, but to
Adolf Hitler; and that his only value is his value,
not as a man, but as a unit of the Nazi state.
Incomprehensible to Hitler
"To Hitler the ideal of the people, as we conceive
it — the free, self-governing and responsible people —
is incomprehensible. The people, to Hitler, are 'the
masses' and the highest human idealism is, in his
own words, that a man should wish to become 'a
dust particle' of the order 'of force' which is to shape
"To Hitler, the government, as we conceive it,
is an impossible conception. The government to
him is not the servant and the instrument of the
people, but their absolute master and the dictator
of their every act.
"To Hitler the church, as we conceive it, is a
monstrosity to be destroyed by every means at his
command. The Nazi church is to be the 'national
church,' 'absolutely and exclusively in the service
of but one doctrine, race and nation.'
Free Thought Hateful
"To Hitler, the freedom of men to think as they
please and speak as they please and worship as they
please is, of all things imaginable, most hateful and
most desperately to be feared.
"The issue of our time, the issue of the war in
which we are engaged, is the issue forced upon the
decent, self-respecting peoples of the earth by the
V'BILL OF RIGHTS ADDRESS
aggressive dogmas of this attempted revival of bar-
barism ; this proposed return to tyranny ; this effort
to impose again upon the peoples of the world doc-
trines of absolute obedience, and of dictatorial rule,
and of the suppression of truth, and of the oppres-
sion of conscience, which the free nations of the
earth have long ago rejected.
"What we face is nothing more nor less than an
attempt to overthrow and to cancel out the great
upsurge of human liberty of which the American
Bill of Rights is the fundamental document; to
force the peoples of the earth, and among them the
peoples of this continent, to accept again the abso-
lute authority and despotic rule from which the
courage and the resolution and the sacrifices of their
ancestors liberated them many, many years ago.
''It is an attempt w^hich could succeed only if
those who have inherited the gift of liberty had
lost the manhood to preserve it. But we Americans
know that the determination of this generation of
our people to preserve liberty is as fixed and certain
as the determination of that earlier generation of
Americans to win it.
"We wall not, under any threat, or in the face of
any danger, surrender the guarantee of liberty our
forefathers framed for us in our Bill of Rights.
"We hold with all the passion of our hearts and
minds to those commitments of the human spirit.
Won't Shake Our Hold
"We are solemnly determined that no power or
combination of powers of this earth shall shake
our hold upon them.
"We covenant with each other before all the
world that, having taken up arms in the defense
of liberty, w^e will not lay them down before liberty
is once again secure in the world we live in. For
that security we pray; for that security we act —
now and evermore."
AMERICA'S INTERESTS IN THE PACIFIC
With democratic nations ranged against Fascist
aggressors whose avowed aim is w^orld domination,
America's bases in the Pacific and those of Great
Britain constitute a lifeline which must not be cut.
The Aleutian Islands, the Hawaiian Islands, the
PhiHppine Islands, as well as the British crown
colony of Hong Kong, British Malaya, and the
Dutch East Indies, are important to us both as
sources of supplies and for grave strategic reasons.
These farflung outposts in the Pacific are our only
guarantors that war may not come to our own
Pacific shores; whether Dutch, British, or American
they are of inestimable importance to us here and
now^ — more important than they have ever been
The Hawaiian Islands, attacked so treacherously
by the Japanese on December 7, 1941, lie midway
between our west coast and Japan. From them we
get sugar and pineapple — but it is their location
which made us construct a strong air and naval base
at Pearl Harbor on the island of Oahu. In enemy
hands, these islands could be used as a base from
which the western part of the United States could
be bombed almost at will. In enemy hands, they
could be used as a naval base from which a blockade
could be set up to bar us from important sources
of supplies farther west.
The Philippine Islands, also fertile sources of
sugar, cocoanut oil, Manila hemp, and other prod-
ucts, have very strategic importance, indeed. We
need them in order to defend our economic interests
in British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies. From
them a strong attack could be launched on Singa-
pore; on the other hand, from them Singapore can
The Dutch East Indies are important sources of
tin, rubber, coal, and oil, both for the British and
America's interests in the pacific
for us. The United States has little rubber of its
own and needs the rubber it gets from the Dutch
East Indies for self-defense. Moreover, from the
Dutch East Indies an attack could be launched on
British Malaya, besides being of great importance
for the protection of Britain's great base in the Far
East, Singapore, is a highly important source of tin
From the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong
come iron and coal ; its primary importance is again
strategic. The closing of all these doors into the Far
East would mean not only that the entire region
would be closed to American commerce, but that the
British Empire would be defeated in the Far East
and would cease to afford us protection from the
Pacific side. For reasons of self-defense, then, we
must fight for our Pacific footholds. We cannot
afford to let these reserves of tin, rubber, and oil,
fall into hostile Japanese and German hands; we
cannot afford to let go strategic bases from which
we and the British could be blasted out of the
Pacific. We do not intend to.
