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F. W. PUTNAM, Chairman tx-officio ; F. W. HODCJE, Secretary ex-officio ; JUAN 

F. W. HODGE, Editor, Washington, D.j:. 






Prvw of 
Hm nnr Uu PmNniw 


The Eolithic Problem — Evidences of a Rude Industry Antedating 
the Paleolithic. George Grant MacCurdy. (plates xxv- 
XXIX) 425 

Notes on the San Carlos Apache. Ale§ Hrdlicka. (plates 

xxx-xxxii) 480 

A Pawnee Personal Medicine Shrine. George A. Dorsey. . 496 

Dress and Ornaments of the New England Indians. Charles C. 


The Splayed or So-called '* Casco Foot " in the Filipino. Albert 

Ernest Jenks. (plates xxxiii-xxxiv) .... 509 
InMemoriam: Washington Matthews, (plate xxxv). . .514 
Some More About Virginia Names. William Wallace Tooker. 524 
Systematic Nomenclature in Ethnology. A. L. Kroeber . -579 
The Indian Population of California. C. Hart Merriam. . . 594 
The Mythology of the Shasta- Achomawi. Roland B. Dixon . 607 
Mechanical Aids to the Study and Recording of Language. P. E. 

GODDARD. (plate XXXVI ) 613 

Religious Ceremonies and Myths of the Mission Indians. Con- 
stance GoDDARD Dubois 620 

The Naming of Specimens in American Archeology. Charles Pea- 
body and Warren K. Moorehead ..... 630 

A Few Ethnological Specimens Collected by Lewis and Clark. 

Charles C. Willoughby. (plates xxxvii-xxxviii) . . 633 

Maya Dates. J. T. Goodman 642 

Basket Designs of the Pomo Indians. S. E. Barrett, (plates 

xxxix-xl) 648 

A New Method of Preserving Specimens of Shell and other Perish- 
able Materials. Philip Mills Jones 654 

Sketch of the Grammar of the Luisefio Language of California. 

P. S. Sparkman 656 

The Social Organization of American Tribes. John R. S wanton . 663 

Some Features of the Language and Culture of the Salish. Charles 

Hill-Tout 674 

The Obsidian Blades of California. Horatio N. Rust, (plate xli) 688 


Ferrand: Basis of American History (/r£7//w^x) . . . .114 

Metcalf : Outline of the Theory of Organic Evolution ( Ward') . 117 
Thorndike: Introduction to the Theory of Mental and Social 

Measurements (^Wissler) . . . . . .118 


DoiGNEAU : Notes d'arch^ologie pr6historique — Nos anc^tres primi- 

tifs (^MacCurdy) . . . .120 

Nelson : Personal Names of Indians of New Jersey (^Mooney) . 123 
Dorsey: The Mythology of the Wichita (J/^^w/y) . .123 

Trifkovic: Vier Lustspiele (^Mooney) . . . .126 

Krause: Anthropophyteia (Mooney) . . . . .127 

MObiijs: Beitrage zur Lehre von den Geschlechts-Unterschieden 

{Chamberlain) • . . .129 

Folkmar: Album of Philippine Types (5/tfrr) . . . -131 
Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres 

Straits, Vol. V {Starr) 132 

BoGORAS : The Chuckchee {Sternberg) . . . . .320 

Le6n : \jO(s Vo^loczs {Chamberlain) . . . • 324 

I.£HMANN-NiTSCHE : La Colecciou Boggiani de Tipos Indigenas de 

Sudamerica Central ( CAa/«^^r/j/«) . . • 3*5 

Zeitschrift fUr Demographie und Statistik der Juden ( Casanowicz) 326 
Krause : Romanische Meistererzahler, unter Mitwirkung {Mooney) 327 
Hubbard: Neolithic Dew-ponds and Cattle-ways (il/arC«rd^) . 529 
Livi : Antropometria Militare {HrdlUka) . . -531 

Jenks : The Bontoc Igorot ( Chamberlain) ..... 696 
Machado: a Universidade e a Na^io ( C4tf»i^^rAw«) . .701 


LoaisUna Purchase Exposition awards, 157. Preservation of antiquities, 164. Archaeo- 
logical Institute of America, 166. A form of urn-burial on Mobile bay, 167. 
Facial casts, 169. Marquis de Nadaillac, 169. The Wisconsin Archeological 
Society, 170. The Justin Winsor Prire, 171. Thomas Varker Keam, 171. An 
interesting broadside, 172. Tlingit method of collecting herring-eggs, 172. Bon- 
toc-Igorot clothing, 173. Minor notes, 173. American Anthropological Associa- 
tion, 354. Fifteenth International Congress of Americanists, 355. Congr^s Pr6- 
historiqne de France, 356. Congr^ International d' Expansion ficonomique Mon- 
diale, 357. The Jews of Mzab, 357. Columbia University courses in anthro- 
pology, 358. Head deformation among the Klamath, 360. Maricopa weaving, 
361. A Cora cradle, 361. Jacob Vradenburg Brower, 362. Minnesota Historical 
Society, 363. Minor notes, 363. Recent work of the Wisconsin Archeological 
Society, 556. Explorations at Cavetown, Maryland, 568. Preservation of an- 
tiquities, 569. Supposed Shoshoneans in Lower California, 570. Ponce de Le6n 
and the " Fountain of Youth,'' 572. Recent Folk-lore meetings in California, 573. 
Moskwaki Indians of Iowa, 575. Inlaid objects, 575. The so-called ** oldest 
bouse" in Santa F*, 576. El Morro inscriptions, 576. Missouri Historical 
Society, 577. Minor notes, 577. American Anthropological Association, 728. 
International Congress of Americanists, 729. Congr^s International d'Anthro- 
pologie et d* Arch^ologie Pr^historiques, 729. Jay feathers in Cora ceremony, 730. 
Minor notes, 730. 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 7 January-March, 1905 No. i 


The eminent place accorded education in our social organiza- 
tion makes imperative the closest investigation of every factor in 
educational practice. Instruction is a scientific work of the highest 
order. Pedagogy has no special body of facts or phenomena of its 
own as material for investigation ; it depends for its structure on the 
conclusions of contributory sciences. Its "sphere of influence** 
being coextensive with all human welfare, no necessity exists for 
examining limits, but emphasis must constantly be placed on organi- 
zation. On the clear apprehension of the relation of the contribu- 
tory sciences of biology, psychology, sociology, and anthropology 
to pedagogy depends the efficiency of the educational system. 

Before proceeding to the direct investigation of the subject an- 
nounced in the title, it will be necessary to consider briefly the results 
of the long discussion of the aims of education. The keen analysis 
to which this question has been subjected in recent years does not 
disclose any real antagonism between the individual and the social 
aims. In practice in American schools the individualistic ideal is 
unquestionably predominant, notwithstanding the fact that in the 
great majority of our schools for the training of teachers, empha- 
sis is placed on the interest of society, and the normal school that 
gives no place to the social sciences in pedagogical training is not 
in the professional class. A just conception of the relation between 
the individual and society affords no ground for placing especial 
emphasis on the interests of either. 

* Read before the Section of Social and Economic Sciences, A. A. A. S., at the 
PhiUde]pbia meeting, December, 1904-January, 1905. 

▲M. AKTM.. K. S., 7 — I ' 


In every normal individual of any stage of culture there exists 
a feeling that the activities which yield him the greatest satisfaction 
are those which involve the interests of his fellow men. He finds 
no happiness in habitual isolation. For the pleasure of association 
with his kind he submits to the social will. In primitive stages of 
culture he unconsciously accepts the esthetic, the economic, the 
social, the religious traditions of his tribe. In civilized society he 
does not surrender his consciousness to the group. He examines 
and criticizes social conditions ; seeks to accelerate or retard social 
progress ; strives to establish, annul, or modify customs and beliefs ; 
pits his individual reasonings against public motives, opinions, and 
acts ; yet withal submits to what society sanctions. But while appa- 
rently emphasizing the interests of society, he knows that society is 
the great efficient agent for benefitting, developing, perfecting him- 
self. Its interests are his interests. In the self-renunciation inci- 
dent to social service he realizes his highest happiness and highest 
individual perfection. His individualization and his socialization 
proceed simultaneously by like processes. Antagonism to the 
social order carried to the extent of destructiveness is an aberrant 
condition. On the general acceptance of this fact of the identity 
of individual and social interests depends the happy adjustments of 
most of our social, economic, political, and educational problems. 

Since an individual aim in education, standing for the highest 
development of the powers of the one, and a social aim, emphasiz- 
ing the interests of the many, proceed by simultaneous and similar 
processes to a common end, it is not necessary to accept any dictum 
as to the educational aim. It is individual, social, ethnical. A 
sound, commonplace aim to keep in view in educating Americans 
is to make better Americans ; in educating Indians to make better 
Indians ; in educating Filipinos to make better Filipinos; and it 
should especially be noted that when the term is applied to the 
process of improving any race or group or individual that is not 
formally praying to be absorbed into the citizenship of the United 
States, it in no sense implies to Americanise. 

The phenomena of the four sciences previously mentioned as 
contributing data for the scientific study of education are so inter- 
dependent that they cannot be definitely separated. The purpose 


of this paper is to examine anthropological facts and conditions 
which are vital in the development of the American system of public 
education. But I am aware that some of the material chosen for con- 
sideration may justly be claimed to be in the domain of psychology, 
and all of it in sociology. This delightful elasticity and inclusiveness 
of our several sciences is not altogether regrettable. The cross-fire 
to which a proposition that falls within these overlapping spheres of 
influence is subjected, compels a certain agility and alertness not 
incident to the study of closely isolated and definitely limited 

It is possible that the use made in this paper of the term " ethnic 
mind ** may not be acceptable to experimental psychologists. While 
not in accord with the extreme views of many European scholars 
on this subject, I accept the opinions of Wundt and Brinton that 
ethnic psychology is a valid science — a branch of the great un- 
mapped field of anthropology that awaits close investigation. The 
hypothesis of an ethnic mind is most serviceable in the study of 
culture history, constructive sociology, and race pedagogy. Any 
needed justification of its use will, I hope, be accomplished as we 
examine causes and conditions of ethnic development 

It is a trite saying that " the teacher must understand human 
nature," but we do not always consider the vast significance of that 
requirement. It presupposes all the usually expected knowledge of 
man as an individual, with all his physiologic and psychic characters 
and the immediate effect thereon of meteorologic and dietetic in- 
fluences. It demands an understanding of the modifications affected 
by society on individual psychic states. Furthermore, it requires a 
comprehension of the environmental influences that have worked 
through the ages to affect man's distribution over the globe, to con- 
trol his occupations and social organization, and to compel the 
thoughts which dominated his primitive life and fixed in every group 
of savage men a unified, collective, psychic state. The individual 
was a cipher. He lived, worked, thought, prayed as did his tribe. 
Nature was as regardless of the individual in humanity as in the lower 
life forms. An ethnic mind, an ethnic character, a race of men was 
the goal. Fixed environmental conditions compelled men to certain 
activities, to certain beliefs and customs, equally coercive whether 


true or false, good or bad. Such was the fatalistic yet effective 
discipline by which nature shaped men into ethnic groups, by virtue 
of which we have Hun or Gaul, or Apache or Hopi. Such was the 
origin of ethnic mind — "a blind, unreasoning, natural force" that 
rules primitive men absolutely and to a marked degree dominates 
the acts of civilized nations. The investigation of these phenomena 
is the province of anthropology; the determination of their use in 
education is the province of pedagogy. 

The teaching of forty children of a single race is a compara- 
tively simple problem. But the teacher in an American city school 
may have under her instruction representatives of half a score of 
ethnic divisions with ethno-psychic characteristics that are as distinc- 
tive as are their physical differences. The work of the teacher is to 
Americanize all these elements ; to inculcate our best ideals of per- 
sonal and civic righteousness ; to eradicate as far as possible ideals 
that are foreign or adverse to our own. This is a complex process. 
The street does its part. The general exercises of school and class 
advance the unifying process. That day is lost in which the teacher 
finds no occasion for upholding some ideal of lofty patriotism, of 
civic virtue, of family life, of personal honor. But daily the neces- 
sity arises for dealing directly with individuals who fail to come under 
the influence of the collective spirit, with whom lawlessness (which 
may be a misunderstanding of our social order), or incipient crime 
(which may be but lack of comprehension of our ideals of decency) 
and the disasters incident to conflict with law or prevailing ethical 
sense, seem inevitable. The teacher must know that Italian and 
Bohemian, and Celt and Hebrew, and Anglo-Saxon and African 
look upon questions of honor, morality, and decency out of separate 
ethnic minds under the coercion of centuries of fixed racial customs 
and ideals. What is to us criminal tendency may be but a survival 
of a custom which, in the view of a more primitive race, was a strictly 
moral act. Much that we call evil, malevolent, was in primitive 
mind altogether beneficent. What is to us an indecent act is often 
in primitive practice a religious rite. A case of stubborn resistance 
to a necessary truth may be a matter of racial difference of opinion. 
So countless perplexing problems of the teacher root in ethnic mind 
and can be solved only when the ethnic factors in the equation are 


duly considered and the inheritance from savagery or foreign national 
life is given its proper value. 

Before considering further the educational aspects of the sub- 
ject, let us inquire into some fundamental causes of static racial con- 
ditions. As previously indicated in this paper this must be primarily 
an inquiry into the influence of physiographic environment on the 
human mind. 

Dr Edwin G. Dexter has shown, in an eminent contribution to 
psychological knowledge, the influence of definite meteorological con- 
ditions on mental states. These researches pertain to the immediate 
psychic response to weather influences, and the results are such as 
to suggest an important application in the study of racial character 
development under the influence of fixed climatic conditions. I 
believe that Dexter's method might be extended to the field of racial 
psychology with excellent results. 

Ample facilities exist for the study of this subject by direct ob- 
servational methods. We may select one element of human nature 
that is practically universal, namely, the religious element, and see 
how science accounts for its variations. Race religion is almost as 
persistent as race physiology. All people have beliefs concerning 
the supernormal. Speaking in a very general sense, these beliefs 
constitute their religion. It is a peculiarly fruitful field of. study, 
with abundance of material for investigation. The religious ideas 
of primitive men are preserved in myths, in symbolic ornament, in 
pictography in its various forms, in games, the interpretation of which 
calls for the keenest insight of which the anthropologist is capable. 
The system of religious thought of every primitive tribe is embodied 
in ritual which can be studied by direct observation. 

A remarkable series of field studies on the Hopi Indians of Ari- 
zona by Dr J. Walter Fewkes of the Bureau of American Ethnol- 
ogy, extending over a period of twelve years, the results of which 
are embraced in numerous contributions, afford such a comprehen- 
sive exposition of the evolution of the religion of one primitive 
tribe in response to climatic influences that, with his kind permis- 
sion, I quote here at some length his own words on the subject } 

'* In physical features this province [Tusayan] is a part of the great 
arid zone of the Rocky mountains. On all sides it is isolated by a dreary 

* A Study of Tnsayan Ritual, Smithsonian Report^ J^S* 


extent of mountains, mesas, and arid plains about 6,000 feet above the 
level of the sea. No permanent streams of water refresh these parched 
canyons or fields, and the surroundings of this isolated tribe, organic and 
inorganic, belong to those characteristic of desert environment. The rains 
are limited in quantity — ^liable to fail at planting time. Springs of perma- 
ent water are small and weak. . . . Uncompromising as was the soil for 
agriculture, the resources of the hunter were much less, and in this region 
man was forced to become an agriculturist. . . . He adopted the life 
which environment dictated, and accepting things as they were, worked 
out his culture on the only possible lines of development. 

'* Accepting the inevitable, man's ritual became a mirror of that part 
of his environment which most intimately affected his necessities. The 
irregularity of the rains, and the possibility that the corn may not grow, 
developed the ritual in the direction indicated. In a bountiful soil which 
never fails the farmer, where the seed dropped in the ground is sure to 
germinate, and the rains are constant, no ritual would originate to bring 
about what was sure to come. But let natural processes be capricious, 
awake in a primitive mind the fear that these processes may not recur, let 
him become conscious that the rains may not come, and he evolves a 
ritual to prevent its failure. . . . The cults of a primitive people are 
products of their necessities. . . . The two needs which sorely pressed 
the Hopi farmer were rain to water his crops and the growth and matur- 
ity of his corn. My problem, therefore, is to show by illustrations that 
the two components, rain making and growth ceremonials, characterize 
the Tusayan ritual, as aridity is the epitome of the distinctive climatic 
features of the region in which it has been developed. . . . 

** In Tusayan the Great Plumed Serpent is a powerful deity to bring 
the rain, and is associated with lightning, his symbol. By simple obser- 
vation the untutored mind recognizes that rain follows lightning, and 
what more natural than that it should be looked upon as the effect. 
He therefore warships lightning because of this power. The course of 
the lightning in the sky is zigzag as that of the snake, both kill when 
they strike. The lightning comes from the sky, the abode of the sun and 
rain god, and the simple reasoning of the Tusayan Indian supposes some 
connection between the lightning, snake and rain. The sustenance of 
the primitive agriculturist comes from the earth, and if the soil is non- 
productive the sun and rain are of no avail. The Tusayan Indian thus 
recognizes the potency of the earth and symbolically deifies it as the 
mother. Consequently earth goddesses play important rdles in his mythol- 
ogy. ... No better ceremony could be chosen to illustrate the effect 


of the arid environment than the well-known Snake Dance, the most 
weird rite in the Tusayan calendar. This dance occurs every summer on 
alternate years in five of the Tusayan villages, and although a dramatiza- 
tion of an elaborate sun-serpent myth, is so permeated by rain ceremonials 
that it has come to be an elaborate prayer for rain. . . . 

*' The reptiles are believed to be elder brothers of the priests, and 
they are gathered from the fields on four successive days to participate in 
the ceremonies. It is believed that these reptiles have more power to in- 
fluence supematiual beings than man, and as the acme of the whole series 
of nine da]rs' observances they are thrown in a heap on the ground in a 
circle of sacred meal, and the chief of the Antelopes says a prayer to the 
struggling mass, after which they are seized by the priests and carried. to 
the fields commissioned to intercede with rain gods to send the desired 
rains. In fact, the whole series of rites which make up the snake cele- 
bration is one long prayer of nine days' duration. . . . 

"Another component of the Tusayan ritual which occurs each year 
in the month following that in which the Snake Dance occurs, is the 
ceremony of the women priests for the maturation of the com. I refer 
to the September rites called the Lalakonti, celebrated by a priesthood 
of the same name. 

"The ceremony for growth of the crops, which is practically for 
the harvest of maize, is directly the outgrowth of those climatic conditions 
which have made the Tusayan people agriculturists. A ^lure of this crop 
means starvation, and maize is far from a spontaneous growth in those 
desert sands. Hence the elaborate nature of the appeals to the supernat- 
ural beings which control this function. This great ceremony is natur- 
ally of special concern to women, the providers. . . . 

" The influence of arid climatic conditions is shown in the character 
and intent of s3anbols. The conventional figure of the rain clouds and 
£dling rain is depicted more than any other on various paraphernalia of 
worship. It is painted on the altars, drawn in sacred meal on the floor of 
his sacred rooms, or kivas, embroidered on ceremonial kilts. ... By a 
natural connection it is often replaced by figures of animals or plants as- 
sociated with water. The frog and tadpole appear when the rain is abun- 
dant, and for that reason the priest paints the figures of these animals on 
his medicine bowl, or places effigies of it on the altar. . . . The dragon- 
fly which hovers over the springs, the cotton wood which grows near the 
springs, the flag which loves the moist places, becomes a symbol of water. 
Water itself from the ocean or from some distant spring, in his concep- 
tion, are all powerful agents to bring moisture. There can be but one 


reason for this — the aridity of his surroundings. The clouds from which 
rain falls are symbolized by the smoke from the pipe in his ceremony, and 
he so regards them. He pours water on the heads of participants in cer- 
tain ceremonials, hoping that in the same way rain will fall on his parched 
fields. Even in his games he is influenced by the same thought, and in 
certain races the young men run along the arroyos, as they wish the water 
to go filled to their banks. . . . 

** The necessities of life have driven man into the agricultural condi- 
tion and the aridity of the climate has forced him to devise all possible 
means at his control to so influence his gods as to force them to send the 
rains to aid him. Wherever we turn in an intimate study of the cere- 
monials of the Tusayan Indians we see the imprint of the arid deserts by 
which they are surrounded, always the prayer for abundant crops and 
rains for his parched fields. ' ' 

In thus attempting to epitomize briefly some results of this 
investigation, I have done scant justice to the eminent student 
who conducted it. In this series of researches principles are de- 
rived which are capable of wide application. There is no reason 
to doubt that the same method will show that primitive social organ- 
ization, economic systems, and esthetic life are in great measure 
results of definite physiographic environment. 

Everything in human nature must be regarded as a product of 
growth. Ideas and ideals that have been rooted for ages in the 
ethnic mind can not and should not be eradicated in a generation. 
Biology has demonstrated that no appreciable increment of brain 
power can be effected in the lifetime of an individual. Ethnology 
has shown how ideals of religion, of welfare, of morals that have 
become ingrained in racial character, along with color of skin and 
shape of skull, are likewise persistent under the artificial environ- 
ment of civilization. With a race a thousand years are as yester- 
day with an individual. Nature will not be hurried. 

There are facts that are particularly applicable to the great task 
to which we have set ourselves in the education of alien races. 
The education of the Indian is a work that we have had on hand 
for many years, and much diversity of opinion exists as to the val- 
ue of our results. Apparently the idea of educating the Indian 
away from his native environment is losing ground. The trans- 


planting of isolated spedmens of primitive races to a totally new en- 
vironment has never been productive of happy results. The reser- 
vation Indian school is successful so far as its ideal is to make of the 
Indians better Indians. Unhappily, Americanization is often thought 
to be education. 

Probably no one will be considered better qualified to express 
the ideals that have dominated our Indian educational policy and to 
speak of the difficulties which have beset it than Dr W. H. Hail- 
mann, for some years national superintendent of Indian schools. 
Dr Hailmann says^ (italics are mine) : 

"There can be no doubt that an education which inculcates the tastes 
and establishes the ideals of current civilization constitutes the proper first 
step in the work of introducing the Indians into American citizenship. It 
is equally evident that the cultivation of these tastes and ideals is well nigh 
impossible under the conditions and influences of tribal life on Indian 

" The mere recital of a few of the leading differences between the two 
civilizations will sufficiendy emphasize these difficulties. The Indian 
civilization looks upon the tribe or family as a unit ; with us it is the indi- 
vidual. With the Indian he is richest who gives most ; with us it is he 
who keeps most. The Indian claims hospitality as a right until the means 
of the host are exhausted ; and this hospitality is freely granted. To the 
Indian land is as free as the water he drinks ; proprietorship continues 
only so long as the land is dlled or otherwise in use. The Indian prizes 
the worthless pony, whilom his companion and friend in the lost occupa- 
tions of the chase and war. The cow is to him only a poor substitute for 
the buffalo ; he knows nothing of her value as a giver of milk and a 
breeder of cattle. Woman in Indian civilization is a producer and pos- 
sesses in full Indian life an economic 7falue and independence to which in 
our ciinlization she is largely a stranger. His religious rights and cere- 
monies afford the Indian, in addition to a certain degree of spiritual eleva- 
tion, opportunities for intense social enjoyment for which he looks in vain 
in the mw civilization. Add to this that the wants of the Indian are few 
and easily gratified by simple forms of homely skill in which the industries 
and other acquirements of the Indian school find little application ; that 
chiefs and medicine-men in the very nature of things look with distrust 

* Education of the Indian ; Monographs on Education in the United States, No. 
19. by W. H. Hailmann. 


and disdain upon a civilization which robs them of power and influence ; 
that time-honored tradition imposes upon the young Indian silence and 
obedience, — and you have an array of adverse conditions which is 

** Against these odds the Indian schools are pitted.** 

Might it not have been better if the Indian schools had never 
been pitted against these conditions at all, but rather, devoted to 
the cultivation of just what could be found in the Indian that was 
worthy of stimulation ? Like ourselves, the Indian possesses many 
traits that are worthy of the highest nurture and, like ourselves, 
many for which the world would be better if eradicated. A system 
of practical education must recognize in the subjects to be educated, 
potentialities worthy of development. If such potentialities do not 
exist, then education will be futile. That the Indian is a worthy 
subject for education, all will agree, but that his potentialities are 
along the lines of our peculiar culture is not disclosed by history or 
ethnology. He takes rather kindly to education, but resists the 
overthrow of his religious and social customs. The need for the 
overthrow of these (with few exceptions) is not apparent. 

I know of no persistent attempt on the part of government or 
philanthropy to develop the inherent Indian character by stimulating 
him to the perfection of his own arts, his own social institutions, his 
own religion, his own literature. When the Indian wants citizen- 
ship and prays for absorption into the body politic, then will be time 
to Americanize. After centuries of contact with us he chooses to 
remain an Indian. Candid investigation from his point of view as 
well as ours might lead us to approve his choice. At great cost to 
childhood we have learned that about all we can do for the young 
mind is to stimulate, direct, accelerate, or retard its unfoldment. 
All that we attempt to impose on it that is foreign to its nature can 
only work to its detriment. It is likewise with a race that is in its 
childhood. Its development must be from within. An ethno-edu- 
cational experimental station on the reservation of one of our most 
isolated tribes, which should have for its task the development of 
Indian character (which is inherently noble) along strictly Indian 
lines ought in a few generations to yield us definite knowledge on the 
subject of educating and governing primitive races. 

hewett] ethnic factors IN EDUCATION 1 1 

We are now attacking an ethno-educational problem of enor- 
mous proportions, the education of some millions of subjects in 
the Philippine islands. In the evolution of our national life, our 
frontier has moved westward to the other side of the earth. We 
are in possession of a new domain, peopled mainly by the Malay 
race, consisting of numerous tribes, in every stage of culture from 
absolute savagery to semi-civilization. Of these ethnic groups, 
none of which approaches the Caucasian race, we know but little. 
With their customs, morals, ideals, religious beliefs, modes of rea- 
soning, which have arisen and become ingrained through ages of 
relation to definite conditions, we are just beginning to become 
acquainted. We are carrying to them an exotic civilization, devel- 
oped under environment as different from theirs as it is possible for 
this planet to aflTord. We propose to prepare them for self-govern- 
ment, and to that end have placed over them, in slightly modified 
form, our highly specialized American public school system, our 
only guide to the efficacy of this, when imposed upon other races, 
being the results of our experience with the American Indians. 

The purposes and expectations of the government in this respect 
are officially set forth in the report * of Dr David P. Barrows, Gen- 
eral Superintendent of Education for the Philippine islands, under 
date of September 15, 1903. 

"The definite purposes in introducing this educational system are 
unique in the history of colonial administration. Professedly, openly, 
and with resolute expectation of success, the American Government 
avowed its intention through public schools to give to every inhabitant of 
the Philippine islands a primary, but thoroughly modem education, to 
thereby fit the race for participation in self-government and for every 
sphere of activity offered by the life of the Far East, and to supplant the 
Spanish language by the introduction of English as a basis of education 
and the means of intercourse and communication.*' 

In justification of this purpose Dr Barrows says : 

*' Such an educational plan would never have been practicable had 
it not been in fact the demand of the Filipino people themselves. 
Thoroughly American as our school system is, it represents the ideas 

* Report of the Philippine Commiaion, I903» P^rt III, p. 694. 


which theoretically command the desires of the Filipino. His request 
was for free, secular schools, open to all inhabitants and teaching the 
English tongue and the elementary branches of modern knowledge." 
Again we are told that the Filipino father is desirous that the intellectual 
advance of his child '' should be unaffected by ecclesiastical control, and 
that the instruction of the church shall be separate from that of the 
school. . . . For common intercourse, as well as for education, the Fili- 
pino demands a foreign speech. To confine him to his native dialect 
would be simply to perpetuate that isolation which he has so long suf- 
fered and against which his insurrection was a protest. Opponents of 
English education find no sympathizer among the Filipino people." 

These desires, if accurately portrayed, reveal on the part of the 
Filipino people a profound insight into the causes and conditions of 
both individual and national progress — an intelligence already 
equal to that of the most enlightened nations, and diflficult to recon- 
cile with other statements made in the same discussion, of which 
the following are examples : 

** The race lends itself naturally and without protest to the blind leader- 
ship and cruel oppression of its aristocracy. ... It is in these rural 
spots that the great mass of the population finds its home. These are the 
centers of ignorance, the resorts and recruiting ground for the ladrones, 
and they perpetuate the ignorance and poverty of the race, which has re- 
mained constant for three hundred years. ' * 

It is somewhat difficult, too, to share the buoyant enthusiasm of 
Dr Barrows for the value of the English language to the Filipino : 

" It is without rival the most useful language which a man can know. 
It will be more used within the next ten years, and to the Filipino the 
possession of English is the gateway into that busy and fervid life of 
commerce, of modern science, of diplomacy and politics in which he 
aspires to shine. Knowledge of English is more than this — it is a pos- 
session as valuable to the humble peasant for his social protection as it is 
to the man of wealth for his social distinction. If we can give the 
Filipino husbandman a knowledge of the English language, and even the 
most elemental acquaintance with English writings, we will free him from 
that degraded dependence upon the man of influence of his own race 
which made possible not only insurrection but that fairly unparalleled 
epidemic of crime which we have seen in these islands during the past 
few years. * * 


The above statement of occupations in which the Filipino aspires 
to shine should be considered in connection with the following state- 
ments as pointing to some obvious conclusions concerning him as a 
subject for education : 

'' American investors and promoters in the Philippines at the present 
moment are deeply disgusted with the Filipino as a laborer and are clam- 
orous for the introduction of Chinese coolies. They claim that the Fili- 
pino hates and despises labor for itself, will not keep a laboring contract, 
and cannot be procured on any reasonable terms for various enterprises in 
which Americans desire to invest effort and money. When, however, we 
looked a litde more closely into the demands of these men, it is apparent 
that what they really want here is a great body of unskilled labor, depen- 
dent for living upon its daily wage, willing to work in great gangs, submis- 
sive to the rough handling of a boss, and ready to leave home and family 
and go anywhere in the islands and to labor at day wages under condi- 
tions of hours and methods of labor set by their foreign employers . . . 
Now, the Filipino detests labor under these conditions. It is probably 
true that he will not work in a gang under a < boss,' subjected to condi- 
tions of labor which appear to him unnecessarily harsh and onerous. ' ' 

These are interesting conditions, pointing to entirely different 
lines of development from those possible to the Chinese and 
Japanese and to a commercial civilization, with a leaning to science, 
diplomacy, and politics, yet unsupported by any sturdy laboring 
class comparable to our Irish and Italian citizens who have made 
possible our vast mining, railroad building, and other great con- 
structive enterprises. 

It must be admitted that our present knowledge of the Filipino 
does not warrant very deep convictions with reference to his future 
possibilities. His habitat is the zone that has not produced sturdy 
civilized races. Climate and physiography are decidedly against 
him. He is of a race, the Malay, that has as yet produced no 
strong ascendant ethnic groups. Ethnology has little to promise 
in his favor. 

There is really much in science and history to guide us in this 
matter — enough to teach us that it is questionable whether we can 
prepare any primitive people for self-government by placing them 
under our institutions. Every nation on the globe that is fit for 


self-government prepared itself for it by centuries of racial experi- 

I do not wish to be understood as being opposed to an educa- 
tional policy for the Philippine islands, but I do regard it as prema- 
ture and wasteful to establish- there a public school system in ad- 
vance of any considerable scientific knowledge of the mind and 
character of the Malay race. A number of educational experi- 
ment stations there, where for some years educational policy, based 
on the ascertained capability and desires of the people, could be 
carefully wrought out and the best of their young people stimu- 
lated to lead in their intellectual and social life, thus developing 
such inherent qualities of leadership as may exist, would be eco- 
nomical and sensible, would determine if there are any strong 
ascendant ethnic groups and develop the methods by which 
the racial potentialities could be brought out. Such a policy is 
fraught with no possibility of injustice to our subjects. These 
people have waited some thousands of years for Americanism. 
Let us not inaugurate another " century of dishonor" by malprac- 
tice on another alien race. There is really no cause for haste. It 
is hardly time to put the Filipinos to school to us. Let us go to 
school to them for a while. We can learn much from them that 
will be for their good and ours. We should study the social order, 
the religious beliefs, the ethnic mind of these subjects, and accept 
the fact tliat we have here a problem in which we must count re- 
sults by generations and not by years. 

These are conditions which suggest a wide extension of the func- 
tions of the Bureau of American Ethnology and of the Bureau of Edu- 
cation. Our vast educational interests call for some constructive 
statesmanship. The present system is wasteful and inefficient. Edu- 
cation in the Philippines was organized by the War Department and 
is conducted by the Philippine Commission. The Office of Indian 
Affairs shapes a policy of Indian education. The Bureau of Edu- 
cation takes care of all educational interests not otherwise let out. 
It is difficult to understand how, under any consideration of effi- 
ciency, economy, or businesslike management, such a system 
should be tolerated. This condition is best known to those who 
have been intimately connected with it. I quote again from Dr 
Hailmann's monograph on Indian Education : 


"The direction and supervision of the Indian schools rest with the 
Indian office which, in its turn, is under the direction and supervision of 
the Secretary of the Interior. In the Indian office the details of the work 
are intrusted to the education division, now probably the most important 
division under its control. The education division consists of a chief 
clerk, with a corps of subordinate clerks, stenographers and copyists. To 
this division all reports are made ; by it all directions and orders are 
drafted and issued. 

" The education division is aided in its work by the superintendent 
of Indian schools and by five supervisors, assigned in their work to five 
districts respectively. These officials constitute a branch of the Indian 
school service which occupies a very uncertain position, which can be 
designated neither as subordinate nor as coordinate, and which in its 
effectiveness depends wholly on the force of character of the incumbents 
and the good will of the commissioner. They have duties, but no rights ; 
and even their efforts to perform these duties may be rendered practically 
nugatory by the ill-will of the education division or of the commissioner. ' * 

This is a statement of the condition in one of our several great 
uncorrelated departments of education. The American people 
claim to have supreme confidence in our democratic educational 
system. They would look with favor upon a more definite recog- 
nition of education by the national government, and the organiza- 
tion of the educational system upon an equal footing with commerce, 
agriculture, and war. No executive department of government has 
in its care interests more vast and important than our combined 
educational interests would be. The organization of these interests 
demands the elevation of the Bureau of Education to the status of 
an executive department. 

The conclusions of this paper may be summarized as follows : 

1 . Ethnic mind, character, ideals, and motives are developed pri- 
marily by definite physiographic conditions of age-long duration. 
Ethnic traits persist through generations of new influences. This 
fact is of vital importance to teachers in the management of indi- 
vidual cases. 

2. The development of a race must be from within. A civiliza- 
tion imposed from without is usually harmful, often destructive, 
and always undesirable. This fact is the keynote to all that should 
be attempted by way of educating alien races. 


3. Normal schools and other institutions for the training of 
teachers should give a prominent place to anthropological sciences. 

4. A rational educational policy for the various primitive races 
now under our care must be based on specific scientific knowledge 
of racial mind and character. This suggests a wide extension of the 
functions of the Bureau of American Ethnology and the establish- 
ment of ethno-educational experiment stations. 

5. Our national educational interests have been greatly increased 
and complicated by the acquisition of new races. The system of 
distributing these interests among unrelated departments is wasteful 
and inefficient and calls for the organization of an executive Depart- 
ment of Education. 



Our knowledge of prehistoric surgery is limited to operations tha 
afiected the bony tissue. One of the best known and most remark- 
able operations performed by our neolithic ancestors is without 
question that df trepanation, the evidence of their skill and success 
in the use of rude instruments being nothing short of marvelous. 

The object of this paper is to call attention to a peculiar type of 
prehistoric surgery having certain points in common with trepan- 
ning, and which have been brought to light during the last decade. 
So far as at present known, this type occurs in France over a limited 
area lying to the north of Paris, between the Seine and the Oise. 
The history of the series of discoveries, as well as of Prof. L. Man- 
ouvrier's successive observations and attempts at an explanation until 
finally the correct solution was reached, forms an interesting chapter 
in methods of arriving at scientific facts. 

The crania bearing marks of the operation in question are not 
only from a limited area, but are also from dolmens belonging to 
the neolithic period. The Dolmen de la Justice at Epone, near 
Mantes (Seine-et-Oise), had been known since 1833 — in fact so 
long that, owing to its dilapidated condition, it was supposed to have 
been already robbed of its contents. However, M. Perrier du 
Came, of Mantes, thought it worth while, in 188 1, to obtain from 
the owner, Madame Piot, a permit to excavate, and was very much 
surprised to find the sepulture intact. In addition to pottery, stone 
implements, and ornaments, he obtained portions of about sixty skele- 
tons, including twelve crania. Professor Manouvrier, to whom the 
human bones were referred for examination, observed that three of 
the female crania were marked by curious and similar mutilations in 
the region of the vertex. In every case the cicatrice is T-shaped. 
The antero-posterior branch begins just above the anterior curve of 
the frontal, extends along the sagittal suture, and terminates near 
the obelion where the transverse branch is encountered. The 

AM. AKTM^ n. s., 7 — a. 



1 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

latter descends on either side to a point back of the parietal pro- 
tuberances. The scars are evidently the result of lesions of the 
scalp made during life, and deep enough to affect, directly or indi- 
rectly, the periosteum. 

Searching through the Broca collection, Manouvrier found three 
other examples of the cicatrice in T, and all three on feminine subjects. 
They came from three dolmens in the neighborhood of the dolmen 
of Epone, namely, Vaureal, Conflans-Sainte-Honorine, and Feigneux, 
all in the department of Seine-et-Oise. In one of these three cases 
the cicatrice was very slight, in another the diploe was uncovered 
by either the wound or the suppuration. 

In every instance the lines forming the T were broken at inter- 
vals, giving the appearance of successive operations. The operation 
on the scalp, however, may have been performed at one time and 
in a continuous line without affecting the skull at all points. None 
of the crania presents pathological characters. As to the meaning 
of these marks, Manouvrier suggested that an explanation might be 
found in practices connected with religion, war, penal justice, mourn- 
ing, therapeutics, or coiffure. While admitting that the peculiar 
shape of the scar might be due to the hieratic value attributed to 
T, he expresses preference for a simpler and more rational explana- 
tion. What could be more simple, for instance, than to suppose that 
a surgical operation on the scalp should follow the natural partings 
of the hair. One of these is the median line from the forehead to 
the whorl at the crown ; the other descends laterally from the crown 
on either side, and they account for a feminine fashion of combing 
the hair which is still in use. 

Dolmens to the north of Paris and within a radius of 50 kilo- 
meters were searched for further examples, and they were soon 
forthcoming. Of eighteen crania found by M. Fouju in the dolmen 
of Menouville, near Tlsle d'Adam (Seine-et-Oise), one bore the 
antero-posterior branch of the lesion in question, one was marked 
by an enigmatical oval scar in the region of the bregma (evidently 
to be classed as a variation of the same general type of operation), 
and three were unquestioned cases of trepanation — a large per- 
centage for a sepulture containing not more than forty skeletons. 
The reduction of the so-called "sincipital T" to a line in the one 


instance and to an oval in the other led Manouvrier to substitute 
for the name first chosen that of " sincipital marks " ; and the pres- 
ence in the same dolmen of crania thus scarred, in juxtaposition 
with trepanned crania, supported his favorite hypothesis that the 
sincipital marks were, like trepanation, the result of therapeutic 

Vemeau's description^ of certain skull fragments from the 
Dolmen des Mureaux, published five years before the discovery of 
the Epone specimens, when viewed in the light of Manouvrier's 
contributions, is invested with a new interest. The fact that the 
fragments of a right parietal and a left parietal were " trepanned " 
along the line of the sagittal suture, points to the most persistent 
feature of the sincipital markings in question. One operation would 
account for both, in case the two pieces could be referred to the same 
skull. The strength of the supposition would not be impaired even 
if they belonged to different skulls. It might be worth while to 
reexamine these fragments, particularly as the allee couverte des Mu- 
reaux is situated near the dolmens that furnished all the specimens 
described by Manouvrier in a series of papers the titles of which 
appear in the appended list of references. 

As regards the methods employed in the operation, Manouvrier 
had this to say in 1902 : 

"L'hypoth^se d'une cauterisation par brfilure ou autrement me 
parait fttre la plus satisfaisante et corrobor^e par T existence non douteuse 
chez la peuplade n^olithique qui v^cut entre la Seine et TOise, de chirur- 
giens dont les ressources th^rapeutiques ne debaient pas Stre bom^es a la 
terrible trepanation.** 

The oval scar in the region of the bregma cited above recalls 
precisely similar ones observed by von Luschan,^ of Berlin, on 
ancient Guanche crania from the island of Teneriffe. Of the 210 
Teneriffe crania in the museums of Berlin, Leipzig, and Braunschweig, 
25 have suffered scarification in the region of the grand fontanelle, 
two of these being completely perforated by the operation or as a 
result of it. Von Luschan regarded the operation as surgical and 
related to trepanning proper. In his opinion the bone was removed 

I R. Vcmeau. L'allee couverte des Mureaux ; V anthropologies 1890, i, I57- 
' Vtrhandl, Berliner Ges. f. Anthr.y 1896, p. 65. 


by scraping. To show that similar results could be obtained by the 
use of a counter-irritant, Virchow produced the skull of a patient 
who was treated about the year 1846 at the Charity Hospital (in- 
sane ward), Berlin. When, as a young man, Virchow ^ was assis- 
tant at the Hospital, Professor Ideler, the physican in charge, often 
applied tartar-emetic ointment (Brechweinsiein-Salbe) to the scalp of 
demented patients in order to drive out supposed inflammation. 
The unguent caused suppuration that occasionally attacked the 
skull even to the extent of producing a perforation. 

Von Luschan was the first to point out the analogy between 
the oval lesions on the crania from the Canary islands and the 
T-shaped lesions on neolithic crania. This analogy became all the 
more evident with Manouvrier's description of the two Menouville 
crania, calling forth a timely article by Lehmann-Nitsche ^ in which 
he quotes from the ancient chroniclers of the Canaries as cited by 
Chil y Naranjo.^ The passage describing the operation is as follows : 

"They made large scarifications with their stone knives on the skin of 
the part affected, and then cauterized the wound with roots of Malacca 
cane {Jonc) dipped in boiling grease ; preference being given to the 
use of goat's grease." 

Almost coincident with the appearance of Lehmann-Nitsche's 
paper, Manouvrier had the good fortune to find in a recent work 
by M. Auguste Brachet,* quotations from ancient books on surgery 
that not only serve as an explanation of the sincipital marks on 
neolithic crania, but also prove that similar operations were per- 
formed during the Dark Ages by the successors of Galen. 

The texts are : 

(i) Under the title ** Purgatio capitis"; Avicenna. Canon I, 
III, tr. 4. cap. X (T. i, p. 485, col. i): " De cura Melancholiae et 
quandoque opportet ut caput ejus secundum crucem cauterizetur si nihil 
aliud confert. * ' 

^VirhLy etc., p. 327. 

' Notes sur des lesions de cr&nes des lies Canaries analogues 2L celles du cr&ne de 
Menouville et leur interprttation probable ; Bull, et mini, de la Soc, d^anthr, de PariSy 

1903. P- 492. 

' M6moire sur I'origine des Guanches ou habitants primitifs des lies Canaries ; Con^r. 
itttem. des Sciences anthropologiques tenu d Paris du 16 au 21 aoHty iSySy pp. 167-220. 

^ Pathologie mentale des rois de France: Louis XI et ses ascendants ; Paris, 
Hachette, 1903. 


Manouvrier on the occasion of his recent visit to America, is from 
the dolmen of ChampignoUes (Seine-et-Oise). Like all but one or 
two of the seven or eight previously noted, it is that of a female. The 
character of the lesions indicate that they were made in early life. 
In the first place there is the sincipital T with a medial branch 13 
centimeters long, not perfectly straight but continuous. It is narrow, 
and suggests an incision of the periosteum rather than a cauteriza- 
tion. The short transverse groove terminates at either extremity in 
an oval pit large enough to hold the ball of the thumb. The one 
on the right actually penetrates the skull, forming a perforation 3 to 
4 millimeters in diameter with sharp margins. Near the latter, and 
in a line with the transverse groove, is an extensive lesion, 6 centi- 
meters in diameter, with irregular, oval contour. The central per- 
foration is of the same shape, and fully 3 centimeters in diameter. 
In aspect, whatever the intention of the operator may have been, it 
is a veritable trepanation. Of the bony area attacked, almost one- 
half was completely destroyed. The perforation is surrounded by 
a zone of practically uniform width, composed of the inner compact 
layer of the skull wall ; and beyond this zone rises the surrounding 
rim measured in height by the thickness of the external compact 
layer. The irregular outlines are not such as would be produced 
by cutting, sawing, or scraping. There is still another oval cicatrice 
to be noted. It is sufficient in size to lodge the tip of the little fin- 
ger ; is on the frontal bone 3 centimeters to the right of the medial 
incision, and does not amount to a perforation. 

That these oval lesions are the result of cauterization would be 
evident even without the support of the ancient authors whose 
documentary evidence must have come as an agreeable surprise to 
the finder — all the more so because it was unexpected. It would 
seem incredible were it not for the fact that any primitive art is apt 
to remain unchanged until transformed by the growth of its com- 
plementary science. When we consider what scientific limitations 
are imposed on the twentieth century art of healing nervous and 
mental diseases, there is little wonder that Avicenna, Albucasis, et 
al. should have made so little progress over the neolithic surgeons. 
Rather do the latter command anew our admiration because of their 
skill and courage. Their success, too, may be measured by the 



that survived treatment, even if they were not cured. 
•f had courage in daring to operate on cases that would now 
led as hopeless seems to be abundantly attested by the 
Tiolles example, where the hardihood of the surgeon was 
equaled by the fortitude of the patient, 
t could better explain the marks on these skulls, espe- 
e one from ChampignoUes, than Avicenna's prescription 
inchoUa : " When nothing else avails, the head is to be 
■A in the form of a cross" ; or that of Albucasis for the 
lease, which is even more explicit : " When there is a ten- 
ward hypochondria, the cautery is to be applied lightly but 
rous points. . . . This kind of cauterization restores to the 
normal humidity." For epilepsy, the same authority says 
:erize on the vertex, on the occiput, and on the frontal pro- 
es" (forehead). Cephalalgia being caused, as he thought, 
:ces3 of cold and humidity in the brain, the proper corrcc- 
Id be found in heat, and the resulting noisome vapors would 
exhalation through the points cauterized. Such was the 
of Albucasis, and it tallies perfectly with neolithic practice. 

Tke Htt of papers by Professor Matwuvrier. 
It T sincipital — Curieuse mutilation crinienne neolithique. 
c. d'antkr. de Paris. 1895, 4* ser., vi, 357 (see also p. 273). 
onjectures sur le T sincipital, mutilation prehistorique. 
'anf. p. I'av. des sciences, Bordeaux, 1895, p. 712. 
[ouvelle mutilation cranienne neolithique. Le T sincipital. 
nsuelle de I'Mcole d'anthr. de Paris, 1896, vi, 57. 
tote sur un cas de T sincipital incomplet et sur une autre 
ligmadque du crane. Bxdl. et mem., Soc. d'anthr. de Paris, 
' ser.. Ill, 601. 

<s marques sindpitales des cranes neolithiques considerees 

reliant la chirurgie classique ancienne a la chirurgie pr^his- 

Ibid., 1903, 5' ser., iv, 494. (See also Revue de I'^ole 

'pologie de Paris, 1903, xii, 431, and I'Assoc. fran^aise p. 



It is the purpose of this paper to present the results of a study 
of the sex-composition, that is, the number of sons and daughters, 
respectively, of 3,000 human families of six or more children each. 

The data for this study were obtained from the genealogical 
records presented in the History of Hingham^ Massachusetts ^ pub- 
lished by the town ; in S. Judd's History of Hadley^ Massachusetts ; 
in D. M. Hoyt's Old Families of Salisbury and Amesbury^ Massa- 
chusetts ; in J. O. Austin's Genealogical Dictionary of RJiode Island ; 
in W. W. Ingraham's History of the Castle Family ; from manuscript 
genealogical and other data in my possession ; and a few data 
(enough to complete the 3,000 familes) from James Savage's Getu- 
alogical Dictionary of First Settlers of New England. 

In order to avoid the disturbing numerical influences in small 
families, the study was confined to large families, of six or more 
children each. Only those families derived from a single pair of 
parents aie included in the enumerations : for instance, if a man 
were married more than once and had six (or more) children by one 
wife and fewer than six by another wife, the six bom to the one 
couple were counted in as a complete family, and the others were 
disregarded. In a few instances where a man or a woman had 
more than five children by each of two wives or husbands, the two 
sets of children were taken as two separate families. Each family 
in this series therefore represents the progeny of the same father and 
mother. The families were taken as they came, without any selec- 
tion whatever. 

The vast majority of the families enumerated — probably more 
than 95 per cent. — were of Anglo-Saxon race and located in New 
England. An insignificant proportion were of Irish, Scotch, or 
other origin ; no colored families were knowingly included. The 
period of time embraced by these families covers more than three 
hundred years, from the year 1600 (and even earlier) to the present 




daughters. The proportion of males to females was as 108.3 to 
100. This proportion of males is somewhat higher than the usual 
general ratio at birth, which is ordinarily in the neighborhood of 105 
or ro6 ; thus, in 59,350,000 births in Europe there was a ratio of 
106.3 boys to 100 girls; and of 2,063,386 births in the United 
Table I. StatiitUs af Stx-compasiHati 0/3,000 Famttiei 

























1 . 








































4 14 










5 14 












6 U 









7 14 





























































































































































































— ■ 




























































8 '3 























10 13 









11 13 



States during the census 5'ear 1900 there were 104.9 niales to every 
100 females. The figures of Janse and of Geissler* both show 
that in lai^e families the proportion of sons at birth is greater than j^ 
in small families, and the high rate of sons found in my series is 
probably due, in part at least, to the fact that this series is based on 
lai^e families. 

' 5e« TcfCRDces at Ihe close of tbe uticle. 


chances of a child being a son are taken as 108 : 208, and of being 
a daughter as 100 : 208. Each permutation of m sons and n daugh- 
ters would, then, have a chance of occurring 108"* x 100" times in 
208*+* families. This ratio makes the calculations more cumber- 
some, but gives a more accurate result. In Table I, along with the 
number of families of each combination as actually observed is 
given, in the fifth column, the number called for by the theory of 
probabilities, calculated on the basis of 108 : 100. Thus, out of 
603 families of 6 children, 1 1 consisting entirely of sons actually 
occurred, while the theory of chances called for 12 ; 186 families 
actually consisted of 3 sons and 3 daughters, while the probable 
number was 188 ; and so on. 

It will be immediately seen on examination of Table I that there 
is throughout a very close correspondence between the number of 
families actually observed and the number called for by the theory 
of probabilities. In other words, the sex-composition of families 
practically agrees with the laws of chance. 

After completing this enumeration and arriving at the results 
stated, I found on searching the literature two and only two other 
studies of the same subject, those of Janse and of Geissler. 

Janse gives statistics of 2,412 families of Middelburg, Holland, 
of I to 16 children each, aggregating 8,818 children. He gives 
(pages 125-142) the numbers of families not only of each combina- 
tion of sexes but also of each permutation or order of birth of sons 
and daughters ; he does not, however, apply the theory of proba- 
bilities to the subject. 

Geissler, having at his command the unexampled facilities and 
data of the vital registry bureau of Saxony, has presented an analysis 
of the statistics of no fewer than 4,794,304 children, of 998,761 
families, bom in Saxony, 1876-1885. In a careful comparison of 
the various sex-combinations in his families of 2 to 1 2 children each 
he found an extremely exact correspondence of the actual numbers 
with the numbers called for by the theory of probabilities, except 
that in the case of families entirely of the same sex the actual num- 
bers slightly exceeded the probable. He also gives an exhaustive 
study of the actuality and probability of the sex of children born 
after given sex-combinations already exist, and concludes that in 
general there is a tendency toward the equalization of the number 


determination of the sex of his or her offspring, the sex-composition 
of any family bom to a single pair of parents would be the resultant 
from the fusion of the sex-determining powers of the two parents. 
Opposite sex-determining influences in the two parents would tend 
to neutralize each other, while similar influences would be strength- 
ened. With a single pair of parents it is not possible to form a 
judgment as to the special sex-determining power, arrhenogenic or 
thelygenic, of either parent. A study of families resulting from 
multiple marriages, in which one parent was married more than 
once, might reveal a constant sex-determining influence on the part 
of the parent multiply married that would be manifest in the off- 
spring by different consorts. It is not often that a father has six or 
more children by each of two wives, so that in this study there are 
too few families of this sort from which to draw any satisfactory con- 
clusions. The data obtained, so far as they go, are as follows : 
Fourteen fathers who had more than five children by each of two 
wives, and each of whom by the first marriage had more sons than 
daughters, had by the first marriages a total of 79 sons and 34 
daughters, and by the second marriages 66 sons and 42 daughters ; 
if in this series the predominance of sons in the first marriages can 
be interpreted as due to a dominant arrhenogenic power in the 
fathers, then the same dominant tendency to the generation of males 
is in general observable in the second marriages. On the contrary, 
7 fathers, each of whom by his first marriage had more daughters 
than sons, had by the first marriages 16 sons and 37 daughters, and 
by the second marriages 33 sons and 29 daughters ; the dominant 
thelygenic tendency in the first unions in this series was not main- 
tained in the second unions. These data are insufficient for general- 
ization ; but a study of larger series, embracing mothers as well as 
fathers and not limited to large families, might yield some reliable 
conclusions as to the possession of special sex-determining powers 
by individuals. 

If there is any special sex-determining influence, in either an 
arrhenogenic or thelygenic direction, inherent in individuals, and 
this tendency is transmissible to the offspring, then a study of the 
different families or generations descended from the same common 
ancestors might reveal traces of the existence of such tendency. 


sons and 31 daughters, a ratio of 177 sons to 100 daughters; and 
so with the others. The total number of families enumerated is 
878, i^ith a total of 7,376 individuals, and an average ratio of 108.5 
males to 100 females, practically the same ratio as in my entire 
series of 3,000 families. The different families are arranged in the 
order of the ratios of sons to daughters, and range from the Leavitt 
families, averaging 177 sons, to the Wilder families, averaging only 
72 sons, to every 100 daughters. These statistics are perhaps too 
limited to warrant any very positive conclusions ; but they serve as 
a contribution to the subject, and in some of the cases, as the 47 
Gushing families with a ratio of 153 sons, or the 37 Beal families 
with a ratio of 83 sons, the number of families appears sufficiently 
large and the departure from the average ratio of the sexes suffi- 
ciently marked to eliminate chance and show that in some individ- 
uals and families there is a hereditary tendency to the production of 
sons, and in others of daughters. This table necessarily presents 
the influence of only one line, the male ; the female lines coming 
in at each marriage of course affect the sex-determining tendency, 
but both parental influences can not be exhibited in this method of 
presentation, and a markedly predominant tendency to produce all 
children of one sex even if on one side only ought to be brought 
out by this method. On the whole, the data exhibited in Table II 
would seem to show that in different families there are marked 
hereditary differences in the sex-determining tendencies. Other 
observers (von Lenhossek, Lorenz) also have expressed a belief 
that in some families there are hereditary tendencies to a predomi- 
nance of sons, in others of daughters. 

If there is a special parental sex-determining power shown by 
the data in Table II, it is exerted, be it noted, on the male or 
paternal side ; and, contrary to recent theories that sex is deter- 
mined exclusively through the mother, indicates that in the case of 
man at least the paternal side has some sex-determining influence. 

