no
Vol. 6, No. 4
July-September, 1904
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
NEW SERIES
Organ of The American Anthropological Association, the Anthropological Society of
Washington, and the American Ethnological Society of New York
F. W. HODGE, Editor, Washington, D. C
440
447
459
464
469
477
CONTENTS
The Mythology of the Koryak. Waldemar Jochelson . . . .413
Studies on the Extinct Pueblo of Pecos. Edgar L. Hewett. (plate xiv) 426
Aboriginal Trephining in Bolivia. Adolph F. Bandelier
Numeral Systems of the Costa Rican Indians. H. Pittier de Fabrega
roguois in Northwestern Canada. Alexander F. Chamberlain
Derivation of the Name Powhatan. William Wallace Tooker
A Modern Mohegan-Pequot Text. Frank G. Speck
The Development of the Clan System and of Secret Societies among the North
western Tribes. John R. Swanton. (plates xv, xvi)
The Periodical Adjustments of the Ancient Mexican Calendar. Zelia Nuttall 486
The Chamorro Language of Guam — IV. William Edwin Safford . . 501
Ancient Pueblo and Mexican Water Symbol. J. Walter Fewkes . -535
Book Reviews :
Hall : Adolescence. Hollister : The Navajo and His Blanket. Alsberg : Die
Abstammung des Menschen und die Bedingungen seiner Entwicklung. Leon : Catd-
logo de la Coleccion de Antiguedades Huavis. Baker : Massasoif s Town Sowams in
Pokanoket. Dorsey and Kroeber : Traditions of the Arapaho. SIMMS : Traditions
of the Crows. Peabody and Moorehead : The Exploration of facobs Cavern. . 539
Periodical Literature, conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain . 554
Anthropologic Miscellanea . . . . . . . -574
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American Anthropologist
NEW SERIES
Vol. 6 July-September, 1904 No. 4
THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE KORYAK1
By WALDEMAR JOCHELSON
All the peoples of Siberia, central Asia, and northeastern
Europe whose languages are not of Aryan or Semitic origin, speak
Ural-Altaic languages. This group, which contains about fifty
peoples and tribes, consists of five branches, the Mongolian proper,
the Tungus, the Turk, the Samoyed, and the Finn. The group
was established and its branches were classified on the basis of
linguistic indications, that is, on the similarity in the phonetics and
morphology of the languages, by the Finnish investigator Castren,
whose researches were conducted some sixty years ago. Anthro-
pological and ethnological investigations subsequently confirmed
this classification.
However, there is a small group of tribes in northeastern
Siberia which cannot be classed as belonging to the Ural-Altaic
family, for in spite of the fact that until recently this group has been
investigated but little, Steller's work on the Kamchadal, written in
the middle of the eighteenth century 2 and remarkable for its time,
and occasional records of various travelers on the languages and life
of other tribes, point to the fact that this group cannot be classed
among the family mentioned, but that it stands alone. The group
includes the Ostyak and Kot on the Yenisei ; the Gilyak and Ainu
at the mouth of the Amur river, on the island of Saghalin, and
1 Read at the meeting of the American Ethnological Society, New York, March
21, 1904. Published by permission of the American Museum of Natural History.
2 Georg Wilhelm Steller, Beschreibung von dem Lafide Kamtschatka dessen Ein-
wohnern, aeren Sitten, Nahmeti Lebensart und Verschiedenen Gewohnheiten, Frank-
furt und Leipzig, 1 774-
AM. ANTH.. N. S., 6 — 27 4^3
414 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
partly in Japan ; and the Kamchadal, Koryak, Chukchee, and
Yukaghir in extreme northeastern Siberia.
Ethnologists have designated the tribes of this isolated group
as either " palaeasiatics " or "hyperboreans"; but these names,
invented for purposes of classification, have no intrinsic meaning.
At best they may answer as geographical, but by no means as
ethnological, terms.
It is not, therefore, without reason that Peschel, the well-known
German ethnologist, calls these tribes " North Asiatics of indefinite
relationship." He says : " The question in this part is not of giv-
ing a description of a new group within the Mongolian branch of
the human race, but of making the frank confession that our scien-
tific structure will have to be handed down in an incomplete state."1
The study of these tribes, the necessity of which was long
recognized by Russian ethnologists, was commenced under the so-
called " Yakut Expedition," in which the present writer partici-
pated,2 and at the same time the Jesup Expedition of the American
Museum of Natural History undertook similar researches among
them. The work of the latter expedition was based on the proba-
bility that in the remote past there existed some connection between
the cultures and types of the Old and the New Worlds, and that
for an understanding of the history of the American tribes it is
indispensable to determine this connection. Therefore the attention
of the expedition was directed, first of all, to the northern coasts of
the Pacific, the geographical and geological conditions of which
must have facilitated intercourse between the tribes and helped
their migrations from one continent to the other.
For this reason the investigation of the Koryak was included
in the plans of the expedition.3 The results of this investigation
have shown that the original hypothesis with reference to the kin-
ship of culture of the isolated Siberian tribes with the American
aborigines has been fully confirmed, and that the Koryak are to
be regarded as one of the Asiatic tribes which stand nearest to the
American Indian. I intend to confine myself in this paper to a
1 Oscar Peschel, Volkerkunde, Leipzig, 1876, p. 413.
*The Yakut Expedition (1894-1897) was fitted out by the Imperial Russian Geo-
graphical Society at the expense of Mr I. M. Sibiryakoff.
3 The study of the Koryak was intrusted by the Jesup Expedition to the author and
was conducted in 1900-01.
jochelson] MYTHOLOGY OF THE KORYAK 4*5
consideration of the similarities in the beliefs and myths of the
Koryak and the American tribes. It will be necessary, however,
to make a few preliminary remarks on the geographical distribu-
tion of the Koryak. Their territory is bounded by the Pacific
ocean on the east, by the Stanovoi mountain range on the west, by
the Palpal range on the north, and by the bays of the Okhotsk sea
on the south. The climate of the country is one of the severest
on earth ; but there is a difference between the climate of the interior
and that of the strip of land along the coast. At the beginning of
April, when I left the coast of Penshina bay, the temperature was
270 above zero ; a day later, eighty miles inland, the thermometer
registered 3 8° below zero. But the interior experiences quite a
few warm days during summer, when the temperature sometimes
rises to 70 ° and even higher, while the strip along the coast seldom
enjoys temperature higher than 500. Moreover, the winds and
storms that rage along the coast make even a slight cold unbearable.
My anemometer frequently registered wind-velocities of 10 to 20
meters per second, or 22.5 to 45 miles per hour; and once, in
November, while I was at the settlement of Kamenskoye, a gale
raged with a velocity of 22 meters per second, or about 68 miles
per hour. I went outside to make a meteorological observation,
and when but a few paces from my house, I lost sight of it, owing
to the drifting snow, and had it not been for the assistance of my
Cossack, I should have been unable to find my way back.
It must be clear that in such a climate agriculture is impossible ;
hence the inhabitants depend for their subsistence on fish, sea-
mammals, and reindeer, supplemented by edible roots and berries.
According to the source of their means of maintenance, the Koryak
are divided into Reindeer Koryak (who, with their herds of domes-
tic reindeer, wander over the interior of the country) and Maritime
Koryak (who live in settlements along the coast).
In our investigations of all the features of Koryak life we meet
with three elements — the Indian, Eskimo, and Mongol-Turk, the
first generally predominating. This is particularly true with reference
to their religious concepts, for the Koryak view of nature coincides
in many points with that of the Indians of the north Pacific coast.
Their cosmogony is not developed, and in their tales about heroes
416 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
and deities they assume that the world existed before them. We
find here the tale of the Raven Stealing the Sun, and that of the
Sun's Release by the Raven. The universe consists of a series of
five worlds, one above the other, the middle one being our earth.
The same conception is found among the Bellacoola Indians.
There is a well-known series of myths, especially developed
among the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, in which the raven is rec-
ognized as the organizer of the universe. The Koryak myths re-
semble this series closely ; indeed almost their entire mythology is
confined to raven stories. Of the hundred and forty recorded
myths there are only nine in which the mythical raven or his chil-
dren are not mentioned.
The mythical raven, or Big-Raven (Quikinndqii), of the Koryak
appears also as organizer of the universe. He is the first man, and
at the same time the ancestor of the Koryak. The manner of his
appearance on earth has not been made quite clear. According to
some tales, the Supreme Being, of whom I shall speak later,
created him ; according to others, he created himself; while a third
version asserts that he was left by his parents when quite small, and
grew up alone into a powerful man. His wife is sometimes con-
sidered to be the daughter of the Supreme Being, sometimes the
daughter of the sea-god who has the appearance of a spider-crab
{Toy b koto or Avvi).
At the time of Big-Raven, or during the mythological age, all
objects on earth could turn into men, and vice versa. There were
no real men then, and Big-Raven lived with animals, and appar-
ently with inanimate objects and phenomena of nature, as though
they were men. He was able to transform himself into a raven by
putting on a raven coat, and to resume the shape of man at will.
His children married or were given in marriage to animals, such as
seals, dogs, wolves, mice ; or phenomena of nature, as the wind, a
cloud (or Wind-man, Cloud-man) ; or luminaries, like the Moon-
man, Star-man ; or inanimate objects, such as the Stone-men, trees,
a stick, or plants. Men were born from these unions.
When Big-Raven was no more, the transformation of objects
from one form to another ceased to take place, and a clear line dis-
tinguishing men from other beings was established. Big- Raven left
jochelson] MYTHOLOGY OF THE KORYAK 417
the human race suddenly, because, it is said, they would not follow
his teachings ; and it is not known what became of him. Accord-
ing to some indications his abode is in the zenith.
Big- Raven gave light to men ; he taught them how to hunt
sea and land animals ; he also gave them reindeer, made the fire-
drill, gave them the drum, left incantations for amulets, and set up
shamans to struggle with the evil spirits, with whom Big-Raven
himself had carried on a constant and successful warfare. He is
invisibly present at every shamanistic performance ; and the incanta-
tions are dramatized stories telling how Big-Raven is treating his
sick son or daughter, the male or female patients impersonating his
children.
Big-Raven is regarded as the assistant of the Supreme Being,
whom he helped to establish order in the universe. In the myths
and tales the Supreme Being is called Universe or World
(Nainmen), or Supervisor (Indhitelafn) ; - in other cases he is called
Master-of-the-Upper-World {Gichol-Eti' nvilcfn), or simply The-
One-on-High (Gi'cholaen), Master (Etm), Existence, Being, or
Strength ( Yaqhi'cnin, Vahi'cnm, or Vahi'tnm), or Dawn {Tnairgiii).
In some instances he is referred to as Sun (Tiykitiy) or Thunder-Man
{Kihigilaeti). Although these names translated into a civilized
language may seem to indicate abstract conceptions, they appear
to the Koryak mind in a crude, material, anthropomorphic form.
The Supreme Being is represented as an old man living with
his family in a settlement of the Upper World, in heaven ; and he
keeps order on earth. If he wishes to punish men for their trans-
gression of taboos, or for their failure to offer the required sacrifices,
he goes to sleep, when the regular course of events on earth comes
to a standstill, hunting becomes unsuccessful, and people suffer star-
vation and other disaster. The Supreme Being, however, does not
long bear ill-will, and he may be very easily propitiated. He is, as
a rule, rather inert.
The so-called kalau (plural of kdld) beings that are hostile to
man, display much more activity. At the time of Big-Raven, or
during the mythological age, they used to assault man openly, and
they usually figure in myths as ordinary cannibals. Big-Raven
overcame them frequently, but after Big-Raven's departure they
4l 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
became invisible, and they now shoot man with invisible arrows,
catch him with invisible nets, and strike him with invisible axes.
Every disease and every death is the result of an attack of these
unseen evil spirits. The Supreme Being seldom comes to the
assistance of men in this deadly and unequal struggle ; man is left
to his own resources, and his only means of protection are the
incantations bequeathed to him by Big-Raven, charmed amulets
and guardians, performances of shamans who act with the help of
their guardian spirits called by the Koryak efien, and the offerings
of dogs and reindeer as sacrifices to the spirits. Every family is
in possession of a certain number of incantations, which pass from
father to child as heirlooms and constitute a family secret.
While the Supreme Being is a tribal deity and Big-Raven the
common Koryak ancestor, all the guardians are either family or
individual protectors. In only one case does a guardian, which has
the form of a pointed post and which may well be called an idol,
appear as a guardian and master of an entire village.
Crude representations of animals or men carved of wood serve as
guardians or amulets. Parts of animals (like hair, the beak, the
nose, or a portion of an ear), which are used in place of the whole
animal, or inanimate objects (like beads, stones, etc.) serve the same
purpose.
The reason why it is believed that objects insignificant in them-
selves may become means of guarding against misfortune and of
curing disease, is primarily the animistic and at the same time the
anthropomorphic view of nature held by the Koryak. According
to this view not only are all things animate, but the vital principle
concealed beneath the exterior visible shell is anthropomorphic.
Furthermore, the incantation which must be pronounced over the
object makes its vital principle powerful and directs it to a certain
kind of activity — to the protection of the family or individual from
evil spirits.
I will enumerate here the most important family and individual
guardians :
1. The sacred fire-drill, which consists of a board shaped like a
human body, a small bow, a drill, and other implements necessary
for making fire. By means of this guardian, fire is produced for
jochelson] MYTHOLOGY OF THE KORYAK 419
religious ceremonies. The fire-board is the master of the hearth,
but among the Reindeer Koryak it is at the same time the master
of the herd. A few small wood-carvings, representing men, are
attached to it ; these are supposed to be its herdsmen, and to help
it in guarding the herd against wolves.
2. The drum, which is the master of the house.
3. A small figure of a man, called the " searching guardian " ; it
is sewed to the coats of little children for the purpose of guarding
their souls. Children particularly are subject to attacks by evil
spirits, and the children's inexperienced souls are apt to be fright-
ened and to leave the body. On the "searching guardian " devolves
the duty of catching the child's soul and of restoring it to its place.
All guardians are closely connected with the welfare of the
household hearth ; they cannot, therefore, be given to a strange
family or carried into a strange house.
The sacrifices of the Koryak may be divided into bloody offerings,
consisting of the bodies of slaughtered dogs and reindeer, and
bloodless offerings, which are usually in the form of food, berries,
sacrificial grass, ornaments, tobacco, and even whiskey. Bloody
sacrifices are offered mostly to the Supreme Being, that he may not
be diverted from keeping order on earth, and to his son, Cloud-man
( Ydhalcfn), for his mediation in love-affairs. Cloud-man can inspire
a girl with an inclination toward a young man, and vice versa.
Bloody sacrifices are offered also to evil spirits, that they may not
attack men.
The number of bloody sacrifices offered by the Koryak in the
course of a year is quite large. Of the reindeer they sacrifice, they
use at least the meat ; but the killing of dogs cripples the domestic
economy of the Maritime Koryak. It often happens that, toward
winter, Koryak families are left without dog-teams. At one time I
came to a settlement of twelve houses, and found there more than
forty slaughtered dogs hanging on posts, with their noses pointing
upward, a sign that the dogs had been offered to the Supreme
Being, not to evil spirits. This was to me a most strange and dis-
tressing spectacle.
Bloodless offerings are made to the guardians, to sacred hills,
to the " masters " of the sea and river, and to other spirits.
420 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
The cycle of yearly festivals is also connected with sacrifices. I
will mention here only the most important festivals. Those of the
Maritime Koryak are the whale festival, the hauling of the skin boat
out of the sea in the autumn for the purpose of putting it away for
the winter, and its launching in spring. The most important festi-
vals of the Reindeer Koryak are : one in the autumn, on the occasion
of the return of the herds from the summer pasture ; and another
in spring, in connection with the fawning of the reindeer does.
All these are family festivals, except the whale festival, which in
one sense may be regarded as a village celebration. Not only does
the entire village participate in the festivities, but people from
other settlements are invited. The celebration consists of two parts
— the welcoming and the home-speeding of the whale. The killed
whale is welcomed as an honored guest with burning firebrands,
songs, and dances. The dancers are dressed in embroidered dance-
coats. Thereupon the whale is entertained for several days, and then
preparations are made to send it off on its return voyage. It is
supplied with provisions, so that it may induce other whales, its
relatives, also to visit the settlement.
The arrangement of festivals and religious ceremonies, and the
preparation of guardians and amulets, incantations, and similar things
pertaining to the family cult, are attended to by each family separ-
ately. The eldest member of the family usually acts as the priest
of the family cult, while some female member acquires particular
skill in the art of beating the drum and singing, and familiarizes her-
self with the formulae of prayers and incantations. All this com-
bined may be called "family shamanism" as distinguished from
" professional shamanism."
A professional shaman is a man inspired by a particular kind of
guardian spirits called ehen, by the help of which he treats patients,
struggles with other shamans, and also causes injury to his enemies.
Thus the activity of the professional shaman is outside the limits
of the family cult, and a skilful shaman enjoys a popularity for
hundreds of miles.
Shamans possessing the art of ventriloquism are endowed with
particular power, for the Koryak believe that the voices which seem
to emanate not from the shaman but from various parts of the house,
are the voices of the spirits called up by the shaman.
jochelson] MYTHOLOGY OF THE KORYAK
421
The so-called " transformed " shamans are still more interesting.
These are shamans who, according to the Koryak belief, have
changed their sex by order of the spirits. A young man suddenly
dons woman's clothes, begins to sew, cooks, and does other kinds
of woman's housework. At the same time he is supposed to be
physically transformed into a female. Such a shaman marries like
a woman. However, a union of this kind leads only to the satis-
faction of unnatural inclinations, which were formerly often found
among the Koryak. Tales are current, according to which, in olden
times, transformed shamans gave birth to children ; indeed such
occurrences are mentioned in some traditions recorded by me. On
the other hand, the children of the "transformed" woman's hus-
band, born to him by his real wife, frequently resemble the shaman.
This institution, however, is now declining among the Koryak, al-
though it still holds full sway among the Chukchee.
I wish to point out here another very interesting feature in the
religious ceremonies of the Koryak. I refer to the wearing of
masks. Grass masks are used by women during the whale festi-
vals, while wooden masks are worn by young men in the fall of the
year, for the purpose of driving away evil spirits. The Koryak do
not attempt to give their masks animal forms, and in this respect
they resemble those of the northern Alaska Eskimo.
In summing up my observations of the religious life of the
Koryak, I have come to the conclusion that their views of nature
closely resemble those of the Indians of the north Pacific coast ;
but we likewise find in their religion Asiatic, or rather Turkish-
Mongolian, as well as Eskimo elements. It is difficult to say at
what period the Koryak first came in contact with the Turkish-
Mongolian tribes, or to what period may be ascribed their relations
with the Eskimo, with whom they have no intercourse at present ;
but the fact that we find in Koryak religion and customs a good
many features common to those tribes cannot be attributed solely
to the influence of similar geographical conditions. The domesti-
cated reindeer of the Koryak is a cultural acquisition of Asiatic
origin ; and with this factor are connected some religious ceremonies
and customs — for instance, bloody sacrifices offered to deities and
spirits. These are not found on the Pacific coast of America ; but
422 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
they do occur east of the Rocky mountains, among tribes like the
Iroquois and the Sioux, who kill dogs as sacrifices.
The particular customs connected with the celebration of suc-
cessful whale-hunting, and their taboo with reference to sea-mam-
mals (the meat of which must not be partaken by women after con-
finement, and which must not come in contact with dead bodies)
are also found among the Aleut and the Eskimo. This similarity
is especially interesting since the chief food of the Maritime Koryak,
as well as of the Indians of the Pacific coast, does not consist of
sea-mammals, but of fish ; and berries and edible roots are used
extensively by both.
Nothing shows more clearly the close similarity between the cul-
ture of the Koryak and that of the Indians of the north Pacific ocean
than their mythology. While some religious customs and cere-
monies may have been borrowed at a late period, myths usually
reflect for a long time the state of mind of the remotest periods.
True, we find Mongolian-Turk as well as Eskimo elements in the
myths also ; but not to any considerable degree. To the Mongo-
lian-Turk elements belong the presence of the domestic reindeer in
the myths, and, further, the magic objects and houses of iron, as
well as the seas and mountains of fire ; but in all other respects the
Koryak mythology has nothing in common with that of the Mon-
golian-Turk peoples. At this time I must confine myself to a mere
statement, without a comparative outline of the Mongolian-Turk
and Koryak series of myths.
While incidents characteristic of Eskimo tradition occur with
great frequency in Chukchee mythology, and while their raven
myths are not numerous, we find in Koryak mythology compara-
tively few elements that are common to the Eskimo. The most
distinctive type of their myths is that of the raven cycle. It may
be said, in general, that while the Koryak myths, by their lack of
color and by their uniformity, remind one rather of the traditions
and tales of the Athapascan tribes, they also contain topics from
various groups of myths of the north Pacific coast. We find not
only the elements of the raven myths proper of the Tlingit, Haida,
and Tsimshian, but also incidents from the coyote and the mink,
from various other culture-hero cycles, and from other animal tales.
jochelson] MYTHOLOGY OF THE KORYAK 423
All of these incidents have been adapted to Big-Raven and to his
family.
Big-Raven combines the characteristics of the American mink
in his erotic inclinations, and those of the raven in his greediness
and gluttony ; and we find in the tales relating to him some of the
features common to all the tales current on the north Pacific coast,
namely, a love for indecent and coarse tricks which he performs
for his own amusement.
Erotic episodes may be found in Mongolian-Turk myths also ;
but, in spite of their primitive frankness, these episodes are clothed
in a poetic form, and are by no means so coarse as the myths of
the Pacific coast. The readiness with which the heroes form mari-
tal connections with animals and with inanimate objects is charac-
teristic of both sides of the Pacific.
In analyzing the Koryak myths, I have made a iist of 122 epi-
sodes which occur over and over again. It appears that 101 of
these are found in Indian myths of the Pacific coast, 22 in Mongo-
lian-Turk myths, and 34 in those of the Eskimo. I will mention
some of the frequently occurring episodes common to the Koryak
and the Indian.
1. The tale of the Raven swallowing the sun, and another in
which it is told how he released the sun. In the Koryak tale
Raven-man swallows the sun, and Big-Raven's daughter releases
him. Raven-man keeps the sun in his mouth, and Big- Raven's
daughter tickles him until he laughs, opens his mouth, and lets the
sun fly out. Then daylight appears again.1
2. The Raven puts out the fire in order to carry away a girl in
the darkness.2
3. A boy, driven out of his parents' house, goes to the desert
and becomes a powerful hero.3
4. Numerous tales about people who, by putting on skins of
beasts and birds, turn into animals, and vice versa.4
JFor similar episodes, see Boas, Indianische Sagen, pp. 55 (Selish) ; 105
(Nutka); 173, 184 (Newettee); 208, 232 (Heiltsuk); 242 (Bilqula); 276 (Tsimshian);
311 (Tlingit). See also A. Krause, Die Tlinkit Indianer, p. 261.
2 See Boas, Indianische Sagen, pp. 43 (Fraser River); 56 (Selish); 260 (Bilqula);
300 (Tsimshian).
3Ibid., pp. 151, 162 (Kwakiutl) ; 253, 256 (Bilqula) ; 224 (Heiltsuk).
4 In various Indian tales.
424 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
5. An arrow is sent upward and opens the way into heaven.1
6. Big-Raven eats all the berries that have been gathered by the
women.2
7. Big- Raven mistakes his own reflection in the river for a
woman, throws presents to her into the water, until finally he is
drowned.3
8. Big- Raven is swallowed by animals, but kills them by peck-
ing at their hearts or by cutting off their stomachs, and then comes
out.4
9. Big-Raven or some other person, under the pretext that
enemies are coming, urges owners of provisions to flee, and then
takes away the provisions.5
10. A shaman shows his skill ; he sings, and the house is filled
with water, and seals and other sea-animals swim around.6
1 1. Raven steals fresh water from Crab (Avvi).'
1 2. Raven and Small-Bird are rivals in a marriage suit. Raven
acts foolishly, and is vanquished by Small-Bird, who is very wise.8
13. Big-Raven marries a Salmon-Woman, and his family no
longer starve. Angered by Miti, the first wife of Big-Raven, the
Salmon-Woman departs for the sea, and Big Raven's family again
begin to starve.9
14. Big-Raven's son, Ememqut, assumes the shape of a whale,
induces the neighbors to harpoon him, and then carries away the
magic harpoon-line.10
1 Boas, Indianische Sagen, pp. 17 (Shuswap) ; 31 (Fraser River); 64, 65
(Comox) ; 117 (Nutka) ; 167 (Kwakiutl) ; 173 (Newettee) ; 215, 234 (Heiltsuk) ; 246
(Bilqula) ; 278 (Tsimshian).
2 Ibid., pp. 76 (Comox) ; 107 (Nutka) ; 178 (Newettee) ; 210 (Heiltsuk) ; 244
(Bilqula).
3 Ibid., pp. 66 (Comox) ; 114 (Nutka) ; 168 (Kwakiutl) ; 253 (Bilqula).
*Ibid., pp. 34 (Ponca) ; 51 (Selish) ; 75 (Comox) ; 101 (Nutka) ; 119 (Chinook) ;
171 (Newettee) ; 212 (Heiltsuk) ; 256 (Bilqula) ; 315 (Tlingit).
5 Ibid., pp. 106 (Nutka) ; 172 (Newettee) ; 213, 233 (Heiltsuk) ; 316 (Tlingit).
6 Ibid., p. 95 (Eeksen).
7Ibid., pp. 108 (Nutka) ; 174 (Newettee) ; 209, 232 (Heiltsuk) ; 276 (Tsim-
shian) ; 313 (Tlingit) ; A. Krause, Tlinkit Indianer, p. 261.
8 Boas, op. cit., p. 165 (Nutka).
9Ibid., pp. 174 (Newettee) ; 209 (Heiltsuk).
10Ibid., pp. 13, 16 (Shuswap); 23 (Fraser River); 64, 66 (Comox); 201
(Newettee) ; 248 (Bilqula).
jochelson] MYTHOLOGY OF THE KORYAK 425
15. Excrement or chamber-vessel speaks and gives warning.1
16. The Seal winds the tongue of his wife around with twine,
and thus deprives her of the power of speech.2
At this time I cannot point out in greater detail the identity of
the elements of which the myths of the Koryak and of the Indians
of the Pacific coast are composed. This subject will be fully
treated in my work on the Koryak, to be published by the Ameri-
can Museum of Natural History.8 But the most cursory review of
the facts here presented points to the identity of the products of the
imagination of the tribes among which originated the cycle of myths
current on both sides of the Pacific — an identity which can by no
means be ascribed merely to the similarity of the mental organi-
zation of man in general.
While the similarity of the physical type of two tribes may give
us the right to conclude that they had a common origin, similari-
ties of culture admit of two possible explanations. The identity of
the religious ideas of two tribes may be the result of a common
origin ; or their ideas may have originated from a common source,
and one tribe, though different from the other somatologically, may
have borrowed its ideas from the other. However, in the one case
as well as in the other, these two tribes must have been at some
time in close contact.
The somatological material collected by the expedition has not
been studied as yet, and it is therefore impossible to say at present
what conclusions may be drawn from it with reference to the origin
of the tribes of the two coasts of the Pacific. However, the folk-
lore which has been investigated justifies us in saying that the
Koryak of Asia and the North American Indians, though at present
separated from each other by an enormous stretch of sea, had at a
more or less remote time a continuous and close intercourse and
exchange of ideas.
1 Boas, op. cit., pp. 101 (Chinook) ; 177 (Newettee).
2 Ibid., pp. 176 (Newettee) ; 244 (Bilqula) ; 317 (Tlingit).
'The first part of the memoir on the Koryak, "Religion and Myths," is now in
press.
STUDIES ON THE EXTINCT PUEBLO OF PECOS1
By EDGAR L. HEWETT
Introduction
The ethno-archeologist who is seeking to recover the history
of any one of our southwestern tribes finds his sources of infor-
mation gradually fading. Ancient dwellings are being torn down
and with them are disappearing some of our best evidences of primi-
tive sociologic conditions. Aboriginal burial mounds are being
plowed up and the mortuary pottery therein reduced to frag-
ments or scattered abroad with no accompanying data, thus obliter-
ating our best paleographic record of primitive thought. Old peo-
ple are dying and with their passing ancient languages are lost
beyond recoveiy, and traditionary testimony of ancient migrations,
ritual, and religion melt away.
Tracking the movements of any group of the human race is a
most fascinating occupation, no matter how obscure may be the
traces left behind. But the scientific man feels much more secure
in his conclusions if to documentary evidence he can add linguistic,
to this ethnologic, to this archeologic, and so on, until, by careful
checking of one sort of evidence against another, he is finally able
to construct an unassailable record.
The importance of any given group of people can not always
be measured by its prominence in documentary history. The*
Phoenicians never occupied a formidable place among ancient
world powers ; we look upon them as great disseminators of cul-
ture, basing our belief on documentary, traditionary, and linguistic
testimony. Now when one spends some time on the prehistoric
archeology of Etruria, Campania, the Grecian peninsula, Cyprus,
Rhodes, the old Trojan shore, the Nile delta, and ancient Cartha-
genian sites, he is overwhelmed with the vision of what this small
1 A brief synopsis of the leading facts of this paper was presented at the meeting of
the A. A. A. S. at Washington, Dec-Jan., i902-'03. Some new matter has been added.
426
hewett] THE EXTINCT PUEBLO OF PECOS 427
nation may have contributed to human welfare through its influ-
ence as a bearer of the pretraditional germs of that art which was
to blossom into such marvelous perfection in Greece and Italy. It
is simply that another source of evidence has served to illumine
all former data.
Thus the student of the aboriginal tribes of America finds
something of peculiar importance in every ethnologic area, whether
its former occupants have completely vanished from the scene of
action or not, and finds worthy of investigation every class of evi-
dence that is still accessible. An area that may be studied from
documentary, ethnologic, linguistic, and archeologic sources, and
that is so situated as to bear obvious and important relations to
surrounding areas, becomes especially attractive. Such is the posi-
tion of the extinct pueblo of Pecos, in western San Miguel county,
New Mexico. The tribe of Pecos may not occupy a commanding
place in Pueblo histoiy, but the indications are that the study of its
ruined pueblos may yield important data for comparative purposes.
This paper will merely point out in a preliminary way some studies
that are in progress and may be pursued at some future time with
more definite results. This research does not go into the docu-
mentary history of Pecos nor traverse again the ground covered
by Mr Bandelier. No student of Pecos, nor indeed of any phase
of southwestern archeology, will proceed without first becoming
familiar with that splendid piece of work. He should carry the
report1 with him and study it on the ground. During the seven
years in which I have been spending short vacations and odd days
in the study of Pecos, I have never found it necessary to do over
again anything that Mr Bandelier has done. That much of the
history of Pecos is a reliable and enduring record. My indebted-
ness to this distinguished savant will be apparent throughout this
entire study. I wish here to gratefully acknowledge this obliga-
tion.
A brief statement of a few well-established facts of documentary
history may be admitted at this point for the use of the general
reader.
1 Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos, by A. F. Bandelier ; Papers of the
Archaeological Inst, of America, American series, I, 1881.
428 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Pecos was discovered in 1 540 by the Coronado expedition.
The pueblo then contained from 2,000 to 2,500 inhabitants, com-
posing one of the strongest of the Pueblo tribes then in existence.
The village consisted of two great communal dwellings, built on the
terraced plan, each four stories high and containing, respectively,
585 and 517 rooms. The tribe figures prominently in the annals
of the Coronado expedition in New Mexico in 1540-42. Two
priests remained there to introduce Christianity when Coronado
began his long march back to Mexico. Fray Luis Descalona, or
de Escalona, established there at this time the first mission planted
in New Mexico, but he was killed probably before the close of
1542. There is then a hiatus of forty years in its documentary
history. Antonio de Espejo visited Pecos in 1583, Castafio de Sosa
in 1590-91, and Juan de Onate in 1598, the last mentioned naming
the pueblo Santiago. At this time Fray Francisco de San Miguel
was assigned to administer to the spiritual welfare of the tribe, as
well as to that of the Vaquero Apaches of the eastern plains and
the pueblo dwellers in the Salinas to the south, but it is not prob-
able that Pecos ever became his residence. Juan de Dios, a lay
brother of Onate' s colony, was the next missionary to live at Pecos,
where he is said to have learned the language, but he probably
returned to Mexico in 1601.
The great mission church, the ruins of which have for more than
half a century formed such an imposing landmark on the old Santa
Fe trail, was erected about 16 17. Pecos practically held its own
up to the end of the seventeenth century. Its decline, once started,
was peculiarly rapid ; the Comanche scourge and the " great sick-
ness " worked speedy destruction. In 1840 the last steps were
taken by which Pecos was abandoned and the group as a tribal
entity became extinct.
We now pass to the investigations of recent years looking
toward a closer ethnological and archeological knowledge of Pecos.
There is living today (August, 1904), at the village of Jemez,
60 miles in an air-line westward from Pecos, the sole survivor of
Pecos pueblo. This man, known in his native tongue as Se-sa-fwe-
yah, and bearing the baptismal name of Agustin Pecos, is a well-
preserved Indian of perhaps eighty years of age. There are still
*MERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
N. S., VOL. 6, PL. XIV
-V
Jose Miguel Pecos (Zu-wa-ng), died 1902. (Photograph by K. M. Chapman, 1902.)
Agustin Pecos (Se-se-fwe-yah), nephew of Jose Miguel. (Photograph by A. C. Vroman, 1899.)
NATIVES OF PECOS
hewett] THE EXTINCT PUEBLO OF PECOS 429
living at Jemez perhaps twenty-five Indians of Pecos blood, but
Agustin Pecos has the distinction of being positively " the last
leaf on the tree" when we speak of the Pecos as a tribal society,
the tribe having ceased to exist in fact in 1838 and as a matter of
record in 1 840. Agustin was born at Pecos and believes himself to
have been from twelve to fifteen years of age when the pueblo was
abandoned. He has returned several times to the scenes of his
childhood and the home of his ancestors, and his memory seems
perfectly clear. He is a very honest and intelligent Indian and
rather proud of the history of his tribe.
The next to the last survivor of the Pecos died at Jemez in the
fall of 1902. This was Zu-wa-ng, baptized Jose Miguel Pecos,
uncle of Agustin and probably from ten to fifteen years his senior.
Jose Miguel was a young man when Pecos was abandoned ; he was
an excellent traditionist, possessed a keen memory, treasured his
tribal history, and was ready to give information to those who
gained his confidence.
Most of the traditionary material for this paper was obtained di-
rectly or indirectly from Jose Miguel and Agustin Pecos. (See plate
xiv.) Mr F. W. Hodge visited Jemez in 1895 and 1899, and made
some valuable notes which he has generously placed in my hands
with permission to incorporate them in this paper. I may not be able
to give full credit to Mr Hodge at every point where it is due, but
I wish to say that his notes have been of great service in determin-
ing some of the most important ethnologic data presented. In
recording the clan system of Pecos he was more successful than I,
as will be seen by referring to his paper on " Pueblo Clans." ! Mr
Hodge obtained his information from Jose Miguel Pecos. The
writer is indebted for his traditions to both Jose Miguel and Agus-
tin. This information was received during two visits to Jemez in
1902, and, since the death of Miguel, by communication with
Agustin through my friends Jesus Baca, an educated Jemez Indian,
and Pablo Toya, son of the last governor of the Pecos tribe, born
at Jemez after the abandonment of Pecos ; a man who takes great
interest in the tribal history and seems to know it very well.
1 American Anthropologist, Oct., 1896.
AM. ANTH., N. S., 6 28
430 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
The Various Names for Pecos
In the Castafieda narrative 1 Pecos is known as Cicuye. This is
probably the name by which it was known to the people of Tiguex,
the village on the Rio Grande from which the Spaniards proceeded
to Pecos — a people who spoke the Tigua language. It would be
natural for the historian of the expedition to use the name learned
at Tiguex, where Coronado's force had been in winter quarters.
The people of Isleta, who speak the Tigua dialect and who doubt-
less embrace in their tribe some who are direct descendants from
Tiguex, give Sikuye as one of their names for Pecos,2 and Sikuyen for
the tribe.
The Pecos people call themselves Pe-kush. The Jemez name
for Pecos is P'a-qu-lah (Mr Hodge recorded it P'a-tyu-la). When
it is remembered that the initial sound of a word or syllable is often
so obscure as to escape notice by one to whom the Jemez pronun-
ciation is new and strange, and the final syllable is also often indis-
tinct, the derivation of a majority of the early documentary names
for Pecos becomes plain. The inconsistencies in our synonomy
are generally traceable to two or three original errors which have
run their usual course of misprinting and misquotation. This is well
illustrated by the following partial synonomy prepared by Mr
Hodge. It should be borne in mind that the present Jemez name
for Pecos is P'a-qu-lah.
A-cu-lah. Simpson (1849) in Rept. Sec. War, 143, 1850. (Given as native name of
the pueblo. )
Acuyt. Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, 1, 1 14, 1881. (Probably proper name of pueblo. )
Agin. Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, I, 20, 1 88 1. (Aboriginal name in Jemez
language ; « evidently a misprint for 11. )
Agin? Bancroft, Ariz, and N. Mex., 53, 1889. (Possible proper name, suggested by
Bandelier' s Aqiu, below.)
A-gu-yu. Bandelier in Ritch, New Mexico, 201, 1885.
Aqiu. Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, 1, 114, 1881. (In the language of the former
inhabitants of Pecos and those of Jemez. )
A-q'iu. Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Bull., I, 18, 1883.
Aqui. Bancroft, Ariz, and N. Mex. 53, 1889. (Misquoting Bandelier.)
Aquiu. Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, III, pt. 1, 127, 1890. (Or Paequiu ; same
as Pae-quiua-la, the aboriginal name of the Pecos tribe. )
!See Winship, The Coronado Expedition, Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Amer-
ican Ethnology, Washington, 1896 ; reprinted, New York, 1904.
2 Gatschet, Isleta MS. vocabulary, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1879.
hewett] THE EXTINCT PUEBLO OF PECOS 43 l
For the derivation of Pecos, which is the Hispanized form, we
must go to the Queres or Keresan dialects, where we find it as
follows :
Santo Domingo, Pe-a-go,
Cochiti, Pe-a-ku,
Sia, Pe-ko,
Santa Ana, Pe-a-ko,
Laguna, Pe-a-ku-ni,
To the Spanish people who came in continuous contact with the
Queres people after the founding of Santa Fe early in the seven-
teenth century, the word naturally soon lost its slight dialectic varia-
tions, the people becoming uniformly known as los Pecos and their
village as el pueblo de los Pecos.
The Clan System of Pecos
Those who are particularly interested in the Pecos clans should
consult the paper by Mr Hodge, previously cited. In 1902 I was
able to obtain satifactory evidence of but twelve clans, but Mr
Hodge, in 1895, learned of nineteen. It will be noticed that three
of the clans in my list do not appear in that of Mr Hodge, so that,
on good traditionary evidence, twenty-two Pecos clans are known
to have existed. Following is a list of the clans recorded by me ;
those marked with the asterisk are not in Mr Hodge's list.
Wa-kah, Cloud,
Pe, Sun,
Se-peh, Eagle,
Kyu-nu, Corn,
Wha-lu, Bear,
Shi-an-hti, Mountain Lion,
Wa-ha,* Squash,
Pah-kah-tah, Sand,
A-la-wah-ku,* Elk,
Al-lu,* Antelope,
Pe-dahl-lu, Wild Turkey,
Fwah, Fire.
The linguistic differences will probably be harmonized by fur-
ther comparison of the Jemez and Pecos dialects. While it is true
432 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
that these belong to the same linguistic stock, the differences are
greater than the writer had been led to expect. It is still possible,
through Agustin Pecos and Pablo Toya, to recover the Pecos lan-
guage — a work in which some student of Indian philology may
render a great service to science. The Pecos dialect was much
modified by the Tano, probably also by the Piro, tribes which are
now extinct, while Jemez tradition holds that their dialect grew out
of the Pecos in combination with their own Ta-tsa-a. As it is not
obvious that the Jemez dialect was modified by the small accession
from Pecos in 1838, the tradition points to a possible earlier and
greater accession from the Pecos tribe in prehistoric times. Evi-
dences of the prehistoric relations between Jemez and Pecos should
be sought in the Jemez ritual, which has as yet received but little
attention; and the clan history of Jemez should be investigated
with great persistence, for therein lies the key, when interpreted in
connection with archeologic evidence, to the story of ethnological
development in the Pecos and Rio Grande valleys.
Archeology of the Pecos Valley
Let us turn now to a consideration of certain archeological
conditions in the upper Pecos valley. Here our old traditionists at
Jemez are of great assistance in a corroborative way.
The ruins in Pecos territory may be grouped as follows :
Class I. — The great ruins of the pueblo of Old Pecos. These
are described in detail in the report by Bandelier, previously referred
to, and will not be redescribed here.
Class II. — Several ruins of smaller communal houses, of the
type shown in figure 9, containing from 200 to 300 rooms each, and
numerous contemporary ruins of similar construction but containing
only from ten to fifty rooms each. These latter were but one
story high and were not built around a court or plaza. The former
were two stories high and generally embraced the four sides of
a quadrangle. These remains are all older than those of Class I.
Class III. — Numerous rock shelters of a very primitive type
found throughout the valley wherever there are overhanging cliffs.
No description of these will be attempted in this paper.
The only ruins of Class I to be found within the Pecos territory
hewett] THE EXTINCT PUEBLO OF PECOS 433
are those of the well-known Old Pecos pueblo. At the time of the
coming of the Spaniards the entire tribe of Pecos was concentrated
at this one point. On this documentary,1 traditionary, and archeo-
logic evidences are all in accord.
From among the ruins of Class II, which are scattered over
Pecos territory from the north end of Canon de Pecos Grant to
Anton Chico, a distance of about forty miles, I have selected one,
the ancient pueblo of Ton-ch-un, for brief description.
Ton-ch-un lies about five miles southeast of Pecos pueblo and
about one mile from the Rio Pecos. The accompanying plan
(figure 9) should be accepted as only approximately correct.
Excavation will be necessary to lay bare the walls, which are in a
fairly good state of preservation to a height of six to eight feet,
though so obscured by debris as to be difficult to trace. This
building was almost 400 feet long and contained upward of 300
rooms. Sections A and B were two stories in height, and section
C was of one story. The detached sections D and E were one-
story structures and illustrate the plan of the numerous small
houses scattered over the valley, which are referred to above, and
which of late years are rapidly disappearing. No burial mounds
have been discovered at Ton-ch-un, and as yet I have obtained no
entire pieces of pottery therefrom. Enough large fragments have
been obtained, however, to indicate that excavation will yield what
is needed for study.
The traditions regarding Ton-ch-un are well preserved at Jemez.
This was the last outlying village in Pecos territory to be abandoned
as the process of concentration went on. It held out for many
years after the seven or eight other villages of nearly if not quite
equal size had given up the struggle and merged with the main ag-
gregation. These were not mere summer residences, but were
permanent habitations, each of which sheltered several clans for
several generations. Some of the small dwellings referred to
doubtless served as summer residences near the growing crops, but
on the other hand some of them were permanent clan homes.
The traditions indicate that the clan that lived on the Canon de
Pecos Grant and the first dwellers on the site of Pecos pueblo came
1 See Bandelier, Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos, op. cit. , p. 117.
434
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
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Fig. 9. — Ground-plan of the ruins of Ton-ch-un.
hewett] THE EXTINCT PUEBLO OF PECOS 435
from the north ; that those living in Ton-ch-un and the surrounding
group of dwellings entered the valley from the west and were of
the stock of Jemez ; while those living toward the southern end of
the territory of Pecos were said to have come from the direction of
the so-called Mesa Jumanes and the Manzano mountains. As the
traditions are vague, archeological evidence must be brought to
bear on this problem. Archeological work should be done among
the ruins in the valley first of all, and, for comparative study, any
excavations made in the " Gran Quivira " region, in the Rio Grande
valley, and about Jemez will be of interest. It is possible also that
both archeological and traditionary data bearing on the question
may be obtained at Picuris and Taos.
Concentration and Extinction
The area occupied by the Pecos tribe was small. It was em-
braced within the narrow confines of the Pecos valley, extending
from northwest to southeast for a distance of about forty miles, or
from the north end of the Canon de Pecos Grant, about five miles
above the ruins of Pecos pueblo, to the present Mexican settlement
of Anton Chico. Their territory nowhere exceeded ten miles in
width and had an average width of about five miles. Their boun-
dary was rather sharply fixed on all sides. At no place outside
of these boundaries have ruins indicating Pecos occupancy been
found, and the traditions verify this. Their situation was econom-
ically strong ; their land was productive, their water supply ample,
and their proximity to the buffalo country gave them articles of
commerce much in demand by the tribes farther west. During a
long period of peace they could not fail to prosper. But their geo-
graphical position was such as to afford no security after the arrival
of the predatory tribes. Their eastern frontier had no protection at
all from the nomadic robbers who found in them a desirable prey
because of their rather exceptional prosperity.
These depredations certainly began long before the coming of
the Spaniards, at a time when the population was distributed in
small communities over their entire territory, for the concentration
was entirely accomplished by the year 1 540. This concentration
movement was toward the north. The village at Pecos was the most
436 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
favorably situated of any in the valley for a tribal stronghold. To
this point the clans gradually fell back, Ton-ch-un being the last to
give way. The two great communal house clusters at Pecos were
enlarged from time to time as occasion necessitated. It is prob-
able that Agustin Pecos can localize the clans as they occupied the
two great house groups if he can be induced to visit the site with
some observer. At last the entire tribe was sheltered in the great
houses of the one community. Their village was walled and made
as nearly impregnable as possible, and there developed a tribe of
such strength as to be able to hold its own for some centuries. The
traditions of this period of Pecos history point to incessant strife
with the Comanches, who made their appearance in New Mexico
with the dawn of the eighteenth century.
The story of the decay of Pecos, which had its beginning after
the Pueblo revolt of 1680-92, has been told many times — best of
all by Bandelier. The traditions of the " great sickness " which
reduced the tribe to such desperate straits early in the nineteenth
century and finally led to the abandonment of the village, will
admit of some further investigation. It now seems probable that
this was a malady of frequent recurrence for many years, possibly
for half a century. An examination of the drainage of the pueblo
makes the cause of the epidemics quite evident. Of the two springs
used by the village, the one on the left bank of the arroyo and
which never failed, as the one on the right bank sometimes did, is
so situated as to receive the drainage of both the church cemetery
and the old communal burial mound. It is a singular fact that to
this day the Mexicans of the valley speak of this as the " Poisoned
Spring." As my party proceeded to Pecos to make camp in the
summer of 1899, we were warned by the Mexicans not to use the
water from the " Poisoned Spring."
The traditionists at Jemez agreed in stating that on the day of
leaving Pecos the tribe consisted of seven men (two of whom had
been away for some weeks), seven women, and three children.