Our own Aleutian islands, extending more than
1,000 miles into the ocean from Alaska and sepa-
rating the Pacific from the Bering Sea, are of such
strategic importance that we have been fortifying
them heavily. They are the key to Alaska, the west
coast of Canada, and our own west coast. For the
same reason, the Russian port of Vladivostock must
never fall into enemy hands; and all of our bases in
the Pacific can be used to defend it.
THE SCENE OF THE STRIFE
IN THE PACIFIC
On Wake Island, Midway Islands, Guam, and
the Philippine Islands, a gallant battle was fought
against heavy odds. American forces resisted the
efforts of the Japanese to occupy these islands. With
gallant courage and at the cost of their lives, Ameri-
can marines, fliers, sailors, soldiers, and workmen,
aided by loyal residents of these islands, fought a
delaying action which bore the brunt of the Japan-
ese attack and gave America the chance to organize
her great potential strength in order to take the
offensive. The names of these islands, with the
battles fought upon them, will be long remembered
in American history.
Wake Island, perhaps the most memorable of all,
where a handful of American marines refused to
give up, is a tiny coral island in the North Pacific
on the route from Hawaii to Hong Kong, 2,000
miles west of Honolulu and 1,300 miles east of
Guam. It is a cable station between San Francisco
and Manila. Discovered in 1796, it came into the
possession of the United States in 1898.
The Midway Islands are a little larger — almost
three square miles in area, with a population of 36.
They are almost exactly halfway across the Pacific,
1,800 miles northwest of Honolulu. Here to is a
cable station for the American cable which connects
Honolulu with the Philippines. These islands w^ere
discovered in 1859 and annexed by the United
States in 1867.
Guam is a larger island, 206 square miles in area,
with a population of 18,500; it is the largest and
furthest south of the Marianas or Ladrone islands
in the Northern Pacific. It came into the possession
in 1898 and was under the direct control of the
U. S. Navy. Apra, on the west coast, is the only
SCENE OF STRIFEt-PACIFIC
good harbor and point of entr}^ The seat of govern-
ment is Agana, the largest city. Wake, Midway,
and Guam are stops for the famous Pan American
The Philippine Islands provide the principal
theatre of the American- Japanese War, and Manila
is the principal objective of the first great campaign
just as Hong Kong and Singapore are the principal
objectives of Japan's simultaneous attack on the
British Empire. The Philippine Islands consist of
7,083 islands and islets, covering a land area of
114,400 square miles, with a population of about
13,000,000 people. The islands form a part of the
Malay archipelago, 500 miles off southeastern Asia;
they extend 1,150 miles north and south and 680
miles east and west. The largest of the Philippine
Islands are Luzon, Mindanao, Mindoro, Cebu,
Palawan, Negros, Samar, Panay, Leyte, Bohol, and
Masbate. Important archipelagos of small islands
are Sulu, Calamian, Basilan, Batan, and Babuyan.
