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''We are going to win the war and we are 
going to ivin the peace that follows, 

''And in the dark hours of this day — a7td 
through the dark days that may be yet to 
come — we will know that the vast majority 
of the members of the human race are on 
our side. Many of them are fighting with 
us. All of them are praying for us. For, in 
representing our cause, we represent theirs 
as well — our hope and their hope for liberty 
under God,'' 

— From President Roosevelt's broadcast report on 
the progress of hostilities, December 9, 1941. 




^yi^MA/M. v/rM 





President Franklin D. Roosevelt's 

Messages to Congress 

Declarations of War 

The President's First Report of War 

The First White Paper 

Official Documents, Events, and Negotiations Leading 
to War, and a Background for Understanding How and 
Why We Went to War and What We Are Fighting For, 



Copyright 1941 by 


153 No. Mirhigan Ave., Chicago, Illinois 



I believe in the United States of America as a 
Government of the people, by the people, for the 
people; whose just powers are derived from the 
consent of the governed ; a democracy in a republic ; 
a sovereign Nation of many sovereign States; a per- 
fect union, one and inseparable; established upon 
those principles of freedom, equality, justice and 
humanity for which American patriots sacrificed 
their lives and fortunes. 

I therefore believe it is my duty to my country 
to love it; to support its Constitution; to obey its 
law^s; to respect its flag, and to defend it against all 


This statement of American principles was written by 
William Tyler Page, Clerk of the U. S. House of Representa- 
tives, in 1917, and adopted by the House of Representatives, 
on behalf of the American People, April 3, 1918. 



The Spirit of 1941 1 

The American's Creed 4 

Introduction 8 

War! 10 

Background of War with Japan 13 

President Roosevelt's War Message 19 

The Nation Responds 21 

Text of War Resolution 11 

President's Message to the Japanese Emperor. . 11 

Secretary Hull's Statement 27 

Japanese Reply 11 

Prime Minister Churchill's Speech 4vS 

President's First War Report 49 

Background of War with Germany and Italy. . 60 

President's Second War Message 63 

Resolution on War with Germany and Italy. ... 64 

Speeches of Hitler and Mussolini 65 

German War Declaration 68 

General Pershing Volunteers 71 

The Atlantic Charter 73 

Knox's Statement — Attack on Hawaii 75 

President Roosevelt's First White Paper 84 

President's Bill of Rights Address 101 

America's Interests in the Pacific. 105 

Scene of Strife in the Pacific 107 

Commodore Perry and Japan 109 

Japan Before the First World War 110 

Japan's Pacific Bases 114 

Japan in the First World War 115 

Japan After the First World War 117 

The Monroe Doctrine .120 

The Declaration of Independence 123 



Endpapers courtesy of Works Progress 


Franklin D. Roosevelt 2 

Map of the Philippine Islands 7 

President Roosevelt Delivering His War Message 
to Congress 16 

Secretary of State Cordell Hull 26 

Prime Minister Winston Churchill 42 

General John J. Pershing 70 

Atlantic Meeting of Roosevelt and Churchill. . . 72 

Map of the Pacific 80 

Chart of World's Naval Strength 112 

Japanese Mandate 116 



MONDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1941 . . . 

This momentous day in the history of our coun- 
try will always be identified with the ''Declaration 
of War Against Japan/' but the terrific emotional 
impact of the days immediately preceding and fol- 
lowing it has been so great that details are likely 
soon to become obscure in our memories. Treach- 
erous, dastardly, unprovoked, arrogant, unscrupu- 
lous, ruthless, wanton — these are just a few of the 
epithets that have been applied to the deadly attacks 
on American territory and American people which 
began at the very moment that Japan's crafty and 
unscrupulous emissaries were calling on our Secre- 
tary of State. 

In these pages you will find a record of the nego- 
tiations "for peace" which preceded that final diplo- 
matic stratagem. Here are the notes which were 
exchanged by the two Governments. 

The decisive move was inevitable and rapier-fast. 
Less than twenty-four hours after our radios broad- 
cast the news of the bombing of Oahu, Hawaii, the 
President appeared before a joint session of the 
Senate and House of Representatives to ask the 
Congress to declare that a state of war exists be- 
tween the United States and the Japanese Empire 
since Sunday, December 7, 1941. 

The ultimate step came with equal swiftness. On 
the morning of Thursday, December 11, 1941, Ger- 
many and Italy joined in the war against the United 

States as they had already joined in planning Japan's 
dastardly attack. President Roosevelt at once sent 
a terse message to the Congress asking for a dec- 
laration of war. 

President Franklin D. Roosevelt's two Messages 
to the Congress and his first War Report to the 
American people are features of this volume. Brevity 
and dramatic restraint place the Messages and War 
Report among the most inspiring expressions of one 
of the greatest patriots in American history. 

Included also are the writings of Woodrow Wilson, 
Theodore Roosevelt, Abraham Lincoln, George 
Washington, and other illustrious leaders. Study 
them, for they reflect the American way of life and 
lead to a better understanding of the present crisis. 

We are now^ at war with Germany, Italy, and 
Japan. It will probably be a long and hard war, 
costly in "blood, sweat, and tears." It is not enough 
to know whom we are fighting. It is the duty of 
every American to know and keep foremost in his 
mind the reason why we are fighting, and what we 
are fighting for. As President Roosevelt said, 
"Alw^ays will we remember the character of the 
onslaught against us." 

All Americans should read this book, for it is a 
record of one of the most critical periods of our 
nation's history. These documents will be an in- 
spiration to us to make every sacrifice needed to win 
an Allied- victory and achieve a new era of peace, 
justice, and freedom for the whole w^orld. 



The United States has entered on a war unprec- 
edented in its history. 

Without warning Japan made an attack upon 
American possessions and American lives. 

At the very moment that the United States was 
indicating its peaceful intentions by receiving the 
Japanese envoys, Japanese w^arships and bombers 
treacherously attacked our cities and Pacific terri- 
tories, our warships and bases, our soldiers and 
peaceful civilians. 

American warships were sunk. 

American property was destroyed. 

Thousands of American soldiers, sailors, and 
civilians were killed. 

Arid all this without provocation on our part. 

We had demonstrated again and again our peace- 
ful intentions. 

We had shown our willingness to negotiate on 
principles of justice and democratic liberty. 

We sought only to preserve freedom for the 
peoples of East Asia threatened by Japanese ag- 

We did not invade peaceful and defenseless 

Can Japan so answer the charge of cowardly 
assault and robbery? 

China and Indo-China had already shown too 


well how criminally skilled she is in the wicked 
creed of her Axis partners. 

To these robberies Japan added an unbelievably 
arrogant and dastardly attack on the great Amer- 
ican people. 

Like a cowardly thug she struck silently and 
secretly in the dark. 

She would seize and destroy all Asia as her Axis 
partners had ravaged and stolen all Europe. 

Germany and Italy then joined Japan in the 
attack on the United States and the Western 

These Axis Powers boasted of their world-wide 
and devilish plans for the New Enslavement of all 
free people. 

Did ever robbers confess so insolently? 

They made clear to all Americans that we must 
fight to victory with Britain and our Allies to rescue 
ourselves, our children, our children's children, and 
all mankind from the brute rule of barbarian hordes. 

The Axis has challenged us. 

We Americans will answer that challenge! 

W^e will not forget the unprovoked attacks or the 
American citizens already mangled by Axis bombs. 

We did not seek w^ar. 

We asked only for a just peace for all the world. 

Hitler and his henchmen would have none of 

They wanted w ar, total war. 

We Americans will give Germany, Italy, and 
Japan all that these ruthless and blood-thirsty 
aggressors asked for and more — more than they ever 
dreamed of! 



The Axis Powers shall learn what it means to 
arouse the unbeatable might of America. 

They shall learn from our capacities for war which 
they could not match in a thousand years. 

They shall learn from our navy sworn to avenge 
Pearl Harbor. 

They shall learn from our soldiers remembering 
their slaughtered comrades. 

They shall learn from endless flights of dauntless 
airmen spurred on by the memory of Hickam Field. 

And, above all, they shall learn an unforgettable 
lesson from the united and undaunted spirit of an 
undefeated and free people rallied to a man behind 
an army, a navy and an air force that knows only 
victorious wars. 

In the past we have been separated in our opin- 
ions on many policies, foreign and domestic. 

But now we are united Americans, unswervingly 
supporting our country, our President, and our 

Our man power, materials, capital and labor shall 
forge an invincible weapon for our armed forces. 

Our differences are laid aside and we remember 
with sublime faith in our country and our beloved 
flag only the high spirit of our fathers. 

Again and again that spirit has triumphed over 
strong enemies that dared attack our liberties. 

And in that spirit we pledge ourselves, as sons 
of Washington and Jefferson, of Jackson, and of 
Lincoln and Lee, to carry the Star-Spangled Banner 
in triumph over the Axis banners of darkness for 
our liberties and the liberties of mankind. 
We are in this war and we will win! 
V^ictory is ours. 



Throughout the last ten years, the history of 
American-Japanese relations and Japanese aggres- 
sions shows clearly the steps which led to Japan's 
unprovoked attack on American possessions on 
December 7, 1941. These ten years also show a 
series of international aggressions, begun by the 
Japanese with the Mukden incident of 1931, which 
from our present point of view constitute a period 
of undeclared war culminating in overt hostilities 
in China in 1937, and in the Pacific in 1941. 

On September 18, 1931, Mukden, Manchuria, 
was the scene of the opening of this drama. Jap- 
anese troops entered the city, and the forcible 
seizure of Manchuria was begun. Later a puppet 
state, Manchukuo, was set up by the Japanese. 

On January 11 ^ 1932, Japanese forces were landed 
in Shanghai. Later they were withdrawn. 

On November S, 1936, iafter tension with the 
Soviet Union had arisen from that country's friend- 
ship for China, Japan joined with Germany and 
Italy in an agreement to combat communism as 
manifested in the Third International, or the 

On July 7, 1937, there occurred an incident w^hich 
the Japanese used to begin an undeclared and sav- 
age war against China. Outside Peking Chinese 
and Japanese troops clashed in an incident pro- 
voked by the Japanese. The war w^as marked by 
wholesale bombings of civilians in Chinese cities. 

On July 16, 1937, a fourteen-point policy was 
announced by Secretary Hull summarizing the pol- 
icy of the United States in its dealings with foreign 
powers. Upon this statement have been based 
subsequent American dealings with Japan. In the 
Far East, according to a statement made later by 
Secretary Hull, American policy was aimed at equal- 
ity of opportunity, respect for national sovereignty, 



and the faithful observance of treaties as bases of a 
lasting international order. Therefore evacuation 
of China by Japanese forces was asked for contin- 
uously by the United States. The Japanese, how- 
over, maintained with increasing threats of vio- 
lence that the white race must cede Oceania to Asia- 
tics, and that Japan had a ''natural right" to China 
and any other part of the F'ar East Japan wished 
to consider within its sphere of influence. 

On December 12, 1937, the United States gun- 
boat PanaVy lying peacefully in the Yangtze river, 
was attacked by Japanese planes and sunk. Tw^o 
people were killed. The United States accepted 
payment from Japan as a peaceful settlement of 
this incident. 

On December 30, 1938, a note was sent to Japan 
by the United States, demanding that traditional 
American rights in China be respected. At the 
same time tjie United States offered to participate 
in a conference to settle Asiatic issues. The Jap- 
anese did not accept this offer. 

On July 26, 1939, the United States gave notice, 
as required by international law, that it intended 
to abrogate its commercial treaty with Japan in 
view of Japan's continued aggressions in Asia. 

On September 27, 1940, after the European war 
had been going on for a year, Japan announced 
its full partnership in the Rome-Berlin axis, its 
consequent alignment with the forces of fascism 
against the democrafic nations. 

On October 12, 1940, the fact that tension was 
high was evidenced by the urging of the United 
States government that Americans in China and 
Japan should return home. 

On July 25, 1941, began a series of economic 
steps taken by the United States to apply pressure 
against the Japanese and to stop the broad stream 
of war supplies which was flowing from the United 
States to Japan, aiding her in her attack on China 
and reinforcing her threats against the Dutch East 



Indies, French Indo-China, and Thailand (Siam). 
Japanese assets in the United States were frozen, 
thus effectively ending trade between the two coun- 
tries. Great Britain joined in this action, and Japan 
retaliated by freezing American and British assets 
in Japan. 

On July 2-S, 1941, however, Japan defied the 
threat of American economic pressures by forcing 
French Indo-China to allow' Japanese forces to 
land, occupy bases, and completely dominate the 

On July 30, 1941, Japan further showed defiance 
by bombing the United States gunboat Tutuila at 
Chungking. This incident w^as allowed to pass with 
an apology from Japan. 

On August 1, 1941, President Roosevelt issued 
an order forbidding Americans to ship aviation fuel 
to Japan. 

On August 4, 1941, Japanese steamship service 
between Japan and the United States was stopped 
by Japan. 

On August 2^^ 1941, a personal appeal from 
Premier Konoye of Japan, asking for peace, was 
received by President Roosevelt. As a result dip- 
lomatic conversations, exploratory in nature and 
aiming at a peaceful settlement of points at issue, 
were resumed. 

On November 15, 1941, when it became apparent 
that no real settlement could be reached as long as 
Japan insisted on her right to dominate Asia by 
force of arms and the United States retained its 
traditional friendship with China, a special emissary 
was sent by Japan, presumably to aid x\mbassador 
Nomura in carrying on the diplomatic conversa- 
tions. It is apparent at t-he present time that Japan's 
aim was to gain time to prepare a surprise attack 
on the United States under the guise of wishing to 
continue friendly relations and attempting to secure 
peace. This ambassador, Saburo Kurusu, arrived 
by plane. 






President Roosevelt Delivering His War Message to 

Congress, December 8, 1941, with Supreme Court 

Justices, Cabinet Officers, and a Crowded Gallery 

Among His Hearers. 



On November 25, 1941, however, while these talks 
were still being continued in a last-hope effort at 
peaceful settlement, the United States received 
news that Japan was concentrating troops in Indo- 
China in such a manner that an attack on Thailand 
seemed clearly indicated. Previously, the United 
States and Great Britain had informed Japan that 
they would resist such an attack. Nevertheless the 
State department continued the diplomatic conver- 

On November 26, 1941, the Japanese diplomats 
were handed a formal memorandum by Secretary 
Hull. This memorandum stated once more the 
basic American principles outlined above and their 
implications so far as the Far East question was 

On December 2, 1941, the State department for- 
mally asked Japan to state its intentions in regard 
to its concentration of troops in Indo-China. This 
inquiry was made at the request of President 

On December 6, 1941, in a final appeal to Japan 
for peace between the two nations, President Roose- 
velt sent a personal note to Emperor Hirohito. 

On December 7, at the very time that Secretary 
Hull was receiving Japan's reply to the notes of 
November 26 and December 2, which he termed 
highly insulting, a sudden and devastating attack 
was made upon the Hawaiian Islands, Wake, and 
Guam. On December 8 Manila was bombed. 
Meanwhile British positions were also attacked, in- 
cluding Singapore and Northern Malaya and Japan 
began an invasion of Thailand which met little 
resistance. Japan had by an act of aggression 
made a declaration of w^ar by the United States 
inevitable. Britain and her allies, including the 
Netherlands and the other refugee governments in 
London, also declared war on Japan. Nicaragua, 
Costa Rica and many other Latin American coun- 
tries quickly follow^ed suit. 


Text of message fo Congress, December 8, 1941, 
following the unprovoked Japanese attack on the 
United States. 

To the Congress of the United States: 

Yesterday, December 7, 1941— a date which will 
live in infamy— the United States of America was 
suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and 
air forces of the Empire of Japan. 

The United States was at peace with that nation 
and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in con- 
versation with its government and its emperor, look- 
ing toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific. 

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons 
had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese 
ambassador to the United States and his colleague 
delivered to the secretary of state a formal reply to 
a recent American message. While this reply 
stated that it seemed useless to continue the exist- 
ing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat 
or hint of war or armed attack. 

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii 
from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was 
deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. 
During the intervening time, the Japanese govern- 
ment has deliberately sought to deceive the United 
States by false statements and expressions of hope 
for continued peace. 

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian Islands 
has caused severe damage to American naval and 
military forces. Very many American lives have 
been lost. In addition, American ships have been 
reported torpedoed on the high seas between San 
Francisco and Honolulu. 

Yesterday the Japanese government also launched 
an attack against Malaya. 



Last night Japanese forces attacked Hongkong. 

Last night Japanese forces attacked Guam. 

Last night Japanese forces attacked the Philip- 
pine Islands. 

Last night the Japanese attacked Wake Island. 

This morning the Japanese attacked Midway 

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise of- 
fensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The 
facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The 
people of the United States have already formed 
their opinions, and well understand the implications 
to the very life and safety of our nation. 

As commander-in-chief of the army and navy I 
have directed that all measures be taken for our 

Al-ways will we remember the character of the 
onslaught against us. 

No matter how long it may take us to overcome 
this premeditated invasion, the American people in 
their righteous might will win through to abso- 
lute victory. 

I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and 
of the people when I assert that we will not only 
defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make 
very certain that this form of treachery shall never 
endanger us again. 

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact 
that our people, our territory and our interests are 
in grave danger. 

With confidence in our armed forces — with the 
unbounding determination of our people — we will 
gain the inevitable triumph — so help us God. 

I ask that the Congress declare that since the 
unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on 
Sunday, December Seventh, a state of war has 
existed between the United States and the Japanese 




War on Japan was declared by the Congress of 
the United States shortly before 1 P. M., December 
8, 1941, following a brief address by President 
Roosevelt before the 77th Congress in joint session. 

The two houses of Congress convened separately 
at 12 o'clock, Eastern Standard Time, to vote au- 
thorization of the joint session. The Senators then 
proceeded to the House chamber where, shortly 
after 12:30 o'clock, the President began his address. 

The Senate-House committee, acting as escort 
to the President, preceded him into the House cham- 
ber. Then a thunderous burst of applause as the 
President appeared and approached the speaker's 
stand, supported by his son, James, Marine captain, 
who was in uniform. Then a still louder outburst 
after the President was presented to the assemblage 
by Speaker Sam Rayburn. Members of Congress 
and spectators, jamming the chamber to its four 
corners, loudly applauded at frequent intervals 
while the President spoke. He began his address 
at 12:33 P. M. and spoke briefly, quickly reaching 
this final paragraph: 

'T ask that the Congress declare that since the 
unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on 
Sunday, December 7, a state of war has existed 
between the United States and the Japanese Em- 

Then a thunderous burst of cheering. Among all 
the hundreds of men there assembled, representing 
the will and opinion of the American people, there 
was scarcely a whisper of dissent. 

Resolutions had already been prepared for pres- 
entation to, and immediate adoption by, both 
houses of Congress. The vote was unanimous in 
the Senate — S2 to — and well-nigh unanimous in 
the House — 3SS to 1. The one dissenter was Repre- 


sentative Jeannette Rankin of Montana, who also 
voted against entry into the First World War. 