They fix the date of abandonment almost beyond question by
declaring it to have been the year following the murder of Governor
Albino Perez. As that event occurred in August, 1837, the
extinction of Pecos may be definitely fixed at 1838.
hewett] THE EXTINCT PUEBLO OF PECOS 437
The Pecos Indians still make pilgrimages to their ancestral
home. The last occurred seven years ago, and the writer has a
letter from them dated October, 1903, stating that the Pecos
Indians wish to visit the old pueblo in August of this year and
asking the writer if he can help to secure them from molestation
when they go to visit and open their sacred cave. I do not know
the exact location of this cave, nor have I learned whether or not
the proposed visit has been consummated.
Conclusions
The most important result of the study of Pecos is, to my
mind, to be found not so much in what it adds to the history of one
Indian tribe, as in the light it sheds on the great problem of primi-
tive sociologic evolution in this highly important branch of our
aboriginal races, the Pueblo Indians. This study of a small area is
of but little value unless considered in connection with the larger
results of other investigators. The masterly work of Dr Fewkes
in Arizona marks an epoch in anthropological research in America.
To him every student of anthropology in the generations to come
must acknowledge profound obligation. Pecos is a "type" area.
The study of its problems must be the study of all Pueblo prob-
lems and the method employed must be susceptible of wider
application.
The writer here desires to propose, provisionally, for the use
of students of the Pueblos, the following analysis of their history,
founded on sociologic development and pointed out as a conclusion
derived from all previous investigations in southwestern ethnology.
It was proposed in my unpublished courses of university extension
lectures in 1899- 1900. I will enter upon no discussion of it here,
but at some future time hope to present a paper on the subject.
1. The Epoch of Concentration. — From the present day back
to the time of the concentration of clans for defensive purposes into
the great communal houses, made expedient by the arrival of the
nomadic, predatory tribes ; giving rise to a new system of social
relations ; leading to the formation of the present Pueblo languages
by composition from clan dialects ; the elaboration of the great
ritualistic ceremonies as a result of the integration of clan legends
438 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
and religious practices.1 The rivalry of clans at the beginning of
this epoch of integration was naturally a great stimulus to certain
activities. The supremacy of any clan in the organization would
depend largely on the extent to which it could apparently influence
supernatural powers by invocatory, propitiatory, or divinatory
methods, the exercise of these magic powers taking shape in ritual
and finding graphic expression in pictography. Thus the highest
development of the ceramic art, particularly its richest symbolic
ornamentation, is found in the ruins occupied by tribes in the early
stages of this epoch of concentration. The most elaborate of the
communal cliff-dwellings may belong to this epoch.
2. The Epoch of Diffusion. — A long epoch established by
voluminous archeologic and traditionary evidence, during which
small communities were distributed over the semi-desert areas ;
devoted to agriculture ; under matronymic social organization ;
dwelling in fairly substantial houses, yet somewhat migratory in
habits. The pottery of this epoch was quite strictly utilitarian,
never rich in symbolic ornament. The legends of the clans were
embodied in migration and creation myths. In one sense it was
an epoch of clan-making. The vast number of small communal
houses and countless single cliff-dwellings and cavate lodges prob-
ably belong to this epoch. It was characterized by the absence of
predatory enemies.
3. The Pretraditionary Epoch. — An obscure, archaic epoch of
semi -sedentary occupation, supported by no traditionary and scant
archeologic evidences, the principal remains of it known to the
writer being the many rock-sheltered sites in the Gallinas valley
below Las Vegas, many similar remains in the Pecos valley, par-
ticularly on the Canon de Pecos Grant, and the large number of
natural caves on the eastern base of the Jemez range in Pajarito
Park which seem to have sheltered a population far inferior in cul-
ture to the occupants of the cavate lodges proper and the rudimen-
tary communal houses ; in short, a people in the most primitive
stages of culture of which obvious evidences are found on the
American continent.
1 See Tusayan Migration Traditions, by J. Walter Fewkes ; Nineteenth Annual
Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 578.
hewett] THE EXTINCT PUEBLO OF PECOS 439
Appendix
A communication received from the Pecos Indians at Jemez
since the foregoing paper was put in type, conveys the information
that they made their pilgrimage to their ancestral home during the
last week in August and on opening their sacred cave " found every-
thing all right."
I am informed by them in the same letter that the list of Pecos
clans should include two more, namely, the Mor-bah or Parrot and
the Ha-ydh or Snake, neither of which was previously recorded by
either Mr Hodge or myself. They assert that all the Pecos clans
are now extinct excepting the Cloud, Sun, and Turquoise.
Agustin Pecos has also caused to be compiled for me a complete
census of the tribe at the time of leaving Pecos in 1838. I regard
it as rather a valuable record. The names are given in the Pecos
dialect, and in some cases I am in doubt as to pronunciation. In
such cases I have not marked the vowels.
Men Tye-con-wa-u
Se-hon-ba Shi-afi-kya-con-no
Zu-wa-ng Sun-ti-wa-u
Shi-to-ne Ma-ta
Wa-ng Ha-ya-sha
Gal-la Wa-u
Val-u Children
Hur-ba Se-sa-fwe-yah
Women Ta-at-qu
Po-va Da-lur
ABORIGINAL TREPHINING IN BOLIVIA1
By ADOLPH F. BANDELIER
While engaged in the investigation of Indian ruins in Bolivia,
for the American Museum of Natural History in New York, we
spent the greater part of the year 1895 on the island of Titicaca
and on the shores of the lake of that name. Up to this time, while
in Peru, we had not found any skulls showing marks of trephining,
and indeed had only heard of their existence in that country, but
the belief was expressed that they were also to be found in Bolivia.
During our excavations at a site called Kea Kollu Chico, on
Titicaca, we found, close together, in loose soil and without regu-
larity of interment, at least ten trephined crania, which are now
in the American Museum of Natural History. Subsequently we
found in other parts of Bolivia, but still within the range of the
Aymara Indians, sufficient specimens to increase the entire collec-
tion to sixty-five. As the total number of skulls collected by us is
nearly twelve hundred, it gives for those on which trephining had
been performed the proportion of about five percent.
These trephined crania were obtained by means of excavations
at various points within the department of La Paz. Most of them
came from the tableland, near Sicasica, south of the city of La Paz,
but others were obtained from the southeastern end of Lake Titi-
caca, from the peninsula of Huata, from the northern and southern
flanks of Illimani, and from the eastern slope of the cordillera, near
Pelechuco and Charassani. At the latter places but few were found,
for the reason that human remains are usually decayed beyond recov-
ery on account of moisture.
The trephined skulls sent to the Museum were investigated and
arranged by Dr Ales Hrdlicka, so that a description of them would
be superfluous. I desire, however, to allude to the present custom
of trephining among the Aymara Indians. The valuable memoir
1 Published by authority of the American Museum of Natural History, New York.
440
bandelier] ABORIGINAL TREPHINING IN BOLIVIA 44 1
by Drs Muniz and McGee2 furnishes many data on this interesting
custom among the ancient Quichua of Peru.
None of the sixty-five trephined crania mentioned above shows
quadrangular trephining by incision, as in the case of most of those
from Peru described and illustrated by Muniz and McGee. It may
be that the Aymara performed this same method of trephining, but
such did not come under our notice.
While at Umayo, near the northwestern shore of Lake Titicaca,
the administrator of the hacienda informed me that some twenty-
five years before he had known a man near Cuzco who had been
trephined for skull-fracture and who wore a piece of gourd inserted
in the orifice. I inferred from his conversation that both the oper-
ator and the man on whom the operation was performed were
Indians. This was the first intimation we received that trephining
was practised by Indians at the present time.
Inquiry among the Aymara of Bolivia convinced us that some
of them knew about trephining, but were unwilling to impart
any information concerning it. When we showed them perforated
crania, the usual remark was that they neither knew what it meant
nor how it was done. Medicine-men of high standing were some-
times numbered among our laborers, but they were seldom approach-
able, and in the rare cases, when it was possible to question them,
they invariably declared the trephined crania to be those of priests
and the perforation the result of tonsure. On the peninsula of
Huata, however, we were fortunate enough to find mestizos who
held intimate intercourse with the Indians and who gave us infor-
mation which was subsequently corroborated.
Trephining is today practised in Bolivia, and probably also in
the Peruvian sierra, by Indian medicine-men. The operation is
performed with any available cutting instrument, such as a sharp
pocket-knife or a chisel, and the process is one of incision and scrap-
ing. We heard of one case — that above mentioned — in which
the aperture, although irregular, was covered by a piece of gourd ;
but this, if true, would appear to be exceptional. The Indian lived,
and possibly still lives, about twelve miles north of La Paz.
2 Primitive Trephining in Peru, Sixteenth Rep't of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, 1894-95, pp. 3-72.
442 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Francisca Calderon, an Indian woman from the vicinity of Huata,
had her skull fractured in a fight and was trephined. The aperture
was about the temporal ridge, irregularly oblong, and had not been
closed ; the skin was sewed over it and she felt little discomfort
except after a debauch. The operation was performed, with simple,
well-sharpened pocket-knives, by a well-known Indian medicine-
man named Paloma. The woman said the operation was painful, but
beyond this she was uncommunicative ; she disappeared as soon as
possible and avoided us studiously thereafter. The Aymara Indian,
on all such matters, is very reticent toward foreigners, unless he
expects relief or assistance ; even then he gives only the most indis-
pensable information, and lies deliberately if he thinks some benefit
may accrue from it.
At the pueblo of Apolobamba, near the river Beni, in north-
eastern Bolivia, a mestizo of consideration named Gregorio Gamez
fractured his skull on the left side, above the temporal bone. An
amateur surgeon {aficionado) trephined him, Indian fashion, and the
aperture, which is oblong and irregular, was left open, only the skin
being sewed over it. The operation was performed with knives,
and Gamez asserted that little pain was felt after the periosteum had
been cut, and no inconvenience was experienced after the wound
had healed.
Everywhere we heard that trephining was not a " lost art "
among the Aymara Indians. It is still performed by the medicine-
men, and not infrequently, since fractures of the skull occur during
every one of the annual or semi-annual engagements fought between
neighboring communities and in the drunken brawls accompanying
their festivals. Why the operation is kept secret as far as possible
was not ascertainable, for no inconvenience results to the Indian dur-
ing the healing process so long as reasonable care is exercised.
The intimate connection, however, between Indian medicine and
witchcraft, and the belief in the reality of " malefice " among both
mestizos and Indians, are conducive to many crimes, very few of
which are ever punished.
That the medical faculty of Bolivia is not jealous of the Indian
shaman and does not look upon him as transgressing the law, is
shown by their treatment of the Aymara Indian Paloma. This
bandelier] ABORIGINAL TREPHINING IN BOLIVIA 443
individual died a few years prior to our visit to the peninsula of
Huata, so that our information is derived at second hand, but it
comes from sources that place it beyond doubt.
Paloma dwelt at or near the town of Hacha-cache, north of
La Paz and a short distance from the lake. He was a shaman or
medicine-man of the class called Kolliri, who practise Indian medi-
cine, or medical magic, as a special vocation along with the common
arts of husbandry or any menial work by which to gain a liveli-
hood. Paloma appears to have had a natural talent for surgery,
trephining with striking success although with the most ordinary
cutting tools. His fame extended beyond the limits of the province
of Omasuyos, of which Hacha-cache is the capital, and some of the
members of the medical faculty at La Paz, learning of his successful
operations with such clumsy implements, presented him with a box
of surgical instruments which, it is stated, he never used, preferring
his own primitive way. Whether this detail is true or not I am not
prepared to assert, but the fact of the gift has been repeatedly
affirmed and seems to be well established. He required and
accepted compensation like all medicine-men, when he thought he
could get it, but he also plied his professional vocation without pay.
Indians in straitened circumstances (and they always declare
themselves paupers when it is to their interest to do so) were
attended by him without charge. Paloma was a benefactor to his
community, since at his time physicians were almost unknown out-
side of La Paz. He acquired the art empirically and through train-
ing by other and older shamans, and made no secret of it. This
fact makes it the more singular that the Indians, without the least
cause for apprehension, so persistently deny acquaintance with the
process, and indeed the same reticence is manifested toward all
whites with respect to every phase of their life and activities ; their
simplest and most harmless actions and customs are concealed or
denied. This comes from a profound aversion to all whites, and
especially to foreigners. In early times Indian medicine-men were
sometimes persecuted, and not without reason, for many of their
practices are dangerous. In this connection I wish to state that
while I am far from believing in the possibility of direct results, evil
or good, from witchcraft, belief in it is by no means harmless.
444 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Those having faith in sorcerers are induced to crime, since, as they
believe in the supernatural power of witchcraft, they rely on it for
protection, hence regard crime with impunity.
We found no trace of trephining among the Indians at the
present time for any but external injuries, but it does not follow that
they use it only for the purpose of removing splinters of bone or for
relieving pressure on the brain. Among the trephined crania which
we disinterred from the burial places there are some that do not
show any indication of lesion ; there are also specimens that exhibit
two to four perforations, some of them quite small. The theory
has been advanced that trephining was a ceremonial operation, and
it has even been suggested that it was performed as a punishment
for crime. I believe the latter interpretation to be scarcely worthy
of serious attention ; but the hypothesis that it contained a religious
element is not to be discarded entirely, for in cases where a tre-
phined skull exhibits no lesion whatever, the operation was doubt-
less performed for other than an external cause. The Indian attrib-
utes every disease to spiritual influence, from the moment it resists
ordinary remedies, and even in cases in which the cause is absolutely
unquestioned he suspects the interference of higher powers.
This fact came forcibly to our notice on one occasion while on
Titicaca island, when my wife hurt herself against a stone. The
shaman whom I had taken care to assign as her assistant, so that
she might observe him and glean such information as might be
possible, told her to eat a small piece of the stone, lest it injure her
again. Indians, like other mortals, suffer from pain in the head ;
when the pain becomes persistent, suspicion of evil powers dwelling
within the cranium, or of some evil substance smuggled inside of it
through sorcery, naturally follows. In such cases, after all other
charms have proved ineffectual, the final resort is to perforate the
skull and let the evil out. This is a religious act, and trephining in
such cases is accompanied by ceremonies, which are as yet unknown
to us. There is abundant evidence that the existence of foreign
bodies in our organism is believed by the Bolivian Indians to be the
cause of many diseases, and the callahuayas or peddling shamans
of Curva, near Charassani, are known to make a lucrative industry
of the trick of " extracting" these fancied germs of disease. Suck-
bandelier] ABORIGINAL TREPHINING IN BOLIVIA 445
ing of parts of the body afflicted with pain or ulceration is common
among the Aymara and Quichua, as among other Indian tribes.
We know of an instance in which two medicine-men, near Huata,
drew the pus from a syphilitic tumor by means of their lips,
and the only precaution taken by them was to rinse their mouths
with alcohol before and after the process. Another case known to
us is that of two callahuayas who pretended to expel live toads
from the body of a man suffering from chronic dysentery, and pro-
duced the reptiles in testimony of the cure ; but the division of spoils
caused such a lively broil between the impostors that the trick was
exposed. However, the impression which the performance created
on the patient's mind, combined with the violent internal remedies
used, effected a complete cure. Where such a belief is so deeply
rooted, it would not be strange if the same people had opened
skulls of those suffering from tumors or from chronic headache, in
order to drive out the evil spirit believed to be responsible for the
ailment.
The Indians have no anesthetics, properly so called, but the
constant use (or I might say abuse) of coca creates insensibility.
The plant is always applied by them to wounds, bruises, and con-
tusions, and it certainly tends to deaden pain, if not to eliminate it.
In this manner the Indians unconsciously employ an anesthetic,
although they believe only in its healing qualities.
As to the implements used in trephining before the introduction
of iron, we have no positive knowledge. At the ruins of Chujun
Paki, near Huata, my wife obtained from a cyst a fragment of skull
which had been trephined, and close to it was a small, rude bowl
containing two fragments of chipped obsidian with very sharp edges.
From the coast at Arica we procured a lancet consisting of a sharp
obsidian point inserted in a wooden handle, the point resembling
the extreme tip of an arrowhead. While investigating the ruins at
Ezcupa, near Pelechuco, in northern Bolivia, on the eastern slope of
the Andes, one of our men complained of a strained knee. Our
principal laborer at that time was a Quichua medicine-man ; he at
once broke a bottle in which he had carried alcohol for the offering
(without which no excavation, it is thought, can be successful), and
from the sharpest fragment made a lancet, with which he bled the
AM. ANTH., N. S., 6. — 29
446 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 190
painful spot. There were knives at hand, sufficiently sharp for the
purpose, yet the Indian refused to use anything but the glass, which,
as it resembled obsidian, he may have preferred on that account.
The primary cause of the invention of trephining by the moun-
tain tribes of Peru and Bolivia may be looked for in the character
of their weapons, which are mostly blunt, for crushing and breaking ;
hence they had to deal almost exclusively with fractures. The an-
cient missiles were and still are the sling-stone and the bola or lliui,
but at close quarters a club of stone or of metal war chiefly used.
Spears were carried by the Incas of Cuzco as well as by those of
the coast, but their use was not general. A fracture of the skull
sometimes resulted in almost instant death, but on the other hand
many survived wounds of this sort, at least for a time, and an attempt
to remove splinters of bone that pricked the brain, or to cut out
fragments that pressed upon it, must have been early regarded as a
natural procedure. From such operations on external injuries to
similar ones for internal maladies the step was comparatively short.
In closing this brief paper I may say that the Aymara Indians
of the province of Pacajes, on the western slope of the Cor-
dillera in northwestern Bolivia, were among the few tribes that, in
their primitive condition, used bows and arrows. They also em-
ployed lancets of flint for bleeding. The Aymara language contains
the terms llisa, " white flint," and chillisaa kala, " black flint," or ob-
sidian. The latter material was especially used for shearing the llama,
and there is every likelihood that where obsidian was obtainable,
implements made from it were employed in many cases for trephin-
ing. The Jesuit Bernabe Cobo, who wrote in the first half of the
seventeenth century, and who had considerable practical acquain-
tance with the Indian tribes of the Peruvian and Bolivian mountains,
mentions the custom of bleeding with "very sharp points of flint"
and that in very serious cases the shamans placed the patient in a
room by himself, "and the sorcerers did as if they would open him
by the middle of the body with knives of crystalline stone, and
they took out of his abdomen snakes, toads, and other repulsive
objects."
It is a source of surprise to me that thus far I have not been
able to find any mention of trephining in the early sources.
NUMERAL SYSTEMS OF THE COSTA RICAN INDIANS
By H. PITTIER DE FABREGA
In the Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology there appears an extensive memoir on the "Numeral
Systems of Mexico and Central America," by Dr Cyrus Thomas.
This work contains many facts and interesting suggestions, and it
may be regarded as exhaustive in so far as it relates to the numeral
systems of Mexico and the adjacent parts of Central America. We
regret, however, to find several errors, some of which would indi-
cate that the author was not familiar with all the literature pertain-
ing to the languages of southern Central America.
In the present paper I desire to offer what I hope will prove to
be a better explanation of the numeral systems of the several Costa
Rican tribes ; but first I wish to call attention to a few points in Dr
Thomas's memoir. On page 882, we read : " The four following
lists are from R. F. Guardia {Lenguas indigenas Cent. Am. Siglo,
pages 101 and no). The tribes are classed with the Chibcha
group, a South American stock, but are, or were, located in Guate-
mala and Porto Rico." Then follow the lists, which include three
Costa Rican languages and the Lean y Mulia. As the Cabecara,
Viceyta, and Lean y Mulia appear under the same head, it will be
natural for the casual reader to regard them as belonging to a
single stock. But I do not see how such an investigator as Dr
Thomas, who may be considered an authority on the distribution of
the languages and tribes of Central America, could overlook the
identity of the Lean y Mulia numerals with those of the Jicaque de
Yoro (Honduras), published on page 915 of his memoir :
1
2
3
4
5
pani
pani
fnatiaa
mata
contias
condo
chiquitia
diurupana
cumasopni
comasopeni
etc.
etc.
447
448 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
A comparison of the vocabularies published by Fernandez y
Ferraz and Membreno ! illustrates better still the identity, so that it
is easy to understand that the Lean y Mulia were families of the
Jicaque stock and were placed next to our two Costa Rican lan-
guages simply because the monk who understood these was also
acquainted with the first ones. The Jicaque stock is situated in
Honduras and not in Guatemala or " Porto Rico," as Costa Rica is
called in Dr Thomas's paper.
On page 914 are found the numerals of the " Morenos" of Hon-
duras. As explained by Membreno in his Hondurenismos (p. 193
et seq.), the Morenos are Caribs, brought to the mainland from the
island of St Vincent, and their numerals are intermixed with French,
not with Spanish as Dr Thomas asserts.
Moreno
French
Spanish
4
gadri
quatre
cuatro
5
senc
cinq
cinco
6
sis
six
seis
7
set
sept
siete
8
vit
huit
ocho
9
nef
neuf
nueve
10
dis
dix
diez
1 fear, moreover, that the cinca of the Sumos, and especially the
aunqui of the Payas, have nothing to do with the Spanish cinco,
notwithstanding their apparent likeness.
Now, to return to the numeral systems of Costa Rica, I would
first state that Dr Thomas seems to have overlooked the two very
important publications of Thiel 2 and Gabb,3 and also the essays of
Gagini and Pittier.* The first two are fundamental to the study of
Bribri, or Viceyta, and to that of several other dialects ; and in the
Alberto Membreno, Hondurefiismos : Vocabulario de los provincialismos de Hon-
duras, 2a edicion, Tegucigalpa, 1897.
2 Dr Bernardo Augusto Thiel, Apuntes lexicograficos de las lenguas y diakctos de los
Indios de Costa Rica, San Jose de Costa Rica, 1882.
a Williams M. Gabb, On the Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica, Proceed-
ings Amer. Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1875.
* H. Pittier and C. Gagini, Ensayo lexicogrdfico sobre la lengua de Terraba, San
Jose de Costa Rica, 1892. H. Pittier de Fabrega, Die Sprache der Bribri Indianer in
Costa Rica, herausgegeben und mit einer Vorrede versehen von Dr. Friedrich Miiller.
Mit einer Karte. Wien, 1898.
pittier]
NUMERALS OF COSTA RICAN INDIANS
449
latter the numeral systems are explained at length, at least for the
Bribri and Terraba. In recent years I have been enabled to make
a partial investigation of most of the other native languages still
spoken in Costa Rica, the results of which, in relation to the numer-
als, I shall here endeavor to give.
i. BRIBRI
As already shown by Gabb, the Bribri have six distinct modes
of counting, dependent on the shape or nature of the objects to be
counted. In explanation of these methods, it will suffice to repro-
duce the examples given in my Sprache der Bribri:
Bribri Modes of Counting
(at) For People
Se ekur
i
person
(lit.
us one, or our one)
se buur
2
persons
se mnor
3
it
se kur
4
11
se sker
5
a
se terul
6
it
se kuur
7
tt
se pagul
8
it
se suri-tu
9
it
se ddbop
IO
it
se dabop ki ekur
ii
it
(lit.
ten upon one)
se dabop ki buur
12
it
se debop bau djuk
20
<«
(lit.
to do two, or twice ten)
se debop buu djuk ki ekur
21
a
se debop mna djuk
3°
it
se debop kie djuk
40
it
se debop ske djuk
5°
tt
se debop ker djuk
60
tt
se debop kuur djuk
70
it
se debop par djuk
80
tt
se debop suri-tu
90
tt
se debop djuk debop
100
it
(lit.
to do ten times ten)
In this case the expression corresponding to the number is pre-
ceded by the pronoun se, we, us ; Se ekur, se buur, etc., should be
translated ' one of us,' ' two of us,' etc.
45o
AMERICAN ANTHR OPOL 0 GIS T
[n. s., 6, 1904
(£) Round Objects
dx ek 1 orange
dx buuk 2 oranges
dx mnor 3 "
and so on, as for people. Here, as in every other case, the name
of the objects to be counted precedes the numeral, and the only
distinguishing feature is a slight variation in the form of the latter.
(r) Small Animals
du etk
du butk
du mnatk
du kir
1 bird
2 birds
3 "
4 "
and so on. Same observations as for round objects.
(d) Long Objects and Large Animals
stsa e-tub 1 rope
stsa bu-tub 2 ropes
stsa mna-tub 3 "
stsa kl-tub 4 "
stsa ske-tub 5 "
stsa tek-tub 6 "
stsa tuk-tub 7 "
stsapak-tub 8 "
stsa suri-tub 9 "
stsa d'ebop-tub 10 "
stsa d'ebop kl e-tub 11 ' '
The numeral is followed by the particle tub, the meaning of
which I have not as yet been able to ascertain.
to
Trees and Plants
tsiru ire kar
1
cacao
tree
tsiru bur kar
2
cacao
trees
tsiru mnor kar
3
tsiru kir kar
4
tsiru sker kar
5
tsiru t'erul kar
6
tsiru kur kar
7
tsiru pagur kar
8
pittier]
NUMERALS OF COSTA RICAN INDIANS
451
tsiru suri-tu kar
tsirii deb op kar
tsirii debop ki er-kar
9 cacao trees
10 " "
11 "
and so on, as for the first series. In counting trees, the name of the
special tree (here tsirii, cacao) precedes the numeral, which is fol-
lowed by the generic name kar, tree.
hu etk ue
hit butk ue
hit rniiatk ue
hit kir ue
hit sker ue
hit terurue
hit kur uk
hit pdgur ue
hit suri-tu ue
hit debop ue
hit debop ki etk ue
(/) Houses
1 house
2 houses
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
and so on. The mode of counting houses is analogous to that for
trees, except that the suffix is ue.
2. CABkCARA
In the Cabecara language the first five numerals are e-kra, boor,
menar, kir, and sker, with the following variations :
e-tka hit tre
boor hu tre
gsa djuri e-tba
gsa djuri bo-tbu
gsa djuri mna tbit
gsa djuri tki-tbii
gsa djuri sker-tbii
tsirii -kurii er-ka-ri
tsiru-kurit bor-ka-ri
1 house
2 houses, etc.
1 rope
2 ropes
3 "
4 "
5 "
1 cacao tree
2 cacao trees, etc.
For people, round objects, and birds or other small animals, the
Cabecara use the ordinary numerals, preceded by the name of the
452 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
object counted and without a suffix. The Cabecara have also
ordinal numbers, as follows :
i-se-ketu first
i-tu-ki second
i-b'e-ta third
i-xa-na fourth
In comparing the four dialects of the Cabecara language, a few
slight variations are observed. The examples given are from the
Coen dialect, which I have studied at length. One and two, e-kra
and bo-or, remain the same ; menar differs only in its terminal vowel
being more or less open, i. e., it passes gradually through a, a, and o.
Kir takes a b initial in the Chirripo and Tucurrique dialects (e-kir),
and sometimes a t (t-kir-i) in Cabecara. In Chirripo, sker, five,
becomes skun-gre.
The Tucurrique count only to five in their language, and thence
onward employ the Spanish numerals. For numerals six to nine
the Coen repeat the count from one to five, adding the prefix ki,
* upon ': ki-e-kra upon one, ki-boor upon two, etc. The Estrella and
Chirripo have special terms, viz., ter-lu or ter-e-re six, kur seven, pa-
gr eight, tene-gre nine. In the four dialects ten is de-bop or de-bom,
and none of them seems to extend beyond this. On asking a Cabe-
cara why he did not count like the Estrella people, he answered,
"Because this is the only right way," and at the same time put
his left thumb against his right thumb and said, "ki-e-kra" ; then
he placed his left index against his right index and said, "ki-
boor" etc.
3. TERRABA
The Terraba language seems in many ways to have been sys-
tematized, probably at the instance of Franciscan missionaries. For
example, there are two definite series of numerals, characterized by
the prefixes krb and kub, the first of which is employed in counting
long objects, the other in counting rounded ones. In fact, krb
means 'tree,' and kub 'round.' The Bruran people can count up
to one thousand, although I doubt whether there is among them
any one who can conceive such a quantity.
1 . kua-rd kra-rd
2. kiiil-bu kru-bu
pittier] NUMERALS OF COSTA RICAN INDIANS 453
3. kuo-mid kro-mid
4. kuo-bkin kro-bkin
5. kuo-xkin kro-xkin
6. kuo-terre kro-terre
7. kuo-kok kro-kok
8. kuo-kuong kro-kuong
9. kuo-xkup kro-xkup O = French eu)
10. kuo-rubbp kro-rbbp
Ten is also sak-kuard, and this term is used in forming the
numerals from n to 19.
11. sak kua-rd kinxb kua-rd sak kua-rd kinxb kra-rd
12. sak kua-rd kuu-bu sak kua-rd kru-bu
13. sak kua-rd kuo-mid sak kua-rd kro-mid.
20. sak puk
21. _$•«£ /«£ kinxb kua-rd sak puk kinxb kra-rd
22. sak puk kinxb kuu-bu sak puk kinxb kru-bu
30. sak mi a
31. jtf/£ w/tf kinxb kua-rd (etc.)
40. .$•#/ kin
50. J£y£ .*&«
60. sak t'erre
70. j-a^ &?£
80. sak kuong
90. .$•#/£ xkop
100. •$•#,£ debop
101. .?#/£ debop kinxb kua-rd
1 10. i-^^ debop kinxb sak kua-rd
120. sak debop kinxb sak puk
130. .$•#/£ </,?&?/> kinxb sak mia
200. x#,£ */<f&7^ y£rz>z kuu-bu
210. j-0/£ <#&^> £>-/« kuu-bu kinxb sak kua-rd
300. .$•#/£ </«?<^ £>7# kuo-mia
400. xaX' debop krin kuo-bkin
1000. j-#/£ debop krin kuo-ru bop.
Sak or as/ means the fingers, that is, the ten fingers of both
hands. One finger is sapkub ; ten, or sak-kua-rd, means the (ten)
fingers once. In sak-puk, twenty, or twice ten, we find the Tirub
puk or pug, instead of bit. In counting the whole series of numbers,
I.
fra-da
2.
pug-da
3-
ftiia-re
454 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
the tens are not expressed, i. e., 11 is kin-xb kua-rd or kin-xb kra-rd,
16 is kin-xo kuo-terre or kin-xb kro-terre ; and similarly 21, 31, or
26, 36, etc. But an isolated number must express itself completely :
hu sak-mia kin-xo kua-rd, 3 1 houses, etc.
4. TIRUB
The Tirub, on the headwaters of Tararia river, are partly the
ancestors of the Terraba of Diquis valley. They seem to count up
to seven only :
4. b-keng-de
5. x-keng-de
6. ter-de
7. ko-gu-de
But their language has not yet been thoroughly investigated, and
further research may bring to light a more comprehensive numeral
system.
5. BRUNKA
The Brunka Indians certainly do not count beyond eight, and
this is much the more to be wondered at, inasmuch as they are by far
the most intellectual and civilized of all the Costa Rican aborigines.
Their numerals are :
1. ee-tse 5. kxi-xkang
2. book 6. tex-hang
3. ma-ang 7. kuu qkti
4. ba-qkang 8. ut-ang
Beyond eight they employ the Spanish numerals.
6. GUATUSO
The numeral system of the Guatusos is still more poverty-
stricken, extending only to five ; but they have also a word for ten,
the root of which evidently means two :
1. doo-ka 4. po-qudi
2. ppdn-gi 5. o-ti-ni
3. pob-se 10. pa-un-ka
THE COSTA RICAN LANGUAGES IN GENERAL
In 1898, not having knowledge at that time of Dr Adolf Uhle's
paper, presented ten years before, on the relations and migrations
pittier] NUMERALS OF COSTA RICAN INDIANS 455
of the Chibcha,1 1 appended to my grammar of the Bribri 2 the follow-
ing conclusions, the result of personal investigations on the subject :
(i) With but few and possibly casual exceptions there is no
close connection between the languages of Costa Rica and those
formerly spoken northward from that country.
(2) San Juan river and Lake Nicaragua form the true ethnic
boundary between Central America and South America, excepting
about the western slope, where northern migrations penetrated as
far as the peninsula of Nicoya.
(3) The Costa Rican languages undoubtedly bear closest re-
semblance to those spoken toward the southeast, in Chiriqui and
Veragua, and analogy can be traced to the Cuna, Chibcha, Tule,
and the languages of more distant tribes in the northern part of
South America.
(4) The Nicaragua depression forms a chorographic limit to the
dispersion of the two great ethnic groups of Central America as well
as to the distribution of plants and animals.
A further study of the subject has satisfied me that the second
and fourth of these conclusions are too absolute in their assertion,
since it has been found that the southern migration has gone beyond
the San Juan river as far as Honduras, in the same way that, on the
western side, the Chorotegas have penetrated far beyond the lake
of Granada, to the end of the peninsula of Nicoya. For there is no
doubt that the Ramas and Sumos of Nicaragua and the Payas of
Honduras belong to the same linguistic stock as the Costa Rican
Indians, as a comparison of the numerals in the table which follows
quite clearly shows.
In 1888 Dr Uhle endeavored to prove the existence of a paren-
tal bond between the Isthmian Indians and the Chibcha, by com-
paring their numerals and an extended series of selected words.
But at that time he did not have at his disposal very complete data
on the languages of the former, so that a repetition of the experi-
ment will give results far more conclusive.
An examination of the Guaymi and Dorasque dialects will show
1 Adolf Uhle, Verwandtschaften und Wanderungen der Tschibtscha ( Compte-Rendu
du Congris International des Americanistcs, 7e session, Berlin, 1888, pub. Berlin, 1890).
2Loc. cit., p. 51,
456
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[N. s., 6, 1904
at once their analogy with the Terraba ; they have the prefixes kuo
and kra, more or less altered ; and similar lexical devices are trace-
able in the Cuna and even in the Chibcha. In order to facilitate
these comparisons, the first thing to be done is to eliminate the
affixes, so as to have before us the numerical expressions only.
Also, in the cases where there are several variations of a single
idiom, the simplest root should be chosen as a standard. We have
taken into account these details in forming the following tables, in
which are compared the numerals of all the Central American tribes
that may possibly belong to a single linguistic stock :
Comparison of Numerals in Central American Languages
1
2
3
4
Chibcha
at-a
bo-za
mi-(ka)
mui-hi-(ka)
Cuna
(kuen)-tai-ke
po-kua
pa-(gua)
pa-ke-i^gud)
Dorasque
ku-e
mat
', mc
1 mas, bak
pa-ki, pa-ka
Guaymi
ti, da
bu
mo
bo-ko
Terraba
ra
bu
mia
b-kin
Tirub
ra
pug
mia
b-keng
Cabecara
ek
be
me-nar
b-kir
Bribri
ek, et
bu
me-nar
kir
Brunka
et
bo
ma-ang
ba-qkang
Guatuso
dob-ka
pan
\
pob-se
po-qai
Rama
sai-ming
puk
patig-(sak) kun-kun
Sumo
as
bo,
bu
bas
arun-ka
Paya
as
pok
ma-i
ka
5
6
7
Chibcha
hiz-(kd)
ta
ku-kup(ka)
Cuna
a-ta-le
ner-
•kua
ku-(b/e-ge)
Dorasque
ma-le
pa-ka, ta-ka
Guaymi
ri-ge
ti
ku-gu
Terraba
x-kin
ferre
kok
Tirub
x-keng
ter
ko-gu
Cabecara
s-ker
ter,
ted
kur
Bribri
s-ker
ter
kur
Brunka
xki-xkang
tex
■hang
ku-u-qku
Guatuso
o-ti-ni
Rama
kuik-as-tar
Sumo
cin-ka
Paya
aun-ki
se-
ra
ta-ud
pittier] NUMERALS OF COSTA RICAN INDIANS 457
Chibcha
Cuna
8
sii-hu(za)
pa-ba-ka
9
a-ka
pa-ke-ba-ge
10
ub-chi-hi-ka
am-be-gi
Dorasque
Guaymi
Terraba
kub
kubn
kon-kon, e,kon
xkup
jb-to
s-bop
Tirub
Cabecara
Bribri
pa-gre
pa-gul
te-ne-gre
su-ri-ti
de-bom, do-i
d'ebop
Brunka
Guatuso
ut-ang
pa-un-ka l
Rama
Sumo
Paya
o-ua
tax
sa-lap
u-ka
Modes of Counting
It is not for me to decide whether the. variation according to the
class of the objects to be counted, observed in the numerals of sev-
eral of the languages referred to in this paper, is a peculiar and
original feature of these languages, or whether it has been trans-
mitted from a more highly developed linguistic system. With
reference to the use of the fingers in primitive numeration and to
the origin of the words expressing numbers, I may be allowed to
mention that the Costa Rican Indians have a double mode of
counting, i. e., they use their fingers in current oral computa-
tions, and grains of corn whenever they wish to keep a record of
of any number. In my expeditions across the southern part of the
country, my men used grains of corn to keep an account of their
days of labor ; and in Talamanca, a Bribri, who had collected beetles
and land shells for me at the rate of ten for five cents, presented me
with a number of grains corresponding to the groups of ten collected.
The custom of counting by means of seeds was transmitted from
the aborigines to the Spanish invaders, but instead of corn they used
cacao beans, and these even acquired sometimes a monetary value.
A popular expression still in vogue in Costa Rica, in speaking of a
worthless thing, is "No vale dos cacaos" ; that is to say, " It is not
worth two cacao beans."
1 Pa, pan is two in Guatuso, aun-ki is five in Paya. It is not unlikely then, that,
given the relation between the two languages, pa-unka is " two-five."
458 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Now, the numeral expressions bear a well-defined correlation
with the custom just described. In Bribri, i-kuo means a grain of
corn, and e-kra means one (originally, without doubt, to count long
things, e-kiw having fallen into disuse ; compare the Terraba numer-
als). In Brunka e-e-tsi and e-e-tse have the same relative significa-
tion, and the as (= one) of the Sumos and Payas is found to corre-
spond again with corn in as-ka, a corn-field. This seems to indicate
that several, if not all, of the tribes of southern Central America
counted by means of grains of corn, one grain finally becoming the
symbol of unity.
IROQUOIS IN NORTHWESTERN CANADA
By ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN
The primitive home of the Iroquoian stock was, according to
Brinton,1 " in the district between the lower St Lawrence and Hud-
son bay." Their historical area, exclusive of the Cherokee offshoot
and cognate tribes in the Virginia-Carolina country (with its Hin-
terland), is represented on the Powell linguistic map by an irregular
triangular extension from a point about two-thirds the distance
between the mouths of the Ottawa and the Saguenay, the base-line
of which runs from the head of Chesapeake bay to central Ohio
and southern Michigan. The lines of the excursions and forays of
the Iroquois outside this area led to St John's river in New Bruns-
wick, to the interior of Massachusetts and parts of Maine in New
England, far into the Ohio-Mississippi valley and along the north-
ern shore of Lake Huron, whither they went in pursuit of the
Ojibwa and other tribes.
Besides these warlike expeditions, the energy and spirit of ad-
venture of the Iroquois have asserted themselves in other and more
peaceful directions. Their intelligence and their ability as canoe-
men led the whites who had to do with the fur-trade and the ex-
ploration of the far west to employ them both in private enter-
prises and as servants of the great corporations. The Hudson Bay
Company, the Northwestern Fur Company, etc., had from time to
time many Iroquois Indians in their service. In the " Liste des
'bourgeois,' commis, engages, et ' voyageurs ' de la Compagnie du
Nord-Ouest, apres la fusion de 1804," we find Simon Allen, an Iro-
quois, set down as contremaitre for the department of Athabasca river ;
and as simple voyageurs, " Paul Cheney-e-choe, Iroquois," " Ignace
Nouwanionter, Iroquois," and "Jacques Ouiter Tisato, Mohawk."2
The departments farther east show also a few Iroquois names.
1 The American Race, N. Y., 189 1, p. 81.
2 Masson, Recits de voyages, lettres et rapports inedits relatifs au Nord- Ouest cana-
dien, ie ser., Quebec, 1889, pp. 395-413.
459
460 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
The Iroquois canoemen in the service of the Hudson Bay Com-
pany are reputed to have been the most expert in the country, and
many stories are told of their skill and spirit of adventure. Sir
George Simpson, a famous governor of the Hudson Bay Com-
pany, after whom Fort Simpson was originally named, used to
make an annual trip from Montreal {via the Ottawa, Lake Nipissing,
Lake Superior, Lake of the Woods, and Winnipeg river) to the
end of Lake Winnipeg in a birch-bark canoe, paddled by Iroquois.
Says Rev. E. R. Young :l " His famous Iroquois crew are still talked
about, and marvellous are the stories in circulation about many a
northern camp-fire of their endurance and skill." And again :
" There are hundreds of people still living who distinctly remember
when the annual trips of a great governor were made from Montreal
to Winnipeg in a birch-bark canoe, manned by Indians."
Harmon,2 under date of June 22, 1800, mentions encountering
near Rainy Lake Fort, west of Lake Superior, " three canoes,
manned by Iroquois, who are going into the vicinity of Upper
Red River to hunt beaver, for the North West Company. Some
of them have their families with them." One of Harmon's men,
"an Iroquois," died Oct. 22, 1903, at Alexandria, near the source
of Upper Red River, west of Lake Winnipeg.
Father Petitot3 pays tribute to the services of the Iroquois of
the Sault St Louis (Caughnawaga) as canoemen, guides, carriers,
and voyageurs in the service of the Hudson Bay Company, — "they
followed Franklin, Richardson, and Back to the Polar Sea." In
the first years of his residence in far northwestern Canada, Petitot
met with several of these expatriated Iroquois in the pay d 'en haul,
as the popular Canadian-French term for this region runs. In an-
other place Petitot briefly relates the fatality which, in the old days,
overtook a large canoe, manned by Iroquois at the great rapids
of the Noyes on the Slave river, in consequence of the foolhardiness
of the commis in charge. It is from this catastrophe that the rapid
got its name of "Rapids of the Drowned."
1 By Canoe and Dog-train among the Cree and Salteaux Indians, Toronto, 1890,
P- 75-
2 Journals, new ed., N. Y., 1903, p. 19.
3 En route pour la Mer glaciate, 2e ed., pp. 53, 3 1 1.
chamberlain] IROQUOIS IN NORTHWESTERN CANADA 46 1
Major Chadwick,1 in his sketch of the Iroquois, mentions
'"Michel's Reserve,' near Edmonton, in Alberta, 40 square miles,"
on which are situated 82 "Indians" of this stock. The existence
of these Iroquois so far beyond the normal limits of their people
has apparently been overlooked altogether by ethnologists. They
are not noticed under the rubric of the Iroquoian family in Major
J. W. Powell's " Indian linguistic families of America, north of
Mexico.2 Just as these lines are being written, however, there
appears a note on the subject by Mr James Gibbons,3 Indian agent
at Edmonton, under date of November 24, 1903. From this we
learn that "the members of Michel's band are the children and
grandchildren of two brothers, Michel and Baptiste, who came
originally from near Montreal (probably from Caughnawaga)."
According to Michel Callihoo (i. e., Garheyo, " Fine Forest"), who
is now more than seventy years of age, his father went to the North
West " at least a hundred years ago." The party of Iroquois who
went with him are said to have numbered about 40 (all males, no
women venturing with them), and they entered the service of the
Hudson Bay Company and other fur companies, Michel's father
becoming a boatman in the pay of the Hudson Bay people.
It appears that some of the more adventurous ones made their
way out on the plains, where eighteen were killed in a fight with
the Blackfeet. After this, Mr Gibbons says, " the majority appear
to have gone up to the Jasper Pass country, and though I hear of
them occasionally, they are outside my field of enquiry." It is
probable that some of those who went into the Jasper Pass region
were the Iroquois referred to by Father Morice as having been
killed by the Carrier Indians of British Columbia " some 60 or 70
years ago " (from 1889), for the sake of their canoes.
The father of Michel married a French metisse, and he and his
brother alone are said to have left descendants in Alberta. Of
these Mr Gibbons gives the following account : Thirteen families,
numbering sixty-six individuals, can trace descent from one or other
of these brothers, and, as no women came with the original immi-
1 The People of the Long House, Toronto, 1897, pp. 124-125.
* Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. EthnoL, 1885-' 86, Washington, 1891, pp. 76-81.
3 Iroquois in the North West Territories, Annual Archaeological Report for 1903, pp.
AM. ANTH , N. S., 6 — 30
462 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
grants, it is obvious that the Iroquois blood in this generation is
attenuated to the vanishing point. They have lost their language,
and, if they retain any tribal characteristics, they have become so
feeble that the ordinary observer of Indian manners is unable to
discern them. In appearance, habits, and social status, they are
indistinguishable from the half-breeds of the country.
The Iroquois community of the Jasper Pass is evidently the one
referred to by Dr V. Havard,1 in his account of " The French Half-
breeds of the Northwest," in which he states that " where the Sas-
katchewan issues from the Rocky mountains are a small number of
Iroquois metis ." Their settlement in the Rocky mountains he re-
gards as " a striking illustration of the roaming propensity of savages."
Mackenzie 2 mentions these Iroquois as follows : " A small col-
ony of Iroquois emigrated to the banks of the Saskatchiwine, in
1 799, who had been brought up from their infancy under the Romish
missionaries, and instructed by them at a village within nine miles
of Montreal."
This little group of Iroquois may have exerted an influence
even beyond the Rocky mountains. Father Morice,3 in his detailed
account of the Western Denes, describes and figures " a Tse'kehne
cross-bow of modern manufacture," which " does duty against small
game, or for target practice, and is also used by children as a play-
thing." Although the old men of the tribe now living state that
such weapons have always been in use, Father Morice remarks : " I
cannot believe that cross-bows were known to the original Tse'-
kehne. It is much more probable that they have been derived from
the band of Iroquois established in close proximity to the territory
of the Beaver Indians."
Elsewhere the same authority 4 ascribes another factor in Dene
culture to the Iroquois. In the beginning of the nineteenth century
the Carrier Denes used only birch-bark canoes, — " ' dug-outs ' are
a recent importation from the east." Says Father Morice : " Some
sixty or seventy years ago, a party of Iroquois, having crossed the
1 Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1879, Washington, 1880, p. 318.
2 Voyages, new ed., N. Y., 1903, vol. II, p. 345.
3 Trans. Canadian Inst., Toronto, 1894, IV, pp. 59-60.
4 Proc. Canadian Inst., 1889, 3d ser., vol. VII, p. 131.
pittier] NUMERALS OF COSTA RICAN INDIANS 463
Rocky mountains, reached Lake Tatlh'a in two wooden canoes
which at once excited the curiosity and covetousness of a band of
Carriers, who killed the strangers for the sake of their canoes.
These having been brought here (Stuart's Lake) served as models
for the building of the first home-made 'dug-outs.' "
Writing in 1871, Mr C. S. Jones,1 United States Indian Agent
at the Flathead agency, Jocko reserve, Montana, attributes to
Iroquois from Canada the stimulating of the Flathead Indians to
send to St Louis in 1839 the deputation whose visit resulted in the
coming to their country of Father de Smet, the famous missionary,
who labored so well among the Indians of Idaho, Montana, and
British Columbia — Kootenay, Flatheads, and others. According
to Mr Jones, " nearly forty years since [about 1830] some Iroquois
from Canada, trading with the Flatheads, told them of the teaching
of the Jesuit fathers, who for many previous years had been labor-
ing among them."
These facts and statements are of interest as indicating the
culture-bearing character of the Iroquois and the influences exerted
by them at points so far distant from their original home.