The islands are mountainous and very fertile. They
came into the possession of the United States at
the close of the Spanish- American War. Luzon, the
largest and most' important of them, is 40,814
square miles in area and has a population of about
four million. It is roughly oblong though irregular
in shape, and the city of Manila, capital of the
Philippines and principal harbor, is on the south-
west coast. Capture of Luzon would give the Japan-
ese not only control of the Philippines but effective
control of the entire south Pacific area. A law was
passed in 1934 which provided that by 1945 the
islands were to be completely independent of the
COMMODORE PERRY AND JAPAN
On July 8, 1853, an American naval squadron,
that was to change the history of Japan and affect
that of the whole world, anchored in Yedo Bay,
twenty-seven miles from Tokyo. In 1852 President
Fillmore had decided to negotiate a treaty with
Japan and had selected for that mission Commodore
Matthew Calbraith Perry — brother of Oliver Hazard
Perry, of Lake Erie fame — eminent naval educator,
and commander of the Gulf Squadron in the Mexi-
can War. Perry prepared a plan peculiarly designed
to impress the Oriental mind. He surrounded his
person with mystery. He would not see a governor
or a vice-governor; they were officials too inferior
for a great ambassador to receive personally. He
refused to sail to Nagasaki, the only port open to
foreigners, and threatened to come ashore with force
unless officials were sent worthy of receiving so dis-
tinguished a message as a letter from the President
of the United States to the Emperor of Japan. His
finesse triumphed. Princes Idzu and Iwami came as
special representatives of the Emperor. With splen-
did ceremony Perry delivered his message and
promised to return for a reply. He anchored again
in Yedo Bay in 1854. The Japanese were concilia-
tory, and the Emperor sent commissioners. Again
with pageantry Perry landed at Yokohama. There
on March 31, 1854, was signed a treaty of friend-
ship and commerce between the United States and
Japan that was one of the great diplomatic achieve-
ments of the 19th century. Japan had left her cen-
turies-old isolation; she had opened her ports to
the Western world; she had begun a new career
amonor the nations.
JAPAN FROM COMMODORE PERRY TO
THE FIRST WORLD WAR
A new era in Japanese history began with the
treaty signed with Commodore Perry in 1854. In
1853 the Shogun, the Japanese ruler, had died, and
Japan was in a ferment over foreign invasion. The
three succeeding shoguns (rulers) were utterly un-
able to cope with the situation. Despite the popu-
lar dislike of the policy, concessions had to be
granted to foreigners. In 1859 Townsend Harris,
the first American consul in Japan, succeeded in ne-
gotiating an extensive commercial treaty without the
limitations of the convention granted Perry. Russia,
England, and the Netherlands soon secured similar
treaties. In 1860 the first Japanese envoys were
sent to Washington; and in 1861, to the European
courts. As the Emperor was aloof from this new
policy, the attachment of the people turned from the
shoguns to the Emperor and resulted in the last
shogun, Keiki, surrendering his power to the Em-
peror Meiji in 1868. Thus ended the unfortunate
dual system of government which had prevailed in
Japan since 1603. The several bombardments of
Japanese cities by foreign nations, whose citizens had
been killed during the anti-foreign agitation, con-
vinced the Japanese of the efficiency of Western
attainments. A period of rapid Westernization that
was to change Japan into a typical modern indus-
trial and military power began. In 1890 a new
constitution was drawn up. In 1894-95 occurred
Japan^s first foreign war in centuries — the war with
China by which she acquired Formosa. In 1900
Japan showed her growing power further by join-
ing with the Western Powers in putting down the
Boxer Rebellion in China. Her emergence as a first-
class power, however, resulted from her victory in
the Russo-Japanese War in 1904-05, by which she
began her expansion on the Asian mainland. Her
JAPAN BEFORE THE FIRSl WORLD WAR
international prestige was strengthened by the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance. In 1910 she further extended her
power by annexing Korea. In 1911 the Emperor
Meiji died and was succeeded by Yoshihito. Though
it is impossible to determine how much he was re-
sponsible for the changes that took place during his
long rule, his reign remains one of the most amazing
in Japanese history. At its opening Japan was a
weak, torn, and distracted feudal land. With its close
she had become a military and industrial power on
the eve of an important part in the First World
We have room in this country for but one flag, the
Stars and Stripes . . . We have room for but one
loyalty, loyalty to the United States . . . We have
room for but one language, the English language.
— Theodore Roosevelt, The Great
Adventure. Also last message to
the American Defense Society, Jan.
3, 19 IQ, two days before his death.
. . . The great essential to our happiness and pros-
perity is that we adhere to the principles upon which
the Government was established and insist upon their
faithful observance. Equality of rights must prevail,
and our laws be always and everywhere respected
— From the First InauguraJ
Address of President WilHam
McKinley, March 4, 1897.
NAVAL STRENGTH AS OF DEC. 15. 194!
EACH JYMBOL =
Of the French battleships 3 are in British hands, as are 4 cruise
several destroyers, and nunaerous smaller boats, including se
eral submarines. The figure for Italian destroyers includ
many large torpedo boats. Of the cruisers, about 7 Japanese,
i Italian, and 6 Russian are classed as obsolete.