Thus, at long last, for the people of the United 
States, the Second World War ceased to be a mere 
newspaper headline and became a grim reality. 

But the people were ready. With a unity akin 
to that displayed by their representatives, they stood 
shoulder to shoulder with their President, ready to 
give their all that liberty and freedom might prevail 
in the great struggle now thrust upon them. 


The War Resolution voted by Congress, Decem- 
ber 8. 1941. 

''Declaring that a state of war exists between 
the Imperial Japanese government and the govern- 
ment and the people of the United States and mak- 
ing provision to prosecute the same. 

"Whereas, the Imperial Japanese government has 
committed unprovoked acts of war against the gov- 
ernment and the people of the United States of 

"Therefore, be it resolved by the Senate and 
House of Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, 

"That the state of war between the United States 
and the Imperial Japanese government which has 
thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby 
formally declared; and the President is hereby au- 
thorized and directed to employ the entire naval 
and military forces of the United States and the 
resources of the government to carry on war against 
the Japanese government; and, to bring the con- 
flict to a successful termination, all of the resources 
of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress 
of the United States/' 



This message was dispatched by President 
Roosevelt, December 6, 1941, the day before the 
sudden Japanese attack. 

''Almost a century ago, the President of the 
United States addressed to the Emperor of Japan a 
message extending an offer of friendship of the 
people of the United States to the people of Japan. 
That offer was accepted, and in the long period of 
unbroken peace and friendship which has followed, 
our respective nations, through the virtues of their 
peoples and the wisdom of their rulers, have pros- 
pered and have substantially helped humanity. 

Emergency in Formation 

''Only in situations of extraordinary importance 
to our two countries need I address to Your Majesty 
messages on matters of State. I feel I should now 
so address you, because of the deep and far-reaching 
emergency w hich appears to be in formation. 

"Developments are occurring in the Pacific area 
which threaten to deprive each of our nations, and 
all humanity, of the beneficial influence of the long 
peace between our two countries. Those develop- 
ments contain tragic possibilities. 

Peace in Pacific Sought 

"The people of the United States, believing in 
peace and in the right of nations to live and let live, 
have eagerly watched the conversations between our 
two governments, during these past months. We 
have hoped for a termination of the present conflict 
between Japan and China. We have hoped that a 
peace of the Pacific could be consummated in such a 
way that nationalities of many diverse peoples could 
exist, side by side, without fear of invasion; that 



unbearable burdens of armaments could be lifted 
for them all; and that all peoples would resume 
commerce without discrimination against or in 
favor of any nation. 

^'I am certain that it will be clear to your Majesty, 
as it is to me, that in seeking these great objectives, 
both Japan and the United States should agree to 
eliminate any form of military threat that seemed 
essential to the attainment of the high objectives. 

Reviews Japanese Moves 

^^More than a year ago, your Majesty's gov- 
ernment concluded an agreement with the Vichy 
Government, by w^hich five or six thousand Jap- 
anese troops were permitted to enter into North- 
ern French Indo-China, for the protection of Jap- 
anese troops, which were operating a^'iainst China 
further north. And this Spring and Summer, the 
Vichy Government permitted further Japanese mili- 
tary forces to enter into Southern French Indo-China 
for the common defense of French Indo-China. I 
think I am correct in saying that no attack has been 
made upon Indo-China, nor that any has been con- 

"During the past few weeks it has become clear 
to the world that Japanese military, naval and air 
forces have been sent to Southern Indo-China, in 
such large numbers as to create a reasonable doubt 
on the part of other nations that this continuing con- 
centration in Indo-China is not defensive in its char- 

"Because these continuing concentrations in Indo- 
China have reached such large proportions and be- 
cause they extend now to the Southeast and the 
Southwest corners of that peninsula, it is only rea- 
sonable that the people of the Philippines, of the 
hundreds of islands of the East Indies, of Malaya, 
and of Thailand itself are asking thernselves whether 
these forces of Japan are preparing or intending to 


make attack in one or more of these many direc- 

"I am sure that your majesty will understand 
that the fear of all these peoples is a legitimate fear, 
in as much as it involves their peace and their 
national existence. I am sure that your majesty 
will understand why the people of the United States, 
in such lar^^e numbers, look askance at the estab- 
lishment of military, naval and air bases, manned 
and equipped so greatly as to constitute armed 
forces capable of measures of offense. 

Situation Is Unthinkablk 

'^Tt is clear that a continuance of such a situation 
is unthinkable. 

''None of the peoples, whom I have spoken of 
above, can sit either indefinitely or permanently 
on a keg of dynamite. 

"There is absolutely no thought, on the part of 
the United States, of invading Indo-China, if every 
Japanese soldier or sailor were to be withdrawn 

"I think that we can obtain the same assurance 
from the governments of the East Indies, the Gov- 
ernments of Malaya and the Government of Thai- 
land. I would even undertake to ask for the same 
assurance on the part of the Government of China. 
Thus, a withdrawal of the Japanese forces from 
Indo-China would result in the assurance of peace 
throughout the whole of the South Pacific area. 

'T address myself to Your Majesty at this moment 
in the fervent hope that Your Majesty may, as I 
am doing, give thought in this definite emergency 
to w^ays of dispelling the dark clouds. I am confi- 
dent that both of us, for the sake of the peoples 
not only of our own great countries, but for the 
sake of humanity in neighboring territories, have a 
sacred duty to restore traditional amity and prevent 
further death and destruction in the world." 


'''"''''.ft' '' f f ftw. 

( -.Z> V 





Japan has made a treacherous and utterly unpro- 
voked attack on the United States. 

At the very moment when representatives of the 
Japanese government were discussing with repre- 
sentatives of this government at the request of the 
former, principles and courses of peace, the armed 
forces of Japan were preparing and assembling at 
various strategic points to launch new attacks and 
new aggressions upon nations and peoples with 
which Japan was professedly at peace, including the 
United States. 

I am releasing the Japanese reply, which was 
handed to me by the Japanese ambassador today. 

Before the Japanese ambassador delivered this 
final statement from his government, the treacher- 
ous attack upon the United States had taken place. 

This government has stood for all the principles 
that underlie fair dealing, peace, law and order, and 
justice between nations, and has steadfastly striven 
to promote and maintain that state of relationship 
between itself and all other nations. 

It is now apparent to the whole world that Japan 
in its recent professions of a desire for peace has 
been infamously false and fraudulent. 

The text of the American note handed the Jap- 
anese on November 26 was in two parts — an oral 
statement and an outline of a .proposed basis for 
agreement between the United States and Japan. 

It follows: 

(The Oral Note) 

The representatives of the government of the 
United States and of the government of Japan have 
been carrying on during the past several months 



informal and exploratory conversations for the pur- 
pose of arriving at a settlement if possible of ques- 
tions relating to the entire Pacific area based upon 
the principles of peace, law and order, and fair 
dealing among nations. 

These principles include the principle of inviola- 
bility of territorial integrity and sovereignty of each 
and all nations; the principle of non-interference 
in the internal affairs of other countries; the prin- 
ciple of equality, including equality of commercial 
opportunity and treatment, and the principle of re- 
liance upon international co-operation and concilia- 
tion for the prevention and pacific settlement of 
controversies and for improvement of international 
conditions by peaceful methods and processes. 

Recently the Japanese ambassador has stated that 
the Japanese government is desirous of continuing 
the conversations directed toward a comprehensive 
and peaceful settlement in the Pacific area. 

On November 20 the Japanese ambassador com- 
municated to the Secretary of State proposals in 
regard to temporary measures to be taken respec- 
tively by the government of Japan and by the gov- 
ernment of the United States. 

The government of the United .States most ear- 
nestly desires to contribute to the promotion and 
maintenance of peace and stability in the Pacific 

With this object in view the government of the 
United States offers for the consideration of the 
Japanese government a plan of a broad but simple 
settlement covering the entire Pacific area as one 
practical exemplification of a program which this 
government envisages as something to be worked 
out during our further conversations. 

The plan therein suggested represents an effort 
to bridge the gap between our draft of June 21, 
1941, and the Japanese draft of September 25 by 
making a new approach to the essential problems 
underlying a comprehensive Pacific settlement. 



(The second part, entitled ''Outline of Proposed 
Basis for Agreement Between the United States 
and Japan'' ): 

Section I — Draft mutual declaration of policy. 

The government of the United States and the 
government of Japan, both being solicitous for the 
peace of the Pacific, affirm that their national poli- 
cies are directed toward lasting and extensive peace 
throughout the Pacific area, that they have no terri- 
torial designs in that area, that they have no inten- 
tion of threatening other countries or of using mili- 
tary force aggressively against any neighboring na- 
tion, and that, accordingly, in their national policies 
they will actively support and give practical appli- 
cation to the following fundamental principles upon 
which their relations with each other and with all 
other governments are based: 

(1) The principle of inviolability of territorial 
integrity and sovereignty of each and all nations. 
* (2) The principle of non-interference in the in- 
ternal affairs of other countries. 

(3) The principle of equality, including equality 
of commercial opportunity and treatment. 

(4) The principle of reliance upon international 
co-operation and conciliation for the prevention 
and pacific settlement of controversies and for im- 
provement of international conditions by peaceful 
methods and processes. 

The government of Japan and the government 
of the United States have agreed that toward elim- 
inating chronic political instability, preventing re- 
current economic collapse, and providing a basis for 
peace, they will actively support and practically 
apply the following principles in their economic 
relations with each other and with other nations 
and peoples: 

(1) The principle of non-discrimination in inter- 
national commercial relations. 

(2) The principle of international economic co- 



operation and abolition of extreme nationalism as 
expressed in excessive trade restrictions. 

(3) The principle of non-discriminatory access 
by all nations to raw material supplies. 

(4) The principle of full protection of the inter- 
ests of consuming countries and populations as re- 
gards the operation of international commodity 

(5) The principle of establishment of such insti- 
tutions and arrangements of international finance 
as may lend aid to the essential enterprises and the 
continuous development of all countries and may 
permit payments through processes of trade con- 
sonant with the welfare of all countries. 

Section II — Steps to be taken by the government 
of the United States and by the government of 

The government of the United States and the 
government of Japan propose to take steps as fol- 
lows : 

1. The government of the United States and the 
government of Japan will endeavor to conclude a 
multilateral nonaggression pact among the British 
empire, China, Japan, the Netherlands, the Soviet 
Union, Thailand and the United States. 

2. Both governments will endeavor to conclude 
among the American, British, Chinese, Japanese, 
the Netherlands and Thai governments an agree- 
ment whereunder each of the governments would 
pledge itself to respect the territorial integrity of 
French Indo-China and, in the event that there 
should develop a threat to the territorial integrity 
of Indo-China, to enter into immediate consultation 
with a view to taking such measures as may be 
deemed necessary and advisable to meet the threat 
in question. Such agreement would provide also 
that each of the governments party to the agreement 
would not seek or accept preferential treatment in 
its trade or economic relations with Indo-China and 
would use its influence to obtain for each of the 



signatories equality of treatment in trade and com- 
merce with French Indo-China. 

3. The government of Japan will w^ithdraw all 
military, naval, air and police forces from China 
and from Indo-China. 

4. The government of the United States and the 
government of Japan will not support — militarily^ 
politically, economically — any government or re- 
gime in China other than the national government 
of the republic of China, with the capital temporar- 
ily at Chungking. 

5. Both governments will give up all extraterri- 
torial rights in China, including rights and inter- 
ests in and with regard to international settlements 
and concessions, and rights under the Boxer protocol 
of 1901. Both governments will endeavor to obtain 
the agreement of the British and other governments 
to give up extraterritorial rights in China, including 
rights in international settlements and in conces- 
sions held under the Boxer protocol of 1901. 

6. The government of the United States and the 
government of Japan will enter into negotiations 
for the conclusion between the United States and 
Japan of a trade agreement, based upon reciprocal 
most-favored-nation treatment and reduction of 
trade barriers by both countries, including an un- 
dertaking by the United States to bind raw silk on 
the free list. 

7. The government of the United States and the 
government of Japan will, respectively, remove the 
freezing restrictions on Japanese funds in the United 
States and on American funds in Japan. 

8. Both governments will agree upon a plan for 
the stabilization of the dollar-yen rate, with the 
allocation of funds adequate for this purpose, half 
to be supplied by Japan and half by the United 

9. Both governments will agree that no agree- 
ment which either has concluded with any third 
power or powers shall be interpreted by it in such 



a way as to conflict with the fundamental purpose 
of this agreement, the establishment and preserva- 
tion of peace throughout the Pacific area. 

10. Both governments will use their influence to 
cause other governments to adhere to and to give 
practical application to the basic political and eco- 
nomic principles set forth in this agreement. 


The . 







"^^ Honduras 


Netherlands Indies 


New Zealand 

Costa Rica 




Dominican Republic 


"^El Salvador 

South Africa 

Free France 

Soviet Union 

Great Britain 

United States 












*Have declared war on Japan only. 





This reply, branded by Secretary Hull as "In- 
famously false and fraudulent," was handed to the 
American Government by the Japanese Ambassa- 
dor, Admiral Kichisaburo Nomura, even while 
Japan was launching a devastating, unprovoked 
attack on the United States. 

1. The government of Japan, prompted by a 
genuine desire to come to an amicable understanding 
with the government of the United States in order 
that the two countries by their joint efforts may 
secure the peace of the Pacific area and thereby con- 
tribute toward the realization of world peace, has 
continued negotiations with the utmost sincerity 
since April last with the government of the United 
States regarding the adjustment and advancement 
of Japanese-American relations and the stabilization 
of the Pacific area. 

The Japanese government has the honor to state 
frankly its views concerning the claims the American 
government has persistently maintained, as well as 
the measures the United States and Great Britain 
have taken toward Japan during these eight months. 

2. It is the immutable policy of the Japanese 
government to insure the stability of East Asia and 
to promote world peace and thereby to enable all 
nations to find each its proper place in the world. 

Ever since China affair broke out, owing to the 
failure on the part of China to comprehend Japan's 
true intentions, the Japanese government has striven 
for the restoration of peace and it has consistently 
exerted its best efforts to prevent the extension of 
war-like disturbances. 



It was also to that end that in September last year 
Japan concluded the tripartite pact with Germany 
and Italy. 

However, both the United States and Great Brit- 
ain have resorted to every possible measure to assist 
the Chungking regime so as to obstruct the estab- 
lishment of a general peace between Japan and 
China, interfering with Japan's constructive en- 
deavors toward the stabilization of east Asia. 

Exerting pressure on the Netherlands East Indies, 
or menacing French Indo-China, they have at- 
tempted to frustrate Japan's aspiration to the ideal 
of common prosperity in co-operation with these 

Furthermore, when Japan in accordance with its 
protocol with France took measures of joint defense 
of French Indo-China, both American and British 
governments, willfully misinterpreting it as a threat 
to their own possessions, and inducing th€ Nether- 
lands government to follow suit, enforced the assets 
freezing order, thus severing diplomatic relations 
with Japan. 

While manifesting thus an obviously hostile atti- 
tude, these countries have strengthened their mili- 
tary preparations perfecting an encirclement of 
Japan, and have brought about a situation which 
endangers the very existence of the empire. 

Claim U. S. Invited to Pacific Parley 

Nevertheless, to facilitate a speedy settlement, the 
premier of Japan proposed, in August last, to meet 
the President of the United States for a discussion 
of important problems between the two countries 
covering the entire Pacific area. 

However, the American government, while ac- 
cepting in principle the Japanese proposal, in- 
sisted that the meeting should take place after an 
agreement of view had been reached on fundamental 
and essential questions. 



3. Subsequently, on September 25, the Japanese 
government submitted a proposal based on the for- 
mula proposed by the American government, taking 
fully into consideration past American claims and 
also incorporating Japanese views. 

Repeated discussions proved of no avail in pro- 
ducing readily an agreement of view. The present 
cabinet, therefore, submitted a revised proposal, 
moderating still further the Japanese claims regard- 
ing the principal points of difficulty in the negotia- 
tions and endeavored strenuously to reach a settle- 

But the American government, adhering stead- 
fastly to its original assertions, failed to display in 
the slightest degree a spirit of conciliation. The 
negotiations made no progress. 

Therefore, the Japanese government, with a view 
to doing its utmost for averting a crisis in Japanese- 
x^merican relations, submitted on November 20 still 
another proposal in order to arrive at an equitable 
solution of the more essential and urgent questions 
which, simplifying its previous proposal, stipulated 
the following points: 

(1) The governments of Japan and the United 
States undertake not to dispatch armed forces into 
any of the regions, excepting French Indo-China, in 
the southeastern Asia and the southern Pacific area. 

(2) Both governments shall co-operate with the 
view of securing the acquisition in the Netherlands 
East Indies of those goods and commodities of which 
the two countries are in need. 

(3) Both governments mutually undertake to 
restore commercial relations to those prevailing prior 
to the freezing of assets. 

The government of the United States shall supply 
Japan the required quantity of oil. 

(4) The government of the United States under- 
takes not to resort to measures and actions preju- 



dicial to the endeavors for the restoration of general 
peace between Japan and China. 

(5) The Japanese government undertakes to 
withdraw troops now stationed in French Indo- 
China upon either the restoration of peace between 
Japan and China or the establishment of an equit- 
able peace in the Pacific area, and it is prepared to 
remove the Japanese troops in the southern part of 
French Indo-China to the northern part upon the 
conclusion of the present agreement. 

Claim U. S. Spurned China Peace Formula 

As regards China, the Japanese government, while 
e:xpressing its readiness to accept the offer of the 
President of the United States to act as "introducer" 
of peace between Japan and China as was previously 
suggested, asked for an understanding on the part 
of the United States to do nothing prejudicial to the 
restoration of Sino-Japanese peace when the two 
parties have commenced direct negotiations. 

The American government not only rejected the 
above-mentioned new proposal, but made known its 
intention to continue its aid to Chiang Kai-shek; 
and in spite of its suggestion mentioned above, with- 
drew the offer of the President to act as so-called 
"introducer" of peace between Japan and China, 
pleading that time was not yet ripe for it. 

Finally on November 26, in an attitude to impose 
upon the Japanese government those principles it 
has persistently maintained, the American govern- 
ment made a proposal totally ignoring Japanese 
claims, which is a source of profound regret to the 
Japanese government. 

4. From the beginning of the present negotiation 
the Japanese government has always maintained an 
attitude of fairness and moderation, and did its best 
to reach a settlement, for which it made all possible 
concessions often in spite of great difficulties. 

As for the China question which constitutes an 


important subject of the negotiation, the Japanese 
government showed a most conciliatory attitude. 