1 Rep. Comttirlnd. Aff., 1 87 1, p. 425.
DERIVATION OF THE NAME POWHATAN
By WILLIAM WALLACE TOOKER
No name, perhaps, is more thoroughly identified with the early-
annals of the Virginia Colony than that of Poivhatau, which still
survives among the geographic names of the state to designate a
county, its seat, a station, and other features, both natural and
political.
During several years' research on the Algonquian names recorded
on Captain John Smith's map of Virginia, aided by careful study
of his writings for any clew or hint that might tend toward the
solution of some of the problems presented by them, I became
strongly impressed with the idea that the generally accepted
etymology and translation given by the late Dr J. H. Trumbull,1
viz., " Pozvhat-hanne, or Pau't-hanne, 'falls in a stream'," and so
reiterated in several of his contributions to Algonquian geographic
nomenclature, was in error for a number of reasons ; but what
might be its more probable and acceptable etymology for a
long time eluded my best efforts. I am at last fully satisfied
that the true meaning of the term has been discovered, as it
is so well corroborated by the contemporary facts herein pre-
sented.
Indeed, it is these facts that have brought about the discovery,
which, like that of Columbus and the egg, is a simple one ; yet
the facts plainly indicate the error into which Dr Trumbull was
led, as they show indisputably that he did not study the main points
of the question concerning the exact locality of the Indian town.
Dr Trumbull's translation, therefore, must be regarded as a hasty
conclusion, which a subsequent revision of the name might have
changed, although his etymology is seemingly upheld through the
resemblance of Powhatan to names of similar orthography, but
which are of different etymology and meaning.
1 Historical Magazine, 2nd ser., vol. VII, p. 47, 1870.
464
tooker] DERIVATION OF THE NAME POWHATAN 465
Heckewelder's " Pawat-hanne, 'the stream of wealth and fruit-
fulness' ," like other of his derivations, is unworthy of consideration.
For a proper understanding of the real origin and etymology of
Powhatan, we shall quote Smith and his associates in order to show
the exact location of the place which bore this name, the true ap-
preciation of the application of the term by the Indians themselves,
and its use by Smith and his companions. We cannot doubt that
Smith was well aware of the derivation, although he never alluded
to it.
In the first place, as Smith l informs us, " Their chiefe ruler is
called Powhatan, and taketh his name of the principall place of
dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsona-
cock." This explanation takes away the personal attributes as
embodied in a name when bestowed upon an individual, and gives
it to a place.
Captain Archer2 says : " We came to the second Ilet Described
in the Ryver ; over against which on Popham syde is the habitatyon
of the greate kyng Pawatah : which I call Pawatahs Towre ; it is
scituat upon a highe Hill by the water syde, a playne betweene it
and the water. 12. score [yards] over, whereon he sowes his
wheate, beane, peaze, tobacco, pompions, gourdes, Hempe, flaxe,
&c. And were any Art vsed to the naturall state of this place, it
would be a goodly habitatyon. . . . But now rowing some. 3.
myle in shold water we came to an overfall, impassable for boates
any further."
Smith further says (page 6) : " Giuing vs in a guide to go with
vs vp the Riuer to Pozvhatan, of which place their great Emperor
taketh his name, where he that they honored for King vsed vs
kindely. But to finish this discouerie, we passed on further, where
within an ile [a mile] we were intercepted with great craggy stones
in the midst of the riuer, where the water falleth so rudely, and with
such a violence, as not any boat can possibly passe, and so broad
disperseth the streame."
Again, according to Wingfield, Smith says (pages 91-92) :
" In 6 daies they arrived at a towne called Pozvhatan, consisting of
1 History of Virginia, p. 375*
2Arber's Smith, p. xliii.
466 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
some 1 2 houses pleasantly seated on a hill : before it, 3 fertil lies,
about it many of their cornefields. The place is very pleasant, and
strong by nature. ... To this place, the riuer is navigable ; but
higher within a mile, by reason of the Rockes and lies, there is not
passage for a smal boate : this they call the Falles."
Mr Edward C. Bruce ! says : " Smith's brief description is
enough in itself amply to identify the locality. The falls are about
a mile above ; directly in front are the three islands, though one of
them has been reduced by freshets to the humble station of a sand-
bar. Of this there can be no mistake, since no other island exists
between the falls and the immediate neighborhood of Appomatox,
a distance of forty miles. For considerably more than a century,
Powhatan, as it is styled, has been in the hands of one family.
Taste, time, and wealth have combined to enhance the natural
beauty of the spot."
Dr Lyon G. Tyler2 says : "A mile below Richmond is a place
called Powhatan, long the home of the Mayos, who came from
Barbadoes to Virginia."
It will be observed that these quotations are explicit in locating
the village of Powhatan on a hill, and in a locality situate about a
mile below the falls, a fact that in no event, to an Indian's mind,
would induce him to bestow a name connotive of " falls in a river "
on a place where it would not be appropriately applied. The
Indians were very literal and particular in naming natural features,
so that no doubt could arise about the description in another native's
mind. Strachey 3 gives " Paqwachowng (= paqu-acliuan, ' where
the overflow widens or breaks '). The falls at the end of the Kings
river," as the true name for the falls. Therefore Trumbull's trans-
lation does not harmonize with the actual situation of the town,
and on that account must be in error.
Again, the town was situated on a high hill, doubtless a notable
landmark some little distance back from the water ; and this fact is
confirmed by Smith's map, on which Powhatan is laid down as a
" king's residence " with the contour lines of a hill about it, the river
a short distance away, and the falls still farther off.
1 Lotmgings in the Footprints of the Pioneers, Harper's Magazine, May, 1859.
2 Cradle of the Republic, p. 134.
3 The Historie of Travaile into Virginia, Britannia, etc., 1612.
tooker] DERIVATION OF THE NAME POWHATAN 467
The hill site is also established by the terminal -atan, which, in
nearly all Algonquian dialects, is a radical element signifying * to
search', or 'to look about', secondarily, 'hill', or 'mountain';
hence this affix should be translated 'hill', for it substantiates,
etymologically, the exact location of the town, and no other sounds
need be accounted for.
The prefix, pow/i-, powwh-, pongh-, powah-, paw-, poh-, and
pew/i-, as it is variously found in Arber's Smith, does not here refer
to ftau't 'a fall of water' (although it is possible that both are
derived from the same root, signifying, ' to make a loud noise '),
but is the Virginia equivalent of our adopted word -powwow, Massa-
chusetts paawau, 'he uses divination', or, as employed by Eliot, 'a
witch, wizard, sorcerer'; or by Roger Williams, powwaw, 'a priest.'
Williams says it was a term applied to the " Priests, their wise men,
and old men, they make solemn speeches and orations, or Lectures
to them, concerning Religion, Peace or Warre and all things."
Brinton1 translated the word as 'the dreamer' or 'an inter-
preter of dreams'. This was simply collateral to a powwozv's
labors, and is not a literal translation of the word. Hariot 2 says
of the conjuror: "The inhabitants give great credit unto their
speeche, which often tymes they finde to be all true."
Wood3 says: "Their pow-wows betakeing themselves to their
exorcismes and necromanticke charmes by which they bring to
passe strange things, if we may believe the Indians."
The Century Dictionary, under the word powwow, as adopted,
gives, as a primary meaning, "to perform a ceremony with con-
jurations for the cure of diseases, or for other purposes"; and as a
secondary one, " to hold a meeting — a powwow."
The village was therefore the Pauwan-atan, ' the hill of the pau-
wau,' ' the hill of the sorcerer,' or ' the hill of divination,' where
Powhatan, or Wahunsonacock, held his powwows.
Archer4 speaks in the following terms of the first English-Indian
powwow held there : " Heere we were conducted vp the Hill to the
kyng, with whome we found our kinde kyng Arahatec : Thes. 2.
1 The Lenape and their Legends, p. 70.
2 Narrative, 1 685.
3 New England's Prospect, chap. XII, 1634.
* Smith, p. xliv.
468 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
satt by themselves aparte from all the rest (saue one who satt by
Powatah, and what he was I could not gesse but they told me he
was no Wiroans) : Many of his company satt on either side : and
the mattes for vs were layde right over against the kynges."
That Powhatan, the man, was the chief priest, is amply shown
by Smith in several instances. He remarks (page 75): "Their
principall Temple or place of superstition is at Vttamussack at
Pamavnke, neare vnto which is a house Temple or place of Pow-
hatans" Also (page 376): "A myle from Orapakes in a thicket
of wood, he hath a house in which he keepeth his kinde of Treas-
ure. . . This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length, frequented
onely by Priests. At the foure corners of this house stand foure
Images as Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the third like
a Leopard, and the fourth like a giantlike man : all made evill
favouredly, according to their best workemanship."
He also remarks (page 81): "It is strange to see with what
great feare and adoration all the people doe obay this Pozv/iatan."
Thus after nearly three centuries do we learn the true meaning
of this well-known Virginian name.
A MODERN MOHEGAN-PEQUOT TEXT
By FRANK G. SPECK
The following text is in the dialect of the Mohegan-Pequots, a
New England branch of the great Algonquian linguistic stock. The
dialect was originally spoken by the Pequots, who, after migrating
about the year 1600 from the upper Hudson River country, in-
habited that portion of Connecticut lying between Connecticut river
on the west, the Pawcatuck on the east, Long Island sound on the
south, and the Nipmuck country on the north. The Mohegans,
however, a mutinous offshoot of the Pequots, formed under Uncas
a separate band about the year 1640, retaining nevertheless their
maternal Pequot tongue.1 Outside linguistic influences are notice-
able, too, in some loan-words, but the dialect is practically identical
with that of the Pequots of long ago. Today the modern Mohe-
gan-Pequots number fewer than one hundred, their principal settle-
ment being near Norwich, Conn.
Of these Indians there lives but one who still retains a knowl-
edge of the ancient dialect, namely Fidelia A. H. Fielding, the
narrator of the accompanying text. The writer's effort for a num-
ber of years has been to school himself with Mrs Fielding that her
dialect and tradition may not pass away with her. It is needless to
say that under such conditions of isolation a language must neces-
sarily be found in a state of decay, and that much of the fulness
and complexity of Indian grammar has been modified and lost. I
might further mention that, previously to what has been done by
Professor J. Dyneley Prince and myself, nothing has been written in
connection with this dialect except a manuscript vocabulary by
President Stiles of Yale College, a number of years ago. Conse-
quently shortcomings on my part are due largely to scantiness of
material and the decaying condition of the dialect as it survives
today.
1 See "The Modern Pequots and their Language," by J. Dyneley Prince and F. G.
Speck, American Anthropologist, 1903, vol. 5, No. 2, pp. 193-212.
469
470 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Mohegan-Pequot Text
(J) Inchuni'n wi'nai mo'wi u'nksha biu'mch New Londonug. (s)
Su'mi' du'pkwa. (3) Guto'wi tu'bo joho'g? (4) Na'wa jokwi'un. (5)
W6taiu"tum ba'kimus da'bi nutu'b nida'i yudu'pkwug. (6) Numo'wi ti !
ti ! skwu'ndog. (7) Owa'nuks squa. bi'ya yunjo'num skwund. (8)
Nununa'wa. (9) I'wa gusugwi'sh, wi'chu. (10) Nu'i'wa da'bi nutu'b
yudai yudu'pkwug? (") Owa'nuks squa i'wa, nai ! mud guyu'ndum,
numi'ci tu'kunig da jishs, da'bi gumi'tchiun ? (") Mud nuyu'ndumi'
yudu'pkwug, raus numi'juni wombu'nsion. (13) Wo'nuks squa i'wa,
chu'nchi mud gu'i'wa guna'wani yiidai.
(u) Undal' nupo'num numunu'di, dag undal' nuzumu'ksun. (15)
Nugawi'. (16) Yumbo'wi nugutu'mki. (") Mudjo'g jokwi'un. (18)
Jo'nau gii'nkchi sun, undai nuko'nu'm nutu'kunig da. jishs gu'nkchi kaiyau
gi'tus mi'guchid da'ku womba'iyo skun. Di'biug !
Translation
An old Indian woman goes to sell brooms at New London (Conn.).
It becomes very dark. Where is she going to stay ? She sees a house.
She thinks, "Perhaps I can stay there tonight." I go rap ! rap! on
the door. A white woman comes and opens the door. I know her.
She says, " Come in "; she smiles. I say, " Can I stay here tonight? "
The white woman says, "Yes! Are you not hungry? I made some
bread and cheese, can you eat some? " " I am not hungry tonight. I
will eat if I live in the morning." The white woman says, " You must
not say that you saw me here." (She did not wish it to be known that
she was a witch. )
Then I put down my back -basket, and then I lie down. I go to
sleep. Early I arise. There is nothing (to be seen) of the house ; it is
all a great stone. Then I find my bread and cheese (to be) a great cold
piece of cattle dung and a white bone. Horrors !
Analysis
1. Inchuni'n wi'nai md'wi u'nksha bibmch New Lundonug.
Inchuni'n — English loan-word for Indian + in man (pi. inug). So
inski 'dumbak, concrete for Indians (Lat. viri) or ' true men.'
wi'nai — radical for ' woman,' containing stem in, often appearing as
winais, with contracted suffix kchaisii to be old, hence ' old woman.'
mo'wi — modal particle, denoting future and motion toward, from
stem m to go, with probable 3d pers. element w and i modal. Also seen
speck] A MODERN MOHEGAN-PEQUOT TEXT 47 1
in nugutawi gi'shtutush I am going to wash. The common indicative
future particle is mus. mb'wl seems also to have the idea of purpose.
u'nkshd — she sells, 3d pers. sing, trans, with inanimate objective
wanting, u'nkshd ought to show coordination with mo'wl.
blu'mch — Indianized English for 'brooms,' with usual inan. pi. end-
ing ch, as sun stone, siinch stones. In all such transmutations Mohegans
pronounce n or y for r ; e. g. , ydtsh rat.
New Lbndonug — fig is nominal locative suffix meaning at, in, on.
Said to be from u'kl, earth, ground.
2. Su'mi' du'pkwd.
su'mi' — superlative substantive ' too much.' Final i is 3d pers. inan.
impers., seen also in other adverbial ideas, viz., niichi'mi always (lit., ' it
is always'), m'td'wi much, chunchuchi' only a little, etc. su'mi' has
usual meaning ' because. '
du'pkwd — substantive, night.
3. Guto'wi tii'bo johb'g?
giitd'wl — compounded of /, one of the stems ' to go, ' and 3d pers.
future modal b'wi, as above (sentence 1) mo'wl.
tu'bo — 3d. pers. sing, animate of stem tub or dup, he stays, sits,
exists, remains, etc. The 3d pers. sing, is made in the animate indie,
by suffixing d, b, or 1! to the stem ; cf. gigitu'ku he speaks, wiiskusu he
writes, nupd' he dies, etc.
johb'g — interr. compounded of jb or chb, simple interr. particle (as
in chdgwdn what ?) and vocalic connective h -f locative suffix iig or bg.
jb also has the significance of an indef. relative, referring to inan. objects.
4. Nd'wd jbkwi'un.
na'wd — 3d pers. sing, animate indie, pron. wd suffixed to stem nd,
to see, know, understand.
jbkwi'un — 'a white man's house,' probably from jb inan. indef.
relative and form of wHtu (?) house.
5. Wbtdiurtu?n bd'klmus dd'bi nutu'b nidd'i yudu'pkwiig.
wbtdiuptum — from stem (composite) aiu'tum, lit., 'to be minded'
(cf. Ojibway inendam he thinks), + trans. 3d pers. pron. w prefixed,
and connective t. The principal element tTtiim is found suffixed to stems
of all verbs denoting a state of mind, and some others of a similar nature.
See list of such verbs at end of analysis.
bd'klmus — from bd'kl, a subjunc. verbal ; stem b to come, and mils,
simple future indie, particle, kl is inan. 3d pers. The combination
means maybe or perhaps.
da'bi — an impersonal verb commonly in use denoting can, am able,
472 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
but derived from dap, distantly meaning it is enough, with i inan. 3d
pers. pron.
nutu'b — 1st pers. sing, pron., with stem tub (see sentence 3). The
full form of pron. is wanting here.
(In considering the connection between these last three verbs I am
inclined to think that they should be incorporated into one word,
although the narrator keeps them divided: bd — ki — mus — ddbi — nu
— tub — (Potential) Come — it — will — it may happen, or be (subj.)
— I — stay. The simple indicat. future mus invariably precedes its verb,
instead of being suffixed to another, as bd'kimus. The whole phrase, how-
ever, seems to be incorrectly construed. )
nidd'i — from ni, demonstr. that + ddi inseparable locative adverbial
suffix, so yu'dai here, do' da i where (relative).
yudu'pkwiig — composed of yu, demonstr. this, prefixed to dic'pkivb
night, and locative ug.
6. Nftmb'wi ti! ti! skwu'ndbg.
niitno'wi — for md'wi (see sentence 1), nu, 1st pers. sing. pron. The
forms of this verb are defective throughout.
ti ! ti I — exclamatory, ' rap ! rap ! '
skwu'ndbg — skwund door, locative bg on.
7. Owd'nuks squd bi' yd yunjb' num skwund.
owd'nuks — from bwd' nug pi. of dwd'n animate interr. and relative
pron. 'who?' and ablative utch from, which appears mutilated in final
s. The term Owd'nuks came to be used for the whites, illustrating the
question in the native mind, " Whence did they come ? Who are they ? ' '
The word is erroneously supposed by some to have come from the Indian
term for "pale-face."
squd — usual suffix used dependently for female. Cf. Chdku's squd
(Schaghticoke dialect ; see Prince and Speck in Proc. Amer. Philos.
Soc, vol. xlii, no. 174) negress, squd' si's little girl, squd is said to be
derived from Vkwe to split, with infixed s.
bi'yd — 3d pers. sing, animate of stem bi to come.
yunjb' num. — from yiinjd'n open, conjunc. mood, transitive as shown
by indef. obj. um. Cf. nuqu'tsti turn, I taste it.
skwund — see sentence 6.
8. Niinund'wd.
niinund'wd — I know her. Stem nu or nd to know, with incorpo-
rate subject nu and object animate nd'wd.
9. Pwd gusugwV sh, wi'c/iu.
i'wd — 3d pers. sing, of stem iw to speak, whence wut mouth ; im-
speck] A MODERN MOHEGAN-PEQUOT TEXT 473
perative form is i'was/i. In all terms denoting parts of the body, local
suffixes express the part of the body, as qunnu'ng throat, qu'ddimg a
swallowing.
gusugwi'sh — formed from stem w to come, with imperative wish or
ish modal suffix, and emphatic 2d pers. pron. prefixed, gu. ug is per-
haps locative with connective s.
wi'chu — Independent mood, 3d pers. sing. This verb also shows
action of mouth, wi.
10. NiVi'wa da'bi niitu' b yudai yudu' pkzvug ?
nu"i'wa — For i'wa (see sentence 9). nu, 1st pers. pron. with con-
nective / wanting (nufiwa).
da'bi — see sentence 5.
nutu'b — see sentence 5.
yudai — demonstr. yu this, with suffix, for which see sentence 5.
yudu'pkwug — same as sentence 5.
11. Owa'nuks squa i'wa, nai ! mud guyu'ndum, numi'ci tu'kunig ddjishs,
da'bi gumi'tchiun ?
owa'nuks squa' — see sentence 7.
i'wa — see sentence 9.
na'i — affirmative yes, possibly a subjunctive. The usual ' yes ' mono-
syllabic is nuk.
mud — This negative is an invariant particle, expressing all condi-
tions of negation, prohibition, etc. Other forms must formerly have ex-
isted for different moods, but they are now obsolete.
guyu'ndum — 2d pers. sing. pron. gu, and yu'ndum hungry, showing
suffix dum state of mind or body. See wotaiu" turn, sentence 5.
numi'ci — 1st pers. pron. with subjunc. element probably. I am unde-
cided as to whether the stem is wu'stu he makes, or a stem containing m.
tu'kunig — noun, bread, from ptii'kwi it is round, referring to cakes,
loaves, whence bread. Final g denotes ' the thing that is. '
da — coordinate conjunction. There probably existed a discrimina-
tion between this form and dd'ku, but none is noticeable now.
jishs — English loan-word with Indian stress, i. e., 'cheese.'
da'bi — see sentence 5.
gumi'tchiun — 2d pers. sing, transitive subj. of stem mitch to eat, with
incorporate obj. un, inan. ; so guwa'jinum you have it.
12. Mud nuyu'ndihni yudu'pkwug, mus numi'juni ivombo' tisibn.
fnud — see sentence 10.
nuyu'ndmni — for nuyunditm see sentence 11; the final i or ml is the
suffixed portion of the negative.
474 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
mils niimi'juni — 1st pers. sing, of the future subjunc. nu . . . i, and
stem mitch with incorporate inan. object un.
wbmbo nsibn — from wo'mbbn sunrise, or tomorrow, and sion animate
subjunc. 1st pers. ' if I.' A final i should be found to complete the subj.
pron., but owing to the obscurity with which final vowels are pronounced,
its absence is explained, bun may more properly be the stem ' to live,'
but as this stem is not found now, I cannot be certain of it.
13. Wb'tulks squa i'wd, chu'nchl mud gu'i'wa gund'wdni' yudai.
wd'nuks squa — see sentence 7.
i'wd — see sentence 9.
chu'nchl — impersonal verb from chit, to want, or to be necessary, and
ch, contracted for adjectival gil'nchi great, always used thus in composi-
tion (cf. Ojibwa gitche). The final i is inan. 3d pers. sing. chu'nchl
literally means ' it is greatly needed,' hence ' must.'
mud gu1 i'wd — another defective verb with 2d pers. sing. pron. and
negative element loosely attached to stem iw ; see sentence 9.
gund'wdni' — stem nd, for which see sentence 4, in conjunc. mood
with preceding i'wd, having incorporate 2d pers. subject and 1st pers.
object, ni, the 2d pers. subject gu being prefixed. This precedence of
the 2d pers. over the 1st pers. is a common characteristic of nearly all
North American languages. In the Tsimshian of the North Pacific coast,
where the verb uses different stems for the sing, and the pi., the presence
of a 2d pers. pron. influences the construction so much that the sing, or
the pi. stem is used according to the number of the 2d pers. pron.
yudai — see sentence 10.
14. Undai' nupb'num niimunu'di, dag undai' nuziimu' ksun.
iindaV — un I cannot place. For dai see sentence 5 ; the meaning
is ' then,' 'at that time.'
niipb'num — from stempon, to put, to place, etc., with istpers. pron.
and incorporate indef. object urn. For similar transitive forms see sen-
tence 7.
niimunu'di — made from muu'ndu mystery, or Muu'ndu God (cf.
Ojibwa, etc., Manitu). Final i is inan. noun ending, as bib'ti plate, etc. ;
and nil 1st pers. sing, pron., the whole meaning 'my basket,' cognate
with idea of unknown inan. contents. Indians of the east designate
a basket or its contents as objects which betray nothing of their internal
character by their outside appearance or shape, hence the psychological
analogy with God, or mystery.
dag undai — see sentences n and 14.
nuzumu'ksun — composed of zu 'from out of (?) + connective m,
speck] A MODERN MOHEGAN-PEQUOT TEXT 475
+ iik, locative down, or on ; sun to fall (cf. diiksii'ni I fall down), and
1st pers. pron. mi, intrans.
15. Ni'igdwi' .
niigdwi' — made from ga'wi, uninflected, 'sleep,' + 1st pers. pron.
nu.
16. Yiimbo'wi niig'iitu'mki.
yiimbo'wi — contraction of yu, demonstr. this ; ctmbi time, and wigii'
light. Or else final i is impers. 3d pers. pron. element ; see dd'bi,
chu'nchi, sentences 5 and 13.
mig'iitii'mki — from o'mki to get up, with g progressive, and 1st pers.
pron., the suffixed element being absent, hence intrans.
1 7 . Mil' djog jbkwi'iin.
mu'djog — negative mild, + jog man. relative, elliptical for jogwd'n
a thing, mu'd/bgwd'n ' nothing ' also occurs.
jokwi'iin — see sentence 4.
18. Jo' nail gii'nkchi sun, undai' nukb'mi'm nutu'ktinig da jlshs gu'nkchi
kaiyaii gi'tiis mi'giichid da' kit ivombaiyo skun.
janaii — Intensive jo, inan. indef. with no, or nd'gum, a form of the
independent animate 3rd pers. sing, pronoun.
gu'nkchi — emphatically protracted form of adjective kchi' great, large.
sun — substantive, inan. ; pi. sunch stones.
undai — see sentence 14.
niikd'num — from kii'nd he catches, finds, hunts, etc., 1st pers. sing,
trans, indie, with incorporate object iim.
niitu'kiinig — same as in sentence 11, but with 1st pers. pron. In
these nouns with pronoun elements the required subjective and objective
sets have been lost.
da — see sentence 1 1 .
jishs — see sentence 1 1 .
kaiyaii — adjective from tikd' cold, hard, + yii, demons, this. This
combination of the adjective and a demonstrative is frequent, so squd'yau
red, wbmbaiyau white, suggd'yau black, etc.
gi'tiis — possibly a generalization from jits bird, barnyard fowl, and
broadly used for any general animal term, hence cattle. The animate pi.
gi'tiisug is commonly used at Mohegan to designate ' critters. '
mi'giichid — derived from mi'ki hard, strong; ending id ox ^denotes
inan. state of being.
dd'ku — see sentence 1 1 .
wbmbaiyo — adjective white from wo'mbi white ; see kaiyau above.
skun — inan. substantive, pi. skunch.
476 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
19. Di'biug — pi. of animate noun di'bi, from chi'pi terrible, awful, bad,
whence Devil. Other forms of same occur, a.s jibaiog, ti'piug, bi'biug.
Nouns and verbs are traceable to common radical elements,
which take both suffixes and prefixes. Adverbial and pronominal
affixes construct them into verbs ; substantive (animate or inani-
mate) and pronominal affixes form them into nouns.
Furthermore, there is very little difference between intransitive
verbs and nouns with possessive pronominal formatives, e. g.,
nugdwi' I sleep, or my sleep ; nunupa! I die, or my death.
The list of verbs containing element ii'{lui)i) or fi'(dfun), men-
tioned in sentence 5, follows:
yu'ndum to be hungry, or, feel hunger; shva'tum to feel sorry.
ku'ngutiim to feel thirsty; chu'ntum to feel want.
wiktum to feel love ; jokwa'tu?Ji to feel haste.
qu'tshtum to feel taste ; pu'dum to feel hearing.
nutuddum to find out by asking ; miiddumamo to feel badly or sick.
For further remarks on Mohegan-Pequot morphology see Prince
and Speck, " Glossary of the Mohegan-Pequot Language," Ameri-
can AntJiropologist ', n. s., vol 6, No. 1, pp. 18-21.
S., VOL. 6, PL. XV
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
TRIBES OF
NORT„ ^ "ss-rsssr — — m TH0SE HAV,NG
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CLAN SYSTEM AND
OF SECRET SOCIETIES AMONG THE
NORTHWESTERN TRIBES
By JOHN R. SW ANTON
The peculiar aboriginal culture found on the northwest coast
of America occupies, so far as is now known, an altogether isolated
territory. Within this area are embraced (see plate xv) the Tlingit,
Haida, Tsimshian, Ha-isla, Heiltsuk, Kwakiutl, Nootka, and the
Bellabella and other coast Salish, while its influence extends north-
ward to the Eskimo and southward to the coastal stocks of north-
western California. In the interior the Chilkotin, Carriers, western
Nahane, Kutchin, Khotana, and Ahtena belong to it or are greatly
affected by it.
Considered from the technical and the esthetic points of view,
this culture is found to reach its highest development among the
Haida of Queen Charlotte islands, although the Tsimshian and
the Tlingit are but slightly inferior. I shall adduce evidence to
show that the origin of the clan system associated with mother-right
must be looked for in the same region.
On the map (plate xv) the heavy, broken line separates the area
of tribes possessing mother-right from those having paternal descent
or those in which the form of descent is transitional. All of these
tribes except the Kootenai possess clans, or organizations that
seem to correspond to them, and all belong to the area of northwest
coast culture. The Chilkotin " gentes " mentioned by Father
Morice ' appear to admit descent in the male line, and therefore this
tribe falls outside the list of tribes with maternal descent. Fortu-
nately for us in this connection, it happens that, for the interior
tribe of Carriers, which has a most highly developed maternal
clan system, we have the first-hand authority of Father Morice.
This writer has made the question "Are the Carrier Sociology
1 Trans. Canadian Inst., vol. IV, p. 28, 1892-93; also Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada
for 1892, sec. 11, p. 121.
AM. ANTH., N. S., 6— 31 477
478 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
and Mythology Indigenous or Exotic?" the subject of a special
paper1 and, from a study of their arts, customs, social organization,
and myths, comes to the conclusion that both have been introduced,
principally from the Tsimshian. He even goes further and says :
< ' In all the tribes of the Dene nation which have no intercourse with
coast Indians, patriarchate takes the place of the matriarchate obtaining
here, and the clans, with their totems and the social pecularities derived
therefrom are unknown. So are the tribes' divisions into nobles and
common people, the right of the former or any to particular hunting-
grounds, the potlatches or distribution feasts, as observed here, the burn-
ing of the dead, the protracted and systematic wooing of the young man
before winning over his wife's parents," etc.
The clan system of the western Nahane, Kutchin, Khotana,
and Ahtena has never been made a special object of study. From
Callbreath 2 we learn that the Nahane of Stikine river, also called
Tahltan, have two clans or "castes," Birds and Bears, with descent
in the female line.3 It is certainly significant that, while the Car-
riers have four clans like their coastal neighbors, the Tsimshian,4
the Tahltan have two like their coastal neighbors, the Tlingit. The
Kutchin are said to have three exogamic divisions with female
descent,5 but our information regarding them is too meager to enable
us to determine whether this organization is a very old one or
whether it was introduced from the Tlingit of Chilkat and Copper
rivers.
The Knaiakhotana of Cook's inlet are said to be divided into
two sections and subdivided into eleven "stocks," each exogamic
and with descent in the female line. They are the following : First
series: 1, Raven; 2, Weavers of Grass Mats; 3, Corner in the
Back Part of the Hut ; 4, named from a color ; 5, Descendant from
1 Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, op. cit., p. 109.
2 Ann. Rep. Geo/, and Nat. Hist. Sum. Canada, N. s., vol. in, pt. 1, 195B.
3 A slip in printing seems to have occurred here. Evidently the sentence reading,
" A man who is a Bird must marry a Bear and his children belong to the Birds " should
be " and his children belong to the Bears."
* The Grouse, Beaver, Toad, and Grizzly Bear ( Trans. Canadian Inst. , vol. IV,
p. 203). In an earlier paper {Proc. Canadian Inst., 3d ser., vol. vn, p. 1 18) he speaks
of five, but it may be assumed that the above, being later, is correct.
2 Hardesty in Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst, for 1866, p. 315 ; Jones in ibid., p. 326.
swanton] DEVELOPMENT OF THE CLAN SYSTEM 479
Heaven ; 6, Fishermen. Second series : 1, Bathers in Cold Water;
2, Lovers of Glass Beads ; 3, Deceivers like the Raven (who is the
primary instructor of man) ; 4 and 5, named from a certain mountain.1
The binary division indicated, along with the prominence of the
Raven, suggests Tlingit influence, but this entire region needs much
more study in order to develop its true social condition.
From all of this evidence it seems certain that the matriarchal
clan system among the Carriers and the western Nahane has been
mainly, if not entirely, the result of coastal influences, and while
lack of information prevents us from reaching an absolute conclu-
sion regarding the Kutchin and their allies, we may suspect that
the same is also true with them.
Among coast tribes possessing a clan system the Ha-isla and
Heiltsuk may also be excluded in our search for its origin. Accord-
ing to Boas the Ha-isla have six clans : Beaver, Eagle, Wolf,
Salmon, Raven, Killer whale ; and the Heiltsuk three : Eagle,
Raven, and Killer whale. Both form parts of the great Wakashan
linguistic stock which includes two other principal groups — the
Kwakiutl of Queen Charlotte sound and the Nootka of the west
coast of Vancouver island. Of these the Nootka have paternal
inheritance, and the Kwakiutl, although now transitional, have been
shown by Boas 2 to have once been organized in the same way.
This being the case, it is a simple and natural conclusion that the
other divisions of the same stock were also formerly paternal but
have been completely altered by contact with their northern
neighbors.
We are thus brought to the point of seeking the origin of the
clan system among three neighboring peoples of diverse language,
the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian.
In the first place it is interesting and important to know that the
geographical area in which we are to look can be very considerably
reduced ; this is due to the fact that at least a large part of the
Tlingit people formerly lived at the mouths of Nass and Skeena
rivers in much closer proximity to the other two stocks mentioned
(see plate xvi).
1 Richardson, Arctic Searching Exp., London, 1851, p. 406, quoted by Bourke in
Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, 1890, III, 122.
''■Rep. U. S. Nat. Museum for 1895, pp. 333-335 •
480 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 6, 1904
The arguments on which this conclusion is based are the fol-
lowing :
(i) A large proportion of the traditions of the different Tlingit
family groups state that they formerly lived on the coast of British
Columbia "below Port Simpson." This would place them in the
neighborhood of Old Metlakahtla, where were a large number of
ancient towns of which many stories are still told.
(2) This coincides completely with Tsimshian traditions, accord-
ing to which the Tsimshian have moved southwestward to the
coast, in quite recent times, from their former homes near the sources
of the Nass and the Skeena.
(3) A comparative study of the Tlingit and Haida languages
shows certain similarities which can most readily be explained in
this way. The most striking point is that the name of nearly every
animal not found upon the Queen Charlotte islands, but occurring on
the neighboring mainland, is almost identical in the Haida and
Tlingit tongues. The only name that the Haida seem to have bor-
rowed from the Tsimshian is that for the mountain goat (t/iAt), while
the terms for grizzly bear, wolf, marten, ' wolverine, moose, and
ground-squirrel are all plainly taken from Tlingit. Now, in the
present geographical arrangement of the three stocks, there is no
apparent reason for such preponderance in favor of Tlingit. The
communication between the southern Haida and the Tsimshian in
historic times has been of so intimate a nature, and the Tsimshian
language is so popular among the former (amounting, as it does, to
the adoption of nearly all of their potlatch songs from that language,
and of many other songs besides), that it seems incredible they
should have gone so far afield as Alaska for the names of animals
so abundantly well known to the Tsimshian. Indeed one name for
the Haida town on terms of closest social intimacy with the
Tsimshian was "Grizzly-bear town" {Xuqdji Inaga-i), and the
word for grizzly bear in Tlingit is xuts! .
Whether all the Tlingit lived in this region is of much less
consequence than the very evident fact that they consider it to have
been once their most important seat. We are thus led back quite
surely for the origin of clan organizations in the northwest to a
1 The marten, however, is found on both the islands and the mainland.
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
S., VOL. 6, PL. XVI
\ K I O W A N
SHOSHONEA NT"
ALGONGUIAN
JoAsi B- 7brbert
TRIBES OF NORTHWESTERN NORTH AMERICA, SHOWING THE FORMER HABITAT OF THE TLINGIT,
TSIMSHIAN, CHILKOTIN, AND BELLACOOLA
swanton] DEVELOPMENT OF THE CLAN SYSTEM 48 1
small section of coast on Hecate strait, within the present limits of
British Columbia ; and even could we go no farther, this result
would be sufficient reward for the labor expended on it. What
follows will be largely in the way of suggestion, but the suggestions
are founded on some facts which may themselves prove of interest.
Were we to attempt to reduce still further the number of stocks
within which the origin of clans is to be sought, we should first
exclude the Tsimshian. This stock is peculiar in its absolute
linguistic isolation, and it might be at first supposed that a peculiar-
ity in one respect might be associated with other peculiarities, such
as the possession of a clan system. But on the other hand, as
already noted, the people of this stock appear to have pushed down
to the coast in comparatively recent times, directly against the
stream of cultural influence ; again, had the clan system originated
with them and been transmitted to the Haida and Tlingit, we should
expect to find them possessed of the same four-clan system, while,
as a matter of fact, they have but two clans. An exception in the
one case might be explained, but not so readily two such exceptions.
If a two-clan system, however, be once established, it is not difficult
to see how the number of clans might be increased. For instance,
among the Tlingit there is a small group, called Nehadi, who are
privileged to marry into either clan, consequently there is nothing
to prevent- these people from moving into other towns and, in time,
from spreading all over the Tlingit country. They would thus con-
stitute a third clan, and, in fact, they do so today in every respect
but size.
Granting) however, that this point must still remain more or less
doubtful, let us exclude the Tsimshian for the sake of the argu-
ment and see what facts a study of the clan system among the
Haida and Tlingit by themselves brings forth. These facts I state
on the authority of personal notes recorded among the Haida in
the winter of 1900-01 and among the Tlingit early in 1904.
The Haida clans, members of which are found in every town
and each of which is divided into a number of local, self-governing
groups, are called Raven and Eagle. The second is also known as
Giti'ns, a term of uncertain meaning but which may possibly con-
tain the word for "son" {git). My investigation into the origin of
482 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
these clans has seemed to develop a different character for each.
Traditions regarding the Ravens lead back to three centers, with a
certain tendency to carry two of these back into the third, a point
near the southern end of the Queen Charlotte islands. But in only
one tale is reference made to immigration from beyond the sea or to
any foreign groups having been received into the Raven clan.
This exception is in the case of the leading Raven family of Skedans
and relates that those people came down from Nass river with the
people of Kitkatla ; but the account differs entirely from all others
and appears to have arisen to explain the intimate friendship exist-
ing between the leading families of the two places. Another tra-
dition of the same group points back to one of the three origins
above referred to and migration thence in an exactly opposite
direction.
Quite different are the traditions of the Eagle people. Not only
do they fail to indicate the same unity of origin among the groups
reckoned as Eagle, but some point to a strictly foreign inception.
The only one that fails to do so is very short, relating how a certain
Eagle woman married in Masset and had daughters there from
whom the Eagle groups in that place came, and how she afterward
went to Cape Ball, married a chief at that point, and had other
children from whom came the Eagle families of Skidegate inlet. It
seems to have been constructed rather with the idea of recording
relationships and does not carry the history of the groups involved
very far back. Part of the Eagles of the northern end of Graham
island, however, refer their origin directly to the Stikine and Nass
rivers.
More significant, in my judgment, than either of these is the
famous Haida story of Djilaqons which records the origin of the
southern groups of Eagles. According to this all of the inhabitants
of a large town in the Haida country, except one woman, were once
destroyed by fire. This woman, after various adventures, reached
the Tsimshian country, married a chief and had many children by
him, some of whom remained where they were while some returned
to their mother's country. From them, the story concludes, came
five of the principal Haida families and several of those among the
Tsimshian. This may indicate nothing more than the clan connec-
swanton] DEVELOPMENT OF THE CLAN SYSTEM 483
tion recognized between the groups involved in the story, but it is
strange that all the progenitors are brought from the mainland rather
than from the Haida side, while on the other hand the question is
raised why, with the small exception above noted, there are no such
traditions among the Raven groups.
It is worthy of notice in this connection that a wild band of Haida,
described by the rest of the people as " uncivilized," once lived on
the west coast of the Queen Charlotte island's and were reckoned as
Ravens Moreover, all of the towns of first consequence, except
the comparatively modern ones likeTanu and Ninstints, were owned
by families of the Raven clan, and to that clan are attributed all the
chief deities recognized by the Haida people.
Concerning the Tlingit clans my records are not so complete.
One was called Raven ; the other, Wolf among the southern Tlingit
and Eagle among the northern ones ; but the independence of the
groups of which each was composed was apparently greater than
among the Haida. Even if it has no deep significance, it is peculiar
that the status of the Tlingit clans seems to have been exactly the
reverse of that among the Haida. The most prominent groups— those
about which the nationality of the stock centered strongest— are Eagle
or Wolf groups, such as the Kagwantan of Sitka and Chilkat, and the
Nanyeayi of Wrangell. On the other hand it happens, by accident
or otherwise, that all the groups known to me that are said to have
been taken in from the outside, are Raven. This was true of the
Kashkekwan of Yakutat, who are said to have been Athapascans,
of part of the Katcade of Wrangell and Kake who were from the
same source, and of the Kaskakoedi of Wrangell who claim to have
been once Haida.
Supposing that the Tlingit formerly lived along the mainland
coast now occupied by the Tsimshian, where they were neighbors
for a long time of the Haida on the coasts of the Queen Charlotte
islands opposite, and supposing that both people had loose social
organizations without clans, is it possible that the clan idea could
have originated among them through intermarriage, resulting in the
continued presence on each side of a number of persons of alien
stock ? Although no clan can now be traced back so far, we have
several cases in which smaller groups have sprung up in this way,
484 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
such for instance being the history of the Tsimshian family Gittcl's,
who sprang from a Haida woman, and that of a now extinct group
at Sitka who were also descended from the Haida. Differences in
speech would probably tend more strongly to bring about such a
distinction. The point least clear in this particular case is why the
children should have been reckoned with the mother's rather than
with the father's people.
General Conclusions. — From the evidence presented by Morice
and Boas I think it is safe to look for the original seat of the clan
system with maternal descent on the northwest coast among the
Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, and from that brought together by
myself I consider it demonstrated that a large portion of the Tlingit
once lived at the mouths of Nass and Skeena rivers. At the time
when the clan system arose here, therefore (unless it be supposed
always to have had existence among these people), we find the three
stocks in question brought close together at this one point on the
coast. So much seems certain. On the other hand I admit that
my argument regarding the priority of the two-clan system among
the Haida and Tlingit to the four-clan system of the Tsimshian and
the upgrowth of the whole from matrimonial alliances between
different people to be entirely hypothetical. These are, however,
hypotheses founded on certain observed peculiarities of social organ-
ization in this region, such as the occurrence of a Tlingit group which
can marry into either of the two great clans, and on studies of the
relative status of the two clans among the Haida and the Tlingit.
One point developed incidentally in the preceding argument is
that the origin of the system under discussion is traceable to a region
where several different linguistic stocks were in close contact.
Another institution characteristic of northwest coast culture — the
so-called " secret societies " — seems to refer back to a similar area,
although at a different point on the coast. Owing to the fact that
the names applied to several of these secret societies are Kwakiutl,
as well as to other considerations, Professor Boas has traced back
their origin to that people and has further traced the origin of the
cannibal rites to the Heiltsuk.1 The traditions regarding these
societies among the Haida, both at Masset and Skidegate, uniformly
* Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus. for 1895, PP- 660-664.
swanton] DEVELOPMENT OF THE CLAN SYSTEM 485
place their beginning in " Gitadju'," evidently Kittizoo or Gyidestzo,
the southernmost Tsimshian town, which stood on Millbank sound, not
far from the chief town of the Bellabella. Judging from the facts
at our disposal, it would appear likely that the more important
features of the secret societies arose among the Heiltsuk proper
or Bellabella, who were in close contact with the Tsimshian of
Kittizoo on one side and with the Bellacoola on the other. Now
these latter are a fragment of the great Salishan stock, which Boas
supposes to have moved northward from among the coast Salish at
some distant time to take up their abodes on Dean canal and Burke
channel. Morice tells us, however, that the Athapascan Chilkotin,
who now separate these people from their congeners in the interior,
once occupied but a single village back of the Bellacoola and have
driven the Shuswap eastward out of the valley of Chilkotin river
quite recently.1 If this process has been going on for some time
longer the interior Salish must have bordered on the Bellacoola at
no very distant day (see plate xvi). It would seem more likely,
therefore, to suppose that some interior Salish at that time effected
a lodgment near the heads of the long inlets just mentioned, and
have gradually pushed seaward, while the Chilkotin meanwhile cut
them off from the rest of the linguistic stock to which they belong,
and this explanation makes it easier to understand why they are not
found at the mouths of those inlets. If this suggestion prove cor-
rect, regarding both the origin of the Bellacoola and the point of
origin of the secret societies, a possibility of influences having effected
an entrance into the latter from the eastern Indians is suggested,
more plausible than would at first appear.
1 Trans. Canadian Inst., i892-'93, p. 23.
THE PERIODICAL ADJUSTMENTS OF THE ANCIENT
MEXICAN CALENDAR
By ZELIA NUTTALL
The interesting question as to whether and how the ancient
Mexicans rectified their calendar has been resuscitated by a treatise
recently published in the Zeitschrift fi'ir Ethnologie under the title
"The rectifications of the year and the length of the Venus year,"
in which Prof. Edward Seler propounds the new hypothesis that the
ancient Mexicans rectified their solar calendar by intercalating 10
days at intervals of 42 years, and their Venus calendar by the
deduction of four days at the end of 55 Venus years, which are
equivalent to 88 solar years.
On studying Professor Seler' s treatise with the careful attention
due to the work of such a well known authority, I was surprised
to find therein certain inaccuracies which completely invalidate his
theory. It is my duty to point out the following facts to my fellow
workers, in order to avert the confusion which would inevitably
arise if Professor Seler's new hypothesis were to obtain currency
amongst Americanists.
In the opening sentences of his treatise, and in support of his
statement that the oldest authorities explicitly deny that the Mexi-
cans employed bissextile intercalation, Professor Seler quotes two
passages from Bernardino de Sahagun's writings. In both of these
the friar employs the expression " it is conjectured," and in one he
adds, " it is probable that in the festival held at intervals of four
years the Mexicans made a bissextile intercalation."
Commenting on this Professor Seler says : " Be it well noted
that the friar does not say that he has heard this, he only says it is
probable and it is conjectured. Therefore it is his own supposition
only. And, in point of fact, no word of this occurs in the cor-
responding portion of the Nahuatl text."
A reference to the passages quoted from Sahagun's work shows
that, in both cases, the point under consideration was the time or
486
nuttall] THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CALENDAR 487
period when an intercalation was made, and not the fact whether or
not bissextile intercalation was employed by the Mexicans. Without
entering into a discussion of the latter question, and merely for the
purpose of accurately representing Sahagun's views, I refer the
reader to the appendix to book iv of the latter' s Historia, with
which Professor Seler is naturally supposed to be familiar.
In the friar's long and vehement refutation, contained in this
appendix, of what he terms the "falsehoods" written about the
native calendar by a now unknown friar, the following sentence
occurs :
" What he [the unknown friar] says about the bissextile inter-
calation not being used is also false, for in the count known as the
real calendar they count 365 days and every four years they count
* 366 days by means of a festival that they hold for this purpose
every four years."
It is evident that, had Professor Seler quoted the above explicit
expression of opinion by Sahagun, he could hardly have emphasized,
as he does, that the friar expressed only " a supposition which is,
indeed, directly contradicted by other early authors."
The above sentence is followed by Professor Seler's statement
that Motolinia, one of the first Spanish missionaries who went to
Mexico, and after him Torquemada, denied that such an intercalation
was used, and that the author of a chronicle written in Guatemala
in 1683 maintained that neither the Mexicans or the Guatemalans
employed bissextile intercalation. A translation is here given of this
part of Professor Seler's text :
" Whereas the old authors are quite explicit on this point, later
scholars sought to meet the difficulty by the assumption that an
intercalation was made at the end of the 52-year period. There is
no doubt that this theory is to be assigned to the learned Jesuit
Don Carlos Siguenza, who lived in the second half of the 17th
century.