If there is a hereditable sex-determining power, it would be 
natural to expect that the members of large unisexual families, in 
which the children are all or nearly all of the same sex, would 
themselves show a marked tendency to produce children predomi- 
nantly of that sex. This, however, is often not the case. 


of the comparative strengths of these two forces in the parents. 
For instance, suppose one parent to have a net arrhenogenic power 
twice the strength of a net thelygenic power in the other parent ; 
then the net resultant sex-determining power in the pair would be 
such that there would be a tendency to produce two sons for every 
daughter. For the race at large the general average relative 
strengths of the arrhenogenic and thelygenic forces are at concep- 
tion approximately in the ratio of 1 1 5 : \oo (Rauber), or 1 1 1 : 100 
(von Lenhossek), respectively, which after allowing for the exces- 
sive intrauterine mortality of male fetuses yields the ratio at birth 
of from 1 05-108 boys to 100 girls. The net sex-determining powers 
or coefficients vary through a wide range in different pairs of par- 
ents, and, considering that in each pair they result from the fortuitous 
union of individuals with differing or unknown coefficients, these vary- 
ing powers are probably distributed among the parental pairs in such 
a way quantitatively as to agree with the numerical expression of the 
theory of chances. According to this hypothesis, then, the sex- 
composition of families agrees with the laws of chance, not because the 
determination of sex is a pure matter of chance, but because the cell- 
ular forces that govern the determination of sex and tend to produce 
males and females respectively are distributed among the various pairs 
of parents in arithmetical agreement with the theory of probability. 

In a comparatively small number of families included in my 
enumeration (771) the sex of the firstborn child was noted. Sim- 
lar statistics have been collected and presented by Geissler and by 
Orschansky. The three series of data are shown in Table III. 

These three series of data agree with one another in showing 
that there is a general agreement between the sex rf the first 
child and the sex of the majority of the children in families ; in 
families beginning with a son there is in general an excess of male 
over female children, and vice versa. After deducting the firstborn 
children, however, the remaining children of the families present, as 
shown by the last column of the table, the usual proportions between 
the sexes. The general agreement between the sex of the first child 
and the sex of the majority of the children, therefore, is a purely 
arithmetical result of the method of classification employed, and 


sex-composition of the various families all gradations were found 
from those exclusively or preponderatingly male, through those in 
which the sexes were mixed in various proportions, to families pre- 
ponderatingly or exclusively female. It was found that the act- 
ually observed numbers of families of each sex-combination cor- 
respond very closely with the numbers required by the theories of 
probabilities, calculating on the basis that the general chances that 
any given child would be a male would be as 108 in 208. This 
correspondence, however, was not taken as necessarily indicating 
that the determination of sex in families is entirely a fortuitous 
matter, rather than under the government of forces resident in the 
parents or germ cells ; although these sex-determining forces 
might be distributed in varying strength among the various 
parents in quantitative agreement with the laws of chance. A com- 
pilation of numerous families in various generations descended from 
common ancestors seemed to show that parents may possess defi- 
nite and specific sex-determining powers that are transmissible to 
offspring, and vary in different individuals and different families. 
As in this compilation the lines of descent were shown on the 
male side only, it would seem that in the case of man at least 
the father has some influence in the determination of the sex of 
his offspring. It was also shown that in general the. sex of the 
firstborn child agrees with the sex of the majority of the children in 
families, but simply as an arithmetical result from the numerical 
advantage arising from arrangement of the families according to 

the sex of the first child. 


Janse, L. Bijdrage tot het onderzoek naar de oorzaken der geslachtsver- 

houding bij de geboorten. Middelburg, 1853. Pp. 171. 
Geissler, Arthur. Beitrdge zur Frage des Geschlechtst^erhdltnisses der 

Geborenen. Zeitschrift des k, sdchsischen staiistischen Bureaus^ 

Dresden, 1889, xxxv, pages 1-24 and 56. 
Rauber, a. Die Ueberschuss an Knabengeburien und seine biologische 

Bedeutung. Leipzig, 1900. Pp. 220. 
Orschansky, J. Die Vererbung im gesunden und krankhaften Zustande 

und die Entstehung des Geschlechts beim Menschen, Stuttgart, 1903. 

Pp- 347- 
VON LENHOSSfeK, M. Das Problem der geschlechtsbestimmenden Ursachen. 

Jena, 1903. Pp. 99. 


more or less sacred character ; so that in some cases where the 
medidne is mixed with water before it is administered, it is neces- 
sary to stir the mixture with the identifying article — with the claw 
of the animal, or the beard of the turkey, or the little stone arrow- 
head which may be tied to the bundle. Favorite objects for stirring 
such fluid medicine are the claw or the tusk of a bear. This no 
doubt has relation to the very common belief in the bear's invulner- 
ability and in its power as a healer. 

Formerly almost every man carried about with him, tied to his 
necklet, his shoulder girdle, or perhaps to his hair, one or more 
little bundles containing medicine. Some men have herb medi- 
cines of which they alone possess the secrets. These may be 
what we would call drugs, or they may be merely ma-i-yti' (mys- 
terious, or spiritual). The old stories tell us that the people learned 
of the various medicinal plants, and of the uses to which they were 
to be put, by means of dreams ; and that in other cases certain 
mythological heroes went out with them on the prairie and pointed 
out plants which they explained were to be used for certain diseases. 

Medicinal Plants 

From my old " mother,'* Wind Woman, of the Northern Chey- 
ennes, I have received a number of specimens of plants used in 
healing by these Indians. The collection by no means includes all 
the plant medicines used by the Cheyennes, yet it was difficult to 
secure even so small a collection and to properly identify the plants. 
The species procured have been very kindly named for me by Mr 
Frederick V. Coville, Botanist of the United States Department of 
Agriculture, and also have been submitted to Dr H. H. Rusby of 
the College of Pharmacy of the City of New York. Dr Rusby has 
been kind enough to comment on some of the uses to which these 
plants are put, and I have introduced his remarks under the differ- 
ent species. To the list of plants used in healing, two dyes are 
added at the close. 

Huu' jiP* hlssp' iyOy Bark Medicine {Balsamarrfiisa sagittata 
Nutt.). This is used for stomach trouble and for headache. For 
pains in the stomach, boil the leaves, roots, and stems together and 
drink the infusion. For headache, steam the face over the boiling 


sores which may break out on the body. The leaves and stem are 
boiled together, and the affected parts are washed with the infusion. 
If this does not speedily effect a cure, the fluid must be rubbed on 
hard. In severe cases some of the tea must be drunk ; it is used 
in this way to cure smallpox. The plant has no medicinal prop- 
erties known to science. 

To'wdniyUhkfts^ Fever Medicine (** to-make-cold medicine'*) 
{Psaralea argophylla Pursh). This is used to reduce fever. The 
leaves and stems are ground fine and boiled in water, and the tea is 
drunk. To cure a high fever, the leaves and stem ground to 
powder are also mixed with grease and rubbed all over the body. 

The medicinal properties of this plant are not known to science, 
but it is a near relative of species having active and important 
properties, though not much used in medicine. Its use to reduce 
fever is of great interest and very suggestive. 

Mahkfta'niywdSy Poison Weed Medicine {Astragalus nitidus 
Dougl.). This plant is used in cases of poisoning by ivy or other 
noxious plants. The leaves and stems are ground fine, and when 
the poisoned skin presents a watery appearance the powder is 
sprinkled on the afflicted parts. 

The use of this plant is also interesting, and if a really efficient 
and reliable remedy could be found for ivy poisoning (and it is pos- 
sible that this plant might be such) it might become a very impor- 
tant article of trade. This plant is closely related to the famous 
loco weed. 

Hdh! dhidnSis' tut. Paralysis Medicine ( Uthospermum lifieari- 
folium Goldie.). This is used for paralysis, and also in cases where 
the patient is irrational from any sickness. For paralysis the leaves, 
roots, and stems are ground fine, and a very small quantity of the 
powder is rubbed on the paralyzed part. It causes a prickling sen- 
sation of the skin. It is also said to be sometimes used green, the 
doctor wrapping some of the leaves in a cotton cloth, then crushing 
them with her teeth and rubbing the affected parts, when the 
same prickling or stinging sensation is felt. Where the person is 
irrational by reason of illness, a tea is made of the roots, leaves, and 
stem, and rubbed on the head and face. The plant is also used 
when a person is very sleepy — hard to keep awake. It is chewed 


M&wd* himohk' shin, Elk Mint {Agastaclu anethiodora (Nutt.) 
Britt). Used as tea by boiling the leaves and forming a pleasant 
drink. An infusion of the leaves when allowed to get cold is good 
for pain in the chest (as when the lungs are sore from much cough- 
ing), or for a weak heart. 

WV Uhkhlssi' hiyOy Bitter Medicine {Acorus calamtis). An infusion 
made from a bit of this root boiled in water is drunk for pain in the 
bowels, and the root chewed and rubbed on the skin is good for 
any illness. A bit of the root tied to a child's necklet, dress, or 
blanket, will keep the night spirits away. 

This plant does not grow in the northern country, but is ob- 
tained by the Cheyennes from the Sioux. In former times they 
smoked it with red-willow bark. 

Slfiyd'ln&wthlss^' hiyo, Strong Medicine {Anaphalis niargaritacea 
or subalpina). If a gift, to be left on a hill, is to be made to the sun 
or to the spirits, this ** strong medicine*' is used to smoke and 
purify it before it is taken out. The leaves of the medicine are 
scattered over a burning coal, just as sweet grass or sweet pine is 
used in smoking other things. In one of his little medicine bundles 
each man carries some of the dried and powdered flowers of this 
plant, and formerly, when going into battle, he chewed a little of it 
and rubbed it over his arms, legs, and body, for the purpose of im- 
parting strength, energy, and dash, and thus protecting him from 
danger. A man still puts a little of the powder on the sole of each 
hoof of the horse he is riding, in order to make it long-winded, and 
he also blows a little of the powder between the animal's ears also 
for the purpose of increasing its wind. The reason for rubbing the 
medicine on the body is that the warrior may be hard to hit by an 
enemy. Spotted Wolf warned his sons that after this medicine had 
been rubbed on them, they must let no woman touch them, for to 
do so would render the medicine powerless. 

The dried flowers of the plant are made into a very fine light 
dust, which is easily blown away or moved by any force, and 
the qualities that it is believed to impart to one treated with it prob- 
ably have reference to this readiness with which it is moved. 

Mdhhfsln, Mint (unidentified). This mint is used in making a 
tea for drinking, chiefly for the sick. A little of the plant may be 
used with the bark medicine to give it a pleasant flavor. 




In the Bad-lands region of South Dakota, on the south side of 
White river, about 1 50 miles above where that stream empties into 
the Missouri, flows the small stream now called Lost Dog. Be- 
fore 1 89 1 it had no name ; the region was wild and uninhabited 
by white men or Indians. It was in December, 1890, that Big 
Foot's band of Sioux from Cheyenne River agency crossed White 
river and followed an old trail along the bank of the little stream 
on their way to the scene of the Ghost-dance disturbance at Pine 
Ridge. The first night across White river they camped by a little 
spring, since called Big Foot spring ; their second encampment was 
beneath the evening shadow of picturesque, pine-crowned Porcu- 
pine butte. Here they were located by scouts of the Seventh cav- 
alry, and the next day were halted on their march and forced to 
surrender. The third night both soldiers and Indians camped on 
Wounded Knee creek. The attempt the next morning to disarm 
the band led to a fight in which thirty soldiers and more than a 
hundred Indians were killed in what became known as the battle of 
Wounded Knee, to be remembered as the last serious conflict with 
Indians within the United States. The Indian survivors fled from 
their camp to the hills ; their tipis were set on fire by the soldiers in 
order to drive lingering hostiles from their shelter, and when the 
fight ended some dozens of homeless dogs sniffed about the ruined, 
blood-stained camp. History records the fate of the fleeing Sioux 
— how some of them were killed and others captured in their 
hungry and homeless flight. One of the vivid recollections of the 
writer is that of the churches in Pine Ridge which, a few hours later, 
became improvised hospitals for the mangled men, women, and 
children brought in from the field. 

A few days after the battle some cowboys from a ranch on the 
north side of White river were searching the Bad-lands for stock 



was the result of fire, and then informed his uncle, who went into the 
canyon and examined the find, wondering whether it was an Indian 
" sweat-house " and if so how it came to be fastened against the side 
of a disintegrating clay wall so far below the top. 

Later in the year Mr Famham informed Dr Walker, surgeon at 
Pine Ridge agency, of the discovery, and from this gentleman the 
writer, then engaged in a scientific expedition to the Sioux reserva- 
tion, received an account of what had been reported to him. In 
August, 1903, I reached Mr Famham's place with a camera and 
made the first photographs of what was found to be a remarkable 
series of prehistoric fireplaces. Before my arrival, Ulysses had dis- 
covered four similar deposits scattered along the canyon within two 
miles of the first one, and after my appearance on the ground we 
discovered two more, making seven in all. Their common character- 
istic was a mass of charcoal, burned stones, and occasional fragments 
of pottery, clay, and bone, covering a space about two feet in diam- 
eter and two or three feet in height The first fireplace found was 
about six feet below the top of the wall to which it adhered ; the 
others occurred from three to ten feet below the present surface of 
the soil. Near the fireplace which lies at the maximum distance 
from the top there occurs a mass of kitchen refuse consisting of 
ashes, charcoal, a dozen different kinds of bones, and flint chips. 
This mass, which is about fifteen inches thick and extends back an 
unknown distance into the cliff, is visible along the side of the canyon 
for a distance of five or six yards. From this debris I took two 
fragments of pottery and an arrowpoint. (See plates ii-v.) 

The soil above these fireplaces exhibits from eight to twelve 
distinct strata, each four inches to fifteen inches in thickness and 
varying in substance from black loam to yellow gumbo clay and 
soft, sandy grit. A careful verticial section of these strata was taken 
out and is now preserved in the museum of the Nebraska Historical 
Society at Lincoln. It was observed that the stratum of soil at the 
level of the fireplaces was uniformly of a black humus material, 
with stray root-fibers here and there, indicating clearly that this 
was the surface of the ground at the time the Indians built the fires 
and scattered the debris from their kitchens. One or two feet above 
this layer of black soil is a thick stratum of fine, gray silt, indicatifig 


a deposit in comparatively still water. Scattered thickly through 
the silt are the shells of several varieties of periwinkle and other 
fresh-water mollusks. 

Lost Dog creek heads about 12 miles from White river and flows 
northeastwardly into that stream. It is about 70 miles north of 
Merriman, Neb. Its canyon, or Bad-lands tract, is about ten miles 
long by three miles wide ; it is depressed from 100 to 1 50 feet below 
the level of the surrounding high prairie, and its walls are carved 
and gashed into thousands of fantastic forms by the action of the 
waters upon the soft deposits which form the basin through which 
the stream has deeply cut its way. The alternating strata which 
lie above the fireplaces extend almost horizontally across the entire 
basin, appearing and reappearing in a hundred places where the 
water from the hills has eaten out side ravines that feed into the 
main canyon. (See plate 11.) 

The problem presented is this : At some time in the past these 
fireplaces and deposits of kitchen refuse were made by primitive 
people who were wont to camp on what was then the superficial 
level of the country. Since that time the entire basin, covering an 
area of three by ten miles, has been filled with soft Bad-lands clay, 
regularly deposited by the action of water in eight or ten distinctly 
marked strata, some of which are filled with the shells of fresh- 
water mollusks. After the basin had been filled above the old 
level, where the ancients camped, to a depth of at least ten feet, 
erosion began its work, since which time the entire basin of hori- 
zontal strata has been cut into gullies thirty to sixty feet deep, so 
that the present creek with its lateral ravines is that much below 
the top of the surface which extends from one side of the basin to 
the other. In this process of erosion these ancient fireplaces have 
been exposed to view. 

The data available for determining how many years have been 
required to fill the basin from ten to fifteen feet or more above its 
old level and to cut ravines through these deposits to a depth of 
fifiy or sixty feet are very shifting and unsatisfactory. Everyone 
familiar with the Bad-lands region knows that enormous masses of 
its soft soil are moved by a single heavy rain-storm, in some cases 
a road being completely obliterated by a deposit of three or four 


feet of gumbo soil during a single night. On the other hand, the 
filling of a basin covering three by ten miles with uniform hori- 
zontal strata is manifestly a different task from that of burying a 
road in a narrow canyon. I have talked with many of the earliest 
trappers, traders, and Indians, some of whom have been familiar 
with this region for fifty years. They all say that half a century 
ago the appearance of these Bad-lands basins was practically the 
same as it now is — dissected by gullies and ravines from forty to 
fifty feet below the surface of the basin deposit. I am satisfied that 
their testimony is correct, having tested it in many different details. 
If half a ^entury has made no marked difference in the topography 
which the eye of an experienced man would notice, it must have 
required a great many centuries to accomplish the changes that 
have taken place in these Bad-lands basins since the ancient fire- 
places were centers of social groups. 

I sent prints of the accompanying photographs to Prof. J. E. 
Todd, State Geologist of South Dakota, informing him of the cir- 
cumstances and asking his judgment of the probable period covered 
by deposits and subsequent erosion in basins similar to that of Lost 
Dog canyon. In reply Professor Todd expressed deep interest in 
the finds and added : 

** I regret that I have never made a careful study of the rapidity of 
changes in the Bad-lands, but I doubt not that there, as elsewhere, they 
vary much according to the succession of wet or dry years. Having 
had a little experience in a thunder-shower in Indian Draw, I am pre- 
pared to believe your succession of strata may be traces of annual 
aggradations, yet they may mark much longer intervals. Whether a par- 
ticular area is aggrading or degrading depends upon its local base level, 
and that may be the result of * river piracy, ' land slide, amount of 
rainfall, or length of rainy season. As to the geological age of your 
finds, they cannot be earlier than late Pleistocene and more likely are 
quite recent. The gravel beds on top of Cedar mountain and Sheep 
mountain I look upon as Pliocene or early Pleistocene. They are about 
300 feet above present streams. I should think a few centuries, and pos- 
sibly considerable less, would cover the antiquity of your finds. To an- 
swer any particular case, the relations to present and former drainage 
channels and the rate of changes must be carefully considered. Judging 
from other cases, different minds are likely to come to widely different 
conclusions. * * 


places vertical ; yet there is hardly any natural obstacle to scal- 
ing the rocks from the lake side, and if there were artificial defenses 
they have completely disappeared. Along the edge, and sometimes 
almost on the brink, towers and quadrangles are disposed at vary- 
ing distances from each other. They form two larger groups and 
three smaller ones, the last one of which stands some 750 feet from 
the extreme northwestern point of the peninsula. 

The central area of the plateau has fewer buildings. With the 
exception of the round ones at h (plate vii, 3) and a group lying west 
of w, they are quadrangular. But the northern edge, from a point 
500 feet east of the western end to its eastern extremity, supports 
nineteen round structures, the most easterly group of which is con- 
nected with a wall, more than 280 feet long, running west to east, 
toward the edifice m. Near the lake shore and on the northeastern 
spur of the peninsula is a group of much ruined structures, and an 
isolated tower rises near the northern beach. In all (except the 
vestiges of what appeared to be small rectangular cysts, which we 
were not allowed to open), the peninsula at Sillustani was found to 
support at least ninety-five buildings, more than eighty of which are 
circular, not including scattered walls and the so-called '* sun cir- 
cles" of which there are at least five. 

It will be observed that the majority of the towers stand on the 
edge of the plateau, while most of the rectangular structures are 
away from it. The largest and best built occupy prominent positions. 
Low and indifferently constructed walls exist in connection with one 
or the other group of towers, and in a few places they also extend 
along the brink of the plateau. But, as already remarked, nowhere 
is there a trace of breastworks or walls of circumvallation. The 
andenes on the eastern flanks of the mesa (for the plateau is but a 
mesa) recall the terraced lines around ancient villages in the Bolivian 
Cordillera, and could have afforded a stand for warriors fighting with 
the sling, but without protection. This is in harmony with the mode 
of warfare and the weapons of the aborigines.^ 

' The use of the sling made ramparts inconvenient, whereas a platform that placed 
the defenders on a plane higher than the assailants was an advantage. The ruins in the 
Cordillera of Bolivia nearly always show such a platform, or a series of platforms, with 
hardly any trace of parapets. V^^ood or brush were out of the question. 


At the base of the chullpa is a tiny rectangular entrance measuring 
about two feet in width and height (plate ix. 3. 4, 6, 7, 8). I could 
not crawl into any of these chullpas m>*self, and my wife had con- 
siderable difficulty in entering e\'en the largest of them from the 
base. These structures were absolutely empt}*, nor could I learn 
that anything had ever been found in them. 

The upper tier of this chullpa was probably ne\'er closed ; only 
the lower chamber could have been used. It is not large, since 
the facing and the core have an aggregate thickness of eight feet 
below and ten feet above, so that two-thirds of the diameter of the 
structure are occupied by its walls. 

Chullpa c (plate viii, 2) also is completed to the top. Like the 
former, it stands on the brink of the plateau, but on the southern 
instead of on the eastern edge. It is much smaUer than chullpa 
a^ its elevation being only 22 feet, of which 16 feet form the lower 
or main part. Its width at the bottom is 16 feet, at the top 18 
feet; its other dimensions are proportional. Like a, the upper 
chamber has for its sides only the armor of polished andesite blocks. 
There is a neck through the upper part of the core down to the hole 
in the apex of the main chamber ; the hole has the same dimensions 
as that in chullpa a. These interior chambers with the necks 
recall the form of a bottle.^ 

Several features of these chullpas attract attention : 

1. The great solidity of construction, obtained by closely fitting 
the heavy blocks forming the outer facing or armor, and by the 
massiveness of the lower part of the structure. 

2. The great thickness of the walls encasing the main chamber. 

3. The diminutive size of the apertures, both above and below. 
A child alone could pass through the upper orifice, while the lar- 
gest of the doorways are not four feet square. 

Mt is interesting to compare the form of the interior with the bottle-shaped under- 
ground cells so numerous in the ruins of Cajamarqnilla, near Lima. These are well de- 
scribed by Sqnier, Peru^ pp. 92-93. Mr Sqnier very appropriately calls them "gran 
aries/' adding (p. 94) : **and were no doubt intended for the storage of household 
supplies." The towers of Sillustani resemble such granaries, except that they are 
above ground. Compare also the bottle-shaped structures of clay which Dr Lumholtz 
has descril>ed from cave-villages in northwestern Chihuahua ( Unknown Mexico, vol. 
I, pp. 58, 62, 64, no). 




It may therefore be said that the andesite used at Sillustani was 
quarried chiefly by lightning. At the foot of the cliffs many large 
stones lie about, rudely chipped and ready for transport. A num- 
ber of such blocks are also scattered through the valley, between 
the cliffs and the hacienda, as if abandoned in transit. Plate ix, 
16, 17, 18, represent three sides of the largest one seen by us, and 
figure 1 5 of this plate shows the front view of a smaller one. The 
former is nearly 1 2 feet long, 7 feet thick, and 6 feet in height. On 
its face (turned toward the ruins) protrude three knobs, about 18 
inches long, curved upward so as to afford a fair hold. On the rear 
are three stubs. The knobs suggest the idea of pulling, wooden 
levers being applied behind. These knobs, protruding from the face 
of the blocks and also from the rear, are still seen on some of the 
partly cut stones lying about the towers. They seem to be, if not 
strictly peculiar to Inca architecture, at least a constant feature of it. 
I have here introduced a view of some of the ruins of Ollantay- 
tambo, near Cuzco (plate xiii), on which the knobs are shown on 
many parts of the walls. The blocks thus abandoned on the way 
have stone props under them in the rear, so that by pulling, push- 
ing, heaving, and upsetting, with the characteristic disregard of time 
consumed, the huge stones were moved from the cliffs to the plateau, 
where the work of cutting, placing in position, and smoothing was 

The tools employed in these processes no longer exist at Umayo 
and Sillustani, but we are sufficiently acquainted with the imple- 
ments of the ancient inhabitants of Peru and Bolivia to safely assert 
that, for breaking and chipping, stone mauls and hammers were used. 
Andesite can easily be worked with bronze, or copper, and even 
with chisels of harder stone. Knowledge of the implements of the 
Quichua and Aymara, before iron was introduced by the Spaniards, 
sheds abundant light on the work performed at Sillustani. The 
smooth finish was obtained by simple patient attrition, and there is 
no necessity of resorting to hypotheses of artificial stone or tempered 
copper. Each block was finished on the ground as far as possible, 
but the final close fitting and the removal of the knobs were done 
after the blocks were placed in position in the walls. This is proved 
by courses of the masonry and even of sections of walls in which the 


knobs still protrude. That the curve was last efiected is shown by 
the upper tier, where the outer edges of the blocks appear to form 
a drcle, when seen from below, but on closer inspection it is seen 
that the courses are polygonal^ with as many sides as there are 
blocks in each. 

So long as the stones had not to be raised above the second 
course, their placement was easily accomplished, but they are placed 
as high as thirty-five feet above the ground. Windlasses were not 
known to aboriginal Americans, but the ruins at Sillustani fortu- 
nately preserve examples of the devices by which the raising of 
the blocks of andesite was achieved. Plates viii, ii, and ix, i, 
exhibit the remains of inclined planes of rubble, one of them 215 
feet in length (f/), on which the blocks of stone were gradually 
moved up to the required elevation in the wall. The incline abuts 
against the tower and was raised as the building of the latter pro- 
gressed. It must also be considered that the size of the blocks was 
reduced by cutting, and that the largest ones were always used in 
the lower courses. In addition, a device was adopted for dimin- 
ishing the weight of the blocks. As seen in plates xi and xii, i, the 
ends of each block were hollowed out, and, once in place, these 
cavities were filled with small pieces of stone. This allowed the 
blocks to be handled with greater facility, while the subsequent fill- 
ing practically restored their original weight. 

The round and handsomely constructed chuUpas are the least 
numerous, and only one of them is ornamented on the outside. The 
tallest of all (plate xi) has the figure of a lizard carved on its surface 
about midway between the base and the top. 

The condition of the stone buildings at Sillustani leads to the in- 
ference that work on them was abandoned before completion. This 
is particularly the case with the quadrangular structures, all of which 
are unfinished. Their condition is not the result of demolition or of 
decay. The masonry is like that of the towers, well laid and nicely 
joined. The building m, shown in plates viii, 7, and xiv, 2, was fur- 
ther advanced in construction than the others, part of its walls being 
8 feet high. Some of the blocks are 9 to 1 1 feet long, 4 feet thick, 
and 6^ feet high. Only two sides were reared, one of which measures 
not quite 28 feet and the other more than 35 feet in length. Inside, 


and touching the walls of the rectangle, is a circle of upright slabs, 
38 inches in thickness, set without mortar, alongside of each other. 
On the longer side of the rectangle is an entrance* 52 inches wide. 

Quadrangle k (plates viii, 8 ; xv, i) has all four walls, measur- 
ing, respectively, 17.3, 17.3, 17.4, and 17.5 inches. The building, 
therefore, is nearly square ; but the opposite sides are not of exactly 
equal length, there being a difference of one and two inches, respec- 
tively. An entrance 50 inches in width is provided in one of the 
walls. The outer surface of the stones is as well cut and smoothed 
as any in Sillustani, but the blocks are not so large as those in 
building m (plates vii (3), m ; viii, 7 ; xvi, 2). 

Structure / (plates vii (3), /; viii, 9) is still less advanced in con- 
struction ; two sides are partly laid, and on the other side a few 
blocks only are in position. It should be stated that not a single 
building at Sillustani is provided with a foundation ; every struc- 
ture rests on the surface of the ground, the size and weight of the 
stones alone insuring solidity. 

Building o (plate viii, 13) is in as unfinished a state as tower b 
near which it is situated. Only two feet of a wall of cut stone are 
visible ; its average width is 3 1 inches. This structure suggests the 
commencement of a dwelling. It resembles, in size and ground- 
plan, the houses of Inca origin which our excavations brought to 
light at Kasapata, on the Island of Titicaca. 

Several other quadrangular structures, some of them nearly ob- 
literated, are found here and there on the plateau. These differ but 
little from those described, and, judging by the first course of stones 
lying on the ground, they were to have been built in the same man- 
ner and of the same material. 

I have purposely delayed mentioning certain details in the con- 
struction of the stone buildings for the reason that they exist in 
both the quadrangles and the towers. First, it was observed that, 
although the workmanship is far superior to that of any buildings 
outside of actual Inca settlements, it is not so accurate as it appears 
to be — angles are nearly but not absolutely true, the towers are 
only approximately circular, and the stones themselves not per- 
fectly squared. Rule of thumb here guided the primitive artisan ; 
he did much better than the builders of the Aymara structures, but 


not SO well as any European would have done. The moving of heavy 
masses was certainly an achievement, if we consider the means at 
the command of these builders, but to compare the results favor- 
ably with European building of the time is ' benevolent exaggera- 
tion. Superabundance of leisure was a prime factor. Where a 
block presented obstacles, the troublesome part was taken ofT, and 
another stone cut to fill the lack (plate ix, 5, 9). Such pieces were 
not inserted for decorative effect nor to increase the solidity of the 
structure ; they are simply indications that each block was inde- 
pendently cut, not according to a definite plan, but to suit the im- 
mediate occasion. The doorways are usually an open space left 
between two blocks in a course (plate ix, 6, 7) ; but where the block 
was too high, a rectangular opening was cut through it (plate ix, 
8). This shows that the small size of the doorways had a definite 
purpose. In the quadrangular structures (plate viii, 7, 8) there 
are, as before stated, wider entrances, but these were designed to 
afford access to round buildings within. In the case of rectan- 
gular building ;//, this circular structure had been commenced ; in k 
there is strong probability that it was the intention to erect one also. 
The singular edifice i (plate ix, 1,2) is also in a half-finished 
condition. This building is unique among the ruins at Sillustani ; it 
is dome-shaped, and the apex of the cupola approaches a true arch, 
a wedge-shaped keystone being set in horizontally to complete a 
circle (see plate ix, 2). The structure marked i is 10 feet in height 
and consists of two tiers, each of which has four niches so placed 
that the upper ones are not immediately above those below. The 
lower tier is pierced by an entrance 21 inches wide. The inside of 
this building is lined with spalls forming a thin, fairly smooth wall. 
The cupola varies in thickness ; its outer diameter is about 1 2 feet, 
and the inside, in size as well as in its niches, recalls the basements 
of rectangular chullpas found on the peninsula of Huata in Bolivia, 
called Chinkana by the Aymara. Around the cupola a stone 
casing, like that of the towers, has been erected to an elevation of 
six feet, indicating that it was intended as a facing to the rubble 
core. An inclined plane 2 1 feet long, 1 2 feet wide, and 6 feet high 
(where it abuts against the armor), shows that the structure was 
abandoned before completion. The niches are not symmetrical ; 


their height varies from 40 to 44 inches, and other dimensions are 
also unequal. Of the probable purpose of this building we shall 
treat later. 

There is another class of round buildings, and the most numer- 
ous of all. They differ from the chullpas described in being far 
less elaborate and considerably smaller. Plates viii, 6 ; ix, 1 2, show 
two examples. The motive in these is the same as in the towers, 
but the outer finish is a coating of white clay, mixed with grass, and 
formed in irregular cakes, varying in thickness from two to three 
feet according to the structure. One of these ** white towers " is 
1 3 feet high and 48 feet in circumference. The interior forms a 
vault with rubble walls 8 feet high, 7 feet in diameter below, and 
4j^ feet at the top. Where completed, these white towers are 
closed above with heavy slabs covered with rubbish and some clay ; 
hence there is no neck as in the stone chullpas, and the interior is 
an imperfect cupola. We could not detect an opening at the bottom. 
The structure rests on a base of well-cut andesite blocks eleven 
inches thick, showing that these clay-covered chullpas were erected 
by the people who built the other ones, and for a similar purpose. 

Some of these white towers stand in the valley near the cliffs 
whence the andesite was obtained, and on ridges and slopes round 
about. We could not examine any of those farther away from Sil- 
lustani, but plates viii, 10 ; ix, 10-12, show the base and section of 
one that may be regarded as typical. All that remains of the lower 
portion is a circle of rough slabs resting on four upright stones three 
feet high. The wall (i i inches thick at the base and 30 inches at 
the top) rises ten feet above this circle and is constructed of rudely 
superposed slabs coated inside with clay mixed with Puna grass. 
The elevation of this structure on stone posts may have been for the 
purpose of protecting the contents from moisture, as the bottom of 
the valley is sometimes flooded. 

The much ruined structures forming group r (plate vii, 3), on the 
extreme northeastern spur of Sillustani, are in such condition that 
little can be said about them. Most of them appear to have been 
circular chullpas of the clay-faced variety. One building may have 
been a rudely constructed house of three or four rooms and with 
rounded comers. The artifacts found there were potsherds, both 


of the Cuzco type and of the ruder kind attributed generally to 
the Aymara Indians. We also found ckulls of both males and 
females, the former artificially flattened frontally. 

Finally, on the ridge south of the hacienda, there stand the few 
buildings marked p on the general plan (plates vii (3); viii, 12). 
In regard to these I do not feel justified in asserting that they are 
aboriginal, nor can I affirm the contrary. The walls are built of 
roughly broken volcanic stones from 24 to 33 inches wide, laid in 
mud. No tradition as to their origin could be obtained, and while 
they may have been designed as Indian dwellings, begun and aban- 
doned before completion like the others on the plateau, they may 
also be of Spanish construction. 

With few exceptions, the buildings at Sillustani were unfit for 
abode. Only groups o and p (provided the latter are ancient), 
and perhaps some of group r, bear the character of dwellings. All 
the others, except i, are so constructed as to indicate that they 
were designed to shelter and preserve, as carefully as possible, 
materials of the nature of which we have no knowledge. Had 
it been possible for us to open one or more of the white chull- 
pas, we might know something of their contents, but permission 
was unobtainable. The belief that valuable objects of metal are 
therein concealed is deeply rooted in the minds of the people, 
although there is no authentic recollection of the finding of any 
** treasure " at Sillustani. Many of the towers were partly torn 
down and searched long ago, but no tradition in regard to what was 
found in them was obtainable by us. The universal opinion, pub- 
lished and unpublished, is that the towers of Sillustani were designed 
as sepulchers, burial towers, or funeral monuments, and we held the 
same opinion ourselves. 

One point is certain : these towers were, so to say, hermetically 
closed, or were built with the view of so closing them as soon as 
filled. It is also evident that they could not be opened or entered 
except with considerable difficulty, and that they were carefully 
guarded against such intrusion is shown by their massive construc- 
tion. The towers cannot be scaled, and the aperture above is too 
small to admit an adult person. The opening below is equally con- 
tracted, and if the interior were closely packed it was practically 


inaccessible. To break in from the outside was beyond the power 
of Indians within a reasonable time. Hence the contents of these 
towers must have been of such value to the builders that they ex- 
ercised every effort to preserve them, as is evidenced by the mas- 
siveness of the walls, the smooth finish which made scaling impos- 
sible, and their inverted conical shape. Mortuary monuments they 
cannot have been unless, as is generally supposed, they were de- 
signed to receive a number of corpses. But the question arises. 
How could corpses have been introduced ? The opening above is 
entirely too small, and while the aperture below might have given 
passage to an Indian of small stature, such a mode of burial is com- 
pletely at variance with what is known of the mortuary customs of 
both the Quichua and the Aymara ; and to fill the chamber with 
dead bodies would have been a very long and arduous task. 

A question intimately related to that of the contents of these 
towers is that of the builders of the Sillustani structures. There 
is no known tradition in which the place is mentioned, and the name 
Sillustani nowhere appears in books or documents of the period of 
early Spanish colonization. Hence it might be supposed that these 
buildings, like those of Tiahuanaco, must be attributed to some 
tribe the record of which is lost. Although we search in vain for 
data in regard to Sillustani, we meet with positive information con- 
cerning a site called Hattin-Colla, This place (or rather Kolla) 
lay close to Umayo, and while there exist some ruins there which 
Squier has described,^ nowhere in the vicinity are there any of the 
type and importance of those at Sillustani. Cieza de Leon, who 
visited Hatun-Kolla in 1 540, speaks of it as follows : 

"From Pucara to HatuncoUa there are something like fifteen leagues; 
in their neighborhood are some villages, as Nicasio, Xullaca and others. 
HatuncoUa, in times past, was the chief thing of the Collas . . . and 
afterwards the Incas embellished the village with an increased number of 
edifices and a great number of depositories, where, by their command, 
was put the tribute that was brought from the country around. ' ' . . .' 

Garcilasso de la Vega also mentions the construction by the Incas 
of edifices at Hatun-Kolla.' 

1 Peruy p. 384 et seq. 

« Primera Parte de la Crdnica del Peru^ cap. Cll, p. 445. 

s Comentarios reales, Primera parte, 1609, lib. ii, cap. xix, f. 45. 


Heirera certainly copied Cieza de Leon, and perhaps other 
sources of which, as yet, we have no knowledge. He mentions, 
although not very clearly, the construction by the Incas of edifices 
in what was then called Collasuyu^ and it seems clear that these 
structures were in the vicinity of Hatun-Kolla. 

The architecture and masonry at Sillustani bear the stamp of 
Inca work. They resemble structural remains at Huanuco in central 
Peru, on the island of Koati, and also the quadrangular towers of 
well-fitted stones at Kalaki on the shores of Lake Titicaca. The 
edifices in the latter two localities are clearly of Inca construction — 
there is abundant evidence to that effect. In regard to Huanuco 
it is stated that the buildings (of large, nicely fitted, and smoothed 
blocks) are also of Inca origin. The Indians who inhabited Hatun- 
Kolla, before the Inca came in contact with them, built with much 
less care and regularity. It is more than likely that by the struc- 
tures at Hatun-KoUa those at Sillustani are meant by Cieza. The 
two places are very near each other, and the remains of Hatun- 
Kolla can not be compared in importance with the former. Hence, 
also, it is not improbable that the name Sillustani is comparatively 
modem, otherwise Cieza would certainly have known of it, for he 
must have seen the ruins when at Hatun-Kolla. Even the white 
chuUpas are of Inca origin.' 

* Historia general de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y la Tierra firme del 
Mar Ociano, 1726, vol. ii, libro il of dec. v, p. 73. The Jesuit Beraab^ Cobo, who 
lived in the Peruvian and Bolivian highlands itom 1615 to 1618 (or 1621, if Arequipa is 
included in the sierra, by Enrique Torres Saldamando, Los Antiguos Jesuiias del Peru^ 
Lima, 1885, p. 99), also mentions ancient buildings formerly serving as storage rooms, in 
hb Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Sevilla, 1902, vol. ill, lib. XII, cap. xxx, p. 254) : 
*< EdiBcaban de ordinario estos dep6sitos i almacenes fuera de poblado, en lugares 
altos, frescos y airosos, cerca del camino real, cuyas ruinas vemos hoy al rededor de los 
pueblos en los collados y laderas de los cerros ; eran muchas casas cuadradas y pequefias 
como aposentos ordinarios, a manera de torrecillas, desviades unas de otras dos i tres 
pasos y puestas en hilera con mucho 6rden y proporcion ; en partes eran mas, y en partes 
menos, segun la necesidad lo pedia ; . . . A veces eran las hileras de veinte, treinta, 
cincuenta, y mas casas, y como estaban en sitios altos y por 6rden, parecian bien, pues 
aun lo parecen hoy las paredes que en algunas partes estan en pi6 y tan enteras que no 
les falta m4s que el techo. El asenta en lugares altos estos dep6sitos lo hacian los Indios 
para que lo que en ellos se guardaba estuviese defendido de las aguas y humedad y seguro 
de toda corrupcion." Cobo also speaks of larger and smaller depositos^ but does not 
mention circular ones. 

* Cieza, Primer a Parte, p. 429 : << Enlo que llaman Guanuco habia una cassa real de 
admirable edificio, porque les piedras eras grandes y estaban muy solidamente asentadas.'' 


I would also add that the lai^er proportion of the potsherds 
found are of the type of Cuzco pottery, which is sui generis among 
Peruvian and Bolivian ceramics. This is another indication in favor 
of the assumption that the builders of Sillustani were Incas. 

Stone towers as military constructions are not common among 
the ruins of Peru and Bolivia. There are a few on the coast, in 
positions indicating that they were lookouts. It is manifest that those 
at Sillustani were not for observation, still less for residence. They 
must have been intended for either burial-towers or store-houses. 

The Aymara Indians sometimes buried their dead in structures, 
resembling quadrangular one-story towers, built of mud and rubble,^ 
also of cakes of clay mixed with straw, just as are the walls of the 
white chullpas. Rectangular, but not circular, chullpas are very 
numerous on the Bolivian tableland, and in our examination of 
hundreds of them we invariably found that they had simply been 
the dwellings of the people, whose only building materials are stone 
and mud, for wood is entirely beyond reach in those vast treeless 
expanses. But the Aymara, like the forest tribes on the eastern 
slope of the cordillera, in the great basin of the Beni, to this day, 
formerly buried their dead beneath the floors of their dwellings^ con- 
tinuing to live directly over the remains of their departed. Even when 
a chullpa becomes deserted, it is still used for burial. A certain 
number of the white chullpas at Sillustani are completed and still 
absolutely closed, hence were not used as dwellings. The Incas 
buried their dead in a sitting posture, and separately. Moreover, 

He also mentions : «y habia dep6sitos 7 aposentos de los ingas, muy bastecidos." It 
should be observed that the tendency of the Spanish chroniclers is to attribute to the Incas 
all edifices that are unusually well finished. Garcilasso de la Vega (Histoire des Incas, 
vol. II, p. 274) says in regard to Hu&nuco : '' lis y fondirent une Maison de Vierges 
choisies." Herrera {Historia general, vol. Ill, dec. vil, lib. iv, p. 69) copies Cieza, 
adding slightly to the exaggerations of the latter and of Garcilasso. See also Squier, 
Peru, pp. 215-216 et seq. 

> Cieza (Primera Parte, p. 443) describes clearly the chullpas of the Collao. " Por 
las vegas y llanos cerca de les pueblos estaban las sepulturas destes indios hechas como 
pequeftas torres de quatro esquinas, unas de piedra sola y otras de piedra y tierra, algunas 
anchas y otras angostas ; en fin, como tenian la posibilidad las personas que las edificaban. 
Los chapiteles de algunos estaban cubiertos con paja, otros con unas losas grandes ; y pare- 
d6me que tenian las puertas estas sepulturas hacia la parte de levante.'' Cieza did not 
examine closely the structures he describes, not having time for it ; yet it is clear that he 
did not mean the edifices at Sillustani. 


as above pointed out, the corpses could not have been placed in the 
towers from above, and from below it would have been a most tedi- 
ous and difficult task to fill the chamber with squatting dead through 
the tiny doorways, which seem to be made rather for taking out 
small objects. The open space in the second tier afforded neither 
shelter nor convenience for human remains. 

The statement by Cieza that the Inca erected depositaries near 
Hatun-Kolla is significant. The Sillustani buildings cannot have 
been anything else but such depositories. There is no evidence of 
their having been depositories of the dead, and such was not the 
mode of burial either of the Aymara or of the Cuzco people ; hence 
if they were depositories, it was of stores. The tribute which the 
Inca obtained on the tableland consisted of what could be raised on 
it, that is, potatoes (made into chufiu), oca^ quinua, and a little maize. 
The bottle-shaped interior of the chullpas is as if made for receiving 
just such produce. A chullpa could readily be filled from above with 
chuiiu and the like by pouring it through the orifice, and when the 
stores had to be used they could as easily be extracted from the 
small opening afler removal of the block which closed it. 

To those not familiar with the country and with the mode of 
life of its aborigines, it may seem improbable that such elaborate 
structures should have been erected simply for preserving potatoes 
and other produce, but before the Spanish colonization, and even 
to-day, food was and is much more important to the Indians in these 
cold and barren regions than what now is called treasure. The Inca 
had no standard medium of exchange, no currency or " money." 
Gold and silver were less indispensable to them than potatoes, 
quinua, and other products, for they could use the former only for 
decoration and as ceremonial offerings, whereas they depended on the 
vegetables for subsistence. Sillustani, therefore, as Cieza indicates, 
consisted of a cluster of storehouses erected by the Inca within the 
Aymara range for preserving tribute. From the Aymara of Hatun- 
Kolla the Inca had nothing to fear, and against extensive depreda- 
tion the massive character of the storage tower was sufficient pro- 
tection, so that it was not even necessary to guard or garrison the 
site. Such Inca magazines were established at intervals through- 
out Peru and they were always associated with buildings of a cere- 
monial character. 

AM. A1«TM., N. S., 7-5 


To these latter the structure marked i (plates vii (3); ix, i, 2) 
must be referred. Its niches, its smaller size and larger entrance, 
make it appear as an Inca place of worship. On the peninsula of 
Huata, in Bolivia, there are structures with an analogous interior plan, 
but they are built underground, beneath square towers of Inca make. 
These ckinkanas, as the Aymara call them, therefore appear to have 
been storage houses and chapels combined. At Sillustani a sub- 
terranean structure was out of the question. Building i was a place 
of worship such as we are told (with much exaggeration as to size 
and decoration) everywhere accompanied Inca storehouses. 

The white towers are also of Inca construction. They could 
have been much more rapidly built than the towers of stone, and it 
is therefore possible that they were erected as temporary store- 
houses until the more solid ones were ready for use. The quad- 
rangular structures were in part magazines also, and in part (as o 
and possibly p) dwellings. There was no need of permanent mili- 
tary occupancy of the site. Inca ** garrisons " nowhere were kept, 
not even in the great refuge-place of Cuzco, the Sacsahuaman, 

As already stated, work at Sillustani was interrupted and aban- 
doned for some cause or other and never resumed. This may 
have been in consequence of the appearance of the Spaniards at 
Cuzco in 1534, but it is more likely that the abandonment occurred 
before or during the time that warfare between the Inca of Quito 
and those of Cuzco had thrown in confusion everything in the south. 
Under any circumstance it is probable that work on the edifices was 
begun in the second half of the fifteenth century and abandoned 
in the first third of the sixteenth.^ 

We have yet to consider another class of structures — those 
marked q on plates vii (3); viii, 12, of which there exist a group of 

1 The series of Inca head war-chiefs becomes positive only with Tupac Yupanqui, the 
third from the last (counting Huascar as the last and ignoring Ata Hualpa, who was an In. 
dian from Quito). Previous to Tupac Yupanqui there is contradiction and confusion among 
the chroniclers and in the traditions. Tupac Yupanqui subjugated the Collas, or, what is 
just as likely, they confederated, in his time, with the Cuzco tribe. This took place in 
the second half of the fifteenth century. To him also are attributed the buildings said 
to have existed at or near Hatun-KoIIa. The appearance of the Quito warriors at Cuzco 
and the great confusion occasioned thereby among the Incas occurred a few years prior 
to 1 53 1, when Pizarro landed on the Peruvian coast. Quotations are superfluous, the facts 
being too well established. 



four at the foot of the cliff on which the largest chullpa {a) stands, 
while an isolated one is on the slope of the northeastern promontory. 
These are called inH-huatana, translated *' place where the sun is 
tied up." Leaving aside etymology, it first strikes one that these 
circles are on the flanks instead of on the plateau, where they might 
be expected if designed for astronomical purposes. It is also singular 
that they are not truly circular (see plate vii, figure i) ; indeed^ 
they do not even approach geometrical accuracy. The " circle " 
proper is formed by upright slabs, little worked if at all. The total 
length of the curve from ^ to/is 84 feet, and the average height of 
the stones three feet. Around this " circle " was a ring of handsomely 
cut slabs laid flat and having an aggregate width of about two feet. 
Most of this stone ring is destroyed, but what remains distinctly 
shows a tendency to ornamentation (plate vii, i, 2). The entrance 
{b\ with its upright stone-posts (r, d), is a little more than two feet 
wide, and the well-cut block in front of it has two low steps. The 
whole is not symmetrical, but is fairly accurate for work done by 
"rule of thumb." 

It is difficult to understand how such contrivances as these cir- 
cles, situated as they are, and of such inaccuracy in form, could 
have been of use for astronomical purposes. It is conceivable that 
a slender cone (tall as at Cacha, or a mere stub as at Pisac) might 
have been serviceable for approximately determining equinoxes by 
noting the days when the sun shed its full light on the top about 
noontime ; but, aside from the fact that it is very doubtful if the 
Indians of Peru ever paid much attention to the equinoxes,* the 
** circles" at Sillustani exhibit nothing to indicate that they could 
have been used for such a purpose. 

It is equally difficult to conceive that the circular structures could 
have had other than a ceremonial object, but what rites were per- 
formed within them can only be conjectured. There are a number 
of such circles, less carefully built, on the height called Kajopi, 
above the village of Huata in Bolivia. Kajopi is 1,600 feet above 

^ The equinoxes are not well marked by meteorological phenomena in the highlands 
of Peru and Bolivia. The Indians barely pay attention to them, whereas the solstices 
are more easily noted. What Garcilasso and others say of ceremonies performed at the 
time of the equinoxes must be taken with allowance. 


Lake Titicaca, toward which it descends in partly vertical cliffs. 
The top is to-day a resort for wizards, and the circles (which, be it 
said, lie entirely on the inclines and therefore could not have been of 
any use for astronomical determinations) are regarded with super- 
stitious dread, offerings constantly being made there. The circles 
at Sillustani consequently seem to have been for some sacrificial 
purpose, and as such I shall regard them until evidence to the con- 
trary is presented. These and the small building (i) appear to have 
been the only structures at Sillustani designed for ceremonial use. 

Sillustani, therefore, presents the characteristics not of some 
ruin of very ancient date but of a cluster of buildings reared by and for 
the Inca of Cuzco for storage, and not earlier than the latter part of 
the sixteenth century. Few of the better constructed edifices are 
finished. The general condition, the evidences of mechanical con- 
trivances for hoisting, the building stones abandoned by the road- 
side while under transportation, all prove that the work suddenly 
ceased for some cause unknown, but which was not necessarily 
the appearance of the Spaniards. Sillustani is perhaps one of 
the most instructive sites at which can be studied the strides made 
by the Inca in the art of building. The ceremonial structures, espe- 
cially /, are of particular interest as the best-preserved specimens of 
Inca religious architecture thus far examined. 



During the afternoon of October 5, 1899, while making a 
canoe trip on the lakes and streams of northern Minnesota and 
Hunter's island, Canada, I was enabled to witness an interesting 
ceremony of the Ojibways, held at one of their small settlements 
on the shore of Basswood lake. The boundary line between 
Canada and the United States passes through this lake, but whether 
the settlement was situated to the north or to the south of the 
border I was unable to ascertain. 

The site of the village was well chosen, being situated on rising 
ground at the head of a small bay, protected from the northern and 
western winds by dense underbrush and timber. The wigwams 
were of two forms, circular and oval ; all were constructed of strips 
of birch-bark attached to a framework of poles, the lower ends of 
which were planted in the ground. On the shore were twelve 
birch-bark canoes, only two of which were decorated — one with 
seven vermilion spots, about four inches in diameter, along each 
side ; the other with four crosses painted in blue, one on either side 
of each end. Toward the east, not more than a hundred yards 
away, were a number of graves with their peculiar box-like covers 
of hewn logs. 

Beyond the wigwams, a short distance from the lake shore, was 
the site selected by the Indians for their ceremony. It had first 
been cleared of brush and grass, then a circle of pine and cedar 
boughs, some forty feet in diameter and two or three feet high, had 
been formed. The circle had only one opening or entrance, which 
was toward the south. A few feet from the entrance, toward the 
east, on the outer edge of the circle, a rudely carved wooden rep- 
resentation of a kingfisher, the totem of the sub-chief who resided 
there, had been placed on the top of a tamarack pole twelve or fif- 
teen feet high. The center of the circle was occupied by a large 




drum surrounded by several men and boys who beat it in unison 
and with great vigor. 

Within the circle a single row of mats had been 'placed on the 
ground next to the pine and cedar boughs. The men were seated 
on the western, the women and children on the eastern side. A 
pine log, the seat of honor, was placed on the northeastern side, and 
upon it sat the old sub-chief, Wahg^stkeemunsit, who was later 
joined by my guide, Eniwewdhah. 

Near the entrance stood a young man, who acted as master of 
ceremonies, to whom I shall refer as Keezhik. He held a piece of 
buckskin, about two or three feet in size, one side of which was 
covered with large eagle feathers placed in rows. Attached to two 
comers were strips of skin three feet or more in length and an inch 
in width. This apron, for such it closely resembled, was called 
chippeezung by the Ojibways. As the ceremony progressed it be- 
came evident that Keezhik alone was intrusted with the care of the 
feather-covered apron, which appeared to have been highly prized 
and so cared for that as each dance was finished it was hastily re- 
turned to him. 

All being in readiness, the boys and men, several in number, 
began beating the drum, and the young man carrying the chippee- 
zung entered the circle and, passing from left to right, stopped 
before the first woman to the left of the sub-chief. She immedi- 
ately jumped up and assisted him in fastening the apron around her 
waist, allowing it to hang down behind. As soon as it was in 
position the woman commenced to dance, and immediately two men 
who were sitting opposite her arose. They then danced round 
the circle four times, always remaining separated and never touching 
one another. When the dancer stopped at her seat within the 
circle, the woman to her left assisted in removing the chippeezung 
and immediately carried it to Keezhik, who during the dance 
remained standing near the entrance to the circle. 

The next ten or fifteen minutes were devoted to talking and 
laughing ; apparently all were enjoying the event. 

Suddenly the drumming was resumed and the sound of voices 
ceased, for the ceremony was to be repeated. Keezhik entered 
the circle and, passing from left to right, stood before the woman to 


^ left of the one wrho had previously danced. She arose and as- 
istcd in listening the strings of the chippeczung around her waist 
The suae two men ivho had danced before repeated the peHbr- 
nance, and all passed round the drum four times. When the woman 
■topped at her place, the one next to her, toward the entrance, 
untied die chippeezung^ and carried it to Keezhik. After five or 
ten minutes' intermission the ceremony was repeated, and thus it 
continued until ax women had danced. At one time a young girl 
danced, but as she was rather small the chippeezui^ would have 
touched the ground had it been tied around her waist ; hence it 
vas fastened around her neck and hung down in front 

All the Indians present with the exception of Eniweweihah 
were said to have belonged to the clan which has for its totem the 
longfisber — no others were expected to participate in the cere- 
mony. In other words, the Kingfisher people were holding a 
reunion. It was therefore considered by Eniweweihah a great 
honor to be invited by Wahgistkeemunsit to dance, and still 
greater was the honor to have Wahgistkeemunsit tie with his own 
hands the strings of the chippeezung. He then danced as had the 
others. During the dance all who passed round the circle did so 
from left to right, that is with their tight side toward the drum. 
During every dance one or more would sing or chant. 

Eniweweihah was the last to dance, and when he had returned 
to his seat upon the log, Wahgistkeemunsit arose and, taking a step 
forward, addressed the gathering. While he spoke no other sound 
was heard. Although an old man, his voice was strong and clear ; 
his gestures were few but gracefully made ; his bearing was that of 
a leader accustomed to commanding respect and attention. Al- 
though the writer understood but few of his words, it was appar- 
ent that those who fully understood him were greatly impressed. 
All Fcmained attentive listeners, hardly taking their eyes from him 
while he stood before them. 

Later I was informed by Eniweweihah of the purport of the 
speech. First he had spoken of their blessings and misfortunes 
since they had met during the previous autumn ; of the friend s who 
had died during that interval ; then he expressed his desire and 
l»ope that all present might come together again, and he asked 


them to seek their friends and bring them when they returned the 
following autumn. He hoped all might be prosperous and well 
during the coming seasons, and that they might be spared to meet 

Keezhik then entered the circle, bearing two large copper ket- 
tles with their contents steaming. He had taken them from the 
larger of the long wigwams, in which they had been prepared by 
several old women whom I afterward saw. By the time Keezhik 
had placed the kettles on the mat before the log seat and removed 
the covers, every man, woman, and child within the circle had pro- 
duced either a tin plate or a sheet of birch-bark upon which to re- 
ceive his portion of the food. Wahgistkeemunsit was the first to be 
served ; after him came Eniweweihah, then the men, boys, women, 
and young children in the order named. All remained seated, and 
Keezhik passed from one to another until every person was served. 
One of the kettles contained moose meat and rice boiled together 
until very thick ; the other held a stew of dried blueberries. We 
left while they were still within the circle enjoying their repast. 