As for the principle of non-discrimination in in- 
ternational commerce, advocated by the American 
government, the Japanese government expressed its 
desire to see the said principle applied throughout 
the world, and declared that along with the actual 
practice of this principle in the world, the Japanese 
government would endeavor to apply the same in 
the Pacific area, including China, and made it clear 
that Japan had no intention of excluding from China 
economic activities of third powers pursued on an 
equitable basis. Furthermore, as regards the ques- 
tion of withdrawing troops from French Indo-China, 
the Japanese government even volunteered, as men- 
tioned above, to carry out an immediate evacuation 
of troops from southern French Indo-China as a 
measure of easing the situation. 

It is presumed that the spirit of conciliation ex- 
hibited to the utmost decree by the Japanese 
government in all these matters is fully appreciated 
by the American government. 

Claim U. S. Disregarded Realities 

On the other hand, the American government, 
always holding fast to theories in disregard of 
realities, and refusing to yield an inch on its im- 
practical principles, caused undue delay in negotia- 

It is difficult to understand this attitude of the 
American government and the Japanese government 
desires to call the attention of the American govern- 
ment especially to the following points: 

1. The American government advocates in the 
name of world peace those principles favorable to it 
and urges upon the Japanese government the ac- 
ceptance thereof. 

The peace of the world may be brought about only 
by discovering a mutually acceptable formula 



through recognition of the reality of the situation 
and mutual appreciation of one another's position. 

An attitude such as ignores realities and imposes 
one's selfish views upon others will scarcely serve 
the purpose of facilitating the consummation of 

Of the various principles put forward by the 
American government as a basis of the Japanese- 
American agreement, there are some which the 
Japanese government is ready to accept in principle, 
but in view of the world's actual condition it seems 
only a Utopian ideal on the part of the American 
government to attempt to force their immediate 

Again, the proposal to conclude a multilateral 
non-aggression pact between Japan, United States, 
Great Britain, China, the Soviet Union, the Nether- 
lands and Thailand, which is patterned after the old 
concept of collective security, is far removed from 
the realities of East Asia. 

2. The American proposal contained a stipula- 
tion which states: ''Both governments will agree that 
no agreement, which either has concluded with any 
third power or powers, shall be interpreted by it in 
such a way as to conflict with the fundamental pur- 
pose of this agreement, the estabishment and preser- 
vation of peace throughout the Pacific area." 

It is presumed that the above provision has been 
proposed with a view to restrain Japan from fulfill- 
ing its obligations under the tripartite pact when 
the United States participates in the war in Europe, 
and, as such, it cannot be accepted by the Japanese 

The American government, obsessed with its own 
views and opinions, may be said to be scheming for 
the extension of the war. 

While it seeks, on the one hand, to secure its rear 
by stabilizing the Pacific area, it is engaged, on the 
other hand, in aiding Great Britain and preparing 



to attack, in the name of self-defense, Germany and 
Italy, two powers that are striving to establish a new 
order in Europe. 

Such a policy is totally at variance with the many 
principles upon which the American government 
proposes to found the stability of the Pacific area 
through peaceful means. 

3. Whereas the American government, under the 
principles it rigidly upholds, objects to settle inter- 
national issues through military pressure, it is exer- 
cising in conjunction with Great Britain and other 
nations pressure by economic power. 

Recourse to such pressure -as a means of dealing 
with international relations should be condemned, as 
it is at times more inhumane than military pressure. 

4. It is impossible not to reach the conclusion 
that the American government desires to maintain 
and strengthen, in coalition with Great Britain and 
other powers, its dominant position it has hitherto 
occupied not only in China but in other areas of 
East Asia. 

It is a fact of history that the countries of East 
Asia for the past hundred years or more have been 
compelled to observe the status quo under the Anglo- 
American policy of imperialistic exploitation and to 
sacrifice themselves to the prosperity of the two 

The Japanese government cannot tolerate the 
perpetuation of such a situation since it directly runs 
counter to Japan^s fundamental policy to enable all 
nations to enjoy each its proper place in the w^orld. 

Claim Jap Position Destroyed 

The stipulation proposed by the American govern- 
ment relative to French Indo-China is a good exem- 
plification of the above-mentioned American policy. 

That the six countries — Japan, the United States, 
Great Britain, The Netherlands, China and Thai- 
land — excepting France, should undertake among 



themselves to respect the territorial integrity and 
sovereignty of French Indo-China and equality of 
treatment in trade and commerce would be tanta- 
mount to placing that territory under the joint 
guarantee of the governments of those six countries. 

Apart from the fact that such a proposal totally 
ignores the position of France, it is unacceptable to 
the Japanese government in that such an arrange- 
ment cannot but be considered as an extension to 
French Indo-China of a system similar to the nine- 
power treaty structure which is the chief factor 
responsible for the present predicament of East Asia. 

5. All the items demanded of Japan by the Ameri- 
can government regarding China, such as wholesale 
evacuation of troops or unconditional application of 
the principle of non-discrimination in international 
commerce, ignored the actual conditions of China, 
and are calculated to destroy Japan's position as 
the stabilizing factor of East Asia. 

The attitude of the American government in de- 
manding Japan not to support militarily, politically 
or economically any regime other than the regime 
of Chungking, disregarding thereby the existence of 
the Nanking government, shatters the very basis of 
the present negotiation. 

This demand of the American government, failing 
as it does, in line with its above-mentioned refusal 
to cease from aiding the Chungking regime, demon- 
strates clearly the intention of the American govern- 
ment to obstruct the restoration of normal relations 
between Japan and China and the return of peace 
to East Asia. 

In brief, the American proposal contains certain 
acceptable items such as those concerning commerce, 
including the conclusion of a trade agreement, mu- 
tual removal of the freezing restrictions and stabili- 
zation of yen and dollar exchange, or the abolition 
of extraterritorial rights in China. 

On the other hand, however, the proposal in ques- 



tion ignores Japan's sacrifices in the four years of 
the China affair, menaces the empire's existence it- 
self and disparages its honor and prestige. 

Therefore, viewed in its entirety, the Japanese 
government regrets that it cannot accept the pro- 
posal as a basis of negotiation. 

6. The Japanese government, in its desire for an 
early conclusion of the negotiation, proposed simul- 
taneously with the conclusion of the Japanese- 
American negotiation agreements to be signed with 
Great Britain and other interested countries. 

The proposal was accepted by the American 
government. However, since the American govern- 
ment has made the proposal of November 26 as a 
result of frequent consultation with Great Britain, 
Australia, the Netherlands and Chungking, and pre- 
sumably by catering to the wishes of the Chungking 
regime in the questions of China, it must be con- 
cluded that all these countries are at one with the 
United States in ignoring Japan's position. 

7. Obviously it is the intention of the American 
government to conspire with Great Britain and other 
countries to obstruct Japan's efforts toward the es- 
tablishment of peace through the creation of a new 
order in East Asia, and especially to preserve Anglo- 
American rights and interests by keeping Japan and 
China at war. 

This intention has been revealed clearly during 
the course of the present negotiations. Thus, the 
earnest hope of the Japanese government to adjust 
Japanese-American relations and to preserve and 
promote the peace of the Pacific through co-opera- 
tion with the American government has finally been 

The Japanese government regrets to have to 
notify hereby the American government that in view 
of the attitude of the American government it cannot 
but consider that it is impossible to reach an agree- 
ment through further negotiations. 


J^%t^ A^^00^s €/€ 4 .^ ^<^ A 4> /^^ 





Text of Prime Minister Churchill's speech in the 
House of Comnnons, Decennber 8, 1941, an- 
nouncing a state of war between Britain and 

As soon as I heard last night that Japan had 
attacked the United States I felt it necessary that 
Parliament should be immediately summoned. 

It is indispensable to our system of government 
that Parliament should play a full part in all the 
important acts of state, and at all crucial moments 
in conduct of the war, and I am glad to see so many 
members have been able to be in their places in 
spite of the shortness of notice. 

With the full approval of the nation and of the 
empire, I pledged the word of Great Britain about 
a month ago that should the United States be in- 
volved in war with Japan, a British declaration of 
war would follow within the hour. 

Therefore I spoke to President Roosevelt on the 
Atlantic telephone last night with a view to arrang- 
ing the timing of our respective declarations. 

The President told me he would this morning 
send a message to Congress, which, as is well known, 
can alone make a declaration of war on behalf of 
the United States. 

Britain Keeps Pledge 

I then answered him we would follow immediately. 
However, it soon appeared that British territory 
in Malaya had also been the object of Japanese 
attack and later on it was announced from Tokyo 
that the Japanese high command — a curious form 



— not the Imperial Japanese government but the 
Japanese high command — had declared that a state 
of war existed between them and Great Britain and 
the United States. 

That being so there was no need to wait for the 
declaration of Congress. In any case, American 
time is nearly six hours behind ours. The cabinet 
which met at 12:30 today, therefore authorized an 
immediate declaration of war upon Japan. Instruc- 
tions to this effect were sent to His Majesty^s am- 
bassador in Tokyo and a communication was dis- 
patched to the Japanese charge d'affaires at 7 o'clock 
today to this effect. 

"On the evening of December 7 His Majesty's 
Government in the United Kingdom learned that 
the Japanese forces, without a previous warning 
either in the form of a declaration of war or of an 
ultimatum with a conditional declaration of war, 
had attempted a landing on the coast of Malaya 
and had bombed Singapore and Hongkong. 

'Tn view of these wanton acts of unprovoked ag- 
gression, committed in flagrant violation of inter- 
national law and particularly of article one of the 
Third League Convention relative to the opening 
of hostilities, to which both Japan and the United 
Kingdom are parties. His Majesty's ambassador in 
Tokyo has been instructed to inform the imperial 
Japanese government in the name of His Majesty's 
government in the United Kingdom, that a state 
of war exists between the two countries." 

Hostilities Already Begun 

Meanwhile, hostilities had already begun. The 
Japanese began a landing on British territory in 
Northern Malaya at about 6 o'clock yesterday morn- 
ing, and they were immediately engaged by our 
forces which were in readiness. 

Home office measures against Japanese nationals 
were set in motion at 10:45 last night. The House 


Churchill's war speech 

will see that no time has been lost and that we 
actually are ahead of our engagements. The Royal 
Netherlands government at once marked their soli- 
darity with Great Britain and the United States. 

At 3 a. m. the Netherlands minister informed 
the foreign office that his government was telling 
the Japanese government that, in view of hostile 
acts perpetrated by Japanese forces against two 
powers with whom the Netherlands maintained par- 
ticularly close relations, they considered as a conse- 
quence that a state of war now exists between the 
Kingdom of the Netherlands and Japan. 

I do not know yet what part Thailand will be 
called upon to play in this fresh war, but a report 
has reached us that Japan has landed troops at 
Singora in Siamese territory not far from the land- 
ing they have made on the British side of the 

Sends Message to Thailand 

Meanwhile just before Japan had gone to war 
with Siam, I had sent the Prime Minister of Siam 
the following message. It was sent Sunday: 

"There is a possibility of imminent invasion of 
your country. If you are attacked, defend your- 
self. The preservation of the full independence and 
sovereignty of Thailand is the British interest and 
we shall regard an attack on you as an attack on 

It is worth-while looking for a moment at the 
manner in which the Japanese have begun their 
assault upon the English-speaking world. Every 
circumstance of calculated and characteristic Jap- 
anese treachery was employed against the United 

Japanese envoys Nomura and Kurusu were or- 
dered to prolong their missions in the United States 
in order to keep conversations going whilst the sur- 
prise attack was being prepared to be made before 
the declaration of war could be delivered. 


Churchill's war speech 

The President's appeal to the Emperor, which I 
have no doubt many members have read, reminded 
him of ancient friendship and of the importance 
of preserving the peace of the Pacific. This mes- 
sage has received only this base and brutal reply. 
No one can doubt that every effort to bring about 
a peaceful solution had been made by the United 
States and that an immense patience and composure 
had been shown in the face of the growing Japanese 

Issue Is Joined 

Now that the issue is joined in the most direct 
manner, it only remains for two great democracies 
to face their task with whatever strength God may 
give them. 

We may hold ourselves very fortunate, and I think 
we may rate our affairs not wholly ill-guided, that 
we were not attacked alone by Japan in our period 
of weakness after Dunkirk — or at any time in 1940 
before the United States had fully realized the dan- 
gers which threatened the whole world and had made 
large advances in its military preparations. 

So precarious and narrow was the margin upon 
which we then lived that we did not dare to express 
the sympathy we have all along felt for the heroic 
people of China. We were even forced for a short 
time in the summer of 1940 to agree to closing the 
Burma Road, but later on at the beginning of this 
year, as soon as we could regather our strength, we 
reversed that policy, and the House will remember 
that both I and the foreign secretary have felt able 
to make increasingly outspoken declarations of 
friendship for the Chinese people and their great 
leader, Chiang Kai-shek. 

We have always been friends. Last night I cabled 
to the generalissimo assuring him that henceforward 
we would face the common foe together, although 
imperative demands of the war in Europe and iVfrica 


Churchill's war speech 

have strained our resources, vast and growing though 
they are. 

Big Warships in Orient 

The House and the Empire will notice that some 
of the finest ships in the Royal Navy have reached 
their stations in the Far East at a very convenient 

Every preparation on our part has been made, 
and I do not doubt we shall give a good account 
of ourselves. 

The closest accord has been established with pow- 
erful American forces, both naval and air, and also 
with strong and efficient forces belonging to the 
Royal Netherlands government in the Netherlands 
East Indies. We shall all do our best. 

When we think of the insane ambition and insatia- 
ble appetite which have caused this vast and melan- 
choly extension of the war, we can only feel that 
Hitler's madness has infected Japanese minds, and 
that the roat of the evil and its branch must be 
extirpated together. 

Stresses Gravity of Situation 

It is of the highest importance that there should 
be no underrating of the gravity of the new dangers 
we have to meet, either here or in the United 

The enemy has attacked with an audacity which 
may spring from recklessness but which may also 
spring from a conviction of strength. The ordeal to 
which the English-speaking world and our heroic 
Russian allies are being exposed will certainly be 
hard, especially at the outset, and will probably 
be long; yet when we look around us upon the 
somber panorama of the world we have no reason 
to doubt the justice of our cause or that our strength 
and will power will be sufficient to sustain it. 

We have at least four-fifths of the population of 

Churchill's war speech 

the world on our side. We are responsible for their 
safety and for their future. 

In the past we have had a light which flickered. 
In the present we have a light which flames. In 
the future there will be a light which shines over 
all the land and sea. 

These are the times that try men's souls. The sum- 
mer soldier and the sunshine patriot willy in this 
crisis, shrink from the service of their country; hut he 
that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of 
man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily 
conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that 
the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph. 
What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it 
is dearness only that gives every thing its value. 
Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its 
goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial 
an article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated. 

—Thomas Paine (From The Crisis) 
The Pennsylvania Journal Dec. 19, 

Our country! in her intercourse with foreign nations 
may she always be in the right; but our country, 
right or wrong! 

— Stephen Decatur, Toast, at a dinner 
in his honor at Norfolk, Va., April, 
1816. (Mackenzie, Life of Decatur, 
Ch. 14) 

Millions for defense but not a cent for tribute. 

— Robert Goodloe Harper, Toast, at 
the dinner given by Congress at Phila- 
delphia, 18 June, 1798, in honor of 
John Marshall upon his return from 



Text of the report on the progress of hostilities 
with Japan, delivered by radio fronn the White 
House, December 9, 1941. 

The sudden criminal attacks perpetrated by the 
Japanese in the Pacific provide the climax of a 
decade of international immorality. 

Powerful and resourceful gangsters have banded 
together to make war upon the whole human race. 
Their challenge has now been flung at the United 
States of America. The Japanese have treacher- 
ously violated the long-standing peace between us. 

Many American soldiers and sailors have been 
killed by enemy action. American ships have been 
sunk, American airplanes have been destroyed. 

The Challenge Accepted 

The Congress and the people of the United States 
have accepted that challenge. 

Together, with our free peoples, we are now 
fighting to maintain our right to live among our 
world neighbors in freedom and in common decency, 
without fear or assault. 

I have prepared the full record about past rela- 
tions with Japan; and it will be submitted to the 
Congress. It begins with the visit of Commodore 
Perry to Japan 88 years ago. It ends with the 
visit of two Japanese emissaries to the Secretary 
of State last Sunday, an hour after Japanese forces 
had loosed their bombs and machine guns against 
our flag, our forces and our citizens. 

Horror at Treachery 

I can say with utmost confidence that no Ameri- 
cans, today or a thousand years hence, need feel 



anything but pride in our patience and our efforts 
through all the years toward achieving a peace in 
the Pacific which would be fair and honorable to 
every nation, large or small. 

And no honest person, today or a thousand years 
hence, will be able to suppress a sense of indignation 
and horror at the treachery committed by the mili- 
tary dictators of Japan, under the very shadow of 
the flag of peace borne by their special envoys in 
our midst. 

The course that Japan has followed for the past 
ten years in Asia has paralleled the course of Hitler 
and Mussolini in Europe and Africa. Today, it 
has become far more than a parallel. It is collab- 
oration so well calculated that all the continents 
of the world, and all the oceans, are now considered 
by the Axis strategists as one gigantic battlefield. 

A Recital of Events 

In 1931, Japan invaded Manchukuo — without 

In 1935, Italy invades Ethiopia — without warn- 

In 1938, Hitler occupied Austria — without warn- 

In 1939, Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia — without 

Later in 1939, Hitler invaded Poland — without 

In 1940, Hitler invaded Norway, Denmark, Hol- 
land, Belgium and Luxembourg — without warning. 

In 1940, Italy attacked France and later Greece 
— without warning. 

In 1941, the Axis powers attacked Yugoslavia 
and Greece and they dominated the Balkans — with- 
out warning. 

In 1941, Hitler invaded Russia — without warn- 



And now Japan has attacked Malaya and Thai- 
land — and the United States — without warning. 
It is all of one pattern. 

Have Suffered Serious Setback 

We are now in this war. We are all in it — all 
the way. Every single man, woman and child is a 
partner in the most tremendous undertaking of our 
American history. We must share together the 
bad news and the good news, the defeats and the 
victories — the changing fortunes of war. 

So far, the news has all been bad. We have suf- 
fered a serious setback in Hawaii. Our forces in 
the Philippines, which include the brave people of 
that commonwealth, are taking punishment, but 
are defending themselves vigorously. The reports 
from Guam and Wake and Midway Islands are still 
confused, but we must be prepared for the announce- 
ment that all these three outposts have been seized. 

The casualty lists of these first few days will 
undoubtedly be large. I deeply feel the anxiety 
of all families of the men in our armed forces and 
the relatives of people in cities which have been 
bombed. I can only give them my solemn promise 
that they will get news just as quickly as possible. 

This government will put its trust in the stamina 
of the American people, and will give the facts to 
the public as soon as two conditions have been ful- 
filled: First, that the information has been defi- 
nitely and officially confirmed; and, second, that 
the release of the information at the time it is 
received will not prove valuable to the enemy 
directly or indirectly. 