"An intercalation of a whole week of thirteen days at the end
of the 5 2 -year cycle, or, as Leon y Gama prefers, an intercalation
of 25 days at the end of the double cycle of 104 years, would have,
in point of fact, pretty well rectified the calendar. Unfortunately
this whole theory is an idle or fantastic speculation which is not
proven by any old record ; nor is it corroborated, so far as one can
judge at present, by the picture-writings."
488 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Professor Seler's positive assertions that the idea that the Mexi-
cans intercalated 13 days at the end of the 52-year cycle was a
fantastic theory assignable to Siguenza y Gongora, and that no old
document recorded such an intercalation, prove that Professor Seler
must be unacquainted with the contents of the invaluable work
written in 1656 by Jacinto de la Serna, a native Mexican priest and
doctor of theology, who was thrice elected rector of the University
of Mexico and was renowned for his erudition and knowledge of
the language and antiquities of the Mexicans.
As Serna's Manual de los Ministros de las hidias, including a
treatise on the idolatries of the Mexicans, has been accessible to all
students since 1899, when it was published in the Anales of the
National Museum of Mexico, and as Professor Seler has quoted
Serna's name in his publications, it appears inexplicable that he
should ignore the testimony it contains in support of the fact that
the Mexicans added 13 days to their 52-year cycle.
The circumstance, recorded by Beristain, that Siguenza y
Gongora actually owned the original manuscript of Serna's great
work, which had been written when Siguenza was but eleven years
of age, likewise furnishes proof that instead of originating what
Professor Seler designates as "a fantastic theory," the erudite
Siguenza, and, after him, the most learned of Mexican scholars,
accepted the following statements of Serna as authoritative :
" The century of these natives consisted of no more than fifty-
two years. ... At the end of these fifty-two years they intercalated
thirteen days which did not pertain to any month or year and were
designated by no name like all other days. These days were passed
over as though they did not exist, and they were not adapted to
any month or year whatsoever. These days were held as unfortu-
nate, unlucky, and sad, and those persons who were born on one of
them were considered unlucky. During these thirteen days, which
constituted one of their weeks, all fires were extinguished throughout
the lands subject to the Mexican monarchy. They named the ele-
ment fire • Xiuhtecuhtli,' or the Lord of the Year. During all of
these days nothing was undertaken, no food which required cooking
was partaken of and a general fast was observed. There existed a
tradition according to which the world was to come to an end on
one of these days, therefore throughout the thirteen days a general
silence was observed and all watched during the night because it
was thought possible that the next day might never break.
nuttall] THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CALENDAR 4^9
" On the thirteenth day, all persons being on the watch, the
hi-h priest lighted the new fire with fire-sticks, at sun-rise, on the
summit of the hill of Ixtapalapa, and thence it was distributed
throughout the land, with great rejoicing and shouting, and music
made by their wooden drums, war drums, clarionets, rattles, and
other instruments, the same ceremony being observed in all parts
" These thirteen days were considered miserable because ot trie
lack of fire, but on the day when the above ceremony was performed
they began a new cycle, in such an ingenious manner, that, after
the intercalated days had passed without having been designated
by any sign or counted by signs like ordinary days, or dedicated
to any of their gods, they began the new year and cycle in such a
way that, if the preceding cycle had commenced with the sign One
Calli or house, the next cycle began with the sign One Tochtli, or
rabbit And when this cycle ended, the same intercalation ot
thirteen days and the ceremony of lighting the new fire were ob-
served and they passed on to the third.sign, Acatl, or cane, and then
to Tecpatl, or flint. At the close of four cycles, or 208 years, they
began again by One Calli. Thus the same combination of sign and
number recurred only every four cycles."
In another portion of his work Serna states :
" After each year of 360 days, five days were intercalated, which
were also called Nemontemi and were regarded as unfortunate .
like the thirteen intercalary days of the year-cycle, but with this
difference that whereas the latter constitute a count of the bissex-
tiles which were omitted in the cycle and were not numbered or
marked by day-signs, the five days are those which are lacking in
the [calendar] year, which did not contain more than 360 days.
The following important statement by Serna proves that a
denial, such as made by Motolinia, Torquemada, and the chronicler
cited by Professor Seler, that bissextile intercalation was used, does
not necessarily constitute a denial that the thirteen-day intercalation
was employed :
"And although they had no knowledge of the bissextile year, they
attained the same result by means of the thirteen intercalary days
added to each cycle. Thus there actually existed an accord between
the native years and days with the years of the Church, but a diver-
gence in the months, of which the Mexicans had eighteen." . . .
(cap. vii, par. 1.)
The above quotations from what is the clearest dissertation on
the native calendar in existence, and which was written 27 years
490 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
before the Guatemalan chronicle classed by Professor Seler among
the " old authorities," suffice to demonstrate the error of the latter's
assertion that the 13-day intercalation is "not proven by any
record" and is "a fantastic speculation assignable to the learned
Jesuit Siguenza."
In my Preliminary Notes on the Ancient Mexican Calendar Sys-
tem, published five years before Serna's invaluable work appeared,
I maintained that the 13 -day intercalation at the end of each 52-
year cycle was not only the natural outcome of the ingenious
numerical system, but that its use explained and reconciled certain
conflicting statements concerning the recorded names of the first
days of the years. By means of tables I demonstrated, at that
time, how the mere use of the 13 -day intercalation caused each suc-
cessive cycle to begin with the 20-day signs in rotation, the ob-
vious result being the formation of a great cycle consisting of 20
cycles, each of these easily distinguished by the mere fact that it
commenced with a different day-sign. Combined with the four
year-signs in regular rotation, these day-signs afforded a means of
distinguishing each cycle with a different name. It was my opin-
ion then, as it is now, that the calendar system itself furnishes
positive evidence that the 13-day intercalation at the end of the 52-
year cycle was an all-important factor which was depended on by
the ancient calendar makers when they planned their ingenious
cyclical system.
It will be for my fellow-students to judge how much the internal
evidence furnished by the calendar system itself and by Serna's
testimony, which was adopted by the most learned of his country-
men, outweighs Professor Seler's new hypothesis that the Mexicans
rectified their calendar by adding 10 days to 42 years.
Let us now examine Professor Seler's equally novel theory that
the ancient Mexicans periodically adjusted 55 Venus years with 88
solar years by adding to the 88 years a Mexican year shortened by
4 days.
As by "Mexican year" Professor Seler designates the vague
solar year of 365 days, the intercalation he suggests consists of
361 days and is intended to adjust 88 vague solar years to 55
Venus years.
nuttall] THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CALEND'AR 49 J
Unlike Senor Paso y Troncoso, whose work he does not men-
tion but which contains the most painstaking and instructive study
of the Venus year in connection with the Mexican calendar that
has yet been published, Professor Seler makes no attempt to recon-
cile his theoretical adjustment with the fixed periods of the native
calendar system. Had he more thoroughly tested the adaptabilities
of the numerical system he would have found that a periodical ad-
justment of the count of vague solar years to Venus years could
have been made in a manner even more simple than that suggested
by Senor Troncoso, but as essentially the natural outcome of the
native system itself.
Although I had not intended publishing it in advance of my
work on the Mexican Calendar, I here submit a table which forms a
part of the reconstruction of the calendar system which I made in
1892, the printed plates of which have since been preserved and ex-
hibited in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge.
This table demonstrates the fact which Senor Troncoso first
noted and which Professor Seler has also recorded, how, owing to
the numerical structure of the system, a series of synodic periods
of Venus, each consisting of 583-92, or, roughly speaking, 584
days inevitably produced or formed a cycle which completed itself
only' at the end of 65 Venus years, a 66th Venus year infallibly
beginning on a day of the same sign and number as the first.
An interesting fact, which seems to have escaped Senor Tron-
coso, but which Professor Seler has observed, is that, throughout
the 65-year cycle, the Venus years begin on only five out of the
twenty days of the Mexican calendar. This natural result of the
system associated a Venus cycle with five special day-signs and
divided it into groups of five Venus years, equaling eight vague
solar years.
Let us now see how simply the count of Venus years could have
been adjusted to the count of vague solar years by merely adhering
to the order of the calendar system itself.
Five Venus vears, or 5 x 584 days, contain 2,920 days and are
exactly equal to eight vague solar years of 365 days each. There-
fore, at regular intervals of eight years the Venus and solar calendars
met! with slight divergences— an interesting detail in connection
492
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
with the records that a special festival, associated with the planet
Venus, was celebrated at intervals of eight years.
The complete Venus cycle of 65 synodic periods equals 2x52 =
104 vague solar years, as 65 x 584=37,960 days, and 104 x
365 = 37>96o days.
The system which produced the above harmonious results also
furnishes the means of rectifying, in an equally harmonious and
simple manner, not only the divergences between both counts, but
those between the apparent movements of the sun and Venus, and
their respective calendars. Notwithstanding Professor Seler's asser-
tions to the contrary, Serna's authority, corroborated by other
writers and by the system itself, establishes the fact that a group of
thirteen days effectively adjusted the 52-year solar cycle.
Accordingly, a period of 2 x 52 = 104 vague solar years, equaling
the cycle of 65 Venus years, received two intercalations of thirteen
days each, which converted the 104 vague solar years into tropical
years of 365.25 days, with a total number of 37,973 days.
On the other hand, at the end of the Venus cycle of 65 synodic
periods, calculated as of 584 instead of 583.92 days, the Venus
calendar was ahead of astronomical facts. As its progression
amounted to about five days, it is obvious that, by simply deducting
a five-day group from the end of the Venus cycle, i. e., by beginning
the subsequent cycle five days earlier, a most simple and effective
rectification of the Venus calendar was possible.
CYCLE OF PLANET VENUS
Consisting of 5 x 13 = 65 synodic periods of 583.92
days each, and beginning on day 1 Cipactli.
584
Name of First Day of
Order of
Each Year Accord-
Venus Years.
ing to Mexican
Calendar.
1st.
Cipactli
1
9
4
12
7 2
10
S
13
8 3
11
6
2nd.
Coatl
13
8
3
11
6 1
9
4
12
7 2
10
S
3rd.
Atl
12
7
2
10
5 13
8
3
1 1
6 1
Q
4
4th.
Acatl
11
6
1
9
4 12
7
2
10
S M
8
3
5th.
Ollin
10
5
13
8
3 "
6
1
9
4 12
7
2
nuttall! THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CALENDAR 493
Note. — Five Venus years are equal to eight vague solar years :
5 x 584 = 2,920, and
8 x 365 = 2,920.
Thus the Venus cycle equals 2 x 52 = 104 vague solar years,
as 65 x 584 = 37,960 days, and 104 x 365 = 37,96° days-
The deduction of a five-day period from its end would effec-
tively adjust the Venus cycle and cause the three cycles which fol-
low to begin with the following sets of day-signs :
Cycle II. Cycle III. Cycle IV.
Cozcaquauhtli Ozomatli Ehecatl
Xochitl Quauhtli Miquizth
Cuetzpalin Quiahuitl Itzcuintli
Tochtli Calli Ocelotl
Malinalli Mazatl Tecpatl
I pause here to point out the harmonious perfection of a system
which permitted the progression of the Venus calendar and the
retrogression of the count of vague solar years to be rectified by
the simple deduction of an integral five-day group in one case and
the addition of integral thirteen-day groups in the other.
It is interesting to observe, what I am the first to point out, the
effect produced by the deduction of a five-day group at the end of
each Venus cycle : it causes each of four successive cycles to be
associated with a fresh set of five day-signs and starts a great cycle
which completes itself only at the conclusion of the four cycles or
after the 4 x 5 = 20 day-signs have served in turn as initial days,
on exactly the same principle that is applied in the great solar cycle.
The great Venus cycle and the lesser cycles it embraces present
a resemblance to an inner wheel revolving rapidly from left to right
and an outer one turning more slowly in retrogressive motion.
The latter is curiously matched by the retrogressive numeration
recorded in the accompanying table, in which the 65 Venus years
are seen to begin, in succession, on days the numbers of which run
backward.
Evolved from the numerical system itself, the great Venus
cycle, embracing 4x65 = 260 Venus years, thus accords perfectly
AM. ANTH., N. S., 6 — 32
494 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
with the Tonalpoualli, the 260-day period or unit year which con-
stitutes the basis of the system.
The harmonious working of this masterpiece of ingenuity is
further demonstrated by the following detail : At the end of 4 x
65 = 260 Venus years, unless a different adjustment were made,
the following cycle would begin on the days of the first group, but
in a different order, the sign Acatl taking the lead, and so on until
the 4 x 5 = 20 possible combinations were exhausted.
Another remarkable fact, which Sefior Troncoso first noted,
is that the total sum of intercalary days added to the 4 x 13 = 52
vague solar years, multiplied by 20, and forming the great solar
cycle of 1,040 years, amounted to 260 days or a complete funda-
mental unit of the calendar system.
It would appear as though, when they devised the system based
on the 260-day period, the calendar-makers must have had in view
the simultaneous and ultimate formation of a great solar cycle
of 4X 13=52x20= 1,040 years rectified by 20 intercalations
of 13 days each, forming a total sum of 260 days, and of a great
Venus cycle of5xi3 = 65X4 = 260 synodic revolutions, recti-
fied by the deduction of 260 groups of five days each, or 1,300 days.
The close association of the five-day group with the Venus
calendar, produced by its employment to rectify the apparent pro-
gression of the planet, suggests a possible explanation of the pecu-
liarity that, in Maya and Mexican manuscripts, the sign of the planet
Venus consists of five dots, which might also designate the groups
of five Venus years equaling eight vague solar years.
It is unnecessary to discuss the striking contrast afforded by
the simple and harmonious way of rectifying the calendar so clearly
indicated by the system itself, and the complicated adjustment
suggested by Professor Seler, which are not in harmony with the
fixed order of the cyclical system, in which groups of 42 and 88
years and intercalations of 10 or 361 days or deductions of four
days are absolutely out of order.
Before presenting the newly gained evidence furnished by an
important document which has only just been published in full and
which proves the astronomical origin of the 260-day period, I will
make passing mention of the lunar count — the Meztlipohualli ot
nuttall] THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CALENDAR 495
the ancient Mexicans, of which I submitted an experimental recon-
struction to the Congress of Americanists at Huelva in 1892.
Fresh light is also thrown on this subject by Serna, who records
that "the months were counted [by the Mexicans] like the Hebrews,
from one neomenia to another, that is to say, from one appearance
of the new moon to another ... the word for month being the
same as moon, thus a month was called one moon. It was by this
count that the women counted the months of their pregnancy. . .
In Oaxaca they had a count of thirteen months, with thirteen gods,
one for each month."
I may here pause to point out that Serna's record that the
lunar count was especially used by women in association with a
nine-months' period is of particular significance and importance in
connection with the 260-day period which, as I have noted else-
where accords with the period of human gestation. The view I
expressed at Huelva, that the "Nine Lords of the Night" were
the nine moons of the lunar year, is corroborated by Serna's state-
ment that each of the thirteen moons of the Oaxaca lunar calendar
had its special god. In the experimental reconstruction which I
submitted at Huelva, the cycle formed consisted of 4 X 13 = 52
lunar years of 265 days each. In pointing out the advantages of
the 265- over the 365-day period as a means of cursive registration
of dates, I quoted the following opinion, concerning the merits of
the 260-day period, expressed to me in a letter by Sir Norman
Lockyer :
"The short year of 260 days is magnificent; it was the very
finest thing they could have done. The lunation is 29.53 days and
nine lunations are equal to 2657 days. The short year, therefore,
plus an epact of five days, equalled nine moons, so this brought he
moon right, that is to say, the new moon (or the full moon, it is
immaterial) would begin the second short year, third short year, and
so on."
An objection to my reconstruction, raised by several fellow-
workers, amongst them Dr Daniel G. Brinton, was that we had no
documentary evidence to prove that such a lunar count was ever
actually employed by the ancient Mexicans.
Serna, however, supplies us with the missing record of the
existence 'of a lunar calendar. He records the names of the Mex-
496
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n s., 6, 1904
ican "Nine Lords of the Night" and describes how a nocturnal
calendar consisting of a count of nine night periods was employed.
A simple verification of his statements concerning this nine-night
count not only shows how intimately it was associated with the 260-
day period, but furnishes further indications of the connection of the
latter with the lunar count.
It is obvious that a 260-day or -night period embraces exactly
29 groups of 9 nights each, and also, approximately, 9 vague luna-
tions of 29 days each.
Serna points out that the 259th night of a count of nine nights,
beginning on the sign of the first Lord of the Night, infallibly falls
on the sign of the eighth lord, and that, consequently, the 260th
night corresponds to the sign of the ninth lord.
An experimental reconstruction of this basis further reveals
that the 9 x 29 night periods contained in the Tonalpoualli would
naturally begin on the signs of the Nine Lords of the Night in the
following order of rotation :
29 day period No. 1 begins on the si
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
gn of the lord 1
3
5
7
9
2
4
6
8
The experimental addition of the five-day epact x which, as Sir
Norman Lockyer has pointed out, would so effectively adjust the
lunar count, initiates a cycle of 9 x 9 true lunar years of 265 days
each, which begins as follows :
Year 1 on the sign of the lord 1
2 " 6
3 " 2
4 " 7
1 The above adjustment of the 260-day period to astronomical facts by means of an
epact of five days offers an exact parallel to the method which was actually employed in
the case of the solar calendar, in which, as is well known, a five-day epact was added to
the native year of 360 days in order to adjust the true solar year.
nuttall] THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CALENDAR 497
Year 5 on the sign of the lord 3
6 " 8
7 " 4
8 " 9
9 " 5
On the other hand, as the duration of nine lunations exceeds
265 days by exactly 17 hrs., 36 m., and 27 s., this excess, gradu-
ally accumulating, would soon cause a marked divergence in a pro-
longed count of successive periods of 265 days.
At the end of the 9 x 9 = 81 lunar years of 265 nights the
retrogression of the lunar calendar would amount to 6 days, 14
hrs., 28 m., and 3 s. It is interesting, moreover, to note that the
lunar cycle of 9x9 = 81 years exceeds in length the 52-year
cycle of solar years of 365 days each by 6 years and 295 days ;
the latter period consisting of one 260-day period and 35 days
(i. e., 4 X9 — 1 day).
Postponing further discussion of the 265-day period, I now draw
attention to the hitherto inedited treatise on the observation of the
planet Venus by the ancient Mexicans, attributed to no less an
authority than Friar Motolinia, which has just been published in the
City of Mexico by Dr Nicolas Leon and in Paris by Sehor Luis
Garcia Pimentel.
The existence of this precious manuscript in the library of the late
Joaquin Icazbalceta has long been known to scholars, but it was
Sefior Troncoso who first published, in 1883, fragmentary quotations
from its pages. Since then Sefior Alfredo Chavero and Professor
Edward Seler have referred to it as a valuable source of information
concerning the observation of the planet Venus by the Mexican
priesthood.
The extracts printed below suffice to establish that an astronom-
ical origin was assigned to the 260-day period by the Mexicans
themselves. A table of the 260-day period accompanies the fol-
lowing text :
"... here is explained the calendar or table of the star
named Hesper, or, in the language of the Indians, Hueycitlalin (lit.
the Great Star) or Totonametl (lit. the Shining One).
" The table given here can be designated as the calendar of the
49§ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Indians of New Spain, which they counted by a star which, in the
autumn, begins to appear, toward evening, in the west with a clear
and resplendent light. Indeed, those who have good eye -sight and
know where to look for it can perceive it from mid-day on.
"This star is that we call Lucifer, etc. . . . As the sun goes
lower and the days grow shorter the star seems to rise — thus each
day it appears a little higher until the sun seems to reach it and
pass it in the summer and spring when it sets with the sun and is
visible through its light.
" And in this land the duration of time from the day when it
first appears to when after rising on high it loses itself and disappears,
amounts to 260 days, which are figured and recorded in said calen-
dar or table. . . .
"... the sign cipactli is the first day of the 260 and of all
days. . . This count is not that of the course of the sun or the year,
nor is it in respect to [the sun] that it is named and the signs exist,
but it is from contemplation of the star. They named this count
Tonalpoualli . . . which means the count of the planets or heavenly
bodies which illuminate or give light, and by this they did not only
signify the planet named Sun. . . . They also name the star Citlal-
tona, or ' the star of light.' . . .
" Next to the sun they adored and made more sacrifices to this
star than to any other celestial or terrestrial creature. The astron-
omers knew on what day it would appear again in the east after it
had lost itself or disappeared in the west, and for this first day they
prepared a feast, warfare, and sacrifices. The ruler gave an Indian
who was sacrificed at dawn, as soon as the star became visible. . . .
In this land the star lingers and rises in the east as many days as
in the west — that is to say, for another period of 260 days. Some
add thirteen days more, which is one of their weeks.
" They also kept account, like good astrologers, of all of the
days when the star was visible. The reason why this star was held
in such esteem by the lords and people, and the reason why they
counted the days by this star and yielded reverence and offered sac-
rifices to it, was because these deluded natives thought or believed
that when one of their principal gods, named Topiltzin or Quetzal-
coatl, died and left this world, he transformed himself into that
resplendent star. ..."
While it is obvious that the recorded observations as to the season
and the period of visibility of the planet Venus, being necessarily
transitory, apply only to one year, the above authoritative statements
definitely establish not only that the 260-day period began with the
nuttall] THE ANCIENT MEXICAN CALENDAR 499
day Cipactli and was named the " Tonalpoualli " or " count of the
celestial shining bodies," but that it was actually employed for the
purpose of registering the apparent movements of the planet Venus.
Emphasizing again that the Tonalpoualli more closely corre-
sponds to the duration of nine lunations than to the periods be-
tween the superior conjunction and digressions of the planet Venus,
which is of 220 and not of 260 days as Motolinia records, I also
wish to point out how admirably its numerical system is adapted
to the registration of astronomical data in general. A striking
instance of this adaptability is obtained if we experimentally register
the synodic periods of the planet Mars.
According to Sir Norman Lockyer this planet takes 779.94
= 780 days to return to the same position with regard to the earth.
If we fix on the day 1 Acatl of the Mexican calendar, for in-
stance, as that on which the position of the planet is registered,
and count 780 days, we ascertain that the 781st day falls again on
the sign 1 Acatl and will continue to do so indefinitely. It can
readily be seen how, in this case, a planet would come to be identi-
fied with a single day and sign until marked progression called for
an adjustment and the adoption of a different sign.
It is of course impossible to enter here into what would neces-
sarily be an extended discussion of the much debated question as
to the date and day-sign on which the Mexican solar calendar
began.
The publication of Serna's and Motolinia's important docu-
ments obliges students of the ancient Mexican calendar, myself
included, to revise some of their conclusions and to abandon others
which were reached prior to an acquaintance with these works.
The purpose of the present communication will be fulfilled if it
directs the attention of American scholars to the important evidence
which Professor Seler has ignored, and to the undeniably harmoni-
ous results which I have obtained by partly revised reconstructions
on the lines indicated by Serna and Motolinia and confirmed by
other early authors."
The following resume of the main features of the reconstructed
independent solar, lunar, and Venus year cycles are respectfully
submitted to the consideration of my fellow-workers :
500 AMERICAN ANTHR0P0L0GIS7 [n. s., 6, 1904
I
A count of solar years of 360 + 5 = 365 days subdivided into
groups of 5, 13, and 20 days, forming lesser cycles of 4 x 13=52
years, each adjusted by an epact consisting of an integral 13 -day
group, and a great cycle of 20 x 52 = 1,040 years, at the end of
which the total number of epacts employed for the purpose of rec-
tifying the calendar amounted to 20 x 13 == 260 days, or one inte-
gral Tonalpoualli.
II
A nocturnal count of lunar years of 260 -f 5 = 265 nights sub-
divided into 29 groups of 9 nights and embracing 9 lunations,
forming a cycle of 9 x 9 = 81 lunar years, at the end of which
retrogression would amount to 6 days, 14 hrs., 28 m., and 3 s.
It is obvious that the addition of an integral 13-day group at
the end of two lunar cycles would have effectually adjusted the lunar
calendar, a fact which is not only interesting per se but also in con-
nection with the method of adjusting the solar calendar.
Ill
A count of Venus years of 584 days each, subdivided into 5-
day groups, forming lesser cycles of 5 x 13 =65 years, each ad-
justed by the deduction of one integral 5 -day group ; a great cycle
of 4 X 65 = 260 years with a total deduction of 4 x 5 = 20 days,
and a greater cycle of 5 x 260 = 1,300 years, with a total deduc-
tion of 5 x 20 = 1 00 days.
THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM — IV
By WILLIAM EDWIN SAFFORD
VIII. — The Verb — Continued
1 6. The Verbal Infix urn. — Transitive verbs with a definite
object have inserted before the first vowel of the verb the particle
um to express the past and present tenses of the indicative mode,
providing that the action expressed by the verb has already been
referred to or indicated. Thus, if a ship {modong) has been sighted
and reported, the question is asked, Hayi lumii i medong ? " Who
saw the ship?", inserting the particle um before the first vowel of
the word Hi (see). If some one suddenly sights it, however, he says
Hu/m i medong ! "I see the ship," in this case prefixing a verbal
particle to the verb.1
The infix um is also used with those intransitive verbs which
lack the prefix fan, or a similar syllable (asfaldgo, run ; fatdchong,
sit), and it forms the infinite of all transitive verbs as well as of the
intransitive verbs indicated.
This use of a verbal infix is a feature of the Chamorro language,
separating it from all languages of Polynesia and Melanesia proper.
Strangely, however, it is also a characteristic of the languages of
the widely remote inhabitants of Madagascar, the Javanese, and the
Khmers of Cambodia, as well as of the nearer Philippine archipelago.
Examples of the use of verbal infixes in the languages referred
to are :
Chamorro, ckomule, from the root chule, carry ;
Tagalog, bumasa from the root basa, read ;
Malay, pumili/ian, from the root pilih, choose ;
Javanese, hVLTdurub, from the root hurub, flame ;
Khmer, samlap, from the root slap, dead.
Of the common origin of the languages of Polynesia, Melanesia,
and the Malay archipelago there can be no doubt. Many words
» See American Anthropologist, vol. 5, p. 310 (p. 22 of reprint), 1903.
501
AM. ANTH., N. S., 6 — 33
502 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
common to all bear evidence to this fact in the same way as the
words which prove the relationship of the languages of the great
Aryan family. These words are not only names of common objects,
such as sky, fire, fish, bird, but also the names of a number of eco-
nomic plants, such as coconut, sugar-cane, yam, and, as we have
already seen, the personal pronouns and the numerals. The simi-
larity of the grammatical structure of the Chamorro language to
that of the Philippine dialects and of other western idioms shows
that the ancestors of the people of Guam did not accompany the
ancient Polynesians or Melanesians in their exodus, but remained
united with the original stock inhabiting the Malay archipelago and
the Philippines, together with the ancestors of the settlers of Mada-
gascar until the evolution of the grammatical features which now
are common to these people, and of which not a trace is to be found
in the eastern Pacific races. From what has just been said it must
not be inferred that the vocabularies of the languages of Guam and
the Philippines are closely allied. Outside of the primitive words
referred to above, they have little in common.
In the following examples the first list includes verbs conjugated
with the infix um ; the second includes verbs having the intransitive
prefix fan, or a syllable like it, which are conjugated without the
infix um. In forming the tenses, the infinitive and the preterite or
past definite of the indicative are derived directly from the definite,
or urgent imperative ; the present and imperfect of the indicative,
which may be compared to the progressive form of the English
(' I am laughing', or ' I was laughing'), implying continued action,
are derived from the indefinite, or suspended imperative}
A. — Infinitives with um.
Root
Reduplicated Root
Infinitive
Present and
Imperative.
Suspended Imperative.
and Preterite.
Imperfect.
laugh,
chdleg,
chdchaleg,
c/mm.d/eg,
chumdc/ia/eg.
weep,
tdngis,
tdtangis, .
tumdngis,
tUTCLdtangis.
lie down,
as on,
dason,
umdson,
umdason.
rise,
kahulo,
kahuhulo,
k\xva.ahulo,
k\xva.ahuhulo.
descend,
tunog,
tu tunog,
tumunog,
tumutunog.
1 The difference between the two forms of imperative is explained under the heading
'« Reduplication", American Anthropologist, vol. 6, p. 114 (p. 66 of reprint), 1904.
safford]
THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM
503
go,
carry,
stay,
enter,
go out,
swim,
lament,
hide,
blaspheme,
hdnao,
elude,
saga,
halom,
huyong,
ndngo,
ugung,
atog,
chdtfino,
hahanao,
chuchule,
sdsaga,
hdhalom,
hiihuyong,
ndnango,
uugung,
datog,
chdchatfino,
humdnao,
ehumide,
sumdga,
humdlom,
hvsduyong,
fiVLmdngo,
umtigung,
UTD.dtog,
ehumdtfino,
B. — Infinitives without um.
Root Reduplicated Root Infinitive
Imperative. Suspended Imperative, and Preterite.
humdhanao.
ehumt/elude.
sumdsaga.
humdha/om.
Aumu/iuyong.
numdnango.
urauugung.
umdatog.
ehumdehatfino.
Present and
Imperfect.
see (intr. )
fanlii,
read (intr.)
fanditai,
write (intr.)
fanuge,
carry (intr.)
fanuky
sit,
fatdchong,
run,
faldgo,
arrive,
fdto,
go on foot,
fambkat,
fanlilii, manlii, manlilii.
fandnaitai, manditai, mamiaitai.
fanunuge, mamige, manunuge.
fanunule, manule, manunule.
fatdtachong, matdchofig, matdtachong.
faldlago, maldgo, maldlago.
fdfato, mdto, mdfato.
fambmokat mambkat. mambmokat.
Examples of the use of verbs with the infix um:
Hayi tumataitai i lebbloko ? Who is reading my book ?
Guaho tumataitai. Tumataitai yb. I am reading (it).
Hayi kumano i kahet ? Who ate the orange ?
Si Huankumano. Kumano si Huan. John ate (it).
Hayi tumaha i hayuho ? Who cut my wood ?
Si tata tumaha. Tumaha si tata. Father cut it.
Hayi tumuge ini na katta ? Who wrote this letter ?
Tumuge i cheluho. My brother wrote (it).
Hayi chumdchaleg guenao na guma ? Who is laughing in that house?
Chumdcha/eg i famaguon. The children are laughing.
Examples of the use of verbs with the Infinitive :
Ma/ago yb umason.
Munga umason.
Munga yb humanao.
Munga gui huma/om.
Munga sumaga si nana.
Sina yb humuyong ?
Siha hao sumaga giya hame.
I wish to lie down.
You must not lie down.
I won't go.
He won't come in.
Mother will not stay.
May I go out ?
You may stay at our house.
504 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Reduplicated Form with Chamo. — With verbs which take um
in the infinitive, the precative chamo causes the reduplication of the
accented syllable, as in the present or progressive form. This may
be considered as a progressive form of the infinitive :
Chamo umdason / Don't lie down ! Don't be lying down.
Chamo humdhanao / Don't go ! Don't be going. You must not
be going.
Chamo humdha/om ! Do not enter ! Don't be entering.
Chamo sumdsaga ! Do not stay ! You must not be staying.
17. Verbal Particles. — Verbal particles precede the verb and
are united with it enclitically. They indicate person, but they are
quite distinct from the personal pronoun. They are used with all
verbs in the future, whether transitive or intransitive, but are used
in the past and present of transitive verbs only when they have
a definitely indicated object and their action has not before been
referred to. Following are the verbal particles of the Chamorro
language :
Past and Present.
FUTURE.
SlNGULAR.
hu-
hu-
i st person.
un-
un-
2d person.
ha-
u-
3d person.
Dual and Plural
ta-
uta-
1 st person inclusive,
in-
in-
1st person exclusive
en-
en-
2d person.
ha-
uha-
3d person.
As in the form of the verb where the infix um is used, the
preterite indicative of verbs conjugated with prefixed particles is
formed from the definite, or urgent, imperative, and the imperfect
and present from the reduplicated form, which is the indefinite or
suspended imperative. Examples :
TLuchu/e i tihongmo gi gima, I carried your hat to the house.
Hu//V i lahen magalahe, I saw the son of the governor.
'Ruchuchule i niyog stha, I am or was carrying the coconuts.
Hu/i/ii i guihan gitipo, I see the fish in the well.
Ta/« /' chelumo ni i bachet, We (you and I) saw your brother who
is blind.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 5° 5
Hafa enao ? Ti hutungo, What is that ? I do not know (it).
Un/// i tataho gi lancho, You saw my father in the ranch.
U/« i tatdmo agupa, He will see your father tomorrow.
Ha/// nigab i chelumo, He saw your brother yesterday.
In the above examples it will be observed that the verb has a
definitely indicated object and that the action of the verb has not
before been expressed.
Particles used with the Imperative. — It has already been stated
that the definite imperative, second person singular, is the simple
root of the verb. The other persons of the imperative are formed
from the future very much as in the English expressions ' she shall
go,' ' he shall do it,' ' they shall work.' Examples :
Lit i gima ! See the house !
U/// / gima ! Let him see the house !
Ta/// / gima ! Let us see the house !
Lii i gima ! See ye the house !
Una/// / gima / They shall" see the house !
1 8. The Possessive Form of the Verb. — As already indi-
cated, person and number are expressed in certain verbs by means
of possessive particles suffixed enclitically to the verb.1 The pre-
terite or past definite tense is formed directly from the definite
imperative, or primitive form of the verb, and the present or
imperfect has the reduplicated form. Examples :
Hafa ilegnSLy What did he say ? What said he ?
Hafa i/e/egna, What is he saying ? What was he saying?
f/egmame, We said, we did say.
%mamame, We are saying, we were saying.
In this form of the verb the reduplication takes place not neces-
sarily in the root of the verb, but in the accented syllable of the
new word formed by combining enclitically the possessive suffix
with the root. In verbs denoting mental action, as already stated,
the effect of reduplicating the verb would be to weaken its mean-
ing ; so that with the verb malago, for instance, the unreduplicated
form is used in the present as well as in the past tense : Hafa mala-
^mo? What do you wish? or, what didx you wish ? Gaoko, I
prefer. Hinasoko, I think.
i See Am. Anth., vol. 5, p. 513 (P- 3° of reprint), 1903.
506 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
The use of this form of the verb may be compared to that of
the Polynesian dialects, in which a common form of expression is,
' What is your wishing ? ' — Hawaiian, He aha kon makemake ?
Aole ona manao e hele. ' None his wishing to go.' ' He did not
wish to go.'
19. The Passive Voice. — To express the passive voice, when
the agent is singular, the particle in must be inserted before the first
vowel of the verb. This has the effect of changing the vowel a to
a, o to e, and u to i, as in the formation of abstract nouns. Thus,
from gote, seize, we have ginete, to be seized by some one.
When the agent of the action is not expressed, or is plural, the
passive voice is indicated by prefixing the particle ma to the verb.
Thus, from gote, we have m&gote, to be seized by more than one,
or simply ' seized,' without expressing the agent.
The present and imperfect tenses are formed by reduplication as
in the other forms of the verb ; as, ginete yo nu i lahe, I was seized
by the man ; ginegete yo nu i chelumo, I am (or was) being seized
by your brother ; m&gote yo nu i liilahe, I was seized by the men ;
TO&gogote yo uu i maneliano, I am (or was) being seized by your
brothers.
The passive voice cannot be used if the agent is of the first or
the second person, or if the subject of the verb is of the first person
and the agent is of the singular or dual number unless the agent is
without article, adjective, or preposition. Thus it is proper to trans-
late by the passive voice, ' I was stung by a wasp ' (Inaka yo sasatd),
' We were stung by mosquitos ' {Manmaaka ham namo). But the
sentence ' I was stung by that big centipede ' must be rendered in
Chamorro ' That big centipede stung me ' ; and ' The berries were
picked by me ' must be translated ' I picked the berries.' Other
examples :
Finanague si Hose as Pedro, Joseph was taught by Peter. (Agent
singular. )
HLdjanaan Hose Palomo i pale The priest who taught me was called
ni ifumague yd, Jose Palomo. ( Agent not specified. )
B'vaaba hao as Tata, Thou wert whipped by Father. (Agent
singular. )
Mamo/ea si Eliseo nu megae Elisha was ridiculed by many boys.
nafamagtion. (Agent plural.)
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM S°7
ManVOAakude hamyo nu i Ye were aided by your-fellow-country-
manachataotaomiyo. men. (Verb and agent plural. )
20. Mode. As we have seen, inflections are made by means of
reduplication and by the addition of prefixes, infixes, and suffixes.
Though not corresponding to the grammatical structure of the
Aryan group of languages, the Chamorro verbs may be considered
to have four modes, the imperative, infinitive, indicative, and
conditional.
IMPERATIVE MODE
There are two imperatives, the definite or urgent, which is the
simple root of the verb, and the indefinite or suspended, which is
the reduplicated form of the root. The definite imperative ex-
presses a command which is urgent and is expected to be obeyed
immediately, as Hanao ! Go ! The indefinite or suspended im-
perative expresses a command, request, or exhortation, which is
not expected to be obeyed forthwith; as chdchaleg ! laugh (and
the world laughs with you) ; oomag, bathe (as when a doctor ad-
vises a patient). 1 The second person of the imperative is the same
in the singular and plural. The third person of the imperative is
similar to the third person singular and plural of the future, as,
XjJii, let him see, or he shall see ; uha///, let them see, or they
shall see. The first person plural is similar to that of the preterite
and present, as, talii, let us see. An interesting feature of the
Chamorro is the use of an auxiliary with the first person plural of
the imperative, recalling the Hebrew form, as, Nihi talii ! O come
let us see ! The negative imperative is expressed by the preca-
tive chamo, do not, before the reduplicated, or suspended impera-
tive. Examples :
Chamo fatdtachong ! Do not sit down !
Chamo kahuhulo .' Do not get up !
Chamo fambmokat ! Do not go on foot !
Chamo faldlago ! Do not run !
Chamo falagisdsadog / Don't go-to-the-river !
Chamo famumuno / Thou shalt not kill !
Chamo fandadage ! Thou shalt not lie !
1 It may also be considered in the light of a progressive form of the imperative, as
'be laughing,' 'be bathing' ; or as an exhortation to perform an habitual act, as ' laugh
and grow fat, ' ' bathe frequently. '
508
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
If the verb take the infix um in the infinitive, the reduplicated
form, with this particle before the first vowel (as in the present, or
imperfect), follows the precative ; as, chamo umdason, do not lie
down ; chamo humdhanao, do not go.
Some imperative phrases follow :
Halom I
Chamo kahuhulo !
Fatdchong /
Fatdchong gi fionho,
Ginem ini na tuba,
Chamo gumiginem i tiba pago,
Giginem gin homlo hao,
Maila tafanoo chokolate,
Mai la y a unchocho,
Nihi tafalag-i-halom -tano,
Tafanfi flores,
Nangga /
Ekungog ayu na aga,
Atan enao na sasata,
Adahe !
Ta-agang si Luis,
Ta-fanagang,
Pakakd !
Chamo a a mam !
Gusi magi !
Come in !
Do not rise !
Sit down !
Sit in my proximity (near me).
Drink this toddy.
Do not drink the toddy now.
Drink (it) when you are well.
Come, let us make some chocolate.
Come and you eat.
Come, let-us-go-to-the-woods.
Let us pick flowers.
Wait!
Listen to that crow.
Look at that wasp.
Take care !
Let us call Louis (transitive).
Let us call (intransiive).
Be silent !
Don't tarry !
Hurry hither !
INFINITIVE MODE
All transitive verbs form their infinitive by inserting the particle
um before the first vowel of the primitive root, or definite impera-
tive. Examples :
Definite Imperative
chide, carry ;
nde, give ;
taitai, read ;
luge, write ;
fahan, buy ;
Infinitive
chumule, to carry.
num.de, to give.
tumaitai, to read.
tumuge, to write.
fumahan, to buy.
Some intransitive verbs form their infinitive in the same manner :
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 509
chaleg, laugh ; chvmaleg, to laugh.
tangis, weep ; tumangis, to weep.
nango, swim ; numango, to swim.
All intransitive verbs beginning with fan or the syllable fa in
the imperative, and all transitive verbs with an indefinite object
taking fan in the imperative, change the prefix to man or ma in
the infinitive :
fSLnu/e, carry (intr.); ma.nule, to carry.
fannde, give (intr. ) ; m&nnde, to give.
IdMaitai, read, or pray ; manaitat, to read, or pray.
fam/ge, write (intr.) ; memuge, to write.
falago, run ; malago, to run.
idXachong, sit down ; mdXachong, to sit down.
iachocho, work (intr. ) ; m&chocho, to work.
INDICATIVE MODE
21. Formation of Tenses. — From the Definite or Urgent Im-
perative, which is the simple root, are formed the Preterite or Past
Definite of the Indicative Mode, and the Definite future of all verbs
except those having the prefix fan, or a similar syllable, in the im-
perative.
From the Indefinite or Suspended Imperative, which is the re-
duplicated form of the root, are formed the Imperfect, Present and
Indefinite Future. These forms may be considered as like the
Progressive form in the English ' I was seeing,' ' I am seeing,' ' I
shall be seeing.' The Anterior Pluperfect or Past Perfect of the
Indicative is like the preterite, preceded or followed by the verbs
monhayan and magpb ( ' to have finished ' ), or by the word yesta
derived from the Spanish ya estd, it is done. Examples :
Definite imperative, Lii, See ! Indefinite imperative, Lilii, See.
Preterite, Ha///, He did see. Present or imperfect, Ha/////, He is
seeing, he was seeing.
Definite future, U///, He will see. Indefinite future, U/////, He will be
seeing.
Anterior or ( Monhayan ha///, 1 Hg had geen hehad finished seeing.1
Pluperfect \ Ha/// magpo, j
1 Like the Spanish acabo \de\ ver.
5IO AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Past Time. — As in many Oceanic languages, past time is fre-
quently expressed by means of adverbs. Time fully past is indi-
cated by hagas, formerly, or the English ' used to ' ; time recently
past by gine, translated in English by ' to have just' and in French
by venir de ; time definitely past by monhan, which corresponds to
the German schon ; and time already past at some past period by
monhayan or magpo, which may be supposed to correspond to the
Spanish acabar de, 'to have finished some act in past time.' The
reduplicated form of the verb used in connection with past time
expresses continuous or progressive action, something happening at
the same time that another past event took place ; it is therefore
sometimes called the " copresent," and is expressed by the " imper-
fect " of the Latin languages. Examples:
Hagas kapitan hao, You were captain (Formerly you
were a captain).
Hagas mato yd Manila, I have been to Manila(not recently) .
Gine hulii si Nana, I have just seen Mother ( Je viens de
voir ma mere).
Gine malango yd, I have been sick (recently).
Monhan1 halagse i chininana Already he sewed his shirt yesterday.
nigab,
Monhayan hao chumocho nigab- You had finished dining day before
na, anae mato si Magalahe yesterday when the Governor ar-
giya hamyo? rived at your home.
22. Person and Number. — It has been shown under the pro-
noun that there are two forms for the first person plural, one
including the person addressed and the other excluding him. The
first may be thought of as ' you and I ', the second as ' they and I.'
Transitive verbs with a definite object have no distinct form for
indicating the dual number. Intransitive verbs indicate the dual by
using the plural pronouns with the singular form of the verb, while
they prefix to the verb the plural particle man, to indicate that the
subject is plural. Thus we have the intransitive verbs :
Singular : Tumunog yo, I descended (from tunog, descend).
Manlii yo, I saw (from Hi, see).
1 German, Er hat schon gestern sein Hemd genaht.
2 Giya hamyo = French chez vous.
safford]
THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM
511
Dual:
Plural
Tumunog hit,
Tumunog ham,
Manlii hit,
Manlii ham,
Mann nog1 hit,
Manunog ham,
Manmanlii hit,
We descended (thou and I);
We descended (he and I).
We saw (thou and I) ;
We saw (he and I).
We descended (ye and I) ;
We descended (they and I).
We saw (ye and I) ;
Manmanlii ham, We saw (they and I).
Verbs in the passive voice form the plural like intransitive verbs
and adjectives :
Singular : Ginete yo,
Magote yo,
Plural
Manginete hit,
Manmagote hit,
I was seized (from gote, agent
singular) ;
I was seized (agent plural, or
not indicated).
We were seized (you and I ;
agent singular) ;
We were seized (you and I ;
agent plural or not indicated) .
23. Forms of the Verb. — A single verb may assume various
forms and be conjugated in various ways, according to the sense in
which it is used. Thus it may be transitive with a definite object
or intransitive ; used for the first time or used again after its action
has been referred to ; passive with a single agent or passive with the
agent plural or not indicated ; or it may be causative active or cau-
sative passive. Moreover, the verb may be used in its primitive form,
which in general expresses some definite or precise exaction, or in
a reduplicated form, which in general expresses a continuous pro-
gressive, repeated or vague action. Examples with the verb In, see :
Primitive root (definite imperative), Hi, see (object definite).
Reduplicated root (indefinite imperative), li///, be seeing.
Infinitive (with infix urn), Aim//, to see.
Intransitive form, imperative, Fan//'/. See ! (object indefinite. )
Intransitive form, infinitive, man///, to see.
Passive form with singular agent, /in//, seen (by some one).
1 When the plural prefix is used with words beginning with t, this initial letter is
eliminated. See Am. Antk., vol. 5, 1903, P- 303 (P- *5 of reprint), for rules govern-
ing the modification of initial letters.
512 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Passive form with plural agent, ma///, seen.
Causative form (with prefix na), na///, make see, or ' show' (some-
body).
Causative passive form, nama./ii, cause to be seen, ' display ' (some-
thing).
24. Conjugations. — Following are given the various conju-
gations of Chamorro verbs :
The first form, in which particles are prefixed to the verb to
indicate person and number, is used in the case of transitive verbs
with a definite object, when the action of the verb has not before been
referred to.
The second form, in which the particle um is infixed into the
body of the verb, and person and number are indicated by distinct
pronouns, is used with transitive verbs the action of which /^already
been referred to.
The third form, in which the verb is preceded by the intransi-
tive particle fan, is used with transitive verbs without a definitely-
specified object and with verbs used intransitively.
The fourth form, in which the verb is essentially intransitive
and takes the infix um in the infinitive, is used where the intransi-
tive prefix fan is not used.
The fifth form, in which the verb has neither the prefix fan
nor the infix um, is used with certain neuter verbs.
The sixth form, in which possessive pronominal suffixes are
used to indicate person and number, may be called the possessive
form of conjugation. With certain verbs it is always used in the
present and past of the indicative. With other verbs it is generally
used only when the sentence is interrogative after the pronoun
hafa, what. With the precative cJiamo it is used in the impera-
tive.
The seventh form, in which the verb takes the infix in or the
prefix ma, is used with verbs in the passive voice.
The eighth form, in which the verb has the prefix na, is used
with causative verbs.