A few days later the settlement was again visited, when we 
found that after the conclusion of the ceremonies many of the In- 
dians had returned to their homes on the lakes to the north and 
west, so that few remained at the scene of the recent gathering. It 
was observed, however, that Wahgistkeemunsit and six or seven 
others who had been within the circle during the dance, were pres- 
ent within the largest wigwam, the interior of which presented an 
interesting aspect. It was more spacious than structures of that 
type usually are, being some eighteen feet in length and probably 
half as wide. Along the central line on the ground were four small 
fires, the smoke from which found egress through an opening at the 
top. The several women present were making moccasins of buck- 
skin, and the men were equally busy smoking their pipes. Some 
well-made mats were spread on the ground near the walls, forming 
seats for all. 

In one comer of the wigwam was the drum which had been 
used during the dance. This consisted of an ordinary wooden tub, 
about thirty inches in diameter and two feet deep, over which a 


piece of untanned moose hide had been stretched and dried. The 
outside of the tub, or drum, was covered with pieces of cloth of dif- 
ferent colors, and around the upper edge was a heavy fringe of 
colored yam. Attached to the cloth covering were four bags or 
pouches, measuring five by seven inches, which faced the cardinal 
points when the drum was in use. The designs worked in colored 
bands upon the bags were very interesting. The decoration on the 
bag toward the east was a kingfisher encircled by a floral design. 
According to their legends, the clan having the kingfisher for its 
totem formerly lived in the eastern part of the country, near the 
"great water," for which reason the kingfisher bag was placed on 
the drum so as to face the east. The bag on the southern side was 
decorated with the figure of a man worked in white beads, because, 
they say, the first white man to visit them came from the south. 
The bag toward the west had four figures worked in blue beads, 
three men and one woman, but it was not possible for the writer 
to ascertain the meaning of this design. The figure on the bag to 
the north represented a man in red beads, and according to Eniwe- 
weihah referred to the " fire in the north," the aurora borealis. 

At the intermediate points between the cardinal directions as rep- 
resented by the bags, that is, toward the northeast, southeast, south- 
west, and northwest, were sticks, four feet high, stuck into the 
ground against the drum. A few inches from them, away from the 
drum, where four others, slightly higher, with the upper part bent 
outward and with several small brass bells fastened on the concave 
side. Each of the eight sticks was covered with mink skin. The 
sticks used in beating the drum were somewhat more than two feet 
in length ; their handles were of smooth, plain wood, and to the 
other end were attached rolls of mink skin five or six inches in 
length. When the drum was struck a muffled sound was produced. 
The writer succeeded in obtaining two of the four beaded bags, but 
they were not removed from the drum until the women had made 
exact drawings of each on pieces of birch-bark, probably to enable 

them to make others to take their places. 

Florence, Italy, 
November, 1904. 




The following text is philologically of the utmost importance, 
because in it we have what is probably the last echo of the lan- 
guage formerly used by the Mohican Indians whose original habitat 
was along the shores of our own Hudson river. 

It is well known that an extensive body of these people was 
settled for many years at Stockbridge, Mass., where Jonathan Ed- 
wards, Jr, studied and practically mastered their speech.^ The mem- 
bers of this sub-tribe were first transferred from Stockbridge to a 
New York reservation, thence to Kansas, and have now found 
their final resting place on the so-called Stockbridge Reservation 
at Red Springs, Wisconsin, where some four hundred survivors 
still reside. Driven from one place to another among alien races 
as they have been, it is indeed surprising that there still remain 
members of the colony who know anything of their earlier lan- 
guage. A few of them, however, all old men and of failing mem- 
ory, can still speak Mohican, and it was from one of these aged 
members that Mr J. F. Estes, an educated Dakota Indian with no 
knowledge of the Mohican language, obtained for me the following 
text and free translation. With the exception of the few broken 
words gathered by Mr Frank G. Speck in Kent, Litchfield county. 
Conn., this is apparently the only printed specimen extant of the 
modem Mohican idiom. Mr Speck's material I have codified and 
analyzed in our joint paper " Dying American Speech Echoes from 
Connecticut" * I regard it as most fortunate, therefore, that I have 
been able to obtain this longer connected specimen of a language 
which is historically so interesting and which in a few years' time 
will be quite extinct 

^See Pilling, Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages ^ s. v. J. £kl wards, Jr. 
and J. Sergeant. 

^Proc Amer. Philos. Soc., xui, pp. 346-352. 



Mr Estes has written out the tale in the Dakota system of or- 
thography, the key to which is as follows : 

a =B ah. H sss the French nasal -n, 

^ as in English. 0, p, as in English. 

c =s ch. /* =» the voiceless tenuis. 

r ^t sh, ras in English (I question the exis- 

^ as in English. tence of r in modem eastern 

e = ay, Algonquian). 

g like English hard g, s always hard as in safe. 

^ as in English. / as in English. 

^* =s a soft aspirated guttural. /* = the voiceless tenuis. 

/ as ee. th as in thin, 

j\ k, as in English. » as in the proper English pronun- 

h' s the voiceless tenuis. ciation of rude, 

m, n, as in English. w, y (consonantal) as in English. 

There are undoubtedly faults of transcription in the text, chiefly 
owing to the fact, as Mr Estes has pointed out to me, that his 
Mohican narrator was old and toothless and consequently most 
difficult to follow. On the whole, however, as will appear from the 
following etymological analysis, the words are given so correctly 
that I have been able to identify nearly all of them by a comparison 
with kindred dialects, chiefly with those of the Lenape, the Canadian 
Abenaki, the extinct Massachusetts Natick, and occasionally by 
means of the idioms of the eastern Passamaquoddy and Micmac. 
The Mohican dialect herein given bears close resemblance to the 
Munsee dialect as still used at Hagersville, Ontario.^ The differences 
between this Mohican dialect and the Munsee language are about 
the same in degree as those which exist between Dutch and High 
German. The Mohican was evidently a branch of the Munsee and 
stands related in a lesser degree to the kindred Lenape idiom of 
Brinton's Lenape Dictionary^ which I have been able to use, how- 
ever, in most cases in my identifications. 

There is something peculiarly melancholy in the thought that 
we probably have in this text the last specimen of the tongue 
which was heard for centuries in the neighborhood of New York 

1 Cf. Prince, Notes on the Modem Minsi- Dialect, Amer. Joura. Fhilol., xxi, pp. 
295-302 ; A Modem Delaware Tale, Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., XLI, pp. 20-34. 


City and along the shores of the great Maik'anetuk, or ' Mohican 
river/ as the original inhabitants called the Hudson. 

Mohican Text 

/. Gut'e withk'enowak mdwe P'ip'tnat'owak ponak k'otawe ni thipo 
Maik'anet'uk, Ait'an gatndu- P'ip*tnat'it', Gut-e wafikmau mdwe 
P'tp'Mdt'owak. Psukp^hdnatn gwtece dan hotawdHsman not'ek'dk. Kne 
ph'dnam ph'aktdmo. Ami-kseih't'art'a nin ph-ak'ek'wat-an ne t-ane 
t'awdk'wuk ne waace kteP'anank ne t-awdk-wukntu wicok niswa namedo 
awdne nebiik. K'oseeh't'at-a wosak'k'amonman, OnamidH sok'wd- 
awak wawM'han wici maat'ik. 

II, Kne andmatho ne wikwafimahk, AupadH nimdna wawM'han 
ame ten naHampp-nan nawdH ne nip-aakwendayerk, Kne paeondit'ita 
P'ip'mauwinnowdk. Kne awot'aflndnwan nimand k'adk'waemaa naam- 
iet'ak' ne waHk-amak, Kne saHdHwa waspowdk nemanadk wici ne 
p-aakwenaaySrk, Kne awot'aflnawan ph-dnman pseek'dnc k'iiwa k'ce 
P'ot'a, P' tit 'in maawe ningdano ne p'aak'wenaayirk, Kne saHahwd 
wdspo andmatho ne paakwenaaySrk. Kne arame outhdme p'k'atindk 
erst'd k'ise waamahk P'dawe. Kne ne maftsdHt-aman ne p-ihwahdk, 
Kne aan nitaao ne-ien-p'iciikwthin P'ikwah'k'woerk, 

III, Mdace P'ic'ikwthiit'a op'ot'awdH cinwaaciik wawtet-an ani- 
n&omp'nan nan naawaH. Kne op 'ot'awdn pask'owdn nemdnan ou-wSenan 
aniwithit' ouwanthdk -amwok wadeao mah 'okwaawinjannak, Kne mdacino 
st'aHmiik'ao mdawe ciit'tni, Kne mdacino nethwak nemdnak ne nihafi- 
P'ak bwak ph 'dnam maa knamedflna, Na ph *dnam adt st-adtwahaHmaflk 
dyiwi, Kne owakp'eet'at' no aut-ap'inno P'ek'wah'k'wok, Kne pask-o 
mat' ok awdau oundt't'ookwun nan ph'dnman, Kne ou erst'd no out'- 
ap'P'ewan, Kne anamithwak. Kne ciit'mih'ein ph'dnam dan awaH- 
thith, Erstd gut* c'iinwawe kanet'Pek'ak. 

IV, Kne kaawanp' at 'afipank'cikwtho ph'dnam. Andmatho wawief 
an ararnS kakh'ikammih'ak ounae. No wici k'eseam saHpeetawaH sek'- 
wiot'ke nuuci thafip'ein nihafipao at-anakaHtak at'aHnakoma, Kne than- 
dftwa out'dnwanaanayak, AnS maaceaflafimdHknowicawotp'ane. Kne 
wdiawau anamafinak'ammau k'akse naci withhenbwa dine-amowat-et' 
waac'tdm mok'wamp'dk pafit'it' thafiwamooce wacii P'afU'it' nokmamici 
anaik'ik' sikwiafit- it no ph'dnman, Kni-maacino ph'dnmak dap'okkaflk 
wac'ein met'thondiit-it' paeondiit-iit-a, 

V, Kne maawe nok mok'wamp'dk kp'aothwdk wek'wameek'bk danwa 
ph'dnam aflh'odho wdceam erstd nameafimok, Erstd meek-ao paeondo- 
wdk ; kanwapaak wdiyawau out'aHna mUt'thondiikw thafhva mat'thon- 


dowak. Kne wdiyawau anet^aHafUa kithpundowdk, Kne ni-ut'an wa 
nemdnaa ap^it. Kne ouk'tutcimonan ; k'ak'wai kHnin ne kmah'okwao' 
wenjanf Kne aut'afinan haakwail Amoskw nathak'amok'tinn. Kne 
ph'anman ktafikcako autanan : kaHkna waahiflyaH ktaftnamokwin, Kne 
kawamo P'osko, Kne maawe kt'aHkcawak amusok'wanawaH, Kne 
p^askawan anao imthk'enawan mawe amaama wdyawau ama kmrndna- 
mak mawe kwana. And niya nimdnamak erstadm geese-k'wanatuik. 
Awayethdk art okat't'am maflwaH nemdnama. 


I. Once on a time some young men went hunting in the winter up 
river on the Mohican river (Hudson river). That was where they always 
hunted. One day all were hunting. One woman alone and her child 
were in the camp. Then the woman was hulling com. When she was 
washing the hulled com at the spring, where the spring comes out of the 
mountain, she saw some persons in the water. She was washing her com 
when she saw them painted and she knew that was for evil (/. e., a bad 

II. Then she went to where they (her party) were camping. She 
awaited the men (for) she knew that they were to be attacked that very 
night. Then when the men came, then she told the men what she had 
seen that day. Then they prepared — the men did — for that night. 
Then they said to the woman : '' Do your best ; do you go away and try 
to save (yourself). Perhaps we shall all be killed this night." Then, 
because it was so very dark, she could not go a great way. Then this 
(woman) remembered a certain hollow log. So she thought, "I will 
crawl into that hollow log. * ' 

III. After she was within, she heard them fighting (and) she knew 
that they were attacked. Then she heard one man call him (her hus- 
band) by name (and say), " The dog has bitten my thiunb." Then not 
long afterward all became quiet. After that two men came (and) they 
said, " We certainly saw a woman. That woman cannot be a great way 
off.'* Then they said, "Perhaps she is inside this hollow log." One 
of them used a stick, feeling with it inside for the woman. Then he 
said, "She is not inside." So they went away. Then the woman and 
her child lay quite still. Not once did she make a sound the whole night 

IV. Then, as soon as the dawn came, the woman crawled out. She 
went where she knew a cross-cut. For this reason she was able to head 
off the murderers (and) she got to her home and people before they 


arrived. Then she told what had happened to her people ; that all were 
killed who had gone with her. Then the chief sent all the young men 
around to notify the warriors that they should come at once. Those bad 
people had murdered the husband of that woman. Right after this, the 
women cooked (food) so that they (the murderers) might eat when they 

V. Then all those warriors shut themselves up in the wigwams and the 
woman hid herself, so that they could not see her. Not long afterward 
they came ; when they arrived, the chief said, " Eat ye,** and they ate. 
Then the chief thought that they had eaten enough. So he went to 
where the man (murderer) was sitting. Then he asked him, "What 
have you (what is the matter) with your thumb?** And he said, 
" What? Why a beaver bit me.** But the woman sprang out and said, 
* * You liar, my husband bit you ! * * Then someone uttered the war-whoop. 
Then they (the hidden warriors) all jumped out and scalped them. Then 
(the chief) said to one of the young men, "Go tell the chief (of the 
murderer's clan) and say, 'Come bury your men.* ** He (the chief) 
said to him, " My men I cannot bury. The wild animals have eaten my 
men up.** 

Analysis ' 

I. GuT'E ' once * = Pass, neqt ' one * (see below, § I. ). Withken- 
OWAK * young men * =5 withke * young * ( Abn. uski ; Oj. oshkt) + linno 
'man *; Munsee withkeelno (see Prince, P. A. Ph. S. xli, 27). MAwe 
' all* a metathesis for Del. wemi. P-ip'MAT-owak * they hunt *; cf. Abn. 
piVtna ' shoot * ; N. pummau ' shoot. ' Ponak seems to mean ' in winter,* 
although my translator gives it ' in the north *; cf, Abn. pebdn * winter.* 
K-OT'AWE 'up there* = N. kuhkuhqueau 'he ascends.* Ni (dem. pr.) 
'that* B= Abn. ni 'that.* Th^po =s Abn. sipOy a common Algonquian 
word. Maik'ANET-uk ' the Mohican river * or 'the Hudson*; cf. ND. 
p. 315, Mohicanniiuck ' Hudson.* Note that -t-uky = Abn. -iukw ' river.' 
Ait -AN ' where * same element as Abn. tdni ; N. uttiyeu ' where.' GamAu 
'always* =s Del.^«^^»i««/i* 'always.* P-ip-mat-it- 'they hunt,* relative 
form, 3d pers., pi. Gut-e waSkmau 'one day*; Abn. nguddog' niwi 

1 The following abbreviations have been used : Abn = Abenaki ; the material 
for this language is drawn from Prince, Abenaki- English Dictionary (not yet pub. 
lished); Del. = Delaware ; D. Lex. = Brinton, A Len&pe- English Dictionary, Fhila., 
1889 ; Narr. = Narragansett ; Roger Williams, Key into the Language of America ; 
N.=Natick; ND. = J. Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, Washington, 1903 ; P. A. Ph. S. 
= Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society; Pass = Passamaquoddy (material 
from Prince's collections); Peq. = Pequot, discussed at length by Prince and Speck, Am^ 
Anthrop.^ v, pp. 193-212; vi, 18-45, and Speck, Am. Anthrop,, vii, pp. 469-476. 


'one day.* Psuk 'one*=Abn. pazego, patekw 'one.* Ph'Anam 
' woman/ found only in Abn. fhanetn. That this is a real Mohican word 
is seen in De Forest, Indians of Connecticut^ ^pp*9 P* 49i» where the form 
fghainoom is given. It is probably connected by metathesis with the 
stem meaning 'split/ i. e., vulvcy seen in Del. ochqeuy Pass, and Micmac 
ipity Oj. ikwcy and also with Narr. and Pequot squaw «> ^ -4- qua. I 
think p-h* in ph'dnam is a metathesis of k{p')'W{h') in the words just 
cited. GwfeECE 'alone/ probably cognitive with N. wukse 'alone* 
(ND. p. 270). Is the gw- the same element as in gut-c ' one * ? Dan 
'and* t= Abn. ta. HoxAw'AfJsMAN 'her child.* I think Estes wrote 
hot' for wot-y i. e., the w- of the 3d pers. prefix + the intercalated / be- 
fore a vowel ; cf. Abn. wd-awdssisma. The »»-element is the possessive 
suffix and the final -n is probably the obviative ending as Pass. •/, -a in Abn. 
Not-ek-Ar seems to mean ' alone *; cf. Abn. nodega^ and not ' in camp * 
(so Estes). It is perhaps a redundancy for gwSece, Kne 'then * must 
contain the element k- = Abn. ga + «/, i. e., Abn. ni-ga * then * (ga-ni). 
Ph'AKtAmo 'she hulls com* is probably cogn. with N. wuh-hogkom- 
minecuh ' corn-husks. * ARNfe =s the relative ' when. * There is probably 
no r in this dialect (?)* I think this is Abn. aii = am. See s. v. 
ARARNEy § II. Perhaps this is the same element as Abn. t-dni ' when * ? 
KsEiH'T'ARTA ' she washing* » D. geschiechton 'to wash* and Abn. 
katebcLaWmuk 'one washes.* The -r- is superfluous here =» -ata^ i. e., 
the ending of 3d pers. overhanging -iz, seen in Abn. piVrnddid-a ' when 
they shoot.* Nin is the inanimate pi. of ni ' that/ and agrees with the 
following word. Ph-ak-ek-wat-an 'husks of com/ with inanimate pi. 
-an; cf. Pass. -«/. Ne t-ane is simply Abn. ni dali 'there* (lit. 'at 
that*); 1^=- n zs\u the inan. pi. T'awakwuk contains the element 
seen in N. tohkekom 'running water.* This is a cogn. of the stem of 
Abn. tego 'wave* and -tukw 'river.* See above Maikanet-uk, § I. 
Waac'E-ktep'ANank ' it emerges.* Waace is simply Abn. wajiy uji ' out 
of* and ktep-anank = D. ktschin * go out *; cf. Prince P. A. Ph. S., xli, 
p. 33. Niu, lit. ni * that * and u ' this * is a strong dem. pronoun. 

1 In Abenaki the consonants are pronounced as in English and the vowels as in 
Italian, except d^ which is the French nasal -on. In Delaware, Brinton has followed the 
German system of phonetics. In Narragansett and Natick, Williams and Trumbull have 
used the English system of spelling. In Passamaquoddy and Pequot the consonants and 
▼owels are to be pronounced as in Abenaki. 

The existence of r in modem eastern Algonquian is very doubtful. Mr Speck found 
a pure initial r in his broken Connecticut dialect of the Stockbridge Mohican in the word 
rtUig * crushed com.' This, however, is an evident archaism and not to be taken as a 
correct specimen of spoken Mohican (see Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., XLii, p. 350.). 



Wicx>K, locative of wico * mountain ' a Abn. wq/o, a common Algon- 
quian word. Niswa * then * = Abn. m'-sawa, a usual resumptive ' then 
indeed.* Nameao * she sees ' = Abn. w^namid, Pass. w*nsmia ' he (she) 
sees.' AwAne should be awanen with obviative ending -«. Cf. D. 
auwen^ Abn. awani 'someone.' NebiIr *in the water* = Abn. n^btk, 
K-ASEEH-T-AT'A ' while Washing ' ; * while * is expressed by overhanging -a. 
See above kseth't-art-a, Wosak-k-amonman 'her com' = Abn. ska- 
mdnal ; OA. skam&n ' com ' and N. mesunkquammineash ' husks. ' The 
ending -an is inan. pi. OnamiAR 'she sees it' or 'them,' with definite 
ending -aH, cf. Abn. vfndmid 'he sees him.' . Sok-wAawak 'them 
painted'; cf. Narr. wumckwhbmtnen 'he paints it.' Waw^et-han 'she 
knows it'; cf. Abn. uwawawindwd 'they know him.' Wicfe 'for' 
= Abn. wajiy Pass, weji 'for.' MAAT-feK = Abn. tnajiy N. matche^ D. 
machtit ' bad, ill, evil. ' 

II. AnAmatho 'she went' = D. allumsin 'he goes away,' with th 
for s. WiKWAfiMASK ' the place of abode,' from root wik, Cf. Abn. wig- 
wdm ' dwelling,' and see below, § V. AupaAS ' she awaits ' = D. pehowen 
' wait. ' NiM Ana ' men ' ; the old Mohican word for ' man ' was nema- 
naoo ; cf. De Forest, op, cit.^ p. 491. ArnI:-ien seems to be ante + the 
suffix -/>«. Na!}amp*p*nan I cannot explain. NAwAS=sAbn. ;ia«/a 'then.* 
NiP-AAKWENAAVfeRK ' that Same night * = Abn. nibdiwi; D. nipahwi 'in 
the night.* Paeonditit-a ' when they came * ('when they ' = iHt-a) ; 
cf. D. paan^ Abn. paid ' come.' Awot-afindnwan ' she told them ' prob- 
ably contains stem of aan (see below) with intercalated dental. K'ad- 
k'wae ' what * =s Abn. kagui, Pass, kekw^ Del. kolku. Note the metathe- 
sis in N. teagua 'what.' Maa NAMfeET'AT- 'what she had seen.' This 
maa may be the sign of the past, seen in N. mahche ' already ' (cf. also 
Prince, Pequot glossary, Am. Anthrop., vi, 36). NAMfeEX-AT- is the in- 
animate form in -/•/ cf. Abn. namito ' he sees it ' (inan.). WaSk-amak* 
' on that day ' must show the same element seen in Abn. tuisdg-ivnakkiwik 
'three days.' SASAfJwA 'they' has the same element as in Abn. sa- 
ndba ' man.' WaspowAk ' they prepare ' I cannot identify. Pseek-Anc 
' everything ' = Del. tsigantschi 'all.' K-iiwA=ayou Abn. kiya (?). 
K'CE p-OT*A I cannot identify. P-iit-in ' perhaps * = Del. //// D. Lex. 
117, 15. See below on peet-a-t^ § III. Has this any connection with 
the Yitnoh peui-itre ? NingAano 'we shall be killed'; Del. nihillan^ 
Abn. nihlo, I am not certain of this. Ararne ' because ' perhaps s 
a-a-neiy). See above on arn£. OuthAme 'so very* = Abn. uzdmi 
'too much'; Del. wsamiechen ' to have too much.' P-k-aSnAk 'it is 
dark' = Del. pakenum, D. Lex. 105, 10. ErstA 'not,' see below on 


staHy staty § III. Same element as Abn. anday Del. attdy N. maty Pequot 
mud 'not.' K-ise 'she was able'; cf. Abn. kizi 'can.' WaanmaSk 
'go'; perhapss Del. aan 'go.' P-Aawe 'far,' perhaps for pa//iwi with 
elision of /, so often seen in Pequot. MaSsASt-aman ' she remembers ' = 
Del. meschatametiy D. Lex. 82, 3. P-ik-wahak 'hollow log*==Del. 
puchtschessu ' it is hollow '; N. pukqui ' there is a hole '; Abn. piguagen 
'it is hollow within.' Note in the next sentence the form P-ikwah-- 
k-woer-k; -erk^si-ak in Abn. -akuam 'tree.* Aan seems to mean 
' she said,' probably cogn. with Munsee owhy Prince, op, «/., p. 30. Cf. 
Oj. iwa ' he says.' N^taao ' I think ' = Del. ntite ' I think *; wditehen 
'he thinks,' D. Lex. 153, 12. Ne-ien-p-ic-iikwthin 'I will enter in.* 
The element ien here is probably Del. aan * to go ' -f pusihu ' enter any- 
thing,' especially a canoe; D. Lex. 120, 20; cf next sentence /-/V'/V- 
kwihiit'a ' when she had entered. ' 

III. Maac'E ' afterward' =s N. «^ mahchcy ND. 219 b. Ma is same 
particle seen in Oj. pa-ma ' afterward.' See below maacino. Op'OT-a- 
wAfJ ' she heard them ' (^waH). Cf. Del. pendamen ' hear * ; Abn. poda- 
wazimuk 'one takes council.' Cinwaac-iik * them (ik) fighting.' I can- 
not locate this stem. WAwfeEX-AN ; note different writing here for 
wAwfeET -HAN above, §11. Aninx^omp-nan nannaawan ' that they were 
being attacked.' I cannot explain this form. See above s,v, naI^amp-- 
p-NAN, §11. Pask-owAn, see above s.v. psuk, §I. Ou-w^enan 'he 
names him,' from root wee = Abn. kdeli-wi-zi ' you are named ' ; also 
Del. wliwunsawagan ' name.' Aniwithit- ' his name ' a participial form 
in -/'/• =s 3d p. The -w- element here = Abn. // in liwizowogan ' name. ' 
OuwanthAk-amwok ' he bites me.* I connect the root thak with ND. 
226 b, sogkepuan 'he bites.' Cf. Oj. nin-takwange * I bite,' Abn. sag- 
amdmuk * bite, * with s for th as usual. Wadeao * the dog ' shows same 
root as in Abn. wdamis ' his dog * ; Pass, ndemis ' my dog ' ; Old Peq. 
nahteauy see Prince, Peq. Glossary, p. 36 ; nutteah, Mah-okwaowinjan- 
NAK ' the thumb ' contains root seen in ND. ^^^ kehieguanutch * thumb,' 
i. e. kehie 'big* 4 uhquae 'finger.* The Del. word was kitthukquewul- 
inschawotty D. Lex. 55, i. The root inj 'finger' appears in Oj. onind- 
jima 'his finger.* Maac-ino, see above on mAace. StaSmiik-ao 'not 
long.* This is clearly erstd (see above, § II.) + miik-ao ' long ' = Del. 
miqui 'far off.' See below on staAi-wahaSmaSk, § III. The Abn. 
kweni 'long' is the same stem as in miikao, C-iit-mi 'silent' = N. 
chequnnappu 'he is silent,' ND. 322a. Cf. ciit-mihein, §III. D. Lex. 
146, 22 gives ischitquihillen * he is silent.' Cf. Abn. chigabi ' be silent.' 
Nethwak ' two,' pi. = Del. nischay Abn. nizwak, Niha5Jp-ak * they 

AM. AICTH-, N. S., 7—6 


approach* contains the element oi paeon 'to come.' See above on 
paeonditita^ § II. O'wak ' they say/ pi. of element awh seen in Munsee. 
See Prince, P. A. Ph. Soc, xli, p. 30, andcf. above on awota!Jnanwan, 
§ II. Ph-anam maa knameA!^na. This maa is probably the sign of the 
past (see above, §11.). KnameAJ^na 'we (inclusive) have seen her.* 
AAt probably= ' they say ' participle of aan ; see above awota!JnAnwan, 
§ II. St-aatwahaSmank ayiwi ' she is not far off.* Staat is negative, 
see above on st'aSmiik-ao, §III; wahaHmaHk ^ jyt\. wahelltmaty D, 
Lex. 150, 15 * it is a great distance ' ; dyiwi is the neg. of the verb ' to 
be* ; Abn. anda aowi 'he is not.' Peet'AT* 'perhaps* may be con- 
nected with ///, see above, § II. s. v. piit-in, but it looks suspiciously like 
the French peutitre used as a loanword ? No is the demonstrative that 
one ; cf. ni ' that * and nok, § IV., outapin ' she is lying * or ' sitting,* 
from root df/=B Abn. ab in wdabin 'he (she) is lying* or 'sitting.* 
P-ek-wah'K-w6k 'in the hollow log,* loc. of p-ekw-ahAk, see above, § II. 
Mat* 6k 'stick* ; cogn. archaic form is tachauy D. Lex. 135, 8 ' piece of 
wood.* AwAau means lit. 'he uses,* cogn. of D. Lex. 24, 13 auweken 
'he uses* ; cf. Abn. awaka 'he works.* Ounattookkwun 'he feels 
inside with it * probably cogn. with D. Lex. 92, 5 natianamen * he seeks 
someone.' Nan p-hAnman. Note the obviative -« in both words. Out-- 
AP-p-EWAN ' she is not there * from root ap (see above outapin ^ § III), with 
neg. ending -wan \ cf. in Ayiwi, § III. Anamithwak ' they went 
away * see above § II. on anAmatho. Note difference of spelling. 
C'liT-MiH-EiN 'she was silent*; a participial form. See above on 
c-iiT-Mi, § II, AwAfiTHiTH, sceabovc, § I., on HOTAWAfJsMAN. I cannot 
imderstand why the sibilant should be lisped in this form and not in 
the first instance. Cf. keseam, §IV., and kithpundowak, § V. The 
Abn. word is awdssis ' child.* Gut-, see above on Gute, § I. Ciin- 
WAWE ' he did not make a sound.* Probably the same root as in c-iitmi, 
§111. Kanet-pekak 'all night' For tp'ek-ak, cf. Abn. illitebakak 
' at night.* Kane here is simply Abn. kweni ' long, during * ; thus, Abn. 
kwenitebakak ' all night. * 

IV. Kaawan ' as soon as * is probably a metathesis for kwenan = N. 
quenan ' as long as,* ND.32Sa. P-at-aSpan ' daybreak ' = DqI. petapan, 
D. Lex. 114,4. K-cikwtho 'she comes out;' Cogn. with Del. kut- 
schin 'come out of a house,* D. Lex. 59,5. Kakh-ikammihak ounae 
' a cross-road.* I cannot identify the first element ; evidently from some 
root 'to cross over,* but ounae is good Delaware. Cf. D. Lex. 21,3 
a/^ 'road.' K-eseam she could = Abn. kizi- 'can.* SaSpeetawaS 
' she heads them off. * The element safl- is probably the same as in sack- 


gaguntin ' to lead/ D. Lex. p. 123 ; Abn. sa-osa * he goes forth.* Does 
the element /^^/=Del. pet-on 'bring' D. Lex. 114,20, also seen in 
petschi ' until * 114,21 ? Sek*wiot*ke ' murderers.* I cannot explain this 
word unless it is connected with Del. saquay sakqua 'troublous/ D. 
Lex. 123. Nuua ' first * s=i D. Lex. 102,10 nutscht ' at first,* ' in the be- 
ginning/ Thanp'EIN ' she came out, arrived * ; same root as sa- in Abn. 
saosa ' he goes forth * andpatd * come. * NiHAShPAO, cf. nihaSpak above 
§ IIL At'ANAKaI^tak and at-aHnakoma^ both cogn. with Del. Lex. 
31,27 el-angomat 'a member of the family* and langoma 60,18 'rela- 
tion/ ThaSJA5Jwa seems to mean ' what had happened ? * Out-Anwan 
'she relates* ; cf. below § V. Out -an an 'she told them.* A ana yak 
seems to mean ' the people * and is the same word as anaik-ik*, § IV. 
Af^Af^MANR ' they (are) killed * ; perhaps cogn. with -nalen in Del. 
gachtO'fialen ' he seeks {gachto) to kill, * D. Lex. 96, 12? This is prob- 
ably the same element seen in Del. mhilia'tiy Abn. nihldn ' kill.* Wica- 
woTP'ANE ' those who went with her * sss Abn. wijawi ' come with me ; * 
D. Lex. 164,5 witschawan 'go along with.' WAiawau ' chief* is a good 
Delaware word ; cf. D. Lex. 167, 9 wojawwe, or Anthony's form wej- 
jaweu 'chief.' Anama!Jnak-ammau 'he sends'; perhaps = Del. Lex. 
17, XX allogalen 'send someone,' cf. N. D. annunau p. 319a {dHna^s 
allof), K'AKSE NACi 'all around.* Kakse perhaps = Abn. kakaswi 
'rather, more' and naci maybe cogn. with ND.77b nashawe 'in be- 
tween,* ' in the midst * ? Aine-amowat-et- ' that ' (^dine = Abn. ait) ; 
amowatet 'they should tell,' 3d per. pi. Waac-iAm = Abn. ivaji 'in 
order to ' ; cf Wacii below, § IV., and wice^ § I. Mokwampak ' war- 
riors,' probably cogn. with D. Lex. 69, 8 machtageoagan ' war.' PaSt-it* 
*that they should come '= Abn. paiodit ; note the sing, for the pi. 
ThaSwa-mooce ' immediately ' contains the element schawi * dX once,' 
Del. Lex. 127, 12. Wac-ii, cf. above on waciam, § IV. Nok pi. of 
no ' those.' Mamici, reduplicated form = Abn. maji, Del. Lex. 70, 10— 
n machtity Peq. mudjee 'bad.* Anaik.ik- 'people,' cf above on Aan- 
ayak, § IV. SikwiaSJt-it* 'those who murdered her husband/ same 
element as in tek-wiot-ke above, § IV. DapokkASk * they cook ' must 
be distantly connected with ND. 273 appuan^ apwan 'he bakes.' 
Wac'EIN ' so that ' ; ct. wacidm, wacii above, § IV. MEX-THONDiiT'iT- 
' that they may eat ' = D. Lex. mizin ; Abn. mitsi ' eat,' a common Algon- 
quian stem. 

V. Kp-aothwAk 'they shut themselves up' = D. Lex. 45, i8 gop- 
hammen 'shut, close'; Abn. kbaha ; D. Lex. 56, 8 kpahhi 'shut (the 
door).' Wek-wameek'OK *in the houses'; Abn. wigwom-ikok. Note 


the pi. locative -ikok. Dan-wa 'and* ^=^dan (§1) + the asseverative 
element -wa. AfJH-oAfJo 'she covers herself*; cf. ND. 238b onkhutn 
'he hides'; WaceAm erstA namea!Jmok 'so that they shall not see 
her*=s Abn. waji anda namiawak, ErstA meekao 'not long*; cf. 
above on sta!Jmiikao, § III. Paeondowak ' they came * = Abn. pat- 
dwak, Kanwa ' when * = Abn. kanowa ' but.* Paak ' they came * = 
paiaky aorist form. MfeETTHONDiiKW ' that you should eat *; 2d pers. pi. 
participle from same root as Del. mizin. Mat-thondowak ' they ate * 
from same stem. Anet-aSaSta ' he thought * =» Abn. nde-laldam ' I 
think *; ND. 333a anantam ' he thinks.* Kithpundowak ' that they had 
eaten enough *; kith = Abn. kizi sign of the past + root pun-puin D. 
Lex. 156. Note the lisped sibilant in kith in contrast with keseam above 
= kiziy § IV. The stem pun^ puin is cogn. with Abn. pol-didit ' they 
eat.* Ni UTAN ' that one («/) went,* from D. Lex. 9, 2 aan ' go.* Wa 
nemAnaa those men ; note the obviative. A -pit ' who sits * = Abn. abit. 
OuK-wiciMONAN 'he asks him*; cogn. ND. 222a wehquetum 'he asks 
it*; Abn. wikomomuk 'he seeks it.' Kaak-wae 'what?' See above, 
§11. Ktinin 'you have * = Pass, ktiyin 'you have.* Kmah-okwao- 
WENJAN 'your (/^*) thumb*; see above, §111, on mah'okwaowinjannak, 
Amoskw ' beaver * = D. Lex. 58, 16 amochk, Nathak- amok -win 'he 
bit me *; cf. above s, v. wanthak-amwok, § III. Note the 3d pers. suf- 
fix 'kwin, KtaSkcako ' she jumps out * = D. Lex. 60, 7, laktschellen 
'jump over.' See below ktaSkcakwak. ND. 286, queJishau 'he 
jumps ' and Abn. ujanC gwigidahen ' he jumps over * are cognates. All 
these contain the root tsch «= kc, KaSkna ' thou liest * = D. Lex. 10, 
14 achgalunen 'to lie*; 37, i, gakelunenhen 'to make a liar.' I find 
in this word the explanation of the Pequot taiond-uksku 'lie,' which I 
could not identify in Am. Anthrop., v, 205. WahiSyaS ' my husband '; 
probably cogn. with D. Lex. 158, 6 wiu*u 'he copulates.' KtaSnamo- 
KWiN 'he bites you* (/^'). See above wanthak-amwok ^ §111. Ka- 
WAMO 'he warwhoops* = D. Lex. 16, 21, kowano ; Abn. kwa^kwadmo, 
Amusok-wanawaS ' they scalped them * = D. Lex. 74, 6, manoquen ' to 
scalp*; Abn. w^masokwdmo 'he scalps him.* Mawe 'go and tell* = 
D. Lex. 75B mauwi 'go.* Kwana ' bury * = Abn. pos-kenomuk 'one 
buries.' Niva 'him* seems to be the obviative form of nekama 'him,' 
'he.* Ersta-Am geese-k-wanawik 'not can I bury them.* Note the 
neg. 'W- in the verb-form. AwayethAk ' wild animals * = Abn. 
awasis ' animal.* Art = aat ' he says.* O-kat-t-a-maSwaS ' they eat 
them * = Heckewelder mohoan 'eat* ND. 250b; also Abn. mohomuk 
' one eats.* The element kat-t-a is the same that is seen in Abn. w'gata- 
hamowon 'he cuts off (his ear)*. 




Comparatively little is known of the indigenous art products of 
the New England Indians, especially of such perishable objects as 
garments and textile fabrics. In general the arts of these Indians 
resembled those of other eastern Algonquians, although little re- 
mains of the native culture of any of these tribes by which to judge 
their earlier and superior work. The bark and mat wigpvams, bul- 
rush and flag matting, bark receptacles, and a few other objects 
still made by the remoter Ojibwa are similar to those known to 
have been common in New England. The snowshoe and bark 
canoe of the Abnaki of Maine are, however, practically the only 
modem native artifacts of the New England Indians which remain 

For several generations the textile productions of the New Eng- 
land tribes have been limited almost exclusively to splint basketry, 
the manufacture and sale of which form the principal means of 
subsistence of many families. It may be assumed that modem 
examples of this work bear but slight resemblance to the earlier 
forms. The distribution of splint basketry at present among the 
Iroquois and widely separated Algonquian peoples seems to indi- 
cate a survival of this type from prehistoric times. It is the one 
style of Indian basketry which would be the most serviceable to the 
early colonists, and its demand by settlers would naturally stimu- 
late its production and tend to modify the native forms. Still I find 
no mention of splint baskets by the earlier explorers and settlers 
of New England, although eight other varieties are noted, which 
seem to show that it was certainly not the prevailing type during 
the first part of the seventeenth century. The earliest authentic 
examples known to the writer belong to the first third of the nine- 
teenth century, and are the work of the Scatacooks of Connecticut. 



These have been described and figured by the Rev. W. C. Curtis 
in the Southern Workman for 1904, and may be classified as follows : 
I. Handlelcss baskets with square or oblong base and rim more 
or less rounded, the height being usually much less than the diam- 
eter. These were commonly used as work-baskets by our grand- 
mothers. This type may be indigenous. 

Fig. I. — Carrying basket of hickory spliots. Maihpee Indians, BarnsUble county, 
Massacbusetti. (One-sixth natural size.) 

2. Baskets similar to the preceding type, but, unlike them, being 
supplied with a handle. These are much like the ordinary splint 
hand-basket of commerce. 

3. Baskets with a square base and circular upper portion, the 
diameter being about equal to the height. They are furnished with 
a snug -fitting cover, and were used by our colonial ancestors princi- 
pally as storage baskets for small objects, such as yarn, colored 
worsteds, etc. Similar baskets may still occasionally be found in 
the attics of the older New England famiUes. 


It seems probable that these types, with the possible exception 
of the first, were made more expressly for the needs of civilized 
housekeepers, but it is difficult to determine just how much both 
form and method of construction are due to the exigencies of two 
centuries of trade. The more common modem examples of New 
England splint basketry of Indian make have probably lost all 
resemblance to primitive forms and need not be discussed here. 
Most of the splints from which they are constructed are machine- 
made and supplied by wholesale. 

There are two baskets in the Peabody Museum of Harvard 
University (one being shown in figure i) which may be regarded as 
purely aboriginal. They are the work of the Mashpee Indians of 
Barnstable county, Massachusetts. A few of the primitive customs 
of this tribe were retained until a comparatively late period, sedge- 
covered wigpvams being constructed as late as 1802. Both of these 
pack-baskets are made of hickory splints woven in a simple checker 
pattern. There are four series of warp splints, the first series being 
long enough to cross and radiate from the center of the bottom of 
the basket and to reach the rim on each side. The second, third, 
and fourth series are less than half the length of the first and are 
added at the bottom only, at intervals of about two inches, so as to 
fill the interstices between the radiating splints, one end of each 
splint of the last three series being cut wedge-shape so as to fit 

The foundation of the rim consists of three hoops. Each alter- 
nate warp splint is cut off flush, while the ends of the others are 
bent over the middle hoop and pushed under the upper two or three 
rows of the woof. Within and without this middle hoop are the two 
other hoops, the whole being bound securely together by a splint 
wrapping. Two splint rings are attached on opposite sides at the 
rim, and two others are placed in corresponding position near the 
bottom for the carrying strap which is also woven of hickory splints. 
The ends of the strap pass through the loops and are tied beneath 
the basket. De Bry figures a Virginia Indian carrying upon his back, 
by means of a carrying strap, a basket of this form filled with fish. 

The process of preparing splints in the earlier days was as fol- 
lows : Small hickory, ash, or elm trees, a few inches in diameter. 


were cut in the spring. The logs were sometimes soaked in water, 
although this was not always necessary. They were then peeled 
and beaten with wooden mauls until the annual growth layers were 
separated one from another. These were split into various widths 
and assorted, strips of uniform sizes being bound together in bunches 
or coils. 

Of the many varieties of baskets, bags, and other textiles made 
by the New England Indians during the seventeenth century almost 
nothing remains. A critical study of the records of the early 
writers and of the modem basketry of various American stocks will 
however give us an approximate idea of the types of that period. 

Brereton ^ in 1 602 saw, at Buzzards Bay, baskets made of twigs 
not unlike the English osier. When the Pilgrims * landed at Cape 
Cod they opened an Indian cache and found therein a storage bas- 
ket holding three or four bushels of shelled com. It was round, 
with a narrow opening at the top, and was '' handsomely and cun- 
ningly made." In form it apparently resembled the storage basket 
of several modern tribes, notably the Pima. In one of the mat-cov- 
ered lodges they found "baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some 
lesser, finer and some coarser ; some were cunningly wrought with 
black and white in pretty works." When Captain Underbill* 
retumed from his memorable expedition against the Pequot Indians, 
he brought several "delightful" baskets. Gookin* refers to 
basket sieves for sifting commeal. According to this writer, rushes, 
bents (coarse grass), maize husks, silk grass, and wild hemp were 
used for baskets and bags, some of which were very neatly made 
and omamented with '.designs of birds, beasts, fishes, and flowers. 
To this list Josselyn * adds sparke and the bast of the lime tree, in 
their natural colors or dyed black, blue, red, and yellow. Wood * 
writes : "In the summer the Indians gather hemp and rushes and 
material for dyes with which they make curious baskets with inter- 
mixed colors and portraitures of antique Imagerie." Some of the 

> Massachusetts Historical Collections, Third series, viii, p. 88. 

• Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, Cheevcr's reprint, pp. 34, 39. 

• Capt, VnderhilPs Narrative, Orr*s reprint in History of Pequot War, p. 55. 
^ Massachusetts Historical Collections, First series, I, pp. 150, 151. 

• Two Voyages to Ne7v England, Veazic reprint. 

•i\>a» England* s Prospect, Prince Society's reprint, pp. 109, no. 


bags or sacks woven of Indian hemp would hold five or six bush- 
els.* According to Champlain,* large bags woven of grass were 
used for storing corn. It is probable that some of the maize-husk 
baskets noted by Gookin were woven in the same manner as the 
baskets of this material still occasionally made by the Iroquois In- 
dians for their own use. A low, broad, bottle-shaped receptacle is 
a frequent form, the neck being supplied with a corn-cob stopper. 
Another variety is pan -shaped with nearly perpendicular sides. Both 
styles are in twined weaving, for which the pliable husks are espe- 
cially adapted. 

Rushes, bents, silk grass, wild hemp, and linden bast are all 
adapted to twined weaving. Rushes were extensively used in 
making mats for lining and furnishing wigwams. According to 
Williams these mats were embroidered. Josselyn says they were 
painted. Mourt, in his Relation^ informs us that they were of finer 
quality than those used for lodge-coverings. 

The mats for both the exterior and the interior of the lodge were 
in all essential qualities like those now made by the Ojibwa, Menom- 
inee, and Winnebago. Morton* and Vincent* say the exterior mats 
of the New England lodge were made of reeds, large flags, or sedge, 
firmly sewed together with cords of Indian hemp, the needle used 
for sewing being made from the splinter bone (fibula) of a crane's 
leg. Modem mats of the western tribes above mentioned are 
usually made of flags strung together upon a series of bast cords 
in such a manner that each alternate leaf lies upon opposite sides 
and covers the junction of two other leaves. These mats are 
usually four or five feet in width and about ten feet in length. The 
ends are furnished with a strip of wood to which tying cords are 

The lining mats are woven of rushes in their natural color or 
dyed. Rushes are used for the woof only, the warp being composed 
of twisted cords of hemp or bast. The groundwork is usually the 
color of the undyed material, and artistic patterns are produced by 

1 Williams, Key into the Language of America^ R. I. Hist. Coll., I, p. 50. 

' Voyagesy li, Prince Society's reprint, p. 121. 

• New English Canaan^ Prince Society's reprint, p. 135. 

^ Vincent* s Narrative, Orr's reprint in History of Pequot War, p. 105 


weaving in rushes dyed in various colors. Both the simple in-and- 
out weaving and the more elaborate diagonal styles are followed in 
their construction. 

Excellent examples of hexagonal weaving survive in the raw- 
hide "netting" of snowshoes made by the Penobscot and other 
Maine Indians. It is doubtful, however, if this weave was used in 
the basketry of this region. 

It is impossible to determine to what extent the finer textiles 
were used, but we know that the New England Indians made a 
serviceable closely-woven cloth of Indian hemp (Apocynum canna- 
binum) and probably also of the soft bast of the linden. Bags hold- 
ing five or six bushels were woven of the former material, the 
prepared fibers of which resembled silk in softness. 

Robes woven of grass and hemp, *' scarcely covering the body 
and coming down only to their thighs," were seen by Cham- 
plain * in the vicinity of Wellsfleet Harbor. There is a drawing by 
John White, made in 1585, of a Virginia Indian wearing a "silk 
grass" mantle, which is probably identical with the New England 
specimens. It reaches only to the thigh and has an opening for 
the neck and another for the right arm. It is apparently twined 
woven, silk grass probably being used for the warp and cords of 
hemp for the woof. The twined woven, shredded cedar-bark 
capes of the Nootka are similar in form and style of weaving to 
these early Eastern examples. 

The most beautiful garments produced by the New England 
Indians were made of the iridescent feathers of the wild turkey 
" woven with twine of their own making ^ in such a manner that 
nothing can be seen but feathers." ^ These cloaks or mantles were 
usually the work of old men,* although they were sometimes made 
by women for their children.* 

A few coarse feather garments are at the present time found 
among the California tribes. The Miwok of Calaveras county in 
particular construct a ceremonial cape by attaching the quills of 

*0p. cit., p. 78. 

3 Morton, op. cit., p. 142. 

'Capt. John Smith, True Travels, i, p. 129. 

^Williams, op. dt., p. 107. 

*Josselyn, op. cit., p. 78. 


turkey feathers to a coarse netting of twine, the feathers overlying 
each other like shingles upon a house. According to Du Pratz in 
former times feather garments were made by the Louisiana Indians, 
old fishing nets or woven mantles of mulberry bark being used for 
a foundation. 

Feathers were attached one over the other to the fabric, and 
covered both sides of the garment.* Lawson mentions a Santee 
(Siouan) doctor or medicine-man warmly clad in a mantle of turkey 
feathers, the feathers being selected and arranged to form figures.' 
Butel-Dumont writes that the fiber of basswood bark was used by 
the southern Indians to make a species of mantle which is covered 
with swan*s feathers.* The foundation of the feather cloaks of the 
Pacific islands is either netted or t>\'ined woven. Morton's remark 
that the New England feather mantles were ** woven with twine of 
their own making" would seem to indicate that the feathers were 
fastened to a woven fabric and not to a netted foundation. There 
would be nothing inconsistent, however, in the employment of 
netting for the purpose, as fishing nets were in common use. 

An example of indigenous textile work of a type probably not 
uncommon throughout New England during the early historic period 
is illustrated in plate xvi. So far as known it represents the highest 
development of weaving and embroidery among these Indians, and as 
a specimen of embroidered twined woven cloth it probably equals the 
productions of any North American tribe. It is a two-fold pocket- 
book of European pattern and is shown open. The side not illustrated 
is furnished with two pockets of green flannel. The front is sup- 
plied with a silver hasp with the date 1778 engraved upon it. The 
hasps were the work of a local silversmith. The form of the pocket- 
book, the green flannel, and the hasps are of course European. 
The heavy cloth forming the body of the book, the material of 
which it is made, the style of weaving, and the embroidered design 
are purely aboriginal. 

This wallet was made by Mollocket, an old Indian woman of 
considerable local fame, living in Oxford county, western Maine. 

1 Quoted by Holmes, 13th Rept. Bur. Ethnolog}', p. 27. 
■Ibid., p. 28. 
« Ibid. 

92 AHIER/CAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 7, 1905 

She was one of the Anasagunticooks, a tribe claiming dominion 
over the Androscoggin valley. It was given by her to Eli Twichel 
of Bethel, Oxford county, about the year 1785, and is now in the 
collection of the Maine Historical Society, having been presented 
to that institution by Mrs Lucia Kimball in 1863. The wallet is in 
twined weaving, a style common among nearly all primitive people. 
The entire surface of one side of the closely-woven cloth is covered 
with an artistic design embroidered with the long white hairs of the 
moose in their natural color or dyed red, green, blue, or yellow. 
The design is excellent and the colors are well grouped. 

The warp is formed of twisted cords of native fiber, probably 
Indian hemp. Each woof element consists of two cords of the same 

Fig. 3. — Detail of wallel. a, a, warp cords; b, b, Iwined woof cords; i, moose hair 
wrapped three times around each twist of the woof strand on the right side of the fabric. 

material twisted once around each warp-strand as illustrated in figure 
2. These double woof-strands are pressed close together, conceal- 
ing the warp, and are in turn concealed beneath the embroidery 
covering the outer surface. A fihiment of moose hair is wrapped 
three times around each strand of the twisted woof elements where 
it comes outside. On the inside of the fabric there is no appearance 
of ornamentation, only the ends of the hair showing where they 
have been carried through. 

Strictly speaking, the ornamentation is in what is termed false 
embroidery, the outer woof-cords being wrapped with moose hair 
during the process of weaving, and not after the cloth is Bnished, as 
in embroidery proper. 


The technique is identical with that of the Tlingit basketry and 
the wallets of the I^ez Perce Indians, except that these tribes wrap 
the coarser embroidery strand but once around the woof-twist instead 
of several times as in the New England work. Patterns of a char- 
acter similar to the design upon the pocket-book, showing the wide 
distribution of the geometric and linear style of decoration among 
the Algonquians, axe common upon the old quill-omamented bark 
boxes of the Micmac and the rush mats and wool wallets of the 
Ojibwa. These i^rallets or bags are about twenty inches in length 
and fourteen in width, with an opening at one of the longer edges. 
In former times they were made of native material, bast or Indian 
hemp, but are now commonly woven of trade worsted, although the 
primitive style of weaving and decoration is followed. Similar bags, 
with the opening at one of the longer or shorter edges, were widely 
distributed, occurring among the Salishan tribes of the west coast, 
the neighboring Shahaptians, the Winnebago, Oto, and Omaha of 
the Siouan stock, the Ojibwa, and doubtless also among the more 
eastern Algonquians, including the New England Indians. Josselyn 
may have referred to wallets of this type when he wrote of woven 
bags of dyed porcupine quills. * The style of weaving and embroid- 
ery surviving in the pocket-book illustrated was probably applied 
by our eastern Indians principally to bags of the above general form. 
In conclusion it is evident that the textile products of the New 
England Indians were of a relatively high order : that baskets, bags, 
matting, and twined woven cloth were made of a quality probably 
not excelled by any of the Algonquians, and so far as we can judge 
by existing examples it is doubtful if embroidered cloth of any 
North American tribe exceeded in workmanship or artistic merit 
that produced by the natives of New England and their neighbor- 
ing iandred. 

^. dL, p. III. 



In recording more than two hundred and fifty stories of the 
Haida and Tlingit of the north Pacific coast the writer has found 
that many of them have very similar plots, and it has seemed to him 
that abstracts of the more important of these might be of interest to 
those engaged in comparative work. The story of Raven is of 
course similar to the stories of other transformers and need not be 
included. The same is true of the story of the brothers who 
traveled about overcoming monsters. Here it is evidently Tlingit, 
the heroes in all cases ending their career in an attempt to cross the 
Stikine, and from the Tlingit it has been transmitted to the Haida 
without losing its Tlingit names and atmosphere. Several other 
tales, repeated from end to end of the Haida-Tlingit area, are also 
strongly localized in certain towns or camps, and hardly fall into 
the present scheme. Such are the story of the man who was car- 
ried off by the salmon people, the story of the woman who was 
turned into an owl, the story of the man who obtained strength to 
kill sea-lions, the story of the man who made killer-whales out of 
wood, and the story of the hunters who changed into supernatural 
beings by putting themselves into the fire. A few of the plots given 
are so general that they can hardly be considered peculiar to the 
northwest coast, but others probably do not occur outside of that 

1 . The Man Captured by the Supernatural Beings. — A man out 
hunting is taken into the house of some supernatural being, usually 
on account of something he has said or done to displease the latter, 
and often it tries to turn him into an animal, especially if it be a 
land otter or a killer-whale. On the other hand the hero may be 
given a crest or a name, and such a story is told by the Haida to 
explain the origin of secret society performances. 

2. The Man who Married the Grizzly Bear. — This is related 
to the above. A man out hunting hears his dogs bark in front of 



a grizzly bear's den. When he comes to it the male bear throws 
him inside, but the female conceals him, marries him, and kills her 
previous husband. He has several children by her. By and by 
he returns to his own people, but his bear wife enjoins him to have 
nothing to do with his human wife or children. Every day after 
his return he spears seals and carries them up to his bear family, 
who are waiting at the head of an inlet. After a while, however, 
he disobeys her instructions, and they kill him. Then his children 
wage war on human beings, but are finally destroyed. 

3. The Woman who Married the Supernatural Being. — A 
woman says something about an animal or object which angers the 
supernatural being connected with it, or else her father refuses for 
a long time to let her marry anyone. The offended being appears 
to the prl, and she marries it. Sometimes she goes off with it and 
lives among the animals for a long time, and sometimes her hus- 
band remains with her. In the former case she usually comes back 
to her father's people after a time, bringing food, and her father 
nuy recover her by killing the people she has been among. 

4. The Kidnapped Wife. — A man's wife is washing a skin in 
the sea, when she is carried off by a killer- whale. Her husband 
follows, descends to the sea floor, and assists some being there who 
in turn directs him how to get his wife back. Then he goes behind 
the town where she is kept, causes the wedges of a slave coming 
out to chop wood to break, restores them, and so obtains the slave's 
assistance. When the slave carries water into the house, he spills 
it upon the fire, and while the house is filled with steam the man 
runs in and carries off his wife. He is pursued, but reaches home 

5. The Supernatural Helper. — A man who has been unsuc- 
cessful in gambling, hunting, or getting property, goes off into the 
forest or out on the sea, obtains assistance from some supernatural* 
being, and is afterward fortunate, or, 

6. A man or a woman leaves food for some animal or treats it 
kindly, and is afterward given plenty of food in return, thereby 
becoming rich. 

7. The Supernatural Child. — A girl or a girl and her mother 
lose all their relatives and are left alone in the town. After a while 


the girl gives birth to a child who has supernatural power, grows 
up rapidly, destroys the enemies who have killed his mother's 
people, and usually restores them to life. 

8. The Magic Feather. — The popular form of type 7 is the 
following : While the people in a certain town are playing shinny on 
the beach, a feather or some similar object comes down from above, 
and those who seize it are carried up out of sight. In this way 
everybody disappears except one or two women. The younger of 
these swallows something and gives birth to a supernatural child 
who revenges and protects them. 