Most earnestly I urge my countrymen to reject 
all rumors. These ugly little hints of complete 
disaster fly thick and fast in wartime. They have 
to be examined and appraised. 

As an example, I can tell you frankly that until 
further surveys are made, I have not sufficient in- 


formation to state the exact damage which has been 
done to our naval vessels at Pearl Harbor. Admit- 
tedly the damage is serious. But no one can say 
how serious, until we know how much of this dam- 
age can be repaired and how quickly the necessary 
repairs can be made. 

I cite as another example a statement made on 
Sunday night that a Japanese carrier had been 
located and sunk off the Canal Zone. And when you 
hear statements that are attributed to what they 
call ^'an authoritative source" you can be reason- 
ably sure that under these war circumstances the 
"authoritative source" was not any person in 

Many rumors and reports which we now hear 
originate with enemy source. For instance, today 
the Japanese are claiming that as a result of their 
one action against Hawaii they have gained naval 
supremacy in the Pacific. This is an old trick of 
propaganda which has been used innumerable 
times by the Nazis. The purpose of such fantastic 
claims are, of course, to spread fear and confusion 
among us, and to goad us into revealing military 
information which our enemies are desperately 
anxious to obtain. 

We Won't Be Trapped 

Our government will not be caught in this obvious 
trap — and neither will our people. 

It must be remembered by each and every one of 
us that our free and rapid communication must be 
greatly restricted in wartime. It is not possible to 
receive full, speedy, accurate reports from distant 
areas of combat. This is particularly true where 
naval operations are concerned. For in these days 
of the marvels of radio it is often impossible for the 
commanders of various units to report their activi- 
ties by radio, for the very simple reason that this 
information would become available to the enemy, 



and would disclose their position and their plan of 
defense or attack. 

Of necessity there will be delays in officially con- 
firming or denying reports of operations but we 
will not hide facts from the country if we know the 
facts and if the enemy will not be aided by their 

To all newspapers and radio stations — all those 
who reach the eyes and ears of the American people 
— I say this: You have a most grave responsi- 
bility to the nation now and for the duration of 
the war. 

Warns Against Rumors 

If you feel that your government is not disclos- 
ing enough of the truth, you have every right to say 
so. But — in the absence of all the facts, as revealed 
by official sources — you have no right to deal out 
unconfirmed reports in such a way as to make people 
believe they are gospel truth. 

Every citizen, in every walk of life, shares this 
same responsibility. The lives of our soldiers and 
sailors — the whole future of this nation — depend 
upon the manner in which each and every one of us 
fulfills his obligation to our country. 

Time Advantage to U. S. 

Now a word about the recent past — and the fu- 
ture. A year and a half has elapsed since the fall 
of France, when the whole world first realized the 
mechanized might which the Axis nations had been 
building for so many years. America has used this 
advantage. Knowing that the attack might reach 
us in all too short a time, we immediately began 
greatly to increase our industrial strength and our 
capacity to meet the demands of modern warfare. 

Precious months were gained by sending vast 

quantities of our war material to the nations of the 

world still able to resist Axis aggression. Our policy 

rested on the fundamental truth that the defense of 



any country resisting Hitler or Japan was in the 
long run the defense of our own country. That pol- 
icy has been justified. 

It has given us time, invaluable time, to build 
our American assembly lines of production. 

Assembly lines are now in operation. Others are 
being rushed to completion. A steady stream of 
tanks and planes, of guns and ships, of shells and 
equipment — that is what these eighteen months 
have given us. 

But it is all only a beginning of what has to be 
done. We must be set to face a long war against 
crafty and powerful bandits. The attack at Pearl 
Harbor can be repeated at any one of many points 
in both oceans and along both our coast lines and 
against all the rest of the hemisphere. 

Predicts Long War 

It will not only be a long war, it will be a hard 
war. That is the basis on which we now lay all our 
plans. That is the yardstick by which we measure 
what we shall need and demand; money, ma- 
terials, doubled and quadrupled production — ever- 

The production must be not only for our own 
Army and Navy and Air Forces. It must reinforce 
the other armies and navies and air forces fighting 
the Nazis and the war lords of Japan throughout 
the Americas and the world. 

I have been working today on the subject of 
production. Your government has decided on two 
broad policies. 

The first is to speed up all existing production 
by working on a seven day week basis in every war 
industry, including the production of essential raw 

Plants to Be Expanded 

The second policy, now being put into form, is 
to rush additions to the capacity of production by 



building more new plants, by adding to old plants, 
and by using the many smaller plants for war needs. 

Over the hard road of the past months, we have 
at times met obstacles and difficulties, divisions and 
disputes, indifference and callousness. That is now 
all past — and, I am sure, forgotten. 

The fact is that the country now has an organ- 
ization in Washington built around men and women 
who are recognized experts in their own fields. I 
think the country knows that the people who are 
actually responsible in each and every one of these 
many fields are pulling together with a teamwork 
that has never before been excelled. 

On the road ahead there lies hard work — gruel- 
ling work — day and night, every hour and every 

I was about to add that ahead there lies sacrifice 
for all of us. 

But it is not correct to use that word. The 
United States does not consider it a sacrifice to do 
all one can, to give one's best to our nation, when 
the nation is fighting for its existence and its future 

It is not a sacrifice for any man, old or young, to 
be in the Army or the Navy of the United States. 
Rather is it a privilege. 

It is not a sacrifice for the industrialist or the 
wage earner, the farmer or the shopkeeper, the 
trainman or the doctor, to pay more taxes, to buy 
more bonds, to forego extra profits, to work longer 
or harder at the task for which he is best fitted. 
Rather is it a privilege. 

It is not a sacrifice to do without many things 
to which we are accustomed if the national defense 
calls for doing without. 

A review this morning leads me to the conclusion 
that at present we shall not have to curtail the 
normal articles of food. There is enough food for 


all of US and enough left over to send to those who 
are fighting on the same side with us. 

There will be a clear and definite shortage of 
metals of many kinds for civilian use, for the very 
good reason that in our increased program we shall 
need for war purposes more than half of that por- 
tion of the principal metals which during the past 
year have gone into articles for civilian use. We 
shall have to give up many things entirely. 

Confident of Nation 

I am sure that the people in every part of the 
nation are prepared in their individual living to 
win this war. I am sure they will cheerfully help 
to pay a large part of its financial cost while it goes 
on. I am sure they will cheerfully give up those 
material things they are asked to give up. 

I am sure that they will retain all those great 
spiritual things without which we cannot win 

I repeat that the United States can accept no 
result save victory, final and complete. Not only 
must the shame of Japanese treachery be wiped 
out, but the sources of international brutaUty, 
wherever they exist, must be absolutely and finally 
' broken. 

"We Must Never Forget" 

In my message to the Congress yesterday I said 
that we "will make very certain that this form of 
treachery shall never endanger us again. '^ In order 
to achieve that certainty, we must begin the great 
task that is before us by abandoning once and for 
all the illusion that we can ever again isolate our- 
selves from the rest of humanity. 

In these past few years — and, most violently, 
in the past few days — we have learned a terrible 

It is our obligation to our dead — it is our sacred 


obligation to their children and our children — that 
we must never forget what we have learned. 

And what we have learned is this: 

There is no such thing as security for any nation 
— or any individual — in a w^orld ruled by the prin- 
ciples of gangsterism. 

There is no such thing as impregnable defense 
against powerful aggressors w^ho sneak up in the 
dark and strike without warning. 

We have learned that our ocean-girt hemisphere 
is not immune from severe attack — that we cannot 
measure our safety in terms of miles on any map. 

We may acknowledge that our enemies have per- 
formed a brilliant feat of deception, perfectly timed 
and executed with a great skill. It w^as a thoroughly 
dishonorable deed, but we must face the fact that 
modern warfare as conducted in the Nazi manner is 
a dirty business. We don't like it — we didn't want 
to get in it — but we are in it and we're going to 
fight it with everything we've got. 

Tells of Nazi Role 

I do not think any American has any doubt of our 
ability to administer proper punishment to the per- 
petrators of these crimes. 

Your government knows that for weeks Germany 
has been telling Japan that if Japan did not attack 
the United States, Japan would not share in dividing 
the spoils with Germany when peace came. She was 
promised by Germany that if she came in she would 
receive the complete and perpetual control of the 
whole of the Pacific area — and that means not only 
the Far East, not only all of the islands in the 
Pacific, but also a stranglehold on the West Coast 
of North, Central and South America. 

We also know that Germany and Japan are con- 
ducting their military and naval operations in 
accordance with a joint plan. That plan considers 
all peoples and nations which are not helping the 


Axis powers as common enemies of each and every 
one of the Axis powers. 

That is their simple and obvious grand strategy. 
That is why the American people must realize that 
it can be matched only with similar grand strategy. 

We must realize for example that Japanese suc- 
cesses against the United States in the Pacific are 
helpful to German operations in Libya; that any 
German success against the Caucasus is inevitably 
an assistance to Japan in her operations against the 
Dutch East Indies; that a German attack against 
Algiers or Morocco opens the way to a German 
attack against South America. 

On the other side of the picture we must learn to 
know that guerilla warfare against the Germans in 
Serbia helps us; that a successful Russian offensive 
against the Germans helps us and that British suc- 
cesses on land or sea or in any part of the world 
strengthen our hands. 

Remember always that Germany and Italy, re- 
gardless of any formal declaration of war, consider 
themselves at war with the United States at this 
moment just as much as they consider themselves 
at war with Britain and Russia. And Germany puts 
all the other republics of the Americas into the cate- 
gory of enemies. The people of the hemisphere can 
be honored by that. 

Goal Above Battle 

The true goal we seek is far above and beyond 
the ugly field of battle. When we resort to force^ as 
now we must, we are determined that this force 
shall be directed toward ultimate good as well as 
against immediate evil. We Americans are not de- 
stroyers — we are builders. 

We are now in the midst of a war, not for con- 
quest, not for vengeance, but for a world in which 
this nation, and all that this nation represents, will 
be safe for our children. We expect to eliminate 


the danger from Japan, but it would serve us ill if 
we accomplished that and found that the rest of 
the world was dominated by Hitler and Mussolini. 

We are going to win the war and we are going to 
win the peace that follows. 

And in the dark hours of this day — and through 
the dark days that may be yet to come — we will 
know that the vast majority of the members of the 
human race are on our side. Many of them are fight- 
ing with us. All of them are praying for us. For, in 
representing our cause, we represent theirs as well— 
our hope and their hope for liberty under God. 

Damn the torpedoes! 

—David Glasgow Farragut, 
At the battle of Mobile Bay, 
5 Aug., 1864 

We give up the fort when there's not a man left to 
defend it. 

— Captain George Croghan, to 
General Proctor, Fort Stephenson, 
Lower Sandusky, 1 August, 1813 

/ have not yet begun to fight. 

— John Paul Jones, when summoned to sur- 
render as his ship, the Bonhomme Richard, 
was sinking under him in his fight with the 
British Serapis, 23 Sept., 1779. 



America is at war with Germany and Italy. Hitler 
and Mussolini declared war on us after their part- 
ner Japan treacherously attacked us. According to 
Axis philosophy no excuse is needed for aggression. 
We have seen Germany and Italy attack one demo- 
cratic nation after another with swift and brutal 
force, until only Britain, Russia, and China were 
left to wage stubborn and unrelenting war against 
Nazism and Fascism. America has attempted to 
maintain its traditional neutrality in a world grown 
too small for isolation; now, by a series of unpro- 
voked aggressions she has been notified that her 
existence, too, is at stake. Neutrality is only a thin 
shell of protection. The events of the last ten years 
prove this-. 

In March, 1933, Hitler rose to power in Germany 
and, by means of lies, brutal violence, threats, and 
wild promises of world domination, assumed abso- 
lute control over the lives of the German people. 

In December, 1934, despite all the League of 
Nations could do, Italy attacked, invaded, and con- 
quered Ethiopia. 

In March, 1936, Hitler's militaristic ambition 
bore its first fruits in the re-occupation and mili- 
tarization of the Rhineland and the discarding of 
pledges solemnly given in the Versailles Treaty. 

In October, 1936, Germany and Italy formally 
recognized their natural affinity by forming the 
Rome-Berlin Axis. 

Between 1936 and 1939 Italy and Germany made 
it possible for Franco to undermine the liberal and 
legally constituted government of Spain, by sending 
armed forces and equipment for his use, while the 
democracies, in an attempt to preserve neutrality, 
stood by. 

In March, 1938, by means of fifth-column tactics 
and threats, Germany annexed Austria. 



In October, 1938, by threats of war, Germany 
was allowed to annex the Sudetenland, a part of 
democratic Czecho-Slovakia. In the next few 
months Germany abrogated her pact with England 
and France by taking over the rest of Czecho- 

In March, 1939, the Nazis seized the district of 
Memel, Lithuania. 

In April, 1939, Mussolini invaded the little moun- 
tain kingdom of Albania. 

On September 1, 1939, Germany defied England 
and France and marched into Poland. The Second 
World War was begun. 

In April, 1940, Germany invaded democratic Nor- 
way and Denmark, despite their attempts to retain 
their neutrality as they had done during the First 
World War. 

In May, 1940, in a single terrific drive. Hitler's 
mechanized forces rolled over Holland, Belgium, and 
Luxemburg, all peace-loving little countries that had 
been assured again and again by Hitler that he would 
respect their neutrality. 

In June, 1940, when France was sorely beset, 
Italy, by declaring war, stabbed her neighbor in the 
back. France was forced to bow to harsh German 
terms of peace: to surrender two-thirds of her terri- 
tory to the conqueror and govern the other third 
according to Hitler's dictates. 

In September, 1940, German forces occupied 

In October, 1940, Italy attacked Greece, but 
found that small and gallant nation too much for 
Mussolini's soldiers. 

In April, 1941, Germany went to Italy's rescue, 
annihilated Yugoslavia and Greece and took Bul- 
garia under Axis control. 

In June, 1941, in spite of Hitler's non-aggression 
pact with Stalin, Germany began an invasion of 
Soviet Russia. It is still being stubbornly fought off 
by the indomitable Russian people. 



Meanwhile, the United States repealed its arms 
embargo, traded old destroyers to Britain for bases 
in the Western Hemisphere, passed the Lease-Lend 
Act, patroled western Atlantic waters, and finally 
partially repealed the Neutrality Act, showing that 
our government was fully aware that only the abil- 
ity of Britain and her allies to defeat the common 
enemy stood between us and attack. We knew our 
safety was at stake, but remained at peace even 
when German submarines torpedoed our ships. 

Now there is no doubt anywhere. The enemies 
of democracy in Europe and Asia are the enemies of 
democracy in the Western Hemisphere. Germany, 
Italy, and Japan have always known it. Now we 
know that only if Fascism and Nazism are destroyed 
can our democratic way of life survive. 

The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the 
destiny of the republican model of government, are 
justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, 
on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the 
American people. 

— George Washington, 
First Inaugural, 1789. 

What constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and 
independence? It is not our frowning battlements, 
our bristling seacoasts . . . Our reliance is in the love 
of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense 
is in the spirit which prized liberty as the heritage of 
all men, in all lands everywhere. 

— Abraham Lincoln, Speech, 
Edwardsville, 111. 
13 Sept., 1858 



Text of the message to Congress, December I I, 
1941, after Germany and Italy declared war on the 
United States. 

On the morning of December 11, the government 
of Germany, pursuing its course of world conquest, 
declared war against the United States. 

The long-known and the long-expected has thus 
taken place. 

The forces endeavoring to enslave the entire 
world now are moving toward this hemisphere. 

Never before has there been a greater challenge 
to life, liberty and civilization. 

Delay invites great danger. Rapid and united 
effort by all of the peoples of the world who are 
determined to remain free will insure a world victory 
of the forces of justice and of righteousness over the 
forces of savagery and of barbarism. 

Italy also has declared war against the United 

I therefore request the Congress to recognize a 
state of war between the United States and Ger- 
many, and between the United States and Italy. 



The War Resolution voted by Congress, Decem- 
ber II, 1941. 

Joint resolution, declaring that a state of war ex- 
ists between the government of Germany and the 
government and the people of the United States, and 
making provision to prosecute the same. 

Whereas, the government of Germany has 
formally declared war against the government and 
the people of the United States: Therefore be it re- 
solved by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress 
assembled, that the state of war between the United 
States and the government of Germany which has 
thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby 
formally declared: And the President is hereby 
authorized and directed to employ the entire naval 
and military forces of the United States and the 
resources of the government to carry on war against 
the government of Germany; and, to bring the con- 
flict to a successful termination, all of the resources 
of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress 
of the United States. 

(The separate declaration against Italy was 
identical, except for substitution of names.) 





Because the German and Italian peoples have 
long been deprived of the truth about America and 
the world scene, their dictators can make such 
false and ridiculous statements as those contained in 
these two messages. 


This is another day of solemn decision in Italy's 
history and of memorable events destined to give 
a new course to the history of continents. 

The powers of the steel pact, Fascist Italy and 
National-Socialist Germany, ever closely linked, par- 
ticipate from today on the side of heroic Japan 
against the United States of America. 

The Tripartite Pact becomes a military alliance 
which draws around its colors 250,000,000 men de- 
termined to give all in order to win. 

Neither the Axis nor Japan wanted an extension 
of the conflict. 


One man, one man only, a real tyrannical demo- 
crat, through a series of infinite provocations, be- 
traying with a supreme fraud the population of his 
country, wanted the war and had prepared for it 
day by day with diabolical obstinacy. 

The formidable blows that on the immense Pacific 
expanse have been already inflicted on American 
forces, show how prepared are the soldiers of the 
Empire of the Rising Sun. 

I say to you, and you will understand, that it is 
a privilege to fight with them. 

Tomorrow the Tripartite Pact will become an 
instrument of just peace between the peoples. 

Italians! Once more arise and be worthy of this 
historical hour! 

We shall win. 



He opened his long tirade with a now familiar 
pattern of boasting about his divine mission and 
vaunting Germany's successes. 

'li Providence wanted it that war should not be 
avoided, so I must thank Providence for putting me 
at the head of the German nation in this war which 
will decide the fate not only of Germany but of the 
entire world throughout the next 500 or 1,000 

He proceeded to attempt to build up a thesis of 
an unconquerable Germany. 

He repeated the old charges of British efforts to 
''encircle Germany" and of Russian preparations 
against the Reich. He reviewed the whole course 
of the war. 

''It is my decision," he stated, "to make the 
European front unconquerable for the enemy." 

"I am now the head of the strongest military force 
in the world," he boasted, "of the strongest air 
force and the most gallant navy." 

He made excuses for the German reverses in the 
Libyan campaign and for the winter slow-down in 
Russia and insisted that next Spring "nothing will 
be able to stop the German advance." 

After thus reassuring the German people he built 
up his purported case against the United States. 

He claimed that the United States had "forced 
the struggle" on Japan and expressed deep satisfac- 
tion "with this Japanese challenge to this American 

He announced a new alliance with Italy and 
Japan to prosecute the war "with every means 
available" in order to establish "after victory" a 
"new order." 