25. First Form of Conjugation: Verbal Prefixes. — This form
is used when the verb is transitive with a definitely indicated ob-
ject and the action has not before been referred to.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 5J3
IMPERATIVE MODE
Definite Indefinite
singular
Lii, See (thou)! Li///, Be seeing.
U///, Let him see ! U/////, Let him be seeing.
DUAL AND PLURAL
Ta///, Let us see ! l Ta/////, Let us be seeing.
Lii, See (ye) ! Li///, Be ye seeing.
Uha///, Let him see ! Uha/////, He shall be seeing.
INDICATIVE MODE
Past Definite, or Preterite Tense
singular
Guaho hu/// igima, I saw the house, I did see the house.2
Hago uniii i gima, Thou sawest the house, Thou didst see the house.
Guiya ha/// igima, He saw the house,- He did see the house.
DUAL AND PLURAL
Hita ta/ii i gima, We saw the house, We did see the house (incl. ) .
Name en/// / gima, We saw the house, We did see the house (excl. ) .
Hamyo in/// igima, You saw the house, You did see the house.
Siha ha/// igima They saw the house, They did see the house.
Present and Imperfect
singular
Guaho huli/// i gima-mo, I see your house, I am (or was) see-
ing your house.
Hago unli/// i tasi, Thou seest (art seeing, or wert see-
ing) the sea.
Guiya hali/// i chdlan, He sees (is seeing, or was seeing)
the road.
DUAL AND PLURAL
Hitat&liliiigima-yuus, We (you and I) see (or were see-
seeing) the church.
iTo express the first person plural or dual of the imperative, the verb is often pre-
ceded by the interjection or expletive nihi, as Nihi tain! which maybe rendered 'O come
let us see ! '
2 In this form the personal pronouns are expressed only when the subject is emphatic.
When no confusion is probable the pronoun is omitted.
5H
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
Hame inli/// i galaide,
Hamyo inli/// i sadog,
Siha hali/// /' egso,
We (he or they and I) see (or were
seeing) the canoe.
You see (or were seeing) the river.
They see (or were seeing) the hill.
Anterior or Pluperfect
singular
Monhayan hu/// or magpo hulii,
Monhayan un/// or magpo un///,
Monhayan ha/// or magpo ha///,
I had finished seeing.1
Thou hadst finished seeing.
He had finished seeing.
DUAL AND l'LURAL
Monhayan ta/// or magpo ta///,
Monhayan in/// or magpo in///,
Monhayan en/// or magpo en///,
Monhayan ha/// magp6 ha///,
We had finished seeing (inch).
We had finished seeing (excl.).
You had finished seeing.
They had finished seeing.
Definite
Hu/// i gima,
Un/// i gima,
U/// i gima,
Uta/// i gima,
In/// / gima,
En/// / gima,
Una/// / gima,
Future Tense
singular
I shall see the house ;
Thou wilt see the house ;
He will see the house ;
DUAL AND PLURAL
We shall see the house ;
We shall see the house ;
You will see the house ;
They will see the house ;
Indefinite or Vague
huli/// / gima.
unli/// i gima.
uli/// i gima.
utali/// i gima.
inli/// i gima.
enli/// i gima.
uhali/// / rima.
From the above forms it will be seen that the future resembles
the preterite and imperfect tense forms except in the third person
singular and plural and the first person plural inclusive, all of which
have the prefix u. If the subject is emphatic the personal pronouns
are used.
26. Second Form of Conjugation : Verbal Infix urn. — Action
of verb already referred to, as in answer to a question, Hayi lumii
i aga ? Who saw the crow ?
1 In the same way the adverb hagas (formerly) may be used to express past time ; as
hagas hulii i tatamo, I formerly saw your father.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 5 x 5
INDICATIVE MODE
Preterite or Past Definite
singular
Hayi /um« * aga ? Who saw the crow ?
Guaho lam.il i aga, I saw the crow.
Hago la.va.ii i aga, Thou sawest the crow.
Guiya lamii i aga, He saw the crow.
DUAL AND PLURAL
Hita /um// i aga, We (inch) saw the crow.
Hame lamii i aga, We (excl.) saw the crow.
Hamyo Aim?'/ / aga, You saw the crow.
Siha lamii i aga, They saw the crow.
Indicative Present or Progressive
singular
Hayi lamilii yuhe na modong ? Who. sees yonder ship ?
Guaho lamilii yuhe na modong, I see yonder ship.
Hago lamilii yuhe na modong, Thou seest yonder ship.
Guiya lamilii yuhe na modong, He sees yonder ship.
DUAL AND PLURAL
Hita lamilii yuhe na modong, We see yonder ship.
Hame lamilii yuhe na modong, We see yonder ship.
Hamyo lamilii yuhe na modong, You see yonder ship.
Siha lamilii yuhe na modong, They see yonder ship.
Future Tense
The future tense is identical with that of the preceding form.
27. Third Form of Conjugation : Intransitive Prefix fan. —
Object of the verb indefinite or lacking.
IMPERATIVE MODE
Definite Indefinite
singular
Fan///, See ; Fan/////, Be seeing.
Ufanlii, Let him see ; cTfan/////, Let him be seeing.
DUAL
Taismlii ; Let us two see ; Taf an/////, Let us two be seeing.
Fan///, See ye (two) ; Fan/////, Be ye (two) seeing.
UhatOXdii, Let the two see ; Uhat&alilii, Let the two be seeing.
5 16 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
PLURAL
Tafanman/ii, Let us see ; Tafanman/i/ii, Let us be seeing.
Fanmanlii, See ye ; jFanmanlilii, Be ye seeing.
U/anman/ii, Let them see ; Ufanman/i/ii, They shall be seeing.
INDICATIVE MODE
Preterite or Past Definite
singular
~M.au/iiyo, I saw; Man/iiyo guihan siha, I saw fishes.
Man///' //##, Thou sawest ; Man/// ^#0 guma, Thou sawest a
house.
Man/// £w/, He saw j Man/// ^/ tf^vz, He saw a crow.
DUAL
Man/// A//, We (two) saw Man/// hit pution siha, We (two) saw
(inch); stars.
Man/// //aw, We (two) saw Man/// //#/« hanom, We (two) saw
(excl.); water.
Man/// hamyo, You (two) saw ; Man/// hamyo aniti, You (two) saw
a ghost.
Man/// j/^a, They (two) saw ; Man/// siha hah'w, They (two) saw a
shark.
PLURAL
Manman/ii hit, We saw ; Manman/ii hit modong, We saw a ship.
Manman/ii ham, We saw ; Manman/ii ham tuba, We saw some
toddy.
Manman/ii hamyo, You saw ; Manman/ii hamyo la/a he, You saw
some men.
Manman/ii siha, They saw ; Manman/ii siha manake, They saw
thieves.
Present and Imperfect
singular
WLan/i/ii yd, I see; Man/i/iiyo megae na pution, I see many stars.
Man///// hao , thou seest ; Man///// /*£<? babue, Thou seest a pig.
Man///// £»/, he sees ; ~Nla.Ti.li Hi gui manog, He sees a chicken.
DUAL
Man///// A//, We (two) see (incl.) or were seeing.
Man///// /*«///, We (two) see (excl.) or were seeing.
Man///// hamyo, You (two) see, or were seeing.
Man///// siha, They (two) see, or were seeing.
safford]
THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM
517
ManvadJalilii hit,
ManvadJalilii ham,
ManvadJalilii hay mo,
ManvadJalilii siha,
Definite
Huidjalii, I shall see ;
UnidJalii, thou wilt see ;
UidJalii, He will see ;
PLURAL
We see, or we were seeing.
We see, or we were seeing.
You see, or you were seeing.
They see, or they were seeing.
Future Tense
Indefinite
Huidjalilii, I shall be seeing.
Unidjalilii, Thou wilt be seeing.
Uidjalilii, He will be seeing.
Utai.diO.lu, we two shall see ;
Inidjalii, we two shall see ;
JSnfa.ii/u, ye two will see ;
UhaidJalii, they two will see ;
Utaia.Xi.li Hi, we two shall be seeing.
Ini2ca.l1 Hi, we two shall be seeing.
EnidJalilii, ye two will be seeing.
UhaidJalilii, they two will be seeing.
Utafanva.dJO.Hi,1 we shall see ;
Infanm.dja.ni, we shall see ;
EnfanvadJalii , ye will see ;
Uhafanvadjalii ', they will see ;
Utafanvadjalilii we shall be seeing.
InfanvadJalilii, we shall be seeing.
Enfanvadjalilii, ye will be seeing.
UhafanvadJalilii, they will be seeing.
Verbs Belonging to this Conjugation. — In addition to verbs
which are primitively transitive, and which take the intransitive pre-
fix fan when their object is wanting or is not specified definitely,
there are certain verbs beginning with the syllable fa which follow
this form of conjugation. Examples :
Yditachong, Sit down !
UidJachong, Let him sit down ;
Taiditachong, Let us (two) sit;
Tafanvaditachong, Let us sit down ;
Ufanmadachong, Let them sit down ;
1Ad.tachong yd, I sat down ;
Ulditachong hit, We (two) sat down ;
ManVO.d.tachong hit, We sat down ;
Msitdtachongyo, I am sitting ;
Fdiago, Run !
Uisi/ago, Let him run (or go).
Taidilago, Let us (two) run.
Tafanvadilago, Let us run.
Ufanma.lago, let them run.
Ma/ago yd, I ran.
M.SL/ago hit, We (two) ran.
Manvadilago hit, We ran.
Maid/ago yd, I am running.
1 In the plural forms the particle man is the intransitive particle preceding the root ;
the particle preceding this {fan in the future and imperative, and man in the past and
present) is the plural prefix.
AM. AKTH., N. S., 6 — 34
5 18 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Huiditachong, I shall sit down ; Hui&lago, I shall run.
UidJachong, He will sit down ; Ui^Iago, He will run.
UtafanmaJachong, We shall sit ; C/ta/anma./ago, We shall run.
Chamo i&tatachong, Don't sit ; Chamo ialalago, Don't run.
Sina yd matachoug, May I sit ? Sina yd ma/ago, May I run ?
Sina huiditachong, Is it possible that Sina huialago, Is it possible that I
I shall sit ? shall run ?
Munga matachong, You must not sit Munga ma/ago, You must not run.
down ;
Munga yo matachong, I do not wish Munga yd rn.dt.lago, I do not wish to
to sit; run.
28. Fourth Form of Conjugation : Intransitives with Infix
um. — To illustrate this conjugation I shall take the verb tunog,
descend ; infinitive twmunog, to descend.
IMPERATIVE MODE
Definite Indefinite
singular
Tunog, Descend ; Tutonog, Be descending.
Utunog, Let him descend ; Ututunog, Let him be descending.
DUAL
Tatunog, Let us two descend ; Tatutunog, Let us two be descending.
Tinog, Descend ye two ; Titinog, Be ye two descending.
UJiatunog, Let the two descend ; Uhatutunog, Let us two be descend-
ing.
PLURAL
Tafanunog, Let us descend ; Tafanutunog, Let us be descending.
Fanunog, Descend ye ; Fanutunog, Be ye descending.
Uhafanunog, Let them descend ; Uhafanutunog, They shall be de-
scending.
INDICATIVE MODE
Preterite Present or Imperfect
singular
Twaaunog yd, I descended ; Tumutunog yd, I am (or was) de-
scending.
Thmunog hao, Thou descendedst ; 7\xm.utunog hao, Thou art descend-
ing.
Tum.unog gui, He descended; Twv&utunog gui, He is descending.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 5 19
DUAL
Tumunog hit, We two descended ; Tumutunog hit, we two are de-
scending.
Tumunog ham, We two descended ; Tumutunog ham, we two are de-
scending.
Tuva.11 nog hamyo, Ye two de- Tumutunog hamyo, Ye two are de-
scended ; scending.
Tumunog siha, They two de- Tumutunog siha, They two are de-
scended ; scending.
PLURAL
Manunog1 hit, We descended; Manutunog hit, We are descending.
Manunog ham, We descended ; Manutunog ham, We are descending.
Manunog hamyo, You descended ; Manutunog hamyo, You are descend-
ing.
Manunog siha, They descended ; Manutunog siha, They are descend-
ing. .
Future Tense
Definite Indefinite
singular
Hutu nog, I shall descend ; Hututunog, I shall be descending.
Untunog, Thou wilt descend ; Untutunog, Thou wilt be descending.
Utunog, He will descend ; Ututunog, He will be descending.
DUAL
Utatunog, We two shall descend ; Utatutunog, We two shall be descend-
ing.
Intinog, We two shall descend ; Intitinog, We two shall be descending.
Entinog, Ye two will descend ; Entitinog, Ye two will be descending.
Uhatunog, They two will descend ; Uhati'ttunog, They two will be de-
scending.
PLURAL
Utafanunog1 We shall descend ; Utafanutunog, We shall be descend-
ing.
Infanunog, We shall descend ; Infanutunog, We shall be descending.
Enfanunog, They will descend ; Enfanutunog, You will be descending.
Uhafanunog, They will descend ; Uhafanutunog, They will be descend-
ing.
1 When the plural prefix {fan in the future and man in the past and present indi-
cative) precedes a root beginning with t, this initial letter is eliminated, according to the
rule given for the plural of adjectives, vol. 5, 1903, p. 303 (p. 15 of reprint).
520
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. sM 6, 1904
29. Fifth Form of Conjugation : Neuter Verbs without
Infix. — Verbs of this kind are conjugated like the preceding,
but do not take the infix am in the infinitive and past and present
of the indicative. As an illustration I shall take the verb basnak,
fall.
IMPERATIVE MODE
Definite Indefinite
singular
Bdbasnak, Be falling.
Ubdbasnak, Let him be falling.
Basnak, Fall ;
(/basnak, Let him fall ;
Tabasnak, Let us two fall ;
Basnak hamyo, Fall ye two ;
Uhabasnak, Let the two fall ;
Tafanbasnak, Let us fall ;
Fanbasnak, Fall ye ;
Uhafanbasnak, Let them fall ;
Tabdbasnak, Let us two be falling.
Bdbasnak hamyo, Be ye (two) fall-
ing.
Uhabdbasnak, Let the two be falling.
PLURAL
Tafanbdbasnak, Let us two be fall-
ing.
Fanbdbasnak, Be falling.
Uhafanbdbasnak, Let them be fall-
ing.
Preterite
Basnak yd, I fell ;
Basnak hao, You fell ;
Basnak gui, He fell ;
INDICATIVE MODE
Present and Imperfect
singular
Bdbasnak yd, I am (or was) falling.
Bdbasnak hao, You are (or were)
falling.
Bdbasnak gui, He falls, or was fall-
ing.
Basnak hit, We (two) fell ;
Basnak ham, We (two) fell ;
Basnak hamyo, You (two) fell ;
Basnak siha, They (two) fell ;
Bdbasnak hit, We two are (or were)
falling.
Bdbasnak ham, We two are (or
were) falling.
Bdbasnak hamyo, You fall, or were
falling.
Bdbasnak siha, They fall, or were
falling.
safford]
THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OE GUAM
521
PLURAL
Manbasnak hit, We fell, or did fall ; Manbdbasnak hit, We fall, or were
falling.
Manbasnak ham, We fell, or did fall ; Manbdbasnak ham, We fall, or were
falling.
Manbasnak hamyo, You fell ; Manbdbasnak hamyo, You fall, or
were falling.
Manbasnak siha, They fell ; Manbdbasnak siha, They fall, or
were falling.
The future tenses and the other parts are like those of the pre-
ceding verb. In the plural of the future and imperative the syllable
fan is the plural and not the intransitive particle.
SINGULAR AND DUAL
basnak, to fall.
INFINITIVE MODE
PLURAL
manbasnak, to fall.
30. Sixth Form of Conjugation: Possessive Suffixes. — This
form is used in common forms of expression with certain verbs in
the present and past of the indicative mode ; it is the usual form of
all verbs after the interrogative hafa, ' what,' many of which take
the infix in, as in the case of a derivative noun.
Kano, eat (trans.) Alog, say (trans.).
IMPERATIVE MODE
Definite Indefinite Definite
singular
Kano, Kdkano, Eat. Alog,
Ukano, Ukakano, Let him eat. Ualog,
Indefinite
singular
Aalog, Say.
Udalog, Let him say.
DUAL AND PLURAL DUAL AND PLURAL
Takano, Takdkano, Let us eat. Taalog, Tadalog, Let us say.
Kano, Kdkano, Eat. Alog, Aalog, Say ye.
Uhakano, Uliakdkano, Let them eat. Unhaalog, Uhadalog, They shall say.
INDICATIVE MODE
Past Definite or Preterite
singular
Hafa kinanoho, What did I eat ? flegko, I said, I did say.
Hafa kinandmo, What did you eat ? Ilegmo, Thou saidst, thou didst say.
Hafa kinanbn&, What did he eat ? Ilegna., He said, he did say.
522 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
DUAL AND PLURAL
Hafa kinananota., What did we eat ? Ilegta., We said, we did say.
Hafa £intf«6>mame, What did we %mame, We said, we did say.
eat?
Hafa kmanovaijQ ? What did you I/egmiyo, You said, you did say.
eat?
Hafa kinanomhdi, What did they 7/^niha, They said, they did say.
eat?
Present and Imperfect
singular
Hafa kinanonoho, What am I eat- Ileleglsn, He says, he was saying.
ing?
Hafa kinandnom.0, What are you 7%mo, You say, you were saying.
eating ?
Hafa kinanonofta., What is he eat- IMegVA, He says, he was saying.
ing?
DUAL AND PLURAL
Hafa kinanbno\&, What are we eat- Ile/egtSi, We say, we were saying,
ing?
Hafa tow/wmamame, What are we %mamame, We say, we were
eating ? saying.
Hafa kinanoraimxyo, What are ye 7/^mimiyo, Ye say, ye were say-
eating ? ing.
Hafa h'nanomniha., What are they 7/^nifiiha, They say, they were
eating ? saying.
Future
singular
Hafa hukano, What shall I eat ? Hualog, I shall say.
Hafa unkano, What will you eat ? Unalog, You will say.
Hafa ukano, What will he eat ? Ualog, He will say.
DUAL AND PLURAL
Hafa utakano, What shall we eat ? Utaalog, We shall say.
Hafa inkano, What shall we eat ? Inalog, We shall say.
Hafa enkano, What will you eat ? Enalog, You will say.
Hafa uhakano, What will they eat ? UJiaalog, They will say.
It will be seen in the above examples that the present and
imperfect are formed by reduplicating the accented syllable (the
penult) of the preterite.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 523
Verbs Belonging to this Conjugation. — There are certain verbs
which are used only with possessive suffixes. Among them are
yaho, I like ; gaoko or gdndko, I prefer ; hindsoko, I think or
imagine ; pinelbko, I thought, I believed ; chamo, don't.
Yaho, / like.
Present Past Future
singular
Yaho, I like; Hagas yaho, I used to like; (/yaho, I shall like.
y^mo, thou likest ; Hagas yamo, You used to like ; Uyamo, You will like.
Kzfia, he likes ; Hagas yanaf He used to like ; Uyana, He will like.
DUAL AND PLURAL
Kzta, We like ; Hagas yatd., We used Uyata., We shall like.
to like ;
Yanma.me, We like ; Hagas jd!«mame, We Uyanma.xo.Q, We shall
used to like ; . like.
Ka/ziniyo, You like; Hagas yanmiyo, You [fyanmiyo, You will
used to like ; like.
Yanftiha., They like ; Hagas yanniha., They [fyanffiha., They will
used to like ; like.
Instead of hagas for the past, naya may be used before the verb
or after, and estaba, derived from the Spanish, is also used. To
denote time recently past gine is placed before the verb ; as gine
hayo, I have liked.
Gaoko, or ganako, I prefer, or like better ; and hinasoko, I
imagine, or think to be, are conjugated like the preceding. The
effect of reduplication would be to weaken the force of the verbs ;
as, hindsosoko, I have a faint impression, I am inclined to think.
Pineloko, / supposed.
Past Present Future
singular
Pinelok.0, I supposed ; Pineldlok.Oy I suppose ; UpineloliO, I shall sup-
pose.
Pinelovao, You supposed; PinelbloVOO, you sup- Upinelomo, You will
pose ; suppose.
Pinelonsif He supposed ; Pinelolo&a., He supposes ; l/pinelona.. He will
suppose.
524 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
DUAL AND PLURAL
Pine/ota., We supposed ; Pi'ne/6/ota., We suppose ; Upine/ota., We shall
suppose.
Pine/onmame, We sup- i'w^mamame, We Upine/onm&me, We
posed ; suppose ; shall suppose.
Pine/onmiyo, You sup- Pinelonmimiyo, You sup- Upinelovoiyo, You
posed ; pose ; will suppose.
Pine/onniha., They sup- Pine/onniniha, they sup- C/pine/onniha, They
posed ; pose ; will suppose.
Chamo, Don't! Refrain from /
This verb is used chiefly in the direct imperative, second person ;
it may, however, be used in all the persons.
SINGULAR
CMho, Let me not ; let me refrain from.
Chdmo, Do not ; you must not.
Chdna, Let him not ; let him refrain from.
DUAL AND PLURAL
Chdta, Let us not, do not let us, let us refrain.
CVmmame, Let us not, we must not, let us refrain.
C/idmiyo, Do not, ye must not, refrain.
Chdniha, Let them not, they must not, let them refrain.
This verb is used only in the definite imperative or after a verb
expressing a command, entreaty, or request. When followed by an
intransitive verb that does not take the infix urn, the latter is in the
indefinite or suspended imperative, as —
Fatachong, Sit down ; Chamo fatdtachong, Do not sit down.
Famokat, Walk ; Chamo famomokat, Do not walk.
Falagisddog, Go-to-the-river ; Chamo falagisdsadog, Don't go-to-
the-river.
When the verb is one which takes um in the infinitive, this infix
is inserted before the first vowel of the reduplicated verb, as —
Ason, Lie down ; Chamo umdason, Don't lie down.
Tunog, Descend ; Chamo tumutunog, Do not descend.
Saga, Stay ; Chamo sumdsaga, Do not stay, stay
not.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM $25
Halom enter ; Chamo humdha/om, Do not enter.
Chaleg, laugh ; Chamo chumdchaleg, Do not laugh,
refrain from laughing.
Tangis, weep ; Chamo tumdtangis, Do not weep,
weep not.
In the dual chamo becomes chamiyo. It is used with the in-
definite imperative of the reduplicated verb with the infix urn ; as
chamiyo fatitinas, or chamiyo fumatitinas, do not do (that) ; chamiyo
hdhanao, or chamiyo hnmdhanao, do not (you two) go. In the
plural the governed verb must be in the second person plural of
the indefinite imperative ; as, chamiyo fanhdhanao, go ye not.
Some further examples of the use of chamo follow :
Ina yd ya ehaho matbtompo, Light me that I may not stumble.
Cha&a. kumahuhulo, or Chana.
kahuhulo, Let him not go up.
Chanafatdtachong, Let him not sit down ; don't let him
be seated.
f/egna. na chah.0 fatdtachong, He said that I must not sit down.
Manago nu chaXa.fatdtachong, He commanded that we (two) must
not sit down.
Ma/ago nu r/wmame fanmatdta-
chotta He wishes that we do not sit down.
'*>
Hatago si Magalahe nu chaXa fan- The Governor commands that we
matdtachong, do not sit down.
31. Seventh Form of Conjugation: Verb in the Passive
Voice. — If the agent is singular and is indicated, the passive voice
is formed by infixing the particle in before the first vowel of the
verb. If the agent is plural or is not indicated, the passive voice
is formed by prefixing the particle ma. For an example I take
the verb gbte, seize, which becomes ginete by the insertion of the
particle in, the vowel 0 being modified as already shown under
abstract nouns ; and magbte by the prefixing of the particle ma.
Ginete To be seized [by some one\ .
INDICATIVE MODE
Preterite Present or Imperfect
singular
Ginete yd, I was seized; Gitegete yd, I am seized (by some
one).
526 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Ginete hao, You were seized ; Ginegete hao, You are being seized.
Ginete gui, He was seized ; Ginegete gui, He is being seized.
Ginete hit, We (two) were seized ; Ginegete hit, We (two) are seized.
Ginete ham, We (two) were seized ; Ginegete ham, We (two) are seized.
Ginete hamyo, You (two) were Ginegete hamyo, You (two) are
seized ; seized.
Ginete siha, They (two) were Ginegete si ha, They (two) are seized.
seized ;
PLURAL
Manginete hit, We were seized ; Manginegete hit, We are seized (by
some one).
Manginete ham, We were seized ; Manginegete ham, We are seized (by
some one).
Manginete hamyo, You were seized ; Manginegete hamyo, You are seized
(by some one).
Manginete siha, They were seized ; Manginegete siha, They are seized
(by some one).
Future
This is formed like the future of other verbs ; as, huginete, I
shall be seized (by some one) ; ugincte i baka nu i pdtgon, the cow
will be seized by the child.
Magote, To be seized.
(Agent plural or not indicated)
INDICATIVE MODE
Preterite Present or Imperfect
singular
t/La.gbte yd, I was seized ; HL&gbgbte, I am seized, or was being
seized.
Magote hao, You were seized ; Magbgote, You are seized.
Magote gui, He was seized ; MsLgbgote gui, He is seized.
DUAL
yLagote hit, We (two) were seized ; "NLagbgote hit, "We (two) are seized,
etc. etc.
PLURAL
ManmSLgote hit, We were seized ; Manmagbgbte hit, We are being
etc. seized, etc.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 527
Future Tense
The future tense is formed like that of other verbs ; as /«/ma-
gote, I shall be seized ; utam&gote, we (two) shall be seized ; utafan-
ma.gote, we shall be seized ; nm&gote, he will be seized. From this
is taken the imperative. Thus we have in the Lord's Prayer :
uvaaJuna i naanmo, thy name shall be hallowed, from tuna bless,
m&tuna blessed or hallowed ; umafatinas i pintomo, thy will shall
be done, from fatinas do or perform, mafatinas to be done or
performed.
32. Eighth Form of Conjugation: Causative Verb with the
Prefix na. — To illustrate this form I will take the verb nkdpakas,
to whiten, to make white. If the object of this verb is. singular the
component adjective remains dpaka, but if the object is plural, the
component adjective takes the plural form maxidpaka, which, pre-
ceded by the particle nd, becomes fandpa&a. Thus we say v&dpaka
i gima, whiten the house ; but n&fandpaka, i gima siha, whiten the
houses (faites blanches les maisons).
IMPERATIVE MODE
Object Singular Object Plural
singular
TSeLdpa&a, Whiten (the thing) ; "Kkfanapaka, Whiten (the things).
Un&dpaka, Let him whiten (it) ; Unkfandpaka, Let him whiten
(them).
DUAL AND PLURAL
landidpaka, Let us whiten (it) ; Tav&.fanapaka, Let us whiten
(them).
TMLdpaka hamyo, Whiten ye (it) ; "Skfandpaka hamyo, Whiten ye
(them).
Utiar&dpaka, Let them whiten Uhcmafandpaka, Let them whiten
(it); (them).
INDICATIVE MODE
Preterite
Hur&.dpaka, I whitened (it) ; HuT&fandpaka, I whitened (them).
Unx&dpaka, You whitened (it) ; Unnafandpaka, You whitened
(them).
Har&dpaka, He whitened (it) ; Haxikfa?idpaka, He whitened them.
Tana.dpaka, We whitened (it) ; Tcn&fandpaka, We whitened
(them).
528 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Enx&apaka, We whitened (it) ; Enx&fanapaka , we whitened
(them).
InT&dpaka, You whitened (it) ; Inx&dfanapaka, You whitened
(them).
Har&apaka, They whitened (it) ; Hax&fanapaka, They whitened
(them).
The present and imperfect tenses may be formed by redupli-
cation, and the future by using the regular future particles. Ex-
amples :
Uankason i patgon, He made the child lie down, he laid the child down.
Unx&chegcheg i nif emtio, You caused your teeth to grit.
Hax&mapuno si Huan, He caused John to be killed.
Hima.ba.ba si Luis, He made Louis crazy.
T$a./ibre yd, Deliver me.
TS&fanlibre ham, Deliver us.
Har&hbhomlo i tataotao, It makes well (cures) the body.
Utsksahnge, It will cause to be apart, it will separate (something).
Ur&Janahnge i liilahe yan i famalaoan, It will separate the men and
the women.
33. Reflexive Verbs. — These are conjugated like the transi-
tive verbs with a definite object (First form of Conjugation), with the
addition of the pronoun following the verb ; as "bubale yd, I availed
myself; un&a/e hao, thou didst avail thyself; Y&bale gui, he
availed himself; ta,ba/e hit, we availed ourselves, etc. The present
and imperfect are formed by simple reduplication ; as hu/idba/e yd,
I am, or was, availing myself. The word maisa, corresponding to
the English 'one's self, is also used; as faaila, accuse ; faaila-
maisagui, to accuse himself.
34. Reciprocal Verbs. — These are formed by prefixing to
the verb the particle a. Thus, from gbte, seize, is formed &gbtc,
seize each other. There is no singular. The dual is formed by
prefixing the particle um to the verb ; the plural is formed by pre-
fixing the particle fan in the future and imperative, and man in the
past and present indicative : Kgbie, seize each other ; umkgote kit,
we seized each other (dual) ; mankgote hit, we seized one another
(plural) ; takgote, let us seize each other ; tafankgote, let us seize
one another.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM $2g
35. Defective Verbs. — Among the defective verbs of the
Chamorro language are guaha there is (Fr. il y a) ; taya, there is
not (Fr. il rty a pas), there is lacking ; gae, prefixed to a noun,
denoting to have ; tae, prefixed to a noun signifying not to have, to
be without ; gaege, corresponding to the Spanish estar, signifying
to be in some place ; taegue, signifying to be absent ; gine, prefixed
to the name of a place or direction, signifying to come from ; falag,
prefixed to the name of a place or direction signifying to go to.
Guaha. — This verb is used only in the third person; as,
gi/aha, there-is ; gine guaha, there has just been ; Jiagas guaha,
formerly there-was ; monhan guaha, there once was (Germ, es tvar
schou) ; ugnaha, there -will -be. When reduplicated it loses in force ;
as guaguaha salape, there-is-a-little money, or there-is-still-a-bit-of
money. To denote possession this verb is used with a noun fol-
lowed by a possessive particle ; as, guaha cheluho, I have a brother ;
lit., there-is (a) brother-mine (Spanish, hay {1111) Jicrmano-mio).
Taya. — This is the negative of guaha. It is used in the same
way and expresses the non-existence of an object : taya tiba, there-
is-no toddy ; taya cheluho, I have no brother ; there-is-no brother-
of-me.
Gae. — This is usually combined with the following word, and
forms a compound verb ; thus gkegima may be considered as an
intransitive verb to-have-a-house, to be a house-owner, conjugated,
gSLegima yd, I have-a-house ; g'degima hao, thou hast-a-house,
mangaegima hit, we have-a-house, 2/ga.egima, let him have-a-house ;
fangkzgima hamyo, may ye have-houses ; ta/anga.egima, let us
have-a-house. To express tense, adverbs may be used as in the
case of guaha. Gae may be prefixed to iyo, meaning property or
possession, and to ga, where the object possessed is an animal ; as
gkziyo yd payo, I possess an umbrella ; I have possession [in an]
umbrella ; g&ega hao kabayo, you possess a horse (you have-
possession [in a] horse).
Tae. — This is the negative of gae and is used in the same way :
t&epayo yd, I have no umbrella; t&esalape si Tata, Father has no
money ; ta.egima ham (dual), we (two) have no house ; man&egima
ham (pi.) we have no house ; taenobiyo hit, we (thou and I) have no
ox ; 7/iana.euobiyo hit, we (ye and I) have no ox ; \.z.tmamahlao si
53° AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Pedro an Huan, Peter and John have no shame ; ta.eanao i palaoan,
the woman is fearless ; mankeauao na famalaoan, they are women
who are fearless.
Like gde it is used with iyo, denoting property or possession,
and^vz when an animal is spoken of; as, ta.eiyo yd payo, I possess
no umbrella ; t&ega hao kabayo, thou ownest no horse.
Gaege. — This verb signifies to be in a certain place, or ' to be,'
and corresponds not to the Spanish ser, but to estar ; as already
stated, the Chamorro language has no copulative verb ' to be.'
Gaege is usually followed by gi, signifying ' at ' or ' in.' Examples
of its use : gaege yd gi gima, I am in the house ; gaege hit gi
lancJio (dual), we (you and I) are at the ranch ; mangdege hit giya hita,
we (ye and I) are at our home (Fr. nous sommcs chez nous); ugdege
giya hamc agupa, he will be at our house tomorrow ; utafangaege
gi lanehota, we (ye and I) shall be at our ranch. To express the
past time the Chamorros now use the Spanish cstaba ; as man-estaba
hit gi gima, we were in the house (preterite or past definite), and
manestataba hit, we were (being some place when something else
happened).
Taegue. — This is the reverse of gdege, and is conjugated in the
same way: Mano nae gaege i tatamo? Where (at) is your father?
Taegue guini, he is not here. Taegue yd, I am not present ; man-
degue ham giya hamyo, we (they and I) are not at your home (Fr.
Nous autres ne sont pas chez vous). The future is conjugated like
all other futures ; as ////taegue, I shall be away ; u taegue lokue si,
Huan, John will be absent also ; utafanaegue giya hanie, we shall
not be at home ; uhafandegue gi sadog, they will be in the river.
The past tenses may be expressed by adverbs ; as, giue taegue yd,
I have just been away ; gine hit maudegue, or ginc mandegue hit,
we have just been away (pi.); gine hit taegue, we (you and I —
dual) have just been absent ; monhan yd taegue, or monhan taegue
yd, I have already been away (Germ. Teh bin schon fort gewesen).
Gine. — This verb is combined with the name of a place or
direction to signify ' come from ' ; as, gineespaua yd, I have come
from Spain. In reduplication the accented syllable of the com-
x gi i combine to form gi : gi iya form giya, at the home of or in possession of ( Fr.
c/iez); mano nae gaege, where at is, becomes manggi, where's.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 5 3 1
pound word is doubled ; as gineespdpaua yd, I am (or was) coming
from Spain ; gme-mano hao, whence have you come ? ginesadog
gui, he came from the river ; maugineespana hit, we came from
Spain ; i/iagineespdpaua siJia, they are coming from Spain ; uha-
fangineespana, they will come from Spain.
Falag. — This verb is the reverse of gine ; it signifies to go to
a place or in a certain direction, and is combined in the same way
as gine. In the present and past indicative it becomes malag, just
as the plural and intransitive prefixes fan change to man : Falag-
nianila, go-to-Manila ; tafalagwani/a, let us (two) go-to-Manila ;
tafanmaXdigmanila, let us (all) go-to-Manila (pi.); utafanmal&gma-
ni/a,we shall go-to-Manila ; mala.gmaui/ayo, 1 went-to-Manila ; ma-
Xdigmaninila yd, I am (or was) going-to-Manila; fal&gisadog, go-to-
the-river; malag isadog gui, he went-to-the-river ; malag isdsadog gui,
he is (or was) going-to-the-river ; tai.d\a.giJialomtdno , let us (thou
and I) go-to-the-woods ; tafanmala.giha/o>utano, let us (all) go-to-
the-woods ; ma.la.gha/owtdtauo gui, he is going-to -the- woods ; man-
malag/ia/omtdtano ham, we (they and I) are going-to-the-woods.
Hekua. This verb, which signifies ' I do not know,' is used
only in the first person singular.
Bea. — This is also used in the first person singular. It may
be translated 'I am going to' ; as bea hufanaitai, I am going to
pray ; I am going to say my prayers. The verb following it is in
the future.
Hanao. — This verb, signifying ' to go,' requires before the
name of the direction an adverb of place with gi (to) if it is an
apellative noun, and with or without gi if it is a proper noun.
When, however, hanao is followed by falag, the preposition gi is
not used : Humanao guato giya hame, he went thither to our home ;
hanao falagisadog, go, go-to-the-river. It is intransitive and is so
conjugated.
Debe. — This verb, derived from the Spanish, is used with the
future, with the Spanish preposition de ; as debe de huhauao, I have
to go.
Lamen. — This signifies ' to be good for ' ; as, Haf 7/lamen i
plitma ? What good will the pen be ? Of what use is the pen ?
Haf unlamen guini? What use will you be here? Why have you
come ?
532 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Sina. — This verb, signifying 'it is possible,' ' it is permitted,' 'it
can be,' ' it may be,' as a defective impersonal verb governs the
future with or without the connective particle mi ; as Sina unguasd,
Is it possible for you to whet ? Can you whet ?
Uho. — This verb, signifying 'take', is used only in the definite
imperative, second person singular ; as, uho, take thou. It may be
considered an interjection.
35. Verbs with Irregular Duplication {Guaguato and Maila).
Guaguato is formed by reduplication from the verbal direc-
tive guato (thither, German hiri), which is etymologically identi-
fied with the Samoan atu and the Hawaiian aku. It signifies
'to go to' (German, hingehen): Guaguato yb, I went (thither);
guaguato hit, we two went (dual) ; mangudguato hit, we went (pi.) ;
ugudguato, he will go. The present and imperfect, or copresent,
are formed by reduplication, as gudguaguato yb, I am or was going
(thither).
Maila, which is slightly irregular in its reduplication, is con-
jugated very much like an intransitive which forms its infinitive
with the infix um. It is possible that the form mdmaild for the
infinitive is a corruption of mumaild ; as it is, it appears to be
a reduplication of the primitive form. The conjugation follows:
IMPERATIVE MODE
Definite Indefinite or Suspended
singular
Maila, Come ; Mamawtf/'/<z, Be coming ; (always)
come.
\Jma.waild, He shall come ; Umamawtf/'/a, Let him come.
DUAL
Tamkmaild, Let us (two) come; Tam&mamaild, Let us (two) be
coming.
Maila, mhmaild, Come (ye two) ; t/xkma.//iaild, be coming (ye two).
UliaVdkmaild, The two shall come ; [/liarnkmsimaild, Let the two be
coming.
PLURAL
Tafanmo.maild, Let us come ; Tafanva.ktn.Q.maild, Let us be coming.
FanThkmaila, Come ye ; J?anma.ma.//iaild, Be ye coming.
C77iafanma.maild, They shall come ; C/lia/anmkm.3.»iaild, Let them be
coming.
safford] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 533
INDICATIVE MODE
Preterite, or Past Definite Present and Imperfect
singular
Mamai/d yd, I came or did come ; M&mamaitd yd, I am (or was) com-
ing.
Mamai/d hao,You came or did come ; Mama»/a//a hao, You are coming.
VLkmaila gui, He came or did come ; Mamaj/iai/d gui, He is coming.
DUAL
Mamai/d hit, We (two) came, etc.; HLkvaamaild hit, We (two) are (or
were) coming, etc.
PLURAL
Mdnrnkmai/d hit, We came, etc.; Manm.dLma.maHd hit, We are (or
were) coming, etc.
Future
Definite Indefinite
singular
Humamai/d, I shall come ; Humamamai/d, I shall be coming.
Unmamaild, You will come ; Unmkmdimaild, You will be coming.
Urnkmaild, He will come ; Urnkmamaild, He will be coming.
DUAL
Utamkmaild, We (two) shall come ; Utama.ma.mai Id, We (two) shall be
coming.
Inmkmaild, We (two) shall come ; Inmamamaild, We (two) shall be
coming.
Enrnkmaild, You (two) will come; Enmamamaild, You (two) will be
coming.
Uliam&maild, They (two) will UJiamamamaild, They (two) will be
come ; coming.
PLURAL
Utafanrnkmaild, We shall come ; Utafanmamamaild, We shall be
coming.
In/anmamai/d, We shall come ; Infanmamamaild, We shall be com-
ing.
Enfanmamaild, Ycu will come ; Enfanma.ma.maild, You will be com-
ing.
Uhafanmamaild, They will come ; Uhafanmamamaild, They will be
coming.
AM. ANTH., N. S., 6 — 35
534 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
36. Denominative Verbs. — These verbs, formed from nouns
or adjectives, are conjugated like intransitive verbs without the
prefix fan. Examples :
Malango, ill, or to-be-ill ; Tata, father, to-be-a-father.
XJ malango, Let him be-ill ; Utata, Let-him-be-a-father.
tdfanmalango, Let us be-ill ; Tefanata, Let-us-be-fathers.
Malango yd, I am-ill ; Tata yd, I am-a-father.
Malango hit, We (two) are-ill ; Tata hit, We (two) are-fathers.
Manmalango hit, We are-ill , Manata hit, We (all) are-fathers.
Gine malango yd, I have-been-ill ; TattLata yd, I was-a- father.
Hagas malango yd, I was-ill ; Hagas lata yd, I was formerly a
father.
Humalango, I shall-be-ill ; Hutata yd, I shall-be-a-father.
XJtafanmalango, We shall-be-ill ; Ut&fanata, We-shall-be-fathers.
Reduplication. — With denominative verbs, reduplication,
instead of expressing the present time, or the imperfect, diminishes
the force of the verb ; thus, maldlango yd signifies I am-inclined-
to-be-ill ; I am not very well. It also expresses continuation, as
maldlangoha si Magalahc, the Governor is-still (being)-sick. With
verbs derived from nouns it may be considered to express pretense,
or as playing the part of some one or something ; as, tdtata yd, I
am-acting-as -father, I am-fathering (some one) ; manatata hit, we
are-playing-the-part-of- fathers ; uhafanatata, they-will-act-as-fathers
(to the children). In the above examples the plural prefix man
becomes fan in the plural of the future and imperative.
ANCIENT PUEBLO AND MEXICAN WATER
SYMBOL
By J. WALTER FEWKES
The student of designs on ancient Pueblo pottery cannot fail to
recognize two forms of decoration, known as the linear and the con-
ventionalized animal forms. These sometimes grade into each other,
but as a rule they can readily be distinguished. Among the prob-
lems before the student of our southwestern archeology there is
none more important than the discovery of the meaning of these
forms of decoration. Areas characterized by special symbols can
be determined, and thus the Southwest may be divided into ceramic
zones indicative of local centers of art development.
Linear figures on old Pueblo pottery vary but little in different
regions of the Pueblo country. Geometrical figures of the same
types are found on ceramic vessels from cliff-houses of southern
Colorado and of central New Mexico, and they are repeated with
startling identity on pottery from the Hopi ruins and from the Gila
valley. They occur with little change on the more modern speci-
mens as well as on the ancient, and are not limited to our Southwest
but extend into the northern states of Mexico. The fact that these
geometrical designs are so widely distributed, as compared with
specialized symbols of animals confined to constricted areas, and the
evidences of their great age, tell strongly in support of a belief in
the former homogeneity of Pueblo art, indicating that the Pueblo
culture in the Southwest was more uniform in ancient times than
after these local differences had developed in the relatively modern
period.
The great multitude of these widely spread linear figures may be
classified in a few types for comparative study.
One of the best defined of these types is the straight line
encircling a bowl or vase but broken at one or more points. At
first glance it might be supposed that this break was an imperfec-
535
536
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
tion or that the pottei had failed, without purpose, to connect the
extremities of the line ; but closer examination and comparison
show that it was inten-
tional. This break had a
meaning which will not
now be considered.
A similar break occurs
in geometrical designs on
Pueblo pottery which are
more complicated, where
curved or spiral lines re-
place the straight ones. It
occurs also in rectangular
meanders, so abundant in
the ruins within the Zuni
ceramic zone. In exam-
ples of spirals the figure
consists of two lines or
bands, one generally-
broader than the other,
parallel with each other,
and with their central ends
close together but not join-
ing. The interval between
these extremities corre-
sponds to the break in the
straight line mentioned
above. A similar condi-
tion is true of meanders,
the many modifications in
which may be made out
by a little study.
The signification of
this type of geometrical decoration on Pueblo pottery has not
been satisfactorily determined, but the spiral is generally inter-
preted by the modern Hopi of Arizona as signifying whirling wind
or water. A confirmation of this interpretation, as regards the
FlG. 10. — Native Mexican picture showing water
symbols.
FEWKES]
PUEBLO AND MEXICAN WATER SYMBOL
537
latter element, is found in a few old paintings made by a Mexi-
can Indian. This evidence seemed to me so important that I briefly
mentioned it in my report on the ruins of the ancient Hopi pueblo
of Sikyatki.1 It deserves more attention than I gave to it at that
time, and on this account I have made it the basis of this brief
article.
In commemoration of the discovery of America by Columbus
the Mexican government published, in 1892, a collection of impor-
tant codices and Indian pictures accompanied with text by Dr Alfredo
Chavero.2 Besides the codices, this publication contains a repro-
duction of the Lienzo de Tlaxcala, a series of pictures by a native
artist illustrating the conquest of Mexico by Cortes.
Three plates (17-18, 18 bis) of this series furnish significant
information regarding the symbolism of simple and double spiral
and rectangular meanders
in Mexican pictures. The
likeness of these symbols
to designs on ancient
Pueblo pottery corrobo-
rates the Hopi explanation
of their meaning. The
artist has represented in
these plates, two of which
are evidently parts of one
drawing, canals or water-
ways on which are figures of boats with warriors attacking the
Spaniards. These canals are covered with rectangular and spiral
figures painted in light green, which are evidently symbols of
water. The accompanying illustrations (figures 10, 11), which
show a section of one of these canals and a design from an old
Pueblo vase collected by Dr Walter Hough, bring out clearly the
identity of form in these symbols. As there can hardly be a doubt
that the Mexican artist intended to represent water by these designs,
it may be concluded that the Pueblo potter, unless she was a copy-
FlG. II.
-Design from an old Pueblo vase, showing
water symbols.
1 Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 569.
2 Antiguedades Mexicanas, publicadas por la Junta Columbina de Mexico, Mexico,
538 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
ist who used symbols the meaning of which had been lost, had the
same thought in mind when she painted identical figures on her
pottery. Although it is possible that the same symbol may have
had different meanings in the two regions, it is highly improbable
that such was the case.
BOOK REVIEWS
Adolescence : Its Psychology and its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology,
Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education. By G. Stanley
Hall, Ph.D., LL.D., President of Clark University, and Professor
of Psychology and Pedagogy. New York : D. Appleton and Com-
pany, 1904. 2 vols, xxi, 589 ; vi, 784 pp. Indexes of Subjects
and Names. (Price, $7.50.)