9. The Boy who was Abandoned. — For some action, trifling 
or otherwise, a boy is abandoned by all his people, who leave him 
alone in the town. His youngest uncle's wife, however, being fond 
of him, conceals a little food for him and some fire enclosed in 
mussel-shells. Then the youth receives assistance in some super- 
natural way and stores a great quantity of food, while those who 
have abandoned him are starving. After a while slaves are sent 
over to see what has become of him. He feeds them, but warns 
them not to carry any of the food away. One of them, however, 
conceals a piece for his (or her) infant, and the night after they 
return gives it to the child. While eating this, the child cries out, 
often from being choked or from having dropped the food, and the 
chief or his wife makes an investigation, thereby discovering the 
truth. Then the people of that town return to the place where the 
boy was left. All of his uncles' daughters dress themselves up, 
hoping that he will choose one of them for his wife, but he selects 
the daughter of his youngest uncle, although she. has not adorned 
herself and arrives last. He becomes a chief. 

10. The Boy and His Grandmother who were Banished. — A 
boy and his grandmother were either abandoned or forced to live 
outside the town. In the former case the story sometimes proceeds 
like type 9. In the latter case the boy is assisted by some super- 
natural being and obtains a great deal of food, while the other 
people are starving. They are obliged to purchase food of him, and 
he becomes wealthy. Sometimes he becomes a great shaman and 
obtains his property in that way. 

11. The Ill-disposed Mother-in-law. — A man is badly treated 


by his mother-in-law because he lies in bed continually instead of 
working. After a while he goes to a lake behind the town and 
kills a water-monster living there by splitting a tree along the 
middle, spreading the halves apart, and tolling the monster up until 
its head comes between the two portions. He skins this creature 
and begins to catch all kinds of fish and sea animals. These he 
leaves on the beach where his mother-in-law can find them, and by 
letting her find them regularly, he induces her to think that she 
has become a g^eat shaman. After a long time he reveals himself 
before all the people and kills his mother-in-law with shame. Some- 
times a monster is killed in the way indicated merely that the hero 
may obtain its skin to wear when he performs great deeds, not with 
a view to personal revenge. 

1 2. The Goose Wife. — A man finds two female geese, in human 
form, bathing in a lake while their skins hang on the limb of a tree 
near by. He seizes these skins and so compels one or both of them 
to marry him. When the goose tribe passes over, his wives get 
them to throw down food. By and by they leave him and rejoin 
their people. He follows them and remains with them for a while, 
afterward returning to his own place. On his way to find his wife 
he is sometimes made to encounter a man chopping, whose chips 
turn into salmon as they fall into the water. 

13. The Land Otter Sister. — The sister of a certain man is 
carried away by the land otters and married among them. Once, 
when he is encamped by himself making a canoe, his sister brings 
him food. By and by she sends some of the land otters to launch 
his canoe for him, and afterward he goes to the land-otter town to 
finish it. While he is there his sister takes his smallest child on 
her lap and sings to it, making a little tail grow out of it. When 
the man objects, she sings another song and it goes back. Finally 
he returns to his town. 

14. The Eagle People. — A man is set adrift in a box or on a 
plank by his uncle and lands among the eagles. He is found by 
two girls, marries them, and is given a suit of feathers by the eagle 
people in which he goes fishing. After some time he flies to his 
uncle's town, seizes his uncle by the head, and flies up from the 
ground with him. A person seizes his uncle's foot and is also 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—7 



carried up. He in turn is seized by another, and the process is 
continued until all the people of that town are hanging in a string. 
He drowns them in the ocean. 

15. Beaver and Porcupine. — Beaver carries porcupine out to 
an island from which he can not get ashore. Finally he sings for 
a north wind, the sea freezes over, and he walks home. Afterward 
he takes beaver up to the top of a tall tree and beaver gets down 
with difficulty. The two parts of this story are sometimes told in 
reverse order. 

16. The Rival Towns. — (This story is usually localized in the 
neighborhood of Metlakatla or on Nass river, but it is also told of 
Sitka.) War breaks out between two towns, and all of the people 
in one of them are destroyed except a woman and her daughter 
who escape into the forest. Then the mother calls out, " Who will 
marry my daughter ? " and the animals and birds present themselves 
successively. She asks each of these what it can do, and is dis- 
satisfied with the replies she receives, so she rejects all. Finally 
she is answered by the son of a sky deity (given variously as sky, 
sun, or moon), whom she accepts ; whereupon her son-in-law 
puts her into a tree, where she becomes the creaking of boughs or 
the echo, and carries his wife up to his father's house in the sky. 
There they have a number of children, whom their grandfather 
teaches how to fight when they are grown up. Usually there is 
one sister able to heal wounds. Finally their grandfather puts them 
inside of beautifully painted houses, or a fort, and lowers them down 
on their old town site. When the people of the town opposite hear 
the noises there, they say that they must be produced by ghosts ; 
but seeing the houses next morning, they start across to gamble 
with the newcomers. During this game trouble breaks out, and the 
children of the sky are about to be overwhelmed. Their grandfather 
intervenes, however, and enables them to destroy all their foes. 

17. The Doomed Canoemen. — Some men out hunting in a canoe 
are hailed by a supernatural being, who informs them that on their 
way home they will die successively, beginning with the man in the 
bow, and that when the man in the stem has reached home and 
related his story, he too will die. The death of a shaman or the 
destruction of a village is also sometimes foretold through him. 


18. The Protracted Winter. — ^The people in a certain town so 
offend some supernatural being that snow falls and almost covers 
the houses. Finally a bird is seen sitting on the edge of the smoke- 
hole with a berry in its mouth. Suspecting something is wrong, 
the people, or those who have survived, climb out and go to another 
place, where they find that it is already midsummer and the berries 
are ripe. Similar stories relate how people were punished by a 
flood, by stormy weather which prevents them from getting food, 
and in one or two stories otherwise of type 17, by fire. 

19. The Magic Flight. — ^A person is captured by some super- 
natural beings, as in stories of type 3. He or a friend of his obtains 
some objects from an old woman, and as they run away they throw 
these behind them and turn into obstructions through which their 
pursuers find difficulty in forcing a way. Usually this story is told 
of a woman who offended the grizzly bears. After she has ex- 
hausted her magic gifts, she comes out on the shore of a lake or 
the shores of the sea, where she is taken into a canoe, marries an- 
other supernatural being, and after a time returns to her father's 
people, bringing food. Sometimes the adventures of her son are also 
related, and again a story of type 4 may be added. 

20. The Grand Catch. — A fisherman who has been long unsuc- 
cessful at length pulls up an enormous "nest" full of fishes, or else 
an enormous fish surrounded by smaller ones. All the canoes are 
filled, and the poor fisherman becomes wealthy. 

2 1 . The Unfaithful Wife. — Desiring to marry another person, 
the wife of a certain man pretends that she is about to die and is 
placed in the grave-box. Afterward her lover liberates her and 
carries her home or to another part of the country. By and by her 
former husband suspects the truth, goes to the grave-box, and finds 
her body missing. Then he goes at night to the house where she 
and her new husband are living and kills them by running pointed 
sticks into their hearts. Next morning he dresses well and goes out 
to gamble. 

22. The Rejected Lover. — A man is in love with a woman who 
does not care for him. She induces him to pull all the hair out of 
his body and then leaves him. Too much ashamed to return to 
town, the man wanders off to another place, or climbs into the sky 


country on a chain of arrows. By and by he meets a supernatural 
being who restores his hair and takes him to another town where 
he marries the daughter of the town chief. Then he returns to his 
father's town with his new wife and puts the woman who had rejected 
him to shame. 

23. The Woman who Went with the Animal (Haida story). — 
A woman goes out after roots or shell-fish every day regularly until 
her husband becomes suspicious. By and by he pretends to start 
off hunting, lands not far off, and comes back behind the village. 
When he sees his wife start out, he follows her, and sees her come 
out on the sea at a certain place where she begins a song. Finally 
a whale, owl, or other animal comes and lies with her. Next day 
the husband sends his wife off in another direction, puts on her 
clothing, and goes to the same place. When the animal comes to 
him, he cuts off its penis. He takes this home, cooks it, and gives 
it to his wife to eat. After she has done this, he lets her know 
what she has eaten and makes her ashamed. 

24. The Blind Grizzly-bear Hunter. — A man who has been a 
great grizzly-bear hunter becomes old and blind. One time his 
wife aims his arrow for him, and he shoots a grizzly bear, but his 
wife pretends that he has missed and leaves him. She begins cut- 
ting up the animal and cooking it. Meanwhile her husband is met 
by a supernatural being, usually a bird, which restores his sight. 
When he comes to her camp and looks in, he wishes that the bear 
head may bite her, and it does so. There are other stories of the 
restoring of a blind man's sight, but they agree with the above in 
that particular only. 

25. The Sleep Bird. — A hunter is unsuccessful for a long time. 
One night he hears something buzzing about his canoe and knocks 
it down. It proves to be the bird that causes sleep, and when he 
reaches his town he finds the people lying dead just as they slept. 
Sometimes it is added that the hero himself could not sleep be- 
cause the bird had died while he was awake. 

26. The Land Otter's Captive. — A man is carried away by the 
land otters, but his people finally discover where he is, smoke the 
land otters out, and recover him. 

27. The Monster Devil-fish. — While two or three brothers are 

"••1 •;• • • 

; ' : : ••• \ 


out hunting, a monster devil-fish sweeps the camp from which they 
had set out into the sea, and all the people with it. Then the older 
brother or brothers put the youngest ashore, toll the devil-fish to 
the surface, and destroy it, although they themselves are carried 
down when it dies. The youngest is left to tell what has taken 
place, and the devil-fish is found floating dead with the men inside. 

28. The Sea- walkers. — A man marries the daughter of some 
supernatural being and takes her home. While there she lets no 
one bring her water except her husband, and as soon as he sets it 
down she puts a magic quill into it. If the water falls from this 
clear, her husband has been faithful to her ; if it is slimy, he has 
been unfaithful. At last she sees that the water is slimy, and, get- 
ting up, starts to walk back to her father on the surface of the 
ocean. Her husband follows her, but presently she looks at him 
and he goes down out of sight. 

29. The Shell-fish's Victim. — A man reaches under a rock, 
and a bivalve closes upon his hand so that it cannot be removed. 
When the tide rises, he is covered, and either disappears or is 

30. Acquirement of Wealth by a Shaman. — A shaman sends 
diseases into the son of some wealthy man and afterward cures him, 
obtaining thereby a great quantity of property. 

3 1 . Visit of a Shaman to the Animals. — A shaman is sent for 
by some animals, usually land otters, to cure one of their number 
who has been wounded by hunters. He removes a spear-point and 
obtains some supernatural gift in payment. When he first comes 
among these people, they try to make him think that the patient is 
in another house by filling it with people, but he puts his rattle on 
the ground, and it goes up before him to the right place. 

32. The Stolen Skin. — A man's friend dies and his body is 
placed in a grave-box, which his friend watches continually. By 
and by he sees some people come by canoe and carry off his 
friend's skin. The friend gets in along with them, and as they are 
on the way makes their chief sick by grasping him tightly around 
the body. When they reach home, these people send for shamans 
who practise upon him vainly, until a very powerful shaman is sent 
for who discovers what is wrong. He gets the skin for the dead 
man's friend and sends him home. 

I02 . AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 7, 1905 

33. The Ground-hog Mountain. — A young man accompanies 
his uncle to a mountain that the latter owns, where there are many 
ground-hogs. Arrived there they find that the ground-hogs have 
left it and gone to a mountain farther back. When they get to 
this place the youth creeps into the cave where they are, ahead 
of his uncle, and he is suddenly possessed by spirits and becomes 
a shaman. 

34. The Wild Man. — A man takes a notion to live entirely 
alone. He is met by people at various times, but refuses to go 
with them. He is said to live on raw food and to cut up and carry 
home very small birds as if they were large animals. 

35. The Bug-a-boo. — ^A child is a great cry-baby. One time a 
supernatural being comes to the house, calls to it, and induces it to 
follow him. Its parents pursue and see their child carried down 
into the earth. Then they began to dig over the place where it has 
disappeared, but in vain. After some time the child comes back or 
is discovered, but soon dies. This story is used to frighten chil- 
dren into obedience. 

36. The Fatal Misunderstanding. — A mother tells her little 
child to give the baby something to eat, but she understands that 
she is told to kill it, and obeys. 

It is interesting to note how conventional expressions, or what 
might be called the ** mythic formulae," differ as used by Haida 
and Tlingit. Thus the Tlingit indicate that a town was large by 
saying "it was a long town," while the Haida equivalent is, **it was 
a town of five rows of houses." In Tlingit a girl is carried off by 
some supernatural being because she had said something to offend 
it ; in Haida it is because (or after) her father has refused a great 
many suitors for her hand. In Tinglit a man kills his unkind uncle 
or aunt by wishing that what he or she eats will not satisfy, but in 
Haida he does it by feeding the person on nothing but grease. 
Although the myths of both peoples speak of traveling in canoes 
which are alive and have to be fed, in Tlingit these are always griz- 
zly bears. Often it is said that the turnings in rivers were made by 
grizzly bears who began to turn round as soon as they were hun- 
gry. While four is nearly always the story or mystic number in 
Haida, two appears quite as often in Tlingit. After a child with 



supernatural powers is born, the Tinglit story-teller is content to 
say that it grew up rapidly and hunted continually, but the Haida 
must add that it cried for a bow and arrows and was not satisfied 
until it obtained some made out of copper. Among the Haida, 
too, a supernatural being is usually killed by cutting its body apart 
and throwing a whetstone between, on which the body grinds itself 
"to nothing.'* To express plenty the Tlingit say that one could 
not see the inside of the house for the multitude of things in it ; a 
child that has eaten something against the wishes of its elders has 
the inside of its mouth scratched ; a medicine animal often appears 
in the shape of a bear ; and it is always said of a supernatural be- 
ing addicted to the habit of doing away with his wives periodically 
that '* his wives do not last long." 


By henry W. HENSHAW 

Since the day when Columbus miscalled the aborigines of 
America " Indians," believing that he had discovered India, popu- 
lar fallacies respecting them have been numerous and widespread. 
Some of the more important of them will be discussed here. 

Origin of tlie Indians. — As soon as, or even before, the newly- 
discovered continent was found to be not connected with Asia, the- 
ories of the origin of the Indians began to be formulated by the 
learned, and, consistently with the religious spirit of the age, a solu- 
tion of the problem was sought in Hebrew tradition. In the Indians 
were recognized the descendants of the " lost tribes of Israel." The 
latest and most earnest supporters of the Hebrew origin are the 
Mormons, whose statements are alleged to have the authority of 
direct revelation. Absurd as the theory is in the light of present 
knowledge, anthropology owes to it several valuable treatises 
on the habits and characteristics of the Indians, which it could ill 
afford to lose, notably Lord Kingsborough's Mexican Antiquities 
and Adair's History of the North American Indians^ the latter book 
being filled with fancied similarities to Jewish customs, rites, and 
even traditions. 

Equally absurd, but less widespread, was the myth of a tribe of 
Welsh Indians, descendants of a colony reputed to have been 
founded by Prince Madoc about 1 1 70. The myth located them, 
with their Welsh language and Welsh Bible, first on the Atlantic 
coast, where they were identified with the Tuscarora, and then 
farther and farther west, until about 1776 we find the Welsh, or 
"white," Indians on the Missouri, where they appeared as the 
Mandan (according to Catlin), later on Red river. Later still they 
were identified with the Hopi of Arizona,[and finally with the Modoc 
of Oregon, afler which they vanish.^ 

'MooDcy in Am, Anthrop,, iv, 393, 1891. 



Other seekers of a foreign origin for the American aborigines 
have derived them in turn from Greeks, Chinese, Japanese, Phoeni- 
cians, Irish, Polynesians, and even from the peoples of Australasia. 
Most of these theories are based on fortuitous analogies in habits, in- 
stitutions, and arts ; but the attempt is frequently made to strengthen 
them by alleged similarities of language, language being confess- 
edly the principal basis for classifying peoples. The general sim- 
ilarity of the human mind in similar stages of culture in every part 
of the world, with its proneness to produce similar arts, institutions, 
religious ideas, myths, and even material products, sufficiently ex- 
plains the former class of facts, whilst the hypotheses of identity of 
language, based, as they invariably are, on a small number of verbal 
similarities in the nature of coincidences, are wholly disproved on 
adequate examination and analysis. 

Indian Langtiages, — Indian languages are so utterly unlike 
European speech in sound and so different in structure and charac- 
ter that it is not surprising that erroneous conceptions concerning 
them should arise. The unlearned conceived the ideas that the 
speech of all Indians of whatsoever tribe was practically the same, 
that it was little more than a sort of gibberish, that it contained but 
a small number of words, that to eke out its shortcomings the 
Indian was compelled to use gestures, that it was hardly human 
speech, much less orderly and well developed language. 

A comprehension of the manifold variety of Indian linguistic 
families, embracing a multitude of languages and dialects, of their 
rich vocabularies, flexible grammatical methods, and general suffi- 
ciency to express any and all concepts the Indian mind is capable 
of entertaining, above all, of their capacity, shared with more 
advanced tongues, of indefinite expansion corresponding to culture 
growth, was reserved for a later period and more complete study. 
The intricacies of Indian languages are even yet but partially under- 
stood ; their proper study has hardly begun, so vast is the field. 

Indians not Nomadic, — One of the common fallacies of early 
historians, by no means yet entirely dissipated, was the idea that 
the Indians were generally nomadic, having no fixed place of abode, 
but wandering hither and yon as fancy or the necessities of ex- 
istence demanded. The term nomadic is not, in fact, properly ap- 


I06 AMERICAN ANTHROPaLOGIST [n. s., 7. 1903 

plicable to any Indian tribe. Every tribe and every congeries of 
tribes, with exceptions to be noted, laid claim to and dwelt within 
the limits of a certain tract or region the boundaries of which were 
well understood and were handed down by tradition and never re- 
linquished save to a superior force. Between many of the tribes, 
indeed, were debatable areas, owned by none but claimed by all, 
which from time immemorial formed the cause of disputes and inter- 
tribal wars. Most or all of the tribes east of Mississippi river, 
except in the north, and some west of it, were to a greater or less 
extent agricultural and depended much for food on the products 
of their tillage. During the hunting season such tribes or villages 
broke up into small parties and dispersed over their domains more 
or less widely in search of game ; or they visited the seashore for 
fish and shellfish. Only in this restricted sense may they be said 
to be nomadic. The so-called " horse Indians " and the Plains 
Indians, at least after the latter acquired the horse, wandered very 
widely in search of their chief dependence, the buffalo. Though 
most of these had no fixed and permanent villages, they yet pos- 
sessed clear ideas as to the extent of their own territory as well as 
that of their neighbors. The Athapascan and Algonquian tribes of 
the far north, where absence of agriculture, the wide expanses of 
desolate territory, and the nature of the game necessitated frequent 
changes of abode and forbade any form of fixed village life, most 
nearly approached nomadic life. 

Indian Ownership of Land, — The exact nature of Indian own- 
ership of land appears not to have been understood by the early 
settlers, and the misunderstanding was the fruitful source of trouble 
and even bloodshed. Neither the individual Indian nor the family 
possessed vested rights in land. The land belonged to the tribe as 
a whole. Individual families and clans might appropriate for their 
own use and tillage any portion of the tribe's unoccupied domain. 
Hence it was impossible for a chief, family, clan, or any section of a 
tribe legally to sell or to give away to aliens, white or red, any part 
of the tribal domain, and the inevitable consequences of illegal sales 
or gifls was bad feeling, followed oflen by repudiation of the con- 
tract by the tribe as a whole. Attempts by the whites to enforce 
these supposed legal sales were followed by disorder and bloodshed, 
often by prolonged wars. 


Ideas of Royalty. — It is perhaps not strange that the early emi- 
grants to America, habituated to European ideas of royal descent 
and kingly prerogative, should describe the simple village and 
tribal organizations of the Indians with high-sounding phrases* 
Early treatises on the Indians teem with the terms "king," 
"qiieen," and "princess,** and even with ideas of hereditary priv- 
ilege and rank. It would be difficult to imagine states of society 
more unlike than one implied by such terms and the simple democ- 
racy of most of the Indians. On the northwest coast ideas of caste 
had gained a foothold, principally founded on a property basis, but 
this was exceptional. Equality and independence were the cardinal 
principles of Indian society. In some tribes, as the Iroquois, certain 
of the highest chieftaincies were confined to certain clans, and these 
may be said in a modified sense to have been hereditary. Practi- 
cally, however, all the offices within the limits of the tribal govern- 
ment were purely elective. The ability of the candidates, their 
courage, eloquence, previous services, above all their personal pop- 
ularity, formed the basis for election to any and all offices. No 
power in any wise analogous to that of the despot, no rank savoring 
of inheritance, as we understand the term, existed among our 
Indians. Even military service was not compulsory, but he who 
would might organize a war party, and the courage and known 
prowess in war of the leader chiefly determined the number of his 
followers. So loose were the ties of authority on the warpath that 
a bad dream or an unlucky presage was enough to diminish the 
number of the war party at any time or even to break it up entirely. 

The idea prevalent among the colonists of a legal executive head 
over the Indians, a so-called king, was acceptable on account of the 
aid it lent to the transaction of business with the Indians, especially 
to the enforcement of contracts. It enabled the colonists to treat 
directly and effectively with one man, or at most with a few, for the 
sale of land, instead of with the tribe as a whole. The fact is that 
social and political organization was of the lowest kind ; the very 
name of tribe, with implication of a body bound together by social 
ties and under some central authority, is of very uncertain application. 

Knowledge of Medicine, — Many erroneous ideas of the practice 
of medicine among the Indians are current, often fostered by quacks 


who claim to have received herbs and methods of practice from noted 
Indian doctors. The medical art among all Indians was rooted in 
sorcery ; and the prevailing idea that diseases were caused by the 
presence or acts of evil spirits, which could be removed only by 
sorcery and incantation, controlled diagnosis and treatment This 
conception gave rise to both priest and physician. Combined with 
it there grew up a certain knowledge of and dependence upon 
simples, one important development of which was what we know as 
the doctrine of signatures, according to which the color, shape, and 
markings of plants are supposed to indicate the organs for which 
in disease they are supposed to be efficacious specifics. There was 
current in many tribes, especially among the old women, a rude 
knowledge of the therapeutic use of a considerable number of plants 
and roots and of the sweating process, which was employed with 
little discrimination. 

Tlie Great Spirit, — Among the many erroneous conceptions re- 
garding the Indian none has taken deeper root than the one which 
ascribes to him belief in an overruling deity, the " Great Spirit." 
Very far removed from this tremendous conception of one all- 
powerful deity was the Indian belief in a multitude of spirits that 
dwelt in animate and inanimate objects, to propitiate which was the 
chief object of his supplications and sacrifices. To none of his 
deities did the Indian ascribe moral good or evil. His religion was 
practical. The spirits were the source of good or bad fortune 
whether on the hunting path or the war trail, in the pursuit of a 
wife or in a ball game. If successful he adored, offered sacrifices, 
and made valuable presents. If unsuccessful he cast his manitou 
away and offered his faith to more powerful or more friendly deities. 

In this world of spirits the Indian dwelt in perpetual fear. He 
feared to offend the spirits of the mountains, of the dark wood, of 
the lake, of the prairie. The real Indian was a different creature 
from the joyous and untrammeled savage pictured and envied by the 
poet and philosopher. 

Happy Hunting Ground, — If the term be understood to imply 
nothing more than a belief of the Indian in a future existence, it 
answers, perhaps, as well as another. That the Indian believes in 
a future life his mortuary rites abundantly testify. It may be con- 



iidently stated that no tribe of American Indians was without some 
idea of a life after death ; but as to its exact nature and whereabouts 
the Indian's ideas, differing in different tribes, were vague. Nor 
does it appear that belief in a future life had any marked influence 
on the daily life and conduct of the individual. The American 
Indian seems not to have evolved the idea of hell and future 

Division of Labor. — The position of woman in Indian society, 
especially as regards the division of labor, has been misunderstood. 
Historians have generally pictured her as a drudge and slave, toiling 
incessantly, while her indolent husband idles away most of the time 
and exists chiefly by the fruits of her labor. While the picture is 
not wholly false, it is much overdrawn, chiefly because the observa- 
tions which suggest it were made about the camp or village, in 
which and in the neighboring fields lay the peculiar province of 
woman's activity. In addition to the nurture of children, their 
duties were the care of the habitation, cooking, preparation of 
skins, and the making of clothing, pottery, and basketry; and 
among many tribes they were expected also to help bring home 
the spoils of the chase. Among agricultural tribes tillage of the 
fields was largely woman's work. Thus her tasks were many and 
laborious, but she had her hours for gossip and for special women's 
games. In an Indian community, where the food question is always 
a serious one, there can be no idle hands. The women were aided 
in their round of tasks by the children and the old men. Where 
slavery existed their toil was further lightened by the aid of slaves, 
and in other tribes captives were often compelled to aid in the 
women's work. 

The men did all the hunting, fishing, and trapping, which in 
savagery are always toilsome, frequently dangerous, and not rarely 
fatal, especially in winter. The man alone bore arms, and to him be- 
longed the chances and dangers of war. The making and admin- 
istration of laws, the conduct of treaties, and the general regulation 
of tribal affairs were in the hands of the men, though in these fields 
woman also had important prerogatives. To men were entrusted all 
the important ceremonies and most of the religious rites, also the 
task of memorizing tribal records and treaties, as well as rituals. 


which involved astonishing feats of memory. The chief manual 
labor of the men was the manufacture of hunting and war imple- 
ments, an important occupation that took much time. The manu- 
facture of canoes, also, was chiefly man's work. Thus in Indian 
society the position of woman was always subordinate, and the lines 
of demarcation between the duties of the sexes were everywhere 
sharply drawn. Nevertheless, the division of labor was not so 
unequal as it might seem to the casual observer, and it is difficult to 
understand how the line could have been more fairly drawn in a 
state of society where the military spirit was so dominant. Indian 
communities lived in constant danger of attack, and their men, 
whether in camp or on the march, must ever be ready at a moment's 
warning to seize their arms and defend their homes and families. 

Where Indian communities adopted settled village life, as did 
the Pueblo peoples, or where the nature of tribal wealth was such 
as to enable women to become property-holders on a large scale, as 
among the Navaho, whose women own the sheep, or where slavery 
was an established institution and extensively practised, as among 
the northwest coast tribes, the position of women advanced, and 
there ensued, among other social changes, a more equal division of 
laborious tasks. 

Indian Population. — Early estimates of Indian population were 
greatly exaggerated, chiefly because they were based on the num- 
bers observed in the more populous districts, as along the coast, on 
the natural waterways, and in permanent settlements. The infer- 
ence was that elsewhere the population was equally large, whereas 
the country as a whole was but sparsely populated, and there were 
extensive tracts in the United States which were practically unin- 
habited. Later, when a fairly accurate census revealed a compara- 
tively small population, the difference between the first estimates and 
the actual numbers was accounted for by the theory of rapid deci- 
mation due to pestilence. The Indian population of prehistoric 
America can never be known, but all available data indicate that it 
could not possibly have exceeded a million ; many authorities be- 
lieve an estimate of half that number sufficient. 

Degeneracy of Mixed-bloods, — It has long been an adage that 
the mixed-blood is a moral degenerate, exhibiting few or none of 


the virtues of either, but all the vices of both of the parent stocks. 
In various parts of the country there are many mixed-bloods of 
undoubted ability and of high moral standing, and there is no evi- 
dence to prove that the low moral status of the average mixed- 
bloods of the frontier is a necessary result of mixture of blood, but 
there is much to indicate that it arises chiefly from his unfortunate 
environment. The mixed-blood finds little favor with either race, 
while his superior education and advantages, derived from associa- 
tion with the whites, enable him to outstrip his Indian brother in the 
pursuit of either good or evil. Absorption into the dominant race 
is likely to be the fate of the Indian, and there is no reason to fear 
that when freed from his anomalous environment the mixed-blood 
will not win an honorable, social, industrial, and political place in the 
national life. 

Indian Pygmies and Giants. — All times and all peoples have 
had traditions of pygmies and giants. It is therefore nowise sur- 
prising that such myths were early transplanted to American soil. 
The story of an ancient race of pygmies in Tennessee, familiar to 
most archeologists, owes its origin to the discovery, in the early half 
of the last century, of numerous small stone coffins, or cists, contain- 
ing skeletons. The largest, measured by Featherstonhaugh, was 24 
inches long by 9 inches deep. The small size of the cists was 
assumed by their discoverers to be proof of the existence of a race 
of dwarfs, and the belief gained ready credence and exists to the 
present day in the minds of a few. In many cases the skeletons of 
the supposed dwarfs proved to be those of children, while, as pointed 
out by Jones and Thomas, the skeletons of the adults found in the 
cists had been deprived of flesh, a common Indian mortuary custom, 
and then disjointed, when the bones of an adult could be packed 
into a very small space. 

A race of dwarfs has also been popularly ascribed to the cliff- 
dweller region of New Mexico and Arizona, partly owing to the 
finding of shriveled and shrunken mummies of children, too hastily 
assumed to be those of dwarfs, and partly owing to the discovery 
of small apartments in the cliff dwellings, of the nature of cubby- 
holes for the storage of property, the entrances to which were too 
small to permit the passage, erect, of an ordinar>- man ; hence, in the 


mind of the discoverers, they must have been used by dwarfs. The 
Pueblo peoples are, indeed, of relatively small stature, but they are 
as far from being dwarfs as other Indians from being giants.^ 

The myth of the discovery of giant skeletons perennial in news- 
papers, is revived at times by the finding of huge fossil mammalian 
remains of ancient epochs, erroneously supposed by the ignorant to 
be human ; at others by the discovery of buried skeletons the bones 
of which have in the course of time become separated so as to give 
the impression of beings of unusual height. There was considerable 
diversity of stature among Indian tribes, some, as the Pueblos, being 
of rather small size, while among the tribes of the lower Colorado 
and the Plains were many men of unusual size. Now and then, too, 
as among other peoples, a man is found who is a real giant among 
his kind ; a skeleton was exhumed in West Virginia which measured 
yyi feet in length and 19 inches across the shoulders. 

Mound-builders and Cliff-dwellers. — The belief was formerly 
held by many that the mound-builders of the Mississippi valley and 
the cliff-dwellers of the southwestern border were racially distinct 
from the Indians or had reached a superior degree of culture. The 
more thoroughly the mounds and cliff ruins have been explored and 
the more carefully the artifacts, customs, and culture status of these 
ancient peoples are studied, the more apparent is it that their attain- 
ments were nowise superior to those of the later Indian. There is 
no evidence incompatible with the theory that the builders of the 
mounds and the dwellers in the cliffs are the ancestors of the tribes 
now or recently in possession of the same regions. 

Stolidity and Taciturnity, — The idea of the Indian, once popu- 
lar, suggests a taciturn and stolid character who smoked his pipe 
in silence and stalked reserved and dignified among his fellows. 
Unquestionably the Indian of the Atlantic slope differed in many 
respects from his kinsmen farther west ; it may be that the forest 
Indian of the north and east imbibed something of the spirit of the 
primeval woods which, deep and gloomy, overspread much of his 
region. If so, he has no counterpart in the regions west of the 

For details respecting the dwarfs of Tennessee see Haywood, Natural and Aborig- 
inal History of Tennessee^ 1823 ; and Jones, Antiquities of Tennessee^ 10, 1876. 


Mississippi. On occasions of ceremony and religion the western 
Indian can be both dignified and solemn, as befits the occasion, but 
his nature, if not as bright and sunny as that of the Polynesian, is at 
least as far removed from moroseness as his disposition is from taci* 
tumity. The Indian of the present day has a fair sense of humor 
and is by no means a stranger to jest, laughter, and even repartee. 

AM. AMTH., N. S., 7—8 


Th€ American Xaiion : A History. Volume IL Basis of American 
History^ ijoo-igoo. By Lmxcsrox Farrasd, A.M., M.D., 
Professor of Anthropolog}', Columbia University. New York and 
London : Harper Brothers. 1904. 8°, 303 pages, i pi., 10 maps. 

The American nation as a political miit merely is a subject easily 
compassed by the historian, since its foundation lies not only within the 
period of written history, but within the narrow limits of discovery and 
colonization. But he who would venture to treat the national history in 
its fuller significance must carry his researches beyond the limits of the 
Colinnbian period and over a \'ast range of subject-matter ; he must con- 
sider the races and cultures of the Old World and their &r-reaching in- 
fluence in the New ; he must have an intimate acquaintance with the New 
World, giving due attention to its configuration, its climate, and its 
resources, and must build up the background of his picture with the his- 
tory of the American race. These are the elements that, in the view of 
Dr Farrand, constitute the basis of the histor\' of the American nation. 
The time may or may not have come for an adequate presentation of this 
history ; the point of Wew may not yet be sufficiently remote for com- 
prehensive vision, and the knowledge of the field and its complex phe- 
nomena may not be sufficiently complete ; but our author has ventured 
on the task, and the future must determine the wisdom of the under- 
taking and the degree of his success. 

In the earlier chapters the author depicts in a simple and effective 
manner the ph)rsical features of the continent, characterizing the areas 
fitted for human occupancy and pointing out the bearing of the mountain 
masses, the deserts, and rivers on the distribution of populations. He 
shows how the invading race advanced to the conquest of the fertile 
vallejrs and the prairies, and how the aborigines were pushed inland 
along the waterways, across the passes, and over the portages, until the 
great habitable areas were almost completely wrested from their grasp. 
The special areas that had nurtured the native communities and developed 
their peculiar culture now became the focal centers for the development 
of the new people and the new culture. Dr Farrand summarizes the 
characteristics of the great areas of human activity, and enumerates 
(touching all too lightly on the mineral kingdom) the resources which, 



under the simple regime of the Indian, gave him an impulse toward civil- 
ization, and which in the stronger grasp of the white race created a new 
empire almost within the limit of a lifetime. Having covered this much 
of the ground, the author takes up the story of the native tribes as an 
essential part of the national history. 

Chapter 5 is devoted to a consideration of the very important ques- 
tion of the antiquity of man in what is now the domain of the American 
nation. The geological evidence is dismissed with a few short para- 
graphs, leaving the impression that as yet little satisfactory proof of great 
antiquity has been found. Facts relied on when investigations began a 
few years ago as fully establishing the existence of conditions of occu- 
//pancy and culture parallel with those of Europe, have more recently 
been given different and much simpler interpretations. Finds of artifacts 
in Glacial gravels are too few and too imperfectly attested to carry con- 
viction to the conservative student, and it is pointed out that caves which 
have for untold centuries offered free shelter to the tribes that have come 
and gone, yield no trace of occupancy by others than the Indian tribes 
as known to us. It is justly considered, however, that the continent 
must have been occupied for thousands of years, the well -authenticated 
traces extending far back toward the period that witnessed the final 
retreat of the Glacial ice beyond the northern limits of the Great I^kes. 
The mound builders and the cliff dwellers, about whom much misconcep- 
tion and error have insisted on clustering, are relegated to their proper 
place in the simple history of Indian occupancy. In the light of the 
straightforward and judicious interpretations presented by Dr Farrand, 
the cobwebs of early misinterpretation are swept completely away. 

In Chapter 6 a comprehensive glance is taken of the North Ameri- 
can aborigines for the period beginning with 1500 and ending with 1900 
— the period during which they have been under the observation of our 
own race. The first requisite in this presentation is a classification of the 
extensive and complex phenomena involved, and it is pointed out that 
four groupings of the tribes are possible : by physical characters, by lan- 
guages, by geographical areas, and by culture groups. The physical char- 
acters are varied and pronounced, but difficult to formulate in such ways 
as to serve as a basis for treatment. The grouping by languages is re- 
garded as the most satisfactory for scientific discussion, but the tribes 
north of Mexico present such a wonderful diversity of tongues that fifty- 
seven distinct linguistic groups or families are recognized, making impos- 
sible a brief and comprehensive treatment on this basis. 

It is believed by Dr Farrand that a grouping by geographical areas 

1 1 6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, i^c^ 

is the most satisfactory for his purpK>se, the areas being such as have, partly 
at least, through their peculiar characteristics of conformation and resour- 
ces, led to the development of somewhat decidedly distinctive phases of 
culture. By this method the number of groups may be large or small as 
the treatment demands. Seven are considered sufficient for the author's 
purpose, and are as follows : ( i ) the Eskimo ; (2) the tribes of the North 
Pacific coast ; (3) the tribes of the Mackenzie river basin and the high 
plateaus; (4) the tribes of the Columbia river and California; (5) the 
tribes of the Great Plains ; (6) the tribes of the eastern woodlands ; and 
(7) the tribes of the Southwest and Mexico. The Eskimo occupy the 
northern shoreline of the continent from Bering sea to Greenland, and 
originally, it is surmised, extended south into New England. They are 
a people widely separated from the Indian in physical and mental char- 
acters, whose origin is not determined, but whose adjustment to the Arctic 
environment and unique resultant culture are among the most interesting 
and instructive lessons of aboriginal America. Contrasting strongly with 
the Eskimo, and presenting physical and cultural characters hardly less re- 
markable, are the tribes of the Northwest coast. The third group, assem- 
bled in the great northern inland region, connects with the Eskimo on 
the north and extends from the coast ranges on the west to Hudson bay 
on the east ; while the fourth occupies the basin of Columbia river and the 
numerous minor valleys opening out to the Pacific in Oregon and California. 
The fifth group comprises the great warrior-hunter tribes of the inland 
plains, of which the Sioux are taken as the type ; the sixth, the formerly 
powerful and strongly contrasting Iroquoian and Algonquian groups of the 
eastern woodland north and south, with which the English and French colon- 
ists had chiefly to deal ; and the seventh, the many tribes of the Southwest 
and Mexico, presenting numerous physical types and greatly diversified 
cultures. Of the three hundred or more tribes thus passed under review, 
few could even be mentioned and fewer described by Dr Farrand with 
any degree of fulness in the brief space allotted ; but the perusal of these 
chapters will give the reader an excellent notion of the people as a whole, 
and of the groups as assembled in the great specialization areas of the 
northern portions of the continent. 

The chapters treating of the social organization of the tribes ; houses, 
house life, and food quest ; industrial life and warfare ; religion, mythol- 
ogy, and art ; and the character and future of the Indians, which follow, 
are excellent summaries of these subjects ; and the final chapter, a critical 
essay on authorities, will prove to be of high value to the student. 

Not without shortcomings such as necessarily result from the crowd- 


ing of a vast subject within narrow limits (the faults of omission), this 
work is charmingly simple, direct, and comprehensive. The reader is 
not led into troublesome mazes of speculation, nor is he asked to skate on 
the thin ice of preconceived notions ; the work must therefore prove a 
boon to schools and to the general public, which have too long been at 
the mercy of the hobby-rider and the sensation-monger. It is conserva- 
tive and refreshingly healthy in tone throughout. The publishers will be 
fortunate if the other volumes of the composite work to which this one 
belongs reach an equal standard of excellence. 

W. H. Holmes 

An Outline of the Theory of Organic Evolution, with a Description of 
some of the Phenomena which it Explains. By Maynard M. Met- 
CALF. New York : The Macmillan Company. 1904. 8°, xxii, 
204 pages, illustrated. 

This book, as the author says, is not intended for biologists, but for 
la3rmen, and especially for such as are somewhat young either in years or 
in science. But many a biologist could doubtless refresh his memory, 
dimmed by long special researches, by scanning its attractive pages, and 
especially its profuse and well-selected illustrations. It covers the entire 
field of organic nature, and the examples are drawn as well from plants as 
from animals. The author, although he says that he believes ** that all 
nature is controlled by an intelligent Providence, * * is a thoroughgoing 
evolutionist. He is also open-minded, and accepts all the evidence from 
whatever source. For example, he gives some excellent illustrations of 
sexual selection, which some eminent evolutionists affect to discredit. 

If the book were exclusively devoted to biology in the narrower sense 
of dealing with plants and the lower animals, it could not be expected 
that the American Anthropologist would give space to it, however meri- 
torious, but the author has not stopped with animals in the ordinary 
sense. He has devoted a chapter to the evolution of man. In this he 

"Study of human anatomy shows mankind to be probably a single 
species, belonging to the Primates, a group of the Mammalia, including, 
besides man, the lemurs and the apes and monkeys of the eastern and 
western hemispheres. Man is most related to the Simiida, the tailless 
apes of Asia and Africa, including the gibbon, the orang, the chimpanzee, 
and the gorilla. It is usual to place humankind in a distinct family of 
Primates, Hominida, It is now the general consensus of opinion that we 
should recognize but a single species and distinguish as subspecies the 
several races of men.*' 

1 1 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

In support of these views he gives the well-known figures of Huxley 
showing the skeletons of man and the foiu: anthropoid apes, and also the 
remarkable series of embryos arranged by Haeckel to show the phylogeny 
and ontogeny of man. This series first appeared in Haeckel' s Anthro- 
pogente, 1874, pi. v. It has been copied many times, and our author, 
who does not seem to be acquainted with Haeckel' s work, borrowed it 
from Romanes (^Darwin and after Darwin, pp. 152-153). 

The general reflections in which the author indulges growing out of 
these and other facts adduced in favor of human evolution, show a strong 
coordinating power and a broad view of his subject. The role of the 
higher mind is clearly grasped, and its bearing on the future of evolution, 
both favorable and unfavorable, is well set forth. Perhaps he somewhat 
exaggerates the tendency of civilization to preserve the biologically unfit, 
but he may be pardoned, for this is a favorite theme of modem biological 
philosophers, many of whom are so carried away by it that they lose all 
sense of perspective and become wholly pessimistic. Not so our author, 
although he sounds the note of warning. But he sees, as many do not, 
that intelligence exempts mankind for the most part from the principle of 
selection, and enables him to control and transform his environment, in- 
stead of being controlled and transformed by it. **We can," he says 
** to a considerable extent, control our own evolution. The lower ani- 
mals cannot do so. They lack the intelligence which gives us this power. ' ' 
But he seems to share with Galton, Ribot, and others the faith that what- 
ever progress is to be brought about through intelligence must consist in 
some sort of rational stirpiculture or * * eugenics, ' ' and be exclusively 
physiological. The idea of a strictly social evolution, as distinguished 
from biological evolution, seems to be outside the range of his studies. 

Lester F. Ward. 

An Introduction to the Theory of Mental and Social Measurements, By 
Edward L. Thorndike. New York: The Science Press. 1904. 
8®, xii, 210 pages. 

The author claims this book to be a statement of the first principles 
and rules of procedure in the treatment of statistical data, to serve as a 
handbook for the students of all sciences using statistical material. Yet it 
is obvious, on looking into the special methods discussed, that the treatise 
is expressly for the students of education and psychology. The apparent 
design of the work is to present methods of procedure based on mathe- 
matical conceptions with the mathematics left out, the author himself 
being fiiUy conscious of the awkwardness of his position. Since methods 


of handling statistics for variable phenomena are of special interest to 
physical anthropology, an application of methods to similar conditions 
in other fields of investigation will always deserve attention. All statis- 
tical work in variation proceeds on the assumption that variation is the 
result of a large number of independent causes working independently, 
the probabilities of their acting and not acting being equal. Such a con- 
dition gives a distribution of cases expressed by the binomial formula. 
Whenever it can be established that anatomical measurements for a 
homogeneous people follow the same law, mathematics will be of great 
service and new fields of research will present themselves. Physical 
anthropology has firmly established itself by empirically demonstrating 
the correspondence between the observed facts and this mathematical ex- 
pression. However, the great obstacle to research has been the general 
ignorance of mathematics on the part of the workers, self-justified by 
traditions against the use of its methods. 

While the psychologists have been using the same mathematical 
methods, they have not yet demonstrated in the same rough fashion the 
correspondence between their data and the binomial formula, or the more 
general expression of the exponential formula. The author devotes 
much space to the presentation of types of distribution obtained in the 
various kinds of data to give the student some idea of the basis for the 
assumption of the applicability of the mathematical formulas that hold for 
the conditions of a single type of distribution. This is commendable 
and safe ground, but merely states observations. The critical reader of 
the book must feel that the advice of the author to regard every distribu- 
tion as being of the symmetrical type unless there is good reason for not 
doing so would rule out the remainder of the book, since, as far as can be 
judged by eye, the majority of the plotted distributions show asymmetrical 
tendencies. This will doubtless serve the good purpose of making the 
student duly cautious in th« use of the method. The weakness of the 
author* s position is in his failure to give a satisfactory basis for the determi- 
nation of asymmetry. The question of the type of distribution would 
have come to something more definite if the relation between the higher 
powers of the deviations and the type of distribution had been discussed. 
As it is, the whole preliminary discussion fails to suggest a way out of 
seemingly hopeless diversity of forms of distribution. 

The book must be estimated as an exposition of established methods 
rather than as a contribution to the knowledge of the subject. To this 
end the author has chosen a few main points and treated them at length. 
The illustrative examples are original, and although sometimes a little 


Strained seem to serve their purpose: e, g., John's Christmas money, 
the relative probability of his receiving a dollar from different sources, is 
carried through the entire chapter on the cause of variability. 

Some useful adaptations of principles are worked out by the author as 
special methods of procedure in psychological research : 1. e. , the trans- 
mutation of relative measures into those of quantity. The author's discus- 
sion of the zero point of a series seems unnecessarily confusing ; in this as 
in several other instances he gives the reader the impression that he is in 
too great haste to get to the end. The standard deviation is represented 
in the exponential formula by fi and in the text by <i- ; as this occurs on 
the same page without explanation it will confuse the student. The dis- 
tinction between the mode and the average is dwelt upon at length, but 
it would have been more emphatic if a brief mathematical demonstration 
had been added. In the treatment of accuracy of measurements the 
student should have been given the simple formula for the correction of 
the standard deviation. These are some of the instances in which the 
author's fear of mathematics led him to eliminate matter that is really 
useful to the reader even though he must take its verity on faith. 

The appearance of the book is an encouraging sign that psychology 
may be about to begin substantial advance in one important part of its 
field. As a text book for a preparatory course to psychological investiga- 
tion it has many points of excellence, but the author's hope that it will be 
of great service to the unmathematical reader is not well grounded, for 
it is the experience of the reviewer that even such a presentation reaches 
only the mathematically inclined. Clark Wissler. 

Notes d* archiologie prihistorique, — Nos ancetres primitifs. Par A. 
DoiGNEAU. Preface par le Docteur Capitan. Paris : Librarie C. 
Clavreuil. 1905. 8®, 202 pages, 109 figures. 

This volume is very well characterized by the author in the dedication 
as **a work of popularization "; and again by Dr Capitan in the preface 
as ** a concise r6sum6 of the history of our primitive ancestors. ' ' Turn- 
ing to the table of contents, the history is found to be limited to the chap- 
ters dealing with the ages of stone. Such a work marks a timely step in 
the right direction. The domain of prehistoric archeology is a broad one. 
The period of pioneering has therefore of necessity been long. But there 
comes a time in the development of a science, as in that of a country, 
when the trail should give place to the highway. There are those who 
will always prefer the trail. Let them still wander to their heart's con- 
tent through the wilderness. Their course leads by way of the numerous 


publications of museums, societies, academies, etc. ; of scientific journals, 
government reports, books of travel, as well as works on special topics. 
But that way is too laborious for the great majority whose means of com- 
munication should be as easy and direct as possible, and who may choose 
to be personally conducted. In that case, Doigneau is recommended as 
their guide. He knows the field and has supplemented his text by 
copious references to the original sources of infonnation. 

In archeology it is necessary to know the when as well as the what 
and the where ; hence the importance of chronological classification. In 
prehistoric archeology the chronology is of necessity relative rather than 
absolute. The author offers nothing new in the way of classification, his 
outline agreeing practically with that made by Gabriel de Mortillet * more 
than ten years ago. The stone age is divided into three periods : ( i ) 
eolithic, (2) paleolithic, and (3) neolithic. It is well known that to Sir 
John Lubbock (Lord Avebury) belongs the credit of first employing the 
terms paleolithic and neolithic. As to the name eolithic, the author 
leaves one to infer (p. 36) that it was introduced by G. de Mortillet. 
Dr A. Rutot * of Brussels also believes him to have been the first to pro- 
pose that name to designate a primitive industry antedating the paleo- 
lithic. In the opinion of the reviewer, and as stated by him in a paper 
written last year but not yet published, the priority belongs to Mr J. 
Allen Brown, late fellow of the Geological Society of London, who made 
use of the term ** eolithic ** in a communication ' read before the Anthro- 
pological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland on March 8th, 1892, 
whereas de Mortillet submitted his * * Classification palethnologique * * to 
the Paris Society of Anthropology on December 6, 1894.* 

The eolithic period of Doigneau, like that of de Mortillet, is placed 
wholly in the Tertiary. The paleolithic is referred to the early Quater- 
nary and the neolithic to the Recent. On the other hand Rutot has 
recently shown that the eolithic is by no means confined to the Tertiary 
— Reutelian, Reutelo-Mesvinian, and Mesvinian industries all occur- 
ring in the lower Quaternary. In regard to the subdivisions of the 
paleolithic period, the author does not seem to share the opinion of 
Professor Hoemes* and others that the Chellean, Acheulian, and 

1 Classification palethnologique, Buii. Soc. d^anthr. de Paris ^ 1S94, p. 616. 

»Le prthistorique dans 1' Europe centrale, etc. Extrait du C-R. du Congr, 
d^arch, etd*hist.j Dinant, 1903, p. 244. 

•On the continuity of the paleolithic and neolithic periods. J, A. /., xxii, 93. 

« Page 616 of the Bulletins. 

* Moriz Hoernes, Der diluviaU Mensch in Europe^ Braunschweig, Friedrich Vieweg 
und Sohn, 1903 (reviewed in American Anthropologist ^ N. s., 1903, v, 695). 

1 22 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Mousterian epochs are but phases of one and the same industry. Yet 
he goes so far as to admit that : the Acheulian cannot be considered as 
constituting a veritable epoch. It is at the same time the end of the 
Chellean and the beginning of the Mousterian, a passage from the one to 
the other, and marking a relatively short period of time. The Solutrean 
is also looked upon as a transition epoch. A good deal of space is given to 
the closing epoch of the paleolithic period which was marked by a real 
passion for art. Indeed the Magdalenian epoch may well be called the 
Phidian age of prehistoric times. Records have been preserved of each 
successive step from sculpture in the round, through high-relief and low- 
relief to delicate engraving. Color was sometimes combined with engrav- 
ing, as in the remarkable frescoes which adorn the cavern walls of Fond- 
de-Gaume, near Les Eyzies. Curious markings suggestive of a halter on 
some of the figures of horses from the cavern walls of Combarelles, also 
near Les Eyzies, have led to the question of domestication of animals 
during the paleolithic period. Doigneau does not believe the evidence 
sufficient to demonstrate that any animal had become domesticated previous 
to the arrival of the neolithic peoples in Europe. 

The closing chapter deals with the neolithic period ; the hiatus, sup- 
posed by some to separate it from the paleolithic, the author believes to 
be non-existent. In support of this view he marshals the evidence 
furnished by the researches of de Mortillet at la Tourasse (Haute- 
Garonne), Piette at Mas d'Azil (Ari^ge), Salmon and Capitan at Cam- 
pigny (Seine-Inftrieure), and d*Ault du Mesnil in the valley of the 
Somme. The Tourassian is a transition epoch. The Campignian epoch 
is characterized by the survival of a few ancient types, such as scrapers, 
double scrapers, and gravers, and the appearance of two new types, the 
paring-knife and the pick. Nowhere was there the slightest evidence of 
an attempt at polishing the stone implements. This was reserved for the 
following epoch, the so-called Robenhausian. 

The story as told by Doigneau is attractive throughout. The ex- 
cellent figures are, happily, almost exclusively of specimens in his own 
collection. The references, though numerous, are wholly confined to 
French authors or French translations of foreign authors, with the excep- 
tion of citations from a few classical writers — a limitation perhaps more 
apparent than real when the scope of the work is taken into consideration. 
A few typographical errors are noted, among which may possibly be 
classed the statement that Pithecanthropus was found near Java. 

George Grant MacCurdy. 


Persona! Names of Indians of New Jersey : Being a list of Six Hundred 
and Fifty such Names, Gleaned mostly from Indian deeds of the Seven- 
teenth Century, By William Nelson. Paterson, N. J. : The 
Paterson History Club. 1904. 8®, 83 pages. 

The title of this book sufficiently explains itself. The author, who 
has already given us a work on the ** Indians of New Jersey/' states in the 
preface that the nucleus of the present compilation appeared in the Amer- 
ican Anthropologist for January, 1902, and that the interest manifested 
in that publication has led him to extend the list to its present proportions. 
'' It is believed that no such list of aboriginal personal names, principally 
of the seventeenth century, has ever been published before." It is a 
laborious and valuable work, conscientiously performed, of use alike to 
the historian, philologist, and ethnologist, particularly in connection 
with the old Lenape or Delaware tribe. Its usefulness will increase with 
acquaintance, and it would be well if we could have more such compila- 
tions on which to draw for material. James Mooney. 

The Mythology of the Wichita, Collected under the Auspices of the Car- 
negie Institution of Washington, By George A. Dorsey, Curator of 
Anthropology, Field Columbian Museum. Washington ; Published 
by the Carnegie Institution of Washington. 1904. (Publication 
No. 21.) 8**, 351 pages. 

This and the companion volume by the same author. Traditions of the 
Arikara (Publication No. 17) are the most recent fruits of a study of the 
Caddoan tribes begun several years ago by Dr Dorsey for the Field Co- 
lumbian Museum and continued under an allotment from the Carnegie 
Institution. The Wichita are a southern branch, as the Arikara are a north- 
em branch, of the Pawnee proper, all three tribes speaking the same 
language with dialectic variations, and being primarily sedentary and 
agricultural in habit as distinguished from the roving, hunting tribes by 
which they were formerly surrounded. The Wichita of today, now settled 
on individual allotments in southwestern Oklahoma, are all that are left 
of three formerly distinct tribes speaking the same language, viz. , Wichita 
proper, Waco, and Tawaconi, with the Kichai, of distinct but cognate 
language. The Wichita proper when first known had their villages on 
the upper waters of Red river, about Wichita falls and in the Wichita 
mountains, while the other two bands lived farther south, and the Kichai 
fJButher east, in Texas. One hundred years ago the four tribes numbered 
together at least 2,500, the Wichita proper being estimated at 400 men. 
In 1874 ^^^y numbered together 671 souls; in 1885 ^^^Y ^^ dwindled 


124 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

to 448 and in 1903 to 338, a decrease of one-half in thirty years. Their 
fate is the common fate of the western tribes and emphasizes the necessity 
of energetic field work while opportunity remains. On the field result of 
the next ten years depends the final position of American ethnology. 

In the valuable introductory sketch the earliest date noted is that of 
the Dragoon expedition to the North Fork village in 1834. The docu- 
mentary French history of the tribe goes back at least to 1720. The 
Rush Springs date given is a misprint for 1852. Only the Wichita 
proper lived at North Fork ; the other bands came up from Texas in 

An interesting account follows of the peculiar tattooing, from which 
the tribe derived the old name of Pani Piqu6. Their unique grass houses 
and arbors are described in detail, and attention is given to their name 
system, childbirth, war, marriage and mourning customs, all of which are 
dominated by the religious idea, the religion itself being described as a 
star cult, as is also that of the Pawnee. The Sun, Moon, and Morning 
Star appear to be the most prominent divinities, the Moon presiding 
especially over the destinies of the women. Time, from the creation to 
the death of all things, is divided into four eras. We are now in the 
fourth or era of decline, after which there will be a renewal by the star 
gods and another cycle of four eras will begin. Notwithstanding the 
commonly accepted opinion that the Pawnee and Wichita are a part of 
the Caddoan stock of the timber region of Louisiana and eastern Texas, 
both Dr Dorsey and Miss Alice C. Fletcher have independently arrived at 
the same conclusion, from a study of their cults, that the true ancient 
home of these tribes was in the open country of the plains or the desert 

Sixty myths are given, including variants. Several of the variants 
might well have been omitted, being simply fragmentary renderings of 
the more complete myth as told by a better story-teller. In the shorter 
tales the Coyote, as usual on the Plains, appears as a trickster, usually 
coming to grief in the end by his impatience and mercenary desire. 
** He would always do something wrong and let the power escape him.** 
In ** The Coyote and His Magic Shield and Arrows '* we are introduced 
to some wonderful arrows which talk among themselves and go out every 
day hunting while their master remains at home. ** Finally all his arrows 
came in, each carrying a whole buffalo. * * But all this was a long time 
ago. In **The Seven Brothers and the Woman,** **when she tossed 
the double-ball she went with it up in the air * * to escape her pursuer. 
This story, which accounts for the origin of the Pleiades, has a close 


parallel among the Kiowa. The incident of smearing an unseen night 
visitor with ashes occurs in some myth of nearly every tribe from the 
Eskimo to the isthmus, being usually told to account for the spots on the 
moon. The main incident in ** The Woman who Married a Star'* is 
also paralleled in probably all the Plains mythologies. 