JAPAN'S PACIFIC BASES
Ironically enough, some of Japan's most strategi-
cally located bases were mandated to her by the
Allies at the close of the First World War. Com-
pletely surrounding the United States' base at Guam
are the Marianas, the Marshall Islands, and the
Carolines. South of the Palau Islands (a part of the
Caroline group) are the rich Netherlands Indies and
the Philippine Islands, both objects of attack. Be-
fore the First World War these islands belonged to
Germany. They were occupied by Japan, then an
Ally, and at the close of the war, established under
Japanese mandate. During the next two decades a
number of these islands were turned into naval and
air bases from which Japan could launch her final
effort at complete domination of the Far East.
Guam, a United States base and largest of the
Marianas group, is the only non- Japanese controlled
island in the entire area. The Marianas have a total
area of 175 square miles and a population of about
20,000 Japanese and about 50,000 natives. The
Carolines consist of 550 small islands with adminis-
trative centers at Yap and Ponape, and have an
area of 380 square miles and a population estimated
at about 36,000. The Palau Islands are the admin-
istrative center of Japan's Pacific mandates. Near-
est to the United States base at Hawaii are Japan's
Marshall Islands, which have an area of 160 square
miles and population of about 10,000. Most im-
portant of this group are Majeru and Jaluit.
Among Japan's strategic posts not in the man-
dated group is the important island of Formosa,
taken from China at the turn of the century. North
of the Philippines and extremely close to Manila,
Formosa is large (almost 14,000 square miles) and
well populated (approximately 4,560,000).
JAPAN IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR
Following the outbreak of the World War, Japan
declared war on Germany in accordance with her
treaty of alliance with Great Britain. Disclaiming
intent of permanently acquiring territory, Japan
avowedly entered the war to protect the Far East in-
terests of her ally and to expel the Germans from the
leased territory of Kiao-chau, China. On November
6, 1914, after a siege of 72 days, the German fortress
of Tsing-tao, at Kiao-chau, surrendered to Japanese
and British forces. Japanese warships then sup-
ported the British both by driving von Speeds fleet,
which had left Tsing-tao, toward the ships of Ad-
miral Cradock off the South American coast, and by
assisting British patrols on the coast of North
America. Japanese forces occupied Germany's Mar-
shall, Pelew, Caroline, and Marianas Islands, in the
North Pacific. No Japanese troops were sent to
European theaters of war, but Japanese torpedo
boats under Admiral Saito convoyed allied merchant-
men in the Mediterranean throughout the war. In
1915 Japan presented to China the Twenty-One
Demands, designed to consolidate her position in
Eastern Asia. Japan's paramount interests in Shan-
tung, Manchuria, and Eastern Mongolia were re-
luctantly admitted by China. By secret clauses
Japan sought to provide China with advisers in po-
litical, financial, and military matters and to exclude
any but Japanese capital for railways, harbors, and
mines in the province of Fukien, opposite the Japa-
nese Island of Taiwan (Formosa). Two treaties
were concluded, extending to 99 years the leases of
Port x\rthur, Dairen, and the South Manchurian and
Antung-Mukden railways. The United States recog-
nized the special interests of Japan by the Lansing-
Ishii agreement of 1917. In 1918 an allied force
under the Japanese General Otani was landed at
Vladivostok to aid the Czecho-Slovaks and the
JAPAN IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR
White Russians and to protect the munitions sup-
plied to Russia by the United States. All other na-
tions withdrew their troops in 1919, but the Japa-
nese, having advanced into Siberia as far as Chita
and Omsk, found it inexpedient to follow their ex-
ample. The Treaty of Versailles transferred Kiao-
chau to Japan; also the German-owned railways,
mines, and other properties in Shantung. Subse-
quently the supreme council of the Allies assigned
the German islands north of the equator to Japan
as a mandate, and Japan entered the League of
Nations, but w^ithdrew in 1933. The mandated
islands included the Marianas, the Marshall and
Caroline islands, many of which were heavily forti-
fied by Japan for Pacific bases.