"Italy and Germany are forced, in agreement with 
the stipulation in the Tripartite Pact, to associate 
themselves with Japan." 



He then attempted to justify a declaration of war 
against the United States by reviewing what he 
termed a long series of attacks against Germany. He 
asserted Germany was saving Europe from "strange 
elements from abroad.'' 

He charged the American "threat to Europe" 
sprang from "an inheritance of Jewish and Negro 

"If anyone said that cultural values have been 
brought back from America to Europe, it was only 
the intention of a decayed Jewish culture." 

He made a long personal tirade against President 
Roosevelt and even attacked Mrs. Roosevelt "for 
refusing to live in a world as we National Socialists 
know it." 

"In his ambition for world dictatorship, Roose- 
velt has refrained from doing nothing." 

"President Roosevelt has done everything to pre- 
vent Germany and Italy from securing their 

He said that between him and President Roosevelt 
"there is a world-wide abyss." 

He charged that the President had plotted to 
attack Germany and rejoiced that the President had 
given him the opportunity to "write a page in the 
book of honor of German history." 

He claimed American instigations had exhausted 
his "patience to the straining point." 

He then proceeded to announce the declaration 
of war. 

"I have told the German Ambassador to the 
United States to ask for his passport . . . and I have 
given the American Charge d 'Affaires his passport 



Texf of the German note handed to the United 
States Charge d'Affaires in Berlin by Foreign 
Minister Von Ribbentrop, December II, 1941, 

Mr. Charge d'Affaires: 

The government of the United States, having vio- 
lated in the most flagrant manner and in ever- 
increasing measure all rules of neutrality, in favor 
of the adversaries of Germany, and having contin- 
ually been guilty of the most severe provocations 
toward Germany ever since the outbreak of the 
European war provoked by the British declaration 
of war against Germany on September 3, 1939, has 
finally resorted to open military acts of aggression. 

On September 11, 1941, the President of the 
United States publicly declared that he had ordered 
the American navy and air force to shoot at any 
German war vessel. In his speech of October 27, 
1941, he once more expressly affirmed that this or- 
der was in force. Acting under this order vessels of 
the American navy since early September, 1941, 
have systematically attacked German naval forces. 
Thus American destroyers, as for instance, the 
Greer, the Kearney and the Reuben James, have 
opened fire on German submarines according to the 
plan. The Secretary of the American Navy, Mr. 
Knox, himself confirmed that American destroyers 
attacked German submarines. 

Furthermore, the naval forces of the United 
States, under orders of their government and con- 
trary to international law, have treated and seized 
German merchant vessels on the high seas as enemy 

The German government therefore establishes the 
following facts: 

Although Germany on her part has strictly ad- 
hered to the rules of international law and has 



treated with the United States during every period 
of the present war, the government of the United 
States from initial violations of neutrality has 
finally proceeded to open acts of war against Ger- 
many. The government of the United States has 
thereby virtually created a state of war. 

The German government, consequently, discon- 
tinues diplomatic relations with the United States of 
America and declares that under those circum- 
stances brought about by President Roosevelt, Ger- 
many, too, as from today, considers herself as being 
in a state of war with the United States of America. 

Accept, Mr. Charge d'Affaires, the expression of 
my high consideration. 

December 11, 1941. 


(By The Associated Press) 

WASHINGTON, Dec. 11— Here is the timetable of action 
today on war declarations against Germany and Italy: 

12:21 P.M. — President's message read to Senate: Delivered, 
to House. 

12:26 — Senate took up German declaration. 

12 :36 — House took up German declaration. 

12 :39 — Senate vote approving German declaration com- 

12 :40 — Senate took up Italian declaration. 

12:48 — Senate vote passing Italian declaration completed. 

12 :59 — House vote approving German declaration com- 

1 :23 — House completed roll-call on Italian declaration. 

3 :05 — President Roosevelt signed the German declaration 

3 :06 — The President signed the Italian declaration. 




Generaljohn J. Pershing, at the age of 81, sent 
this letter to President Roosevelt, December 10, 

All Americans today are united in one ambition — 
to take whatever share they can in the defense of 
their country. As one among these millions, I hasten 
to offer my services, in any way in which my ex- 
perience and my strength, to the last ounce, will be 
of help in the fight. 

With supreme confidence that, under your calm 
and determined leadership, we will retain our bal- 
ance, despite foul blows, I am faithfully yours, 


The President's reply to General Pershing: 

You are magnificent. You always have been — and 
you always will be, I am deeply grateful to you for 
your letter of December 10. Under a wise law, you 
have never been placed on the retired list. You are 
very much on the active list and your services will 
be of great value, 



I ^w . * ' m%^ 







The Declaration issued by Prime Minister Churchill 
and President Roosevelt after their meeting at sea 
in August, 1941. 

The President of the United States of America 
and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, represent- 
ing His Majesty's Government in the United King- 
dom, being met together, deem it right to make 
known certain common principles in the national 
policies of their respective countries on which they 
base their hopes for a better future for the world. 

FIRST, their countries seek no aggrandizement, 
territorial or other; 

SECOND, they desire to seek no territorial 
changes that do not accord with the freely ex- 
pressed wishes of the peoples concerned; 

THIRD, they respect the right of all peoples to 
choose the form of government under w^hich they 
will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and 
self-government restored to those who have been 
forcibly deprived of them; 

FOURTH, they will endeavor, with due respect 
for their existing obligations, to further the enjoy- 
ment by all States, great or small, victor or van- 
quished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and 
to the raw materials of the world which are needed 
for their economic prosperity; 

FIFTH, they desire to bring about the fullest 
collaboration between all nations in the economic 
field with the object of securing, for all, improved 
labor standards, economic adjustment and social 

SIXTH, after the final destruction of the Nazi 
tyranny, they hope to see established a peace which 
will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in 
safety within their own boundaries, and which will 
afford assurance that all the men in all the lands 



may live out their lives in freedom from fear and 

SEVENTH, such a peace should enable all men 
to traverse the high seas and oceans without 

EIGHTH, they believe that all of the nations 
of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual rea- 
sons, must come to the abandonment of the use of 
force. Since no future peace can be maintained if 
land, sea or air armaments continue to be employed 
by nations which threaten, or may threaten, aggres- 
sion outside of their frontiers, they believe, pending 
the establishment of a wider and permanent system 
of general security, that the disarmament of such 
nations is essential. They will likewise aid and 
encourage all other practicable measures which will 
lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden 
of armaments. 

Franklin D. Roosevelt 
Winston S. Churchill 

Don't tread^ on me. 

— Motto of the first flag of the Revolution, 
raised on Paul Jones's ship, the Alfred y in 
1776. The flag showed a pine tree with a 
rattlesnake coiled at its foot. 

The interesting and inspiring thought about Amer- 
ica is that she asks nothing for herself except what 
she has a right to ask for humanity itself. 

— Woodrow Wilson, Speech, 
New York, 17 May, 1915 



Wri+fen December 15, 1941, after his return 
from a trip of personal inspection. 

"My inspection trip to the island enables me to 
present the general facts covering the attack which 
hitherto have been unavailable. 

"The essential fact is that the Japanese purpose 
was to knock out the United States before the war 
began. This was made apparent by the deception 
practiced, by the preparations which had gone on 
for many weeks before the attack, and the at- 
tacks themselves which were made simultaneously 
throughout the Pacific. In this purpose the Japanese 

"The United States services were not on the alert 
against the surprise air attack on Hawaii. This fact 
calls for a formal investigation which will be initi- 
ated immediately by the President. Further action 
is, of course, dependent on the facts and recom- 
mendations made by this investigating board. We 
are all entitled to know it if [a] there was any error 
of judgment which contributed to the surprise, 
[b] if there was any dereliction of duty prior to 
the attack. 

Losses by Navy 

"My investigation made clear that after the at- 
tack the defense by both services was conducted 
skillfully and bravely." 

The report then detailed the losses suffered by 
the navy. 

Ninety-one officers and 2,638 enlisted men were 
killed; 20 officers and 636 enlisted men wounded. 

The battleship Arizona was destroyed when first 
its boiler and then its forward magazine exploded 


when a Japanese bomb literally went down its fun- 
nel. The obsolete battleship Utah, used as a target 
ship for many years, which was in service as a train- 
ing and experimental ship, also was destroyed. 
Listed as lost were three destroyers, the Cassin, the 
Dowries, and the Shaw, and the mine layer Oglala. 

Damage to Other Vessels 

''The navy sustained damage to other vessels 
This damage varies from ships which have been 
already repaired, and are ready for sea. or which 
have gone to sea, to a few ships which will take 
from a week to several months to repair. In the 
last category is the older battleship Oklahoma, which 
has capsized but can be righted and repaired.'' 

The remainder of the Pacific fleet, the statement 
said, is at sea hunting the enemy. 

Knox said the known Japanese losses in equip- 
ment were 3 submarines and 41 aircraft. He added 
that the army suffered severe losses in aircraft, 
that some hangars were destroyed, but that replace- 
ments have arrived or are on their way. 

The Secretary of the Navy told in some detail 
of many individual actions of outstanding courage. 
He said: 

''In the navy's gravest hour of peril, the officers 
and men of the fleet exhibited magnificent courage 
and resourcefulness during the treacherous Japanese 
assault on Pearl Harbor. The real story of Pearl 
Harbor is not one of individual heroism, although 
there were many such cases. It lies in the splendid 
manner in which all hands did their job as long as 
they were able, not only under fire, but while fight- 
ing the flames afterward and immediately starting 
salvage work and reorganization. 

"Prompt action saved many lives and a vast 
amount of material. Without exception, all ships 
and stations rose to the emergency. Less than four 
minutes after the first alarm, guns of the fleet w^ent 



into action against enemy aircraft. Seconds later 
the first Japanese plane was shot down. 

''To a recruit seaman aboard a battleship prob- 
ably goes the honor of striking the first telling blow- 
in the fleet's defense. Even before general quarter 
sounded, this youngster single handedly manned a 
machine gun and blasted an attacking torpedo plane 
as it leveled against his ship. 

"The dying captain of a battleship displayed the 
outstanding individual heroism of the day. As he 
emerged from the conning tower to the bridge, the 
better to fight his ship, his stomach was laid com- 
pletely open by a shrapnel burst. He fell to the 
deck. Refusing to be carried to safety, he continued 
to direct the action. 

"When the bridge became a blazing inferno, two 
officers attempted to remove him. But he ordered 
them to abandon him and save themselves. The 
latter found themselves blocked by the flames. Only 
the heroic efforts of a third officer enabled them 
to escape. He climbed through the fire to a higher 
level from which he passed one line to an adjoining 
battleship, and another to his trapped shipmates. 
By this frail means they made their way to safety. 

Fight by Aircraft Tender 

"Entire ship's companies showed exemplary valor 
and coordination. Drama was thus crowded into 
a few seconds on board an aircraft tender moored 
at the naval air station, target of the enemy's fiercest 
bombing and strafing. With the ship already on fire 
from repeated high-altitude attacks, her antiaircraft 
batteries downed a plane which crashed in flames on 
deck. At this moment her captain observed the 
shadow of an enemy two-man submarine aoproacb- 
ing within a few yards of the vessel. It was placed 
under fire. 

"Hits were scored immediately and the subma- 
rine exposed her conning tower. At that instant a 


destroyer stood down channel, passed directly over 
the submarine, and sank it with depth charges. 
Doubtless saved from this craft's torpedoes, the 
tender then shot down a second plane, Which fell on 
land nearby. 

"Men fought with the cool confidence that comes 
from complete indoctrination for battle. In one 
case, a single bluejacket manned a 5-inch anti- 
aircraft gun after his 10 battery mates had been 
shot down by a strafing attack. He would seize a 
shell from the fuse box, place it in the tray, dash to 
the other side of the gun, and ram it home. He 
would then take his position on the pointer's seat 
and fire. After the third such round, a terrific explo- 
sion blew him over the side of the battleship. He 
was rescued. 

Rescue Guns from Flames 

"At the several naval air stations attacked, crews 
dashed into the flames enveloping plants set ablaze 
by incendiaries, stripped off free machine guns, and 
with them returned the enemy's fire. In at least one 
instance an enemy craft was shot down. 

"Two cruiser scouting seaplanes, their speed and 
maneuverability reduced by heavy pontoons, de- 
stroyed an attacking Japanese pursuit ship of thrice 
their speed. 

"Simultaneously throughout the navy yard ex- 
amples of personal heroism developed. Several 
workmen of Japanese ancestry deserted their benches 
to help the marine defense battalion man machine 
gun nests. Two of them with hands blistered from 
hot gun barrels, required emergency treatment. 

"Cool as ice, the men who manned the navy yard 
signal tower from which flashed orders to the 
anchored fleet, carried out their assignment under 
a hail of machine gun fire and bombs from the en- 
emy, as well as shrapnel from their own force's 
antiaircraft batteries. None left his dangerous post. 

secretary knox s statement 

First to Observe Invaders 

^'First to observe the invaders through their long- 
glasses from their high vantage point, they sent out 
the astounding air raid warning by visual signals. 
Then they settled into the complex business of trans- 
mitting the scores of orders to the ships that fought 
back at the attackers from their berths, or pre- 
pared to stand out to sea. 

"Men from ships out of action managed at any 
cost to return to the battle. There were the sur- 
vivors of the capsized ship who swam through 
blazing oil to clamber aboard other ships and join 
gun crew^s. Crews from another disabled vessel 
swam into midchannel where they were hoisted 
aboard outward bound destroyers. 

''Proof that getting back into battle took preced- 
ence over their ow^n lives was the fact that the 
comparative safety of the shore lay only a few yards 
away. Lying in a hospital bed when the first air 
raid alarm sounded, one officer leaped up, brushed 
aside nurses and ran across the navy yard to his 
ship. He fought with such gallantry and zeal, de- 
spite his illness, that his captain recommended him 
for promotion. 

Disabled, Turns to Rescue 

"There was the case of the destroyer tender which 
lay alongside a dock undergoing major overhaul, 
powerless and without armament. Unable to assume 
an active defense role, she concerned herself with 
the vital task of rescue with her available ship's 
boats. One naval reserve ensign volunteered as skip- 
per of a motor launch. With four men he proceeded 
across Pearl Harbor's reverberating channel through 
a hail of enemy machine gun fire and shrapnel. 
They saved almost 100 men from one battleship — 
men who had been injured or blown overboard into 
the oil-fired waters. 

"The attack on this vessel was at its height as 


these rescue operations proceeded. Suddenly the 
launch's propeller jammed. Coolly, the ensign di- 
rected the work of disengaging the screw as flames 
licked around its wooden hull, meantime also super- 
vising the picking up of more victims from the har- 
bor. His captain cited him for 'initiative, resource- 
fulness, devotion to duty, and personal bravery dis- 

"Four motor torpedo boats had been loaded 
aboard a fleet tanker for shipment. Their youthful 
ensign-captains put their power-driven turret ma- 
chine guns into immediate action, accounting for at 
least one enemy plane. 

Auxiliaries Aid in Fight 

''To the unsung heroes of the harbor auxiliaries 
must go much of the credit for helping stem the on- 
slaught. Even the lowly garbage lighters shared 
the grim task. One came alongside a blazing ship 
which threatened momentarily to explode. Calmly 
the yardcraft's commander led fire fighting both 
aboard the warship and on the surface of the harbor. 
He kept his tiny vessel beside the larger one for 
24 hours. 

"Men's will to fight was tremendous. One sea- 
man had been confined to his battleship's brig for 
misconduct a few days earlier. When an explosion 
tore open the door, he dashed straight to his battle 
station on an antiaircraft gun. On the submarine 
base dock a bluejacket, carrying a heavy machine 
gun for which there was no mount immediately 
available, shot the weapon from his arms, stagger- 
ing under the concussion of the rapid fire. 

Examples of Quick Thinking 

"Quick thinking in the dire emergency probably 
saved many lives — and ships. An aviation machin- 
ist's mate aboard one ship saw that the flames from 
the huge vessel threatened a repair ship alongside. 
He ran through the blaze and singlehandedly slashed 


the lines holding the two ships together. Freed, the 
smaller craft drew clear. 

"Only in the final moments, when remaining 
aboard appeared utterly hopeless, would men leave 
their ships. Then they went reluctantly. Once 
ashore, instead of finding some dry place to recu- 
perate from their terrific pounding, they pitched 
emergency quarters as near their vessels as possible. 
And with portable guns they continued to fight; 
later they stood guard at the same camps as repair 
operations began on their ships, setting regular ship- 
board watches. 

"Like all treacherous attacks, the bombing of 
Pearl Harbor by the Japanese caught certain vessels 
of the fleet under periodic overhaul. While in this 
condition of repair, such ships were not able to 
utilize their offensive powers to the greatest effec- 
tiveness. These ships, therefore, turned to with a 
will at many useful purposes. 

"One ship rescued with its boats, hundreds of sur- 
vivors thrown into the water by the force of explo- 
sions; meanwhile the surface of the water was be- 
coming a raging inferno from burning oil. Other 
ships sent their repair parties to help the fighting 
ships keep afloat. Others sent ammunition parties 
to maintain the flow of powder and shells to the guns. 

"Without doubt the whole spectacle was the 
greatest spontaneous exhibition of cooperation, de- 
termination, and courage that the American navy 
has been called upon to make. The crew of one ship 
followed it around on its outside as it capsized firing 
their guns until they were under water. Those same 
men stood on the deck and cheered as one of the 
more fortunate ships cleared the harbor and passed 
by, en route after the Japanese. Of all the accounts 
submitted on that memorable day the record shows 
a continual demonstration of courage, bravery, and 
fearlessness of which the American nation may well 
be proud." 



A report fo Congress reviewing Japanese- 
Annerican relations, Decennber 15, 1941. 

"On December 8, 1941, I presented to the con- 
gress a message in person asking for a declaration 
of war as an answer to the treacherous attack made 
by Japan the previous day upon the United States. 
For the information of the congress, and as a public 
record of the facts, I am transmitting this historical 
summary of the past policy of this country in re- 
lation to the Pacific area and of the more immediate 
events leading up to this Japanese onslaught upon 
our forces and territory. Attached hereto are the 
various documents and correspondence implement- 
ing this history. 

^^A little over 100 years ago, in 1833, the United 
States entered into its first far eastern treaty, a 
treaty with Siam. It was a treaty providing for 
peace and for dependable relationships. 

China Treaty Concluded in 1844 

^Ten years later Caleb Cushing was sent to 
negotiate and in 1844 there was concluded our first 
treaty with China. 

"In 1853, Commodore Perry knocked on Japan's 
doors. In the next few years those doors began to 
open, and Japan, which had kept itself aloof from 
the world, began to adopt what we call Western 
civilization. During those early years, the United 
States used every influence it could exert to protect 
Japan in her transition stage. 