This is the opus magnum of a distinguished psychologist, the leader
in the " child study " movement in America, a man of science, who will
be remembered as a man of genius. The basal conception of the work
is that the mind and the soul of man have had an ontogenetic and a phy-
logenetic origin and development as surely evolutional as has been that of
the body. The mind and soul, too, are still plastic, and though we can
see the end of some of the organs and functions of the body, hardly the
beginnings of many of a psychic order are yet to be discerned. With
justice the author may claim to set forth a Darwinism, — one of his own
students might be permitted to say a Hallism, — of the mind, destined to
relieve psychology alike from "academic isolation" and from "dishon-
orable captivity to epistemology. " The wide range of the author's sur-
vey of his subject may be seen from the titles of his chapters : Growth in
height and weight ; growth of parts and organs during adolescence ;
growth of motor power and function ; diseases of body and mind ; juve-
nile faults, immoralities and crimes ; sexual development : its dangers and
hygiene in boys ; periodicity ; adolescence in literature, biography and
history ; changes in the senses and the voice ; evolution and the feelings
and instincts characteristic of a normal adolescence ; adolescent love ;
adolescent feelings toward nature and a new education in science ; savage
pubic initiations, classical ideals and customs, and church confirmation ;
the adolescent psychology of conversion ; social instincts and institutions ;
intellectual development and education ; adolescent girls and their educa-
tion ; ethnic psychology and pedagogy, or adolescent races and their
treatment. Much of the material here accumulated, boiled down and
sugared off will be of interest to the anthropologist vom Fach, although
not all the conclusions arrived at will be as valid for him as for the psy-
chologist of the newer order, though he may well rejoice at some of the
blows dealt out to the metaphysician and the pseudo-philosopher. To all
539
540 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
real students of man and of the mind of man these volumes must be most
suggestive and stimulating. The epigrammatism of the author reveals
itself throughout in innumerable brief and pithy statements, alike of his
own position and ideas and those of others. A few may be cited here :
We must go to school to the folk-soul. The child and the race are each
keys to the other. The adolescent stage is the bud of promise for the
race. Puberty is not unlike a new birth. The non-volitional movements
of earliest infancy and the later childhood are the "bad lands" of the
state of man-soul. Play is the purest expression of motor heredity.
Alas for the young people who are not different with the other sex than
with their own ! Men grow old because they stop playing. Puberty is
the birthday of imagination. Youth is the age of folly. Crime is cryptog-
amous. The intoxication habit is polygenetic. There is a kind of
reciprocity between life and death. The very definition of precocity in-
volves inversion. Each woman is a more adequate representative of her
sex than a man is of his. Ephebic literature should be recognized as a
class by itself. Ultra-idealism I hold to be pathological. Psychic is even
more upsetting than biological evolution. Soul is life. Our souls are
phyletic long before and far more than they are individual. Early adoles-
cence is the infancy of man's higher nature. Psychic adolescence is
heralded by all-sided mobilization. Man early became the wanderer and
the exterminator par excellence. Adolescence is the great revealer of the
past of the race. Modesty is at root mode, and woman is its priestess.
Reproduction is always sacrificial. Man learns to live by dying and his
life is at best a masterly retreat. Religion and love rise and degenerate
together. Knowledge at its best is a form of love. Fear, or anticipatory
pain, is probably the great educator in both the animal and the human
world. Too much adult invasion makes boys artificial. Youth is in the
ethical far more than in the spiritual stage. Youth is not only the revealer
of the past but of the future. Overaccuracy is atrophy. The baby Latin
in the average high school class is a kind of a sanctified relic, the ghost
of a ghost. In modern pedagogy there is an increased tyranny of things.
The very isolation of student life weakens the sense of reality. Nothing
so reenforces optimism as evolution. Man is best adapted to the present;
woman is more rooted in the past and the future. To be a true woman
means to be yet more mother than wife. The bachelor woman is the
very apotheosis of selfishness. The heart and soul of growing childhood
is the criterion by which we judge the larger heart and soul of mature
womanhood. Our opinion of Indians is too analogous to that of Calvin-
ists concerning the depravity of infants. Conquest will not vivify Asia.
BOOK REVIEWS
541
What a few overgrown nations call civilization seems likely to be forced
upon the entire world. Race hygiene is yet to be developed. Cross-
fertilization seems to be the law of human races. Is there any barbarism
that equals that caused by premature and forced civilization, or any fallacy
greater than that those are not cultured who can not do or do not
know or revere what we do ? Does might so make right that the worst
in the victor is better than the best in the victim ?
The attractive and masterly way in which the rich literature of the
subject is treated, the wealth of conclusion and inference, the remarkable
skill with which the parallelism between the individual and the race is
maintained and interpreted, the inherent optimism that makes light the
darkest corners of the man and woman and of men and women, the sym-
pathetic grasp of childhood and savagery, etc., stamp this work unique in
the annals of psychology. It is to be hoped that the author will find
time and occasion to issue a primer edition, so that the great truths and
wise words contained therein may come more within the reach of those
beyond whom an expensive book must always lie.
Indexes of names and subjects complete these well -printed volumes.
Some misprints, due more to the publisher than to the author, will doubt-
less be corrected in a future edition.
While the reviewer finds himself in general accord with most of the
positions taken, there are several points on which he fails to agree with
the author. One of these is the overestimation of the "fighting in-
stinct." The statement on page 217, vol. 1, for example, seems harsh
in consideration of the fact that Darwin practically confesses that he was
a " milk sop." The virtue in fighting is, probably, like that of classical
education, a thing of the age and not of the race. Another point is that
the author is apparently not so willing to allow full liberty to woman
as he is to man,— absolutely liberal he is in all other respects. In the
opinion of the reviewer, evolution limits woman no more than man per
se, and the restrictions per vinim are artificial.
Alexander F. Chamberlain.
The Navajo and His Blanket. Bv U. S. Hollister. Denver, Colo.
[1903.] Roy. 8°, 144 pp., 10 colored plates, 25 figures and plates.
From a mechanical point of view this book is handsomely made.
Barring a veritable nightmare (figure 8) bearing the title " Navajos Wor-
shiping the Elements," together with figures 6 and 10, which do not
depict what they pretend, the illustrations are in the main admirable, the
ten colored plates of Navaho blankets being worthy of high praise. ' But
AM. ANTH., N. S., 6 — 36
542 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
here the merit of the book practically ceases, for in content it is one of
the most misleading and inaccurate publications on the southwestern tribes
that has ever appeared (which is saying a good deal), notwithstanding
the author, during his twenty years' residence in the Rocky Mountain
country, has had " many opportunities to learn something about the
aboriginal people of Colorado, Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona, having
frequently visited the wigwams and the wickyups of the Utes and of
the Apaches, the adobe villages of the Pueblos, and the hogans of the
Navajos. " So much excellent ethnologic and archeologic work has been
done in the Southwest during the last twenty years, that had the author
remained at home and confined his attention to the published results of
these researches, his book could not have failed to be more profitable
from an educational point of view. As it is, the volume contains so much
that is unintentionally, though still inexcusably, untruthful or misleading
as to overshadow the little good to be found in it.
Within reasonable limits it would be impossible to point out all the
glaringly erroneous statements which Mr Hollister has made ; neverthe-
less, attention should be called to a few of the pitfalls into which he has
fallen and into which others might be likely to follow. For example,
there is no evidence whatsoever that war songs among the Navaho take
precedence over all others, or that legends of war are "the most endur-
ing of any subject with which the Indian has to deal." Contrary to the
author's belief, Navaho legend abounds in allusions to the cliff-dwellers,
a fact which overthrows his argument concerning the latter people. His
unfamiliarity with southwestern archeology is shown by his estimate of
the number of rooms represented by a certain ruined pueblo, which he
computes at one hundred for each of seven stories, regardless of the fact
that the pueblo was terraced, each successive story receding, so that the
uppermost story could not have contained more than one-seventh the num-
ber of rooms on the first floor. There is no rock in the Navaho country
which the Navaho designates " Ship Rock," such a conception being for-
eign to his very thought. The true Navaho name is 7se' bi/a'i, from fee,
'rock,' bi/a ' its wings,' hence " Winged Rock" which has quite another
meaning to a people who never saw a ship. (See Matthews, Navaho Le-
gends, 119, 120, 235.) And there is only a filament of truth in the many
so-called legends to which the author calls attention. After the splendid
scientific work of Dr Washington Matthews among the Navaho, there is no
excuse for most of the many misstatements concerning Navaho mythology
that Mr Hollister' s book contains, and students who have spent years in an
endeavor to spread the truth about American ethnology have every cause
BOOK REVIEWS
543
to regret that such falsities continue to be perpetrated. There is scarcely
a line concerning Navaho myth and legend throughout the book that is
not either entirely fallacious or grossly misleading.
Proceeding, we learn for the first time, if we are inclined to disregard
fact entirely, that the Navaho sweat-house is erected for a single individ-
ual, an assertion apparently inspired by figure 6, "A Navajo 'sweat-
house ' ", which in reality belongs to the distant Havasupai of Cataract
canon, Arizona. Navaho sweat-lodges, indeed, are sometimes large enough
for half a dozen Indians at a time. The statement that the medicine-men
live in the medicine-lodges is untrue, as is of course the assertion that
"most authorities agree that the Navajo is not a particularly religious
Indian ' ' because he has no public ceremonies — which further shows how
little the author has profited by his twenty years of contact with this highly
religious and ceremonious people. The further absurd assertion is made
that the Navaho's "only conspicuous appliance of worship is the altar
in the medicine-lodge " ; on the contrary, such an object is foreign to
Navaho religion, the fantastic altar paraphernalia which is described
evidently having its origin in the fertile imagination of the author's
in forma
As one would expect, the only strength which the book possesses lies
in its description of the Navaho blanket, yet even this is unsatisfactory.
Of the reed fork, that important implement of the Navaho weaver, the
author seems to know nothing. The yellow dye, to which he refers as
being derived from "rabbit wood," is actually made from Rumex hymen-
osepalum, as Dr Matthews haspointed out; and it is extremely doubt-
ful if Brazil-wood was ever used in New Mexico or Arizona as a dye
at any rate it is unknown to a prominent trader with an experience of
thirty years among the Navaho Indians. Gray in blankets was not always
effected by the mixture of black and white wool, for the Navaho have
gray sheep whose wool is used for this purpose. The author is likewise
mistaken in supposing that amole removes the natural oil of the wool, and
in presuming that bayeta was last used in 1875, for the reviewer saw it
woven into blankets by the Zufiis in 1889 and noticed it in at least one
Arizona trading store as late as 1897. We find also the statement that in
certain old blankets occurs a red which antedates the native red and
which may be traced to " the scarlet coat of the infantry ' ' — thus leaving
those who are unaware that Mackinaw blankets have long been in use in
the Southwest to surmise that the infantry coats are probably a relic of
the invasion of New Mexico by the British. As to the symbolism of
Navaho blankets, the author is equally at sea, as everyone familiar with
Dr Matthews' studies will readily observe.
544 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Mr Hollister presents a new theory of the supposed Spanish origin of
the term " Navajo," but untenable, as it is directly opposed to the state-
ments of the early Spaniards themselves. He discusses the marvelous
genesis and migration tradition of the Navaho tribe, laboriously recorded
by Dr Matthews, as apparently unworthy of consideration, although he
does allude to " many mythical stories of their origin." Among these,
evidently, is "a vague tradition among them that they came [to this
world] by water," in which the author finds evidence to support an
Asiatic origin. These foolish traditions, it should be noted, are dismissed
as practically unworthy, and the important and far-reaching researches
that have been conducted among the Navaho are waved aside with the
simple statement that " about the only things we certainly know of their
history is their Athapascan origin and that they have been in our South-
west for a long time. ' '
Far astray as the author is in his observations of the Navaho, of whom
he might be expected to have some knowledge, his general interpreta-
tions of southwestern ethnology and history are even more startling.
After all the progress made in American ethnology and archeology during
the last quarter century, the author asserts that the cliff dwellers and the
mound builders were " certainly far antecedent to our Indians in their
occupation of our country." The threadbare theory of the status of
Indian woman, excusable half a century ago, is once more resurrected,
and readers are again asked to believe that the Indians " are in no sense
emotional, and anything like sentiment is entirely foreign to their na-
ture." The time-worn story, "on very good authority," of the finding
of corn embedded in lava, which every frontiersman has heard of but no
one has ever seen, is again revived; "the grain was calcined by vol-
canic heat that raised the temperature of the atmosphere above the scorch-
ing point, and destroyed all life," we are told. The tale almost equals
that of the petrified bird which sang the petrified song. The author pre-
supposes the contemporaneous occupancy of all the now-ruined pueblos
in the Southwest by making the assertion that " to-day all the arable land
in that [Navaho] country, even if supplied with irrigating ditches wher-
ever water could be conveyed, would not support one-tenth the popula-
tion that once flourished there."
The Seven Cities of Cibola were " mythical," we are told ; and again
is repeated, as though it were truth, that marvelous fable of the enslave-
ment by the Spaniards of the Indians of New Mexico, several hundred of
whom were smothered in mines which they were compelled to work.
We learn that Cabeza de Vaca was the first European to enter New
BOOK REVIEWS 545
Mexico, " which he penetrated to its central part " ; that Marcos of Niza
made an expedition to the Pueblos in 1528; that Onate built the first
church at " San Ildefonzo " ; and that Taos, Acoma, Zuni, and Moqui
are names given to the Pueblos by the Spaniards — all of which mis-
statements must tend to make Bandelier feel that to some quarters at least
the results of his years of labor have not yet penetrated.
Other of Mr Hollister's conclusions are of absorbing interest. He
calls attention to certain parallels between Old and New World culture,
but kindly leaves to the reader's decision whether or not they are signifi-
cant of connection between the Navahos and the Greeks, Hebrews,
Hindus, or Babylonians.
There are many poor books relating to the Southwest, but each has
its redeeming feature. Of The Navajo and His Blanket the best that
can be said is that its colored plates are excellent ; in text, taken altogether
it is worse than worthless. F. W. Hodge.
Die Abstammung des Menschen und die Bedi'ngungen seiner Entwicklung.
Fiir Naturforscher, Aerzte und gebildete Laien dargestellt von Dr
Moritz Alsberg. Mit 24 Abbildungen im Text. Cassel : 1902.
Verlag von Th. G. Fischer & Co. 8°, xii, 248 pp.
The various sections of this book, which has been much discussed on
the continent of Europe, treat of : The Neanderthal race ; the problem
of descent ; the Pithecanthroptis and the relation to man of the lower
apes and the anthropoids ; Australia and the " Urmensch " ; climatic in-
fluences, isolation and race-formation ; intellectual development and intel-
lectual regression ; sex differences ; inheritance, interbreeding and mix-
ture. Dr Alsberg considers proved the former existence of a "diluvial
human race," lower than and essentially different from the present race
of man. The Javan Pithecanthropus is no direct ancestor of man, but a
shoot from a side line. The ancestry of man (as his hand, for example,
shows) goes back to a relatively lowly-developed branch of the mammal
stem, — this is the chief point of Alsberg's theory. He favors Schoeten-
sack's view that the change from the precursor to man took place in Aus-
tralia, whose environmental conditions were most likely to produce such
an evolution, — there the particularly human foot had its origin. The
migrations of primitive man gave probably the first impulses toward the
origins of the oldest race-type. Isolation had also its role, and the glacial
epoch was likewise of great significance in modifying a creature born of
the tropics. Alsberg disagrees with Kollmann's theory of man asa " per-
manent type." The "Aryans" are a linguistic, not a racial group.
546 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
No absolutely pure race-type now exists. The section on the brain and
its relation to culture-evolution advocates a close connection theory, —
in another edition the author should make use of the material of Hrdlicka
and Spitzka. Dr Alsberg thinks that " the bounds set by nature " warn
us against the ' ' new woman. ' ' And he believes, contra Weismann, in the
inheritance of recently acquired characters. To inbreeding of the brain-
cells, producing "culture ganglia," corresponds the intermixture of races
and peoples, propagating and spreading the indispensable basis of progress
in civilization. But interbreeding is a two-edged sword, and its unskilful
use means degeneration instead of perfection.
This little volume deserves a place among the more interesting and
valuable literature of the newer evolutional sort, expressive of some of
the more recent turns of Darwinism in Germany.
Alexander F. Chamberlain.
Catdlogo de la Coleccibn de Antiguedades Huavis del Estado de Oaxaca
existente en el Museo N. de Mexico, formado por el Profesor de Et-
nologia, Dr Nicolas Leon. Mexico : Imprenta del Museo Nacional,
1904- 55 PP-> maP> " P1- (physical types).
The list of the Huavi collection in the Mexican National Museum,
numbering 91 items (pottery ; stone and clay human and animals figures,
heads, idols, etc. ; stone objects) occupies but a portion of this interest-
ing pamphlet. On pages 16-42 is given linguistic material from Bras-
seur de Bourbourg, Starr, and Belmar (the vocabulary of the last con-
taining some 1,350 words), and on pages 44-48 a bibliography of 62
titles. Preceding these is an ethnographic sketch of the Huavis with a
map of their habitat, extracts from the earlier authorities, etc. The
anthropometric data (pages 15-16) are from Starr. The Huavis, who
live in four (earlier five) villages on the southern lagoons of the Isthmus
of Tehuantepec, a large extent of which region was formerly in their
possession, numbered, according to the census of 1895, 1,742 males and
1,706 females, total 3,448. They are chiefly a fisher folk, and among
the products of their country is the shell-fish furnishing a much-used
purple dye. The name Huavi is said to be of Zapotec origin, and has
been spelled Huavi, Huave, Wabi, Huabe, Guavi, Huabi, Juave, etc.
Its exact significance is doubtful, though a common interpretation is
" rotten through dampness," a nickname, doubtless. Of the Huavi lan-
guage Brinton (American Race, 1891, p. 159) said, the vocabularies of
their tongue are too imperfect to permit of the comparison of the tribe
with other stocks to which it may have been allied. This condition is
BOOK REVIEWS 547
remedied by the vocabulary of Beimar. Dr Leon prints also (pp. 20-2 1 )
the Lord's Prayer in Spanish-Huave, furnished by Dr D. Jose Maria
Mora, formerly bishop of Tehuantepec, now of Tulancingo. The Huavi
numerals merit particular examination. A hasty glance at the new mater-
ial makes the Huavi retain its position as an original stock.
Alexander F. Chamberlain.
Massasoif s Town Sowams in Pokanoket. Its History, Legends and
Traditions. By Virginia Baker. Warren, R. I. The Author.
1894. 8°, 43 pp.
This interesting brochure is a brief story of a famous sachem, noted
in early New England annals, but of whom little is known, owing to his
peaceful life, which is in strong contrast to that of his warlike son, Philip,
who is also referred to in this work.
When the Plymouth colonists landed on their rock, in 1620, Mas-
sasoit was the chief sachem of the Wampanoags, whose territory lay at the
head of Narragansett bay, in what is now Bristol county, Rhode Island.
The exact site of his principal village has been the subject of consider-
able discussion by several writers ; but the question does not yet seem to
be fully settled, and perhaps never will be decided to the satisfaction of
all. Miss Baker's booklet is a further contribution in favor of Warren as
the site, but without adding new material or new evidence in support of
that locality. Some have located it at the town of Barrington, others at
Mount Hope, but the fact is that the whole territory bordering the bay
was known as Sowams and that the name originally did not refer to any
particular village. In support of this statement, there are some matters
that have come before us from a linguistic study of the works of early
writers, such as Winslow, Mourt, Morton, Prince, and Smith, which have
never been fully explained or noted, although Miss Baker, as well as
others, have drawn freely on these authorities for their information.
Let us analyze some of these hints in the light of common reason :
Morton tells us that when Samoset, the first native interviewed, came to
greet the colonists at Plymouth in the spring of 162 1, he spoke of " the
great sachem, named Massasoit," an expression in common use by the
early writers mentioned, for the two terms are synonymous, i. e., Mas-
sasoit = massa ' great, ' -ass8t 'king,' 'ruler,' — a title retained by the
colonists without regard to its significance, as has happened in other in-
stances. It was afterward learned that this sachem's true name was
Woosamequin, or Ousamequin, = ' the yellow-feather, ' from ousa ' yel-
548 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
low,' -mequin 'a feather ' ; and so his name always appears in the early-
deeds.
Imperfect knowledge of the language caused the same trouble with
the name Sowams, Sowamset, or Scnuansett, the variations in spelling
being quite numerous. The colonists were informed that Massasoit's
country was at Sowams, which, as the variations show, is the equivalent
of Sowan-es-et, 'to or at the southwest,' — the direction it lay from the
Plymouth settlement, — and so it became a proper ^name without the
application intended by the Indians. I am aware that Trumbull suggested
the meaning 'a place of beech-trees,' but there is too much to account
for in this derivation. The real name for the village, as related by
Winslow and others, was Pacanoket, or Pawkunnawkit, — Pauqu-un-auk-
it, 'the cleared country,' which describes its appearance, as seen by
Dermer and Winslow. The latter, in his first visit, went to Pacanoket,
but he says not a word about Sowams. In the records, however, the two
names are used synonymously, as "Pacanoket alias Sawamset," etc.
Wood (Neju England's Prospect, 1634) places on his map a palisaded vil-
lage named Pacanokick, which is represented as being situated on the
eastern side of a neck, a situation that favors Mount Hope more than
either Barrington or Warren.
Miss Baker is certainly mistaken in saying that Winslow' s first visit,
in 1621, was the second visit by a white man, for the locality was visited
some years previously by both Dutch and French traders. The Wapanoos
are laid down as a tribe, and an anchorage shown in front of their
country, corresponding to Mount Hope, on the Carte-Figurative of 1616,
the tribe having been visited by Hendricks in the " Onrust," in 16 14.
Miss Baker deserves the thanks of all students of the subject for her
researches, and it is hoped that she will continue them until the disputed
sites are definitively determined. Wm. Wallace Tooker.
Traditions of the Arapaho. Collected under the auspices of the Field
Columbian Museum and of the American Museum of Natural History.
By George A. Dorsey, Curator Department of Anthropology, and
Alfred L. Kroeber, Department of Anthropology, University of
California. Chicago, U. S. A., October, 1903. 8°, x, 475 pp.
The tales of the Arapaho possess an especial interest because of the
general friendliness of this tribe with all the other tribes of the plains.
Their collection of stories is thus likely to be larger than that of almost
any other tribe, except perhaps the sedentary village community which
has so long resided near Fort Berthold on the Missouri river. Closely
BOOK RE VIE WS 549
associated from time immemorial with the Cheyenne, the Arapaho were
long ago brought into extended and friendly contact with the Missouri
river tribes — Mandan, Minitari, and Arikara, — while their alliance with
the Sioux covered a very long period and was never seriously interrupted.
Besides this, the Arapaho have had close intercourse with the tribes of the
south, and even during the period (in the first half of the last century)
when the Cheyenne were at bitter war with the allied Kiowa, Comanche,
and Apache, there was still frequent intercourse with these tribes by the
Arapaho, although their relations with the Cheyenne often obliged them
to take part in war journeys — and sometimes to move the whole tribe —
against Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches in a general attack.
The northern section of the tribe, the Atsena — early called " Mini-
taries of Fort de Prairie," — was long associated on terms of close
friendship with the Prairie people — the three tribes of the Blackfeet
nation and the Sarsi of the farther north, the story of whose separation
from the parent tribe, the Beaver Indians, still remains a vivid tradition.
Further, in the implication which is partly traditional but which is ex-
pressed also in the common English name Arapaho (Pawnee tl rap' to
trade, tl rap' a hu a trader), we have good reason for thinking that
among the Arapaho should be found all the tales of the central plains
region, together with some from the north and many from west of the
mountains, since we know also that the Arapaho were often on friendly
terms with the Shoshoni.
The excellent collection of traditions recently published by the Field
Columbia Museum under the joint names of Dr G. A. Dorsey and Dr
Alfred L. Kroeber confirms such an inference. In them we find a
multitude of stories which belong to the Siouan, Caddoan, and Algonquian
families, together with many others that possess a currency extending far
beyond the plains.
The volume is of considerable size — nearly 500 pages — and con-
tains 146 tales. Of these a considerable number deal with Ni han can,
the analogue of the Siouan Unhktomi, the Blackfoot Napi, the Cheyenne
Wihio, and the Shoshoni Coyote. But it must be remembered that with
many of the plains tribes there are two individuals called " Old Man "
or " White Man," or " Spider," one of whom may be the principal god,
while the other is the smart but foolish subject of tales like those given in
the first part of this book, for the hero of which the people themselves
feel a genuine contempt. Thus, the Blackfeet pray with the utmost
reverence to that Napi who is the Old Man, the Creator, the Sun ; but
treat with contemptuous ridicule the suggestion that they could pray to
the Napi who is the fool.
550 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
It is impossible to comment at length on the tales here given. Many
of them in slightly different form are familiar to all students of plains folk-
lore, and the authors of this collection have done exceedingly well to give
us all the different variants of each tale that they have been able to collect.
Too often the tendency among collectors is to select the best or most
interesting of the different forms offered, and to be satisfied with giving
that alone.
The story of Ni han can and the whirlwind possesses a rather special
interest. The center of the whirlwind with the Arapaho appears to be
the caterpillar, while with the Cheyenne it is the dragon-fly, and with the
Blackfeet the moth-miller. The importance of squatting down when a
whirlwind approaches one is recognized by the Blackfeet, but among
them this is done by one sex only, and for an entirely different reason
from that which influences the Arapaho.
The story numbered 106, dealing with " Big Owl, Owner of Bag,"
is an interesting and unusual form of obstacle myth. The mother whose
boy has been carried away by Big Owl prepares a number of elaborately
ornamented articles of clothing, which she carries with her when going to
rescue the child. As she flees after having secured him, she drops these
articles of clothing one after another, and the bad spirit is obliged to stop
and walk about each and to fully count the quills with which it is adorned.
He is thus delayed, defeated, and finally killed. The tale has relation,
of course, to the sacredness of the quilling work in which skill and suc-
cess are rewarded, and we may imagine that it belonged originally to the
quilling society.
The ' ' Found in Grass " or " Star Boy ' ' tale has many variants and is
found all over the plains and elsewhere. The story of the man who had
the buffalo wife is also widely distributed, and sometimes this man is
made the inventor of the bow and arrows.
Concerning the manner in which the tales are related, it must be said
that while some are admirably told and preserve much of their aboriginal
flavor, others have largely lost their Indian character. They are not
always given with the direct simplicity with which an Indian commonly
tells his story.
It is to be regretted also that the word ''beef" is constantly used
when the flesh of buffalo, elk, deer, and antelope is intended, and that
buffalo are often spoken of as "steers."
The volume closes with abstracts of all the tales. It represents a
vast amount of hard work and is of great value and high importance to
the study of primitive mythology. George Bird Grinnell.
BOOK RE VIE WS 5 5 l
Traditions of the Crows. By S. C. Simms, Assistant Curator, Division of
Ethnology, Field Columbian Museum. Chicago, 1903. 8°, pp. 281-
324-
So little ethnological work on the Crows has been published, that the
myths here given are very welcome. They were collected by Mr Simms
during the summer of 1903 and come from the second oldest man of the
tribe, known as Bull That Goes Hunting.
Many of the tales deal with Old Man Coyote, the analogue of the
Algonquian Manabozhu, Napi, or Wihio, the wise foolish hero so often
confused with that other Old Man who is the creator. In the traditions
before us the origin myth tells us of the Old Man who was the creator,
while other myths, Nos. 2 to 16 inclusive, deal with Old Man Coyote,
the fool and the fooled. Most of these possess much in common with
tales related by other tribes of the northern plains. In No. 10 the wolf
teaches Old Man Coyote to make holes in the ice through which buffalo
fat should stick up, but Old Man Coyote, slipping and falling on the ice,
sticks fast there under the overhanging branches of the buffalo and goose-
berry bushes which are still bearing fruit — a mixing up of summer and
winter. No. 1 2 is a form of the familiar story of the southern plains,
telling of the young man who had two wives, one of them an elk and
another a buffalo. No. 13 deals with the boy who was found and who
afterward helped the people to food, working against Old Man Coyote.
In the Blackfeet and Cheyenne story his opponent is the raven.
The myth of the girl who reached heaven by following a porcupine
up into an ever-growing tree ends differently from the same tale among
Algonquians or Caddoans ; while the story of Bones Together is closely
similar to the Cheyenne tale.
These Crow tales contain elements common to those of all the plains
tribes, many of which we may conjecture to have come to the Crows by
way of their relatives the Minitari, or from the Gros Ventres of the
Prairie ( Atsena) with whom they were long allied. In the name of Old
Man Coyote, however, we see evidence of Crow association and alliance
with the Snakes, for, so far as we know, the name Coyote is applied to
the supernatural hero only west of the mountains. In the plains country
the Coyote, while universally acknowledged to be "more subtile than
any beast of the field," is alternately the companion and the opponen
of the mischief-maker.
On the first page of the Origin Myth, page 281, we see that the
creator told the first man to make a bucket from the " pouch " of the
buffalo — no doubt a typographical error for paunch. It would be inter-
552 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
esting to learn just what was intended by the monster described as an
alligator by Mr Simms, for we can hardly imagine that the Crows know
what an alligator is. It is presumably merely an " under-water " monster.
The collection is a very interesting contribution to our knowledge of
a little-known tribe. George Bird Grinnell.
The Exploration of Jacobs Cavern, McDonald County, Missouri. By
Charles Peabody and W. K. Moorehead. Phillips Academy, An-
dover, Massachusetts, Department of Archaeology, Bulletin I. Nor-
wood, Mass. : The Norwood Press, 1904. 8°, iv, 29 pp., 11 pi.,
map.
This publication, the first of what gives promise of being a note-
worthy series of memoirs from a recently established but already important
archeological museum, gives the result of careful research in Jacobs
Cavern and is a satisfactory description of American caves as a whole.
The text is elucidated by a plan of the cave floor, laid off in sections of
one meter, and by several half-tone plates. It is regretted that the illus-
trations of the implements unearthed are not of higher grade, for with-
out consulting the text it would be impossible to determine, even ap-
proximately, the material of which they are made. The results of the
work in Jacobs Cavern is similar to that of American caves generally east
of the Mississippi. It was not so rich in material as others have been, and,
like every other cave thus far investigated, it failed to give satisfactory
evidence of any great age of human occupancy or any evidence at all of
the presence therein of the remains of an extinct fauna such as have been
found in certain instances in Pennsylvania. In Jacobs Cavern the bones
of many wild animals were found, as were evidences of human burial,
but the only suggestion of great age thought to have been brought forth
was in the shape of certain artifacts and in the discovery of a breccia
which the writers appear to think indicated ancient human occupancy.
Geologists, however, have demonstrated that this combination of wood
ashes and carbonate of lime, called breccia, and often containing arti-
facts, may form in a comparatively short period. The discovery of
this formation, so well known in many of the caves of Europe that have
produced evidences of a long period of human occupancy in association
with a fauna now entirely extinct, raises the expectation among Ameri-
can archeologists that further investigation may develop a similar period
of cave occupancy by man in this country ; in fact, this similarity of con-
ditions in the surfaces of American caves with those of Europe and the
few feet in depth to which any considerable excavation has been made in
\
BOOK REVIEWS 553
America, appear to promise favorably for future important American dis-
coveries. It is in the caves, if anywhere, that we may look for a determi-
nation of the earliest period of human occupancy of this continent for the
evolution of artifacts, the direction of the earlier aboriginal migrations,
and possibly the origin of the human race itself.
The suggested difference in the shape of the implements found in
Jacobs Cavern from those found in its neighborhood may be explained in
many ways other than as indicating age. This is emphasized by the find-
ing of pottery, of ground stone implements and of a minie ball and the
bones of domestic animals. Like puzzles have been met by others. For
example, silver-plated copper buttons, a jack-knife, a padlock, and other
objects of metal were found by the reviewer at Cavetown, Maryland, in
the same horizon as that of the oldest objects unearthed, all of which
makes the ultimate solution of the problem one of extreme interest to
archeologists.
In America, where the consensus of opinion is directly opposed to the
recognition of a paleolithic as distinct from a neolithic age, the use
of the term " neolithic implements " is of rather questionable propriety.
Joseph D. McGuire.
PERIODICAL LITERATURE
Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain
[Note. — Authors, especially those whose articles appear in journals and other
serials not entirely devoted to anthropology, will greatly aid this department of the
American Anthropologist by sending direct to Dr A. F. Chamberlain, Clark University,
Worcester, Massachusetts, U. S. A., reprints or copies of such studies as they may desire
to have noticed in these pages. — Editor.]
GENERAL
von Andrian ( F. ) Virchow als Anthro-
pologe. (Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien,
1903, xxxiii, 336-343. ) Resumes Vir-
chow's varied anthropological activities
and investigations.
Die xxxiv. allgemeine Versamm-
lung der deutschen Anthropologischen
Gesellschaft zu Worms vom 10-13.
August. (Stzgb. d. Anthr. Ges. in
Wien, 1903, 110-113.) Resumes very
briefly proceedings and chief papers.
Anthony (M.) Rapport sur le concours
du Prix Goddard. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr.
de Paris, 1903, Ve S., IV, 613-615. )
Prize awarded to Dr Huguet for his MS.
La vale nr physique generals et F aptitude
au service militaire des indigenes saha-
riens, with very honorable mention of
Niceforo for his anthropological study of
Lausanne school-children.
Edson (E. R.) Swedenborg's vortex-rings
and some of their applications in the
realm of natural science, with especial
reference to the subject of thought.
(N. W. Med., Seattle, 1904, II, repr.,
pp. 1-22, 10 figs. ) The author of this
curious article believes that "animals
are usually possessed of more clairvoyant
power than are human beings," that
"intellectual light emanates from the
sun," etc.
Giuffrida-Ruggeri (V.) Una spiegazione
del gergo dei criminali al lume dell etno-
grafia comparata. (Arch, di Psich.,
ecc, Torino, 1904, XXV, estr., pp. 1-
10.) Author cites existence of secret-
language at harvest-time (Alfuros of
Celebes), of elephant-hunters (Laos),
camphor-seekers (Borneo), tin-miners
(Malacca), fishermen (Shetland), etc.,
to show that normal individuals, savage
and civilized, make use of secret lan-
guages, as a defense against spirits (or
a means of communication with them),
or against society. In like manner crimi-
nals. Their jargons have the same de-
fensive, mystic origins.
II profilo della pianta del piede nei
degeneratie nellerazze inferiori. (Ibid.,
estr., pp. 1-9.) Compares the form of
the soles of 23 feet of Italian degenerates
studied by the author with those of 40
Wakissi and 47 Wanyamwanga published
by Fulleborn in his Anthropologic der
Nord Nyassa-L&nder (Berlin, 1902).
Dr Giuffrida-Ruggeri believes that the
influence of boots and shoes in modifying
the form of the foot has been over-
estimated. The common form of the
European foot is not an artificial result
but a spontaneous product of evolution,
belonging to the higher races.
Fere (M.) Rapport sur le concours du
Prix Fauvelle. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de
Paris, 1903, ve s., iv, 615-616. ) Prize
awarded to Dr E. Rabaud for his Con-
tribution a P etude des lesions, spinales
postirieures dans la paralysie generate
(Paris, 1898) and other studies on em-
bryology and teratology.
Gotze ( A. ) Ueber einen Boschungsmesser.
(Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, XXXVI, 1 15-
117, 1 fig.) Describes a new instru-
ment (compass with plumb-line and
graduated scale) for use in archeological
work.
Kraemer (H.) Die Abstammung des
Bernhardiner. (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1904, lxxxv, 104-108, 1 19-122, 171-
174, 184-186, 13 figs.) Discusses in
detail, historical, archeological, osteologi-
554
chamberlain]
PERIODICA L LITER A TURE
555
cal, and philological evidence as to the
origin of the St Bernard dog and related
types. Dr Kraemer considers that the
mastiff was a race introduced by the Ro-
man settlers and from it in the St Bernard
region, by reason of Alpine environment,
a "regeneration to the old and original
type " took place and the St Bernard
was evolved. The ancestor of the St
Bernard is the Tibetan dog which spread
via Asia Minor, and the dog of Vin-
donissa is a sort of link between the
Tibetan and the old Molossus types.
The Roman type from which the St
Bernard sprang may be that of Vindon-
issa.
Lang ( A. ) The origins of marriage
prohibitions. (Man, Lond., 1903, 179—
182.) Reply to critique of author's
Social Origins at pp. 12 1-124 of the same
journal. Lang maintains that totemism
arose when the name was still taken from
the mother.
Lasch ( R. ) Die Landwirtschaft der Nat-
urvolker. ( Z. f. Social w., Berlin, 1 904,
vii, 25-47, 97-115, 190-197, 248-
264. ) This valuable and well-docu-
mented monograph on primitive agri-
culture, etc., treats of primitive methods
of clearing the ground and making it
productive, loosening and working the
soil, improvement of soil (manuring,
artificial irrigation, rotation and fallow,
sowing and planting, protection of seed
from weeds, injurious animals, etc., har-
vest and subsequent proceedings, division
of land among primitive agriculturists,
methods of work and division of labor,
size of crops, their value, disposal, etc.
Dr Lasch finds it difficult to say what is
the cardinal difference between primitive
agriculture and ours. The working of
the soil is as intensive with the one as
with the other. The stability of place is
overestimated for the modern peasantry
and underestimated for primitive people.
Frequent change does not interfere with
high development of methods of work.
Higher culture has the combination of
agriculture and cattle-breeding, the
plow, etc.
Lewis (A. L. ) Some notes on orienta-
tation. (Man, Lond., 1903, 88-91.)
General discussion. Propitiousness of
cardinal points and the reverse held to be
the result of ceremonial turnings and
facing, also right and left.
"The nine stones." (Ibid., 116-
117.) Argues that "the nine stones,"
in rude stone monuments, means " the
stones of the nine ceremonies, or nine
gods, or it may be of both, or in other
words, the holystones."
McKenzie (K.) An Italian fable, its
sources and its history. (Mod. Philol.,
Chicago, 1904, I, repr., pp. 1-28. ) A
thorough-going comparative study of
"The Lion and the Man," fromaMS. of
the fifteenth century, the original of
which, the author thinks, was composed
in India some time before the eleventh
century. Some "Uncle Remus" inci-
dents appear to belong to the cycle of this
fable, which is very widespread, and has
undergone many variations.
Myers ( C. S. ) Note on a method of
radial craniometry. (Man, Lond., 1903,
12-13, 1 fig-) Describes apparatus and
the preparation of polyhedral figures
from skull measurements.
Myres (J. L.) Rudolf Virchow. (Ibid.,
1-4, 1 pi.) Appreciative sketch with
portrait.
John Wesley Powell. (Ibid., 23-
25, 1 fig.) Brief account of life and
scientific labors.
von Negelein (J.) Die Stellung des Pfer-
des in der Kulturgeschichte. (Globus,
Brnschwg., 1903, LXXXIV, 345-349. )
Contains data additional to those in the
author's recent work Das Pferd im
arischen Altertum. Treats of domesti-
cation, use in war, life and qualities
under domestication, horse in religion,
mythology and folklore, the "white
horse" and "black horse," spirit horse,
etc. In Prussia in the time of the Orders
horses were still beasts of the chase and
in use as food. Very ancient is the use
of the male horse for battle and riding
only, the mare for breeding purposes
alone.
Niewenhius (A. W. ) Kunstperlen und
ihre kulturelle Bedeutung. (Int. A. f.
Ethnogr., Leiden, 1903, XVI, 136-154,
1 pi. ) Interesting historical-ethnograph-
ical account of artificial beads and the
culture-significance, based on material in
the museums of Leiden, particularly
from certain tribes of Borneo, the Bahau,
Kenya, etc. The glass, faience, and
porcelain beads of Borneo come from
Singapore (thither from Gablonz in Bo-
556
AMERICAN ANTHROPOL OGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
hernia, Birmingham, Murano near Ven-
ice,— some perhaps also from China).
Among these people beads enter into
every social and religious ceremony ;
they are also offered to the spirits and
protective genii. Ancient Egypt ( Flin-
ders Petrie's find dates from 2800 B. C. )
seems to have been the center of the early
glass industry, upon which later devel-
oped the Phenician. Stone beads were
known to the ancient Egyptians as to the
modern Borneans. The spread of beads
through the ancient world is attributed
to the Phenicians and they were known
to the Swiss lake-dwellers. The beads
of culture-races exhibit a remarkable
coincidence in form, color, marking, etc.
Of the chevron pattern of bead 500 varie-
ties are known in Venice.
Rathgen ( F. ) und Bowmann ( R. ) Tran
kung von Gipsabgiissen zur Konservier-
ung. (Z. f. Fthn., Berlin, 1904, XXXVI,
163-165. ) Notes advantage of baths for
plaster casts which do not give watery
solutions.
Sanielevici (H.) Le travail de la masti-
cation est la cause de la brachycephalie.
(Bull. Soc. des Sciences de Bucarest,
1903, xii, 390-395.) In briefer form
this article was noticed in American
Anthropologist, 1904, N. S., VI, 346.
Schliz (A.) Der Bau vorgeschichtlicher
Wohnanlagen. (Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges.
in Wien, 1903, xxxmi, 301-320, 14
figs. ) Treats of form and variations of
human dwellings during the diverse pre-
historic periods — choice of site, form
and grouping of individual residences,
build of individual houses, etc. No
dwellings have been found in the old
stone or cave-epoch. In the later stone
age appear the plain and river villages,
and the contracted fortified mountain
settlements. The former is represented
at Grossgartach (details are given).
No regular evolution from the earliest to
the latest period is apparent ; each period
has suited its dwellings to its needs and
the tools it possessed. Artistic taste
appears in all epochs.
Schmidt (P. W.) W. Wundt's Volker-
psychologie. " (Ibid., 361-389.) Crit-
ical review of the first volume (on lan-
guage) of Wundt's Volkerpsychologie
(Leipzig, 1900).
Sergi ( G. ) Le illusioni dei sociologi.
(Riv. Ital. di Soc, Roma, 1903, VII,
estr., pp. 1-19. ) Criticises the view of
certain sociologists that human society is
"a phenomenon opposed to nature."
Such ideas are illusions sprung from the
brains of these theorists. Seeks to show
that independence from nature in social
phenomena, opposition between them
and biological phenomena, does not and
cannot exist. Individual interest is not
opposed to social, for cooperation is a
better evolutional means for survival of
self. Justice is not an anti-biological
phenomenon. The survival of the weak
through justice among men may be com-
pared to mimicry — survival among in-
sects, etc. The human will is not out-
side the bonds of nature. The role of
consciousness of voluntary acts and their
scope is not large.
Welcker (H.) Die Zugehorigkeit eines
Unterkiefers zu einem bestimmtten Scha-
del, nebst Untersuchungen iiber sehr auf-
fallige, durch Auftrocknung und Wied-
eranfeuchtung bedingte Grossen- und
Form-veranderungen des Knochens.
(A. f. Anthrop., Brnschwg., 1902,
xxvil, 37-106, 37 figs.) Detailed dis-
cussion of the relation of lower jaw to
skull, with account of experiments on
striking changes in size and form of the
bone induced by drying and re-moist-
ening.
Wright ( W. ) A method to facilitate the
recognition of Sergi's skull types.
(Man, Lond., 1903, 114-116, 4 figs.)
Describes "construction of a simple
geometric figure on a photograph of the
skull," — to aid the eye and avoid the
vagaries of the personal equation.
Zuckerkandl (E. ) Zur vergleichenden
Anatomie der Gehirnwindungen. Zur
Morphologie der Insel. (Stzgb. d.
Anthr. Ges. in Wien., 1903, 87-88.)
Author concludes that the ground-form
of the insula is to be looked for in arch-
forms of this part of the brain in the bear
and other carnivora.
EUROPE
Abercromby ( J. ) Excavations at Meikle,
Perthshire, in May, 1903. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 1 19-120. ) Describes excavation
of two prehistoric sites and objects found.
Whether the interments and earthworks
are contemporary is uncertain.
Andree (R. ) Ueber einen Feuerstein-
knollen vom Wohlenberge. (Z. f. Ethn.,
chamberlain]
PERIODICAL LITERATURE
557
Berlin, 1904, XXXVI, 107-108. ) De-
scribes a flint core, used perhaps as a
hand-stone.
Annandale ( N. ) Notes on the folklore
of the Vestmanneyjar. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 137-139.) Brief notes on sea-
goblins, bird-lore (raven, puffin), the
skerry priest cairn, the stone boat, rock-
spirits, etc.
Bericht iiber die im Jahre 1902 in Oster-
reich durchgefuhrten Arbeiten. (Stzgb.
d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1903, xxxm,
59-84, 10 figs. ) Resumes archeological
discoveries in the various parts of Austria
during 1902.
Brandstetter ( R. ) Die altschweizerische
Dramatik als Quelle fur volkskundliche
Forschungen. (Schw. A. f. Volksk.,
Zurich, 1904, viii, 24-36.) Points out
the folklore material to be gleaned from
the old Swiss drama : Echoes of old
legends and myths, legal customs, plays
and amusements, folk food and drinks,
figures of speech, oaths, euphemisms,
forms of greeting, loan-words, dialect,
gestures, etc. The old Swiss drama is a
national, indigenous product.
Brunsmid (J.) Hrvatske sredovjecne sta-
rine. (Vjes. hrvats. Arheol. Drust.,
Zagreb, 1903-4, N. s. VII, 30-97, 51
figs. ) Describes Croatian medieval re-
mains, coins, ornaments, rings, bracelets,
beads, necklaces, bells, etc.
Bunker (J. R.) Die Hafnerofen in Stoob.
(Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1903,
xxxm, 329-335, 10 figs. ) Detailed
account of the pottery-kilns of the village
of Stoob near Oben Pullendorf in the
Alpine region of Odenburg.
Casement (R.) Remarkable wells in the
country of Antrim in the year 1683, as
described by Richard Dobbs, Esq., of
Castle Dobbs. (Man, Lond., 1903, 76-
77. ) Gives extracts from a MS. intended
to form part of an English atlas, part of
which only was published.
Cazalis de Fondonce (M. ) Les cromlechs
de la Can de Ceyrac, Gard. (Soc. Preh.
de France, 1904, extr., pp. I— II, 2 figs. )
Detailed description of the two large
cromlechs of Can de Ceyrac, compared
with other similar monuments.
Celestin (V.) Grcki i ninski kolonijalni
novci nadeni u Osijeku. (Vjes. hrvats.
Arheol. Drust., Zagreb, 1903-4, N. s. VII,
AM. ANTH., N. S., 6 — 37
15-29.) Lists and describes numerous
Greek and Roman colonial coins found
at Essek.
Cermak (K.) Neolithische Stationen in
der Umgebung von Caslau und iher
Alter. (Stzgb. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wein,
1903, 102-104, l fig-) Brief notes on
neolithic stations at Drobovitz and some-
what later ones on the Hluboky brook
near Caslau.
Clinch (G. ) On some ancient subterra-
nean chambers discovered at Waddon,
near Croyden, Surrey. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 20-23, I fig. ) Describes a very
important find. The Waddon chambers
resemble in some respects those of Pal-
mella in Portugal (late neolithic) and
those of La Tourelle in Brittany. They
were probably sepulchral, though no
human remains have been discovered.
The Waddon chambers copy the ordinary
surface hut of neolithic times.
Cunningham ( D. J. ) Cornelius Magrath,
the Irish giant. (Ibid., 49-50, 1 pi.)
Brief sketch of life, description of skele-
ton of famous giant (d. 1760.). The
skeleton "exhibits in a marked degree
all the conditions of an advanced phase
of acromegaly."
Daucourt (A.) Les sobriquets des villes
et villages du Jura bernois. (Schw. A.
F. Volksk., Zurich, 1904, VIII, 49-52.)
Gives the blason populaire (nicknames)
for 120 towns and villages of the Bernese
Jura. This article ought to interest
Andrew Lang in connection with his
totem theory.