Other coincidences with the universal body of Indian myth are con- 
stantly cropping out in these Wichita tales and may be accepted as the 
natural outcome of the workings of the primitive mind under similar 
circumstances, but occasionally we find parallels which seem unaccount- 
able except on the theory of actual contact by tribes or individuals. 
As an instance take ** The Man who Went to Spirit Land." His wife 
has died and he goes night after night to mourn at her grave. The spirit 
of a former friend appears and tells him how he may bring back the 
woman from the land of the dead. The spirit gives him four mud balls 
and instructs him how to use them. 

** His friend touched his eyes and he found himself in another world, 
till with his friend. Around him, as far as his eye could see, he saw 
lodges. They entered the homes of the dead, and finally came to the 
place where the dance was, and there the dead man left his friend. The 
live man saw his wife dancing, and as she came around he threw one of 
the mud balls at her and hit her, as he had been told to do. She went 
around the pole that they were dancing around and when she came around 
again he threw another mud ball at her and hit her again. Every time she 
came around he threw at her, until he had thrown the last ball. Then she 
left the dance and went off to her home, and the live man followed her. ' ' 

In the story of **The Daughter of the Sun," in the present re- 
viewer's Myths of the Cherokee in the 19th Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology, 1902, seven messengers set out for the Spirit World to bring 
back the soul of the daughter of the Sun, carrying with them seven 
magic rods: ** They took the rods and a large box and traveled seven 
days to the west until they came to the Darkening Land. There were a 
great many people there, and they were having a dance just as if they 
were at home in the settlement. The young woman was in the outside 
circle, and as she sw^ung around to where the seven men were standing, 
one struck her with his rod and she turned her head and saw him. As she 
came around the second time another touched her with his rod, and then 
another and another, until at the seventh round she fell out of the ring, 
and they put her into the box and closed the lid fast." 

Several songs are given with musical notation by Mr Frederic R. 
Burton. The last thirty-five pages are devoted to abstracts of the 

126 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

myths, thus afTording convenient basis for comparison. The language 
throughout is simple and in accord with Indian expression, and each In- 
dian assistant is given full credit. 

With so much that is good it is regrettable that we have not more, 
particularly in the way of notes and glossary. It has been well said that 
the purpose of a museum is to illustrate a series of labels. In a similar 
manner a main purpose of a myth collection is to illustrate custom, ritual, 
and language. Almost every one of these myths contains reference to 
some custom or ceremony of which the layman would wish to know more, 
while an analytic vocabulary of the Indian terms would give a deeper 
meaning to the myths themselves and add a philologic value to this revela- 
tion of a most interesting people. James Moonev. 

Vier Lustspiek (^Der franzosisch-preussische Krieg — Ich gratuliere ; — 
Grosse Wahl schafft grosse Qua I — £in Liebesbrief), Von Kosta 
Trifkovic. Ubersetzt und fiir die deutsche Buhne bearbeitet von 
Dr Friedrich S. Krauss. (Bibliothek ansgewahlter serbischer 
Meisterwerke, Band IV). Leipzig: Deutsche Verlagsaktien Gesell- 
schaft. 1904. i2°,xvi, 182 pages. 

In the fourth volume of the Library of Servian Masterworks, which 
Dr Krauss is now editing, he introduces us to another talented young 
author who, although prematurely cut off just when life was most full of 
promise, has left such impress upon the literature of his people that his 
dramas are still the favorites of the Servian stage thirty years after his 

Kosta Trifkovic was bom of Servian parents at Neusatz, southern 
Hungary, in 1843, and after the usual school period and a short experi- 
ence in seafaring life, he betook himself to law and literature while hold- 
ing a small governmental clerkship at Budapest. His literary efforts 
were directed chiefly to the building up of a national Servian stage at 
Neusatz to rival that of Belgrade. With capacity for doing two years' 
work in one, and an equipment of five languages, he worked untiringly 
until stricken by a fever which finally resulted in his untimely death in 
1875 at the age of thirty-two. In four short years of production he had 
brought out seven original dramas, arranged ten others from the German 
and French, and written two important works of fiction and an autobio- 
graphy, besides critiques and numerous shorter articles which were pub- 
lished in a journal which he had founded. 

The four specimen comedies are filled with sparkling wit and catchy 
verses, and a succession of bewilderingly comic situations which finally 


disentangle themselves^ so that all ends well at last, as a good story 
should. There are frequent appeals to Servian patriotism, and reference 
to several interesting national customs such as the New Year celebration 
and the betrothal feast. It is to be hoped that the translator may suc- 
ceed in his efforts to bring such excellent work to a wider circle of acquain- 
tance. James Mooney. 

Anthropophyteia : Jahrbucher fur Folkloristische Erhebungen und For- 
schungen zur Eniwicklungsgeschichte der geschlechtUchen Moral. 
[Yearbooks for Folklore Collections and Investigations relating to the 
Historical Development of the Sexual Code.] Herausgegeben von 
Dr Friedrich S. Krauss. Band I. Sudslavische Volksiiberlieferung- 
en, die sich auf den Geschlechtsverkehr beziehen. I. Erzahlungen, 
gesammelt, verdeutscht und erlautert von Dr Friedrich S. Krauss. 
Leipzig: Deutsche Aktien-Gesellschafl. 1904. 8°, xxii, 530 pages. 

This remarkable production of the distinguished South Slavic ethnolo- 
gist is the first volume of an investigation of the sexual folklore of the 
Balkan provinces, of which a preliminary publication appeared in Kryptadia 
(Paris) some years ago. The volume is dedicated to Dr Franz Boas of 
New York, who, in a brief introductory letter, points out the importance, 
to the student of European anthropology, of a knowledge of present con- 
ditions, as well as of vanished and vanishing customs. 

The work, which is printed in numbered copies for the use of students 
only, embodies the result of a patient investigation of an important but 
peculiarly difficult and ungrateful subject along the border-line between 
primitive anthropology and modem civilization. From the nature of the 
subject it is impossible to go into detail, but it may be said briefly that 
every phase receives careful attention, from remains of ancient phallicism 
to the popular proverb. Special topics treated in this connection are 
supernatural conception, personal and place names, sexual teaching, 
betrothal and marriage customs, sexual hospitality, the jus prima noctis, 
erotic tattooing, perversions, and modem prostitution. Most of the ma- 
terial is given in the form of short narrative descriptions in the various 
Slavic provincial dialects, with German translation and notes. 

There is one curious Bosnian myth of a woman who becomes pregnant 
and a mother from having eaten the unconsumed heart of a sinner whose 
body had been given to the flames. As the manifold sins have been 
burned away with the body, leaving the heart in its original purity, the 
child grows up to be a saint. The primitive idea of the sun or moon as 
the fertilizer siu^ives in the belief that a young woman may become preg- 

128 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

nant by sleeping naked under the light of the full moon or by walking 
naked at noon of a sunny day through a field of growing grain. The 
children of such conception can see spirits. The right of the first night 
is still but a thing of yesterday, particularly in the provinces most recendy 
emancipated from Turkish misrule, and was even made a claim by the 
landed proprietor upon his impoverished debtor, while the essentially 
primitive custom of sexual hospitality seems hardly yet to be obsolete in 
the Balkan provinces. 

The deep pervading bestiality of thought and act made manifest in 
these relations is certainly without parallel in any other civilized country. 
It must be remembered that the book does not deal with the aberrant im- 
pulse of a decadent aristocracy, a degenerate city slum community, or of 
a miscellaneous gathering of the refuse of the earth at some shipping port 
or remote frontier outpost. It deals with the everyday things of a whole 
population made up almost entirely of farmers and herdsmen remote from 
large cities and their temptations. Moreover, the author expressly states 
that he is not laying bare secret filthiness, such as exists to some extent 
in every large community, but is putting on record * ' only what the peo- 
ple are accustomed to relate in full publicity and usually also without 
concern in the presence of children, young girls, and women. ' ' 

We cannot regard all that is here simply as a part of an arrested 
primitive development, and we have too much faith in our own stock to 
believe that all of it is properly European. Much of it appears to be due 
to actual racial degeneration, the result of the steady brutalization of 
centuries of subjection to an Asiatic barbarism which makes the harem, 
the eunuch, and the mute the cornerstones of its social system. Indeed, 
some of the customs noted are directly stated to be an inheritance from such 
Moslem warfare as the Kurds are still inflicting on the Christian provinces 
of Asia, while others were enforced at the demand of local Turkish 
officials. The question is of practical interest in view of the fact that of 
more than 800,000 immigrants now arriving annually in the United 
States a large and increasing percentage is from southwestern Europe, 
and the supply area, which in 1882 centered at Paris, in 1902 had its 
center at Constantinople. 

The work has a distinct philologic value as a repository of the dia- 
lectic forms of Servia, Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and neigh- 
boring provinces. Among the well-known collaborators whose names 
appear on the title-page are Dr Thomas Achelis, Bremen ; Dr Iwan Bloch, 
Berlin ; Dr Franz Boas, New York ; Dr Anton Hermann, Budapest ; Dr 
Bemhard Herrmann Obst, Leipzig ; Dr Giuseppe Pitr^, Palermo ; Dr Isak 
Robinsohn, Vienna. James Mooney. 


Beitrdge zur Lehre von den GeschUchis-Unterschieden, Von Dr P. J. 
MObius in Leipzig. Heft i. Geschiecht und Krankheit, Pp. 39. 
Heft. II. Geschiecht und Entartung. Pp.45. Hefte iii-iv. Ueber 
die Wirkungen der Castration, Heft v. Geschiecht und Kopfgrbsse, 
Pp. 47 ( 5 figs.). Heft VI. Goethe und die Geschlechter. Pp. 30. 
Hefte vii-viii. Geschlechte und Kinderliebe, Pp. 72 (35 figs.). 

As the title indicates, M6bius*s treatment of the subject of sex-differ- 
ence covers a rather wide range, not all of which is of decided interest to 
the anthropologist. The general conclusions of his study of ''sex and 
disease, ' ' arc, that men sicken and die through their own acts oftener than 
women, the chief causes of their greater mortality being the use of alcohol 
and venereal diseases, and that there exists no reasonable ground for as- 
cribing to woman a longevity or resistance to disease that is sui generis. 
The ** innate longevity in woman is a superstition.** Fewer suicides 
occur among women because they lack initiative more. If it were not 
for alcohol and venereal diseases men would have less sickness and live 
longer than women. For man the slow-killing diseases are more fatal 
than the plagues so feared by the folk-mind. 

A distinguished American psychologist once observed that he might 
not wish to be ** sane according to Lombroso,** and for a woman to be 
healthy according to Mobius might lie as far from rational human desire. 
His eye filled with the Vollmensch (here belongs the happy European), 
he recks not of ** primitive peoples** and the like whose study **adds 
nothing to our knowledge of human evolution.'* For Mobius man is 
nothing if not absolutely and entirely man, and no woman is healthy if 
sex is not the unvarying center of her being. In his discussion of ** sex 
and degeneration ** he treats the physical and mental aberrancies of sex. 
Man loses, he thinks, in every way by becoming like a woman, while 
woman, apparently, may gain something by being more like a man. The 
causes of sexual degeneration are chiefly bad heredity and alcoholism — 
the former preserves, the latter increases the evil. 

In his monograph on ** Castration,** after giving a historical sketch 
of the subject, Mobius discusses the physical and intellectual effects of this 
form of bodily mutilation on the human organism. The origin of castra- 
tion Mobius, with Bergmann, sees in the custom of marking captives, who 
were not killed in war or battle, as slaves by depriving them of their 
membrum virile. Observations of castrated men led afterward to similar 
treatment of animals, tame or in captivity. Very early a religious signifi- 
cance attaching to the sacrifice of the organ in question made castration 
common alike with priest and with victim. Castration for the purpose 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—9 


of making singers is the latest of the series. The eunuchs of the Sultan 
explain themselves. The general effect of castration in youth is to arrest 
the development of the secondary sexual characters. Popularly speaking, 
''a man becomes more like a woman/' but really what happens is that 
he ceases to be more like a man. To this essay a bibliography of 53 
titles is appended. 

The general thesis of M6bius*s study of **sex and size of head** is 
that **the circumference of the head approximately normal in form in- 
creases in general with the intellectual powers.** His investigation of 
the heads of distinguished men is based on the records, 600 in number, 
of Haugk, the hatter, made with the conformafeury — of women only 50 
were measured. At pages 26-39 ^^ measurements of 360 more or less 
distinguished men are given, from which it appears that almost all distin* 
guished men are short-headed (brachycephalic), — so, too, with women. 
MObius holds that the relation between brain and body is not the same in 
the two sexes, for ''a normal man, even when he is small, requires at 
least a head of 53 cm. circumference, while a woman gets along quite 
well with 51 cm.,'* — in other words, one may be a clever woman with 
5 1 cm. , but not a clever man. The thing lies in the brain that makes 
the difference. Sexual as well as racial differences of head go back to 
intellectual differences. 

Mobius*s discussion of ** Goethe and the sexes ** is devoted to a con- 
sideration of the great German's sayings, ^^ Das Ewig-Weibliche zieht 
tins htnan;^' *^ £s ist ungiaubiich, wie der Umgang der IVeiber herab- 
zieht, * * From an examination of his declarations in prose and verse he 
comes to the conclusion that the real position of Goethe was about mid- 
way between the two expressions quoted. It is rather the ** Ewig- 
WeiblicJuy'*^ than the Weibliche that leads us on, the ideal woman, not the 
real one. The famous conclusion of Faust, Mobius thinks, can be inter- 
preted only in light of the fact that Goethe was old and writing 
with tender recollections of youth. In his completer manhood he would 
have selected some other ideal. At this point one feels that he would 
like to hear Goethe demolish, as doubtless he could and would, such 

His monograph on ** Sex and love of children ** exhibits Mobius in 
his role of resurrector of Gall, the phrenologist, whose organ of ** philo- 
progenitiveness ' * he seeks to make function again. In three sections he 
considers love of offspring among animals and men, GalFs doctrine, and 
skull and love of children. For Mobius love of offspring is an innate 
instinct deeply rooted in the organism, and he argues for the location of 


"the organ of love of offspring/' near the ** organ of sex-instinct," in 
the upper part of the occipital bone, corresponding to a special part of 
the' brain. The strong development of this ** organ*' (it is marked in 
women) indicates love of offspring. With civilization, according to 
Mobius, comes a certain dulling of sex-differences and man takes on even 
some female traits. Thus it happens, perhaps, that there are so many 
men to-day with a large organ of love of offspring, — women with heads 
of the male type are less common. 

While interesting, and representing, doubtless, a certain tendency of 
the present Teutonic mind, these views of sex-problems are fortunately not 
axioms of science. Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

Album of Philippine Types; Christians and Moros, By Daniel Folk- 
MAR. Prepared and Published under the Auspices of the Philippine 
Exposition Board. Manila: 1904. Oblong 4®, 80 plates with 
introductory text. 

The subjects for Dr Yc^voax^ % Album of Philippine Types were prison- 
ers in Bilibid prison in the year 1903. It is unfortunate to base an 
anthropological study on prison subjects unless it be absolutely necessary. 
Prison cases should everywhere be exceptional and aberrant types, in no 
true sense representative of their race. It may indeed be that many of 
the prisoners now held in the Philippines are political prisoners and not 
degenerate and abnormal to the degree that most criminals would be. 
But it ought not to be difficult to conduct a study like Dr Folkmar's in vil- 
lages where an unselected group might be studied and the normal type 

This preliminary criticism made, we turn to the examination of Dr 
Folkmar*s Album. Front and side views of each subject are presented, 
made to a uniform scale, measures being one-half the actual. Opposite 
the portraits are printed the anthropometric data regarding the subject 
represented — eight measures and two indices being given. In the same 
table are presented averages of these measures and indices as taken on a 
number of individuals from the same tribe as the subject, who was, in 
each case, chosen as approximating the average. The portraits thus 
represent the average of the prison representation of their tribal groups. 
Unfortunately there are errors in these figures as given, and apparently 
many. Opening at hazard, plate 11 represents a Cagayan with chest 
measure of .895 m. The average of 5 Cagayans was .864 ; of 15 from 
all provinces .856. One can hardly believe an average subject to be so 
far from these averages and guesses that .859 m. was intended. It is 

1 12 ajizi.:7a:: aj^t^jl c-^z-l : J.vr "iw i. •- 1^ 


N't£7:*-:> ra^tr-il 2Ti:li.LC* '■•25 1:^3 sznill. N:r -"la ft, xs ici3*3. rr 

Can:':>r:Ci't : Uziverrin- Press. i9ai>. Lirre S*. xi:. 375 r&£fe& 2i 


Th* Eip/ecitfoa from Can^brldge UniversiiT id TjrT« sraiis »tb. per- 
ha;/:, tJit IpCT. t.uippcd for work of a::y ethnoer^p hie 
znact. U^dtrr tie leadership of Dr Alfred C. Hicc^::, :bc p* 
cJ-dtd also Dr Rivers aad Messrs Rav, SeligrraTi, and Wiikis. Eadi 
worker was assigned bis parti oilar porrion of the izivescigaxioQ. Dr 
HaddoQ had already been in the region to be explored, srjdying the 
marine iajca. in i8S3 and 1SS9. The r*2nT spent nve weeks in the 
Western islands, to which the volisne before t3 is connned. in 1S9S. 
Tlie region is of particular interest 25 it is the frontier between the Papuan 
and A''J5tra]:an culture areas, aitho'Jgh the islanders were found to be dis- 
tinalv Pai/Lian. 

The Reports of the Exj^edition are to form six volumes, as follows: 

I, Physical AnthrojX)log>' ; II. Physiology and Psychology : III, Lin- 
guistics ; IV, Technology- ; V, Sociology, Magic, and Religion of the 
Western Islanders ; VI, Socio!og>', Magic, and Religion of the Eastern 
Islanders. All that has so far been published are two parts of Volume 

II, presenting investigations on sense phenomena of these natives, and 
Volume V, which lies before us. The other volumes are in prepazaticm 
and will be duly published. Each of the workers has prepared his own 
reports and the volume in hand contains contributions from all but Mr Ray 
whose work was purely linguistic. In gathering material in the Western 
islands, most time and attention was given to the island of Mabuiag, which 
may be considered typical. These islanders have been for thirty years 
under missionary influence and have been affected by it and by other forms 
of contact with white men, but still retain much of their native culture and 
have yielded a rich har\est of interesting data. Much in the volume 
deserves notice, but we can refer to but a few points. 


Almost a third of the book is devoted to Folk Tales, which have 
been treated and presented by Dr Haddon himself. They are classified 
as nature myths, culture myths, totem myths, spirit myths, dogai tales, 
narratives about people, comic tales. A dogai is an uncanny and mali- 
cious, but stupid, human monster, of ogreish instincts. The collection 
includes forty-six stories. These were told to Dr Haddon in broken 
English and he assures us that he gives them as they were received. He 
does so literally in some cases, and reading these versions raises the ques- 
tion as to how far scientific accuracy demands such presentation. Is it 
desirable to present such a story in broken English, if it can be told in 
good English without falsely rendering the native teller's thought and 
intent? If the recorder really knoivs the native's meaning and catches 
his spirit, it is unfair to the narrator and to the genius of his race to spoil 
his performance by too literal a presentation of his imperfect medium of 
expression. When we listen to a great French or German scholar giv- 
ing a lecture in English, we take his thought and meaning, not his bad 
pronunciation and halting grammar. A reporter of such a lecture, if he 
really understands its argument and matter, aims to present these, not 
the dialect. Of course, the jargon of the native tale may have linguistic 
importance and psychologic value ; as material for study samples may 
have their reason. Dr Haddon fortunately does not give all his stories 
in " Pigeon-English.** The question may be raised, whether even those 
he does give in true English form do not deserve a finer rendering. If 
not, it must be confessed that the tales are, on the whole, poor, vague, 
and meager; not in keeping with the artistic development shown in 
the manufactures, nor with the intellectual power indicated by the gene- 
alogies of this people. Dr Haddon not only presents the stories them- 
selves, but makes them yield their utmost to the student by giving the 
carefully condensed plot of each and a statement of the anthropological 
incidents which each contains. It is unnecessary to say that this work 
is done carefully and conscientiously and that it adds largely to the value 
of the collection. 

The chapters by Dr Rivers on Genealogies, Kinship, Personal Names, 
etc. , are of particular importance. These matters were investigated with 
great care and throw much light on the social organization. The kinship 
system in use among the Western islanders ** is a definite example of the 
classificatory system," showing all of Morgan's ten indicative features. 
There is, however, a clear tendency to break down in some directions. 
Dr Rivers introduces an elaborate system of tabulating the genealogical 
data, and his tables require close examination and some study. Once 



mastered, however, Ihey clearly show the native i-iew of kin. These 
Torres Straits islanders possess remarkable memory for genealogical detail 
and analogous to that shown by Polynesians. 

In the chapters by Mr Seligman on Birth and Childhood Customs and 
Women's Puberty Customs, is a clear and excellent statement regarding 
matters which are too often neglected or but inadequately touched by 
travelers and students. 

The mass of material on Initiation, Courtship and Marriage, Funeral 
Ceremonies, Magic, Religion, etc., is large and interesting but can be 
mentioned only cursorily. This has been worked out chiefly by Dr 
Haddon, with the aid of Mr A. Wilkin, whose recent death is announced 
in the volume. Many interesting customs are described. Thus, in court- 
ship and marriage — the woman proposes, sending an arm-band to her 
lover; he returns a leg-ring, meets her in the bush, and sleeps at her 
house ; often, her relatives battle over her. Very interesting is the 
custom of divining vA'Ccl skulls, usually those of relatives. The skulls 
were carefully prepared by cleaning, painting, and enclosing in a basketry 
casing decorated with feathers and the ornaments of the deceased. When 
such a skull was to be consulted, it was cleaned, repainted, and anointed 
with or placed upon aromatic plants. Before going to sleep the inquirer 
urged the skull to tell the truth and then placed it by his pillow. The 
skull spoke to the sleeper, the noise made being like the chattering of 
teeth together. But further reference to the interesting ethnographic 
details of the volume is impossible. The work is a storehouse of new 
information regarding a little-known people and, after reading it, one 
can well understand the urgency of Dr Haddon' s appeal in view of the 
" vanishing of anthropological data. ' ' Now is the time for such work as 
that of the Cambridge Expedition. The harvest waits. Soon it will be 
lost if there are not reapers and gleaners. The volume before us is illus- 
trated with t\^'enty-two full page plates and with native drawings and maps 
in the text. Frederick Starr. 



[Note. — Authors, especially those whose articles appear in journals and other 
serials not entirely devoted to anthropology, will greatly aid this department of the 
American Anthropologist by sending direct to Dr A. F. Chamberlain, Clark University, 
Worcester, Massachusetts, U. S. A., reprints or copies of such studies as they may desire 
to have noticed in these pages. — Editor.] 


Adachi (B.) Die Porositflt des Sch&del- 
daches. (Z. f. Morph. u. Anthr., Ber- 
lin, 1904, VII, 373-378, 2 pi.) De- 
scribes two cases of extreme porosity of 
the vault of the cranium (Dyak, Egyp- 
tian), — such porosity does not occur in 
European skulls. 

Anthropology at the St. Louis Exposition. 
(Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 
II 6- 1 20, I fig.) Notes on Patagonian 
giants, aboriginal groups, section of 
archeology, etc. 

Atgier (M. ) Ibdres et Berbdres : origine 
et significations diverses de ces expres- 
sions ethniques. (Bull. See. d' Anthr. 
de Paris, 1904, v< s., V, iio-iii.) Dr 
A. argues that in the Kabylian iberik^ 
** the blacks," lies the orgin of the Latin 
/deri and its cognates and descendants. 
From the same root by reduplication 
came Berber^ etc. Black hair, not skin, 
is connoted. 

Bardeen (C. R. ) Numerical vertebral 
variation in the human adult and embryo. 
( Anat. Anz., Jena, 1904, xxv, 497-519. ) 
Risum^s data. Author recognizes in 
development of spinal column and ap- 
pendages 4 periods (pre-pelvic, chondro- 
ficative, ossificative, — prenatal, post- 
natal, — adult V B. concludes among 
other things that *' regional variation in 
the vertebral column is an inherited con- 
dition, manifesting itself early in em- 
bryonic development. ' ' Variation seems 
to be greater in females than in males, 
and in Baltimore negroes than in whites 
as to number of presacral vertebrae. The 
tendency toward reduction and increase 
in the number of presacral vertebne seems 
equal. The article has abundant statistics 
and a bibliography of 46 titles. 

Bloch (A.) Des variations de longueur 
de Tintestin. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de 
Paris, 1904, v« s., V, 160-197.) R6- 
sumds knowledge of the length of the 
intestines in the animals and man (pp. 
1 77-195 ) . The effects of disease, obesity, 
race, etc., are discussed. The intestine 
of the child is relatively longer than that 
of the adult. The variability of the adult 
intestine is due to the fact that its length 
is sometimes congenital and sometimes 
acquired (often as a result of disease, 
etc., or obesity). The Japanese (a more 
or less herbivorous race) seem to possess 
the longest intestines. As to sex-differ- 
ences the authorities are not in agree- 

et Vigier (P.) Recherches histolo- 

giques sur le follicule pileux et le cheveu 
de deux ndgres dic^d^s a Paris. (Ibid., 
124-132, 5 fgs.) Details concerning 
the pilose follicle and hair of a negro 
from Loango and of another from Accra 
in Guinea. The notable peculiarity of 
the negro's follicle is the oblique semi- 
circular crest. The particular form and 
structure of the pilose follicle are not 
confined to the negro, — the Bushman 
has them. Whether the recurved follicle 
is found in the negro new -bom child is 
not known. 

Buron (E. J. P.) L*abb6 Casgrain (J. 
Soc. Am^ric. de Paris, 1904, N. s., i, 
344-346. ) Sketch of life and activities 
of the distinguished French Canadian 
man of letters, historian, genealogist, etc. 

Buschan (G.) Kultur und Gehim. (A. 
f. Rassen- u. Ges.-Biol., Berlin, 1904, i, 
689-701.) R^sum^s briefly studies of 
Broca, Schmidt, Hunt, Matiegka, Mar- 
chand, Spitzka, Costa Ferreira, Galton 
and Venn, Vaschide and Pelletier, Pfit- 


■ 36 

ner, Barlels, Papillaull, etc., concem- 
iug the relations of siie of skull nndbnin 
lo progress in civitiiation and cultuie. 
I>r G. concludes that increase of brain- 
volume and increa^ of culture go 
together and brain sinks with disappear- 
ing culture (f. g., ancient and modern 
Egyiitians). Also that the gift of rood- 
cm culture is for certain primitive peoples 
fatal and brain- killing. 

CmtuUi (W. H.) Adolf Baslian, (Open 
O., Chicago, 1904, xviii, 321-330.) 
Sketch of life and philosophy with list of 
30 published books and portrait. To Has- 
tian belongs ihe credit of originating the 
expression I'oikfrgrtlantfn, or " race 
thoughts" as it has been translated, — 
the mailer of primBry inlerest is the 
ptimitiveman's concept bonofcheuDJTcrse. 

Cani*(P.) The ascent of man. (Ibid., 
17S-190, 6 fgs.) Discusses "evolu- 
tion," Neanderthal skull, Ihe Mitchell- 
Ward restoration of Neanderthal man, 
Gabriel Max's painting of the Heme 
alitlui, etc. Dr C. accepts Ihe Newider- 
thal skull asof primitive man. and posits 
the origin of mankind in the north, 
where, through stress of environment, 
ape-men developed altruism and intelli- 

A new religion. (Ibid., 355-371. 

398-4M. 17 fgs.l Treats of Babism, 
" Ihe ixiungest faith on earth " and its 
chief eiponcnls. Some Ihink it may 
some day become the religion of Persia. 

Slone worshi|i. (Ibid., 660-6S5, 33 

fgs.). Treats of Ihe roatschah, jachin 
and Ik»7. the malsebah as Itclhel 
(Jacob's dream), Gilead ami (tileal, 
obelisks, the destruction of mntsebahs in 
Judea, the Itudurrus of ancient Raliy- 
lonia. Slonehenge (a place of sun- 
worshi]i), the Tibetan pyramid of peace, 
the runic stone of C.oltorp (Sleswick), 
menhirs and dolmens, the memorial 
stones of the Khasi (lixlia), etc. The 
stone itself is not worshipped, but is a 
marker for Ihe presence of <leily. 

How history is transfigured hymyth, 

(Ibid., 690-694). Shows the mixture 
of ftcl and fancy in what we believe to 
be history. Takes the op|K>site view to 
Mr Shaw (q. v.). 

ChamberUin (A. K. „nd I. C. ). Studies 
ofachild, II. (Pedag. Sem., Worcester, 
1904, KT, 4Si-483, ) Treats of ngglu- 
dnktkw, analogy, caressive repciiiions, 
definitioDS, father and 


of words, parareduplici 
I plural -forms. Poetiy and rhythmic 
j speech, prefix, preterile-forms, redupli- 
! cation, reproduction of nursery -rhymes, 
I spontaneous language, word -forms dif- 
I feting slightly (torn ihe adult, wotd- 
I groups, words "original" or "in- 
' vented," words pseudo- primitive in form, 
words with special meanings, etc. Sec- 
ond article of the authors' dealing with 
! Ihe psvcholc^cal phenomena of their 
own child. 

I Child study and related topics in 

recent Italian scientific lileralure. ( Ibid., 
S08-515). Risumfis articles, etc., re- 
lating to child-life, craniology, ctiminol- 
' ogy, fatigue, feebleminded, foot, genius, 
giantism, inbreeding, Italia " baibara," 


enul I 

physical, microcephaly, race and indi- 
vidual, school -excursions, stature. 

Child study and related topics in 

recent Rus^an scientific literature. 
j {Ibid., 516-530.) R^sum^s articles 
I relating lo brain-conformation, brain- 
cortex, continuance of growth, ear, 
eye-growth, fertility, giantism, heart, 
heredity, idiocy, miceoccphaly, preco- 
cious development, puberty, seasonal 
' growth, slill-birlh, suicide. 

Cse and domestication of the horse. 





164-167.) Resumes recent articles of 
Zaliorowski. Ridgeway. von Negelein. 
Munro, /a1>oTowski and von Negelein do 
not belieie ibe horse was domesticated 
in quaternary limes, — the horse was 
first used for food, Ridgeway thinks 
the horse was driven before ridden, and 
that .\frica was the home of the "Arab 
CODwrratioii ( Lti) des nsdansles tombes. 
(Bull. Soc. d'.\nthr. de Paris, 1904, v, 
s., V, 99-100,^ In opposition to Man- 
ouvrier. M. Emile Kiviire argued that 
water and humidity are not prime de- 
structive agents of osseous remains. Dr 
Kaudouin took a similar view and sug- 
gested expetimenls in the siifiening of 

Bijinnui 1 1'. 11. 1 ■Woiieres iiber das 
neue graphische Syj-iem lur die Krani- 
ologie. 1 Hdlgn. v. d. Nedcrl. .\nthr. 
Ver., Den ll.iag, IQ04, t, S3-103, 10 
fgs. ) Treat.- of height of >kull. raliotial 
modulus, indfx-system, nerei.-ity of 
three-sided si-stem, racial mixture and 




crossiiig, exactness, group-division, etc. 
The graphic system can be used to com- 
pare with each other different methods 
of measurement £. would reject the 
index-system for the relative mass-system 
developed on the ideas of Schmidt. 

Brans (H. R.) The legendary and the 
real Napoleon. ( Open Ct. , Chicago, 1 904, 
XVIII, 584-605, 8 fgs. ) Cites legends 
produced by the Egyptian campaign, 
etc, the opinions of poets, historians, 
novelists, and others as to the real and the 
legendary Napoleon. The theosophists 
might win some comfort from the fact 
that the face of a statue of Rameses now 
in the Turin Museum and the face of Bar- 
telda, a young Apache Indian, both 
strongly resemble in profile the great 
Corsican. There is also a rapprochement 
between Napoleon and Alexander the 

Gfeller ( S. ) Der Schulgang unseres Her- 
ren und Hdlandes Jesu Christi. ( Schw. 
Arch. f. Volksk., Ziirich, 1904, vii, 
154-157.) Gives text of poem (Bern, 
1563) on the school-going of Jesus. 

HochBtetter ( F. ) Ueber die Nichtexistenz 
der sogenannten Bogenfurchen an den 
Gehimen lebensfrisch konservierter 
menschlicher Embryonen. (Verb. d. 
anat. Ges., Jena, 1904, 27-34, 5 fgs.) 
Author still holds to the post-mortem 
origin of these "transitory** furrows. 

Hutchinson ( W.) What the dog is built 
to do. (Open Ct., Chicago, 1904, xviii, 
577-583.) Popular discussion. Dr H. 
thinks dog the earliest domestic animal, 
— **long before the dawn of history he 
had become our companion in the chase, 
then the most important occupation of 
life,** — and grants him a '' record of at 
least 10,000 years of continuous service 
and devotion to our race.** To chase 
and catch were long his chief acts. 

Ksssel (C. ) Androgynous man in myth 
and tradition. (Ibid., 525-530.) Treats 
of the idea of "man- woman " in Aryan 
myth, Hebrew Bible, Plato's Symposium^ 
the words of Jesus, facts of biology 
(Haeckel), etc. A pre-sexual andro- 
gynous condition is posited. 

Keibel ( Hr, ) Zur Entwickelungsgeschichte 
der Affen. (Verb. d. anat. Ges., Jena, 
1904, 156-163.) Describes feti (from 
material of Selenka and Hubrecht) 
Semnopitheci, Hylobates, Orang, Ma- 
cacque, etc., and man. There is a strik- 

ing similarity between the young embryos 
of the various monkeys and the much 
more developed human embryos. The 
occurrence of a schwanzfeder in the long- 
tailed monkeys is noteworthy. The im- 
portance of slight variations and even 
"arabesques of development** for phy- 
logeny is emphasized. In the discussion 
G. Retzius showed that the pads in the 
hands and feet of the monkey embryos 
were less developed than those of man, 
— the saying of K. von Bardeleben is 
illustrated here, that man is a more 
primitive monkey than the monkeys 

Kr&mer (A.) Der Neubau des Berliner 
Museums Hlr Vdlkerkunde im Lichte der 
ethnographischen Forschung. (Globus, 
Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 21-24.) Dr 
A., who remarks that since Goethe no 
one has so clearly pointed out "the 
yellow peril*' as the present Kaiser, 
proposes to make the Berlin Museum 
solely a "Museum for Asiatic Culture.** 
In another location the collections relat- 
ing to "primitive peoples** (American 
Indians, Africans, except Mediterranean 
races, people of Australasia and Poly- 
nesia, Indonesians, etc.) should be ac- 
comodated. This limitation to Asiatic 
culture had been previously advocated by 
O. Milnsterberg. 

Lasch (R.) Wachstumszeremonien der 
Naturv5lker und die Entstehung des 
Dramas. (Ibid., 137-138.) Critical 
r6sum6 of the monograph of Preuss 
(see American Anthropologist, 1904, N. 
s., VI, 359), on phallic growth demons, 
etc. and the origin of the mimus and 
the clown. The primitive mime-drama 
is, in its beginnings, an act of worship 
and magic and is intimately connected 
with religious ideas as to the begetting of 
the natural products of the field. 

Lewis (J. F.) " Teigdrticke "— prints 
in paste. (Proc. Num. & Antiq. Soc. 
of Phila., 1 902-1 903 [1904], 189-194, 
I fg. ) Of "paste-prints," made by 
printing the design from the plate or 
block with paste instead of ink, only 
some 100 are known altogether. They 
may antedate ink printing and "belong 
to the very dawn of the art of engraving 
for the purpose of reproducing designs.** 
They were made in Germany (probably 
Bavaria) before 1500, possibly before 
1450. Teigdrticke are usually found 
pasted in books. 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

** Schrotblftttcr ;** or, prints in the 

*' mmni^re criblie/* with some consider- 
ation of ft set of eight such prints asso- 
ciated with typographic text. (Ibid., 
I05-210, 9 pi. ) These prints are so 
called from the dots of the design, 
suggesting that ** the plate from which 
they were printed had been gnawed or 
indented, or pierced through like a 
sieve. ' * They belong among the earliest 
forms of engraving for reproducing de- 
signs, and their chief period was 1470- 
1500. Like the TeigdHicke^ they are 
probably of Bavarian origin. 

LoiMl (G.) Sur Ernst Haeckel. (Bull. 
Soc dWnthr. de Paris, 1904, %•♦ s., v, 
197-199.) Risumis Ilaeckel's ^M/iro- 
pogfnit (5* Aufl., Leipzig, 1903). 

lUcCurdy ( G. G. ) John Wesley Powell. 
(J. Soc Amine, de Paris, 1904, N. s., 
1, 339-344. ) Sketch of life and scien- 
tific activities with chronological list of 

MenM (F.) I^ simultaneity des d^con- 
veites sdentitiques. (Rev. Scientif., 
Paris, 1904, >-♦ s,. II, 555-559-^ Con- 
tains a list of simmlSQmtous scientific dis- 
coveries in mathematics, astroDomy, me- 
chanics, physks. diemistry, biology, 
sociology. These simultaneous discov- 
eries are due neither to accident nor to 
the free will of the m«a of science, but 
rather K> an external and an internal de- 
terminism of a <aocial character. Everr 
moment has its sdentitk milieu of ideas, 
acts, and objects. Contemporary men of 
genius workii^ in the same 6eki have, as 
it wei>f« «* a common soul '* and a com- 

£.) Die Voilk^imde im Rahmen 
der Kvhiueui • k:k}nng der G<s|^warL 
(He». BL 1 Volksk,, Lespzii:, 1004, 
m, I-15< ) Acon>dJz^ TO tiw asibar the 
«l|^ect cif lbe«n6ca} ioJkkire is :o know 
-Id 01 die Jalk in its processes 

mon envuvnmenL ' 

\WffSt (A. R) Nene Mitteilnngen fiber , 
Nephrii. (Globus, Bmsdiw^r., 1904, | 
LXXXA'l, 53-55. ) Discnfises recent ex- 
amples of ^ occurrence of nephrite in i 
New Guinea, Australia, Brazil, Celebes., 
a»i tbe sdotbem Tirol. — the last a 
votrre axe icNind in 1903 at Verro. 
Crade nephrite is now reported mm 
se««ral parts of New Guinea, AufSralxa, 
aaid BnudL Tbe impoitation thwvr has 
reoenxlT recciiYd arrexml odwr hard 

ing of the individual phenomena, and 
to work on that basis is the most im- 
portant task of practical folklore. The 
Beld of the destructive amateur will be 
narrowed and the scientific method more 
and more employed. As a science, folk- 
lore belongs with the culture-sciences. 
A knowledge of the folk-soul is neces- 
sary for the clergy, the teachers, the 
statesmen. M. is of opinion that the 
estrangement of the educated classes from 
the vuigus accounts for the success of 
the propaganda of social democracy in 

Peareon ( K. ) On the inheritance of the 
mental and moral characters in man, and 
its comparison with the inheritance of 
the ph}*sical characters. (J. Anthr. 
Inst., Lond., 1903, xxxiii, 179-237.) 
In this article, mainly consisting of dia- 
grams and statistics resulting fnnn the 
study of the brothers and sisters in looo 
fiunilies, Dr P. treats of health, color of 
eyes and hair, curliness of hair, cephalic 
index, head length, breadth and auricu- 
lar height, athletic power ; vivacity, as- 
sertiveness, introspection, popularity, 
conscientiousness, temper, ability, hand- 
writing. The number of school boys 
examined was 191$, girls 2014. Dr P. 
concludes that ** the degree of the resem- 
blance of the physical and mental diar- 
acters in children is one and the same." 
This sameness involves a like heritage 
from parents, and * ' we inherit our 
parents* tempers, our parents* conscien- 
tiousness, shyness and ability, even as we 
inherit their stature, forearm and span.*' 
Intelligence can be aided and be trained, 
but ** no training or education can erf of e 
iL*' It must be bred. The great prob- 
lem is to make the best families and stocks 
more fertile than the bad. 

^S. D.) The tree of life among all 
nations. (Am. Antiq., Chicafro, 1 904, 
XXVI, 1-16, 7 i|:s. \ General discussion 
of occurrence of these symSc^is in Asia 
and .Vmerica ^ Majras chieny . 

— Superstition a means of defense. 
I Tbid., 4S-5tv. 6 fp^ ^ Author holds 
ibat ••the mas: interesting method of 
defense was that which came from the 
cvmlunation of reli^poos symbols and 
mechanical cocirix-anoesv." as, e. g., a: 
Fl Ancierii, Ohio. Tv>%em-pas:s are 
another example. 

— Architecture irs the proiii^istoric 
age. t^lbid-, N>-i04, 13^* Treats 



of Egypt, Crete ■nd the Meditcmuian , 

UlBDds, Ana Minor, etc. Tbe end of | 

the prolohisCoric period ii marked b; the ' 
ttppe»i«nce of the column ; it began with 

the use of broQie. The rock-cut tombs I 

of Phrygu and Lf dia ue imitative of the ' 

The distribution of pile-dwellings. | 

(Ibid., 137-130, 4 fgs.) Notes of a | 
genera] character on Swiss lake-dwell- i 
ings and those of the Pacific 1 

Sttzlni (G.) Die sog. Taslballen an 
den Hlnden uDd FQssea des Menschcn. 
(Verh.d. Anat. Ges,, Jena, 1904,41-43, I 
3 fgs.) Author shows that the pads, ' 
well developed in most of the adult 
monkeys, develop in the man during the 
third fetal month, and then from the 
(butth month, "regress." Accordingto 
Keibel the pads are also present in mon- 

fiobin (P.) Substance et populations- 
(Bull. Soc. d'Aothr. At Paris. 1904, v* 
s., V, 76-79.) Author holds, with 
Gabriel Giroud in his Population de sub- 
listanctt (Paris, 1904), that one-third of ' 
mankind are condemned tot/v of hunger, 
and nine-tentbs have their end fastened 
through insufficient food. Hence, the 
author a^ues, the advocates of ' ' parental 
prudence" need not appear as mere 
suppliants. In the discussion M. Le- 
jeune pointed out some of the fallacies | 
in such arguments. 

Sduper (A.) Zur Frage der EUisteni- ,< 
berechtigung der BogenfurcheB am Ge- 
bime menschlicher Embryonen. (Verb, 
d. anat. Ges., Jena, 1904, 35-37, 5 fgi) . 
S. produces evidence to confirm the vit;*s 
of Hochstetter (q. v. ) | 

ScbwubU (R.) L'alchimie en 1904. ' 
(Rev. Scientir, Paris, 1904, 5° %., ll, 
396-398.) Notes on modem alchemists, 
their claims and alleged performances. : 
There are those who pore over the old ' 
leits and the so-called " unitary chem- 1 
ists." Likewise those stand between the I 
two like the Society of Alchemists of 
France, with its organ Rosa AUhcmiia. 
M. SchwaebW has publidied a book en- ' 
titled Commntlairis alchimiquis. 

Shaw (G. W.) Mythopceic erudition. ' 
(Open Ct.. Chicago, 1904, xviii, 687- 
689, ) Author argues against resolving 
the stories of the Trojan war, Samson, 
William Tell, etc., into solar myths. , 
SeeGir»«(P.). \ 

Stelzl (G.) Intomo alia struttura dell' 

ipofisi nei verlebrati. (A. d, Accad. 
Sci. Ven, -Trent. -Isti., Padova, 1904, 
N. s., I., 70-141, 9fgs.) Risumis litera- 
ture of subject, — bibliography of 49 
titles. Tbe hypophysis ctrtbri ot pitui- 
tary gland is interesting by reason of the 
so-called cbromophile and chromphobic 
cells, the eiisteocc of the two portions 
of the glandular lobe and the way of de- 
fluiioQ of the secretion. These ques- 
tions Dr S. discusses in detail. 


pi.) Treats of n 
ing, arms and armor, etc. Decadence 
of tournament and jousl dates from 
middle of l6tb century, — death of 
Heniy JI in famous joust with Comte de 
Mongomeri. They came into eiistence 
with the Middle Ages. 
StTAti (C. H.) De phylogenetische 
beteekenis van het mamma-organ. 
(Hdlgn. V. d. Neder]. Anthr, Ver., 
Den Haag, 1904, I, Sl-Sa. ) Dr S. 
distinguishes four forms of mammae,, the 

tna areotala, mamma papillala, — the 
third is "primitive" and the fourth 
" progreiaive," the one characterizing 
the negro, the other the white races. 
Further details are given in Dr S-'s Dit 
Naturgrschichtr ^is _MenstheH (Stutt- 
gart, 1904I. .'■ 

ThOl^ (f. W. ) D9 Internationale 
KattHoederoaturwissenschaftlichen Lit- 

> eratur, Abteilung P : Physische An- 
thropologie. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904. 
LXXXVl, 185-187.) Critique of the see- 
tion on physical anthropoli^ of the In- 
' '" i/ologve of Self '" ' '' 

T. advo 

n annual author 

Vierkandt (A.) Der Mimus. (Ibid., 
1904, Lxxxv, 356-358.) Critical risum* 
of Hermann Reich's Der Mimus. Ein 
lilirar-enhaicklungsgcich ichllicktr Vtr- 
such, Bd. I. Erstcr u. Zweiter Th. 
(Beriin, 1903). devoted to the study of 
the history and evolution of the kind of 
poetry designated by the classical term 
mimus. Vierkandt does not quite ap- 
prove Reich's derivative of the Greek 
mimus from a certain species of older 
religious representations. The influence 
of the mimu! is seen in the " fool " ot 
Shakespeare, the clown of the circus, 



Wud (D. J. H.) First year]}' meeting i 
of the lows Antbropoli^ail Associa- i 
ttcm. (lova J. of Hist. & Pol., lowB 
City, 1904, 11, 342-368. ) Rtsumii 
proceediags and papers read by Messrs ' 
Wilder (Physiogimphy), Nulling (Bio- . 
logy). Fairbuiks (Archeoli^y), Shimek 
(Loess), FaaraiaoD (Davenport Acad- 
emy), Flora (Philoli^y), Loos (Social- . 
i^y), Bolton (Education), Shambaogh I 
(Histoiy), McCee (Human ProgreSE], ' 
on various aspects of anthropology. I 


Annandale (N.) The sarviral of primi- 1 

tive implements, materials and methods 
in the Faroes and south Iceland. (J. 1 
Anthr. Inst., Lend., 1903, xxxiii, 246- I 
258, I pi. ) Treats of objects of stone, 
and skin (hammers, ponnders. 

sinkers for fishing- line 

weights and whorls, stone lamps, 
use comparatively recently, ~ toys and 
implements from bones of whales, bone- 
skates, pins, needles, li&h- carriers, bone- 
sinkers, weaver's sword, skin shies, 
floats, putlin-wing brooms ; skin-win- 
dows, — now obsolete ) , baskets and 
creels. The resemblance between these 
baskets and certain clay vessels is very 
BatM (W. N. ) Scenes from the ^^thiopis 
on a black-figured amphora. (Trans. 
Dept. Arch. Univ. of Penn.. Phila., 
1904. I, 45-50, 3 pi.) Describes frag- 
ments of Greek vases from Orvieto in 

' ' two of the most important events de- 
scribed in the Aithiopis, namely, the 
death of Antilochus and the death of 
Acbilles." The ^ihiofis, continuation 
of the /AW, was the work of Arclinus 
of Miletus. 

BaDdanin (M.) L'influeocedumariachl- 
nage sur les formes de natality. ( Bull. 
Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, ^-^ s., v, 
80-87.) From a statistical study of the 
birth and marriage data of the de Mont 
region, Dr B. concludes that the custom 
of " mariachinage " or pre-marriage 
sexual relations has a more moralizing 
effect than at first sight would be granted, 
— although ^j or )^ of the young women 
marry tnceinle, for it overbalances the 
illegitimate births. It also seems to 
favor marriage and docs not reduce the 
birth-rate. The author considers that 
"10 poetic and fecund a custom" adds 

the perpetuation of the spedes. 

Les menhirs satellites dcs mtgalitbcs 

funiraires. (Ibid., 139-142.) Dr B. 
argues that among menhirs properly M- 
called, exclusive of alignments and 
cromlechs, are to be distinguished iso- 
lated large menhirs or " indicator aienhin 
at a distance," and the lesser menhin 
close to funerary megaliths, which wboi 
venr near and regularly disposed may be 
called satellites of the megalilhic tcpol- 
ture, and they may indicate that the 
dolmen or covered way was formerly hid- 
den from the eye. TTie "pierre folle" 
of Plessis and the "covered way" of 
the Landes are cited. 

Mnnd (G.) Galel-polissoirs. (Ibid., 
'S3-IS4-) AuthorhasfouQdi3Softh«*e 
pebbles at 11 "sUtions." They were 
probably used to make the grooves of the 
polishers for use on stone axes. 

TonBliiMr (C. A. U) Die RSmerw^ 
iwiscben der Unterveser und der Nied^ 
elbe und die mutmasslichen AnkerpUtK 
des Tiberius im Jahre 5 n. Chr. 
(Globus, Bmscbwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 37- 
41.) The place of anchoring of Tibmns 
must have been in tbe region of the lake 
near Bederkesa, then connected with tbe 
Elbe or the mouth of the Ostc. 

Bord (Harriet A.) Goumia. — Kepoit 
of the American Exploration Sodety** 
Excavations at Goumia, Crete, 190I- 
1903. (Trans, Dept. Arch., Univ. of 
Penn., Phila., 1904, I, 7-44, I pi., 31 
fgs.,map.) Treats of Turkish, Venetian, 
Gneco-Koman, Iron age (l7cx>-i5oo B. 
C), Bronic age (before iioo B. C) 
ruins and remains, literary testimony 00 
the isthmus, the town and its buildiogli 
stone tools, bronie tools and weapon^ 
stone vases, lamps, basins, potteiy 
(painted and unpainted), modeling, en- 
graving, writing, etc. Gournia is 
thought to be one of the 90 dlies men- 
tioned by Homer. 

BnniB (C. M.) A few impressions of 
Segesta and Selinus. ( Proc. Num. & 
Antiq. Soc. of Phiia., 1903-1903 [l904]i 
185-1S6, 3 pi.) Describes ruins as leea 
in 1903-1903. At Selinunte are the 

Cans (P.) Russian icons. (Open Ct. 
Chicago, I9(H, xviii, 449^53, 9 fgs.) 
Descnbes in partictUar the Hudoui fald- 




ing icon of St Petersburg and reproduces 
this and others. 

Cooley (A. S. ) The Macedonian tomb 
and the battlefield of Cheroneia. ( Rec. 
of Past, Wash., 1904, ill, 131-143, 7 
fgs. ) R6sum6s the investigations of Dr 
G. Soteriades. The large funeral mound 
is identified with the tomb of the Mace- 
donians mentioned by Plutarch. The 
colossal stone lion, marking the grave of 
the Thebans, blown up during the Greek 
Revolution, is now being restored. 

Cr6pin (G.) et Laville (A.^ D^cou- 
verte et fouille du dolmen ae Muriel. 
(Bull. Soc d*Anthr. de Paris, 1904, \'« 
s., V, 1 1 7- II 8.) Notes on discovery in 
December, 1903, of the Muriel dolmen 
and the objects (pottery fragments, flint 
implements, stone and bone ornaments, 
flint arrowheads and axes) found. The 
human bones include a trepanned skull. 

Crittenden (A. R. ) The topography and 
monuments of ancient Rome. (Rec. of 
Past, Wash., 1904, III, 310-314, 5 fgs.) 
R6sum6s Professor S. B. Platner's Topo- 
graphy and Monuments of Ancient 
Ronu (Boston, 1904). 

Dana (C. £. ) The English coronation, 
its service and its history. (Proc. Num. 
and Antiq. Soc. of Phila., 1902- 1 903 
[1904], 99-133.) Contains interesting 
historical notes on ceremony, etiquette, 
dress and ornament, the crown, anoint- 
ment, throne. King's champion, etc. 

DeLoe (B. A.) Discovery of an ancient 
wooden structure in the excavations of 
Port Zeebrugge. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 
1904, III, 344-346, 2 fgs.) Translated 
from Bull. d. Mus, R. des Arts Dhor. 
et Industr., Brussels. Description of 
what may have been the frame or ground- 
work of an artificial island in a marsh. 
The structure ( there is no trace of metal ) 
probably dates from the Roman period. 

Delore ( M. ) Les Romains et les Francs 
dans les montagnes du centre de la Gaule 
au sein de 1' Arvemic. (Bull. Soc. d' 
Anthr. de Paris, 1904, \^ s., v, 104- 
109. ) The Arvemic region had special 
attractions for the Romans, — around St. 
Flour 1 8 sites indicating the presence of 
their civilization have been discovered. 
The author describes in some detail the 
finds at the villa of Mons, and also some 
Prankish weapons found in this region. 

Dumas ( U. ) La station des Chataigniers- 
Baron, Gard. (Ibid., 157-158. ) This 

neolithic <' station *' is characterized by 
the diminutive size of the stone imple- 
ments found. The pottery ( rare ) has no 
spar in the paste. The *' station" may 
be due to a nomadic people with early 
neolithic culture. 

La grotte Nicolas, commune de 

Sainte Anastasie, Gard. (Ibid., 158- 
159.) Brief description of a funeral 
grotto of the transitional period between 
the stone age and the age of the metals 
and the remains of human bones, stone 
implements, pottery, terra-cotta statuette 
of a nude man, perhaps the earliest 
representation of the human figure in this 
material known. 

Oebhardt ( A. ) Die Rentiere auf Island. 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 261- 
263.) Gives, after Th. Thoroddsen, 
the history of the reindeer in Iceland, 
where it is not native as is often stated, 
but was introduced in 1 77 1 from Norway. 
The polar- fox is also not indigenous, 
but an accidental immigrant (originally 
brought on drift ice). 

Hoffmann-Krayer (£.) Knabenschaften 
und Volksjustiz in der Schweiz. (Schw. 
Arch. f. Volsk., Zurich, 1904, viii, 
81-99, 1 61- 1 78. J An interesting and 
valuable study of societies of the youth 
and folk-justice in Switzerland. The 
names of these organizations and their 
officers, their duties and activities, history 
and character in the various cantons, are 
discussed. They busied themselves with 
wooing and marriage, leasts and festivals, 
took over the control of certain social, 
religious, political, military events, etc. 
They were generally no unruly mob of 
chance-met youths, but performed dis- 
tinctly useful service in the community. 
Dr H.-K. emphasizes their religiousness 
and sexual morality, — their decrees were 
directed notably against godlessness, 
cursing and swearing, breaking the 
divine commands, wrong conduct on 
Sundays, holidays, fast days, etc., im- 
morality. In Switzerland, as the oc- 
currence of the charivari shows, the 
amenities of married life came under the 
eye of folk-justice. The unofficial char- 
acter of these organizations made it easy 
for some of them to become mere 
parodies of official institutions. Their 
three chief characters were sacral, 
judicial, military. Beneath all the author 
sees "belief in the holiness and purify- 
ing power of youth." 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

Volkmedizinisches. (Schw. Arch. 

f. Volksk., Ziirich, 1904, viii, 141- 
153.) Gives Dumerous items of folk- 
medicine received in answer to question- 
naire recently sent out. 