"With respect to the entire Pacific area, the 
United States has consistently urged, as it has for 
all other parts of the globe, the fundamental impor- 
tance to world peace of fair and equal treatment 
among nations. Accordingly, whenever there has 



been a tendency on the part of any nation to en- 
croach upon the independence and sovereignty of 
countries of the Far East, the United States has 
tried to discourage such tendency wherever possible. 

Attitude of America 

"There was a period when this American attitude 
was especially important to Japan. At all times it 
has been important to China and to other countries 
of the Far East. 

"At the end of the 19th century the sovereignty 
of the Philippine Islands passed from Spain to this 
country. The United States pledged itself to a 
policy toward the Philippines designed to equip 
them to become a free and independent nation. That 
pledge and that policy we have consistently carried 

''At that time there was going on in China what 
has been called the 'scramble for concessions.' 
There was even talk about a possible partitioning 
of China. It was then that the principle of the 
'open door' in China was laid down. In 1900, the 
American government declared that its policy was 
to 'seek a solution which may bring about perma- 
nent safety and peace to China . . . protect all rights 
guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and inter- 
national law, and safeguard for the world the prin- 
ciple of equal and impartial trade with all parts of 
the Chinese Empire.' 

Open Door Advocated 

"Ever since that day, we have consistently and 
unfailingly advocated the principles of the open- 
door policy throughout the Far East. 

"In the year 1908 the government of the United 
States and the government of Japan concluded an 
agreement by an exchange of notes. In that 
agreement, the two governments jointly declared 



that they were determined to support 'by all pacific 
means at their disposal the independence and integ- 
rity of China and the principle of equal opportunity 
for commerce and industry of all nations in that 
empire'; that it was 'the wish of the two govern- 
ments to encourage the free and peaceful develop- 
ment of their commerce on the Pacific ocean/ and 
that 'the policy of both governments' was 'directed 
to the maintenance of the existing status quo in 
that region. 

"The United States has consistently practiced 
the principles enunciated in that agreement. 

Nine Powers Confer 

"In 1921, following the close of the first World 
War, nine powers having interests in the western 
Pacific met in conference in Washington. China, 
Japan, and the United States were there. One great 
objective of this conference was the maintenance of 
peace in the Pacific. This was to be achieved by 
reduction of armament and by regulation of com- 
petition in the Pacific and far eastern areas. Sev- 
eral treaties and agreements were concluded at 
that conference. 

"One of these was the Nine-Power Treaty. It 
contained pledges to respect the sovereignty of 
China and the principle of equal opportunity for 
the commerce and industry of all nations throughout 

"Another was a treaty between the United 
States, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan 
providing for limitation of naval armament. 

"The course of events which have led directly to 
the present crisis began 10 years ago. For it was 
then — in 1931 — that Japan undertook on a large 
scale its present policy of conquest in China. It 
began by the invasion of Manchuria, which was part 
of China. 


first white paper 

1932 Notes Recalled 

'The council and the assembly of the League of 
Nations, at once and during many months of con- 
tinuous effort thereafter, tried to persuade Japan to 
stop. The United States supported that effort. For 
example, the government of the United States on 
January 7, 1932, specifically stated in notes sent to 
the Japanese and the Chinese governments that it 
would not recognize any situation, treaty, or agree- 
ment brought about by violation of treaties. 

"This barbaric aggression of Japan in Manchuria 
set the example and the pattern for the course soon 
to be pursued by Italy and Germany in Africa and 
in Europe. In 1933 Hitler assumed power in Ger- 
many. It was evident that, once rearmed, Germany 
would embark upon a policy of conquest in Europe. 
Italy — then still under the domination of Mussolini 
— also had resolved upon a policy of conquest in 
Africa and in the Mediterranean. 

'Through the years which followed, Germany, 
Italy, and Japan reached an understanding to time 
their acts of aggression to their common advan- 
tage — and to bring about the ultimate enslavement 
of the rest of the world. 

Jap Reply Friendly 

'Tn 1934, the Japanese minister for foreign af- 
fairs sent a friendly note to the United States, stat- 
ing that he firmly believed that no question existed 
between the tw^o governments that was 'fundamen- 
tally incapable of amicable solution.' He added that 
Japan had 'no intention whatever to provoke and 
make trouble with any other powder.' Our Secretary 
of State, Cordell Hull, replied in kind. 

"But in spite of this exchange of friendly senti- 
ments, and almost immediately thereafter, the acts 
and utterances of the Japanese government began 
to belie these assurances — at least so far as ihe 


rights and interests of other nations in China were 

"Our government thereupon expressed to Japan 
the view of the American people, and of the Ameri- 
can government, that no nation has the right thus 
to override the rights and legitimate interests of 
other sovereign states. 

Nippon Arms Sped 

"The structure of peace which had been founded 
upon the Washington conference treaties began to be 
discarded by Japan. Indeed, in December of 1934, 
the Japanese government gave notice of its intention 
to terminate the naval treaty of February 6, 1922, 
which had limited competition in naval armament. 
She thereafter intensified and multiplied her rearma- 
ment program. 

"In 1936 the government of Japan openly asso- 
ciated itself with Germany by entering the anti- 
Comintern pact. 

"This pact, as we all know, was nominally di- 
rected against the Soviet Union; but its real pur- 
pose was to form a league of facism against the 
free world, particularly against Great Britain, 
France, and the United States. 

Mask of Hypocrisy Dropped 

"Following this association of Germany, Italy, 
and Japan, the stage was now set for an unlimited 
campaign of conquest. In July, 1937, feeling them- 
selves ready, the armed forces of Japan opened new 
large-scale military operations against China. Pres- 
ently, her leaders, dropping the mask of hypocrisy, 
publicly declared their intention to seize and main- 
tain for Japan a dominant position in the entire 
region of eastern Asia, the western Pacific, and the 
southern Pacific. 

"They thus accepted the German thesis that 70 
or 80 million Germans were by race, training ability. 


and might, superior in every way to any other race 
in Europe — superior to about four hundred million 
other human beings in that area. And Japan, fol- 
lowing suit, announced that the 70 or 80 million 
Japanese people were also superior to the seven or 
eight hundred million other inhabitants of the 
Orient — nearly all of whom were infinitely older 
and more developed in culture and civilization than 

"Their conceit would make them masters of a 
region containing almost one-half the population of 
the earth. It would give them complete control of 
vast sea lanes and trade routes of importance to 
the entire world. 

Americans Killed by Japs 

"The military operations w^hich followed in China 
flagrantly disregarded American rights. Japanese 
armed forces killed Americans. They wounded or 
abased American men, women, and children. They 
sank American vessels — including a naval vessel, 
the Panay. They bombed American hospitals, 
churches, schools, and missions. They destroyed 
American property. They obstructed, and in some 
cases, drove out, American commerce. 

"In the meantime, they were inflicting incalcu- 
lable damage upon China and ghastly suffering upon 
the Chinese people. They were inflicting w^holesale 
injuries upon other nations — flouting all the prin- 
ciples of peace and good will among men. 

"There are attached hereto lists of American 
nationals killed or wounded by Japanese forces in 
China since July 7, 1937; of American property in 
China reported to have been damaged, destroyed, 
or seriously endangered by Japanese air bombing or 
air machinegunning; of American nationals reported 
to have been assaulted ; arbitrarily detained or sub- 
jected to indignities; of interferences with Amer- 
ican nationals' rights, and interests. These lists are 



not complete. However, they are ample evidence of 
the flagrant Japanese disregard of American rights 
and civilized standards. 

Conquest on Rampage 

^'Meanwhile, brute conquest was on the rampage 
in Europe and the Mediterranean. 

^'Hitler and Mussolini embarked upon a scheme 
of unlimited conquest. Since 1935, without provo- 
cation or excuse, they have attacked, conquered, and 
reduced to economic and political slavery some 16 
independent nations. 

"The machinery set up for their unlimited con- 
quest included, and still includes, not only enormous 
armed forces, but also huge organizations for carry- 
ing on plots, intrigue, intimidation, propaganda, and 
sabotage. This machine — unprecedented in size — 
has world-wide ramifications; and into them the 
Japanese plans and operations have been steadily 

Fear of Attack Described 

"As the forces of Germany, Italy, and Japan 
increasingly combined their efforts over these years, 
I was convinced that this combination would ulti- 
mately attack the United States and the western 
hemisphere — if it were successful in the other con- 

"The very existence of the United States as a 
great free people, and the free existence of the 
American family of nations in the new world, would 
be a standing challenge to the axis. The axis dic- 
tators would choose their own time to make it clear 
,that the United States and the New World were 
included in their scheme of destruction. 

"This they did last year, in 1940, when Hitler 
and Mussolini concluded a treaty of alliance with 
Japan deliberately aimed at the United States. 


first white paper 

Counterpart of Hitler 

^'The strategy of Japan in the Pacific area was 
a faithful counterpart of that used by Hitler in 
Europe. Through infiltration, encirclement, intimi- 
dation, and finally armed attack, control was ex- 
tended over neighboring peoples. Each such acquisi- 
tion was a new starting point for new aggression. 

''Pursuing this policy of conquest, Japan had first 
worked her way into and finally seized Manchuria. 
Next she had invaded China, and has sought for 
the past four and one-half years to subjugate her. 

"Passing through the China Sea close to the Phil- 
ippine Islands, she then invaded and took pos- 
session of Indo-China. Today the Japanese are 
extending this conquest throughout Thailand — and 
seeking the occupation of Malaya and Burma. The 
Philippines, Borneo, Sumatra, Java, come next on 
the Japanese timetable; and it is probable that 
further down the Japanese page are the names of 
Australia, New Zealand, and all the other islands 
of the Pacific — including Hawaii and the great chain 
of the Aleutian Islands. 

Mandated Isles Fortified 

^To the eastward of the Philippines, Japan vio- 
lated the mandate under which she had received 
the custody of the Caroline, Marshall, and Mariana 
Islands after the World War, by fortifying them, 
and not only closing them to all commerce but her 
own, but forbidding any foreigner even to visit them. 

"Japanese spokesmen, after their custom, cloaked 
these conquests with innocent-sounding names. They 
talked of the 'new order in eastern Asia'; and then 
of the 'co-prosperity sphere in greater east Asia.' 

"What they really intended was the enslavement 

of every nation which they could bring within their 

power, and the enrichment — not of all Asia, not even 

of the common people of Japan — but. of the war 



lords who had seized control of the Japanese state. 
Here, too, they were following the Nazi pattern. 

Defense Held Necessary 

"By this course of aggression, Japan made it 
necessary for various countries, including our own, 
to keep in the Pacific in self-defense large armed 
forces and a vast amount of material which might 
otherwise have been used against Hitler. That, of 
course, is exactly what Hitler w^anted them to do. 
The diversion thus created by Hitler's Japanese 
ally forced the peace-loving nations to establish 
and maintain a huge front in the Pacific. 

'Throughout this course and program of Japanese 
aggression, the government of the United States 
consistently endeavored to persuade the govern- 
ment of Japan that Japan's best interests would lie 
in maintaining and cultivating friendly relations 
with the United States and w^ith all other countries 
that believe in orderly and peaceful processes. 

"Following the outbreak of hostilities between 
Japan and China in 1937, this government made 
know^n to the Japanese government and to the 
Chinese government that whenever both those gov- 
ernments considered it desirable we stood ready to 
exercise our good offices. During the following 
years of conflict that attitude on our part remained 

Bid to Parley Declined 

"In October, 1937, upon invitation by which the 
Belgian government made itself the host, 19 coun- 
tries which have interests in the Far East, including 
the United States, sent representatives to Brussels 
to consider the situation in the Far East in con- 
formity with the Nine-Power Treaty and to en- 
deavor to bring about an adjustment of the diffi- 
culties between Japan and China by peaceful 



"Japan and Germany only of all the powers 
invited declined to attend. Japan was itself an 
original signatory of the treaty. China, one of the 
signatories, and the Soviet Union, not a signatory, 
attended. After the conference opened, the countries 
in attendance made further attempts to persuade 
Japan to participate in the conference. Japan again 

''On November 24, 1937, the conference adopted 
a declaration, urging that 'hostilities be suspended 
and resort be had to peaceful processes/ 

Recommendation Ignored 

"Japan scorned the conference and ignored the 

"It became clear that, unless this course of affairs 
in the Far East was halted, the Pacific area was 
doomed to experience the same horrors which have 
devastated Europe. 

"Therefore, in this year of 1941, in an endeavor 
to end this process by peaceful means while there 
seemed still to be a chance, the United States 
entered into discussions with Japan. 

"For nine months these conversations were car- 
ried on for the purpose of arriving at some under- 
standing acceptable to both countries. 

Honest Rights Considered 

"Throughout all of these conversations this gov- 
ernrrent took into account not only the legitimate 
interests of the United States, but also those of 
Japan and other countries. When questions relating 
to the legitimate rights and interests of other coun- 
tries came up, this government kept in appropriate 
contact with the representatives of those countries. 

"In the course of these negotiations the United 
States steadfastly advocated certain basic principles 
which should govern international relations. These 



"The principle of inviolability of territorial in- 
tegrity and sovereignty of all nations. 

"The principle of noninterference in the internal 
affairs of other countries. 

"The principle of equality — including equality of 
commercial opportunity and treatment. 

"The principle of reliance upon international co- 
operation and conciliation for the prevention, and 
pacific settlement of controversies. 

Qualified Statements Offered 

"The Japanese government, it is true, repeatedly 
offered qualified statements of peace intention. But 
it became clear, as each proposal was explored, that 
Japan did not intend to modify in any way her 
greedy designs upon the whole Pacific world. Al- 
though she continually maintained that she was 
promoting only the peace and greater prosperity of 
east Asia, she continued her brutal assault upon the 
Chinese people. 

"Nor did Japan show any inclination to renounce 
her unholy alliance with Hitlerism. 

Parleys Suspended 

"In July of this year the Japanese government 
connived with Hitler to force from the Vichy gov- 
ernment of France permission to place Japanese 
armed forces in southern Indo-China and began 
sending her troops and equipment into that area. 

"The conversations between this government and 
the Japanese government were thereupon suspended. 

"But during the following month, at the urgent 
and insistent request of the Japanese government, 
which again made emphatic profession of peaceful 
intent, the conversations were resumed. 

"At that time the Japanese government made the 
suggestion that the responsible heads of the Japa- 
nese government and of the government of the 
United States meet personally to discuss means for 



bringing about an adjustment of relations between 
the two countries. 

Moves for Assurance Fail 

'^l should have been happy to travel thousands of 
miles to meet the premier of Japan for that purpose. 
But I felt it desirable, before so doing, to obtain 
some assurance that there could be some agreement 
on basic principles. This government tried hard — 
but without success — to obtain such assurance from 
the Japanese government. 

"The various proposals of the Japanese govern- 
ment and the attitude taken by this government are 
set forth in a document which the Secretary of State 
handed to the Japanese ambassador on Oct. 2, 1941. 

"Thereafter, several formulas were offered and 
discussed. But the Japanese government continued 
upon its course of war and conquest. 

"Finally, on Nov. 20, 1941, the Japanese gov- 
ernment presented a new and narrow proposal which 
called for supplying by the United States to Japan 
of as much oil as Japan might require, for suspen- 
sion of freezing measures, and for discontinuance by 
the United States of aid to China. It contained, 
however, no provision for abandonment by Japan of 
her warlike operations or aims. 

Settlement Plan Offered 

"Such a proposal obviously offered no basis for a 
peaceful settlement or even for a temporary adjust- 
ment. The American government, in order to clarify 
the issues, presented to the Japanese government on 
Nov. 26 a clear-cut plan for a broad but simple 

"The outline of the proposed plan for agreement 
between the United States and Japan was divided 
into two parts: 

"In section 1 there was outlined a mutual decla- 
ration of policy containing affirmations that the 



national policies of the two countries were directed 
toward peace throughout the Pacific area, that the 
two countries had no territorial designs or aggressive 
intentions in that area, and that they would give 
active support to certain fundamental principles of 
peace upon which their relations with each other and 
all other nations would be based. There was pro- 
vision for mutual pledges to support and apply in 
their economic relations with each other and with 
other nations and peoples liberal economic princi- 
ples, which were enumerated, based upon the gen- 
eral principle of equality of commercial opportunity 
and treatment. 

"In section 2 there were outlined proposed steps 
to be taken by the two governments. These steps 
envisaged a situation in which there would be no 
Japanese or other foreign armed forces in French 
Indo-China or in China. 

Mutual Pacts Suggested 

"Mutual commitments were suggested along lines 
as follows: (a) To endeavor to conclude a multilat- 
eral nonaggression pact among the governments prin- 
cipally concerned in the Pacific area; (b) To en- 
deavor to conclude among the principally interested 
governments an agreement to respect the territorial 
integrity of Indo-China and not to seek or accept 
preferential economic treatment therein; (c) Not to 
support any government in China other than the 
national government of the Republic of China with 
capital temporarily at Chungking; (d) To relinquish 
extra-territorial and related rights in China and to 
endeavor to obtain the agreement of other govern- 
ments now possessing such rights to give up those 
rights; (e) To negotiate a trade agreement based 
upon reciprocal most favored nation treatment; (f) 
To remove freezing restrictions imposed by each 
country on the funds of the others; (g) To agree 
upon a plan for the stabilization of the dollar-yen 



rate; (h) To agree that no agreement which either 
had concluded with any third power or powers shall 
be interpreted by it in a way to conflict with the 
fundamental purpose of this agreement, and (i) To 
use their influence to cause other governments to 
adhere to the basic political and economic principles 
provided for in this suggested agreement. 

New Troops Moved 

"In the midst of these conversations we learned 
that new contingents of Japanese armed forces and 
new masses of equipment were moving into Indo- 
China. Toward the end of November these move- 
ments were intensified. During the first week of 
December new movements of Japanese forces made 
it clear that, under cover of the negotiations, attacks 
on unspecified objectives were being prepared. 

'T promptly asked the Japanese government for a 
frank statement of the reasons for increasing its 
forces in Indo-China. I was given an evasive and 
specious reply. Simultaneously the Japanese opera- 
tions went forward with increased tempo. 

Attack Already Ordered 

"We did not know then, as we know now, that 
they had ordered and were even then carrying out 
their plan for a treacherous attack upon us. 

"I was determined, however, to exhaust every 
conceivable effort for peace. With this in mind, on 
the evening of Dec. 6 last, I addressed a personal 
message to the emperor of Japan. 

"To this government's proposal of Nov. 26 the 
Japanese government made no reply until Dec. 7. 
On that day the Japanese ambassador here and the 
special representative whom the Japanese govern- 
ment had sent to the United States to assist in peace- 
ful negotiations delivered a lengthy document to our 
Secretary of State, one hour after the Japanese had 



launched a vicious attack upon American territory | 
and American citizens in the Pacific. 