JAPAN AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR
After the First World War Japan embarked on a
program of naval expansion; but in 1922, in a pact
with Great Britain and the United States, agreed to a
5-S-3 ratio in naval strength. (This agreement was
terminated by Japan in 1934.) In 1926 Yoshihito
died and Hirohito became emperor. In 1931 Japan
invaded Manchuria and in 1932 set up a new Man-
churian state, Manchukuo. This led to an economic
boycott by China against Japan. The latter country
retaliated by attacking Shanghai. In 1933 the Japa-
nese invaded and took the province of Jehol. These
and other manifestations of aggressive policy on the
continent led to an inquiry by a League of Nations
commission, the outcome of which was Japan's
withdrawal from, the League. A nationalist faction
within the army grew increasingly influential in
Japanese politics in the 1930's. Early in 1936 a
group of young soldiers assassinated four high-
government ofticials, all moderates, but failed in their
attempt to slay Premier Okada. Foreign Minister
Koki Hirota then replaced Okada. The industrial-
ists, while successfully opposing an army-inspired
plan to nationalize electric utilities, were obliged to
accept Hirota's proposal for economic control of
In February, 1937, Hirota was succeeded by
Hayashi, w^ho in turn was replaced in May of that
year by Prince Fumimaro Konoye, military-
Fascist pressure being a factor in both cases. A bill
passed unanimously in March, 1938, gave the gov-
ernment complete control of Japanese life in times
of emergency. During the years 1936-39 much fric-
tion existed between Japan and Russia, the major
events during this period being the unconcealed
friendship of Russia for Chiang Kai-shek, Russia's
persistent refusal to enter into discussions on the
permanency of Japanese fisheries off Siberia, the
German-Japanese anti-Comintern pact of 1936 a
JAPAN AFTER FIRST WORLD WAR
trade agreement formed in 1938 between Germany
and Manchukuo, which was naturally displeasing
to Russia, and a series of Japanese-Russian battles
along the border of Manchukuo. Meanwhile the
Japanese army had begun to disregard the rights
of British, American, and French interests in China.
Among the resulting incidents were the wounding
of Britain's ambassador to China, and the bombing
and sinking of the Panay, an American gunboat,
both in 1937; and the blockade of the British con-
cession at Tientsin in 1939. In 1938, when the
Japanese made proposals for a settlement of the
Sino- Japanese War, the United States made clear
that it would refuse to recognize the "New Order
in East Asia." In January, 1939, a new government
was formed. Hiranuma replaced Konoye as premier.
In July, 1939, the United States announced that
its commercial treaty of 1911 with Japan would be
terminated six months thereafter. In these and
other countermeasures against the Japanese, Brit-
ain usually gave support. In August, 1939, after
the disturbing announcement of the Russian-German
agreement, the government fell and Hiranuma w^as
succeeded by General Nobuyuki Abe. The new
government soon announced itself as neutral in the
European war, then just beginning, and made a
truce with Russia.
Throughout the winter of 1939-40 the economic
strain of the Sino-Japanese War showed itself in-
creasingly in fuel and food shortages. In January,
1940, a new cabinet was formed under Admiral
Mitsumasa Yonai. The new government sought to
end the war in March by setting up the "Nanking
Government" under the puppet Wang Ching-wei,
former Chinese premier, but Wang won the support
of only a small number of Chinese. The cabinet
of Yonai fell in July and was replaced by one headed
by Prince Konoye. The government leaders then
declared for closer ties with Germany and Italy. In
JAPAN AFTER FIKST WORLD WAR
August the government announced its plan for a
new Japanese state based on totalitarianism.
Taking advantage of France's collapse in Europe,
Japan pressed demands for the cession of air bases
in Indo-China. The road to this objective was
cleared in September, 1940, when Hitler offered
Japan a free hand in Indo-China and the Nether-
lands Indies in return for joining the Axis. Japan
formally pledged allegiance to the Axis and soon
was entrenched in northeastern French Indo-China,
having cut Chiang Kai-shek's chief supply line, the
Indo-China Railroad. The Japanese now were able
to expand southward in the colony and westward
into Thailand. By diplomatic pressure on war-
engaged Britain they were also able to close the
Burma Road, last remaining major supply line to
China, for three months from July, 1940.
Throughout 1940-41 the United States gradually
tightened its restrictions on trade with Japan, con-
tinuing on a day-to-day basis after expiration of the
commercial treaty in 1940, later placing an embargo
on scrap metal and oil, and still later (July, 1941)
halting oil shipments to Japan and the importation
of Japanese silk. In May, 1941, Japan signed a
reciprocal trade treaty with French Indo-China and
launched unsuccessful offensives in Shansi,. Honan,
and Hupeh provinces. In July France yielded to
Japanese demands for bases in southern Indo-China.