Jones (II. S. ) Recent discoveries in 
Rome. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, 
XXVI, 236-239. ) Notes on excavations 
in the Forum, the Lacus Curtius, etc. 
Reprinted from the London Times. 

K. (W. ) Kunstgewerbliche Frauenarbeit 
in den Ostalpen und Nachbargebieten. 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 93- 
95. ) Treats of the work of women and 
girls (house-industry especially) in the 
production of embroidery, carpets, lace 
(blond, etc. ). Lace is made of yam, 
silk, silver, gold, etc., in more than 500 
patterns at the lace-school at Idria. The 
Bosnian women are adepts in making 
oriental carpets. Appenzell embroidery 
is of great reputation. 

Knowles ( W. }. ) Stone axe factories 
near Cushendall, County Antrim. (J. 
Anthr. Inst. Lond., 1903, xxxiii, 360- 
366, 8 pi.) Describes sites in Ballye- 
mon Glen, where thousands of flakes, 
etc., exist and from which 800 whole 
axes were obtained. The most favored 
material used has not been found in situ 
in the district. The boulders, in various 
states of flaking, indicate the process of 
manufacture. These implements prob- 
ably belong to an early stage of the 
neolithic period, — some have been found 
in the clay below the peat. 

Kopp ( A. ) Handschrift der Trierer Stadt- 
bibliothek vom Jahre 1744. (Hess. Bl. 
f. Volksk., Leipzig, 1904, III, 16-54.) 
Describes, with abundant citation of 
material, a German song-book in Ms. in 
the public library of Trier, dating from 
1744, and probably belonging originally 
to a pious Catholic family of Cologne. 
A number of French pieces are included, 
— also a few drinking songs and some 

Kraitschek (G.) Die Menschenrassen 
Europas. (Polit. -Anthr. Rev., Berlin, 
1903-1904, 15-45, 533-547» 684-704.) 
R^sum^s data on the races of Europe, 
their divisions, physical characters, etc. 
Dr K. recognizes three chief European 
races : Nordic (light, tall, dolichocephal- 
ic) radiating from Scandinavian ; south 
European (dark, short, dolichoceph- 
alic) ; Mediterranean, kin with certain 

North African and West Asiatic people, 
brachycephalic [Mongolian, Celtic or 
Alpine, — both broad-faced ; Sarmatian, 
long-faced] originating from central Asia. 

Krause ( E. L. ) Einige neuere Ergebnisse 
der skandinavischen Quart&rforschung. 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxv, 381- 
382. ) Reviews recent literature on the 
quatemary period in Sweden and Nor- 
way. The middens of Schonen must be 
older than the remains discovered on the 
island of Sven and described by Anders- 
son in 1902. 

ManoUTlier ( L. ) Incisions, cauterisations 
et trepanations cr&niennes de I'^poque 
n^olithique. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de 
Paris, 1904, V s., v, 67-73, ^ fg-) 
Dr M. argues, as Dr Loydreau did 30 
years ago, that the fine thin pieces of 
flint, quartz, etc., belonging to the neo- 
lithic period, were tools of the primitive 
'' surgeon ' ' for use in trepanning, etc. A 
trepanned skull from the dolmen of 
Champignolles is described with some 
detail. (See page 17.) 

Note sur les ossements humains du 

dolmen du terrier de Cabut, Gironde. 
(Bull. Soc. d* Anthr. de Paris, 1904, 
v« s. , V, 73-76. ) Describes, with chief 
measurements, a skull (index 81.8), 
several mandibles, femurs, etc., from a 
dolmen of the Morgian epoch at Cabut, 
much damaged by agricultural opera- 
tions. One of the astragali found has 
<'an almost simian form." 

Sur I'aspect n6groTdedequelques crAnes 

pr6historiques trouv6s en France. (Ibid. , 
119-124, I fg.) Dr M. argues that the 
seemingly negroid aspect of the Mentone 
crania ** is due to morphologic characters 
whose occurrence together in the same 
skull is certainly rare in the white race,** 
but does not require the assumption of 
negro ancestry. They vst. female skulls, 
which explains some of their peculiar 
features. The fades mon^oloideus said 
to be frequent in certain parts of Brittany 
becomes, when associated with dolicho- 
cephaly, Vifmcies nef^roideus. The author 
discusses also the skull from the dolmen 
of M6riel. See Cr^pin et Laville. 

Cr&nes de vieillards de I'^poque 

n^olithique en France. ( Ibid., 101-104, 
2 fgs. ) Describes two neolithic skulls, 
from the dolmen of Pocancy and a grotto 
in H6rault, both of which bear marks of 
advanced old age. The chief signs of 





old age are atrophy of the alveolar por- 
tion of the maxillary and the more or 
less symmetrical sinking of the external 
table of the parietals, due to atrophy of 
the spongy tissue of the center. These 
skulls are interesting in view of the fact 
that many theorists have not admitted the 
possibility of the attainment of high old 
age among the savage ancestors of the 
present races of man. 

Mayr (A.) Die voi^eschichtlichen Denk- 
m&ler von Sardinien. (Globus, Bm- 
schwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 133-137.) R6- 
sum^s present knowledge of Sardinian 
antiquities — based chiefly on Pinza's 
Monumenti primitivi delta Sardegna 
(Roma, 1901 ). According to P., with 
whom M. agrees, the nuraghi are 
** graves * * — there exist also the ** giants' 
graves ' ' and the domos de inna^ or rock 
graves, besides natural caves. The cul- 
ture of the nuraghi^ giants' graves, rock 
graves, etc., suggests a close connection 
between Sardinia, the Balearic islands, 
the islands between Sicily and Africa 
and the southern part of Spain and 
France during the bronze period. There 
is a unity — a sort of "western Medi- 
terranean culture area" indicated. In- 
fluences of older i^ean culture are 
present in this region — also Mycsenian 
and pre-Mycsenian both in implements 
and architecture. The nuraghi people 
were probably of African origin. The 
specific creators of old Sardinian culture 
were the Jolai of the ancient Roman 

Mehiis (C.) Die Nekropole im Benzen- 
lockbei Neustadt a. d. H. (Ibid., 1904, 
LXXXV, 388. ) Brief account of the con- 
tents of 6 tumuli examined in 1904. 
The neolithic, Hallstatt, La Tdne, and 
Roman periods are all represented — the 
last two subsequent interments. 

OfFord (J.) Roman discoveries in Great 
Britain. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, 
XXVI, 17-23.) Treats of discoveries of 
1903 : altars and tablets from New- 
castle-upon-Tyne, inscriptions from mili- 
tary station at Brough (Derbyshire) and 
city of Venta Silurum (Monmouthshire), 
excavations at Silchester, etc. Frequent 
references occur in the inscriptions to in- 
dividuals of German origin among the 
Roman soldiery in Britain. Some of the 
deities cited, e. g., Mogon^ may also be 

A prehistoric Scandinavian sun- 

chariot. (Ibid., 234-235, I fg.) De- 
scribes the sun-chariot (dating from ca. 
1000 B. c. ) found at Trundholm. The 
author seeks Babylonian or Sumerian 

P. Die Karelier im russischen Gouveme- 
ment Twer. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, 
LXXXVI, 188-189.) Brief r6sum6 of 
data in D. Richter's article on the 
Karelians of Twer in the Journal der 
finnisch-ugrischen Gesellschaft in Hel- 
singforsy 1 904. Folk- literature and folk- 
songs seem to have vanished — even the 
recollection of their original home. 
Russian influence is marked and racial 
assimilation has increased since the build- 
ing of schools and the coming of rail- 
roads, etc. In the family there is "no 
suppression of personality." The pro- 
portion of males to females is 100 : 1 10.6. 

Reindl (J.) Die ehemaligen Weinkul- 
turen in Siidbayem. (Ibid., 1904, 
LXXXV, 384-387. ) Discusses the extent 
of the vineyards in South Bavaria, the 
quality of the wine, and the cause of the 
decline of wine culture (the increasing 
importation of foreign wines since the 
14th century). The vine on the gables 
of houses and bams, the frequent occur- 
rence of IVein in place-names, etc., indi- 
cate the influence of this industry since 
its introductions by the Romans. 

Rossat (A.) Les paniers : podme patois. 
(Schw. Arch. f. Volksk., ZUrich, 1904, 
VIII, 116-140,196-219.) Gives dialect 
versions and literary French texts of 
Raspieler's poem Les Paniers (1849), 
with critical notes on the various 

Schdner (G. ) Erinnerungen und Ueber- 
lebsel vergangener Zeiten aus dem Dorfe 
Eschenrod im Vogelsberg. (Hess. Bl. 
f. Volksk., Leipzig, 1904, in, 54-63.) 
Reproduces from the narration of an old 
man 25 items of beliefs, customs, folk- 
thought, etc., from the village of 

Stuckelberg ( E. A. ) Die Verehrung des 
h. Morand Mon. (Schw. Arch. f. 
Volksk., Zurich, 1904, viii, 220-223, 
I fg. ) Gives account of the develop- 
ment of the worship of the late medieval 
St Morandus of Bftle, limited to the 

Tedeschi (E. E. ) Contributo alia cranio- 
logia dei popoli alpini. (A. d. Accad. 
Sci. Ven. -Trent. -Istr., Padova, 1904, 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

■ I 

n . 

^* s., I, 57-69.) Gives measurements 
and descriptions of 50 male and 50 
female skulls from the ossuary of S. 
Pietro in the commune of Zuglio. 
Homogeneity in the distribution of the 
cephalic indexes in both sexes is marked. 
The female skulls are more rectangular 
than the male. There are features 
which suggest artificial deformation 
rather than ethnic characters. 

Tetzner ( F. ) Zur Volkskunde der Serben. 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 85- 
91, 12 fgs. ) Treats of name, dress 
(particularly bridal), houses, furniture 
and implements (domestic and agri- 
cultural), folk-poetry ( hero-song, lyric- 
poems, etc.). Wooden vessels are still 
much in use ; noteworthy are the east 
Servian calabashes. The Servian ox- 
yoke has some peculiarities, likewise the 
fire-tongs. The "puberty cane** also 
deserves mention, although some deny 
its significance. 

Tobler ( A. ) Der Volkstanz im Appen- 
zellerlande. (Schw. Arch. f. Volksk., 
Zurich, 1904, VIII, 100-115, 178-195.) 
Consists of the music for some 1 7 Appen- 
zell folk-dances. 

Vir6 ( A. ) Unc station solutr^enne. Nou- 
velle grotte et abri sous roche de Lacave, 
Lot. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 
1904, v« s., V, 63-66.) Describes cave 
and rock-shelter with remains discovered 
( flints, bone implements and ornaments, 
shells, kitchen debris, the last very 
numerous), of the Solutrean epoch 

Walker (F. I.) The story of Pompeii. 
(Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 169- 
176.) R6sum6s history and describes 
excavations and results, as revealing the 
nature of the city and its inhabitants. 

Weinberg ( R. ) Pr&historische Feuersteine 
und der neolithische Mensch in Baltisch- 
Russland. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, 
LXXXVI, 231-235, 21 figs.) The East 
Baltic region oflfers comparatively few 
worked flints, — a dozen or so is the 
largest find (near Swineek on Lake 
Burtneck). Implements combining flints 
and bone (harpoons) occur, and some of 
the flints are of fine workmanship and 
belong probably with the RUgen-Pomer- 
ania stone-age culture. The Woisek 
skeleton belongs to a decidedly dolicoce- 
phalic type (index 67) — Pomeranian 
and also Ladoga lake man may be related. 

Der syrjanische Pam-Kultus. (Ibid., 

259-261.) Describes the Syrjanian folk- 
figure of ram, the highest conception of 
this people of the governments of 
Wologda and Archangelsk in European 
Russia. Pam incarnates the spirit striv- 
ing after light, the struggle of the soul, 
the ideal of humanity, Uie highest aims 
of man, his boldest hopes, his deepest 
emotions — he stands high above all that 
is small and commonplace in the life and 
activities of men. Para is perhaps the 
same as the half-god of the Ugro- Finnish 

Wilser ( L. ) Die Menschenrassen Euro- 
pas, nach Kraitschek. (Ibid., 45-46.) 
R^sum^s the article of Dr G. Kraitscheic 
on European races in the Politisch-an- 
thropologische Rrvue^ vols. I- 1 1. Dr 
W. agrees with K. that the dolichoce- 
phalic race of Europe is the oldest, the 
brachycephalic a later immigrant from 
the East. Also as to the mixture of 
Finnish peoples. See Kraitschek (G. ) 

Winter (A. C. ) Totenklagen der Russen. 
(Ibid., 1904, Lxxxv, 388-389.) Gives 
German texts of three "death-wails'* 

from Twer, R&san and Cemigov. In 
Twer they are called w6pi, in R&san 

kriki, in Jaroslav pric6ty, in Cemigov 
Zapla^ki. The Twer **wail*' consists 
of 140 lines containing many repetitions. 

Wright (G. F.) The bone cave of San 
Ciro, Sicily. ( Rec. of Past, Wash., 
1904, III, 216-219, 2 fgs.) Brief notes 
on the investigation of this cave in 1 830. 
Immense quantities of bones (chiefly of 
hippopotami and very fresh), some of 
which were commercially exploited, were 
found. Prestwich, the geologist, thought 
a land subsidence, in times when the 
hippopotami lived in this part of the 
world, drove them into the cave for 

Zaborowski (S. ) La c6r6ale protoary- 
enne. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 
1904, v« s., V, 87-99.) Treats ot 
limits of the proto- Aryan period, com- 
mon terms relating to the employment 
of stone implements (words for knife, 
sword, razor, arrow, whetstone, etc. ), 
agriculture in the European and Indo- 
Iranian groups (words for plow, sickle, 
reap, etc. — the European knowledge of 
agriculture was earlier than the Indo- 
Iranian), the late app>earance of agricul- 
ture (of Teutonic origin) among the 




Finns, the proto- Aryan plow, the plants 
cultivated by the proto-Aryans. Z. 
thinks that the proto-AiTans long con- 
fined themselves to gathering wild grains 
— first of the cereals was barley, and the 
oldest names signify not special cereals 
but simply the grains of the wild plant 


Borchard ( L. ) Excavations of the Ger- 
man Oriental Society near Abusir. ( Rec. 
of Past, Wash., 1904, in, 195-212, 15 
fgs. ) Gives account of excavations of 
winters of 1901-1902 and 1902-1903. 
Describes the temple of King Ne- 
rooser-re ; the cemetery surrounding 
''offers traces of all periods of Egyptian 
civilization." Three types of mastabas 
were found. 

Brower (C. DeW. ) Phila. abid., 259- 
268, 6 fgs. ) Historical and descriptive 
account of Philse and its famous temples, 
now threatened with possible submersion 
by the erection of the great Assouan dam. 
The author suggests that the new stone 
bulwark is really more beautiful than the 
old ruined temples because more useful, 
now that the day of the Fellaheen has 

Curtis (W. E.) Ancient cities of Egypt, 
f Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 77- 
84. ) These notes, originally contributed 
to the Chicago Record- Heraldy treat of 
Alexandria, Cairo and its university, 
stone towers, Memphis, mastaba of Ti, 
rock-hewn tombs, etc. 

DaTid (J.) Notizen Qber die Pygm&en 
des Ituriwaldes. (Globus, Bmschwg., 
1904, Lxxxvi, 193-198.) Treats of 
physical characters, dwellings, imple- 
ments and utensils (few and pots rare), 
tobacco (obtained from taller negroes 
and much used by pygmies ), bunting and 
other activities (traps and pits), counting, 
language (brief vocabulary including 
numerals and proper names of men and 
women). No evidences of degeneration 
or abnormality exist and the Wambutti 
have been for centuries the primitive for- 
est folk they are now. There is no sym- 
biosis with the surrounding agricultural 
peoples, as, e. g., at Mawambi. Dr D. 
describes (p. 197) a new-bom child. 
Their uncleanliness, dread of water, 
ignorance of boiling flesh, etc., are noted. 
The author, from his personal experience, 
credits these pygmies with great skill in 
hunting and tradcing animals. 

AM. ANTH., N. S , 7~XO 

Ton Doeiing (Hptnt,) Ueber die Her- 
stellung von Seife in Togo. (Ibid., 282- 
283.) Describes the manufacture of 
soap by the negresses of Togo-land. It 
is made from the ashes of the kongulu 
palm and some other trees and palm- 
seed oil. 

G«werbe (Das) in Ruanda. (Ibid., 82> 
83.) R6sum6 of the article of Dr R. 
Kandt. See American Anthropologist y 
1904, vol. VI, N. s., 731. 

Hobley (C. W.J British East Africa: 
Anthropological studies in Kavirondo and 
Nandi. (J. Anthr. Inst. Lond., 1903, 
XXXIII, 325-359, 3 pi. 8 fgs. ) Treats 
of legends of tbe origin of the Ja-Luo 
race and their genealogy, genealogy of 
the Awa-Wanga, animal-stories of the 
Ama-Wanga, ghost beliefs of the Ithako, 
omens, ancestor- worship, charms (a list 
of the components of the magic necklace 
of a chief is given at page 345), totems 
(list given), rain-making, c^It of the 
mkia (speci/il mark of married woman), 
<<mika" operation on girls among the 
Guasangishu and Nandi, naming of 
children, tattooing and tribal marks, 
numeral proportion of sexes (table given; 
in Bantu tribes male births exceed 
female, in Nilotic vice versa), the isira 
custom (vendetta), miscellaneous cus- 
toms and beliefs, laws of succession among 
the Ja-Luo (chiefship goes to eldest son 
of wife whom father married first), etc. 
Neither the Ja-Luo nor the Nandi have 
such animal- love as the Ama-Wanga. 
The Ithako consider ghosts much larger 
than life-size. Cremation of a corpse and 
re- interring the ashes *' lays " a ghost. 
Charms are legion. Artificial deflower- 
ing of dead virgins occurs among the 

Hutter (F.) Volkergruppierung in Ka- 
merun. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, 
LXXXVI, 1-5, map.) The distribution- 
map suggests an ethnic chaos. The 
greatest sections are the Bantu and the 
Sudan-Negroes, the third chief element 
consisting of intruding non-negro peoples. 
In German Bomu are the Kanuri, Ma- 
kari, Musgu, Marghi, besides tribes of 
Arab lineage (Sh6a), some Fula, immi- 
grants from Baghirmi and Wadai, from 
Dar Rt^nga and Dongola. In Adamua 
are Batta tribes, Fali, Musgu, Kanuri, 
Sh6a, Mbum, Bantu, Baia, Tikar, 
Haussa, etc. In the primitive forests 
of the west and south dwell the Fans. 



[N. s., 7, 1905 


The Fula have followed often the ruins 
of Haussa <* states.'* Mixture of races 
has long been taking place here. 

Slandt ( R. ) Ein Marsch am Ostufer des 
Kiwu. (Ibid., 209-214, 245-249, 11 
fgs.) Contains notes on the Watussi 
(higher classes), Wahutu (Bantu com- 
mon people), etc. A pariah-folk, the 
pygmy Batwa, is scattered over the 
country. The east shore of Lake Kiwu 
belongs to Ruanda. 

Klose ( H . ) Produktion und Handel Togos. 
( Ibid. , 69-75, 145-149. ) Notes on ex- 
ploitation of oil-palm and its products, 
caoutchouc, ^^/-palm (shi-butter), cocoa- 
palm (copra), kola-nut, earth-nut, cas- 
sava, maize, cotton, caoutchouc, cacao, 
etc. The spread of such American 
plants as cassava, maize, and cacao in 
Africa is remarkable. The oil -palm fur- 
nishes oil, sauce, salve, hair-dressing, 
light, building material, fish-traps, food, 
drink, etc. 

LeMner (^Oberltn,^ Die Balue- oder 
Rumpiberge und ihre Bewohner. (Ibid., 
273-278, 337-344, 18 fgs.) Contains 
notes (pp. 277-278) on the Balue, 
Bakundu, Ngolo, and Batanga, all of 
Bantu stock. Several albinos (who 
enjoy no special rOle) were met with. 
Although these four peoples speak the 
same language, yet the words for several 
things (including father y nosey dogy ) are 
not the same in all of them. Tattooing, 
clothing, and ornaments (comparatively 
little), objects used in dance (very num- 
erous and manifold), weapons, houses 
and villages, "palaver ''-houses, furni- 
ture and utensils, land-culture, domestic 
animals, etc., are discussed. Tobacco is 
much used. 

New English province (The) of Nigeria. 
(Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1904, xv, 
433-442, 9 fgs. ) Contains notes on the 
city of Kano and the people of the prov- 
ince, chiefly Hausas. 

OfFord (J. ) Discoveries in Egypt. (Am. 
Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 73-77.) 
Discusses the inscription of the ** Stele 
of Palermo " (5 th or 6th dynasty, relat- 
ing to Heliopolis), the new papyrus 
(ca. 410 B. c.) from Luxor, and two 
new cuneiform tablets from Tel-el 

^— Monuments of primitive Pharaohs. 
(Ibid., 240-242.) Author thinks that 
evidence shows that these early monarch, 

were not petty princes, but ruled over 
upper and lower Egypt. It also proves 
the accuracy of Manetho's lists and the 
increasing antiquity of Egyptian culture. 

ParlBh Yon Senftenburg (Freih. O.) 
Zwei Reisen durch Ruanda 1902 bis 
1903. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1904, 
Lxxxvi, 5-13, 73-79, 13 fgs., map.) 
Based on data of Lieut, von Parish. Con- 
tains ethnographic notes on the Watusi 
(a tall negro people), Mssinga, the 
ruler of Ruanda, the dwarf executioners 
of Mssinga (Bagiga or Watwa). The 
Watwa of the volcanic region are said 
to be cannibals. The Watwa and Watusi 
(the ruling element in Ruanda) get 
along well together. 

Pittard (M. ) Sur lamonnaie du Ba-Souto. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« 
s., V, 142-143.) Describes the iirale 
or copper money of the Basuto from a 
sp>ecimen in the Geneva Museum and 
one presented to the Anthropological 

Sg. Die Festlegung der Westgrenze von 
Togo. (Globus, Brnschwg, 1904, 
LXXXVI, 283-286, map. ) Contains brief 
notes on the Moab, Guan tribes, Nawuri, 
Shanbordn, Nanumba (becoming more 
and more Mohammedanized), Dag- 
bamba, Tjanse, Kusa, Konkomba, 
Chokosi, etc. 

Singer (H.) Eine Begr&bnish5hle auf 
der Insel Bussira, Victoria Nyansa. 
( Ibid. , 80-82, I fg. ) Notes on a photo- 
graph by the late Lieut, von Parish, 
representing a grave on the island of 
Bussira, and on the funeral customs of 
the Wasiba. A sort of strata-deposition 
of corpses is practised. 

Hauptmann Merkers Monographic 

Uber die Massai. (Ibid., 264-268, 10 
fgs. ) R^sum^s Capt. M. Merker's Die 
Masai. Ethnographische Monographic 
eines ostafrikanischen Semitcnvolkes 
(Berlin, 1904). On anthropological, 
ethnographic and ethnologic grounds 
(but particularly from study of their 
myths) M. holds that the Masai are of 
Semitic lineage, but he probably places 
too much weight on certain legends. The 
beginning of Masai immigration he sets at 
ca. 5000 B. c. Cattle are of great im- 
portance for the Masia, but in conse- 
quence of the great cattle-plague of some 
14-15 years ago, they are in process of 
change from cattle-nomads to agricul- 




turists. To the main part of the book 
are added ethnobotanical notes and an- 
thropological descriptions of 18 men and 
43 women. At pages 286-287 of Globus 
is given the creation myth of the Masai. 

Sommerrille (M.) Amulets and talis- 
mans from Senegal. (Proc. Num. and 
Antiq. Soc. of Phila., 1902-1903 [1904], 
53, 2 pi. ) Brief note and photographs 
of 6 amulets from the Sahara, east of 


Carus (P.) Stone-worship. (Open Ct, 
Chicago, 1904, XVIII, 45-52, 7 fes.) 
Treats of stone-worship, votive stones, 
etc., among the Phenicians. 

Pre-Christian crosses as symbols of 

chthonic deities. (Ibid., 285-290, 12 
fgs.) Author notes that the cross is 
found on tombs in Asia Minor and used 
in connection with chthonic deities, gods 
of the lower world. Hades, etc. 

The religion of proto-Semitism. 

(Ibid., 421-429.) Based on Prof. S. I. 
Curtiss' Ursemitische Religion (Leip- 
zig, 1904), the improved German edition 
of the author's Primitive Semitic Re- 
ligion, Chicago, 1902. 

Corea. (Ibid., 218-220, 2 fgs.) 

Contains notes on coat-of-arms and kwas 
or trigrams. 

— The Rosetta stone. (Ibid., 531-536, 
3 fgs. ) Describes the stone with cuts of 
the hierogljrphic, demotic, and Greek 

The spinning damsel. (Ibid., 568- 

5^> I fg* ) Brief account of an ancient 
bas-relief from Susa of a Semitic (?) 
maiden spinning, while a slave behind 
£euis her. 

— Naram-sin's stele. (Ibid., 563-567, 
4 fgs. ) Describes the stele (now in the 
Louvre) of Naram-sin (ca. 3750 b. c.) 
found in the ruins of Susa by DeMorgan. 
The facial types of the Elamites are repro- 
duced in outlines. 

— Japanese leaders. (Ibid., 454-478, 
21 fgs. Treats of the Mikado, the Em- 
press, Oyama, Yamagata, Kodowa, 
Kuroki, Oku, Nodzu, Nogi, Ito, Yama- 
mato, Togo, Kamimura, Uriu, Hirose, 
Fukushima (author of patriotic poems as 
well as a general). Some of these nota- 
bles represent the Japanese physical type 
(or types), others, apparently, do not. 

Clement (E. W.) The Japanese floral 
calendar. (Ibid., 6-13, 107-112, 163- 
165, 213-217, 282-284, 351-354, 394- 
397, 499-5oi> 554-557, 615-617, 695- 
698, 723-73 1, 28 fgs. ) Interesting notes 
on the pine, plum, peach, cherry, wis- 
taria, iris, morning-glory, lotus, nana- 
kusa (<* seven grasses'*), maple, chrys- 
anthemum, camellia, the various month- 
flowers in poetry, art, etc. The Japanese 
love a flower as a flower. To them a 
bouquet is floral murder and the whole 
theory of Japanese flower arrangement 
'depends upon the * language of line' 
rather than upon mass or color.'' The 
arrangement of flowers is an important 
item in woman's education. 

Crabbe (J. J. ) Japanese songs and folk- 
lore. (Ibid., 277-481.) According to 
the author '< no other nation has so rich 
a treasury of folk-lore as the Japanese, or 
has such a wealth of myth and romance," 
and religion, myth, romance and history 
are inextricably intertwined. One of 
the most popular collections of songs and 
folk-lore is the Hyak Nin Is^shiu Mine 
No Kake-hashi. The Taketori Mono^ 
gatari was first issued about iboo years 
ago. The Japanese variant of Rip van 
Winkle is given on page 279. 

Doolittle (G. E.) Neglected archeologi- 
cal ruins in Coelesyria. ( Rec. of Past, 
Wash., 1904, III, 227-233, 12 fgs.) 
Notes on die Libo aqueduct, the temple 
ruins of Kefr Zebed, Shleefa Niha, the 
shrine near Kobb Elias, the Kamu' at 
Hermil (a monument of some hunting 
monarch, etc.). These ruins have been 
neglected because so overshadowed by 
** the titanic ruins of Baalbek." Coele- 
syria was the home of Baal worship. 

El-Howie (Ghosn. ) Gezer foundation de- 
posits and modem beliefs. ( Ibid. , 212— 
216.) Treats of foundation-sacrifices, 
ancient and modem, of this region in con- 
nection with the finding at Tell-el-Jezari 
(the Gezer of King Solomon) of jars 
containing bodies of infants, lamps and 
bowls, in the foundation of dwellings. 
This was probably to ward of the ** evil 



. The Drooz of Syria. (Amer. 

Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 167-168.) 
Notes on beliefs, etc., of the Druses con- 
cerning the origin of life, transmigration 
of souls, etc. 

d'Enjoy (P.) De la legislation chinoise 
^ regard des congregations religieuses. 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« 
s., V, 154-157.) Gives the French 
version of the legislation of the old 
Chinese code relative to the Buddhist 
monks and monasteries, for comparison 
with recent edicts of the French Govern- 
ment concerning the Catholic ** congre- 

Foster (J. W.) China. (Nat. Geogr. 
Mag., Wash., xv, 463-478, 2 maps.) 
Contains some notes on the character of 
the Chinese peoples. 

Gilbert (O.) Babylons Gestimdienst, 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi. 
225-231, 2 fgs. ) Treats of the stars in 
Babylonian mythology and religion, 
their S3rmbolism and its interpretation, 
combinations of deities, double-heads, 
etc. The author holds that these em- 
blems are all per se symbols of deities, 
which later became connected with and 
were transferred to certain chief stars 
and constellations. The stars were 
always subordinated to the gods and not 
vice versa. 

Goldziher (I.) Orientalische Bauleg- 
ende. (Ibid., 95-96. ) Treats of the 
Persian legend of the building of the 
castle of Chawamak by the Greek ar- 
chitect Sinnim&r in the fifth century, the 
country palace of Sh&pur I. Connected 
with this legend was the astrologer's 
verdict that the King would lose his 
kingdom for a time and recover it only 
after ** taking golden bread fix>m an iron 
dish. * * The architect escapes the King* s 
attempt to destroy him, by making him- 
self wings and flying away. This sug- 
gests the classic tale of Daedalus. 

▼on Hahn (C. ) Neues Uber die Kurden. 
( Ibid. ,31-32.) R6sum6s an address by 
A. A. Arkeljan before the Geographical 
Society of Tiflis. A. maintains that the 
Kurds are a very mixed race, com- 
pounded of Medes, Mongols, Tatars,' 
Armenians, Turks, Arabs, etc., and not 
a somewhat pure Iranian people as is 
generally believed. They number alto- 
gether about 1,000,000, divided into 
some 100 *' tribes," partly nomadic, 
partly half-nomadic In religion they 
are strict Sunnites. Divorce is easy, 
hospitality a sacred duty, theft and rob- 
bery works of valor. 

Harper (R. F.) Exploration and dis- 
covery in Babylonia. (Am. Antiq., 
Chicago, 1904, XXVI, 177-179.) Notes 

on the excavations at Bismya, where 
large ruins exist, from whi<^ ridi re- 
sults are expected. 

Haa (K. ) German excavations in Baby- 
lon, 1901 and 1902. (Rec of Fk^ 
Wash., 1904, III, 166-183, 6 fjgs). De- 
scribes the excavations of the '*kasr" 
mound and the remains discovered (clay 
sculptures, cylinders, glazed tiles, docu- 
ments found in coffins, exploratioos of 
the temple, palace, fortifications, etc). 
Among the finds are a new text of King 
Nabopolassar, a hjmn to Marduk, etc 

German excavations in Fan. 

(Ibid., 233-243, 6 fgs., map.) De- 
scribes investigations of 1 902- 1903, at 
Fara and Abu Hatab. R6sum6d firan 
official reports of the German Oriental 

Hedin (S.) De vetenskapliga resnltaten 
af min sista resa. (Ymer, Stkhlm., 
1 904» XXIV, 237-258, maps.) R^sumis 
scientific results of last journey in central 
Asia, 1 899- 1 902, which are to appear in 
English in six volumes. Of great inter* 
est are the excavations in old Lobnor. 

Hendenon fA. E.) Survey of Cyziciu. 
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, iii, 355- 
364, 7 fgs., map. ) Describes sitnatioo 
and topography of the ruins of Cyskns 
on the southern shore of the Sea of Mar- 
mora. The chief ruin is that of "the 
colossal * temple of Hadrian.' " Others 
are the ''theater,'* the ' * honey-maiden's 
palace,'' etc. 

Henning (C. L.) Die sumerische Gnmd- 
lage der vorderasiatischen Sch5pfangs- 
sage. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, 
LXXXVI, 46-49, 58-61, I fg. ) Risumis 
the recent writings of Zimmem, Tide, 
Radau, etc- , particularly the last. Radaa 
endeavors to prove the "Sumerian" 
origin of the Babylonian creation myth, 
added to Tide's opinion (*'by far the 
greater part of Babylonian religious ideas 
were already in the possession of the 

Hervey ( D. F. A. ) Malay games. (J. 
Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1903, xxxiil, 284- 
304, 8 fgs. ) Describes briefly 63 games, 
chiefly children's, and mostly as plajred 
in Malacca. Some of these games re- 
semble : Hide-and-seek, Tom Tiddler's 
Ground, Oranges and Lemons, French 
and English, Marbles, Hopscotch, Pitch 
and Toss, etc 




Janke (A.^ Das Schlachtfeld am Grani- 
kus. (Ibid., 129-133, 6 fgs., map. ) J. 
does not confirm Kiepert's opinion as to 
the old course of the Granicus, nor his 
site for the battle-field — the lowest course 
of the stream has most in its favor. 

Joyce (T. A. ) On the physical anthro- 
pology of the Oases of Khotan and 
Keriya. (J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1903, 
XXXIII, 305-324, 2 pi., tables.) Treats 
of cephalic nasal and facial indices, stat- 
ure, thickness of lips, color of hair and 
eyes, etc., of 23 individuals from Khotan 
and 16 from Keriya measured by Dr M. 
A. Stein during his recent archeological 
investigation in Chinese Turkestan. The 
ethnic affinities of these people are dis- 
cussed at some length. A Turki ele- 
ment has probably modified the Kho- 
tanese more than the Galchas, whom 
they much resemble, also a large Tibetan 
admixture. The Keriya have a larger 
Turki element and perhaps also some 
Mongol. Both Khotanese and Keriya 
are in the main ** Aryan " and descend- 
ants of Lapouge's Homo alpinus. 

Kanten (Paula) Abbaji Radscha und 
sein Schwager Tinn&ll. ( Globus, Bms- 
chwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 138-140.) Text 
in German of a Tamil legend of TinnAll, 
a sort of Oriental Eulenspiegel. 

Lanfer (B. ) Religidse Toleranz in China. 
(Ibid., 1904, Lxxxv, 219-220.) Criti- 
cizes somewhat severely J. J. M. de 
Groot*s recent book Sectarianism and 
Religious Persecution in China (2 
vols., Amsterdam : 1903- 1904), which 
Dr L. considers very partial and often 
inexact, and unjust in suppressing refer- 
ences to edicts of toleration, while care- 
ful to cite all intolerant acts. China 
never burned witches, had no inquisition, 
and never destroyed primitive civiliza- 
tions. Any Chinese can change his re- 
ligion at will. The growth of Buddhist 
clericism and the "dead hand" of the 
church are dangers to China as similar 
conditions have been in Europe. China 
has tolerated Buddhists, Parsees, Mani- 
cheans, Mazdeans, Nestorians, Jews, 
and Mohammedans before Christians of 
to-day, and she can in no way be styled 
intolerant and religiously bigoted. 

Lyle (T. H.) Notes on the ancient pot- 
tery kilns at Sawankalok, Siam. (J. 
Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1903, xxxiii, 238- 
245, I pi., 4 fgs. ) Gives results of ten 
days' investigation of the Sawankalok 

kilns said to belong to the time of King 
Phra Roang (fifth or sixth century, A. 
D. ), and the pottery found there. In an 
appended "note" (pages 244-245) Mr 
C. H. Read points out that Mr Lyle's 
material makes it certain that celadon 
ware was made in Siam in ancient times 
in considerable quantity and of a kind 
closely resembling the Chinese kind. 

Meyer (A.) Tasch- Rabat. (Globus, 
Bmschwg., 1904, LXXXVI, 41-45, 8 
fgs. ) R^sum^s N. N. Pantusov's article 
published in 1902 on the ruins of Tasch- 
Rabat on the Russo-Chinese frontier 
(Kashgar caravan road), the remains of 
a Nestorian monastery — these monks 
were already in central Asia by the 7th 

Myres (J. L. ) The early pot-fabrics of 
Asia Minor. (J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 

1903, XXXIII, 367-400, 4 pi., II fgs.) 
Discusses the black polished fabric of 
Hissarlik and its homologues, — Hissar- 
lik is "the pier-head of Asia toward 
S. E. Europe, the tHe de pant of Europe 
toward N. W. Asia" ; the red -faced fab- 
ric of Hissarlik II and its homologues ; 
the painted style of Cappadocia (distri- 
bution, fabrics, forms, ornament, post- 
Mycenaean and Mycenaean accretions, 
pre- Mycenaean geometrical residuum, re- 
sidual Cappadocian style), a Syro-Cappa- 
docian promise of ceramic art. The last 
the author argues from the decorative re- 
pertoire, the lavish use of red paint, the 
treatment of pot-surface, etc. — the 
white-ground fabric may be due to the 
local occurrence of meerschaum, 

Niehns (H. ) Die Zuckerfabrikation des 
indischen Bauem. (Globus, Bmschwg., 

1904, LXXXVI, 167-171, 7 fgs.) De- 
scribes the making of sugar to-day by the 
Hindu peasantry. The old sugar- mill 
is not yet extinct. 

Oppert (G. ) Erinnerungen an Indien. 
(Ibid., 249-252.) Critique of Dr Paul 
Deussen's Erinnerungen an Indien 
(Kiel u. Leipzig, 1904). Dr O. con- 
siders the author rather unjust and un- 
sympathetic toward the English, and 
instances a case in which an educated 
Brahman, an M. A., did not consider it 
wrong for a judge to receive money from 
the two parties to a cause, provided he 
returned his to the loser. 

Ranke (H.) Business house of Murashu 
Sons of Nippur. (Rec. of Past, Wash. 




,7, 1905 

1904, 111, 364-374, 8 fgi.) Risumit 

Rev. A. T. Clay's Business DocumiHts 
of Murasku Sons of Nippur (PhiU., 
1904), which treats of the cuneiform 
Ubiets (found al Nippur in 1893) re- 
Cording the business transactions (464- 
434 B.C., and 413-405 B. C. ) of a finn 
of that city. The number of Aramaic 
indorsements is notable, — Babylonian 
may have been at this late period in uje 
only for literary and legal purpoica, etc. 

Segnsnlt (J. ) L'hygiine chei les Chinois, 
(Kev. Scienlif., Paris, 1904, S' s., 11, 
582-585,617-620,651-655.) Treatsof 
houses, clothing, food, drink, opium, to- 
bacco (receol), physical exercise, seT, 
childhood, diseases (particularly small- 
poi), death. The "comhinatioD of nat- 
ural science and general hygiene obscured 
by superstition," which passes for hygiene 
in China, is ci\\^ fnung-choei, "wind- 
water"; and the primitive hygienist is 
fouitg ckoci ti. 

▼on RaitlenstBill {frh. ) Die Silbcrinscl 
bei Chinkiang. (Globus,llmschwg.,t9a4, 
LXXXV], 317-21S, I {%., map.) Notes 
on the former summer seal of the Chinese 
imperial family, '■ Silver Island" in the 
Yang-lse-kiang. The pagoda of the 
near-by lawn of Chinkiang is the subject 
of legend. 

Ti«ws of Lluoa. (Nat. Gcogr. Mag.. 
Wash., 1905, KVI, 27-38.) Selected 
from pictures taken bylbeBuriatTsibikov 
and the Kalmuck Noriunov on their 
recent visit to Tibet. 

WrieM (F. B.l Ancient caravan routes 
ofChina. { Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, 
III, 163-166, 5 fgs.) Brief notes on 
the Nankin-Turfan-Kashgar-Kuldja, and 
Pekin -Urga-Kiakhta- Baikal-Semipala- 
tinsk caravan routes, the Chinese wall, 


Bewotmer (Die) der westlichen Torres- 
strosse-Inselin. (Globus, Brnschvig., 
1904, L.\sxvi, 177-181,3 fgs.) R6- 
Sum£s the fifth volume of the Reports of 
the Anthropological Kxpedition to 1'orres 
Strait, Soiiolegy, /l/ofiV and Rr/ij;iiin 
of the Western Islanders (Cambridge, 
1904). See page 132. 

Dr Heinrlch Schnee'a Buch Uber den Bis- 
marckarchipel. (Ibid., 152-156, 6 fgs. ) 
Risumts Dr Schnee's Bilder aus der 

SDdset (Berlin, 1904), which treats 
chiefly of ethnr^raphic matters. The 
population is estimated (rather low) at 
300.000, many losses taking place, et- 
pedally of women and children, through 
vengeance- feuds. The peoples of the 
Matty and Durour islands, where cul- 
ture is mi generis, Dr S. thinks, pos- 
sess a strain of Chinese or Japanese 
blood. His linguistic map, exclusive of 
some of the smaller islands, counts 9 
stocks, from Papuan-like to Polynesian. 
The Manus are said to have a special 
word for 10,000. An inter-island system 
of signals by smoke and fire exists. The 
Bismarck Islanders are still one of the 
wildest peoples of the Pacific, and can- 
nibalism is prevalent among many tribes. 
The pile-dwellings of Mok Mandrian, 
are interesting. The dui-dut of Gaielle 
peninsula is an importation from New 

Fruer (J. ) Some notes on the ethnology 
of the New Hebrides. (Am. Antiq., 
Chicago, 1904, xxvt, 2S-31.) Discusses 
the origin of the blacks ("negroid, not 
negro") of New Hebrides, etc. Dr F,, 
who locates the "original home of the 
undivided human family " in a "portion 
of High Asia, to (he east of Mesopo- 
tamia," brings the negroes into Africa, 
Asia, and the Pacific islands by a wide 
dispersion. That the New Hebrides 
black is negroid is due to race intermix- 
ture — three streams of immigration into 
these islands (Malay the lastj. 

Fnioess (H. F., 3d) The stone money 
of Uap. Western Carolines. (Trans. 
Depl. Arch., Univ. of Penn., Phila., 
1904, I, 51-60, 4 fgs.) Describes the 
fei or stone money (in diameter from I 
to 12 feet) of L'ap — quarried and shaped 
400 miles away in the I'ttew Is., and 
brought thence in canoes or rafts. No 
attribute of age or sacreilness attaches 
to them and Ihey have no practical or 
intrinsic value. Mr ¥. thinks "they 
present to the people a certain visible 
and tangible amount of labor expended 
in their production," are, in fact, primi- 
tive " certillcales of dc[iosil of work." 
Actual ]x)ssession on one's own property 
is not neces.sary. indeed one al the bot- 
tom of the sea is said to have served just 
OS well, its linking having become com- 

Hagen (H.) Die Gajos auf Sumatra, 
(Globus. Brnschwg., 1904, I.XXxvi, 24- 
30, 13 fgs.) Physically the Cajos are 




only "grown children,** — they have re- 
mained at the child-stage, and, with the 
Alas, represent **the old primitive or 
pre- Malay population of Sumatra more 
purely and less mixed than the Bataks.*' 
Their pandanus-weaving is noteworthy. 
The Bataks show a more advanced, less 
fluctuating culture than the Gajos ; other- 
wise there are close resemblances between 
them. Close relations are suggested by 
Dr H. between the Toradjas and Toalas 
of Celebes, the Veddas and even some 
South American Indians. References 
are made to Dr S. Hurgronje's book 
Het Gajoland en zijne bewoners ( Batavia, 


Krimer (A.) Der Wert der Siidseekeulen 
fUr Vdlkerbeziehungen. ( Ibid. ,125-128, 
3 fgs. ) Describes three clubs, — from 
Tutuila (Samoa), from Fiji, and from a 
grave at Truxillo, Peru, the last ** thor- 
oughly Tongan ** in form and ornament 
South Pacific clubs have been reported 
also from Alaska, etc. These are all 
probably incidental imports. The rela- 
tions between the Spaniards in Peru and 
the Pacific islands might account for the 
Truxillo club. 

Xathews (R. H.) Languages of the 
Kamilaroi and other aboriginal tribes of 
New South Wales. (J. Anthr. Inst., 
Lond., 1903, XXXIII, 259-283. ) Gives 
granmiatical sketches of the Kamilaroi 
and Darkifiung languages, with notes on 
the Yuan (a mystic tongue used in the 
Bora ceremonies), the Wallarai, Wir- 
raiarai and Guinbrai dialects, a vocabulary 
of some 900 words of the Kamilaroi and 
Thurrawal tongues. App>ended are also 
notes on some native tribes of Victoria, 
S. Australia, and Queensland. The 
Kamilaroi has an inclusive and exclusive 
plural of the first personal pronouns. 

Language des Kurnu, tribu d' indi- 
genes de la Nouvelle Galles du Sud. 
(Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« 
s., V, 132-138.) R6sum6 of the gram- 
mar of the Kurnu, an Australian tribe on 
the river Darling in New South Wales. 
The pronouns have certain special 

Meyer (A. B. ) Alte SUdseegegenstlnde 
in Amerika. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1904, 
LXXXVi, 202-203, I fg. ) Brief notes 
on a <*Samoan club*' from Peru and a 
mask from Atacama, the South Pacific 
origin of which is probably post-Colum- 
bian. See Kramer. 

und Richter (O. ) Das indonesische 

Webgestell. (Ibid., 172, i fg.) Gives 
a more exact figure of the Indonesian 
weaving-apparatus. See previous title. 

. Ethnographische Miszel- 

len II. (Abhandl. u. Ber. d. K. 
Zool. u. Anthr. -Ethn. Mus. zu Dres- 
den, 1903, X, Nr. 6, viii -|- 102, 4 pi., 
' I o fgs. ) Treats of spirit-traps in the 
East Indian archipelago (1-7)} brass 
shields from the Moluccas (8-15), brass 
breast-plate from the Moluccas (16-18), 
weaving-apparatus from the East Indies, 
particularly Gorontalo in North Celebes 
( 19-67), Kain Bintinany or cloths 
from the island of Bentenan ; the bronze 
age in Celebes, rings, ornaments, 
weapons, — prehistoric and historic (72- 
91), the stone age in Celebes (92-102). 
The "soul-traps" are of two chief 
types, the "cage** and the "boat.** 
The prototype of the brass-shields is to 
be found in the northern Moluccas, but 
they are probably to be traced back to 
the Spanish immigrants, though indige- 
nous origin is not yet excluded by the 
evidence. The data do not allow one 
to dogmatize as to the origin of Malay- 
sian weaving, — it may have been of in- 
digenous origin or have spread later from 
the Asiatic continent through Hindu in- 
fluences. The bronze remains seem to 
indicate the former existence of a pre- 
historic copper or bronze culture (last 
relics of primitive Malay bronze culture) 
more or less repressed by iron, etc., — 
this bronze culture was of Indian origin. 
Fetishistic use of stone implements is 
reported from various regions of Celebes; 
also "holystone stocks." Stone axes 
(except those found by the Sarasins in 
the caves of the Toalas) have always 
served previously for amulets. Evi- 
dences of a former stone age are numer- 
ous in Celebes. 

Parkinson ( R. ) Tatowierung der Moge- 
mokinsulaner. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1904, LXXXVI, 15-17, 3 fgs.) Accord- 
ing to P. the statement of Kubary that 
the Yap tattooing is found on Mogemok 
("Mackenzie Islands") is not quite 
correct, as there are notable differences 
as well as resemblances. The tattooing 
of the women, while simpler, is very 
characteristic. The Mogemok tattooing 
is in some respects like that of Nuku- 
manu and Liueniua. The men's tattoo- 
ing has considerable variation. 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

Schmidt (W.) Eine Fspuasprache auf | 
Neupommein. (Ibid., 79-So. ) A dose 
stud; of tbe Sulka language of New 1 
Britain, according to Father S., makes it 
Papuan in character. Papuooid features . 
occur in the pemMwl pronoun, possessive, 1 
nouD, adjective, numeral, and verb. The I 
numeral system is of the two-root nnd 
partly of die quinary-vcgesimal- S. ci- 1 
pects to Riid other more 01 less Papuan I 
languages farther south and also in the , 
Solomon islands. 

Seldel (H. ) Tobi in Westmikronesien ' 
eine deutsche Insel mit acht Namen. j 
(Ibid., 13-ISO The proper appellation ' 
of this manf-named island seems to be 
" Tobi," the Kadogube of Kobary is of 1 
uncertain origin. The natives of Tobi in 
1832 were fierce savages wbo enslaved 
and ill-treated shipwrecked sailors. 

Saipan, die Hauptinsel derdeutschen 

Marianen. ( Ibid., 178-zSz. ) Con- 

ChamoTTOs and their history (the island , 
was resettled in 1815, after the original 
inhabitants had been eitenninated 01 1 
transported by the Spaniards). 
TaU (M.) Rondelle percie en coquille, 
Nouveiles-Hebrides, (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
thr. de Paris, 1904, V" S., V, II5.) 
Brief description of a shell breast orna- 
ment of the native chiefs of the New 
Hebrides. Some similar objects found 
in the prehistoric "stations" of western 
Europe were probably worn in the same 


Buber (E. A.) The ceramic literature 
of the Pennsylvania Germans. [Proc. 
Num. and Antiq. Soc. of Phila., 190Z- 
1903 [1904], 83-98, 6 fgs.) Under the 
heads of humor, superstitions, philoso- 
phy, questionable inscriptions, history, 
sentiment, eating, religion, the author 1 
gives English translations of numerous I 
inscriptions on si ip-decorHted earthen- 
ware, mainly in the superb collection of 1 
the Pennsylvania Museum, which perpel- I 
uateproverbsand^oimfolk-lore- This 1 
" curious phase of the potters art flour- 
ished in eastern Pennsylvania for nearly 
a century and a half" — -its existence 
was an accidental discovery some 10 years 

BeanrolS (B. ) La Crande-Irland ou pays 
de blancs pricolombiens du Nouveau- 
Monde. (J. Soc. d. Amir, de Paris, 1904, 

N, s., 1, 189-319, map.) Historical and 
critical study of the evidence as to the 

existence and location of the Hvitra- 
mannalandt^ ' ' white man's land " ) of the 
Icelandic sagas. The author, who ac- 
cepts the " evidence," places ^is r^ion 
up the St. Lawrence "near modem 
Quebec, which may have been the capital 
of the Gaelic colony, as it was later of 
New France." 

Bomon (E. ) Groupes de tumulus pr6- 
hispaniques dans la valine de Lerma, 
RipubliqueArgenline. (L'HommePri- 
hist., Paris, 1904, 11. extr., pp. i-il, 
5 fgs, ) Describes briefly the tutnnlos i^ 
Pucari de Lenna — group A contains 
1047 tumuli, group B 158, and group 
C 463— in all 1168. The investiga- 
tions of the author were made in 1901 
and 1903. These lumuli appear to ha»e 
been constructed and grouped according 
to lines previously adopted. They are 
undoubtedly of Indian (Calchaqui?) 
origin, but are not grave-mounds, nor 
hut. foundations ; they may be garden- 
mounds or ceremonial seats. 

Cutells (F. De P. ) The ruins of Indian 

Church in British Honduras. (Am. An- 
liq., Chicago, 1904. xxvi, 32-37. ^ fg».) 
Describes "temple," etc., at Indiait 
Church, a mahogany-cutter settlement 
in northern Belize — the Indian name 
Ichinihiih is said to be an imitation of 
the English, but more likely vice vtrsa. 
These ruins may be of considerable im- 
portance for Mayan archeoli^. At the 
mouth of New river are the ruins of 
Santa Rita. Indian Church is on the 
way to Yaxhaa lake, where other ruins 

Chaniay (D. ) I^s explorations de Tto- 
bert Maler. (J. Soc. d. Amftric de Paris, 
1904, N. s., I, 289-308, 2 fgs. ) Critique 
ofVleXtT's Reiearfieiin l/id Usumasinfla 
ru//(i',i898-i900( Memoirs Peab-Mus., 
vol. It, 1901-1903). Chamay objects to 
the name Yaxchilan for "Lorillard City" 
and to certain spellings, the use of the 
term acropolis (there are no fortresses in 
"Anahuac"). He agrees with Maler 
that Palcnque was in existence at the 
time of the Spanish conquest, but thinks 
that itwas Tayasal where Corlez slopped 
in 1534. C. considers Copan the junction 
of two branches of the same civilization. 
The oldest monuments, according to C, 
date from the nth century at Comalcalco; 
the latest (middle of 17th century) are at 




Tajrasal. The whole Yucatecan civiliza- 
tion is thus quite modem and ** has 
nothing to do with the fossil horse and 
the Abb6 Brasseur's geologic epochs.'' 

Chithero (T.) Site of Mascouten redis- 
covered. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, 
XXVI, 84-8)8. ) Author argues that the 
Mascoutenof Marquette ( 1673), AUouez, 
and other early explorers and writers, 
located by Dablon, in 1675, <*in the 
midst of a terrestrial paradise," was 
situated in Seymour's valley at the head 
of Mud lake on the banks of the Run- 
ning Swan, as evidenced by archeolog- 
ical remains and the ruins of fortiBcations, 
etc. The Mascoutens are identified with 
the Gens du Feu or ** Fire Indians." 

Dana (C. £.) Fitch and his predecessors 
in steam-navigation. (Proc. Num. and 
Antiq. Soc of Phila., 1902-1903 [1904], 
47-82, 4 pi.) 3 iigs. ) Interesting illus- 
trated account of the beginning of the 
steamboat in America, Pennsylvania in 

Kzploration of Jacob's Cavern. (Rec. of 
Fast, Wash., 1904, ill, 347-35 >» 2 fjgs.) 
Risnm^s account given by C. Peabody 
and W. K. Moorehead in Bull. /, Dept, 
of Arch,, Phillips Academy (1904). 
Jacob's cavern , in the limestone region of 
the Ozark uplift, contained traces of 
human occupancy (six burials, flint im- 
plements, thousands of flint flakes, split 
bones, etc. ) . The antiquity of man' s resi - 
dence is suggested by the type of imple- 
ments, pictographs, etc. The cave man 
here was not the Osage Indian, nor the 
present tribes of the lower Mississippi. 

Exploration (The) of the Potter Creek 
cave, California. (Ibid., 275-282, 2 
fgs. ) R^sum^ from the monograph of 
W. J. Sinclair (q. v. ) 

Fischer (H.) Eine altemexikanische 
Steinfigur. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, 
LXXXV, 445-348, 5 fgs). Describes a 
nephritoid stone figure of Quetzalcoatl, 
the wind-god (partly represented as a 
skeleton), now in the Stuttgart Museum. 
In the various parts of the figure are 
many S3rmbols. The back has the sun- 
disc, Tonatiuh, etc. 

FOrBtemann (£. ) Die Stela J. von Copan. 
(Ibid., 361-363, 2 fgs.) F. concludes 
that this stele, dating from 1496-15 10, 
relates to the app>earance on the coast of 
unknown foreigners. Comparison is 
suggested with the inscription of Piedras 

Negras of about the same date, which 
resembles Stela J in many respects. 

Gold plates and figures from Costa Rica. 
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, ill, 282- 
286, 4 fgs. ) Notes on a collection from 
ancient tombs in central Costa Rica, 
made by Don Juan Lau Don and now in 
the possession of Mr G. C. Dissette, of 
Glenville, Ohio. The workmanship is 
fine and the carving delicate. The bells 
have little clappers of gold. The small 
animal figures are skilfully designed. 

Gordon (G. B. ) Chronological sequence 
in the Maya Ruins of Central America. 
(Trans. Dept. Archeol., Univ. of Penn., 
1904, I, 61-66.) From archeological 
evidence (decorative designs, conditions 
of formations of ruined buildings, in par- 
ticular), Dr G. argues that **the earliest 
unquestioned date is one found at Copan. 
The movement from south to north (Co- 
pan to Chichen Itza) covered alx>ut 
three centuries. Maya culture developed 
in the region in which its remains have 
been found. Doubtless dates earlier and 
later than those now known will be dis- 

Gnnn (J. M. ) History of the pueblos of 
Laguna and Acoma. (Rec. of Past, 
Wash., 1904, III, 291-310, 323-344, 
7 6gs. ) Rdsum^s old Spanish explor- 
er's accounts, etc., the struggles with 
the invaders, etc. At pages 330-337 
some of the native traditions as to the 
origin of these pueblos are given. Their 
history since cession to the United States 
in 1848 is stated in brief and the proph- 
ecy of She-ake, to which Coronado is 
here said to have alluded, referred to as 
having been now fulfilled. The author 
spoils the effect of his paper by asking if 
the Queres Indians might not be refugees 
from Tyre after the conquest by Alex- 
ander, etc. 