Reply Denounced by Hull 

"That document was, a few minutes after its 
receipt, aptly characterized by the Secretary of the 
State as follows: 

^I must say that in all my conversations with 
you (the Japanese ambassador) during the last 
nine months I have never uttered one word of 
untruth. This is borne out absolutely by the 
record. In all my SO years of public service I 
have never seen a document that was more 
crowded with infamous falsehoods and distor- 
tions — infamous falsehoods and distortions on 
a scale so huge that I never imagined until to- 
day that any government on this planet was 
capable of uttering them.' 

"I concur emphatically in every word of that 

Timetable of Jap Attack 

"For the record of history it is essential in read- 
ing this part of my message always to bear in mind 
that the actual air and submarine attack in the Ha- 
waiian Islands commenced on Sunday, Dec. 7, at 1 : 20 
p. m., Washington time — 7:50 a. m. Honolulu time 
of same day — Monday, Dec. 8, 3:20 a. m., Tokyo 

"To my message of Dec. 6 (9 p. m. Washington 
time — Dec. 7, 11 a. m. Tokyo time) to the emperor 
of Japan, invoking his cooperation with me in fur- 
ther effort to preserve peace, there has finally come 
to me on Dec. 10 (6:23 a. m. Washington time — 
Dec. 10, 8:23 p. m. Tokyo time) a reply, conveyed 
in a telegraphic report by the American ambassador 
at Tokyo dated Dec. 8, 1 p. m. (Dec. 7, 11 p. m. 
Washington time). 

"The ambassador reported that at 7 o'clock on 



the morning of the 8th (Dec. 7, 5 p. m., Washington 
time) the Japanese minister of foreign affairs asked 
him to call at his official residence; that the foreign 
minister handed the ambassador a memorandum 
dated Dec. 8 (Dec. 7, Washington time) the text 
of which had been transmitted to the Japanese am- 
bassador in Washington to be presented to the 
American government (this was the memorandum 
which was delivered by the Japanese ambassador to 
the Secretary of State at 2:20 p. m. on Sunday, Dec. 
7 (Monday, Dec. 8, 4:20 a. m. Tokyo time); that 
the foreign minister had been in touch with the 
emperor; and that the emperor desired that the 
memorandum be regarded as the emperor's reply 
to my message. 

Told to State Views 

"Further, the ambassador reports, the foreign 
minister made an oral statement. Textually, the 
oral statement began 'his majesty has expressed his 
gratefulness and appreciation for the cordial mes- 
sage of the President.' The message further con- 
tinued to the effect that, in regard to our inquiries 
on the subject of increase of Japanese forces in 
French Indo-China, his majesty had commanded his 
government to state its views to the American gov- 
ernment. The message concluded, textually, with 
the statement: 

" 'EstabHshment of peace in the Pacific, and con- 
sequently of the world, has been the cherished de- 
sire of his majesty for the realization of which he 
has hitherto made his government to continue its 
earnest endeavors. His majesty trusts that the 
President is fully aware of this fact.' 

"Japan's real reply, however, made by Japan's 
war lords and evidently formulated many days 
before, took the form of the attack which had 
already been made without warning upon our terri- 
tories at various points in the Pacific. 


first white paper 

The Historical Record 

''There is the record, for all history to read in 
amazement, in sorrow, in horror, and in disgust! 

"We are now at war. We are fighting in self- 
defense. We are fighting in defense of our national 
existence, of our right to be secure, of our right 
to enjoy the blessings of peace. We are fighting in 
defense of principles of law and order and justice 
against an effort of unprecedented ferocity to over- 
throw those principles and to impose upon humanity 
a regime of ruthless domination by unrestricted 
and arbitrary force. 

''Other countries, too — a host of them — have 
declared war on Japan. Some of them were first 
attacked by Japan, as we have been. China has 
already been valiantly resisting Japan in an unde- 
clared war forced upon her by Japan. After four 
and one-half years of stubborn resistance, the Chi- 
nese now and henceforth will fight with renewed 
confidence and confirmed assurance of victory. 

U. S. -British Stand Cited 

^'All members of the great British commonwealth, 
themselves fighting heroically on many fronts 
against Germany and her allies, have joined with 
us in the battle of the Pacific as we have joined 
with them in the battle of the Atlantic. 

"All but three of the governments of nations 
overrun by German armies have declared war on 
Japan. The other three are severing relations. 

"In our own hemisphere many of our sister re- 
publics have declared war on Japan and the others 
have given firm expression of their solidarity with 
the United States. 

Nations Against Japan 

"The following are the countries which have to 
date declared war against Japan: Australia, Canada, 
China, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, 



Gautemala, Haiti, Honduras, the Netherlands, Nic- 
aragua, New Zealand, Panama, El Salvador, South 
Africa, United Kingdom, and Poland. 

'These and other peace loving countries will be 
fighting as are we, first, to put an end to Japan's 
program of aggression and, second, to make good 
the right of nations and of mankind to live in peace 
under conditions of security and justice. 

"The people of this country are totally united 
in their determination to consecrate our national 
strength and man power to bring conclusively to 
an end the pestilence of aggression and force which 
has long menaced the world and which now has 
struck deliberately and directly at the safety of the 
United States." 




''No date in the long history of freedom means 
more to liberty loving men in all liberty loving 
countries than the 15th day of December, 1791. 
On that day, 150 years ago, a new nation, through 
an elected congress, adopted a declaration of human 
rights w^hich has influenced the thinking of all man- 
kind from one end of the world to the other. 


^'bill of rights address 

Basic for Americas 

'^There is not a single republic of this hemisphere 
which has not adopted in its fundamental law the 
basic principles of freedom of man and freedom ot 
mind enacted in the American Bill of Rights. 

'^There is not a country, large or small, on this 
continent which has not felt the influence of that 
document, directly or indirectly. 

^'Indeed, prior to the year 1933, the essential 
validity of the American Bill of Rights was accepted 
everywhere, at least in principle. Even today, with 
the exception of Germany, Italy, and Japan, the 
peoples of the world — in all probability four-fifths 
of them — support its principles, its teachings, and 
its glorious results. 

^'But, in the year 1933, there came to power in 
Germany a political clique whidh did not accept 
the declarations of the American bill of human rights 
as valid: a small clique of ambitious and unscrupu- 
lous politicians whose announced and admitted plat- 
formi was precisely the destruction of the rights that 
instrument declared. Indeed, the entire program 
and goal of these political and moral tigers was 
nothing more than the overthrow, throughout the 
earth, of the great revolution of human liberty of 
which our American Bill of Rights is the mother 

Words They Would Cancel 

"The truths which were self-evident to Thomas 
Jefferson — which have been self-evident to the six 
generations of Americans who followed him — were 
to these men hateful. The rights to life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness which seemed to Jefferson, 
and which seem to us, inalienable were, to Hitler 
and his fellows, empty words which they proposed 
to cancel forever. 

'The propositions they advanced to take the 
place of Jefferson's inalienable rights were these: 


''bill of rights address 

"That the individual human being has no rights 
whatever in himself and by virtue of his humanity; 

"That the individual human being has no right 
to a soul of his own, or a mind of his own, or a 
tongue of his own, or a trade of his own; or even 
to live where he pleases or to marry the woman 
he loves; 

"That his only duty is the duty of obedience, 
not to his God, and not to his conscience, but to 
Adolf Hitler; and that his only value is his value, 
not as a man, but as a unit of the Nazi state. 

Incomprehensible to Hitler 

"To Hitler the ideal of the people, as we conceive 
it — the free, self-governing and responsible people — 
is incomprehensible. The people, to Hitler, are 'the 
masses' and the highest human idealism is, in his 
own words, that a man should wish to become 'a 
dust particle' of the order 'of force' which is to shape 
the universe. 

"To Hitler, the government, as we conceive it, 
is an impossible conception. The government to 
him is not the servant and the instrument of the 
people, but their absolute master and the dictator 
of their every act. 

"To Hitler the church, as we conceive it, is a 
monstrosity to be destroyed by every means at his 
command. The Nazi church is to be the 'national 
church,' 'absolutely and exclusively in the service 
of but one doctrine, race and nation.' 

Free Thought Hateful 

"To Hitler, the freedom of men to think as they 
please and speak as they please and worship as they 
please is, of all things imaginable, most hateful and 
most desperately to be feared. 

"The issue of our time, the issue of the war in 
which we are engaged, is the issue forced upon the 
decent, self-respecting peoples of the earth by the 



aggressive dogmas of this attempted revival of bar- 
barism ; this proposed return to tyranny ; this effort 
to impose again upon the peoples of the world doc- 
trines of absolute obedience, and of dictatorial rule, 
and of the suppression of truth, and of the oppres- 
sion of conscience, which the free nations of the 
earth have long ago rejected. 

"What we face is nothing more nor less than an 
attempt to overthrow and to cancel out the great 
upsurge of human liberty of which the American 
Bill of Rights is the fundamental document; to 
force the peoples of the earth, and among them the 
peoples of this continent, to accept again the abso- 
lute authority and despotic rule from which the 
courage and the resolution and the sacrifices of their 
ancestors liberated them many, many years ago. 

''It is an attempt w^hich could succeed only if 
those who have inherited the gift of liberty had 
lost the manhood to preserve it. But we Americans 
know that the determination of this generation of 
our people to preserve liberty is as fixed and certain 
as the determination of that earlier generation of 
Americans to win it. 

"We wall not, under any threat, or in the face of 
any danger, surrender the guarantee of liberty our 
forefathers framed for us in our Bill of Rights. 

"We hold with all the passion of our hearts and 
minds to those commitments of the human spirit. 

Won't Shake Our Hold 

"We are solemnly determined that no power or 
combination of powers of this earth shall shake 
our hold upon them. 

"We covenant with each other before all the 
world that, having taken up arms in the defense 
of liberty, w^e will not lay them down before liberty 
is once again secure in the world we live in. For 
that security we pray; for that security we act — 
now and evermore." 



With democratic nations ranged against Fascist 
aggressors whose avowed aim is w^orld domination, 
America's bases in the Pacific and those of Great 
Britain constitute a lifeline which must not be cut. 
The Aleutian Islands, the Hawaiian Islands, the 
PhiHppine Islands, as well as the British crown 
colony of Hong Kong, British Malaya, and the 
Dutch East Indies, are important to us both as 
sources of supplies and for grave strategic reasons. 
These farflung outposts in the Pacific are our only 
guarantors that war may not come to our own 
Pacific shores; whether Dutch, British, or American 
they are of inestimable importance to us here and 
now^ — more important than they have ever been 

The Hawaiian Islands, attacked so treacherously 
by the Japanese on December 7, 1941, lie midway 
between our west coast and Japan. From them we 
get sugar and pineapple — but it is their location 
which made us construct a strong air and naval base 
at Pearl Harbor on the island of Oahu. In enemy 
hands, these islands could be used as a base from 
which the western part of the United States could 
be bombed almost at will. In enemy hands, they 
could be used as a naval base from which a blockade 
could be set up to bar us from important sources 
of supplies farther west. 

The Philippine Islands, also fertile sources of 
sugar, cocoanut oil, Manila hemp, and other prod- 
ucts, have very strategic importance, indeed. We 
need them in order to defend our economic interests 
in British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies. From 
them a strong attack could be launched on Singa- 
pore; on the other hand, from them Singapore can 
be defended. 

The Dutch East Indies are important sources of 
tin, rubber, coal, and oil, both for the British and 


America's interests in the pacific 

for us. The United States has little rubber of its 
own and needs the rubber it gets from the Dutch 
East Indies for self-defense. Moreover, from the 
Dutch East Indies an attack could be launched on 

British Malaya, besides being of great importance 
for the protection of Britain's great base in the Far 
East, Singapore, is a highly important source of tin 
and rubber. 

From the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong 
come iron and coal ; its primary importance is again 
strategic. The closing of all these doors into the Far 
East would mean not only that the entire region 
would be closed to American commerce, but that the 
British Empire would be defeated in the Far East 
and would cease to afford us protection from the 
Pacific side. For reasons of self-defense, then, we 
must fight for our Pacific footholds. We cannot 
afford to let these reserves of tin, rubber, and oil, 
fall into hostile Japanese and German hands; we 
cannot afford to let go strategic bases from which 
we and the British could be blasted out of the 
Pacific. We do not intend to. 

Our own Aleutian islands, extending more than 
1,000 miles into the ocean from Alaska and sepa- 
rating the Pacific from the Bering Sea, are of such 
strategic importance that we have been fortifying 
them heavily. They are the key to Alaska, the west 
coast of Canada, and our own west coast. For the 
same reason, the Russian port of Vladivostock must 
never fall into enemy hands; and all of our bases in 
the Pacific can be used to defend it. 



On Wake Island, Midway Islands, Guam, and 
the Philippine Islands, a gallant battle was fought 
against heavy odds. American forces resisted the 
efforts of the Japanese to occupy these islands. With 
gallant courage and at the cost of their lives, Ameri- 
can marines, fliers, sailors, soldiers, and workmen, 
aided by loyal residents of these islands, fought a 
delaying action which bore the brunt of the Japan- 
ese attack and gave America the chance to organize 
her great potential strength in order to take the 
offensive. The names of these islands, with the 
battles fought upon them, will be long remembered 
in American history. 

Wake Island, perhaps the most memorable of all, 
where a handful of American marines refused to 
give up, is a tiny coral island in the North Pacific 
on the route from Hawaii to Hong Kong, 2,000 
miles west of Honolulu and 1,300 miles east of 
Guam. It is a cable station between San Francisco 
and Manila. Discovered in 1796, it came into the 
possession of the United States in 1898. 

The Midway Islands are a little larger — almost 
three square miles in area, with a population of 36. 
They are almost exactly halfway across the Pacific, 
1,800 miles northwest of Honolulu. Here to is a 
cable station for the American cable which connects 
Honolulu with the Philippines. These islands w^ere 
discovered in 1859 and annexed by the United 
States in 1867. 

Guam is a larger island, 206 square miles in area, 
with a population of 18,500; it is the largest and 
furthest south of the Marianas or Ladrone islands 
in the Northern Pacific. It came into the possession 
in 1898 and was under the direct control of the 
U. S. Navy. Apra, on the west coast, is the only 



good harbor and point of entr}^ The seat of govern- 
ment is Agana, the largest city. Wake, Midway, 
and Guam are stops for the famous Pan American 
clipper ships. 

The Philippine Islands provide the principal 
theatre of the American- Japanese War, and Manila 
is the principal objective of the first great campaign 
just as Hong Kong and Singapore are the principal 
objectives of Japan's simultaneous attack on the 
British Empire. The Philippine Islands consist of 
7,083 islands and islets, covering a land area of 
114,400 square miles, with a population of about 
13,000,000 people. The islands form a part of the 
Malay archipelago, 500 miles off southeastern Asia; 
they extend 1,150 miles north and south and 680 
miles east and west. The largest of the Philippine 
Islands are Luzon, Mindanao, Mindoro, Cebu, 
Palawan, Negros, Samar, Panay, Leyte, Bohol, and 
Masbate. Important archipelagos of small islands 
are Sulu, Calamian, Basilan, Batan, and Babuyan. 
The islands are mountainous and very fertile. They 
came into the possession of the United States at 
the close of the Spanish- American War. Luzon, the 
largest and most' important of them, is 40,814 
square miles in area and has a population of about 
four million. It is roughly oblong though irregular 
in shape, and the city of Manila, capital of the 
Philippines and principal harbor, is on the south- 
west coast. Capture of Luzon would give the Japan- 
ese not only control of the Philippines but effective 
control of the entire south Pacific area. A law was 
passed in 1934 which provided that by 1945 the 
islands were to be completely independent of the 
United States. 



On July 8, 1853, an American naval squadron, 
that was to change the history of Japan and affect 
that of the whole world, anchored in Yedo Bay, 
twenty-seven miles from Tokyo. In 1852 President 
Fillmore had decided to negotiate a treaty with 
Japan and had selected for that mission Commodore 
Matthew Calbraith Perry — brother of Oliver Hazard 
Perry, of Lake Erie fame — eminent naval educator, 
and commander of the Gulf Squadron in the Mexi- 
can War. Perry prepared a plan peculiarly designed 
to impress the Oriental mind. He surrounded his 
person with mystery. He would not see a governor 
or a vice-governor; they were officials too inferior 
for a great ambassador to receive personally. He 
refused to sail to Nagasaki, the only port open to 
foreigners, and threatened to come ashore with force 
unless officials were sent worthy of receiving so dis- 
tinguished a message as a letter from the President 
of the United States to the Emperor of Japan. His 
finesse triumphed. Princes Idzu and Iwami came as 
special representatives of the Emperor. With splen- 
did ceremony Perry delivered his message and 
promised to return for a reply. He anchored again 
in Yedo Bay in 1854. The Japanese were concilia- 
tory, and the Emperor sent commissioners. Again 
with pageantry Perry landed at Yokohama. There 
on March 31, 1854, was signed a treaty of friend- 
ship and commerce between the United States and 
Japan that was one of the great diplomatic achieve- 
ments of the 19th century. Japan had left her cen- 
turies-old isolation; she had opened her ports to 
the Western world; she had begun a new career 
amonor the nations. 



A new era in Japanese history began with the 
treaty signed with Commodore Perry in 1854. In 
1853 the Shogun, the Japanese ruler, had died, and 
Japan was in a ferment over foreign invasion. The 
three succeeding shoguns (rulers) were utterly un- 
able to cope with the situation. Despite the popu- 
lar dislike of the policy, concessions had to be 
granted to foreigners. In 1859 Townsend Harris, 
the first American consul in Japan, succeeded in ne- 
gotiating an extensive commercial treaty without the 
limitations of the convention granted Perry. Russia, 
England, and the Netherlands soon secured similar 
treaties. In 1860 the first Japanese envoys were 
sent to Washington; and in 1861, to the European 
courts. As the Emperor was aloof from this new 
policy, the attachment of the people turned from the 
shoguns to the Emperor and resulted in the last 
shogun, Keiki, surrendering his power to the Em- 
peror Meiji in 1868. Thus ended the unfortunate 
dual system of government which had prevailed in 
Japan since 1603. The several bombardments of 
Japanese cities by foreign nations, whose citizens had 
been killed during the anti-foreign agitation, con- 
vinced the Japanese of the efficiency of Western 
attainments. A period of rapid Westernization that 
was to change Japan into a typical modern indus- 
trial and military power began. In 1890 a new 
constitution was drawn up. In 1894-95 occurred 
Japan^s first foreign war in centuries — the war with 
China by which she acquired Formosa. In 1900 
Japan showed her growing power further by join- 
ing with the Western Powers in putting down the 
Boxer Rebellion in China. Her emergence as a first- 
class power, however, resulted from her victory in 
the Russo-Japanese War in 1904-05, by which she 
began her expansion on the Asian mainland. Her 


international prestige was strengthened by the Anglo- 
Japanese Alliance. In 1910 she further extended her 
power by annexing Korea. In 1911 the Emperor 
Meiji died and was succeeded by Yoshihito. Though 
it is impossible to determine how much he was re- 
sponsible for the changes that took place during his 
long rule, his reign remains one of the most amazing 
in Japanese history. At its opening Japan was a 
weak, torn, and distracted feudal land. With its close 
she had become a military and industrial power on 
the eve of an important part in the First World 

We have room in this country for but one flag, the 
Stars and Stripes . . . We have room for but one 
loyalty, loyalty to the United States . . . We have 
room for but one language, the English language. 