Elworthy ( F. T. ) On perforated stone
amulets. (Man, Lond., 1903, 17-20,
1 pi. ) Describes and discusses amulets
from various parts of England. Natur-
ally-holed stones have particular virtues.
One of their names is "holy (for holed)
vlints. "
Evans (E. J.) Pre-Phenician writing in
Crete, and its bearings on the history of
the alphabet. (Ibid., 50-55. ) Treats
of primitive picture-writing and Cretan
pictographic script, the linear script of
Minoan Knossos. Cretan scripts and
" signaries, " and the Phenician alphabet.
Author identifies the Philistines with " a
highly-civilized ^Egean race, far ad-
vanced in that art of writing." From
them ca. 1400 B. c. the Phenicians may
have derived their alphabet.
558
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
Folmer (H. C. ) De volkomen overeen-
stemming in anthropologisch type tus-
schen de vroegste bewoners langs de
Noordzee-kusten met de andere Ger-
maansche stammen iut her Merovingische
tijvak. (Hand. v. d. Nederl. Anthrop.
Ver., Den Haag, 1904, 1, 26-32.)
Argues upon craniological evidence for
the complete identity of the earliest in-
habitants of the North Sea coast with the
Reihengraber type of central Germany,
the dolichocephalic Merovingians, etc.
Fuchs ( K. ) Rosengartchen ; das Kron-
stadter Junifest. (Stzgb. d. Anthr.
Ges. in Wien, 1903, 104-106.) Brief
account of a folk-festival at Kronstadt in
Transylvania. A horseman's festival,
dendrophors (youths on horseback with
fir-taps), busogdn-throv/ing (a sort of
club). The festival seems to be the
rudiment of a once greater event.
Ueber Rolande. (Ibid., 106.) Brief
note on the "town Roland" — the
Roland with naked sword in hand before
the door of the town house indicated the
exercises there of the jus gladii, a right
given certain towns by the Hungarian
monarchs.
von Gabnay (F. ) Ungarische Kinder-
spiele. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1904,
LXXXV, 42-45, 60-63, 5 figs. ) Treats of
to^s, pintzga, catapults, whips, ball-shov-
ing, toy-wagons, wind-wheels, and like
toys, cross-bows, squirts, whistles, boats,
fiddles, bows, hammers, sleds, mortars,
cradles, furniture, dishes, implements
and utensils, dolls, etc. Also children's
games, ball-games. In the Ung valley
girls make no dolls. Truancy is frequent
here because several school-children
have only one jacket in common. At
Tschornoholowa hardly any children's
toys are to be found. Toys and games
differ noticeably with environment.
Gaidoz (H. ) De 1' influence de l'Acade-
mie Celtique sur les etudes de folk-lore.
( Rec. de Mem. Soc. d. Antiq. de France,
1904, I3S-I43-) According to M.
Gaidoz the linguistic labors of the Celtic
Academy, which held its first session in
1804 and made its exit in 1827, causes a
smile today, its archeology is more than
archaic, but it will be remembered for its
activities in relation to the collection of
folklore (the work of its secretary,
Johanneau, etc.). Its influence upon
Jacob Grimm in particular was consider-
able. In France the study of folklore
practically died with the Celtic Academy,
to be resurrected more than fifty years
later.
Gebhardt ( A. ) Ueber eine neugefundene
Hohleauf Island. (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1903, LXXXIV, 389. ) Brief account of
a new cave (occupied in the Middle
Ages by robbers or exiles) discovered
in the Thingvallasveit in the summer of
1903.
Gotze ( A. ) Monolithgraber. ( Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, XXXVI, 11 1-115, 5 figs.)
Brief description of three neolithic graves
with boulders lying upon the skeletons.
This was perhaps due to belief in vam-
pirism. For graves of this sort the au-
thor proposed the name Monolithgraber.
Gray ( H. St G. ) Relief model of Arbor
Low stone circle, Derbyshire. (Man,
Lond., 1903, 145-146, I pi., 2 figs.)
Brief account of construction of mahog-
any model made in 1902.
Gray ( Rev. J. ) Some Scottish string fig-
ures. (Ibid., 1 17-1 18, 4 figs.) De-
scribes the bunch of candles, the chair,
the pair of trousers, the crown, the leash-
ing of Lochiel's dog (or tying dog's
feet).
Hingston (Margaret A.) "The candles"
string figure in Somerset. (Ibid., 147. )
Brief description of the string-figure to
the story of the man who stole candles,
as current some forty years ago.
Hoffiler ( F. ) Antikne bronsane posude iz
Hrvatske i Slavonije u narodnom muzeju
u Zagrebu. (Vjes. hrvats. Arheol.
Drust., Zagreb, 1 903-4, N. s., VII, 98-
133, 13 figs. ) Describes ancient bronze
vessels, casseroles, Roman cyathi, am-
phora, etc., in the Zagreb Museum.
Klaatsch (H.) Fossile Knochen aus der
Heinrichshohle bei Sundwig. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 11 7-1 19.)
Describes bones of cave-bear, etc. , from
the Heinrich cave near Honnetal, — no
human remains have yet been discovered
here.
Klaic (Vj.) "Castrum antiquum pagan-
orum" kod Kasine u gori Zagrebackoj.
(Vesj. hrvats. Arheol. Drust., 1903-4,
N. s., vii, 10-14. ) Treats of the
ancient "heathen castle" near Kasina
in the Zagreb mountains, mentioned by
the medieval chroniclers, etc.
chamberlain]
PERIODICAL LITER A TURE
559
"Indagines" i " portae " u Hrsvat-
skoj i Slavoniji. (Ibid., I -9. ) Treats
briefly of the indagines, hedged moats,
with their po?-tic (gates cut through), a
species of fortification common on the
borders of Croatia and Slavonia under
the Arpad regime.
Kofler (Hr) Ein eigentiimliches Hiigel-
grab aus der Bronzezeit. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, XXXVI, 108-112, I fig.)
Detailed description of a mound grave in
the park of Castle Kranichstein, with a
double circle of wooden piles. Possibly
a "house-like" burial-place.
Kulka {Dr) Ueberblick iiber die Vor-
geschichte Oster.-Schlesiens. (Stzgb. d.
Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1903, 90-95.)
Resumes data concerning prehistory of
Austrian Silesia. Man was present here
apparently not before the latter part of
the neolithic culture-period. The chief
"station" is Kreuzendorf.
Kiinstlichen ( Die) Hohlen Mitteleuropas,
ein ungelostes Ratsel. (Globus, Brn-
schwg., 1903, LXXXiv, 349-352, 7 figs.)
Resumes Karner's Kiinstliche Hohlen
aus alter Zeit (Wien, 1903). Numerous
theories as to the origin and use of these
artificial holes (the peasantry use them
for storage purpose) in the loss regions
of Austria, Moravia, and adjoining
Bavaria, have been put forth. Karner
looks upon them as " cult-places " of a
prehistoric people. They may have been
rather temporary dwellings or refuges.
Lejeune (C. ) La religion a l'age du
renne. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris,
1903, ves., iv, 628-632. ) Discusses a
recent article by Reinach. Author con-
cludes that the men of Chelles and Mou-
tier were not devoid of religion.
Lewis (A. L. ) Stone circles in Derby-
shire. (Man, Lond., 1903, 133-126,
2 figs. ) Describes Arborlow, the "Wet
Wi thins," and the "Nine Ladies"
on Stanton Moor. These do not seem
to have been primarily sepulchral.
Liidtke (W. ) Brettchenweberei in Kar-
thago. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904,
xxxvi, 106-107, 2 figs- ) Compares
perforated bone plates found at Carthage
by Delattre with Swedish weaving boards
and suggests like use.
Lustig (Die) Trichtergruben (Mardellen)
vom Zobtenberge in Schlesien. (Glo-
bus, Brnschwg., 1904, LXXXV, 85-89,
4 figs. ) Resumes briefly data concern-
ing mardelles ( the corresponding term in
English seems to be pen-pits) and
describes particularly those of the Zob-
tenberg and their contents — stone-plates,
unfinished mortar-stones, potsherds, etc.
These pits (of which 5000 are said
to exist in the Lorraine forests alone) are
probably the work-places of handmill-
stone makers belonging to the late
Slavonic epoch or early middle ages.
M. (E. ) Sprichworter der Oberlausitzer
Wenden. (Ibid., 1903, lxxxiv, 353—
357. ) Gives 557 proverbs of the Wends
of Upper Lausatia, concerning man in his
social relations ( 1-246), human properties
and qualities in relation to animate and
inanimate nature. (1-311.)
Mehlis (C. ) Neolithische und spatzeitliche
Silex- und Kieselware. (Ibid., 361-
362, 8 figs. ) Brief account of neolithic
flint and later quartz implements found
together in the Hassloch wood, near
Neustadt. Evidently a La Tene popu-
lation was still using stone implements
for certain purposes.
Meier (S. ) Wettersegen (Schw. A. f.
Volksk., Zurich, 1904, VII, 47-49.)
Gives text of a weather-charm in family
use in the Frei- und Kelleramt.
Meyer (Hr) Der Biirgereid der alten
Chersoneser. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1904,
lxxxv, 32-34. ) Gives, after Laty-
schew, the (German) text of the Greek
inscription found in 1 890-1 891 at old
Cherson in the Crimea, containing the
citizens' oath dating from perhaps the
first half of the third (or end of fourth)
century, B. C. Among the evils in-
voked in case of breaking the oath is
that "the women bear no beautiful chil-
dren."
Morgenlandische Gotterdarstellungen in
Europa. (Ibid., 45-46.) Resumes a
lecture by Dr Blinkenberg. The bronze
hands found in various places in central
Europe are thought to represent the
Phrygian Zeus Sabazios.
Olshausen (O. ) und Rathgen (F. ) Un-
tersuchungen iiber baltischen Bernstein
(Succinit) und andere fossile bern-
steinahnliche Harze. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, XXXVI, 153-163.) Re-
sumes results of investigations of Helm
and Aweng, Klebs, Conwentz, etc.,
and gives results of numerous experi-
ments as to the melting-point of many
varieties of amber and amber-like resins.
560
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
Praetorius (C. ) Note on an old Welsh
gorse-cutter. (Man, Lond., 1903, 186,
1 fig.) Describes a cynv eithin, or
"knocker of gorse," in use in Anglesey
some fifty years ago.
Reid (E. ) Note on the paleolithic gravel of
Savernake Forest, Wiltshire. (Ibid., 55-
57.) The Knowle gravel is contempo-
raneous with the Southampton water,
Bournemouth and Avon Valley deposits.
Occurrence of water holes determined
the sites of camping grounds in the bare
and dry chalk downs.
Rutot ( A. ) Les decouvertes de Krapina,
Croatie. Les trouvailles paleolithiques
de Krems. Decouvertes de poignards
Chelleens a Mesvin, pres de Mons. De-
couverte de cranes paleolithiques en An-
gleterre. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Brux-
elles, 1903-4, xxii, extr., pp. 1-8.)
Resume and critique of article of Dr
K. Gorjanovic-Kramberger (See Amer-
ican Anthropologist, 1902, N. S., IV,
160). Rulot considers Krapina to be-
long to the Montaigle type ( upper Quat-
ernary). The "station" of Krems he
considers intermediate between the Eb-
urnian and the Magdalenian. Rutot
thinks that a hiatus comprising all the
lower and middle Quaternary lies be-
tween the Pithecanthropus of Java and the
Neanderthal-Spy-Krapina type. Some
of the ancient skulls recently discovered
in England may help to bridge this gulf.
Le premier instrument paleolithique
rencontre in situ aux environs de Brux-
elles. Nouvelles observations dans la
plaine maritime Beige. Trouvailles
dans la tourbe de l'epoque moderne, a
Bruxelles. (Ibid., extr., pp. 1-8.)
Describes the finding of a fragment of a
hatchet of the Achulean type at Etter-
beek. The nearest previous find of
Achulean implements was at Soignies,
36 kilom. farther off. While at Ostend
M. Rutot examined the medieval relics
■incovered by the sea on the Belgian
;oast and now in the Royal Museum of
:he Decorative Arts. Notes the find of
human sacrum and three flints in the
peat of the rue des Chartreux, Brussels.
The peat of the maritime plain and
of the valley-bottoms contains remains of
the neolithic, bronze, iron, and Belgic-
Roman periods.
Communication preliminaire relative
a la pointe mousterienne et a la taille du
silex. Sur un peson neolithique. Nou-
velles decouvertes a Soignies. Note
preliminaire sur les silex paleolithiques
de la vallee du Nil. (Ibid., 1902-1903,
XXI, extr., pp. 1-7.) M. Rutot holds
that the implement called "pointe
mousterienne " is no tcharacteristic of any
period, and what is termed " taille du
silex " is most frequently only a result of
its use. Describes stone weight (pos-
sibly originally a muller), of the Roben-
haus period, near the river Haine. At
Soignies a mammoth-tusk was found in
the Hainaut quarry. The last note
relates to Dr G. Schweinfurth's materials.
Esquisse d'une comparaison des
couches pliocenes et quaternaires de la
Belgique avec celles du sud-est de
l'Angleterre. (Bull. Soc. Beige de
Geol., Bruxelles, 1903, xvn, 57-101.)
Interesting comparative study, with
table, of the Pliocene and Quaternary
strata of Belgium and S. E. England.
M. Rutot finds a place in his scheme for
the " eoliths."
Schmidt (H.) Die spatneolithischen An-
siedelungen mit bemalter Keramik am
oberen Laufe des Altflusses. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 145-146.)
Author agrees with Teutsch that the
clay stamps with patterns found by the
latter near Kronstadt were used for body-
tattooing. The painted pottery is not,
as Teutsch thought, a barbarous imita-
tion of Mycenean vase-painting (indeed
the latter is later in time), but rather
has to do with /Egean culture.
Schnippel {Tfr) Prahistorische Brett-
chenweberei. (Ibid., 1 37-138, I fig.)
Note on use of weaving-board by Russian
peasant women of Suprasl near Bialystok
(Grodno).
Schoener ( //;-) Die Insel Gotland.
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1904, lxxxv,
112-115, 8 figs.) Describes briefly
ruins, fortifications, etc. The name
Wisby indicates the former existence
there of a heathen place of sacrifice (vi).
Schoetensack (O.) Zur Nephritfrage.
(Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, XXXVI, 141-
143. ) Brief description of three nephrite
implements from a pile-dwelling in the
lake of Zug. Their origin is probably
from the glacial debris of the central
Alps.
Tetzner (F. ) Die Kroaten. (Globus,
Brnschwg., 1904, lxxxv, 21-26,38-42,
12 figs.) Ethnological sketch: Culture,
house and yard and related things (plans
CHAMBERLAIN]
PERIODICAL LITER A TURE
56l
are given), clothing and ornament, cus-
toms and usages (birth, marriage, death
and burial, friendship, " Wahlschwes-
tern"), folklore and folk-literature, etc.
The archbishop of Djakowo has been a
sort of Maecenas. Belief in witches, the
mora and the vukodlak or grave vampire
is on the wane, but that in the vilas and
sudjenke (Parcse) seems to have taken
on a new lease of life. Croatian folk-
literature is rich in proverbs, legends, and
songs.
Tobler (A.) Der Volkstanz im Appen-
zellerlande. (Schw. A. f. Volksk,
Zurich, 1904, viii, 1-24.) Historical
and descriptive account, with musical
notes, of the folk-dances of Appenzell —
"the people are passionate dancers."
The dance was often the subject of gov-
ernmental restriction and even pro-
hibition.
(G.) Gedichte aus der Zeit des
Berner Oberlander-Aufstandes des
Jahres 1814. (Ibid., 37-47.) Gives
texts, with explanatory notes of 5 histori-
cal songs from a MS. of 1815-1816, deal-
ing with the insurrection of 1814.
Vollgraff (C. W.) De opgravingen te
Argos. (Hand. v. d. Nederl. Anthr.
Ver., Den Haag, 1904, 1, 2-14.)
Resumes results of excavations at Argos
in 1902-1903. Complete study of this
ancient and important place will reveal
the nature and condition of a Hellenic
city, as well as the development of Argive
art.
Wenden (Die) in Sachsen. (Globus, Brns-
schwg., 1904, lxxxv, 126-127.) Re-
sumes the government statistics of 1900.
In 1849 tne Saxon Wends were 26 per-
cent, of the total population, in 1900 only
16 percent. The German language and
the schools are factors here. There are
at present only 7 " pure Wend-speak-
ing" villages in Saxony — 28,727 have
Wendish as their mother-tongue, and
there are 18,282 bilinguals.
Wilke (ZV) Archaologische Parallelen
aus dem Kaukasus und den unteren
Donaulandern. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,
1904, xxxvi, 39-104, 120 figs.) In
this important monograph the author
treats of the relations of the ancient cul-
ture of the Caucasus with that of the
lower Danube region : Fibulae, spirals,
buttons, needles of various types, finger-
rings, ear-rings, arm-rings and bands,
neck-rings, pendant ornaments of several
sorts, bronze tubes, spiral tubes, pin-
cettes, amber, weapons and implements,
sickel-shaped saws, arrow-heads, spears,
daggers and swords, ornamentation,
symbols, Email en champleve, plastic
art, antimony, dolmens, craniology, etc.
The author holds that these numerous
and remarkable parallels are to be ex-
plained by immigration (of a people al-
ready acquainted with metal) from the
Danube region to the north Caucasus.
Zindel-Kressig (A.) Reime und Redens-
arten aus Sargans. (Schw. A. f.
Volksk., Zurich, 1904, VIII, 57-60.)
Cites counting-out rhymes, dance-songs,
lullabies, children's songs, calls for do-
mestic animals, idiomatic expression,
folk and children's sayings.
AFRICA
Atgier (H.) Les Maures d'Afrique.
Origine ethnique du mot "Maure" et
ses diverses significations successives.
(Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1903, ve
s., iv, 619-623.) Discusses the name
Maure ("Moor") and its derivatives
and cognates in various European
tongues. Derives it from Greek Mavpog
(Mcjfwg) — Mauritania having designated
a land of blacks, just as Nigritia does
now. The term, Moor was first applied
to the pre- Berber population. See
Block.
B. (H.) Aus dem Siiden Deutsch-Sud-
west Afrikas. (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1904, lxxxv, 7-1 1, 5 figs.) Describes
briefly Keetsmanshoop and its population.
Balfour (H.) "Thunderbolt" celts from
Benin. (Man, Lond., 1903, 182-183,
3 figs. ) Describes a bronze celt, imita-
tive of stone celts, which are regarded as
"thunder bolts," "lightning stones,"
etc. Also two little bronze models of
celts, semi-conventional symbols of the
real article. See Dwyer.
Beddoes (H. ) Hausa notes. (J. Afric.
Soc. Lond., 1903, 451-453.) Replies
to 25 queries regarding property-inherit-
ance, funeral-customs, family, judges-
"big men," axes, slavery, etc., by a
Hausa interpreter.
Bent {Mrs M. V. A.) The monoliths of
Aksum. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904,
ill, 35-42, 11 figs.) Describes these
monoliths visited by Mr and Mrs Bent
562
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
in 1892-3. They are of religious pur-
port and had sacrificial altars below them.
Their style indicates Greek upon Sabsean
art before our era. Aksum was of old a
very sacred place.
Bertholon (Dr) and Myres (J. L.)
Note on the modern pot fabrics of Tunis.
(Man, Lond., 1903, 86-88, 5 figs.)
Describes briefly the various types of
hand-made and wheel-made pottery.
On the island of Gerba there were in
1902, chiefly in two villages, 129 pot-
teries (formerly 144 ). The Kabyle type
seems confined to Kabylia, the other
regions of North Africa having each its
local type of pottery.
Bloch (A.) Etymologie et definitions
diversesdunom de Maure. (Bull. Soc.
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1903, ve s., iv, 624-
728.) Discusses Phenician, Greek,
African, and Arab etymologies. Bloch
favors deriving the name from Greek
Mavpoc, "black," the word having origin-
ally signified a negro. See Atgier.
Blyden ( E. W. ) West Africa before
Europe. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1903,
359-374.) Treats of the moral and
religious questions connected with British
West Africa. The development of Africa
and the African must be " on educational
and industrial lines, conducted ' in a
scientific spirit.' " To make Moham-
medans better Mohammedans, not to
convert them, is best.
Boas (F. ) What the negro has done
in Africa. (Eth. Rec, N. Y., 1904,
V, 104-109. 1 Treats of the negro's
ancient and noteworthy skill in metal-
lurgy, the legal trend of his mind, com-
mercial ability, power of organization,
power of assimilating foreign culture.
The remarkable kingdoms of Ghana and
Songhai are referred to ; also the Lunda
empire. The author concludes that the
achievements of the negro in Africa show
that the race is capable of social and
political progress, and that in America
it will produce, as it has done in Africa,
its great men.
Brower (C. De W.) The beetle that
influenced a nation. ( Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1904, in, 73-79. 2 figs- ) Treats
of the Egyptian scarab, whose use as a
sacred emblem dates back to perhaps 5000
B. C. On them the earliest decorative
art appears. They bear an immense
variety of devices and inscriptions. They
were buried with the dead as emblems
of life.
Chadwick ( H. ) The African Training
Institute, Colwyn Bay. ( J. Afric. Soc. ,
Lond., 1903-4, 104-106, 1 pi.) Treats
chiefly of the education of Charlie
Stewart, an ex-slave, now a missionary.
Christy (C.) Sleeping sickness. (Ibid.,
1903-4, I— 1 1, 4 pi.) Discusses nature
and distribution of this disease, which,
until 189! was known only "in certain
parts of West Africa, mainly on the
Congo, and amongst African slaves
shipped to the West Indies during the
first half of last century." So far no
European has contracted it, but tsetse fly
may turn out to be the conveyer of the
trypanosoma of " sleeping sickness."
Dalton (O. M.) Note on an unusually
fine bronze figure from Benin. (Man,
Lond., 1903, 185, 1 fig. ) Describes
bronze figure of a retainer, of fine work-
manship.
David (J.) Leber die Pygmaen am ob-
eren Ituri. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1904,
LXXXV, 117-119. ) Describes briefly
the pygmies of the Upper Ituri, — the
author has been five months in the midst
of the pygmy country, — Wambutti,
Wabira, etc. Many of these pygmies
have been " Bangwanized," or influ-
enced by the semi-Arabized Bangwana
(negro slaves). These " little Beduins
of the woods" are much feared by their
neighbors. These dwarfs use less orna-
ment, embellishment and disbellishment,
the more primitive they are. Their cul-
ture is the simplest. A Wambutti chief
measured 1405 mm.
Deherain (H.) Les Hereros. (R. gen.
d. Sci., Paris, 1904, XV, 113. ) Brief
ethnographic notes on habitat, type, cul-
ture, habits, etc. The Hereros Jlive on
sour milk. Their culture bears every-
where the marks of the cattle-raiser,
even their dances and funeral rites. An
extreme individual has developed from
pastoral life.
Dwyer ( P. M. ) On the thunderstones of
Nigeria. (Man, Lond., 1903, 183-
184. ) Resumes religion of Shonga, the
god of thunder and lightning and his
wife Oya (the river Niger.) The adura,
or thunderstones, which are objects of
worship, are ancient ax-heads or celts,
said to come from Shonga. Their actual
provenance is unknown. See Bal-
four.
CHAMBERLAIN]
PERIODICAL LITERATURE
563
Engelhardt (Ph.) Eine Reise durch das
Land der Mweieund Esum, Kamerun.
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1904, l.xxxv, 1-6,
73-76, map, 9 figs. ) Contains notes on
the natives and chiefs of Mwele and
Esum — dress, dwellings, slavery, etc.
These negroes have a sort of telephone
drum language.
F. (B. ) NordrNigeria. (Ibid., 140-143,
8 figs. ) Contains notes on the Fulas,
their towns, etc.
Garstang (J.) Excavations at Beni-
Hasan, 1902-3. (Man, Lond., 1903,
97-98, 129-130, 2 pi.) Gives brief
account of tombs and contents belonging
to a necropolis 'of the Middle Empire
(2,000 B.C.) — in all 492 tombs were
examined, largely those of officials and
retainers of the princes buried in the
rock tombs of the upper gallery. The
boats from several of the tombs are
interesting, also a "man with a hoe."
A series of models from the tomb of a
chief physician represents the whole
process of brewing. This Beni-Hasan
find is a valuable one. The tomb of
Antef, a courtier, is particularly de-
scribed.
Gates (E. A. ) Soudanese dolls. (Ibid.,
41-42, 3 figs.) Brief accounts of dolls
(of Nile mud, native gum and sticks)
from Khartum.
Gentz [Lent.) Die Mischlinge in
Deutsch-Siidwestafrika. (Globus, Brn-
schwg., 1903, lxxxiv, 336-337, 1 fig.)
Brief notes on "the Bastard-native," and
other half-breeds — the former are de-
scendants of Boers and Hottentot women.
They often perpetuate only the bad
qualities of both sides. They are very
fond of music — a specimen melody is
given.
Beitrage zur Kenntnis der siidwest-
afrikanische Volkerschaften, III. ( Ibid. ,
1904, lxxxv, 80-82, 5 figs. ) Treats of
the Hereros - houses, weapons, musical
instruments (bow in particular). Notes
used by Hottentots of the mineral bur-
meester as a medicament.
Der Herero-Aufstand in Deutsch-
Siidwestafrika. (Ibid., I33-I34. 2 figs.)
The uprising was probably supported,
if not stirred up, by the Ovambus.
Gibson (A. E. M.) Slavery in Western
Africa. ( J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1903-4,
17-52.) General discussion of volun-
tary and enforced servitude in various
parts of West Africa. Author thinks
that " voluntary and hereditary slavery
might well be permitted to continue."
The social fabric of Africa is based on
domestic slavery.
Hall (H. R. ) Note on the early use of
iron in Egypt. (Man, Lond., 1903,
147-149, 1 fig.) Shows that iron, as
Petrie's recent discovery settles, was
known to the Egyptians as early as the
fourth dynasty ( 3700 B. C. ) and after,
though its use was by no means common
till toward the end of the "new empire,"
its use becoming more or less general
during the nineteenth dynasty. The
oldest literary mention of iron, ba-n-pet,
goes back to 1300 B. c.
Caphtor and Casluhim. (Ibid.,
162-164.) Author seeks to show that
Egyptian Keptar is a Ptolemaic tran-
scription of Hebrew Caphtor, the ancient
equivalent being the Keftui of the
eighteenth dynasty, while the Ptolemaic
Kasluhet may be a corruption of the
ancient Egyptian equivalent of Casluhim.
Hobley (C. W.) Notes concerning the
Eidoboro of Mau, British East Africa.
(Ibid., 33-35.) Treats of type, family,
food, hunting, fire-making, language — a
vocabulary of some 100 words is given.
By use of the Nandi language on the part
of many natives their own tongue is on
the way to extinction.
Hudson (A.) The missionary in West
Africa. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1903,
454-455.) Thinks Timne-Mendi rising
of 1898 was intended to stamp out the
missionary and all his works.
Johnson (H. H.) Presidential address.
The' work of the African Society. ( Ibid. ,
349-358. ) Treats generally of Africa
and things African — diseases, races and
languages, etc.
Joyce ( T. A. ) Note on a carved door and
three fetish staves from northern Nigeria.
(Man, Lond., 1903, 177-179. l P1-. 2
figs. ) Describes a carved wooden door
(some of the figures are Europeans), the
design of which resembles the castings
from Benin ; three carved wooden fetish
staves, a chief's axe, etc. The door and
staves are from the town of Akarre.
On a ceremonial mask and dress from
the Upper Zambesi, now in the British
Museum. (Ibid., 75, 1 fig.) Describes
564
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
a chizaluke (fool) mask used by the
Valovale in their boy-initiation ceremo-
nies— it is supposed to be the dress of
a resurrected spirit.
Karutz (A.) WeitereafrikanischeHorner-
masken. (Int. A. f. Ethnogr., Leiden,
1903, xvi, 121-127, 1 pi., 1 fig.)
Describes African horned masks from the
Sankuru river (Congo State), from
Kuango, Kongo, Kamerun, Loango
coast, now in the museum at Liibeck.
Dr Karutz finds in this new material
confirmation of his theory of the origin
of the horns of these masks from antelope
horn trophies. The faces of the masks
are human (negro) and afford no ground
for animalistic views as to the origin of
these masks.
Keller (I.) Knowledge and theories of
astronomy on the part of the Isubu
natives of the western slopes of the
Cameroon mountains, in German West
Africa. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1 903-4,
59-91, 2 pi.) Notes on beliefs, etc.,
concerning day-star, moon, etc. Trans-
lated from Deutsche Kolonialseitung by
Miss M. Huber. The drawings are by
a native.
Klose(H.) Industrie und Gewerbe in
Togo. (Globus, Brnschwg. , 1904,
LXXXV, 70-73, 89-93. ) Treats of iron-
working (swords, spears, arrowheads,
etc.), spinning and weaving, pottery,
wood-work and carving, carpentry,
leather-work and tanning, basketry, rope,
soap and beer making, barbering, tailor-
ing, shoemaking, etc. The Bassari and
the Kabre are notable weaponsmiths ;
outliers of the Mohammedan Sudan are
found also in Togo. Spinning is a house-
industry of women, weaving belongs to
the men. In Nkunya great pots are used
for "granaries." In wood-work appear
the beginnings of sculpture. Women
make soap out of palm-oil and banana-
ashes.
Marokkanische ( Das ) Heer. ( Ibid. , 1 903,
Lxxxiv, 337-339, 2 figs. ) Gives briefly
the composition of the Moroccan army.
Martin (E. F. ) Notes on the ethnology
of Nigeria. (Man, Lond., 1903, 82-86. )
Brief notes on the Kukurukus, Igara,
Lokoja (the commercial center of northern
Nigeria) and its people, the canoe popu-
lation ( Kedda and Kokanda ), the Hausa,
the Fulah, etc. Except the Hausa the
native of the Niger is "not a noted
trader." The Fulahs are the ruling
Mohammedan power in northern Nigeria.
The Hausa is the great trader of the
Sudan.
Notes on some native objects from
northern Nigeria. (Ibid., 150-151.)
Describes briefly coat of mail, horse-
collar, ostrich feather slippers (worn by
chiefs), lamps, "poker work," grass-
work (hats, mats, baskets), etc.
Molinier (L. ) Croyances superstitieuses
chez les Babemba. ( J. Afric. Soc,
Lond., 1903-4, 74-82.) Treats of re-
ligious system (god, spirits, prayers,
etc.), beliefs and practices relating to
accidents, disease, death, witchcraft,
poison-tests and ordeals for discovering
guilt, auguries good and bad, diverse
superstitions (lions, wer-lions, evil spirits,
comets). All incidents of life are the
work of the mipashi, or spirits.
Myres (J. L. ) A Tunisian ghost-house.
(Man, Lond., 1903, 57-58, 2 figs.)
Describes a ghost-house at Enfida. The
type is pre- Roman with subsequent Ro-
man additions, Mohammedan modifica-
tion into the cupola-crowned chapel of
Arab Africa, etc. Modern Mohamme-
dan custom has caused it to cease being
the actual house of the dead. An ex-
cellent example of how " the dwellings
of the dead recapitulate the characters
of those of the living."
Perregaux ( W. ) A few notes on Kwahu
(Quahoe), a territory in the Gold Coast
Colony, West Africa. (J. Afric. Soc,
Lond., 1903, 444-450.) Historical
account, according to chiefs, with popu-
lar version of events.
Plea (A) for the scientific study of the
native laws and customs of South
Africa. (Man, Lond., 1903, 70-74.)
Memorial and correspondence between
the Anthropological Institute and the
Secretary for the Colonies on this matter.
Quilliam (A.) A chapter in the history
of Sierra Leone. (Ibid., 1903-4, 83-
99. ) Author, who is a Mohammedan,
discusses Protestant missionaries' relation
to Islam in Sierra Leone, etc., the disa-
bilities of its adherents, etc. Remedies
are proposed. .
Raum (J.) Ueber angebliche Gotzen am
Kilimandscharo, nebst Bemerkungen
iiber die Religion der Wadschagga und
die Bantuneger iiberhaupt. (Globus,
chamberlain]
PERIODICAL LITERATURE
565
Brnschwg., 1904, lxxxv, 10 1- 105.)
Author criticises Thome's attribution of
generally worshiped idols to the Wad-
jaga, no East African Bantu people pos-
sessing such. The god-idea of the
Bantu is the deified spirit of the primi-
tive ancestor. The southern and eastern
Bantu tribes have no priests, only sha-
mans, sorcerers, rain-makers, prophets,
whose power is all the greater. Bantu
religion is half ancestor-cult, half witch-
craft.
Rogozinski ( S. ) Characteristic features
of the Bantu dialect " Bakwiri," used in
the Cameroon mountains, compared with
some other related dialects. (J. Afric.
Soc, Lond., 1903, 400-415.) Trans-
lated by Miss A. Biggs. Based on three
years' study in loco. Phonetics, singular
and plural prefixes, alliteration, contrac-
tion, past tense, descriptive elements,
compound words, onomatopoeia, bor-
rowed words, proper names, color words,
reckoning of time, interjections, gestures,
are considered.
Soirees (Les) litteraires des Babemba.
(Ibid., 62-73.) Written by the
French Fathers of the Awemba mission
of N. E. Rhodesia. Gives French text
of the adventures of " Rabbit " (rabbit
[i. e. hare] and fox [jackal] ; rabbit, ele-
phant and hippopotamus ; rabbit and
lion ; rabbit and two lions ; rabbit and
elephant hunters).
Todd (J. L. ) Note on stone circles in
Gambia. (Man, Lond., 1903, 164-166,
3 figs. ) Describes circles at Kununko,
Manna, Maka, etc., The present natives
attribute them to " the olden people."
The Mohammedan blacks sometimes use
them as praying places, but often " have
no compunction in planting their crops
near and around them."
Vivian (W. ) The missionary in West
Africa. (J. Afric. Soc, Lond., 1903-4,
100-103. ) Critique of article of Hudson
(q. v.). The Mendi rising was due to
the Protectorate and the hut-tax.
Warner ( L. C. ) A recent discovery in
Egypt and the care of antiquities. ( Rec.
of Past, Wash., 1904, in, 116-117, 1
fig. ) Note on a supposed statue of
Sen-nofer, wife and child, perhaps 3,400
years old and of marked artistic value.
The statue was found in connection with
the restoration of the fallen columns of
the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak.
Watt (J.) Notes on the Old Calabar dis-
trict of southern Nigeria. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 103-105.) Brief notes on farming,
fishing, hunting, trade, houses, canoes,
etc. The Efik are the chief people.
Fresh fish, apparently, are not eaten,
only dried. The tombs are often models
of houses ; some very elaborate. The
dead bodies are thrown into the bush.
The canoemen paddle to time set by a boy
on a hollow piece of wood with two hard-
wood sticks.
Werner [Miss A.) Note on clicks, in the
Bantu languages. (J. Afric. Soc,
Lond., 1903, 416-424.) Lists and dis-
cusses click-words. Holds that "the
clicks which occur in Xosa, in Zulu, and
to a limited extent in Sesuto, have been
borrowed from the Hottentots." En-
deavors to discover in Mananja the
anologues to Zulu click-words. An
" editorial note " appended to this arti-
cle discusses the symbols in use in Euro-
pean dictionaries, etc., to represent
clicks.
ASIA
Annandale (N.) Notes on the popular
religion of the Patani Malays. (Man,
Lond., 1903, 27-28.) Notes on the
non-material elements in man according
to native belief: Nyawa (life-breath),
semangat (directing spirit), ru (what
goes out of man when asleep), badi
(wickedness or devilry in man), jinn
puteh (Mahommed's parrots, — one in
the liver of every Mahommedan, to pre-
vent him being wicked). The highest
type of magicians do not die, but "live
on in the words and in the dreams of
men."
A magical ceremony for the cure of
a sick person among the Malays of Upper
Perak. (Ibid., 100-103, I fig.) De-
scribes the treatment by a bo??ior, or
"medicine man," of a girl sick through
being eaten by a witch's familiar. The
latter was ultimately tied to the roots of
a Ficus tree.
Bartels (P.) Ueber ein Os praebasioc-
cipitale, Sergi (Os basioticum, Albrecht)
an einem Chinesenschadel. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 147-152, 2 figs.)
Description with cranial measurements
of skull of young Chinese with os prae-
basioccipitale. References to literature
of this rare phenomenon.
Die Sojoten. (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1904, lxxxv, 127.) Resumes a recent
566
A MERICAN ANTHR OPOL O GIS T
[n. s., 6, 1904
account of D. A. Klemenz. The So-
jotes or Uranchai of the Upper Yenesei
valley between the Tannuola and the
Sajani mountains are Buddhists with un-
derlying shamanism. The Russian trade
relations began in the last quarter of the
last century.
Duckworth (W. L. H. ) Note on a skull
labeled " Semang-Schadel $," " Bu-
kit-Sapi," Upper Perak, 1902; now in
the Museum of the Royal College of
Surgeons. (Man, Lond. , 1 903 , 34-3 7 ■ )
Detailed description with measurements
(index 85). Probably an example of
the brachycephalic negrito type.
Englische (Die) Einfallspforte nach
Tibet. Globus, Brnschwg., 1904,
lxxxv, 122-125, 6 figs. ) The illustra-
tions are of ethnologic interest.
Foy (W.) Ueber alte Bronzetrommeln
aus Sudostasien. (Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges.
in Wien, 1903, xxxm, 390-409. ) Dis-
cusses types of southeastern Asiatic
bronze drums, with particular reference
to F. Heger's two volume work Alte
Metalltrommeln aus Sudostasien (Leip-
zig) 1902). Foy does not agree with
Heger's classification and looks to the
Kambuja-desa as the home of the oldest
type. See van Hoevell, Schmeltz, von
Rosthom.
Ghosal {Mrs J.) The Taj Mahal, India.
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, III, 47~49>
2 figs. ) Brief general description of
the "crown of the world," and wonder
of Agra.
Gray ( J. ) Measurements of the corona-
tion contingent. (Man, Lond., 1903,
65-70, 2 figs., tables.) Gives results
of measurements (stature, length, and
breadth of head) of 266 members of the
Indian coronation contingent, represent-
ing races of the N. \V. frontier, great
plain (Aryan), Himalayan, eastern
Deccan, western and central Deccan.
The resemblance of the Himalayan
(Gurka, etc.) and Tamil heads leads the
author to think that the Aryan invasion
was wedge-like. Influence of Aryan on
Dravidian and vice versa is seen in head-
form.
Hartland (E. S. ) Two Japanese "Boku-
to," or emblems of the medical pro-
fession. (Ibid., 81-82, 1 pi. ) Describes
briefly the boku-to, or wooden swords,
which doctors as pacific gentlemen used
to wear — are not common now.
Hughes-Buller ( R. ) Notes on some tribes
of Baluchistan. (Ibid.,119.) The tribes
mentioned are Afghans (whose old home
is on the slopes of the Takht-e-Suleman ) ,
Baluch, Brahuis, Jats and Jilts (one
camelmen, the other cultivators), Loris
of two kinds, Meds, etc. The author
observes that he has recently obtained
"a copy of the book on which the reli-
gion of the Dakis or Zikris is founded."
Leder ( H. ) Ueber den Buddhismus in
Tibet. (Stzgb. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien,
1903, 95-98. ) Treats of origin and de-
velopment of Buddhism in Tibet, — nine-
tenths of all modern Buddhists have had
their religion more or less shaped for
them in Tibet, particularly by the monk
Tsonkhapa (XVI. century). Thespread
of Buddhism in China is considered.
There priesthood, temple and sculpture
go back to Buddhistic influences.
Miiller (F. W. K.) Ethnologische Ob-
jekte aus Japan. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,
1904, xxxvi, 144-145.) Lists, with
brief descriptions, 26 objects (images,
pottery, models of boats, ornaments,
stone implements, etc. ) presented to
the Berlin Museum fur Volkerkunde,
and four others purchased.
Myres (J. L. ) An archaic bronze tripod
from southern Persia. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 39-40, 1 fig.) Describes a speci-
men, "reminiscent of the bronze age
technique," and post-Achaemenid in ori-
gin through bearing traces of pre-Achse-
menid symbolism.
Oppert (G.) Buddha und die Frauen.
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1904, Lxxxiv, 357-
358. ) Critical resume of M. Schreiber's
Buddha und die Frauen (Tubingen,
1903). In order to reach the dignity of
a Buddha, woman, a lower being, must
be born again as a man. Buddhism has
a lower ideal of woman by far than the
Old Testament.
Quick f R. ) Diya-holmana, or Singhalese
hydraulic scare crow. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 136-137, 2 figs.) Describes
briefly an ingenious and effective hydrau-
lic noise-making scare crow from Kandy,
Ceylon.
Read (C. H.) Note on a collection of
gold objects found in Sarawak, in the
possession of His Highness the Rajah of
Sarawak. (Man, Lond., 1903, 4-6, 8
figs. ) Describes briefly inscribed and
uninscribed finger-rings, ear ornaments,
chamberlain]
PERIODICAL LITERATURE
567
neck-chain, penannular rings, pendants,
beads, etc. Most of these objects are of
Javanese origin.
Redlich (R. ) Vora Drachen zu Babel.
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1903, lxxxiv,
364-371, 384-388, 6 figs. ) Treats of
the Babylonian Zodiac with which is
connected the ancient Greek astrology,
the dragon and his eleven helpers, the
pandemonium of hell, orient and Occi-
dent, death and redemption. The dragon
of Istartor is the primeval water snake
Tiamat, and represents the changing year,
its relation to Mithraism and Christianity
is briefly discussed.
von Rosthorn (A.) Ueber siidchinesische
Bronzepauken. (Stzgb. d. Anthr. Ges.
in Wien, 1903, 107-110. ) Resumes
the studies of Hsie Ch'i-k'un, who in his
Yile-hsi chin, shih-li'te (1801), treated
of the bronze kettle-drums of the province
of Kwangsi of which he was governor.
Kwangsi and Yunnan are to be looked
upon ( with de Groot) as the home of
these drums. See van Hoevell ( Indo-
nesia ),Foy ( Asia ,Schmeltz (Indonesia ).
White (G. E. ) The cavate dwellings of
Cappadocia. ( Rec. of Past, Wash.,
1904, in, 67-73, 7 figs.) These cavate
dwellings "represent the Christian
religion, the Greek language and the
Byzantine government." Some may
have been in their beginning primitive,
but most of them seem to have been com-
pleted and occupied by the early monks
of the orthodox Eastern Church. The
frescoes represent Bible and other reli-
gious scenes. Many forms of the cross
occur. The position of the thumb in
figures making the sign of the cross also
varies.
Winter (A. C. ) Die Mondmythe der
Jakuten. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1903,
lxxxiv, 383-384. ) Gives, after Owts-
chinnikow, the (German) texts of two
brief myths (one an amplification of the
other) of the metamorphosis of an
orphan maiden into the maiden in the
moon from the Yakuts. Any one can
see her with her shoulder-yoke and pails
of water.
INDONESIA, AUSTRALASIA, POLY-
NESIA, ETC.
Alsberg (M.) Die altesten Spuren des
Menschen in Australien. (Ibid., 1904,
lxxxv, 108-112, 1 fig.) The author
discusses the Warrnambool stone with
human (?) impress, the artefacts of Bun-
inyong, the human teeth of the Welling-
ton Caves (N. S. W. >, etc., considering
the last "indubitable evidence for the
existence of man in Australia, either
during the later Tertiary or during the
transition between that period and the
diluvium." The Warrnambool stone
may also be genuine. Dr Alsberg also
thinks possible the existence in the 17th
century even of a dwarf race ( " Mullas " )
in Australia.
Balfour ( H. ) On the method employed
by the natives of N. W. Australia in the
manufacture of glass spear-heads. ( Man,
Lond., 1903, 65, 1 pi.) Describes use
of water-worn pebble and piece of bone
in breaking off and flaking glass (from
bottles, telegraph insulators, etc. ) by
Australian natives. There is a striking
contrast between the simplicity of the
tools and the effectiveness of the results.
Breitenstein ( H. ) Die Malaien auf
Sumatra. (Stzgb. d. Anthr. Ges. in
Wien, 1903, 1 14-123. ) Treats briefly
of the Malays in general (physical char-
acters, feelings and their expression,
animism and Islam, clothing and orna-
ment, siri/i-chev/ing, weapons, dwel-
lings) and in particular the Malays of Men-
angkabau, the Achinese, the Battak, the
Lampongs, the Nias, Enganese, etc. The
Menangkabau Malays call Alexander the
Great, Iskander Dzul Karnaem, their
progenitor. Under their official Islam
lies the old heathen animism. The coast
Achinese have mixed their blood much
with the Dutch. Their metal art is note-
worthy ; also their oral poetry. The
culture of the Battaks is relatively high.
The Lampongs seem more kin to the
Sandanese.
Codrington (R. H.) On the stability of
unwritten languages. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 25-26. ) From comparison of the
Spanish data of 1567 concerning the lan-
guages of the natives of the Solomon
islands and the missionary data of 1863—
1 87 1, the author concludes that " so far,
then, as a short vocabulary is a test, it is
plain that the Solomon Islands' lan-
guages have not undergone much change
in 300 years." The present distribution
of the dialects confirms this view.
Doherty (D. H. ) Paper on the condi-
tions in the Philippines. (58th Congr.,
2d Sess. Senate Doc. No. 170, pp. 1—
568
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
20. ) Gives results of three months'
travel and study in the Philippines.
Treats of economic, education, religion,
race, character, capability, aspirations,
public morality, administration of law,
political problem. Author concludes
that, while the Filipino possesses faults
and vices, "he averages up, if not as
high as the Anglo-Saxon, at least as high
as the majority of civilized races."
Practically all the Filipinos desire inde-
pendence, and a formal statement by the
United States is needed.
Edge-Partington (J.) Notes on the
weapons of the Dalleburia tribe, Queens-
land, lately presented to the British Mu-
seum by Mr Robert Christison. (Man,
Lond., 1903, 37-38). Describes wooden
clubs, spears, wommera, boomerangs,
stone tomahawks and daggers. In close
conflict "a black fought with a bibboo
(stone dagger) in each hand with a re-
serve one between his teeth."
Maori scroll-patterns. (Ibid., 40-
41.) Resumes article by E. Tregear in
the Journal of the Polynesian Society,
vol. X., on the origin of these patterns
from a lizard- form.
Food trough from Rubiana, New
Georgia. (Ibid., 161-162, 1 pi.) De-
scribes carved wooden food trough from
the head-hunters of the Rubiana lagoon.
Used for cannibal feasts.
A New Zealand flageolet. (Ibid.,
186, I fig.) Describes briefly a pulo-
rino, or Maori wooden flute, now of rare
occurrence.
Finsch ( O. ) Papua-Topferei. Aus dem
Wiegenalter der Keramik. (Globus,
Brnschwg., 1903, lxxxiv, 329-334, 5
figs. ) Describes raw material, treat-
ment, various stages of manufacture
(water-pots, cooking vessels, etc. ), firing,
ornamentation ( with bamboo stick ) , trade,
at the emporiums of Port Moresby and
Tschas in New Guinea. Pottery is here
woman's work and the pottery trade de-
mands peace for a time at least. The
author holds that the prehistoric pottery
of Europe was made by women.