In the same month the cabinet decreed a ^'capital
mobilization plan,'' bringing all finance, industry,
production, and distribution under government con-
trol. In August and September, 1941, the Chinese
made successful counteroffensives in five provinces.
In October the Japanese claimed a victory in Honan
and launched a new offensive, but still were far
from triumph over Chiang Kai-shek, after four years
of costly warfare. In October Lieutenant General
Eiki Tojo replaced Konoye as premier, thus placing
the entire nation under the control of the military
THE MONROE DOCTRINE
From President Monroe's seventh annual nnes-
sage to Congress, Decennber 2, 1823.
... At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Gov-
ernment, made through the minister of the Emperor
residing here, a full power and instructions have
been transmitted to the minister of the United States
at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotia-
tion the respective rights and interests of the two
nations on the northwest coast of this continent.
A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial
Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which
has likewise been acceded to. ... In the discus-
sions to which this interest has given rise and in
the arrangements by which they may terminate
the occasion has been judged proper for asserting,
as a principle in which the rights and interests of
the United States are involved, that American con-
tinents, by the free and independent condition w^hich
they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth
not to be considered as subjects for future coloniza-
tion by any European powers. . . .
It was stated at the commencement of the last
session that a great effort was then making in Spain
and Portugal to improve the condition of the people
of those countries, and that it appeared to be con-
ducted with extraordinary moderation. It need
scarcely be remarked that the result has been so
far very different from what was then anticipated.
Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which
we have so much intercourse and from which we
derive our origin, we have always been anxious and
interested spectators. The citizens of the United
States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor
of the liberty and happiness of their fellows-men on
that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the Euro-
pean powers in matters relating to themselves we
have never taken any part, nor does it comport with
our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are
invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries
or make preparation for our defense. With the
movements in this hemisphere w^e are of necessity
more immediately connected, and by causes which
must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial
observers. The political system of the allied powers
is essentially different in this respect from that of
America. This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective Governments; and to the
defense of our own, which has been achieved by
the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured
by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens,
and under which we have enjoyed unexampled
felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it,
therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations
existing between the United States and those powers
to declare that we should consider any attempt on
their part to extend their system to any portion
of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and
safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies
of any European power we have not interfered and
shall not interfere. But with the Governments who
have declared their independence and maintained it,
and whose independence w^e have, on great consid-
eration and on just principles, acknowledged, we
could not view any interposition for the purpose
of oppressing them, or controlling in any other man-
ner their destiny, by any European power in any
other light than as the manifestation of an un-
friendly disposition toward the United States. In
the war between those new Governments and Spain
we declared our neutrality at the time of their recog-
nition, and to this we have adhered, and shall con-
tinue to adhere, provided no change shall occur
which, in the judgment of the competent authorities
of this Government, shall make a corresponding
change on the part of the United States indispensa-
ble to their security.
The late events in Spain and Portugal show that
Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no
stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied
powers should have thought it proper, on any prin-
ciple satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed
by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what
extent such interposition may be carried, on the same
principle, is a question in which all independent
powers whose governments differ from theirs are
interested, even those most remote, and surely none
more so than the United States. Our policy in re-
gard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage
of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter
of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which
is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of
its powers; to consider the government de facto as
the legitimate government for us; to cultivate
friendly relations with it, and to preserve those rela-
tions by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting
in all instances the just claims of every power, sub-
mitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those
continents circumstances are eminently and con-
spicuously different. It is impossible that the allied
powers should extend their political system to any
portion of either continent without endangering our
peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that
our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would
adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible,
therefore, that we should behold such interposition
in any form with indifference. If we look to the
comparative strength and resources of Spain and
those new Governments, and their distance from
each other, it must be obvious that she can never
subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United
States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope
that other powers will pursue the same course. . . .
Each government, confiding in its own strength, has
less to apprehend from the other, and in consequence
each, enjoying a greater freedom of action, is ren-
dered more efficient for all the purposes for which it
was instituted. . . .
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
IN CONGRESS. JULY 4. 1776
The unanimous declarafion of the thirteen United
States of Annerica.