Humbert (J.) *'L' archive" du consulat 
de Cadiz et le commerce de l'Am6rique. 
(J. Soc. d. Am6ric., de Paris, 1904, N. 
s., I, 231-236.) Describes the archives 
of Cadiz relating to American trade, 

La premiere occupation allemande 

du V6n6zu61a au xvi* si^cle, p^riode dite 
des Welser, 1 528-1 556. (Ibid., 309- 
320. ) Sketches the history of the Ger- 
man colonists Ynguer, Sayler, the Wel- 
ser, etc., in Venezuela 1528-1556. 



Ln. s., 7, 1905 

Immigration (Our) during 1904. (Nat 
Ge<^. Mag., Wash., 1905, xvi, 15-27, 
8 figs.) R^sumis Report of Commis- 
sioner General of Immigration Peck. 
The << racial/' classification is into Teu- 
tonic, "Iberic," Celtic, Slavic, Mon- 
golic, etc. 

ten Kate (H.) Anthropologische Publi- 
kationen aus La Plata. (Globus, 
Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 268.) Brief 
notes on three recent publications of Dr 
Lehmann-Nitsche treating of arthritis 
deformans in andent Patagonians, 
brachyphalangia^ and "mortar holes'* 
in rodcs of the Sierra de C6rdoba. 

Kroeber (A. L.) The languages of the 
coast of California south of Siim Francisco. 
(Univ. of Calif. Public, Amer. Arch, 
and Ethn., Berkeley, 1904, 11, 29-80.) 
Treats phonetic, grammatic, and lexical 
characters of Chumash, Salinan, Esselen, 
and Costanoan. Chumash and Salinan, 
while not genetically related, constitute a 
morphological group. Another such group 
is formed by E^sselen and Costanoan. The 
only continuous text obtained was in 
Costanoan. Chumash has an article, 
tna^ and Salinan a plural in verbs. Es- 
selen has case-suffixes. Costanoan has 
preposed particles, but no suffixes. This 
article will be welcome to the students of 
American Indian comparative philology 
by reason of the accuracy of its data and 
the real information it conveys. 

Types of Indian culture in Cali- 
fornia. (Ibid., 81-103.) Discusses 
briefly habitat, food, dwellings, arts, 
social organization, ceremonies, shaman- 
ism, mythology, culture-hero, origin and 
creation myths, etc. 

d0 La Grasserie (R. ) Les langues de 
Costa- Rica et les idiomes apparent^s. 
(J. Soc. d. Am^ric. de Paris, 1904, n. s., 
I, 153-187. ) Gives grammatical sketches 
of Bribri, Terraba, Brunca, Guatuso, 
Chibcha, Cuna, Koggaba ; tables of re- 
semblances in numerals, personal pro- 
nouns, substantives, etc., — after Uhle, 
Thiel, Pittier, etc. ; phonetic rules ; com- 
parative vocabulary (pp. 183-187) of 
Bribri, Cabecar, Terraba, Brunca, Gua- 
tuso, Chibcha, Dorasque, Guaymi, Cuna. 
All these languages, with certain others, 
make up one stock, which ought to be 
called Chibchan. 

Lejeal ( L. ) Un petit probUme de th^olo- 
gie Mixicaine. (Ibid., 257-361.) Treats 

of Centeotl, «the Aztec Ceres," and her 
cult The author inquires why a pacific 
and joyous cult (that of fecundity and 
the perpetuation of life) came to be de- 
formed and degenerate. Beside a more 
primitive (Toltec and Totonac) Centeotl 
existed another (Aztec) with sanguinary 

Explorations et dicouvertes dans les 

regions Andines. (Ibid., 262-265.) 
Notes on the expeditions of MM. Rivet, 
de Cr6qui, Montfort, Granger, etc See 

L' exposition de la Mission Fran^mise 

de r Am^rique du Sud au Palais da Tro- 
cad^ro. (Ibid., 321-328, 2 pi.) Con- 
tains brief notes on Uie excavations in 
Argentina, Tiahuanaco, Tarija (pottery), 

McSweeny (Z. F.) The character of oar 
immigration, past and present (Nat 
Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1905, xvi, 1-15, 
chart. ) Discusses world-migrations, early 
American immigration, immigration dur- 
ing 19th century, immigrants from Italy, 
Austria-Hungary and Russia, the Finns, 
Greeks and Syrians, the Chinese, blend- 
ing of the ** American" race, effects of 
unchecked immigration, contract-labor 
law, the examination of immigrants, etc 
Author takes optimistic view of ability 
ot America to receive and make over her 
immigrants. The ** toughest problem" 
is presented by the Syrians. 

Marcel (G.) Un texte ethnographique 
inedit du xviii« sidcle. (J. Soc d. 
Am6ric. de Paris, 1904, N. s., I, 133— 
151.) Gives text of MS. (rtf. 1787) by 
a surgeon named La Croix containing 
notes on the Indians of French Guiana 
at the end of the eighteenth century — 
physical characters, clothing, religion, 
marriage (the couvade is described bat 
not named), festivals, arms, chiefs, etc.). 
The author notes the existence of a 
jargon for intercommunication between 
Indians and Europeans. 

L' inscription du Rupunumi. (Ibid., 

387-390, I fg. ) Describes the curious 
*' inscription," which includes a number 
of European letters, said to have been 
found by Nicholas Horstman in 1739. 
It is probably of Europ>ean ( Portuguese ?) 

Moorehead (W. K. ) Some unknown 
forms of stone objects. ( Rec of Past, 
Wash., 1904, III, 268-274, 9 %5.) 




Treats of finished and unfinished objects 
of the "winged-perforated" class. Mr 
M. thinks reed drills were preferred to 
those of flint or bone. Other curved 
stone objects are figured and described 
— the "bird** and "butterfly" types, 
etc. The author's plea for Latin names 
ought not to be heard. 

Morioe (A. G. j Du lac Stuart ^ TOc^an 
Padfique. (Bull. Soc Neuch&t. de 
G^ogr., 1 904, XV, 32-80, 2 fgs., map.) 
Contains notes on the Indian names of 
lakes and rivers (pp. 53-56), and on the 
Dini Indiansof the country traversed. 

Peet (S. D.) Comparison of the codices 
with the ordinary pictographs. (Am. 
Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 137-152, 
9 %s. ) Cites evidence to show that " to 
Uiose who have become familiar with the 
pictographs and other symbols which are 
still common among the uncivilized tribes, 
there is a very close connection between 
them, and both treat of the same sub- 
ject," — calendars and religious cere- 
monies chiefly. 

The suastika and fire worship in 

America. (Ibid., 185-192, 4 fgs.) 
Treats chiefly of die Navaho fire-dance 
and the Aztec " new fire." 

making her capable of the production of 
new vegetation. Out of the sacrifice 
of gods came that of man. 

— Der XIV. Internationale Amerikan- 

— The ethnography of art in America. 
(Ibid., 201-224, 21 fgs.) General dis- 
cussion of sculptured art, ethnographic 
districts, graphic arts, picture-writing, 
symbolic figures and hieroglyphs, per- 
sonal decorations and ornaments, jew- 
elry, basketry, musical instruments, etc. 

Archeological researches in Costa 

Rica. (Ibid., 249-256, 13 fgs.) Based 
on C. V. Hartman's Archeological Re- 
searches in Costa Rica (Stockholm, 
1904), which it rdsum^s in part. 

The red men of Brazil. (Ibid., 41- 

46, 2 fgs. ) Ethnographic notes based on 
a recent work of Rev. Hugh C. Tucker. 

Preuss (K. Th.) Der Ursprung der 
Menschenopfer in Mexico. (Globus, 
Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 108-119, i 
fjg. ) Treats of the renewing of the sun 
ana fire gods, the death of the deities 
of rain and vegetation, the origin of god- 
sacrifice, etc. The festivals of the sun 
and fire gods are for the most part a re- 
newal of the sun by killing a deity and 
the spring and harvest festivals a bloody 
rejuvenation of the spring-god and the 
old harvest-mother, for the purpose of 

istenkongress in Stuttgart, 18. bis 23. 
August 1904. (Ibid., 199-202.) Good 
r^sum^s of proceedings and chief papers 

Prince ( L. B. ) The stone lions of Cochiti. 
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, ill, 151- 
160, 2 figs. ) Describes what the author 
calls ** the most important specimen of 
aboriginal sculpture in the United 
States," and thejpueblo to which these 
lions belonged. The tale of its destruc- 
tion by fire is also given. The lions face 
the east, " a fact no doubt having sym- 
bolic significance." They have sufiered 
from the vandalism of ignorant herdsmen. 
The author compares the enclosure of 
Stonehenge, etc. 

Reid ( W. M. ) Mohawk pottery. ( Ibid. , 
184-188, 4 pi. ) Treats of the pottery 
of the Mohawk valley — the author's 
collection includes 65 decorated frag- 
ments of as many diflerent vessels. In 
the sand on the shore of Lake Pleasant 
was foimd recently a whole pot of large 
size — this, the Hanson, the Richmond, 
and the Horrack pots were all found in 
the Adirondack region. 

Riyet (Dr) Le "huicho" des indiens 
Colorados. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de 
Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 116-117. ) Notes 
on the huicho of the Colorado Indians of 
western Ecuador, a deadly disease char- 
acterized by an irresistible tendency to 
sleep. The Colorados' method of cur- 
ing it is "an ethnographic curiosity." 
One ingredient is human urine. Iluicho 
may have analogies with the well-known 
African * * sleeping-sickness. " It attacks 
foreign Indians and whites first, then the 

Les Indiens de Mallasquer : Etude 

ethnologique. (Ibid., 144-152. ) Treats 
briefly of environment, dwellings, cloth- 
ing, agriculture (banana, sugar-cane, coca, 
yucca, maize and several fruits, including 
fine pineapples), domestic animals (cat- 
tle), and fowls, food (banana chief 
basis), drink [guarapoy fermented sugar- 
cane juice), coca-chewing (from the age 
of 7 years up), trade and commerce 
(children of 5-6 are already porters), 
dysentery ( as fatal and as feared as small- 
pox), chiefs, marriage (curious "civil" 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

ceremony), priests (the coming of the 
priest of Cumbal is the event of the 
year), **priostes'* (the Indians who 
pay for the festivals, etc.). These In- 
dians are Catholic in name only and 
they are more affected by the maleficent 
vuja of their pagan past than by all the 
ntYf figures of Christianity. On pages 
150-15 1 are given the chief anthropo- 
metrical data of 6 individuals, all male. 
The cephalic index is generally brachy- 
cephalic. Mallesquer is in northern Equa- 
dor, west of the Cordillera. 

Schmidt ( M. ) Aus den Ergebnissen meiner 
Expedition in das Schingi!iquellgebiet. 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 
1 19-125, 16 fgs.) Treats of omament- 
motifs (fire-fans, wall-friezes, etc.) of 
the Bakairi. Also maize straw and cob 
figures of animals, pencil-drawings of 
animals, etc., including several of the 
author, to whom the native artists as- 
signed some Indian characteristics. Some 
of the wall-frieze patterns were said by 
the Indians to refer to marks on tor- 
toises, snakes, etc. The wall-frieze pat- 
terns are related to those of the fire-fans. 

Simmons (H. J.) Human bones found 
near Galveston. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 
1904, XXVI, 122-123.) Notes on re- 
mains (bones, pottery sherds, beads) 
found in shell and sand deposits in the 
ballast pits on the railroad near Galves- 
ton, Texas. One layer of bones was 
found 3 feet below the surface, another 
at sea-level about 20 feet below the sur- 
face. A very large number of skulls 
were discovered. The steam shovel em- 
ployed destroyed very many. 

Sinclair (W. J. ) The exploration of the 
Potter Creek cave. (Univ. Calif. Publ., 
Amer. Arch, and Ethnol., Berkeley, 
1904, II, 1-27, 12 pi.) Describes cave 
and contents, rediscovered in 1902, the 
first Califomian cave to be systematically 
excavated and explorated, 1 902- 1 903. 
No human bones wttt founds but certain 
implement like bone fragments may be 
human artifacts, — these polished pieces 
of bone "closely resemble many of the 
rough implements from the shell-mounds 
of California.'' The cave fauna is not 
too old to negative contemporaneity 
with man. 

Smith (H. I.) The archeology of the 
Dakotas. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, 
III, 220-221.) Notes on shell rings 
from neck of skeleton (from grave in the 

Turtle mountains) now in the American 
Museum of Natural History (N. \, ), and 
other Dakota relics. 

The cairns or stone sepulchers of 

British Columbia and Washington. 
( Ibid., 243-254, 5 fgs., map. ) R^sum^ 
from H. I. Smith and G. Fowke*s Cairns 
of Briti h Columbia and Washington 
(Mem. "^Amer. Mus. Nat Hist., N. Y. 
1 901, IV, pt. 11). 

Shell heaps of the lower Eraser river, 

British Columbia. ( Am. Antiq. , Chicago, 
1904, XXVI, 235-236. ) Notes from a 
paper printed in the Memoirs of the 
American Museum of Natural History, 

A Michigan earth-work and its im- 

pending loss. (Ibid., 121-122. ) Brief 
account of a prehistoric earthwork in 
Ogemaw co., probably a fort, with plea 
for its preservation by the public 

▼on den Steinen (K. ) Ausgrabungen an 
der Valenciasee. (Globus, Bmschwg., 
1904, LXXXVI, 101-108, 29 figs.) I>e-. 
scribes the excavations of 1903 near Lake 
Valencia, Venezuela, made by A. Jahn 
for the Berlin Museum, — the finds in- 
cluded 32 skulls, 140 stone implements, 
more than 100 clay objects, 28 neck 
charms, and many ornaments and frag- 
ments of pottery. The culture reveal^ 
is a type of pre-Columbian stone age, and 
the number of tumuli and urns discovered 
indicate that in these cerritos were buried 
a series of generations. Noteworthy is 
a little clay pot on three legs with a 
human face showing a nose-ring. Neck- 
chains seem to have been the most com- 
mon ornaments. The cerrito-population 
of Indian descent contains few of pure 
blood. According to the mapts of the 
1 6th century the Meregoto, a Cariban 
tribe, occupied the region in question. 

Stoddard (H. L.) The abstruse signifi- 
cance of the numbers thirty-six and 
twelve. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1 904, 
XXVI, 153-164, 6 fgs.). Discusses at 
length the origin and meaning of the 
discoidal stone and statues discovered 
near Menard's mound, Arkansas, in the 
spring of 1 901. The outer edge of this 
jasper discoidal has 36 semicircles and 
on the underside is a phallic symbol, a 
yoni conventionalized (the male figure 
has a Mongolian cast of features, the 
headdress of the female suggests Egypt). 
This wonderful find is regarded as evi- 
dence of prehistoric Asiatic culture in 


Louisiana Purchase Exposition Awards. — The following awards 
have been made in the Department of Anthropology, Louisiana Purchase 
Exposition, St. Louis. The list is corrected to February lo, and while 
the awards may not be regarded as absolutely final, and hence as strictly 
official, the work of the Residuary Committee empowered to complete 
the functions of the International Jury of Awards is so well advanced as to 
leave little probability that the list will be changed. 


united states 

A. Departmental Exhibits 
Ainu group : Grand prize^ Frederick Starr ; Silver medal, Y. Inagaki ; 

Bronze medal. Chief Sangyea. 
Patagonian group : Grand prize, Vicente Cane ; Silver medal, Chief 

Guechico ; Bronze medal, Juan Wohlers. 
Pygmy group : Grand prize, S. P. Vemer ; Bronze medal, John Kon- 

Field school of anthropology : Grand prize. University of Chicago. 
CocoPA GROUP : Gold medal, E. C. Cushman Jr. ; Silver medals. Chief 

Pablo Colorado, Chief Tom Moore. 
Vancouver group : Gold medal, C. F. Newcombe ; Bronze medals. 

Doctor Atliu, Charles Nowell. 
General assemblage: Gold medal, Mrs S. M. McCowan. 
Sundry groups : Gold medal, George A. Dorsey. 
Sioux GROUP : Silver medal, Chief Yellow Hair. 
Pawnee group: Silver medal, Roaming Chief; Bronze medal, James 

Wichita group : Silver medal, Chief Towakanie Jim ; Bronze medal. 

Burgess Hunt. 
Arapaho group : Silver medal. Cleaver Warden. 
Cheyenne group : Silver medal, Richard Davis. 
Geronimo band : Silver medal, Chief Geronimo. 

Navaho group : Silver medal, Vicente Beguay ; Bronze medal, Pestlekai. 
PoMO GROUP : Silver medals, William Benson, Mary Benson. 


158 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Osage group : Silver medals^ Charles Michel, Chief Olahowallah ; Bronte 

medals^ Chief Claymore, Frank Comdropper, Wilson Kirk. 
Chippewa group : Bronze medal^ Chief Meshakegeschig. 
KiCKAPOO group : Bronze medaiy D. H. Roubideaux. 
Pima group : Bronze medal, Kestro Jackson. 
Maricopa group : Bronze medal, James Bluebird. 
Apache group : Bronze medal. Chief Trucha Tafoya. 
AcoMA GROUP : Bronze medal, Juan Antonio Saracini. 
Pueblo group : Bronze medal, Antonio Chavez. 

B. General Exhibits 

AccuLTURAL ARTIFACTS : Grand prize, J. W. Benham. 

American Anthropologist : Grand prize, American Anthropological 

Association; Gold medal, F. W. Hodge. 
Palace of Ancient Art : Grand prize, H. Ephraim Benguiat ; Silver 

medal, Mordecai Benguiat. 
Photographs of ethnic types : Gold medal, Frederick Starr. 
PoMO basket: Gold medal, J. W. Benham. 
Fictile ware : Gold medal. The Rookwood Pottery. 
Haida structures : Gold medal, Alaska Territory ; Silver medal, Mary 

E. Hart. 
Ethnic map : Silver medal, University of California. 
Alaskan artifacts : Silver medal. Governor Brady. 
KiCKAPOO relics : Bronze medal, O. E. Edwards. 
Indian beadwork : Bronze medal, Herbert Brown. 
Mongolian type: Bronze medal, Allen Hutchinson. 


East African artifacts : Grand prize. Imperial Government, German 
Ost-Afrika ; Gold medal, Hugo Hardy. 


Jain temple : Grand prize, F. P. Bumghara ; Gold medal, N. F* 

East Indian artifacts : Silver medal. F. P. Bumghara & Co. 


Siamese artifacts: Grand prize (letter), H. M. the King of Siam; 
Grand prize, H. H. the Crown Prince of Siam ; Gold medal, J. 
Howard Gore. 




Paintings of types : Gold medaiy H. E. Partridge. 
Photographs of types : Silver medaiy New Zealand Govemment. 
Maori artifacts : Silver medaiy T. E. Donne. 


Typical Indian school : Grand prize^ U. S. Indian Bureau ; Gold 
medaiy S. M. McCowan ; Silver medals y Miss C. F. Peters, Miss 
Lillian Harrison, C. A. Peairs, E. K. Miller, Jesse McCallum, Chris 
Kaufman ; Bronze medals. Miss Katherine Keck, Miss Emma John- 
son, Miss Abbie ScotU 


united states 

Indian mound relics : Grand prize, Ohio Archaeological and Historical 
Society ; Gold medal, William C. Mills. 

Aboriginat« artifacts : Grand prizes. New Mexico Territory, Fred Har- 
vey ; Gold medal, J. F. Huckel ; Bronze medals, George Tictzel, 
Jackson Hurley, E. W. Whitcomb. 

Wampum treaty belts : Gold medal, Wyman Brothers. 

Aboriginal antiquities : Gold medals, State of Louisiana, Fred Har- 
vey ; Silver medal, George T. Williamson. 

Indian mound relics : Silver medal, Davenport Academy of Sciences. 

Indian cave relics : Silver medal, Phillips Academy. 

Prehistoric cache : Silver medal, Weatherford & Vail. 

Prehistoric cradle-basket : Silver medal, Julian T. Zeller. 

Native copper implements : Silver medal, Wyman Brothers. 

Aboriginal petroglyphs : Silver medal, C. H. Bennett. 

Ceremonial axe : Bronze medal, Charles Aldrich. 

Iron brank : Bronze medal, Joseph Roth. 


Calchaqui RELICS : Grand prize, Manuel B. Zavaleta. 


Archeologic and ETHNOLOGICAL COLLECTIONS : Grand prize. State 
Govemment of Amazonas ; Gold medal. Commissioner Aguiar. 

Archeologic collection : Silver medal, Ricardo Krone. 

Aboriginal artifacts : Silver medal, Mirando Ribeiro ; Bronze medal, 
Alfonse Roche. 

Stone implements : Bronze medal, Nicolao Badariotti. 

l6o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 


Reproductions of antiquities : Grand prize. Sees. Justicia y Fomento. 

Archeologic collection : Gold medal, Mexican Commission. 

Archeologic publications : Gold medals, Alfredo Chavero, Antonio 

Reproductions of sculptures : Gold medal, Eufemio Abadiano. 

Models of antiquities : Gold medal, Secretaria de Fomento. 

Treatises on tongues : Silver medal, Cecelio Robelo. 

Map of migrations : Bronze medal. Angel Bravo. 

Photographs of types : Bronze medals, Gohi^mo de Chiapas, Gobiemo 
de Guerrero, Gobiemo de Tabasco, Gobiemo de Mexico, D. F. 

Aboriginal costumery : Bronze medal, Gobiemo de Oaxaca. 

Native instruments : Bronze medal, Gobiemo de Michoacan. 

Aboriginal metates : Bronze medals, Jefatura Politica de Maxcanu, 
Jefatura Politica de Motul. 

Native hammock : Bronze medal, Jefatura Politica de Tixkokob. 

Native artifacts : Bronze medals, Jefatura Politica de Valladolid, Jefa- 
tura Politica de Tancanhuitz, Junta Local de Puebla. 

Native beds : Bronze medal, Jefe Politico de Chiautla. 

Native costumery : Bronze medal, Ayuntamiento de Cuetzalan. 

Embroidered camisas : Bronze medal, Seftorita Margarita Vald^z. 

Bead-embroidered camisas : Bronze medal, Nina S. Orosco. 

Illustrations of antiquities : Bronze medal, Seftorita Maura Marin. 


Protohistoric ANTIQUITIES : Silver medal, Alejandro Bermudez. 


Aboriginal" collars '*: Bronze medal, Gustavo Preston. 



Saalburg castle ANTIQUITIES : Grand prize (letter), K. K. Wilhelm II ; 

Gold metal, Geh. Baurat Jacobi. 
Babylonian relics: Gold medals, Kgl. Museen, Deutsch Orient. -Ges. 
Illustrations of relics: Gold medal, Kgl. Messbild-Anstalt. 
Illustrations of antiquities : Gold medal, Dir. Dr Th. Wiegand. 

great BRITAIN 

Egyptian antiquities : Grand prize, Egyptian Exploration Fund. 
HoLYLAND antiquities : Grand prize, Palestine Exploration Fund. 
Cretan antiquities : Grand prize, Cretan Exploration Fund. 



Archeologic collections : Grand prize y Egyptian Government ; Gold 
medals^ Prof. G. C. C. Maspero, Dr J. E. Quibell; Bronze medaly 
A. B. Coover. 


Tamil antiquities : Silver medaly Ceylon Government. 
Ola manuscripts : Silver medal, Ceylon Government. 
Photographs of artifacts : Bronze medal, E. F. im Thum. 
Bronze Buddhas : Bronze medal, N. S. Terninnanse. 
Ola books : Bronze medal, P. E. Pieris. 
Photographs of types : Bronze medal, John Scott. 


Classified relics : Grand prize, Mus^ d'Histoire Nat.; Gold medaly 
Prof. Dr Houze, Prof. J. Fraipont. 


Illustrations of types : Gold medal. Government of Formosa. 


Prehistoric collections : Grand prize, Imperial Chinese Government ; 
Gold medal, H. H. Prince Pu Lun. 


UNITED states 

Historical collections : Grand prizes, Missouri Historical Society, 
State of Iowa, Franco-Louisiana Society; Gold medals, Pierre 
Chouteau, Mrs Wallace Delafield ; D. I. Bushnell, Judge W. B. 
Douglas, Charles Aldrich, Caspar Cusachs, Chicago Historical 
Society; Silver medals, Dr C. A. Peterson, Miss Mary L. Dalton, 
Charles A. Cumming ; Bronze medals, Dr W. F. Parks, Miss 
Valentine Smith. 

Historical records : Grand prize, Louisiana Historical Society. 

Protohistoric relics : Gold medal, Missouri Historical Society. 

Chipped flints : Gold medal, Gates P. Thruston. 

** History of Louisiana '' : Gold medal. Prof. Alc^e Fortier. 

Native agricultural implements : Silver medal, Missouri Historical 

Marquette portrait : Silver medal, Donald G. McNab. 

Arkansas post records: Silver medal, W. H. Halli-Burton. 

Napoleon autographs : Silver medal, Gus V. R. Mechin. 

l62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 7, 1905 

Ceremonial axe : Bronze medal^ D. I. Bushnell. 
Claiborne portrait : Bronze medal^ W. C. C. Claiborne. 
Zachary Taylor reucs : Bronze medaiy Mrs W. H. Staufier. 
Napoleon death mask : Bronze medaly Miss Gaily. 
Maps and docl^ments : Bronze medal y T. P. Thompson. 
Letters and docl^ents : Bronze medal^ W. H. Sejrmour. 

great BRITAIN 

Queen's jubilee tributes : Grand prize (letter), H.R.M. Edward VII ; 
Gold medal. Miss Florence Hayward. 


Historical collections : Grand prize , St. Mary's Collie ; Gold medal, 
A. E. Jones, S. J. ; Silver medal, J. C. Burke, S. J. 

ITALY (the Vatican) 

Reproductions of archives: Grand prize (letter). His Holiness Pios 

X; Gold medal, Fabrica dei Mosaid; Silver medal, Francesco 



united states 

Anthropometric pubucations: Grand prize, Peabody Museum of 
American Ethnology and Archaeology ; Gold medal, F. W. Putnam. 

Life casts of types : Silver medal, Caspar Mayer. 

Anthropometric apparatus : Silver medals, The Fairbanks Company, 
Narragansett Machine Company, C. H. Stoelting Company ; Bronu 
medals, George Tieman & Co., Kny-Scheerer Company. 

Anthropometric chart : Bronze medal, Bryn Mawr College. 

* ' Hastings Manual ' ' : Bronze medal, Macmillan Company. 


Anthropometric apparatus : Silver medal, Boehm & Wiedmann. 
Anthropometric publications : Bronze medal, Dietrich Riemer. 


Casts and photographs of types : Silver medal. Imperial Government 
of German Ost-Afrika. 


Anthropometric apparatus : Silver medal, (Maison Charridre) Collin. 


Anthropometric publications : Gold medal, Soci6t6 d' Anthropologie. 
Maps of types : Silver medal. Prof. L. Vanderkindere. 



Anthropometric apparatus : Silver medals^ P. Hermann, Prof. Rudolf 

Illustrations of types : Bronze medal y Art Institut Orell Fiissli. 

united STATES 

Psychometric laboratory : Grand prize^ Columbia University. 

Psychometric apparatus : Gold medals^ Harvard Apparatus Company, 
C. H. Stoelting Company ; Silver medals^ Yale University, Milton 
Bradley Company ; Bronze medal^ E. B. Meyrowitz. 


commemorative awards 

Creation of Department : Gold medal, F. W. Lehmann. 
Collective exhibits : Gold medal, W J McGee ; Silver medals, C. E. 

Hulbert, Anna Everly Ford. 
Ethnologic exhibits : Silver medal, S. C. Simms. 
Protohistoric exhibits : Silver medal, Gerard Fowke. 
Indoor exhibits : Silver medal, C. L. Armstrong. 
Technical exhibits : Silver medal, R. S. Woodworth ; Diploma, F. G. 


Organization and Personnel of Juries 
Department of Anthropology 

group juries 

Section of Ethnology. — Dr George A. Dorsey, Field Columbian Mu- 
seum, Chairman, Prof. F. W. Putnam, Harvard University, Vice- Chair- 
man, Dr George Byron Gordon, Philadelphia Free Museum, Secretary. 
Mrs Alice Palmer Henderson, Tacoma, Washington. 

Indian School Section. — C. A. Peairs, U. S. Indian School Service, 
Chairman, Dr Hugo Hardy, Berlin, Vice- Chairman, Jesse McCal- 
lum, U. S. Indian School Service, Secretary, Miss Cora Peters, U. S. 
Indian School Service. 

Section of Archeology. — Prof. M. H. Saville, Columbia University, 
Chairman. Dr J. C. Alves de Lima, Brazil, Vice- Chairman, Dr George 
Grant MacCurdy, Yale University, Secretary. Madame Zelia Nuttall, 

Section of History, — Prof. Alc^e Fortier, Tulane University, Chair- 
man, Hon. L. Bradford Prince, Santa F6, Vice- Chairman, Prof. B. F. 
Shambaugh, University of Iowa, Secretary. 

164 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Section of Anthropometry, — Dr AlcS HrdliCka, U. S. National Mu- 
seum, Chairman, Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Harvard University, Vice- 

Section of Psychometry. — Prof. J. McKeen Cattell, Columbia Uni- 
versity, Chairman, Prof. Hugo Miinsterberg, Harvard University, Vice- 
Chairman, Prof Edward B. Tichener, Cornell University. 

Of the foregoing, Mrs Henderson, Miss Peters, Madame Nuttall, and Miss Fletcher 
were designated by the Board of Lady Managers ; Doctor Hugo Hardy was designated 
by the Imperial German Commission ; and Doctor de Lima was designated by the Brm- 
zilian Commission. 


Prof. F. W. Putnam, Chairman, Hon. F. W. Lehmann, Honorary 
Vice-Chainnan, Dr J. C. Alves de Lima, First Vice- Chairman, Prof. 
Alc^e Fortier, Second Vice- Chairman, Prof. M. H. Saville, Third Vice- 
Chairman, Dr George A. Dorsey, Secretary, Mr C. A. Peairs, Dr 
Hugo Hardy, Hon. L. Bradford Prince (absent), Dr AleS HrdliCka, 
Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Prof J. McKeen Cattell, Dr Hugo Miinster- 
berg, Madame Zelia Nuttall. 

Of the foregoing, Madame Nuttall was designated by the Board of Lady Managers ; 
Mr Lehmann was named by the Executive ; and all others entered as chairmen and rice- 
chairmen of the group juries. 


F. W. Putnam, United States (absent). J. C. Alves de Lima, 
Brazil. W J McGee, Chief of Department. 

Preservation of Antiquities. — Under the law of February i, 1905, 
the administration of the National Forest Reserves was transferred from 
the General Land Office, Department of the Interior, to the Bureau of 
Forestry under the Department of Agriculture. As a large proportion of 
the prehistoric ruins of the Southwest are situated on forest reserves, this 
change is of importance to students of archeology. The Department of 
Agriculture must now be looked to for the protection of these ruins and 
for permits to do archeological work on forest reserves. 

By an order recently issued the Office of Indian Affairs directs that 
all traders on Indian reservations shall be prohibited from dealing in pre- 
historic wares in the future. Traders are given thirty days in which to 
dispose of collections on hand, after which such articles found in their 
possession will be considered contraband and future violations of the order 
will be punished by revocation of license to trade with the Indians. 

On the request of the Secretary of the Interior, the Secretary of 
Agriculture has directed that the ruins of Montezuma Castle on Beaver 


creek, Arizona, lying on public lands, about three miles outside the Black 
Mesa Forest Reserve, shall be under the protection of the forest rangers 
of the adjacent portion of the reserve. 

It is reported by Forest Supervisor Breen that on establishing the 
northern boundary of the San Francisco Mountains Forest Reserve in 
northern Arizona, the Black Falls group of ruins are found to lie within 
the limits of the reserve. This important group of ruins is, therefore, 
under the jurisdiction of the forest rangers of the Bureau of Forestry, in- 
stead of being entirely unprotected on the public lands as has been 

The bill for the preservation of American antiquities, which was 
drafted by the joint committee of the Archaeological Institute of America 
and the American Anthropological Association, and presented by them 
for the consideration of the House of Representatives committee on Pub- 
lic Lands, met with the approval of that committee and was favorably re- 
ported to the House. Final consideration of the measure, however, could 
not be obtained during the short session of Congress. 

As far as heard from, it is the feeling of the members of the joint 
committee that the measure should be perfected and reintroduced at the 
beginning of the next session of Congress. Certain defects in the bill 
have been pointed out and revisions suggested to meet conditions that 
were not formerly understood or that have recently arisen. The local 
members have prepared and sent out the following draft for consideration 
and discussion by all who are interested in the subject : 

An Act for the preservation of American antiquities^ and to control 
the excavation of archeological sites. 

Be it enacted [etc.]. 

Sec. I . That for the purpose of preserving and protecting from des- 
poliation the historic and prehistoric ruins, monuments, and other antiq- 
uities that are situated on lands owned or controlled by the Government 
of the United States, said antiquities are hereby placed under the custody 
and control of the Secretaries of the Departments having jurisdiction 
over said lands, and it shall be the duty of said Secretaries to preserve 
and protect said antiquities from despoliation or unauthorized appropria- 
tion or injury. 

Sec. 2. That the Secretaries of the Departments having jurisdiction 
over the lands owned or controlled by the Government of the United 
States, are hereby authorized to permit the examinations of ruins, the 
excavation of archeological sites, and the gathering of objects of antiquity 
upon the lands under their respective jurisdictions by institutions, either 


domestic or foreign, which they deem properly qualified to conduct such 
examination, excavation, or gatherings, subject to such rules and regula- 
tions as they may prescribe : Provided, That the examinations, excava- 
tions, and gatherings are undertaken for the benefit of reputable museums, 
universities, colleges, or other recognized scientific or educational institu- 
tions with a view to increasing the knowledge of such objects, and that the 
gatherings shall be made for permanent preservation in public museums 
and not for commercial purposes. 

Sec. 3. That of all excavations and explorations made under the pro- 
visions of this act, a proper written and photographic record, with plans, 
shall be made at stated periods, and transmitted for preservation to the 
United States National Museum. 

Sec. 4. That the Secretaries of the Departments aforesaid shall make 
and publish from time to time uniform rules and regulations for the pur- 
pose of carrying out the provisions of this act. 

Sec. 5. That all persons who shall, without permission, appropriate, 
injure, or destroy any of the objects of antiquity referred to in this act, 
shall, upon conviction, be fined in a sum not more than five thousand 
dollars, or be imprisoned for a period not more than twelve months, or 
shall suffer both fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the court 

It is hoped that all who are interested will consider this thoroughly 

and freely express their views for the guidance of the committee at its 

next meeting. Edgar L. Hewett. 

Washington, D. C. 

Archaeological Institute of America. — The twenty-fifth anniversary 
of the Archaeological Institute of America was celebrated by a meeting in 
Boston and Cambridge, December 28-30, 1904. 

For several years many members have been urging that attention 
should be given to American archeology in accordance with the original 
plan of the Institute, ** embracing the sites of ancient civilization in the 
New World as well as in the Old.'* An important step in this direction 
is the establishment of an American Fellowship, now in its foiuth 
year. This fellowship has been held from the beginning by Dr Alfred 
M. Tozzer, a graduate in the Division of Anthropology at Harvard, who is 
now on his fourth trip to Yucatan and Central America. At the Boston 
meeting an appropriation was made for the continuation of this fellowship. 

At this meeting Mr C. F. Lummis gave an account of the work 
done by the recently organized Southwestern branch of the Institute, with 
headquarters at Los Angeles, in collecting phonographic records of Indian 


and old Spanish songs, both of which are so rapidly passing away that 
Mr Luxmnis aptly terms the research 'Miving archeology." Dr F. M. 
P^Qmer gave an illustrated paper on some features of the archeology of 
southern California, showing what had been accomplished by the South- 
western branch in making collections in the southern portion of the state. 
So active has this branch become that the Institute made a liberal appro- 
priation for the continuation of the researches by Mr Lummis and Dr 
Pdmer, the exact amount to be decided by the executive committee. An 
appropriation of $1,000 was made in aid of the archeological researches 
in Central America under the auspices of the committee of the Peabody 
Museum ; and the sum of I500 was granted toward the continuation of 
the research in the caves of northern California under the direction of the 
Department of Anthropology of the University of California. 

With the exception of the researches by Bandelier in the Pueblo 
region during its earlier years, the Institute has been engaged principally 
in classical archeology, in which it has accomplished much of value. 
This new awakening to the importance of American archeology in the 
wider study of the life of man, and the continuation of this broader 
policy by the Institute will be gratifying to many of its members and will 
be sure to bring about additional support in all its sections. The Insti- 
tute has now an efficient American Committee which is ready to receive 
communications in relation to researches of sp>ecial importance in this 
country. Through this committee it took part in drafting the bill for the 
national preservation of the prehistoric sites in this country and was 
represented at the hearing before the House Committee on Public Lands. 
At this anniversary meeting Prof Charles Eliot Norton, the first 
president, who is regarded as the father of the Institute, was present and 
took an active part. 

A Fonn of Urn-burial on Mobile Bay. — In the last number of the 
Anufican Anthropologist (October- December, 1904) I contributed a 
paper, " Aboriginal Urn-Burial in the United States.*' In this paper I 
pointed out that the occurrence of what might be called a form of um- 
borial, namely, the placing of a vessel of earthenware inverted over a 
skull with which the rest of the skeleton was present had not been re- 
ported, to my knowledge, east of Arizona and New Mexico. The fact 
was emphasized that the form of mn -burial in question should not be con- 
fused with that obtaining along the northwestern Florida coast where in- 
verted bowls are found lying over isolated skulls or skulls with a few scat- 
tered, accompanying bones. 


While consulting authorities for my paper I came upon a description^ 
of the finding of an urn-burial, exact particulars not given, on Simpson's 
island, one of a number of islands to the north of Mobile bay. 

Having decided to make certain investigations around Mobile bay, I 
visited Simpson's island in January, 1905. On the western, or Mobile 
river, side of the island, about three miles from the northern end, is a 
cultivated tract on which are several frame houses. About 250 yards in 
a southerly direction from the houses was a mound, 3 feet in height and 
87 feet across its circular base, made of a mixture of tenacious muck and 
small clam-shells (^Rangia cuneata). As the owner valued the mound as 
a place of refuge for stock in flood-time, the outer part of the mound, 
subject to wash, was not touched by us ; but the central part, fifty feet in 
diameter, was dug through and a considerable number of burials of types 
common to southern mounds, not in connection with urns, were en- 

There was one exception. In the northeastern part of the mound 
was a skeleton of an adult, the head directed to the east. The skeleton 
lay at full length on its back, with the head turned slightly to one side. 
Inverted over the skull, and completely covering it, was a decorated, im- 
perforate vessel of earthenware, maximum diameter 11.75 ^^c^^es, height 
3.75 inches, with its upturned base but 8 inches from the surface. 

Here we have a burial, as far east as Alabama, similar to the burials 
reported from Arizona and New Mexico. 

Considering the interesting urn-burials found on Alabama river and 
those of the northwestern Florida coast, beginning at Perdido bay, the 
coast boundary between Alabama and Florida, which is but a few miles 
distant from Mobile bay, one might look for records of the finding of 
urn -burials on Mobile bay, but such records are not forthcoming, and 
even the testimony of inhabitants as to the discovery of such burials seems 
to be wanting. My investigation, which included the circuit of the bay, 
resulted in the finding of no urn -burial of any sort other than the one 

In a mound on Tombigbee river, however, sixty-five miles by water 
above Mobile, at Three Rivers Landing, Washington county, Alabama, 
I since have found a skeleton having on the skull, part of which it covered 
like a cap, an inverted vessel six and one-half inches in diameter. 

Fuller description of the archeological work on Mobile bay and on 
Tombigbee river will appear in the Journal of the Academy of Natural 
Sciences of Philadelphia. Clarence B. Moore. 

> Smithsonian Report^ 1878, p. 290 . 


Fadal Casts. — In the Directions for Collecting Information and 
Specimens for Physical Anthropology^ by Dr Ale§ HrdliCka, published as 
Part R of the Bulletin of the United States National Museum, No. 
39, 1905, a method for collecting facial casts is described (page 
19). I think it is but just to say that anthropologists are indebted 
for the development of this method to Mr Caspar Mayer, sculptor in the 
ethnological department of the American Museum of Natural History. 
This Museum has been engaged for eight years in making systematic col- 
lections of plaster casts of various types of man, and during this entire 
time the method of taking casts has constantly been improved by Mr 
Mayer, who was the first to suggest to anthropologists the taking of plaster 
casts without the use of tubing inserted in the nose, and in such a manner 
that distortions of the face are almost entirely avoided. The undersigned, 
as well as all other collaborators of the American Museum of Natural His- 
tory, including Dr HrdliCka, have learned this method from Mr Mayer, 
who, by its development, has done an excellent service to anthropological 
science. Franz Boas. 

In answer to inquiries concerning the method of making facial 
casts outlined in my Directions for Collecting Information and Speci- 
mens for Physical Anthropology ^ I wish to say that I am not aware with 
whom it is original. As plaster masks have been and are being made by 
many artists and travelers, the method is presumably an outcome of 
numerous experiences. The description follows almost wholly the pro- 
cedure as I have seen it practised by Mr Caspar Mayer, a New York 
sculptor, employed largely by the anthropological department of the 
American Museum of Natural History. Mr Mayer, I believe, has intro- 
duced the innovation of doing away with the nasal tubes. The method 
is practicable with savage tribes; following it I have made about 140 
facial casts in the field among the Indians, including some very primitive 
tribes. The time required by me with one individual, including the 
preparation, is about 40 minutes. The process is a little too slow for 
children. A. Hrdli£ka. 

Marquis de Nadaillac. — In the death of Jean Francois Albert du 
Pouget, Marquis de Nadaillac, at the Chateau de Rougemont, Loir-et-Cher, 
France, on October i, 1904, at the ripe age of 86 years, France has lost 
one of its most distinguished citizens and Anthropology one of its best 
known authorities. 

The Marquis of Nadaillac was prefect of the Basses-Pyrenees in 187 1, 
and of Indre-et-Loire in 1877. Retiring to private life in the latter 


year, he thenceforth devoted his time to the study of archeology and 
ethnology, writing many works on these subjects. He was a good Eng- 
lish scholar, and had many American correspondents, for all of whom he 
ever had a word of cheer. The Marquis was a member of many learned 
societies at home and abroad; in America he was a member of the 
Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, and an honorary 
member of the Davenport Academy of Sciences and of the Anthropological 
Society of Washington. He was a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor, a 
correspondent of the Institute of France, and held decorations from Austria, 
Belgium, Brazil, Hanover, Italy, and Spain. In the United States his best 
known work was Prehistoric America^ an illustrated octavo published in 
1884. His writings included valuable papers on Prehistoric South Amer- 
ica, Precolumbian Canada, The Calaveras Skull, Recent Discoveries in 
America, The Moundbuilders, Pipes and Tobacco, Progress of the United 
States, The Seris, The Ancient Population of Colombia, The Unity of the 
Human Race, Dawn of Life on the Earth, The Glacial Period, Man and 
the Monkey, Men of the Cave Period, Primitive Monuments, The Cus- 
toms of Early Races, Pile Dwellers, Prehistoric Fishing, The Copper Age, 
The Evolution of Marriage, and Causes of the Decrease of the Birth-rate 
in France. He also published several works relating to the archeology 
and ethnology of Africa, Ireland, Great Britain, and of English and 
French colonies. It has been related that the Marquis said all the good 
things possible of authors to whom he referred in his numerous writings, 
leaving the defects, if any, in the shadow. News of his death comes as 
a distinct shock to his many American friends and his loss will be keenly 
felt by students of archeology and ethnology in the New World. 

J. D. McGuiRE. 

The Wisconsin Archeological Society has caused to be introduced in 
the State Legislature a bill (No. 195 A) asking for the appropriation by 
the State of the sum of $500 annually toward the publication of its edu- 
cational and scientific bulletins, and with the provision that 131 free 
copies of each issue be presented to the Wisconsin Free Library Commis- 
sion for distribution among its traveling libraries. 

It is sincerely hoped that this bill may soon be enacted into law, as it 
will do much toward increasing the interest in Wisconsin's antiquities 
through wider distribution of the publications of the Wisconsin Arche- 
ological Society concerning them. It is also hoped that something will 
soon be done to preserve the aboriginal monuments throughout the State 
ere the progress of agricultural pursuits and the increase in the value of 


the lands on which they are situated make their acquirement, and even 
their protection, impossible. 

For a number of years there has been a growing interest in the pres- 
ervation of the antiquities of Michigan, also, but thus far the State has 
done practically nothing toward furthering it, and the public does not seem 
to manifest the same interest in the subject as do the people of Wiscon- 
sin, who are conducting archeological investigations within their territory 
with great enthusiasm. Harlan I. Smith. 

The Justin Winsor prize of |ioo, offered by the American Histor- 
ical Association for the encouragement of historical research, will be 
awarded for the year 1905 to the best unpublished monograph in the 
field of American History that shall be submitted to the Committee of 
Award on or before October i, 1905. The prize is intended for writers 
who have not yet published any considerable work or obtained an estab- 
lished reputation. The monograph must be based on independent and 
original investigation in American history, by which is meant the history 
of any of the British colonies in America to 1776, of other portions of 
the continent which have since been included in the territory of the United 
States, and of the United States. It may deal with any aspect of that 
history — ^social, political, constitutional, religious, economic, ethnological, 
military, or biographical, though in the last three instances a treatment 
exclusively ethnological, military, or biographical would be unfavorably 
received. Professor Charles M. Andrews, of Bryn Mawr, Pa. , chairman 
of the committee, will furnish full information to prospective competitors. 

Thomas Varker Keam died at Truro, Cornwall, England, of angina 
pectoris, November 30, 1904. Mr Keam was bom in 1846 in Truro, and 
went to sea as a boy, sailing as a midshipman in the English mercantile 
marine to Sidney and Newcastle, Australia. From there he went to San 
Francisco, thence in 1865 overland to Santa F6, where he entered the 
service as a private in the First New Mexico Cavalry, in which he was 
later commissioned as second lieutenant. In 1872 he was Spanish inter- 
preter in the government service at Fort Defiance, Arizona, and ten years 
later went to the cafion that bears his name, residing there as Indian 
trader until a few years ago, when he disposed of his interests and finally 
returned to his boyhood home at Truro. Mr Keam was widely known 
to Indians of the southwest as **Tomas'* and was respected and loved 
by them. He spoke both Hopi and Navaho fluently. 

Mr Keam was a man of the highest integrity, a keen observer, a 
wide reader, cultivated and accomplished. He maintained an open 


house at Keam's Cafion for every wayfarer, and his hospitality was 
shared alike by the scientific explorer and the wandering Indian. For 
many years he practically supported that remarkable genius, Alexander 
Macgregor Stephen, who lived more or less with him from the time of 
his arrival at the cafion in 1882 until his death in 1894. Mr Keam 
preserved Stephen's numerous valuable manuscripts with jealous care, and 
erected a monument on his grave in the cafion. Taking a lively inter- 
est in the Indian antiquities of the adjacent region, he made several im- 
portant collections, the largest of which is now in the Berlin Museum of 
Ethnology. Other collections are in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge 
and the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. Mr Keam's death 
will be deplored by every student and explorer of the Southwest, to most 
of whom he was known and beloved. Stewart Culin. 

An Interesting Broadside. — Mr D. N. Thomas, of Greenport, 
L. I., has found an interesting broadside containing a four-column versi- 
fication of ** The Rebels* Reward, or English Courage Displayed, being a 
Full and True Account of the Victory obtained over the Indians at Norri- 
giwock on the Twelfth of August last, by the English Forces under com- 
mand of Capt. Johnson Harmon. ' ' On the upper right-hand is a very 
rude picture supposed to represent the English forces firing on the Indian 
fortress, and over the verses is the line : "To the Tune oi All You That 
Love Good Fellows^ etc.'* This broadside is printed on a thick and 
coarse kind of rag paper, in old-style type, in ink but little faded. It is 
in a good state of preservation, except that where creased the paper has 
given way and in the vertical middle fold it has torn almost across. At 
the right-hand lower comer is the imprint : BOSTON : Printed and sold 
by J. Franklin in Union Street, 1724. W. W. Tooker. 

Tlingit Method of Collecting Herring-eggs. When the herring run 
took place, hemlock boughs were fastened together and laid down in rows 
for the fish to spawn upon. At one end of each was tied a float marked 
in some special way by its owner. When covered with eggs, these boughs 
were lifted into the canoe, carried ashore, and placed to dry on the 
branches of a tree which had been stripped of its smaller twigs. To raise 
them into place there was employed a large wooden hook taken from a 
tree where a branch comes off, and it was then a comparatively simple 
matter, but after they were dried the eggs became very brittle and had to 
be handled with care. Hemlock boughs are said to be used in preference 
to others because they leave no peculiar taste. J. R. Swanton. 


Bontoc-Igorot Clothing. — In a brief communication received since 
the publication of his article on this subject in the last issue of the Ameri- 
can Anthropologist y Dr Albert Ernest Jenks announces that he has ascer- 
tained beyond question, which he had before raised, that " the Ilokano 
women on the west coast of northern Luzon avowedly wear the tapis to 
hide any possible evidence of menstruation. ' ' 

At a meeting of the Council of the American Anthropological 
Association held in New York, April 15, it was voted to hold a special 
meeting of the Association in Portland, Oregon, during the Lewis and 
Clark Centennial Exposition. The members of the Council present were 
Messrs Boas, Chamberlain, Culin, Farrand, Gordon, Hodge, Hyde, Mac- 
Curdy, Pepper, Putnam, Saville, and Smith. 

The Fourteenth International Congress of Orientalists was 
held at Algiers, under the auspices of the Algerian Government, April 
19-26, 1905. Dr Cyrus Adler, Librarian of the Smithsonian Institu- 
tion, Washington, D. C, was the official representative in the United 
States of the Committee on Organization of the Congress. 

Dr John R. Swanton of the Bureau of American Ethnology is de- 
livering two courses of lectures in the Semitic Seminary of Johns Hopkins 
University, one on American Ethnology with special reference to Soci- 
ology and Mythology, and one on the Dakota language. 

The wide and increasing interest in folklore researches in Germany 
and Austria is indicated by the fact that the Germans have now perfected 
a Folklore Union embracing twenty-four societies and 6,000 members. 

Mr William H. Holmes, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
and a vice-president of the American Anthropological Association, has 
been elected a member of the National Academy of Sciences. 

Dr Livingston Farrand, Professor of Anthropology in Columbia 
University, has been placed in charge of the work of the National Associa- 
tion for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis. 

Dr C. a. Peterson, of St. Louis, a founder of the American Anthro- 
pological Association, has been elected president of the Missouri Histor- 
ical Society. 

The title of Correspondant de TEcole d' Anthropologic de Paris has 
been conferred on Dr George Grant MacCurdy of the Yale University 


Proceedings of the Philadelphia Meeting, December 28-30, 1904. 

The program of the annual meeting of the American Anthropological 
Association was merged with that of the American Folk-Lore Society and 
Section H of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. 
The sessions were held in Widener Hall, Free Museum of Science and 
Art, University of Pennsylvania, December 28-3oth, inclusive. The 
joint program was as follows : ' 

1. Anthropometric Work at the St. Louis Exposition : (a) Sense Tests 

of Various Races ; (^) Physical Measurements of the Philippine 
Groups. R. S. Wood worth and Frank G. Bruner. 

2. The Story of a Shield. James Mooney. 

3. Themistology. Edward Lindsey. 

4. Recent Investigations in the Somatic Anthropology of the Brain of 

Distinguished Persons, of Individuals of Various Races, and of 
Criminals. Edward Anthony Spitzka. 

5. Medical Notes on the Southwestern Indians. A. Hrdli^ka. 

6. The Physical Resemblance of Twins. Edward L. Thomdike. 

7. The Color Sensibility of the Peripheral Retina (by title). J. W. 


8. A Tale in the Hudson River Mohican Language (by title). J. 

Dyneley Prince. 

9. The Settlement and Transfer of Upper Louisiana (by title) . Paul 


10. Superstitions of School Children. Will S. Monroe. 

11. The Use and Study of Anthropology in School (by title). Amos 

W. Famham. 

12. Disenchantment by Decapitation, address of the retiring President 

(read by Mr. Newell). George Lyman Kittredge. 

13. Influence of European Contact on Aboriginal Institutions (by title). 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

14. The Kiowa Supernatural. James Mooney. 

15. The Tale of the Three Wishes. William Wells Newell. 

* For abstracts of the papers, see report of George H. Pepper, Secretary of Section 
H, in Science f March 24, 1905. 



i6. The Influence of the Sun on the People of the Hopi Pueblos. J. 
Walter Fewkes. 

17. The Historic and Prehistoric Ruins of the Southwest. Edgar L. 


18. The Election at Jemez Pueblo (by title). Albert B. Reagan. 

19. Prehistoric Surgery. A Neolithic Survival. George Grant MacCurdy. 

20. Mexican and Central American Archeology, address of the Vice- 

President. Marshall H. Saville. 

In the absence of President W J McGee, Vice-President William H. 
Holmes occupied the chair. The members of the Council present were : 
Miss Fletcher, Messrs Holmes, Dorsey, Farrand, Fewkes, Hough, 
Hrdlicka, Hyde, Kroeber, MacCurdy, McGuire, Mooney, Pepper, 
Saville, E. L. Hewett, and Gordon. 

The report of the Treasurer, Mr B. Talbot B. Hyde, was read and 
referred to the Auditing Committee consisting of Messrs Boas (chair- 
man), Farrand, and Harlan I. Smith. 

Report of the Treasurer 


Balance fix>m 1903 % 53.83 

Anthropological Society of Washington. 608.25 

Annual dues 685.98 

Annual subscriptions to American Anthropologist from libraries.. 369. 16 

Other annual subscriptions 462.15 

Sale of back numbers 406.85 

Publication fund 235.00 

Authors' reprints (at cost) 151-57 

American Ethnological Society 230.76 

New York Academy of Sciences 62.50 


New Era Printing Company, for printing, binding, and mailing 

American Anthropologist and for reprints $1,744.06 

Stationery and job printing, including 1,500 copies of illustrated 

prospectus IOO.34 

Editor's expenses, including advertising back numbers and mail- 
ing prospectus 144.31 

Illustrations for American Anthropologist 188.70 

Letter-heads, circulars, etc 73-24 

Postage and petty expenses of Secretary and Treasurer 68. 32 

Rebates on overpayments (including $30 paid Anthropological 

Society of Washington for sale of Old Series) 44- 15 

Binding of back numbers for St. Louis Exposition 24.00 

Insurance of back numbers 25.00 

$2,412. i2 

1 76 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 7, 1905 

The following were elected to membership in the Association : 

Edward H. Angle, D.D.S. Miss Elizabeth J. Letson, 

Miss Adela Breton, Reamer Ling, 

Thomas S. Dedrick, M. D., Henry Link, 

E. W. Deming, Rev. James William Lowber, 

Christopher Easton, Rev. J. D. Marmor, 

William H. Ellsworth, Owen W. Mills, 

Dr William H. Fumess, William W. Newell, 

W. R. Gerard, Grace Nicholson, 

Pliny E. Goddard, Adolph C. Reichard, 

George Byron Gordon, Francisco M. Rodriguez, 

R. H. Harper, M. D., Marshall H. Saville, 

C. V. Hartman, Ph.D., Elizabeth J. Van Beuren, 

George G. Heye, Miss Georgie Van Brunt, 

H. E. Hoopes, Atreus Wanner, 

L. W. Jenkins, George A. West, 

A. Kirschmann, Ph.D., Clark Wissler, 

Francis LaFlesche, Christopher Wren. 