Hazen (G. A. J.) Eine " wajangbeber "
Vorstellung in Jogjakarta. (Int. A. f.
Ethnogr., Leiden, 1903, XVII, 1 28-135,
2 pi. ) Brief account of a representation,
in September, 1902, at Jogjakarta, in
Java, of the only wajang beber, or pict-
ure-play current in that region — the
illustrations are photographic. The
wajang beber was once well known over
all Java, but for more than a century it
has been subordinate to other wajang.
In this distant corner of Jogjakarta the
wajang beber has been preserved in an
ancient and primitive form.
van Hoevell {Baron G. W. W. C. )
Mittellungen iiber die Kesseltrommel zu
Bontobangun, Insel Saleyer. (Ibid.,
155-157, 2 pi., 2 figs.) New descrip-
tion of the kettle-drum dug up on the
island of Saleyer in 1861, — the surface
has a 16-rayed not a 24-rayed star.
These drums are probably of Annamese
or south Chinese origin. See Schmettz.
Kerplus ( Dr) Ueber ein Australiergehirn
nebst Bemerkungen iiber einige Negerge-
hirn. (Oberst. Arbeiten, IX, 18 ff. )
Description of brain of Australian abor-
igine (weight, est., 1368 gr. ). Only
departure from normal type of convolu-
tion in right occipital. Author thinks
brain approaches simian type.
Kramer ( A ) Weschelbeziehungen ethno-
graphischer und geographischer Fors-
chung, nebst einigen Bemerkungen zur
Kartographie der Siidsee. (Globus,
Brnschwg., 1903, lxxxiv, 362-364.)
Replies to criticisms of his recent work
Die Samoainseln. Notes importance
of knowledge of situations of native vil-
lages, their names (Stieler's atlas has
many incorrect), tribal appellations, etc.
Mathews (R. H. ) Das Kiimbainggeri,
eine Fingeborenensprache von Neu-Sud-
Wales. (Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien,
1903, xxxiii, 321-328.) Phonetics,
grammatical sketch, vocabulary of 300
words. The Kiimbainggeri possess
important and imposing initiation cere-
monies and a secret language in connec-
tion therewith.
Language, organization and initiation
ceremonies of the Kogai tribes, Queens-
land. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, XXXVI,
28-39. ) Grammatical sketch, vocabu-
lary of 335 words, with brief notes on
mystic language taught novitiates in the
bush, phratries, and bora or puberty
ceremony.
Myres (J- L. ) On an ornament of un-
known use and a quartzite knife from
Moretonbay, Queensland. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 33, 1 pi. ) The ornament, prob-
ably a charm, consists of eight small
skin bags, possibly scj-ota of animals.
chamberlain]
PERIODICAL LITERATURE
569
Rascher (M.) Eine Reisequer durch die
Gazelle-Halbinsel, Neupommern. (Glo-
bus, Brnschwg., 1904, lxxxv, 136-
140. ) Contains notes on the south-
eastern Bainings, a people with a great
wanderlust.
Reed (W. A.) The Negritos of the Phil-
ippines. (So. Wkran., Hampton, 1904,
XXIII, 272-279, 5 figs. ) Brief account
of names, physical characters, clothing
and ornament, fire-making (by rubbing
sticks, in less than a minute), weapons,
food, agriculture (in Zambales), hunting,
sickness, marriage (polygamy permitted),
music and dancing. The number of
Negritos is "probably 20,000," the
most of whom are in Luzon. They do
not bathe (it would "make them more
susceptible to cold " ) and suffer from skin
diseases. They smoke with the lighted
end of the cigar in the mouth. Spirits
are "appeased." Their morals are
better than those of the Filipinos.
Schmeltz (J. D. E. ) Einige vergleichende
Bemerkungen iiber die Kesseltrommel
von Saleyer. (Int. A. f. Ethnogr.,
Leiden, 1903, XVI, 158-161.) Discus-
sion and comparison of Heger's, Ribbe's
and van Hoevell's accounts and descrip-
tions, drawings, and plates of the Saleyer
drum. Some points about the orna-
mentation, age, etc., of this relic are still
doubtful. See van Hoevett.
Seidel (H. ) Palau und de Karolinen
auf den deutschen Admiralitatskarten
von 1903. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1904,
LXXXV, 11-15.) Critique of the latest
German admiralty maps of the Pelew
and Caroline islands.
Thilenius (G. ) Dr A. Kramer's Werk
"Die Samoa-Inseln." (Ibid., 53-59,
6 figs. ) Resumes the ethnological con-
tents ( physical characters, clothing and
ornament, birth, childhood, puberty,
daily life, industries, cultivation, medi-
cine, dwellings, boat-building, colors and
dyes, song and dance, war, etc.) of
Kramer's Die Samoa-Inseln (Stuttgart,
2 vols., 1 902- 1 903 ), a very valuable and
interesting work. The political con-
stitution of Samoa, Dr Kramer thinks,
is rather recent, i. e., about 500 years
old. A unity of Samoan mythology
exists.
AMERICA
Ambrosetti (J. B. ) Antigtiedad del
Nuevo Mundo. (Rev. de Der., Hist, y
Letr., Buenos Aires, 1903, extr., pp.
1-16. ) Critique of Dr Lalouche-
Treville's article L' Antiquite du Nou-
veau Monde L' Amerique avant Colomb,
published in the Ancienne Revue des
Revues, vol. XLIV. Dr Ambrosetti
resumes American ethnological and
archeological investigations from 1836 to
the present time to show the injustice of
Dr Latouche-Treville's statements and
his very limited knowledge of his sub-
ject.
Cabeza humana preparada segun el
procedimiento de los Indios Jivaros, del
Ecuador. (An. d. Mus. Nac. de
Buenos Aires, 1903, ix, 519-523, 1 pi.)
Describes the head of a chino, a Christian
peon, not a trophy of war, but prepared
by the Jivaros, after their ancient manner
of preservation, for commercial purposes.
The. zeal of collectors had stimulated
this traffic. In the Museo de la Plata
there are two fine specimens of Indian
heads treated in the Jivaro fashion.
Bandelier (A. F. ) On the relative
antiquity of ancient Peruvian burials.
(Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y.,
1904, xx, 217-226.) From documen-
tary and archeological evidence, etc.,
the author shows that long after the
coming of the Spaniards the Indians not
only buried their dead, as often as they
could, according to primitive custom,
but exhumed and reburied in like manner
those of their fellows who had been
buried with Christian rites. As late as
the middle of the seventeenth century
the cloth over the bodies and the vessels
buried with them were periodically re-
newed. Artificial deformation of skulls
continued almost as long. Hence many
burials that seem so are not really pre-
conquistorial, though the manner of
burial is.
Baum (H. M.) Pending legislation for
the protection of antiquities on the public
domain. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904,
in, 99-116, 143-154, 3 figs.) Gives
copy of H. R. Bill 13349, 58th Con-
gress, 2d session, with expressions of
opinion from educational and scientific
institutions, learned societies, etc. Also
account of proceedings in Congress.
Breton (Adele C. ) Some Mexican por-
trait clay figures. (Man, Lond., 1903,
130- 13 1, 6 figs. ) Describes mound near
Etzatlan (Jalisco) and the clay figures
and other objects found therein. These
57o
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
portrait-figures seem to have been placed
round a tumulus, "probably represent-
ing members of the deceased's house-
hold."
Bushnell (D. I.) The Cahokia and sur-
rounding mound groups. ( Papers Peab.
Mus., Cambridge, 1904, III, I-20, 5 pi.,
map, 7 figs. ) Author's description and i
illustrations are intended to show the
mounds as they were in pre- European
times and as they are now. The Cahokia
mound is " the largest prehistoric mon-
ument of the Mississippi valley." The
mounds in Forest Park, St Louis, and a
group near Long Lake, Illinois, also de-
scribed. A catlinite pipe from a mound
near Cahokia, obtained in 1879, is a
very interesting specimen. The Cahokia
and Tamaroa Indians inhabited part of
this region, but it cannot be said that
these mounds were their work.
Dorsey(G. A.) Traditions of the Osage.
(Field Col. Mus., Anthr. Ser., Chicago,
1904, vii, 1-60.) Gives English texts
(with abstracts) of forty animal tales,
hero-legends and other stories, obtained
by the author in 1901-1903 from the
Osage of N. E. Oklahoma. The chief
figures are buffalo, rabbit, wolf, skunk,
raccoon, turtle, mountain-lion, grasshop-
per, etc. The boy-hero also appears.
Other figures are the rolling head, the
water baby, the old woman. The story
of "the rabbit and the picture" is a
varient of the " tar baby " type. In an-
other tale a black man is being washed
white.
Duty (The) of the United States govern-
ment to investigate the ethnology and
archeology of the aboriginal American
races. ( Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904,
III, 19-28. ) Treats of work of Bureau
of American Ethnology, past and pro-
spective, and the labors of Major Powell.
Fewkes ( J. W. ) A cluster of Arizona
ruins which should be preserved. (Ibid.,
3-10, 14 figs.) Describes the Pueblo
ruins near the black falls on Little Colo-
rado river, of Hopi origin. See Ameri-
can Anthropologist, N. s. vol. II, 1900.
Flom (G. F. ) The gender of English
loan-nouns in Norse dialects in America :
a contribution to the study ot the devel-
opment of grammatical gender. (J. Engl.
& Germ. Philol., Bloomington, Ind.,
1903, v, repr., pp. 1-31.) Discusses
theories of origin of grammatical gender
(author accepts the pronominal theory
of Wheeler) and particularly the gender
of 475 English loan-nouns in the Norse
dialects as spoken and written in America,
and the causes which have brought about
the preponderance of masculines. Dr
Flom thinks that the Jutish dialect of
Danish and modern English illustrate the
origin and method of denoting gender in
the demonstrative pronoun alone.
Forstemann ( E. ) Ueber die Lage der
Ahaus bei den Mayas. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, XXXVI, 1 38-141. ) Agrees
with Seler as to equivalence of Ahau
and Katun, but doubts whether such
equivalence holds for all time and for the
whole Maya region.
Gibbs (M.) Prehistoric hammers of
Michigan. (Atl. Slope Nat., Narberth,
Pa., 1903, I, 34.) Notes that "sledges,"
while common north of the 46th paral-
lel, are absent from many sections of
southern Michigan.
Hall ( R. D. ) Boys : Indian and White.
(So. Wkmn., Hampton, 1903, XXIII,
269-272. ) Indian boy is more tractable,
fears authority and "outsiders " more,
has stronger propensity to imitate, is a
close observer, more susceptible to influ-
ences of his environment, has absolute
confidence in those in authority I hence
jokes are dangerous), does not so easily
submit to control, has greater aversion to
force, is rather wilful than obstinate,
lacks determination, has much stronger
imagination and less intellectual capacity,
is fonder of narcotics, less given to secret
vices, more gregarious.
Hamy ( E. T. ) Les voyages du natura-
liste Ch. Alex. Lesueur dans l'Amerique
du Nord, 1815-1837. ( J. de la Soc. d.
Amer. de Paris, 1904, v, i-m, 17 pi.,
14 figs.) This well-edited account,
with bibliography, of Lesueur' s travels
contains notes on mounds at New Har-
mony (65-68), the bone-banks of the
Wabash (74-76), etc.
Hauthal(//r) Die Bedeutung der Funde
in der Grypotheriumhohle bei Ultima
Esperanza ( Siidwestpatagonien) in an-
thropologischer Beziehung. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, XXXVI, 119-134. ) Author
describes the cave and his investigations,
discusses the views of Nordenskiold,
Nehring, etc., and expresses the opinion
that the deposit of excreta and the de-
posit containing human relics occurred
chamberlain]
PERIODICAL LITERATURE
571
contemporaneously. All the data point,
he thinks, to long-continued contem-
poraneous dwelling of man and the
grypotherium in this cave — the animal
in a semi -domesticated condition, per-
haps. An interesting discussion followed
this paper.
Hepner ( H. E. ) The Huichol Indians of
Mexico. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, 1904,
xxm, 280-286, 5 figs. ) Based on Lum-
holtz's works. Notes on habitat, phys-
ical characters, dress and ornament,
agriculture, "rain making," mythology,
ceremonies, hunting.
Herrmann ( W. ) Auftreten des Mongolen-
fleckes bei den Maya-Indianern. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 137.) Brief
notice of Starr's discovery. See Ameri-
can Anthropologist, 1903, N. S., v, 578.
von Ihering ( H. ) El hombre prehis-
torico del Brasil. (Historia, Buenos
Aires, 1903, repr., pp. 1-12, 1 pi.)
Treats of man of the caverns of Minas
Geraes and of the sambaquis — of the
physical anthropology of the mound-
builders of the island of Marajo noth-
ing is known. The crania of Lagoa
Santa are like those of the modern
Botocudos. The cranium of the sam-
baqui of Cidreira, which Koseritz de-
scribed in 1874, belongs to the same
race. Dr von Ihering holds that in
southern Brazil, in prehistoric times, as
today, both brachycephalic and doli-
chocephalic types were represented. In
The Anthropology of the State of S.
Paulo, Brazil (S. Paulo, 1 904, pp. 22),
written for the St. Louis Exposition, Dr
von Ihering treats briefly of the existing
tribes (Guaranis, Cayuas, Caingangs,
Chavantes), historical traditions, arche-
ology, etc. In the prehistoric period
there "already existed in the south of
Brazil, two families of Indians, whose
descendants are even now found in the
country." The author believes in the
contemporaneity of man and the extinct
mammals of Lagoa Santa.
Joyce 1 T. A. ) On a silver vase from an
ancient Peruvian burial ground, now in
the British Museum. (Man, Lond.,
1903, 99-100, 1 fig.) Brief description
of human head vase from a Peruvian
burial ground, "brought from the
Pacific by Capt. Henry Byam-Martin,
1848." Squier mentions this type of
vase and another specimen is in the
Trocadero Museum, Paris.
Two ancient stone masks from
Mexico. (Ibid., 113-114, 1 pi.) Brief
notes on a mask belonging to the Christy
collection and another also in the
British Museum. The first is probably
from Oaxaca, the other from some
Mixtec locality.
ten Kate ( H. ) Neueste Publikationen von
R. Lehmann-Nitsche. (Globus, Brn-
schwg., 1904, lxxxv, 96.) Resumes
articles on Tipos de craneos y craneos de
razas and Hallazgos antropologicos de la
caverna Markatsch Aiken. See Ameri-
can Anthropologist, 1904, N. S., VI, 185-
188.
Krebs ( W. ) Das Deutschtum in den Ver-
einigten Staaten von Nordamerika.
(Ibid., 143-144.) Resumes a recent work
by Professor Julius Goebel, on the Ger-
mans and German influence in the United
^ States.
Kroeber (A. L. ) The Arapaho. III.
Ceremonial organization. ( Bull. Am.
Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y., 1904, xviii,
151-230, 5 pi., 25 figs.) This valuable
monograph describes, from personal ob-
servation, the bayoaniuu of the Arapaho,
which "consists of a form of the widely
spread sun-dance and of a series of men's
ceremonies graded by age, and a single
but analogous ceremony for women."
The sun dance and the age-ceremonies
have fundamental differences as well as
certain similarities of detail. Member-
ship is limited only by age, and the basis
of organization is tribal, not supernatural.
The old war-life of the plains is reflected
in these ceremonies.
Little (C. J.) The Chickasawaba mound,
Mississippi valley. ( Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1904, III, 1 17-122, 4 figs.)
Brief description of mound on Pemiscot
bayou, Arkansas, and contents (graves,
skeletons, pottery, images, pipes, pieces
of shell, cooking vessels, water jars, etc. ).
No implements of war, except two buck-
horn spearpoints, were discovered. Some
of the objects have pictographs on them.
The skulls are "extremely large," with
flat frontal bones.
Lloyd (J. U.) When did the American
mammoth and mastodon become extinct ?
(Ibid., 43-46.) Author was reared
close to the celebrated Kentucky Big
Bone Springs valley and argues for the
credibility of the Indian legend "about
that section of Kentucky, a short time
5/2
AMERICAN ANTHROPOL 0G1ST
[n. s., 6, 1904
before the white man entered the land, a |
herd of those mighty beasts was to be
found."
Mills ( W. C. ) Explorations of the Gart-
ner mound and village site. (Ohio
Arch. & Hist. Quart., 1904, XIII, repr.
65 PP-) 7° figs-) Detailed account of
the exploration of an important mound
and village site in Ross county, Ohio, and
the remains (skeletons, animal bones,
refuse heaps of ashes and bivalves, stone
and bone implements, shell and bone
ornaments, pottery, etc. ). Evidences of
cremation and food-cooking are thought
to be present. A good article. See
American Anthropologist, 1904, N. s.
VI, 341-342.
Muller ( H. P. N. ) The Mitla ruins and
the Mexican natives. ( Hand. v. d.
Nederl. Anthr. Ver., Den Haag, 1 904,
I, 14-25, 3 figs. ) Treats of the four
groups of ruins, which the author attri-
butes to the Mayas, "who have given
the peculiar civilization by means of the
Zapotecs to the Aztecs and the other
Nahua tribes." The stone heads of
serpents, animals, human beings, etc.,
are perhaps Nahuan. Dr Muller was
impressed by "the occurrence of strong
Japanese and Egyptian types (physical)"
in northern and central Mexico, and also
by the resemblance of figures in drawings
and sculptors of natives in the whole of
Mexico to Buddha-ornaments in south-
ern and eastern Asia.
Peabody (C. ) Exploration of mounds,
Coahoma county, Mississippi. (Papers
Peab. Mus. Amer. Arch, and Eth.,
Cambridge, 1904, III, 23-63, 1 7 pi.,
tables. ) Treats of Dorr mound, Ed-
wards mound ( 158 burials), etc., objects
found, — the human bones are consid-
ered by Dr W. C. Farabee on pp. 52-
54. The skulls seem to resemble those
from the burial mounds in the St Francis
river region of Arkansas, especially in
artificial deformation. Both full-length
and "bundle" burials occurred. Some
of the pottery decorations suggest My-
cenae and the animal forms are interest-
ing. Chipped and polished stone im-
plements, bone articles, beads of several
sorts, etc., were found. The finding of
the turquoise pendant in the Dorr mound
suggests trade relations (through the
white man in early times) with the Pue-
blos. The presence in the Edwards
mound of beads of glass and brass, a
brass bell and other brass objects, indi-
cate white contact. This is "a typical
Indian mound of a later period placed
within a typical village site." The sur-
face finds are rich. The greater number
of "bundle" burials are below "critical
level," most of the pottery and manu-
factured articles above it. There is a
paucity of worked shell. These mounds
date probably from after 1 541.
Notes on Negro music. (So.
Wknin., Hampton, 1904, XXXI I, 305-
309. ) Reprinted from the Journal of
American Folk-Lore.
Philippi ( R. A. ) Ueber die Nationalitat
der Sudamerikaner, besonders der Chile-
nen. (Globus, Brnschwg. , 1904, lxxxv,
126. ) The northern part of Chile, dur-
ing the Inca conquest, saw much inter-
mingling of races. The handful of
Spaniards who entered Chile with
Almagro and Valdivia had but one
woman with them. Among the officers
of Valdivia was a German, named Lis-
perger. He married a cacique's daugh-
ter and it was said every family of
prominence in Santiago had old Tala-
gante's blood in its veins. This inter-
mingling is still going on. Full blood
Indians are becoming rarer and rarer and
exist only in the interior.
Rotzell (W. E. ) The smoking of red-
willow bark by the American aborigines.
(Atl. Slope Nat., Narberth, Pa., 1903,
I, 34-35.) Cites evidence of J. A.
I.oring, J. R. Barton, and Dr R. W.
Shufeldt, to show that American Indians
(Crees, Stonies, Chippewa, Sioux) have
smoked or do now smoke red-willow
bark. See American Anthropologist,
1903, n. s., v., p. 170.
Simms (S. C. ) Traditions of the Crows.
(Field Col. Mus., Anthrop. Ser., 1903,
II, 277-324. ) Gives English versions
of origin myth, 15 stories of "old man
Coyote, "10 other legends ( with abstracts
of all), collected in 1902 from the Ab-
sahrokee Indians of Montana. The
origin myth has the Algonquian diving
episode. Many of the animal myths are
of the Rocky Mountains cycle ; some of
considerable interest for the comparative
folklorist. See Am. Anthropologist, this
number, under Book Reviews.
Smith ( H. I. ) A costumed human fig-
ure from Tampico, Washington. (Bull.
Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y., 1904, xx,
chamberlain]
PERIODICAL LITERATURE
573
195-203, 3 pi., 3 figs.) Describes a re-
markable object found in a child's grave,
antedating the advent of the whites in
this part of the country. The figure,
carved on a piece of antler, presents in
dress and ornamentation some resem-
blances to those of the Plains tribes as
well as to paintings by Indians of the
Yakima valley, antler fragments from
Umatilla, a Dakota quill-flattener, etc.
Shell-heaps of the Lower Fraser
river, British Columbia. ( Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1904, in, 79-90, 5 figs.) Re-
sumed from the author's monograph,
Shell- Heaps of the Lower Fraser River,
published by the American Museum of
Natural History in 1903.
Spender (H. F.) The education of the
Indians of Canada. (J. African. Soc,
Lond., 1903, 425-432.) General dis-
cussion based on visit to Manitoba, with
critique of Government policy. Advo-
cates the "scattered home" system in
place of the "barrack-schools," and
state-control of all schools.
Voth (H. R.) The Oraibi Oaqol cere-
mony. (Field Col. Mus., Anthr. Ser.,
1903, vi, 1-46, 28 pi.) Well illus-
trated account of the nine-day ceremony
of the Oaqol, one of the three women's
fraternities of Oraibi, the youngest and
largest religious order in that pueblo, and
of the preliminary rites. The native
texts of many songs are given. The
Oaqol is celebrated every odd year (the
last in 1903). The first day is of unu-
sual importance. Any worry, sorrow, or
anger disqualifies a Hopi, as a rule, from
participating in a ceremony, and conten-
tions and quarrels interfere with its
efficacy.
AM. ANTH.
s., 6—38
ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA
Anthropology and Education. — As a student and teacher of educa-
tion, the writer has often been impressed by the extreme difficulty of
making accessible to elementary students the data of anthropology neces-
sary to the scientific study of education. Educational philosophy postu-
lates a theory of cultural development in the race which is epitomized in
the life-history of the individual, and on this establishes a system of prac-
tice, drawing largely on primitive culture for material for instruction and
basing the course of study in the elementary school on the theory of cul-
tural evolution.
Now, it would appear that the students of pedagogy stand ready to
determine the limitations of the data of anthropology in the service of
education and to make the wisest possible application thereof in educa-
tional practice. The National Society for the Scientific Study of Edu-
cation was organized a few years ago. The writer, who was among the
first to seek the benefits of membership in this organization, inferred the
movement to be a declaration that students of education proposed to
apply the methods of science to the investigation of pedagogical prob-
lems, to institute a closer study of the data of the sciences on which a
science of education must be founded, in their relation to pedagogy, and to
encourage scientific accuracy in the use of material furnished by the sci-
ences in educational theory and practice. The papers brought forth by
this movement have been an important contribution to the literature of
pedagogy. Every student of education acknowledges their value. It may
be questioned whether or not the assumption of the writer relative to the
purpose of the Society was correct, for an examination of the titles pre-
sented before the Society up to date does not disclose any line of investi-
gation undertaken which would not properly come within the domain of
some previously existing department of the National Educational Associa-
tion. This must not be interpreted as a criticism of the National Society
for the Scientific Study of Education. It has moved along its line of
least resistance. It cannot enter the province of a contributory science
for original research, nor create a literature therein. It can only utilize
the accepted data of such sciences in the scientific investigation of educa-
tional problems.
Now, it seems to me that scientific pedagogy must derive a more im-
574
ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 575
portant mass of its data from the science of man than from any other,
particularly from that side which we call culture history. To culture
history we must go for the verification of a great body of educational
theory ; but an examination of a number of much-used text-books on
pedagogy, produced in recent years, will hardly convince anthropologists
that the data of anthropology are being correctly stated or correctly
applied in pedagogy. And to primitive culture we must go for a vast
amount of the material for instruction used in elementary education.
Teachers are drawing continually on culture history for this material, but
an examination of the matter selected, as embodied in many elementary
books used in the public schools, will convince anthropologists that it is
not their best nor most authentic material which is finding its way into
the public schools.
The difficulty seems to lie in the existing state of anthropological
science. It would be difficult to find ten anthropologists who would
agree on what anthropology is on close definition. There is pressing
need for a text-book on anthropology. This branch of science does not
possess in its literature any great, up-to-date text-book. Some one must
do for anthropology what Dana did for geology, James for psychology,
Giddings for sociology.
Again, there is need for some great treasury of culture history. The
student of education who is in need of facts and criticisms in Greek
sculpture or ceramics, finds in Furtwasngler or Overbeck great authorita-
tive treatises. It would be a great service to education if the treasures
of primitive American arts and industries, archeology, mythology, and
folklore were made equally accessible, and by the same profound, critical
study made available for the use of students from other fields.
In short, anthropology should enrich the course of study of every public
school in the land, and the greatest line of progress now open to the
science is in this direction. To this end the science needs closer defini-
tion by the masters, and its literature must be brought to a state that will
place it in closer relations with education, through the schools of peda-
gogy, normal schools, and teachers' institutes. A joint meeting of the
two national societies during the session of the American Association for
the Advancement of Science might contribute to the progress of both.
Edgar L. Hewett.
Archeological Institute of America. — At a meeting of the Council
of the Archaeological Institute of America, held May 14, in New York
City, the following action of interest to American archeologists was taken :
576 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
( 1 ) A committee was created on the preservation of the remains of Indian
antiquity. This committee is expected to have at least one member from
each society of the Institute. The President and the Secretary of the
Institute will be the chairman and the secretary of this committee. (2)
The Committee on American Archeology was requested to consider and
report on an enlargement of its membership, in view of the probable
extension of its work, and to recommend some enterprise in its field to
the council at its next meeting. (3) The chairman of the Committee
on American Archeology (Mr C. P. Bowditch) was made a member ex
officio of the executive committee. (4) The affiliated societies in the West
were urged to take an active part in devising and obtaining the adoption
of measures for the preservation of ancient monuments. (5) The sum of
$300 was placed at the disposal of the chairman of the Committee on
American Archeology for his use in procuring information with regard
to the remains of Indian antiquity.
The following officers of the Institute were elected : President, Pro-
fessor Seymour ; Vice Presidents, Mr C. P. Bowditch, President D. C.
Gilman, Mr Edward Robinson, Professor F. B. Tarbell, and President
B. I. Wheeler. Professor Mitchell Carroll was elected a member of the
Executive Committee, to serve for three years.
Dr Uhle's Researches in Peru. — Reports have been received from
Dr Max Uhle, who sailed last November for Peru to carry on archeo-
logical explorations for the Department of Anthropology of the Univer-
sity of California through the generosity of Mrs Phoebe A. Hearst, and
has since then excavated at the famous site of Ancon, near Lima. On
his previous two years' trip for the University, Dr Uhle's chief explora-
tions were on the coast of northern and southern Peru, in the vicinity of
Trujillo and of lea. His present excavations at Ancon were mainly at
three points within the "necropolis," and on a level slope to the south,
behind the modern town of Ancon. The explorations were in continua-
tion of his previous lines of archeological investigation in Peru, as sum-
marized in a recent paper in the American Anthropologist (n. s., iv,
753-759). At a point near the northern end of the enclosure forming
the necropolis, not far from the lime-kilns shown on the map of Reiss
and Stiibel, objects of a late date down to the beginning of the Inca period,
the pottery being of the Chancay type, were found. Burials excavated
in the eastern part of the enclosure were generally older, of what may be
called the middle periods of Peruvian culture. Excavations in the south-
ern part of the necropolis, in the vicinity of the present Indian fishing
village and the hill with large mill-stones, brought to light finds of various
ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA ^77
age, some of the burials, as shown by their continuation under and beyond
deposits of a later age of considerable depth, and by the character of
the objects in the graves, being of a very early period.
The soil of the evenly sloping hillsides south of and outside the
necropolis, though giving no superficial indication of being other than
a natural formation, was found for a considerable area to be a refuse
deposit three or four yards deep. Two trenches of some length were dug
in this deposit. No mummies were found, but in the lower depths there
were a few skeletons. The quantity of artifacts was small ; they revealed,
however, a new type of culture, evident especially in the pottery. Not a
single object showing the characteristics of the ware of this peculiar
culture was found at any other spot at Ancon, nor, in fact, so far as
known, anywhere in Peru; and to complement this circumstance, not a
specimen with the characteristics of any of the various cultures represented
in the necropolis occurred in these southern hillside deposits. The age
of these deposits, unless their culture should hereafter be found in associa-
tion with remains of a known period, can therefore be determined only
by the apparent absolute age of the finds and by the internal evidence of
the objects. The style of the remains, which Dr Uhle describes as show-
ing a certain freedom and development toward artistic greatness,
approaches in some respects that of the pottery characterizing the early
or "golden " period of lea established by him on his last Peruvian trip
and of which his collections for the University of California contain
abundant illustration. This lea period Dr Uhle is inclined to regard as
contemporaneous with the period of Tiahuanaco or antecedent to it.
The newly found Ancon ware differs, however, from the early lea ware
in being ornamented by incision instead of by painting, and on the whole
represents a very distinct culture which is almost certainly of considerable
antiquity.
Dr Taguchi's Brain-weight. — In response to a further inquiry con-
cerning the brain of the Japanese anatomist, Kazuyoski Taguchi, the
following communication was received from K. Yamagawa, president of
the Imperial University of Tokio :
" In reply to your favor of May 9th, 1904, I am sorry to say that the
figure for the weight of brain in the last information, sent to you through
Miss Gardener about the postmortem examination of the late Professor
Taguchi, was found to be wrong. It seems to me that the weight of his
brain was put down as 1,920 instead of 1,520, which is the right figure,
by mistake when it was copied from the original record. I apologize," etc.
The corrected figure places Taguchi's brain in the thirtieth place among
578 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 6, 1904
those of men notable in the professions, arts, and sciences, instead of
in the second place, as first reported. See American Anthropologist, n. s. ,
vol. v, 1903, pp. 595-596 5 voL VI> J904, P- 366-
Edward Anthony Spitzka.
Dr Walter Hough, of the United States National Museum, has
recently returned from an exploring trip in New Mexico and Arizona,
bringing with him a collection of ancient pueblo, cliff, and cave material
gathered principally on upper San Francisco river. Dr Hough started
from Socorro, New Mexico, and crossed the country to Holbrook, Ari-
zona, a distance of about 280 miles, visiting ruins at Magdalena, Datil,
the upper Tulerosa river, Old Fort Tulerosa reserve, and near Luna, in New
Mexico, and on Blue river in Arizona. One of the objects of this two
months' reconnoissance was to locate and trace the lines of north and
south migration into the basin of the Little Colorado and to learn more
of the forebears of the people who inhabited the now-ruined pueblos ex-
plored by Dr J. Walter Fewkes and the Museum-Gates Expedition within
the Colorado drainage. Much was learned during the trip regarding the
distribution of several cultures. Extensive excavations were made in a
group of ruins seven miles from Luna, New Mexico, on the Spur Ranch
of Montague Stevens, Esq. These ruins proved to be exceedingly inter-
esting for the reason that they occupy the margin of a fertile, enclosed
valley which was once the bottom of a lake, and because they represent
a rude and perhaps indigenous culture fostered in this favorable enclave.
There is evidence also that an earlier culture, characterized by large, semi-
subterranean, circular houses, was supplanted by that of a people who built
rectangular stone pueblos. Two of the deeper excavations yielded frag-
mentary human bones and unchipped flint flakes in apparently undisturbed
gravel, and a more extended research in this locality may furnish results
of value in the study of early man in America. Numerous plans of the
ruins were drawn and a fair collection obtained. A group of cliff-houses
on Rita Blanca yielded, on exploration, many specimens illustrating the
domestic life of their former inhabitants. A large ceremonial cave was
also investigated and many ancient offerings of extreme importance were
collected therefrom.
. Study of Megalithic Monuments. — The greater part of the dis-
coveries made during many years among the megalithic monuments of
Morbihan, France, have proved that, although already explored, these
monuments still contain archeological treasures. The excavations in the
tumulus of Saint-Michel show that it contains many monuments besides
ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 579
the principal crypt. It is therefore probable that other crypts are con-
tained in the numerous tumuli of the Carnac region, thus rendering their
complete scientific exploration of high importance. A committee on
excavations has been formed at Carnac for this purpose, under the distin-
guished direction of M. d'Ault du Mesnil, president of the Commission
of Megalithic Monuments of France and of Algeria, to which all are
invited to send an annual contribution. Signatures and subscriptions are
received at the Musee James Miln, Carnac (Morbihan), or by M. d'Ault
du Mesnil, 228, Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honore, Paris.
Congenital Digital Malformation in Negroes. — Dr D. S. Lamb,
for Dr H. M. Smith, recently read before the Anthropological Society
of Washington a brief paper on congenital digital malformation in a family
of Virginia negroes. The malformation extended through three genera-
tions and the affected persons showed no other anatomical peculiarities.
The father had but two phalanges on each finger of each hand ; the
thumbs were normal, the nature of the nails is said to have been the same
as in the next case. There was no indication that a similar malformation
occurred in his parents or other relatives.
Second Generation : This man had five children, the eldest of whom
was the only one to show malformation, which was just like that of her
father, the thumbs being normal. There was a small nail on each index
finger, but none on the others. This woman had nine children, six girls
and three boys, of whom the six elder ones were malformed, but the
three younger children were not.
Third Generation : In this generation six persons were affected.
First, a girl ; both hands ; one phalanx absent from each finger ; terminal
phalanx of ring fingers rudimentary ; ends of fingers clubbed ; thumbs
normal ; small nails on index and middle fingers. Second, a girl ; both
hands ; one phalanx absent from each finger ; terminal phalanx of ring,
middle, and little fingers rudimentary ; thumbs normal ; small nail on
each index finger. Third, a girl ; both hands ; one phalanx absent from
each finger ; right hand rudimentary ; terminal phalanx of index and
little finger ; thumbs normal ; small nails on index and middle fingers of
each hand ; on ring finger of left the nail was shaped like a carpet-tack ;
right index, and middle and left index, middle, and ring fingers abnor-
mally broad. Fourth and fifth, boys, and sixth, a girl, had hands like the
third case except for slight differences in the nails.
Fourth Generation : Thus far the children of the fourth generation
do not show malformation of fingers.
580 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
Dr Smith personally verified the information herein given in three of
the cases and received a written statement in regard to the remaining five.
In discussing the paper Dr Lamb mentioned, as bearing on the heredi-
tary transmission of malformations, that he knew of a woman who had
what dentists call "underhung jaw," that is, the lower front teeth pro-
jected in front of the upper front teeth, instead of the reverse, which is
normal. This woman's parents, as well as all of her brothers and sisters,
had the same malformation.
Peabody Museum Researches. — The report of the operations of the
Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge
for the year 1902-03, submitted by its curator, Prof. F. W. Putnam, has
recently been published. The report shows the usual increase in the
collections of archeological and ethnological materials and in the facilities
for displaying them, as well as in the usefulness of the Museum along the
lines for which it was founded. Work in the field has been conducted
by Mr Theobert Maler and Mr A. M. Tozzer in Central America and
Mexico, Mr E. H. Thompson in Yucatan, Messrs M. R. Harrington
and A. S. Parker in New York state, and Mr D. I. Bushnell Jr. in
Missouri. The results of Mr Maler' s latest explorations in Usumacinta
valley were published, it will be recalled, in part m of volume 11 of
the Memoirs of the Museum in 1903. Mr Thompson's archeological
studies at Xul, Tzula, and Chacmultun will be embodied in a report to
be published by the Museum during the present year, accompanied with
illustrations in color of several mural paintings. Mr Tozzer' s researches
have been in connection with the Maya-Quiche language as spoken by
the Lacandones of Chiapas and the upper Usumacinta valley, whose dia-
lect varies but slightly from that of the Mayas, while in their life and
customs Mr Tozzer finds in the latter a striking instance of the effect
of Spanish contact. Under the auspices of the Museum a grave, attributed
to the Erie tribe, was explored by Messrs Harrington and Parker on the
Cattaraugus reservation, New York, and several skeletons, a fine lot of
pottery vessels, also characteristic pipes, stone and bone implements,
ornaments, and many other objects were recovered. Some of the results
of Mr Bushnell's excavations in Missouri were presented in a paper pub-
lished in the last number of the Antliropologist. Professor Putnam
acknowledges many gifts to the Museum during the year, and pays gener-
ous tribute to the work of the late Frank Russell and Howard B. Wilson,
notices of whom appeared in these pages at the time of their unfortunate
deaths.
ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 58 I
Hopi Pottery Fired with Coal. — That the pottery of the Hopi In-
dians of Arizona, in prehistoric and probably early historic times, was
fired by means of coal, has already been pointed out by Doctor Fewkes,
who says : " There is evidence that the ancient people of Tusayan used
coal for fuel, seams of which underlie their pueblos, but in course of time
this substance has fallen into disuse, so that it is unknown as a fuel today.
. . . This change probably took place at the introduction of sheep,
whose dried droppings are now used in firing pottery." (Smithsonian
Report for 1895, p. 580; see also p. 574-" The evidence to which
Doctor Fewkes refers is doubtless the occurrence of cinder heaps on the
rocky ledges about the East Mesa, especially below Walpi pueblo, which
could scarcely have originated in any other way. To this may be added
the testimony of the pottery itself, for the ancient ware is far better in
quality than that made during more recent times, although we may as-
sume that the same materials have always been available, and the same
methods, save that of the firing, practiced. In further support of the evi-
dence that coal was used as. fuel by the Hopi, I wish to direct atten-
tion to a statement by Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, in his Cronica de la
Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico, 1697 (reprinted, Mexico,
187 1, p. 321). Speaking of the mission of San Bernardino de Ahuatobi
(Awatobi) among the Hopi, Fray Agustin says : " Hay piedra pomez
en cantidad, y piedras que sirven de carbon ; aunque el humo es nocivo
por fuerte." ("There is pumice stone in quantity, and stones which
serve for coal, but the smoke is noxious in its strength. ' ' ) Bituminous
coal is still found in quantity in the Hopi country, and steps have been
taken in recent years to develop the deposits. It is reasonable to suppose
that the Indians would soon have discovered its adaptability in pottery
firing, especially as they had nothing, so far as known, before the coming
of the Spaniards and the introduction of flocks and herds, that could have
served their purpose so well.
It may be added that the use of coal by the Pueblos was apparently
confined to pottery firing, and was not used for heating or for cooking.
There was good reason for this. In pre-Spanish times the pueblo dwell-
ings were not provided with chimneys, the hatchway in the roof serving
the double purpose of entrance and smoke-hole, hence the use of coal,
with its noxious fumes, would have been impracticable in such ill-venti-
lated houses, but could readily have been employed out-doors, where pot-
tery is always fired. So far as I am aware, no coal ashes have ever
been found in the fire-pits of pueblo dwellings.
It is interesting also to note that no Coal clan exists among any of
582
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[n. s., 6, 1904
the Pueblo tribes, but Firewood clans are to be found among the Hopi,
San Juan, Santa Clara, and San Ildefonso Indians, and the Hano people
once had a Firewood clan also. F. W. Hodge.
Professor Frederick Starr, of the University of Chicago, has wisely
taken advantage of the facilities offered by the Louisiana Purchase Ex-
position at St Louis, with its splendid ethnological collections and gath-
erings of primitive peoples, by forming a Louisiana Purchase Exposition
class in ethnology. The work of the class began on September 1. Stu-
dents in the University of Chicago, desirous of receiving credit for the
course, presented their matriculation cards at the time of registering.
Students from other institutions or outsiders, taking the course and pass-
ing the examination, will be given a certificate to that effect. For the
full course the fee was $12.00 ; for full work for one week, $5.00 ; for
the exercises of one day, $1.00; for single exercises, 35 or 50 cents.
Following is a calendar of the lectures, visits, and demonstrations :
Calendar of 9:00 and 10:00 o'clock Lectures and 11:00 o'clock Visits
and Demonstrations.
Sept.
9:00 a. m.
10:00 a. m.
11:00 a. m.
I
The Tribes of the N. W.
Social Organization :
Kwakiutl and Clahoquaht.
Coast.
Totem Poles.
2
Southern Athapascans.
The Study of Games.
Navaho and Apache.
3
The Pueblos of Today.
Religion of the Pueblos.
Pueblos ; also Pimas and
Maricopas.
5
The Cliff Dwellers.
Archeological Theories.
The Cliff Dwellers. (Pike.)
6
The Sioux and Relatives.
Sign Language and Ges-
The Indian Congress.
turing.
(Pike.)
7
The Cocopas and Desert
Tribes.
Bodily Modifications.
The Cocopa Settlement.
8
South American Indians.
The Origin of the Amer-
ican Indian.
The Patagonians.
9
The Eskimo.
Adaptation to Environ-
ment.
Eskimo Village. (Pike.)
10
Pygmy Problems.
Cannibalism.
Batwa and other Africans.
12
Ainu of Japan.
Physical Characters of
Race.
Ainu Group.
J3
The Negritos.
Fire-making.
The Negrito Village.
14
The Igorots.
Head-hunting and Kin-
dred Customs.
The Igorot Village.
15
The Visayans and Tagals.
The Peoples of the Phil-
ippines.
The Visayan Village.
16
The Moros.
Music and Musical In-
struments.
The Moro Villages.
17
The Japanese.
Art Industries.
Japanese Commission
Grounds ; Varied In-
dustries Exhibit.
19
The Chinese.
The Evolution of Writing.
Varied Industries Exhibit.
20
The Aztecs of Ancient
Native American Sculp-
U. S. National Museum
Mexico.
ture and Architecture.
Exhibit.
21
The Indians of Southern
The Exposition's Depart-
The Anthropological
Mexico.
ment of Anthropology.
Building.
ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 583
The Department of Anthropology of the University of California,
instituted in 1901 in order to organize and coordinate the numerous
archeological and ethnological researches supported in behalf of the
University by Mrs Phoebe A. Hearst, is under the direction of an execu-
tive committee consisting of Prof. F. W. Putnam, chairman ; Prof. J. C.
Merriam, secretary ; President Wheeler, and Mrs Hearst. The Depart-
ment is devoted primarily to research and the formation of a museum.
The courses of instruction which follow are offered chiefly as training for
anthropologists ; in addition, public lectures on anthropological subjects
are given from time to time.
General Introduction to Anthropology : The Indians of California,
Dr Kroeber. Athapascans of the Pacific Coast, Mr P. E. Goddard.
Geological History of Man, Assistant Professor Merriam. North Ameri-
can Ethnology, Dr Kroeber. Experimental Phonetics, Mr Goddard.
North American Languages, Dr Kroeber. North American Archeology,
Dr Kroeber. The History of Art in Greece, Dr Emerson. Seminary
Exercises in Classical Archeology, Dr Emerson. Advanced Work in
Ethnology, Dr Kroeber. Advanced Work in Primitive Languages, Dr
Kroeber.
Full information will be furnished prospective anthropologists and
others on application to the Secretary of the Department at Berkeley,
California.
Mr Volney W. Foster, of Chicago, who died suddenly in that city
on August 15th, was a delegate from the United States to the Interna-
tional Conference of American Republics held at the City of Mexico in
1901-02. As hitherto announced in these pages, the Conference recom-
mended the appointment of an International Archeological Commission,
of which Mr Foster became a member on the part of the United States
through appointment by the President, and later a representative on be-
half of the government of Peru.
At the Cambridge Meeting of the British Association for the Ad-
vancement of Science, which adjourned August 24, the following grants
were made for anthropological research : Age of stone circles, ^40 ;
Anthropometric investigations, _^io ; Excavations on Roman sites in
Great Britain, ^10 ; Excavations in Crete, ^75 and unexpended bal-
ance ; Anthropometry of native Egyptian troops, £\o ; Glastonbury
lake village, balance in hand ; Anthropological teaching, balance in hand.
Dr Friedrich Ratzel, professor of geography in the University of
Leipzig, who died August 9th, will be remembered by students of Ameri-
584 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 6, 1904
can ethnology chiefly by his authorship of Volkerkunde, first published in
1885-88, revised and reprinted in 1894-95, and translated into Eng-
lish by A. J. Butler and published under the title The History of Man-
kind in 1896-98.
The eighteenth session of the Congress of the Archeological and
Historical Federation of Belgium was held at Mons, July 30-August 6.
Dr Georg Thilenius, professor of anthropology at Breslau, has been
appointed director of the Hamburg Museum of Ethnology.
The University of Freiberg has conferred an honorary doctorate
on the anthropologist, Otto Amnion of Karlsruhe.
The Anthropological Society of Washington will p
chase, at an advance rate, a few copies of Volume I, 1
/, of the original series of the AMERICAN ANTHR
POLOGIST, being the issue for January, 1888.
Persons having duplicate copies will kindly address
Treasurer of the Society, P. B. PIERCE, U. S. Pat
OfffT- Washington, D. C
American
Anthropological Association
officers
President: W J McGee, Chief of the Department of Anthropology and
Ethnology, Louisiana Purchase Exposition, St. Louis, Mo., and
Washington, D. C.
Vice-President, 1907 : F. W. Putnam, Curator of the Peabody Museum,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
Vice-President, 1906 : Franz Boas, Curator of Anthropology, American
Museum of Natural History, New York City.
Vice-President, 1905 : W. H. Holmes, Chief of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, Washington.
Vice-President, 1904: Miss Alice C. Fletcher, ex-President of the
Anthropological Society of Washington.
Secretary : George Grant MacCurdy, Curator of Anthropology, Pea-
body Museum, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
Treasurer : B. Talbot B. Hyde, American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.
Editor : F. W. Hodge, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C.
COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC A TION
W J McGEE, Chairman ex officio.
F. W. HODGE, Secretary ex officio.
■
JUAN B. AMBROSETTI, Museo Nacional, Buenos Aires, Argentina
FRANK BAKER, Smithsonian Institution, Wash ington, D. C.
FRANZ BOAS, American Museum of Natural Hi, story, New York.
DAVID BOYLE, Department of Education, Torc nto, Canada.
ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN, Clark Univi , cty, Worcester, Mas*
setts.
ALFREDO CHAVERO, City of Mexico.
STEWART CULIN, Brooklyn Institute of Art'
GEORGE A. DORSEY, Field Columbian Musei
J. WALTER FEVVKES, Bureau of American ■
ALICE C. FLETCHER, Peabody Museum, Ca
W. H. HOLMES, Bureau of American Ethno:
H. VON IHERING, Museu Paulista, Sao Paul', Brazil.
A. L. KROEBER, University of California, BRkeley, California
RODOLFO LENZ, Santiago de Chile, Chile.
F. W. PUTNAM, Harvard University, Cambric*. Massachusetts.
'd Sciences.
Chicago, Illinois.
-ogy, Washington, d|
, Massachusetts.
Washington, D. C.
;.
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