When in the Course of human events, it becomes
necessary for one people to dissolve the political
bands which have connected them with another, and
to assume among the powers of the earth, the sepa-
rate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature
and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to
the opinions of mankind requires that they should
declare the causes which impel them to the separa-
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all
men are created equal, that they are endowed by
their creator with certain unalienable Rights, that
among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of
Happiness. That to secure these rights. Govern-
ments are instituted among Men, deriving their just
powers from the consent of the governed. That
whenever any Form of Government becomes de-
structive of these ends, it is the Right of the People
to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Govern-
ment, laying its foundation on such principles and
organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happi-
ness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Govern-
ments long established should not be changed for
light and transient causes; and accordingly all
experience hath shewn, that mankind are more dis-
posed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to
right themselves by abolishing the forms to which
they are accustomed. But when a long train of
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the
same object, evinces a design to reduce them under
absolute Despotism, it is their righl:, it is their duty,
to throw off such Government, and to provide new
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
Guards for their future security. Such has been
the patient sufferance of the^e Colonies; and such
is now the necessity which constrains them to alter
their former Systems of Government. The history
of the present King of Great Britain is a history
of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in
direct object the establishment of an absolute
Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let tracts
be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most
wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws
of immediate and pressing importance, unless sus-
pended in their operation till his Assent should be
obtained, and when so suspended, he has utterly
neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Law's for the accom-
modation of large districts of people, unless those
people would relinquish the right of Representation
in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and
formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the (^^-
pository of their public Records, for the sole pur-
pose of fatiguing them into compliance with his
He has dissolved Representative Hous'es repeat-
edly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions
on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dis-
solutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby
the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation,
have returned to the People at large for their exer-
cise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed
to all the dangers of invasion from without, and
He has endeavored to prevent the population of
these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws
for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
others to encourage their migrations hither, and
raising the conditions of new Appropriations of
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice,
by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone,
for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and
payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and
sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people,
and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Stand-
ing Armies, without the Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military inde-
pendent of and superior to the Civil powder.
He has combined with others to subject us to a
jurisdiction foreign to our constitution and unac-
knowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their
Acts of pretended Legislation: For quartering large
bodies of armed troops among us: For protecting
them by a mock Trial from punishment for any
Murders which they should commit on the Inhab-
itants of these States: For cutting off our Trade
with all parts of the world: For imposing Taxes on
us without our Consent: For depriving us in many
cases of the benefits of Trial by Jury: For trans-
porting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended
offences: For abolishing the free System of English
Law^s in a neighbouring Province, establishing
therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its
Boundaries so as to render it at once an example
and fit instrument for introducing the same abso-
lute rule into these Colonies: For taking away our
Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws and
altering fundamentally the Forms of our Govern-
ments: For suspending our own Legislatures, and
declaring themselves invested with powder to legis-
late for us in all cases w^hatsoever.
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
He has abdicated Government here by declaring
us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts,
burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our
He is at this time transporting large. Armies of
foreign Mercenaries to complete the works of death,
desolation and tyranny, already begun with cir-
cumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled
in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy
the Head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken
Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against
their Country, to become the executioners of their
friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us,
and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of
our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose
known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruc-
tion of all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage
of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress
in the most humble terms. Our repeated Petitions
have been answered only by repeated injury. A
Prince, wihose character is thus marked by every
act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the
ruler of a free people. Nor have We been wanting
in attentions to our British brethren. We have
warned them from time to time of attempts by their
legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction
over us. We have reminded them of the circum-
stances of our emigration and settlement here. We
have appealed to their native justice and magna-
nimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of
our common kindred to disavow these usurpations,
which would inevitably interrupt our connections
and correspondence. They too have been deaf to
the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must,
therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which de-
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
nounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold
the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace
WE, THEREFORE, the Representatives of the
United States of America, in General Congress,
Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the
world for -the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the
Name, and by authority of the good People of these
Colonies^ solemnly publish and declare, That these
United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free
and Independent States; that they are Absolved
from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that
all political connection between them and the State
of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved;
and that as Free and Independent States, they have
full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract
Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other
Acts and Things which Independent States may of
right do. And for the support of this Declaration,
with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.
Then join hand in hand, brave Americans all —
By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall!
— John Dickinson, Liberty Song.
First published in the Boston
Gazette, 18 July, 1768.