— Theodore Roosevelt, The Great 
Adventure. Also last message to 
the American Defense Society, Jan. 
3, 19 IQ, two days before his death. 

. . . The great essential to our happiness and pros- 
perity is that we adhere to the principles upon which 
the Government was established and insist upon their 
faithful observance. Equality of rights must prevail, 
and our laws be always and everywhere respected 
and obeyed. 

— From the First InauguraJ 
Address of President WilHam 
McKinley, March 4, 1897. 
















« 44 



** 6 

^^'" 17 
















Of the French battleships 3 are in British hands, as are 4 cruise 
several destroyers, and nunaerous smaller boats, including se 
eral submarines. The figure for Italian destroyers includ 


















many large torpedo boats. Of the cruisers, about 7 Japanese, 
i Italian, and 6 Russian are classed as obsolete. 


Ironically enough, some of Japan's most strategi- 
cally located bases were mandated to her by the 
Allies at the close of the First World War. Com- 
pletely surrounding the United States' base at Guam 
are the Marianas, the Marshall Islands, and the 
Carolines. South of the Palau Islands (a part of the 
Caroline group) are the rich Netherlands Indies and 
the Philippine Islands, both objects of attack. Be- 
fore the First World War these islands belonged to 
Germany. They were occupied by Japan, then an 
Ally, and at the close of the war, established under 
Japanese mandate. During the next two decades a 
number of these islands were turned into naval and 
air bases from which Japan could launch her final 
effort at complete domination of the Far East. 

Guam, a United States base and largest of the 
Marianas group, is the only non- Japanese controlled 
island in the entire area. The Marianas have a total 
area of 175 square miles and a population of about 
20,000 Japanese and about 50,000 natives. The 
Carolines consist of 550 small islands with adminis- 
trative centers at Yap and Ponape, and have an 
area of 380 square miles and a population estimated 
at about 36,000. The Palau Islands are the admin- 
istrative center of Japan's Pacific mandates. Near- 
est to the United States base at Hawaii are Japan's 
Marshall Islands, which have an area of 160 square 
miles and population of about 10,000. Most im- 
portant of this group are Majeru and Jaluit. 

Among Japan's strategic posts not in the man- 
dated group is the important island of Formosa, 
taken from China at the turn of the century. North 
of the Philippines and extremely close to Manila, 
Formosa is large (almost 14,000 square miles) and 
well populated (approximately 4,560,000). 



Following the outbreak of the World War, Japan 
declared war on Germany in accordance with her 
treaty of alliance with Great Britain. Disclaiming 
intent of permanently acquiring territory, Japan 
avowedly entered the war to protect the Far East in- 
terests of her ally and to expel the Germans from the 
leased territory of Kiao-chau, China. On November 
6, 1914, after a siege of 72 days, the German fortress 
of Tsing-tao, at Kiao-chau, surrendered to Japanese 
and British forces. Japanese warships then sup- 
ported the British both by driving von Speeds fleet, 
which had left Tsing-tao, toward the ships of Ad- 
miral Cradock off the South American coast, and by 
assisting British patrols on the coast of North 
America. Japanese forces occupied Germany's Mar- 
shall, Pelew, Caroline, and Marianas Islands, in the 
North Pacific. No Japanese troops were sent to 
European theaters of war, but Japanese torpedo 
boats under Admiral Saito convoyed allied merchant- 
men in the Mediterranean throughout the war. In 
1915 Japan presented to China the Twenty-One 
Demands, designed to consolidate her position in 
Eastern Asia. Japan's paramount interests in Shan- 
tung, Manchuria, and Eastern Mongolia were re- 
luctantly admitted by China. By secret clauses 
Japan sought to provide China with advisers in po- 
litical, financial, and military matters and to exclude 
any but Japanese capital for railways, harbors, and 
mines in the province of Fukien, opposite the Japa- 
nese Island of Taiwan (Formosa). Two treaties 
were concluded, extending to 99 years the leases of 
Port x\rthur, Dairen, and the South Manchurian and 
Antung-Mukden railways. The United States recog- 
nized the special interests of Japan by the Lansing- 
Ishii agreement of 1917. In 1918 an allied force 
under the Japanese General Otani was landed at 
Vladivostok to aid the Czecho-Slovaks and the 


White Russians and to protect the munitions sup- 
plied to Russia by the United States. All other na- 
tions withdrew their troops in 1919, but the Japa- 
nese, having advanced into Siberia as far as Chita 
and Omsk, found it inexpedient to follow their ex- 
ample. The Treaty of Versailles transferred Kiao- 
chau to Japan; also the German-owned railways, 
mines, and other properties in Shantung. Subse- 
quently the supreme council of the Allies assigned 
the German islands north of the equator to Japan 
as a mandate, and Japan entered the League of 
Nations, but w^ithdrew in 1933. The mandated 
islands included the Marianas, the Marshall and 
Caroline islands, many of which were heavily forti- 
fied by Japan for Pacific bases. 




After the First World War Japan embarked on a 
program of naval expansion; but in 1922, in a pact 
with Great Britain and the United States, agreed to a 
5-S-3 ratio in naval strength. (This agreement was 
terminated by Japan in 1934.) In 1926 Yoshihito 
died and Hirohito became emperor. In 1931 Japan 
invaded Manchuria and in 1932 set up a new Man- 
churian state, Manchukuo. This led to an economic 
boycott by China against Japan. The latter country 
retaliated by attacking Shanghai. In 1933 the Japa- 
nese invaded and took the province of Jehol. These 
and other manifestations of aggressive policy on the 
continent led to an inquiry by a League of Nations 
commission, the outcome of which was Japan's 
withdrawal from, the League. A nationalist faction 
within the army grew increasingly influential in 
Japanese politics in the 1930's. Early in 1936 a 
group of young soldiers assassinated four high- 
government ofticials, all moderates, but failed in their 
attempt to slay Premier Okada. Foreign Minister 
Koki Hirota then replaced Okada. The industrial- 
ists, while successfully opposing an army-inspired 
plan to nationalize electric utilities, were obliged to 
accept Hirota's proposal for economic control of 
key industries. 

In February, 1937, Hirota was succeeded by 
Hayashi, w^ho in turn was replaced in May of that 
year by Prince Fumimaro Konoye, military- 
Fascist pressure being a factor in both cases. A bill 
passed unanimously in March, 1938, gave the gov- 
ernment complete control of Japanese life in times 
of emergency. During the years 1936-39 much fric- 
tion existed between Japan and Russia, the major 
events during this period being the unconcealed 
friendship of Russia for Chiang Kai-shek, Russia's 
persistent refusal to enter into discussions on the 
permanency of Japanese fisheries off Siberia, the 
German-Japanese anti-Comintern pact of 1936 a 


trade agreement formed in 1938 between Germany 
and Manchukuo, which was naturally displeasing 
to Russia, and a series of Japanese-Russian battles 
along the border of Manchukuo. Meanwhile the 
Japanese army had begun to disregard the rights 
of British, American, and French interests in China. 
Among the resulting incidents were the wounding 
of Britain's ambassador to China, and the bombing 
and sinking of the Panay, an American gunboat, 
both in 1937; and the blockade of the British con- 
cession at Tientsin in 1939. In 1938, when the 
Japanese made proposals for a settlement of the 
Sino- Japanese War, the United States made clear 
that it would refuse to recognize the "New Order 
in East Asia." In January, 1939, a new government 
was formed. Hiranuma replaced Konoye as premier. 
In July, 1939, the United States announced that 
its commercial treaty of 1911 with Japan would be 
terminated six months thereafter. In these and 
other countermeasures against the Japanese, Brit- 
ain usually gave support. In August, 1939, after 
the disturbing announcement of the Russian-German 
agreement, the government fell and Hiranuma w^as 
succeeded by General Nobuyuki Abe. The new 
government soon announced itself as neutral in the 
European war, then just beginning, and made a 
truce with Russia. 

Throughout the winter of 1939-40 the economic 
strain of the Sino-Japanese War showed itself in- 
creasingly in fuel and food shortages. In January, 
1940, a new cabinet was formed under Admiral 
Mitsumasa Yonai. The new government sought to 
end the war in March by setting up the "Nanking 
Government" under the puppet Wang Ching-wei, 
former Chinese premier, but Wang won the support 
of only a small number of Chinese. The cabinet 
of Yonai fell in July and was replaced by one headed 
by Prince Konoye. The government leaders then 
declared for closer ties with Germany and Italy. In 


August the government announced its plan for a 
new Japanese state based on totalitarianism. 

Taking advantage of France's collapse in Europe, 
Japan pressed demands for the cession of air bases 
in Indo-China. The road to this objective was 
cleared in September, 1940, when Hitler offered 
Japan a free hand in Indo-China and the Nether- 
lands Indies in return for joining the Axis. Japan 
formally pledged allegiance to the Axis and soon 
was entrenched in northeastern French Indo-China, 
having cut Chiang Kai-shek's chief supply line, the 
Indo-China Railroad. The Japanese now were able 
to expand southward in the colony and westward 
into Thailand. By diplomatic pressure on war- 
engaged Britain they were also able to close the 
Burma Road, last remaining major supply line to 
China, for three months from July, 1940. 

Throughout 1940-41 the United States gradually 
tightened its restrictions on trade with Japan, con- 
tinuing on a day-to-day basis after expiration of the 
commercial treaty in 1940, later placing an embargo 
on scrap metal and oil, and still later (July, 1941) 
halting oil shipments to Japan and the importation 
of Japanese silk. In May, 1941, Japan signed a 
reciprocal trade treaty with French Indo-China and 
launched unsuccessful offensives in Shansi,. Honan, 
and Hupeh provinces. In July France yielded to 
Japanese demands for bases in southern Indo-China. 
In the same month the cabinet decreed a ^'capital 
mobilization plan,'' bringing all finance, industry, 
production, and distribution under government con- 
trol. In August and September, 1941, the Chinese 
made successful counteroffensives in five provinces. 
In October the Japanese claimed a victory in Honan 
and launched a new offensive, but still were far 
from triumph over Chiang Kai-shek, after four years 
of costly warfare. In October Lieutenant General 
Eiki Tojo replaced Konoye as premier, thus placing 
the entire nation under the control of the military 



From President Monroe's seventh annual nnes- 
sage to Congress, Decennber 2, 1823. 

... At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Gov- 
ernment, made through the minister of the Emperor 
residing here, a full power and instructions have 
been transmitted to the minister of the United States 
at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotia- 
tion the respective rights and interests of the two 
nations on the northwest coast of this continent. 
A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial 
Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which 
has likewise been acceded to. ... In the discus- 
sions to which this interest has given rise and in 
the arrangements by which they may terminate 
the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, 
as a principle in which the rights and interests of 
the United States are involved, that American con- 
tinents, by the free and independent condition w^hich 
they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth 
not to be considered as subjects for future coloniza- 
tion by any European powers. . . . 

It was stated at the commencement of the last 
session that a great effort was then making in Spain 
and Portugal to improve the condition of the people 
of those countries, and that it appeared to be con- 
ducted with extraordinary moderation. It need 
scarcely be remarked that the result has been so 
far very different from what was then anticipated. 
Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which 
we have so much intercourse and from which we 
derive our origin, we have always been anxious and 
interested spectators. The citizens of the United 
States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor 
of the liberty and happiness of their fellows-men on 
that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the Euro- 
pean powers in matters relating to themselves we 
have never taken any part, nor does it comport with 



our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are 
invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries 
or make preparation for our defense. With the 
movements in this hemisphere w^e are of necessity 
more immediately connected, and by causes which 
must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial 
observers. The political system of the allied powers 
is essentially different in this respect from that of 
America. This difference proceeds from that which 
exists in their respective Governments; and to the 
defense of our own, which has been achieved by 
the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured 
by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, 
and under which we have enjoyed unexampled 
felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, 
therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations 
existing between the United States and those powers 
to declare that we should consider any attempt on 
their part to extend their system to any portion 
of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies 
of any European power we have not interfered and 
shall not interfere. But with the Governments who 
have declared their independence and maintained it, 
and whose independence w^e have, on great consid- 
eration and on just principles, acknowledged, we 
could not view any interposition for the purpose 
of oppressing them, or controlling in any other man- 
ner their destiny, by any European power in any 
other light than as the manifestation of an un- 
friendly disposition toward the United States. In 
the war between those new Governments and Spain 
we declared our neutrality at the time of their recog- 
nition, and to this we have adhered, and shall con- 
tinue to adhere, provided no change shall occur 
which, in the judgment of the competent authorities 
of this Government, shall make a corresponding 
change on the part of the United States indispensa- 
ble to their security. 

The late events in Spain and Portugal show that 



Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no 
stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied 
powers should have thought it proper, on any prin- 
ciple satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed 
by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what 
extent such interposition may be carried, on the same 
principle, is a question in which all independent 
powers whose governments differ from theirs are 
interested, even those most remote, and surely none 
more so than the United States. Our policy in re- 
gard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage 
of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter 
of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which 
is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of 
its powers; to consider the government de facto as 
the legitimate government for us; to cultivate 
friendly relations with it, and to preserve those rela- 
tions by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting 
in all instances the just claims of every power, sub- 
mitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those 
continents circumstances are eminently and con- 
spicuously different. It is impossible that the allied 
powers should extend their political system to any 
portion of either continent without endangering our 
peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that 
our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would 
adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, 
therefore, that we should behold such interposition 
in any form with indifference. If we look to the 
comparative strength and resources of Spain and 
those new Governments, and their distance from 
each other, it must be obvious that she can never 
subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United 
States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope 
that other powers will pursue the same course. . . . 
Each government, confiding in its own strength, has 
less to apprehend from the other, and in consequence 
each, enjoying a greater freedom of action, is ren- 
dered more efficient for all the purposes for which it 
was instituted. . . . 


The unanimous declarafion of the thirteen United 
States of Annerica. 

When in the Course of human events, it becomes 
necessary for one people to dissolve the political 
bands which have connected them with another, and 
to assume among the powers of the earth, the sepa- 
rate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature 
and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to 
the opinions of mankind requires that they should 
declare the causes which impel them to the separa- 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all 
men are created equal, that they are endowed by 
their creator with certain unalienable Rights, that 
among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of 
Happiness. That to secure these rights. Govern- 
ments are instituted among Men, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed. That 
whenever any Form of Government becomes de- 
structive of these ends, it is the Right of the People 
to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Govern- 
ment, laying its foundation on such principles and 
organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall 
seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happi- 
ness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Govern- 
ments long established should not be changed for 
light and transient causes; and accordingly all 
experience hath shewn, that mankind are more dis- 
posed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to 
right themselves by abolishing the forms to which 
they are accustomed. But when a long train of 
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the 
same object, evinces a design to reduce them under 
absolute Despotism, it is their righl:, it is their duty, 
to throw off such Government, and to provide new 



Guards for their future security. Such has been 
the patient sufferance of the^e Colonies; and such 
is now the necessity which constrains them to alter 
their former Systems of Government. The history 
of the present King of Great Britain is a history 
of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in 
direct object the establishment of an absolute 
Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let tracts 
be submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most 
wholesome and necessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws 
of immediate and pressing importance, unless sus- 
pended in their operation till his Assent should be 
obtained, and when so suspended, he has utterly 
neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other Law's for the accom- 
modation of large districts of people, unless those 
people would relinquish the right of Representation 
in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and 
formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places 
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the (^^- 
pository of their public Records, for the sole pur- 
pose of fatiguing them into compliance with his 

He has dissolved Representative Hous'es repeat- 
edly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions 
on the rights of the people. 

He has refused for a long time, after such dis- 
solutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby 
the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, 
have returned to the People at large for their exer- 
cise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed 
to all the dangers of invasion from without, and 
convulsions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the population of 
these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws 
for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass 



others to encourage their migrations hither, and 
raising the conditions of new Appropriations of 

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, 
by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing 
Judiciary powers. 

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, 
for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and 
payment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and 
sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people, 
and eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Stand- 
ing Armies, without the Consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the Military inde- 
pendent of and superior to the Civil powder. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a 
jurisdiction foreign to our constitution and unac- 
knowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their 
Acts of pretended Legislation: For quartering large 
bodies of armed troops among us: For protecting 
them by a mock Trial from punishment for any 
Murders which they should commit on the Inhab- 
itants of these States: For cutting off our Trade 
with all parts of the world: For imposing Taxes on 
us without our Consent: For depriving us in many 
cases of the benefits of Trial by Jury: For trans- 
porting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended 
offences: For abolishing the free System of English 
Law^s in a neighbouring Province, establishing 
therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its 
Boundaries so as to render it at once an example 
and fit instrument for introducing the same abso- 
lute rule into these Colonies: For taking away our 
Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws and 
altering fundamentally the Forms of our Govern- 
ments: For suspending our own Legislatures, and 
declaring themselves invested with powder to legis- 
late for us in all cases w^hatsoever. 



He has abdicated Government here by declaring 
us out of his Protection and waging War against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, 
burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our 

He is at this time transporting large. Armies of 
foreign Mercenaries to complete the works of death, 
desolation and tyranny, already begun with cir- 
cumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled 
in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy 
the Head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken 
Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against 
their Country, to become the executioners of their 
friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, 
and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of 
our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose 
known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruc- 
tion of all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage 
of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress 
in the most humble terms. Our repeated Petitions 
have been answered only by repeated injury. A 
Prince, wihose character is thus marked by every 
act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the 
ruler of a free people. Nor have We been wanting 
in attentions to our British brethren. We have 
warned them from time to time of attempts by their 
legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction 
over us. We have reminded them of the circum- 
stances of our emigration and settlement here. We 
have appealed to their native justice and magna- 
nimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of 
our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, 
which would inevitably interrupt our connections 
and correspondence. They too have been deaf to 
the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, 
therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which de- 



nounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold 
the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace 

WE, THEREFORE, the Representatives of the 
United States of America, in General Congress, 
Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the 
world for -the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the 
Name, and by authority of the good People of these 
Colonies^ solemnly publish and declare, That these 
United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free 
and Independent States; that they are Absolved 
from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that 
all political connection between them and the State 
of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved; 
and that as Free and Independent States, they have 
full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract 
Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other 
Acts and Things which Independent States may of 
right do. And for the support of this Declaration, 
with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine 
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our 
Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor. 

Then join hand in hand, brave Americans all — 
By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall! 

— John Dickinson, Liberty Song. 
First published in the Boston 
Gazette, 18 July, 1768.