Amendments to the constitution were proposed by Miss Fletcher and 
Messrs Holmes and MacCurdy, and were favorably received by the 
Council. They are : 

Article V, Section i, second and third lines: Change a number of 
councilors to be determined annually to twenty-four councilors. 

Section 2, third and fourth lines : Change a number of councilors to 
be determined by the council to six councilors. 

Section 3 : Add at the end of the section : Five shall constitute a 

Section 7 : Strike out at the end of the section : of whom not more 
than one shall be a member of the council. 

Article VII, Section i : Strike out entirely. 

Section 2 : Omit from first sentence : whose chairmen shall be mem- 
bers of the executive committee. 

Resolutions were proposed and adopted by the Association as follows : 

Resolved f That a committee be appointed to represent the American 
Anthropological Association before the Committees on Public Lands of 
the United States Senate and House of Representatives at meetings of 
those Committees held for the consideration of measures for the preserva- 
tion of antiquities, and that this committee be instructed to advocate the 
acceptance and passage of the particular bill that seems in their judgment 
to cover the requirements of the case most fully, and that at the same 


time meets with the full approval of the Interior Department, which De- 
partment has control of all public lands and whose agents in the field 
must be relied on exclusively for custodianship and care of the antiquities 
in question.^ 

The Committee provided for in the resolutions was appointed by the 
chair as follows : William H. Holmes (Chairman ex officio) y Edgar L. 
Hewett (Secretary), George A. Dorsey, Miss Alice C. Fletcher, George 
Grant MacCurdy, George B. Gordon, A. L. Kroeber, M. H. Saville, 
F. W. Putnam, Stewart Culin, C. V. Hartman. 

The election of officers resulted as follows : President, Frederic W. 
Putnam; Vice-President to serve four years, William H. Holmes ; Vice- 
President to succeed F. W. Putnam, George A. Dorsey; Secretary, 
George Grant MacCurdy ; Treasurer, B. Talbot B. Hyde ; Editor, 
F. W. Hodge. 

Members of the Council as at present constituted are W J McGee, 
Frederic W. Putnam, William H. Holmes, Miss Alice C. Fletcher, George 
A. Dorsey, Franz Boas, George Grant MacCurdy, B. Talbot B. Hyde, 
F. W. Hodge, Frank Baker, Charles P. Bowditch, A. F. Chamberlain, 
Stewart Culin, Roland B. Dixon, Livingston Farrand, J. Walter Fewkes, 
George Byron Gordon, Edgar L. Hewett, J. N. B. Hewitt, Walter 
Hough, Ales Hrdlicka, A. L. Kjoeber, Joseph D. McGuire, Otis T. 
Mason, Washington Matthews, James Mooney, George H. Pepper, Mar- 
shall H. Saville, Harlan I. Smith, Frederick Starr, John R. Swan ton. 
Of these the first nine named constitute the Executive Committee. 

Special meetings of the Association or of the Council may be called 
at any time. A special meeting will be held at Portland, Oregon, dur- 
ing the summer, the date to be determined by a committee appointed for 
that purpose. 

George Grant MacCurdy, 

YcUi University Museum^ Secretary, 

Nkw Haven, Conn. 

1 For the present status of this proposed action see pages 164-166. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7— 12 

American Anthropological Association 


April, 1905 


Pruxdbmt, FREDERIC W. PUTNAM, Cambridge. 

Vxcb-Prbsidbmt X908, WILLIAM H. HOLMES, Waihington. 

Vxcs-PusiDENT 1907, MISS ALICE C. FLETCHER, Washington. 

Vxcb-Prksidbnt X906, GEORGE A. DORSEY, Chicago. 

Vics-Prbsxdbnt X905, FRANZ BOAS, New York. 

Skckstaky, GEORGE GRANT MACCURDY, New Haven. 

Treasubm, B. TALBOT B. HYDE, New York. 

Editok, F. W. HODGE, Washington. 



Railway Exchange Building, Chicago, Baychester, New York. 

Illinois. M. LE DUC DE LOUBAT,^ 

MR CHARLES P. BOWDITCH,* 53 Rue Dumont d'Urville, Paris. 

38 State St., Boston, Mass. MR CLARENCE B. MOORE,* 

132 1 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 



35 Wall St., New Yoric City. ,38 West 42d St., New Yoric Qty. 


Smithsonian Institution, Washington, American Museum of Natural History. 

^- C. New York City. 


Museo Nadonal. Buenos Aires, Argen- ^^p^ ^^ Education. Toronto, Canada. 

,>« ^^,,*«T> « *xT^r^ DR J. C. BRANNER.* 

DR EDWARD a ANGLE. Stanford University. CaUfomia. 

DR F^k^^l^' ^""'^'^ ^^^^ ^^^^ BRETON, 

National Zoological Park, Washington, St Margaret's House, Rochester. 

D C land. 


S13X Mass. ave., N. W., Washington. Englcwood. New Jersey. 

D, c. MR H. G. BRYANT.* 

COL. PAUL BECKWITH,* 2013 Walnut st., Philadelphia, Pa. 

U. S. National Museum, Washington, MR G. H. BUEK, 
D. C. 52 East X9th St.. New York City. 

i Members whose names are marked with an asterisk (*) are Founders of the 





X431 Court Place, Denver, Colormdo. 


xz West 88th it. New York Qty. 

4254 Olive ft, St. Louis, Mo. 

State House, Indianapolis, Indiana. 

43 West 38th St., New York City. 

Clark University, Worcester, Mass. 


Avenida de Madrid, No. 37, City of 

Mexico, Mexico. 

Drawer i. New Haven, Conn. 

Coldwater, Michisran. 

Brooklyn Institute Museum, Brooklyn, 

N. Y. 

22 South i8th St, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Western Reserve University, Qcvcland, 


Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, Pa. 

3147 N. Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

16 West 6 1 St St., New York City. 

21 W. 24th St., New York City. 

Elizabeth, New Jersey. 

Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Teachers Collej^c, Columbia University, 

New York City. 

582 La Salle ave., Chicago, 111. 

Field Coltmibian Museum, Chicago, III. 

Waterbury, Connecticut. 

290 Thames St., Newport, R. I. 

3302 Wells St., Milwaukee. Wis. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

State Normal School, Oswego, New York. 

Columbia University, New York City. 


Bureau of American Ethnology, Waab- 

ington, D. C. 

3212 Pine St., St. Louis, Mo. 

79 West 115th St., New York City. 

460 Prospect St., New Haven, Conn. 

2x4 First St., S. E., Washington, D. C 

U. S. National Museum, Washington, 

D. C. 

The Cecil, Washington, D. C. 

Bontoc, Lcpanto-Bontoc Province, Philip- 
pine Islands. 

Museum of Science and Art, University 

of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Hospital Militar, Guadalajara, Jalisco, 


Chevy Chase, Maryland. 

65 West io8th St., New York City. 

Columbia University, New York City. 

Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco, Cal. 

Brooklyn Institute Museum, Brooklyxi, 

New York. 

Museum of Science and Art, University 

of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Pa. 

346 Broadway, New York City. 

62 Wall St., New York City. 

32 Riverside Drive, New York City. 

Afton, Indian Territory. 

Carnegie Museum, Pittsburg, Pa. 

Hastings Hall, Harvard University, 

Cambridge, Mass. 

239 Beacon st.. Boston, Massachusetts. 

Pleasanton. California. 

Dubuque, Iowa. 

59 West 56th St., New York City. 



[N. s., 7, 1905 


Care U S. National Miuenin, Wadiinf- 

ton, D. C 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wath- 

xngton, D. C. 

52 Broadway, New York Gty. 

68 William at.. New York City, N. Y. 

Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 

D. C. 

5 Boyleston PI., Boston, Mass. 

Carnegie Museum, Pittsburg, Pa. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Media, Pennsylvania. 

U. S. National Museum, Washington, 

D. C. 

U. S. National Museum, Washington, 

D. C. 

Union Station Annex, Kansas City, Mo. 

Ukiah, California. 
DR H. M. HURD,* 

Johns Hopkins Hospital, Baltimore, Md. 

Box 173, Sanford, Florida. 

Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. 

20 West 53d St., New York City. 

aio East i8th st., New York City. 

Musco Paulista, Sao Paulo, Brazil. 

Care The Craftsman, Syracuse, N. Y. 

Wistar Institute, University of Penn- 
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Ethnological Survey, Manila, P. I. 

Peabody Academy of Science, Salem, 


Room I, Y. M. C. A. Bldg., San Fran- 
cisco, Cal. 

Stanford University, California. 


Yale UniTcraity, New Haven, Comu 

Batavia, Java. 

X103 Rutger at, St. Louis, Mo. 

Toronto University, Toronto, Canada. 

1600 T St., Washington, D. C. 

Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco, CaL 

ax4 First at., S. E., Washington, D. C 

Museo de la Plata, La Plata, Argentina. 

Gardner, Mass. 

Casilla 844, Santiago de Chile, Chile. 

I a del Fresno, No. 1510, City of Mexico. 

Buffalo Society of Natural Science^ 

Buffalo, N. Y. 

Warren, Pa. 

St. Johns, Arizona. 

R. F. D. 3, Waterloo, Indiana. 

27 William St., New York Qty. 
MR M. C. LONG,* 

Missouri ave. and Main St., Kansaa City, 


Austin, Texas. 

16 West 9th St., New York City. 

Y. M. C. A., IS B, Peking Road, Shang- 
hai, China. 

The Stanton, Washington. D. C. 

7 Monroe St., Chicago, Ills. 

Yale University Museum, New Haven, 

DR J. B. >tcGEE,* 

X405 Woodland ave., Cleveland, Ohio. 

X90X Baltimore St., Washington, D. C 

X834 1 6th St., Washington, D. C. 

17 Lexington ave., New York City. 

X330 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C 




joo Highland sL, STractiae, New York. 

X638 Madison ave.. New York City. 

27 WiUiam at. New York Oty. 

U. S. National Muaeum, Waahington, 

D. C. 

X4S Beacon sL, Boston, Maas. 

University of California, San Fran' 

dsco, Cal. 

Ethnological Survey, Manila, P. L 

Millbury, Mass. 

State University, Columbus, Ohio. 

606 Clay St, San Francisco, California. 

State Normal School, Westfield, Mass. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Waah- 

ington, D. C. 

X825 Park Row Building, New York City. 

Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 
DR. T. F. MOSES,* 

Worcester Lane, Waltham, Mass. 
MR L. F. MOTT,* 

17 Lexington avc, New York City. 


Public Library, Boston, Mass. 

152 Market st, Paterson, N. J. 

X05 Niagara St., Victoria, B. C. 

Cambridge, Mass. 

46 North Los Robles ave., Pasadena, CaL 
DR R. J. NUNN,* 

119 York St., Savannah, Georgia. 

Casa Alvarado, Coyoac4n, D. F., Mexico. 
MR C. L. OWEN,* 

Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, 111. 

306 North 9th st., St. Joseph, Mo. 

Lenox Library, New York City. 

X027 Goodfellow ave., St Louis, Mo. 

84 Griswold st, Detroit Michigan. 


X97 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 

1430 Corona st, Denver, Colorado. 

High School, Austin, Texas. 

^^% Drexel Building, Philadelphia, Pa. 

American Museum of Natural ffistory. 

New York City. 

Burlington, Vermont 

P. O. Box 980, St Louis, Missouri. 

17 IX Hinman ave., Evanston, 111. 

San Jos6, Costa Rica. 

26 Bunnell st, Bridgeport Connecticut 

Columbia University, New York Gty. 

x6o West 59th st. New York City. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

Ixtlan, Del Rio, Territorio del Tepxc, 


Oberlindau 78, Frankfurt, a/M., Ger- 

P. O. Box 5083, Boston, Massachusetts. 

1 8th ave. and 84th st, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Covesville, Va. 

Museo Nacional, City of Mexico, Mexico. 

Department of Agriculture, Waahington, 

D. C. 

American Museum of Natural History, 

New York City. 

705 Market st., St Louis, Mo. 
COL. H. L. SCOTT, U. S. A.,* 

Manila, Philippine Islands. 

401 Water st., Smethport Pennsylvania. 

1424 Eleventh st, N. W., Washington, 

D. C. 

Lincoln, Neb. 

Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, 111. 



[M. s., 7, 1905 


Defiance Ohio. 

American Museum of Natural Hiitory, 

New York City. 

Hackensack, N. J. 

ft^ East 73d St, New York City. 

Chicago University, Chicago, Illinois. 


Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

Hardenbergstr. 24, Charlottenburg, Ber- 
lin, Germany. 

Grovetown, Georgia. 

1 136 O St., Lincoln, Nebraska. 

240 Edwards St., New Haven, Conn. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Moorewood Place, Pittsburg, Pa. 

730 Kansas ave., Topeka, Kansas. 

Columbia University, New York City. 

Sag Harbor, New York. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

Afiiliated Colleges, San Francisco, Cal. 
MR H. H. VAIL,* 

American Book Co., Washington Square, 

New York City. 

21 West 14th St, New York City. 

20 East 46th St., New York City. 


U. S. National Museum, Washingtoii, 

D. C 

Tryon, N. C. 

Pasadena, California. 

Legadon de Russia, 4a Bucareli* 18339 

City of Mexico. 

Yoric, Pennsylvania. 

Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania. 

Princeton, New Jersey. 

St. Michaels, Arizona. 

Carnegie Musetmi, Pittsburg, Pa. 

Hisrhland Boulevard, Milwaukee, Wis. 

84 John st, Newport, Rhode Island. 

Tacoma, Washington. 

Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

University of Minnesota, Minneapolis 


528 West 123d st, New York City. 

Manila, Philippine Islands. 

Centre st., Plymouth, Pennsylvania. 

Oberlin, Ohio. 









American Anthropologist 


Vol. 7 April-June, 1905 No. 2 




In northwestern New Mexico there is a group of ruined pueblos 
that stretch for miles along the fertile valleys and mesa tops. 
The Chaco caiion proper contains the major portion of these ruins, 
one of the greatest of which in point of interest is Pueblo Bonito. 
The writer visited and explored parts of this ruin in the summer of 
1896, and the investigations were continued thereafter for several 
years. This work, which was made possible by Mr B. T. B. Hyde 
and Mr F. E. Hyde, Jr, of New York city, was planned by Prof. 
F. W. Putnam, and the material collected is now in the American 
Museum of Natural History. 

Pueblo Bonito is near the western end of the canon and may be 
reached by driving 65 miles northward from Thoreau, a station on 
the Santa Fe Pacific railroad, near Gallup, New Mexico. It was 
one of the homes of an ancient sedentary people who grouped their 
houses into great many-celled structures and surrounded them with 
a strong defensive wall, thereby making the town a fortress as well 
as a place of habitation. Pueblo Bonito, like the other ancient 
settlements in the canon, is now in ruins, and many of the rooms 
are completely covered with debris and drifted sand. The building 
as a unit measures more than 500 feet in length ; the lesser axis is 
somewhat more than 300 feet. It is semicircular in form, the 
rounded portion enclosing the structure on the east, north, and 
west, while the southern side was protected by a straight wall of 
heavy masonry. The stones used in the building were taken from 

AM. ANTM., N. S., 7— 13 ^83 

1 84 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

the adjacent sandstone cliffs, the work of quarrying being greatly 
facilitated by the natural cleavage. 

The age of Pueblo Bonito is still in doubt, but nothing was 
found during its excavation to show that its former occupants ever 
had intercourse with the Spaniards. The first mention of the 
pueblo was made by Josiah Gregg,^ in 1844. Since that time it 
has been visited by soldiers and travelers, and several descriptions 
of it have been written. Gen. James H. Simpson * and Mr William 
H. Jackson ^ made careful studies of the ruin and published accounts 
in 1850 and 1878, respectively. 


During the season of 1896 we were enabled to uncover a series 
of rooms extending along the outer wall of the northern part of the 
ruin. The major portion of this first year's operations was confined 
to the north central and northwestern parts of the pueblo, although 
a sufficient number of rooms were opened in other portions to fur- 
nish data concerning the style of masonry of the upper series and 
also of that of the underlying ones. The results of these excava- 
tions governed to a large extent the plans for the work of the suc- 
ceeding season. Owing to the great size of the ruin, little could be 
accomplished in one season of field work ; it was therefore a ques- 
tion of obtaining a representative collection of objects, together with 
sufficient data concerning the older portions of the pueblo to enable 
us to gain an idea of the duration of the period of occupancy. 

The first work in 1897 was the continuation of excavations in a 
row of rooms constituting the third series of the northern or curved 
part of the building. The debris was removed from the western 
extension of this series, and some very interesting specimens were 
found on the floors. One of the first rooms to receive attention 
during this season was that designated No. 38 in the field notes. 
Its position may be seen in the accompanying illustration (plate 

1 Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies^ I, 284-85, 1844. 

*J. H. Simpson, Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa />, New 
Mexico f to the Navajo Country ^ Washington, 1 850. 

3Wm. H. Jackson, Ruins of the Chaco Caflon, Examined in iSjj; Tenth Rep. 
Hayden Survey, pt. Ill, Washington, 1878. 


Room 38 was generally rectangular ; its north and south walls 
were curved, but not to an appreciable extent. The room was filled 
with debris consisting of sandstone slabs from the fallen walls, de- 
caying ceiling beams, and the adobe floors of upper rooms with 
whatever objects were on them when they gradually weakened and 
finally collapsed. On this account many objects of scientific inter- 
est were broken or scattered through the debris. 


The work in room 38 brought to light an interesting collection 
of material, the greater part of which was of a ceremonial character, 
or at least might have been used in sacred observances. 

The eastern end of the room was excavated to a depth of sev- 
eral feet and the work was then carried westward. Nothing of par- 
ticular interest was found in the upper layers, but the removal of 
the stones and the fallen beams was still in progress when a plat- 
form was uncovered. The first evidence of this structure was a 
peculiar projecting wall, six inches thick and extending in a north- 
westerly direction. It was attached to the south wall and had been 
used as a support for a beam that entered the north wall at a point 
opposite. The western support of the platform was upheld by 
posts, but these and the poles that had formed its upper surface 
were no longer in position ; they had been crushed by the weigh 
of the debris and, when uncovered, were greatly decayed. 


One of our Navaho laborers was excavating in the western part 
of the room and had reached the point where the fallen masonry 
ended, when he encountered the first evidence of a ceremonial de- 
posit. At the end of a horizontal stroke we noticed that the Indian 
had broken an object of bone, and investigation showed that it was 
inlaid with turquoise and jet. The extremities of the bone had 
been shattered, but fortunately the mosaic itself had not been in- 

The utmost care was necessary in uncovering this specimen and 
the objects that surrounded it. When the brush and stylus had 
removed the sand from about the bone, it proved to be of the so- 


1 86 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

called scraper form. It had been completely covered with drift- 
sand and was lying with the blade pointing toward the west. 
Directly south of and almost touching this scraper was another of 
similar shape and size. The first one was lying with the rounded 
portion upward, whereas this rested upon its convex surface. It 
was observed that the second scraper had also been inlaid, but 
owing to the fact that the inlaid surface was downward, there was 
no support for the tesserae and most of them had fallen out. 

For convenience the field numbers will here be used in referring 
to the scrapers and the objects found with them. The first scraper 
will be known as No. 9 and its companion as No. 10. In plate xix 
these mosaic pieces are shown in situ with the smaller specimens 
grouped a little to the north of them. The first object uncovered 
near the scrapers was a pendant of turquoise (No. 11); it was two 
inches east of and opposite the central portion of No. 10. The 
next specimen, also a turquoise pendant (No. 12), was found an 
inch west of No. 10, in the angle formed by the two scrapers. 
Both of these pendants were at the level of the lower surface of the 
scrapers. A depth of several inches was reached before the next 
object was found ; but the remaining specimens will be considered 
according to the arbitrary numbering of the field notes instead of 
allowing their depth to govern the sequence. 

No. I is a bird form, made of decomposed turquoise ; it was 
found below the level of the scrapers and is in good condition. 
No. 2 is also a bird form ; it was three inches below the level of 
No. 9, and was lying on its left side, the head pointing toward the 
north. No. 3, a turquoise pendant, was found near No. 2. No. 4 
is the third bird form that was uncovered ; it was resting in a 
natural position, with the head pointing southward, at a depth of an 
inch and a half lower than the scrapers. No. 5 is another turquoise 
bird ; it was found six inches below No. 9, and was lying with its 
head toward the northeast. No. 6 is the tail portion only of a bird 
of turquoise and was found four and a half inches below the level 
of No. 9. Several fragments of the same bird were found in the 
surrounding sand. Nos. 7 and 8 are beads made of jet ; they were 
found six inches below the scrapers. As the four succeeding num- 
bers, the scrapers and pendants, have been noted, and as they will 


be treated more in detail when the esthetic aspect of the specimens 
is considered, No. 13, which is a large slab of jet perforated for 
suspension, will now be referred to. This specimen was found only 
half an inch northwest of No. 4, and the largest fragment was on 
the same level. Specimens 11, 12, and 13 are not shown in the 
photograph. Of the remaining objects, Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6 are 
in situ ; Nos. i, 7, and 8 were removed in the work of uncovering 
the other specimens, but were replaced within an inch of their 
original positions. 


Bone implements of the type represented in the accompanying 
photograph (plate xix) are found throughout the ancient Pueblo 
region of the Southwest. They are known by several names, the 
most usual of which is " bone scraper," and this term will here be 
employed. They are generally made from the humeri of deer, elk, 
or antelope, and are found of all sizes. The average is about six 
inches, but they range from two to eight inches in length, and of 
relative width. 

Pueblo Bonito has furnished a large number of specimens of 
this particular type of implement, and from its occurrence throughout 
the pueblo it would seem to have been an object of general use. 
The refuse heaps, and the rooms that had been abandoned to be- 
come receptacles for the sweepings from the houses, contributed 
a good share of these implements in the collection. Almost all of 
them showed use and many were broken. 

The bone scrapers from Pueblo Bonito were rarely decorated ; 
but when ornamentation occurred, it was generally in the form of 
incised designs, such as cross-hatching, meanders, and animal 
forms. There is but one specimen similar to the incrusted ones 
which we are about to consider. It was found in a fragmentary 
condition in Room 170, but there are evidences that it had been 
prepared for the reception of an inlay similar to that shown in the 
colored frontispiece. This specimen is shown in figure 3. 

The inlaid scraper as represented by the colored plate is slightly 
reduced in size. It is the distal or elbow end of the humerus of 
one of the large ungulates, the animal being either a large black- 
tail deer or a small elk. In preparing the bone for the reception 


of the inlay, the usual method was no doubt employed. A groove 
was cut with a stone knife in one side of the humerus, and the cut 
extended until it encircled the bone. This process was continued 
lintil the bone could be broken apart. The cutting away of the 
under side was the next step. This was accomplished by grinding, 
and the final touches to the edges were given with a polishing stone. 
In scrapers designed for every-day use, no further work was done ; 
but as this particular specimen was intended for an especial use, the 
maker next turned attention to the handle end. The condyles in 
their natural state protrude to such an extent that the symmetry of 

Fig. 3. — Scraper prepued foi inlaying. (Natural size.) 

the object is affected, hence these were ground until perfectly 
rounded, and presented, as viewed transversely, a cylindrical aspect, 
due to the careful rounding of the under parts of the side condyles. 
The entire surface of the epiphysis was ground, reducing its size 

In preparing for the work of incrustation, a broad band was cut 
in the convex surface of the bone, extending from edge to edge of the 
flattened part. This groove was 2 cm. 4.5 mm. in width, and was 
worked to such depth as would cause the tesserje to correspond 
with the general surface of the bone. The sides of the cut were 
trued and the groove was then ready for the inlay. 

Piiion gum seems to have been the medium for seating the 
small pieces of stone and shell. A layer of this material was spread 
upon the bottom of the cut, and upon this foundation the mosaic 
pattern was developed. In the scraper under consideration fifty-six 
pieces were used in the work ; of these, twenty were elongate pieces 
of jet ; there were sixteen pieces of turquoise of the same shape, 
ten pyramidal pieces of turquoise, and ten pieces of red gum. 


pointed, as were the turquoise pieces last named, and made to 
match these inlays, thereby forming a flat finish at the end of the 
band. When the inlaying was completed, the surface of the mosaic, 
as well as that of the bone, was polished. 

In examining the design and execution of this implement one 
cannot fail to observe that its maker had an excellent appreciation 
of decorative art. The jet and turquoise bands are placed system- 
atically, while the colors are alternated either for ceremonial sym- 
bolism or for artistic effect. These inlaid bands are composed of 
carefully shaped pieces, being not only rectangulated but concavo- 
convexed in order that they may conform to the rounded surface of 
the bone. There are live such bands, three of jet and two of tur- 
quoise, and these are bordered by a serrated line of turquoise com- 
posed of a series of pyramidal pieces, each so accurately pointed 
by grinding that they gpve a beautiful finish to the highly decorative 
band. The corresponding inlays of red gum are in strong contrast 

Fig. 4. — BoDc sciaper ( No. 10) shoiring 

to the pointed pieces of turquoise, and impart a richness in finish 
that is almost unique in aboriginal American handiwork. The care 
with which the inlays were adjusted is worthy of note. The bone 
is but 2 cm. 7 mm. in width, and many of the sets are quite 
elongate, but they were embedded in the gum in such a way that 
their edges match perfectly, while the contour of the bone is care- 
fully preserved. 

The second scraper. No. 10 (figure 4), is practically a duplicate 
of the one just described. When found, five of the tessera, three 
of turquoise and two of jet, were in place. From their position and 
general arrangement it would seem that the design had been in the 
form of a half-meander or an interlocking fret. Beneath the scraper 


The frog figure accompanying the buckle in the illustration is 
carved from a piece of jet The body of the animal is beautifully 
rounded, and the legs, which stand out in relief, their bend faith- 
fully portrayed, and the toes represented by means of deep grooves, 
are very well formed. The mouth has the full rounded shape seen 
also in frog-shaped pottery vessels from the Chaco ; and the eyes, 
consisting of two large pieces of turquoise, firmly set and highly 
polished, stand boldly out in a manner characteristic of the frog 
even in conventionalized Indian art. Across the neck there is a 
broad inlaid band of turquoise, consisting of seven tesserae that con- 
form to the general level of the jet. One of the triangular sets that 
formed the ends of the band is missing. 

The body of the frog has been polished, but it is now crackled 
to some extent, and on the under surface there is evidence of the 
action of fire ; enough of the original polish remains, however, to 
convey a good idea of what the appearance of the object must have 
been when it was new. 

The body of the frog is i cm. 7.5 mm. thick, 8 cm. 1.5 mm. 
long, and 6 cm. 5 mm. wide. The width, including the legs, is 7 
cm. 1.5 mm. The balls of turquoise that form the eyes are 8.5 
mm. in diameter and 3 mm. in height. The object was drilled for 
suspension, the holes being on the under part directly beneath the 
inlaid band. The incision made to receive the turquoise pieces 
forming the band was cut just deep enough to allow them to sink 
to the level of the surface, save at the ends where it was cut through 
to the opposite side. At these points the openings were triangular, 
and in cutting them through a separation was formed between the 
feet and the body, the parts being joined again at the point where 
the head and the toes meet. 

The frog or the toad is a symbol of water among the Pueblo 
people of to-day, and there are numerous evidences tending to show 
that the same water symbol was employed by the ancient inhabi- 
tants to as great an extent as by their descendants. In Pueblo 
Bonito and in nearby villages it has been found in the form of pot- 
tery vessels, as well as carved from pure turquoise and scratched 
on stone slabs. Tadpole figures, which are also water symbols, 
are likewise represented in turquoise and pottery. 




The latest jet pendant known to have been found in the South- 
west was recovered from the same deposit. It is in a fragmentary 
condition, but enough pieces were recovered to give a general idea 
of its size and appearance when complete (figure 5). It is 9 cm. 
2 mm. long, 6 cm. 6 mm. wide, and 1 cm. i mm. thick. The 
comers are rounded and it is of uniform thickness. The fragments 
were scattered through the debris, but the largest piece was lying 
half an inch northwest of and at the 
same level as specimen No. 4. This 
pendant was also drilled for suspen- 
sion, the perforation being made 
through the edge as shown in the 
illustration, thus leaving the front sur- 
face unbroken. In view of the fact 
that the jet frog and the buckle are 
in a perfect state of preservation, so 
far as their completeness is concerned, 
it is difficult to account for the crack- 
ing and splitting of this pendant. 
From its present appearance and from 
the scattered fragments it would seem 
that it was broken or was in a very 
fragile condition when left on the 

Pendants of this shape are not uncommon in the Pueblo area, 
but the specimen under consideration is exceptionally large. The 
material from which the latter was cut was used by the ancient 
Pueblos in making small objects of jewelry, but it was not the 
practice to employ large pieces even in fashioning ceremonial 
objects. This pendant was probably used as a breast ornament, 
either alone or in connection with the necklace of jet and shell 
beads found near it. 

Beads of different sizes were scattered through the sand in 
which the lai^er objects were lying. In removing scraper No. 10, 
the depression in the handle end was found to be filled with sand, 
imbedded in which were eighty small jet beads, 2 mm. in diameter 

F[G. J. — Jet pendant repaired. 
(Tiro-lhirds natural «ze. ) 

194 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

and averaging 1.5 mm. in thickness. In the debris surrounding 
the scrapers 3 1 3 beads of the same material and of the same size 
and shape were found. Associated with these beads were 46 that 
measured 3 mm. in diameter, but in other respects they were iden- 
tical to the smaller ones. With these jet beads there were 19 white 
ones, made of stone and shell, and of the same size and shape as 
the others. 

In plate xix two black objects (No. 7, 8) are shown in the fore- 
ground ; these are the jet buttons mentioned in the general descrip- 
tion of the contents of the deposit. In form they are oblate sphe- 
roidal. No. 7 averages i cm. 5 mm. in diameter, and No. 8 is only 
I mm. larger. The former is almost free from flaw, whereas its 
companion has a broad check line spanning the upper part. Both 
are perforated on the flat side, and they may have been used as 
garment ornaments or as pendants. A third button, or perforated 
ball of jet, was obtained from an Indian who had worked in this 
room, and had probably been stolen with the other objects above 


Of the five bird forms found in Room 38, four were perfect and 
the fifth was represented by several fragments, the largest being the 
tail end (plate xx, b\ These birds are cut from decomposed tur- 
quoise, and in color are pale bluish green. There is practically no 
variation in the eight specimens of the type found in Pueblo Bonito. 
The material from which the birds are carved is so soft that it can be 
cut with a knife. The figures were probably roughed out with one 
of the many forms of stone implements, and then ground to the 
desired shape with sandstone grinders. On the surface of some of 
the birds may be seen fine lines which, under a glass of low power, 
have the appearance of file scratches ; they are nevertheless the 
marking made by the sandstone polishers. Lines of this character 
are in evidence on many of the stone implements found in this re- 
gion, and are especially noticeable on objects of wood. 

Over the surface of each of these five turquoise specimens there 
is a dull red patina. There are evidences of the matrix in some 
pieces, but the surface color seems to be due to soil discoloration. 
In the other three bird forms found in this ruin by the Navaho 




workmen, there are indications of this discoloration, but the greater 
part of it had been removed by carding the objects about in their 
medicine bags or in using them as pendants on their necklaces. 
The head, tail, and wings of the birds are indicated in each instance. 
The variety represented is doubtless a water fowl, probably the 
duck, the poise of the head and the general angle of the body sug- 
gesting the appearance of a duck when resting on water. This 
form of bird seems to have been a favorite one with the sedentary 
people of the Southwest. From Pueblo Bonito alone it is carved 
from red hematite and stone, and in some Chaco ruins it has been 
found carved from pure turquoise, shell, and jet. In southeastern 
Utah, in the Grand Gulch region, some of the large basketry 
meal trays have a line of these bird figures as a decorative element ; 
and in one of them the design is associated with the butterfly.^ 
The largest bird (No. 2) is 2 cm. 7 mm. long, and 2 cm. i mm. 
wide. The smallest (No. i) is i cm. 7 mm. long, and i cm. 3 
mm. wide. These measurements do not include the projecting 
beaks, which vary in size in the different pieces, all of them being 
proportionate to the size of the body. The tails and wings are 
carved in relief, and all the specimens have lateral perforations 
below the front or shoulder portion of the wings. The position of 
the holes causes a top-heaviness when the birds hang free, but 
against the body they maintain the proper angle, hanging with the 
head upward. 


There were fifteen turquoise pendants associated with the larger 
objects herein described (plate xx, a). Two of these are quite 
large, but the others are of medium size. The largest, No. 3, may 
be seen near the turquoise bird No. 2 (plate xix), on a slight eleva- 
tion northeast of the scrapers. It is 3 cm. 4 mm. long, with a width 
of 2 cm. at the top and 2 cm. 5 mm. at the bottom, tapering gradu- 
ally to the rounded base. In color it is delicate blue. The polished 
surface shows an interlacing of matrix lines, and the back, with the 
exception of a very small space in the upper right-hand corner, is 
a layer of brown trachyte — the rock in which the turquoise is 
found. The pendant has a thickness of 5 mm.; the edges have been 

' Geo. H. Pepper, The Ancient Basket Makers of Southeastern Utahy pp. 13, 15. 

196 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

smoothed and polished, and there is a perforation in the upper part. 
The drilling in this specimen, which is at an angle, with the larger 
opening on the turquoise side, is the most irregular that has been 
found in the turquoise work from Pueblo Bonito. The most re- 
markable feature of the specimen is its color, which is very light as 
compared with the other specimens from this room, whose prevail- 
ing shades range from dark blue to dull olive green. The light 
blue seen in the turquoise of commerce is seldom found. 

Of the remaining fourteen pendants the largest is 3 cm. i mm. 
long, and the smallest 9 mm. They vary in shape and thickness, 
but are typical of the forms found in the various rooms of Pueblo 
Bonito, as indeed throughout this entire culture area. Other objects 
of turquoise were 106 flat circular beads and one small tessera. 
The beads ranged from 3 mm. to 6 mm. in diameter, and averaged 
1.5 mm. in thickness. 

In removing the small material, a peculiar ball-shaped object 
was brought to light. It seemed to be composed of fine brown 
meal, but mixed with it were minute particles of turquoise, shell, 
and jet. It had been retained in some perishable material that had 
entirely disappeared, but the rounded form was well defined. The 
ball, which was a little more than an inch in diameter, fell apart 
when it was taken up, but the material which composed it was pre- 
served. In examining the contents, five small jet beads were found, 
also three fragments of jet beads of the larger size. The grindings 
preserved in this specimen were undoubtedly from the ceremonial 
objects that have been described. The practice of caring for waste 
material in the manufacture of ceremonial paraphernalia is well 
known among the modem tribes of the Southwest. Such refuse, 
as a rule, is deposited in accordance with ritualistic laws, but in this 
case, owing to the fact that the material was precious, it was no 
doubt kept for use in connection with other secret ** medicines ** in 
pieces of folded skin or in buckskin bags. 


The ceremonial implements and ornaments that have been con- 
sidered are extraordinary only as evidence of the development of an 
art known to most of the ancient Pueblo dwellers. Incrustation of 


sacred ornaments or other objects by the ancient sedentary people 
of the Southwest has been known for a number of years. From 
the Gila region in southern Arizona there are several such speci- 
mens in the Hemenway collection of the Peabody Museum at Cam- 
bridge, Mass. Private collections in New Mexico and Arizona also 
contain objects of jet and shell ornamented with turquoise, and Dr 
Fewkes obtained one, in the form of a frog, during his excavation 
of the Chaves Pass ruins in Arizona. Of this specimen Dr Fewkes 
says : " The most beautiful ornament or fetish of shell incrusted 
with turquoise was found at the smaller of the two ruins at Chaves 
Pass. It was a specimen of Pectuncubis giganteus covered with 
gum, in which were inlaid rows of turquoise nicely fitted together 
in the form of a frog or toad. As an example of mosaic work, this 
object is the only veritable mosaic known to me from ruins in the 

The researches of Fewkes, Cushing, Hough, and other students 
have demonstrated that large incrusted objects are seldom found. 
Pueblo Bonito has furnished the major portion of known examples 
from the Southwest. Future investigations in this ruin and others 
of the Chaco group should add materially to our knowledge of the 
esthetic side of primitive Pueblo life. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 




During the summer of 1889 I had the good fortune to accom- 
pany a field party of the United States Geological Survey, under 
the immediate direction of Major J. W. Powell, to northern central 
New Mexico, and was able to make somewhat extended studies 
among the antiquities of the Jemez valley. The Jcmez river is 
tributary to the Rio Grande on the west, and its two branches, the 
San Diego and the Guadalupe, descend from the Jemez mountains 
through canons of considerable depth, coming together as they 
emerge from the canons 25 miles above the junction with the Rio 
Grande at Bernalillo. In 1875 I had studied the andent ruins of 
southern Colorado and northwestern New Mexico, and had carried 
my investigations as far to the southeast as the valley of the Rio 
Chama, which drains the northern slope of the Jemez mountains. 
The work of 1889 therefore enabled me in a measure to com- 
plete a chain of observations connecting the ancient remains of 
San Juan valley with those of the region now occupied by the 
Pueblo tribes, and to reach at least tentative conclusions concerning 
the relations of the people and culture of the extreme northern por- 
tions of the Pueblo province with those of the middle and south. 

The publication of these notes was delayed in the hope that I 
might be able to visit the region again and complete my studies, 
and they are now prepared for publication because of the desirability 
of placing them on record for convenience of reference in connection 
with the preparation of measures for the preservation of antiquities 
by the departments of the Government having control of the 
public lands. 

In the lower Jemez valley there are three inhabited pueblos, 

Jemez, Sia, and Santa Ana, and there are perhaps as many as 

twenty or thirty deserted sites, situated mostly in the upper valleys, 

some of which must have been villages of considerable importance. 



All are of the usual pueblo type, differing somewhat from the more 
northern villages of like situation, but typical of the middle region, 
to which they belong. 

The early days of Spanish occupancy of the Jemez country, 
1 540 to 1700, witnessed many stirring events of conquest, revolt and 

200 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

reconquest, and numerous interesting details culled from the Spanish 
chronicles are given by Bandelier in his Final Report, The Jemez 
pueblos were first visited by the Spaniards under Francisco de Barrio- 
nuevo in 1541. Oiiate, in 1598, saw eight villages, and others 
were mentioned to him. Bandelier says that at the time of his visits 
in 1880-85 ^he Jemez gave him the names of seventeen of the old 
pueblos. He believes that the numerous small villages were 
gradually consolidated into two, and finally into one, the present 

Ancient dwelling sites, — About half a mile below the village of 
Jemez (see map, figure 6) are two anciently inhabited sites that show 
no distinctly marked architectural remains, but the ground is strewn 
with various minor relics. No specimen was found that suggested 
Spanish influence, and all varieties could be duplicated from the 
more northern sites where Spanish influence was never felt All 
other sites visited in the valley exhibit in different degrees traces of 
modem Pueblo influence if not of the presence of the Spaniard. 
Fragments of coiled ware and of the delicate white pottery with 
decorations in black were plentiful, and bits of obsidian and agate 
and small implements of these materials were found. One of the sites 
is on the low east bank of the creek near the water's edge, and the 
other on the western side nearly opposite. Similar traces marking 
other ancient sites arc found in various parts of the valley, and 
probably represent the exclusively prehistoric occupancy. 

Ruined pueblo three miles west of Jemez, — On a partially iso- 
lated bit of mesa about three miles west of Jemez is a considerable 
ruin, which does not bear evidence, however, of long continued 
occupancy. The summit of the mesa is without trees and almost 
without soil, and water must have been obtained from far below. 
The walls of the ruin are well defined, and stand in places five or 
six feet in height; but they are formed of rough, loosely laid 
stones, and are extremely thin and unstable. They could not have 
been high at any time, as there is a marked absence of debris, and 
the dearth of pottery and kitchen refuse would seem to stamp the 
place as a temporary or emergency abode. The site is favorable 

1 A. F. Bandelier, in Papers of the Archaological Institute of America^ Amer. ser., 
IV, Final Report y part II, 1 892, p. 208. 



for defense, and there are traces of defensive walls along the margin 
of the summit The buildings are irregular In plan and comprise 
three groups, the full length of the groups being about 450 feet 
and the width 350 feet.' A sketch plan is given in figure 7. The 
pottery of this site Is partly archaic, while traces of later Pueblo 

r'-i C- J ""*^ 

Fig. 7. — Sketch plan of ruined pueblo three miles west of Jemez. 

work are common, and the presence of bits of porcelain would 
seem to indicate post -Spanish occupancy. Fragments of metates 
and mullers of usual type occur, as well as numerous minor relics 
of obsidian, agate, and other varieties of stone. There appears to 
be no definite historic reference to this site. 

Vallecito Viejo pueblo. — Two unimportant ruined structures 
occur three and a half miles northeast of Jemez pueblo, on a bluff 
overlooking Vallecito creek (figure 8). They are rather unpreten- 
tious piles, and by their advanced state of decay would seem to have 
been long deserted. There are no positive indications of occu- 
pancy by post- Spanish inhabitants, although a few pieces of pottery 
are apparently allied to the later Pueblo forms. Few relics of any 
kind were observed. Fragments of the archaic varieties of pottery 
occur, and the usual forms of stone implements. The lower ruin, 
A, about 1 50 feet above the creek level, is squarish in outline, and 

given in this paper are all mere estimates, and the otietitstiotit 

202 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

is about 175 by 180 feet in extent. It encloses a court in which 
a shallow circular depression occurs. The ridges of debris are 
four or five feet in heigli^ and two or three rooms in width. The 
upper structure, B, is about 1 50 by 200 feet in extent, and embod- 
ies two courts. The walls are very much reduced. 

Ruins of Patokwa {San Juan de Jemez). — Two ruined pueblos, 
extremely interesting on account of their connection with the events 
of the Spanish conquest, are found at the confluence of the two 
main branches of Jemez creek, six miles above the present Jemez 

2 T: a 5, ;j 

J. -f -s, j# « 

'^•*«-«-^ % \\ (11 

Fig. 8. — Sketch plan of ruined pueblo on Vallecito creek. 

pueblo. One is on a low mesa point between the two streams, and 
the other occupies the end of the great mesa several hundred 
feet above. The lower site (figure 8, a) is one that would naturally 
be selected for residence by primitive peoples, and may well have 
been a principal pueblo of the valley in pre-Spanish times. One 
portion of the ruin is a large mound of debris from which the larger 
stones have been removed. This represents the prehistoric town. 
The other portion is in a much better state of preservation, and 
consists of lines of fallen house rows surrounding two great courts. 
That this structure is of late date is clearly indicated, not only by 
its state of preservation but by the presence at one corner of the 
ruins of a Catholic church. I had time for only a hasty review of 
these ruins, but found nearly all the usual varieties of artifacts of 
the valley — shallow metates, flattish mullers of cellular basalt, 
arrowpoints of obsidian and agate, and pottery of archaic as well as 
of later Pueblo times, the latter including a black polished ware, 
mica-finished ware, coarse reddish ollas with figures in black and 
red paint, and bowls with thickened upright rims and rude glazed 




Ruins of Astialakwa, — An interesting group of ruined buil- 
dings is situated on the high and almost inaccessible promontory, a 
mesa remnant, overlooking the ruin at the confluence of the east 
and west branches of Jemez creek, just described. The ruins stand 
a short distance back from the front of the promontory and near 
the brink of the cliffs on the \yest side (figure 8, b). The walls are 
of unhewn stone, and bear evidence of hurried and apparently 
incomplete construction, there being a notable absence of debris of 
any kind. Traces of mortar occur in the walls, and a little plaster 
still remains on the interior surfaces. The walls are in no place 
more than five or six feet in height. The buildings are in a num- 

FiG. 9. — Sketch plan of ruined pueblos of Patokwa (San Juan de Jemez), A, and 

Astialakwa, B. 

ber of groups, as indicated roughly in the sketch. There are few 
traces of household refuse on the almost naked rock surface of the 
site, but remnants of mortars and muUers of the usual type, as well 
as of pottery of several varieties, were found — the white ware with 
decorations in black, of the ancient type ; numerous pieces of bowls 
and pots which show designs in greenish glaze ; plain dark and 
gray cooking pots ; and red and black decorated ware of modem 
type. There were also fragments of some large metates. There 
can be little doubt that this village was built at the period of 
Spanish encroachment by the people of the villages below as a 
place of refuge and defense, and it was here, according to historical 

204 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

accounts, that they were defeated by the Spaniards and compelled 
to descend to the lowlands. 

When Otermin made his unsuccessful campaign into New Mexico in 
the fall and winter of 1681, the Jemez retreated to the mesas. They 
soon returned, however, to retire again to the heights, — possibly upon 
the approach of Don Domingo Gironza Petriz de Cruzate in 1688. In 
1692 Vargas found them in a large pueblo on the top of one of the mesas, 
and he succeeded after long parleyings in entering their village. The 
people displayed marked hostility, however, and it required all the tact 
and courage of the Spanish commander to prevent an outbreak while he 
was there. He succeeded in conciliating them at last, as well as the 
Queres of Santo Domingo, who were in their company, and one hundred 
and seventeen children were baptized on the spot. The Jemez gave the 
usual promises to behave well in the future, while firmly determined, as 
the sequel proved, to resist the Spaniards to the utmost. (Bandelier, 
Final Report, p. 212.) 

Diego de Vargas visited the Jemez on their mesa a second time, on 
November 26, 1693. 

Vargas, as soon as he reached the friendly Pueblos of Santa Ana and 
Cia, held a council with the leading men of both villages, and then 
marched with his force, said to have numbered one hundred and twenty 
Spaniards and some auxiliary natives, for the mesas above the San Diego 
Cafion. He left Cia at eight o'clock at night, on the 23d of July, and 
at a distance of four leagues, near the junction of the two streams, divided 
his men into two bodies. One of these, consisting of twenty-five Spanish 
soldiers under command of Eusebio de Vargas and the Indian allies, was 
to enter the gorge of San Diego and climb the mesa on a dizzy trail, so 
as to reach the rear of the highest plateau, while the main body, led by 
Vargas himself, ascended from the southwest. The Spanish commander 
had ascertained that the Jemez had evacuated their village on the mesa, 
and retired to a still higher location north of it. The operations were 
completely successful, and the Indians were taken between two fires ; but 
they offered a desperate resistance. The total number killed on this 
occasion amounted to eighty-four, five of whom perished in the flames, 
and seven threw themselves down the cliff's rather than surrender. Vargas 
remained on the mesas until the 8th of August, removing gradually the 
considerable stores found in the villages, and the prisoners, who numbered 
three hundred and sixty-one. Then setting fire to both villages, he with- 
drew to San Diego, and thence to Santa F6. During his stay on the 


mesas he discovered a third pueblo, recently built there by the people of 
Santo Domingo, who had joined the Jemez tribe upon the approach of 
the Spaniards. That village is said to have been situated three leagues 
farther north, so that, within a distance of about twelve miles from the 
southern extremity, three pueblos had been constructed between 1688 
and 1694, all of which were abandoned after the latter year. (^Ibid,^ 
pp. 213-214.) 

It is an interesting fact that along the margins of the precipice 
are traces of defensive works built of stone. 

Ruins of Giusewa {San Diego de Jemez). — A ruined pueblo of 
considerable importance is situated at Jemez Hot Springs, twelve 
miles above Jemez pueblo. At present the chief feature of interest 
on this site is the ruin of a Spanish church, with its heavy walls 
and fortress-like tower. It has been constructed of materials derived 
from the immediate vicinity. The tower and upper parts are of the 
impure friable limestones of the promontory against which the 
foundations are built. The lower end of the church and the walled 
enclosure extend down to the border of the arroyo, and the latter 
has been built of heterogeneous materials. The adobe mortar has 
been made from the debris of ancient house sites and is full of frag- 
ments of pottery, obsidian chips, and charcoal. A careful examina- 
tion developed the fact that the pottery contained in the mortar is 
chiefly of the white ware with black decorations ; but there are also 
some black, slightly polished pieces, and much plain gray ware. 
A few fragments of coiled vases were also found. Sherds of glazed 
pottery were observed in the vicinity, but none were included in 
the walls of the buildings — and this is negative evidence, at least, 
that this ware was not made here in pre-Spanish times. Its presence 
about the ruin indicates that it was in use, however, during Spanish 

At the lower end of the ruin a road has been cut through the 
razed walls of the ancient village, and excavations have been made 
by householders here and there. In the course of this work many 
interesting things had been discovered, and some had been pre- 
served by a local physician, Dr J. M. Shields. When the old 
houses were excavated many skeletons were found scattered about 
the floors, and numerous pieces of pottery, flutes of bone, and 


domestic utensils were recovered. The pottery in these houses is 
mostly of the white variety with black decorations, the forms being 
of usual types. An iron knife occurred in the same connection. 
In one section examined I found all kinds of pottery to a depth of 
five feet. This site has been so much disturbed by cultivation and 
by building, in recent times, that the outlines of the old structures 
cannot be traced. Bandelier says that this pueblo "formed several 
hollow quadrangles at least two stories high. It contained about 
eight hundred inhabitants. The church is a solid edifice, the walls 
of which are erect to the height of ten or fifteen feet, and in places 
nearly eight feet thick. It is not as large as the one at Pecos, and 
behind it, connected with the choir by a passage, rises an octagonal 
tower, manifestly erected for safety and defense. Nothing is left of 
the so-called * convent ' but foundations. The eastern houses of the 
pueblo nearly touch the western walls of the church, and from this 
structure the village and a portion of the valley could be overlooked, 
and the sides of the mesas easily scanned. Ginsewa [Giusewa] is 
an historical pueblo. It first appears under the name of Guimzique 
in 1626. It seems that it was abandoned in 1622, on account of 
the persistent hostility of the Navajos, who had succeeded in scat- 
tering the Jemez tribes. In 1627 Fray Martin de Arvide obtained 
permission from his superior, the custodian Fray Alonzo de Bena- 
vides, to attempt to gather the tribe again in its old home. The 
efforts of the monk were successful, and the Jemez Indians settled 
in two of their former pueblos — at Ginsewa and at Amoxiumqua.**^ 
Ruins of Afftoxiufuqua, — On the high mesa overlooking Jemez 
Hot Springs on the west are the remains of another large and ancient 
pueblo, which is reached by a tedious and very precipitous trail. 
The ruin, a sketch plan of which is given in figure 10, stands in an open 
space in the forest, about a quarter of a mile from the brink of the 
canon, and from its walls a glimpse can be had of the lower valley 
of Jemez creek. It is larger than any of the ruins in the valley 
below, and appears to represent two periods of occupancy, an ancient 
or pre-Spanish one, and a more modem one, probably of the Span- 
ish period, the later village having been built upon the ruins of the 
earlier. Bandelier states^ that Amoxiumqua was abandoned 

"^ Final Report y pp. 204-205. 
«Ibid., p. 208. 




previous to 1680. In the accompanying sketch plan (figure !0)the 
old town, which is a mere heap of debris and quite limited in extent, 
isiatUcated by a stippled or dotted surface. The newer construction 
coimsts of a series of connected ridges, two or three rooms in width 
and from a few feet to eight or ten feet in height. Some of the 
room interiors are exposed and still retain the coatings of plaster, 
and the ceilings are of logs with trans- 
verse layers of brush or splinters to ^ -■;^ 
support the earthen covering. The 
stones of the walls, which have been 
derived from the cliffs in the vicinity, 
are rather even in size, and have been 
in cases slightly dressed on the outer 
sur&ce. The length of the ruin from 
northeast to southwest is about 350 
yards, and the greatest width is some 
200 yards. The rows of ruined buil- 
dings have a width of from 20 to 30 
feet. Seven circular kiva-Iike dcpres- 
soiks are associated with the ruin. 
Six of these are approximately 20 
feet in diameter, and the sixth, a part 
of the encircling wall of which is in- 
tact, is 32 feet in diameter. On the side opposite the caiion is a 
large depression, 1 50 feet in diameter and five or six feet deep, 
which contains a pool of water, and was undoubtedly used as a 
reser\'oir. The potsherds are very -numerous on this site, and 
cover the ground for many hundreds of feet around the ruin, 
extending far down the slope into the timber on the south and 
west. In the older ruin none but the archaic varieties were ob- 
served, and these predominate over the entire site. They include 
the coiled ware, the white ware with decorations in black, thin black 
ware, and red ware. The white archaic ware comprises nine-tenths 
of the fragments, and is uniform in nearly every respect w-ith the 
prevailing variety of the San Juan valley. The more recent vari- 
eties include, especially, the glazed ware, which is uniform in char- 
acter with that from many other sites of the general region, Metates 

10. — Sketch plan of the Tuiaed 
pueblo of Amoxiumqui. 

208 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

and mullers of usual form were observed, and arrowpoints and other 
flaked objects of obsidian and agate are common. A few scraper- 
like forms were collected. 

Ruined pueblo on the plateau three miles west of Jemez springs, — 
Another ruined pueblo of large size and comparatively well preserved 
is situated in an open space in the forest on the summit of a spur of 
the plateau overlooking the canon of the first northern tributary 
of the west fork of Jemez creek and some two miles west of the 
great ruin (Amoxiumqua) overlooking Jemez Hot Springs. This 
ruin was seen from the opposite side of the canon, but lack of time 
forbade an attempt to visit it. 

Ruined pueblo /j miles above Jemes pueblo, — A ruin of more 
than usual interest is situated on the west bank of San Diego creek, 
about 1 5 miles above Jemez pueblo. At the base of the low ter- 
race on which this ruin stands, and between its base and the creek, 
the Survey camp was established. Two ravines rising close together 
in the plateau, face to the west, separate as they approach the creek 
bed, leaving a somewhat triangular terrace remnant with gently 
sloping surface, on which the ruin is situated. This terrace at the 
lower margin is about 50 feet in height and 1 50 yards long, and is 
perhaps 100 yards deep to the base of the steep slope on the west. 
The ruin includes one principal centrally-placed group of structures 
and four or five inferior structures, as indicated on the ground plan 
(figure 11). The central group. A, consists of two wings of unequal 
length and from 30 to 60 feet in width, connected at the upper end 
by a transverse group of razed chambers. The length of the longer 
wing is about 320 feet, and of the other about 1 50 feet. The mass 
of debris indicates the outline of the buildings with perfect clearness 
and is in places 10 feet in height. The chambers were numerous 
and irregular in arrangement, but the state of the ruin is such as to 
make the details of the plan difficult to trace. At the upper end of 
the intramural space is a kiva depression 20 feet in diameter and 
two or three feet deep ; and at the lower end, near the edge of the 
terrace and next the wall of the longer wing, is another of like 
diameter and about four feet in depth. On the opposite side, 
against the wall of the shorter wing, is a stone heap some 10 feet 
in diameter and a few feet in height. North of the longer wing of 




the central structure, 40 feet distant, and extending along the north- 
em margin of the terrace, is a ruin, B, some 30 feet wide and 150 
feet in length, and in places six feet in height, presenting characters 
in the main identical with those of the central structure. In the 
space between the two clusters is a third circular depression, cor- 
responding in size with those previously mentioned. 

Higher up the sloping terrace on the northern margin is a small 
ruin mass, C, very much reduced. On the south, separated from 

the comer of the shorter wing of the main building by a space 
about 10 feet in width, is a fourth ruin mass, D, about 40 feet in 
width by 120 feet in length, the lower end of which extends well 
down to the margin of the terrace. Its features correspond closely 
with those of the other structures. South of this again, and 20 
feet away on the narrow point of the terrace, are the remains of a 
minor structure, enclosing a kiva depression 30 feet in diameter 
and about 4 feet in depth ; and below this, again, is another circular 


depression 36 feet in diameter and five feet in depth, with which no 
ruins are connected. Still lower down and at the extreme point of 
the terrace, 80 feet from the depression just described, is a small 
ruin mass about 1 2 feet square and of no considerable height. 

An interesting feature of this pueblo is the occurrence of three 
or four refuse middens, lying on the slope of the terrace near the 
walls of the buildings. These consist of blackish earth with many 
impurities, including bones of animals, fragments of pottery, and 
various implements of stone. On these heaps were growing dwar- 
fish wild potato plants, the tubers, although ripe, not being more than 
half an inch in diameter. This ruin presents every appearance of 
antiquity, and, so far as observed, contains no definite trace of the 
presence of the white man. The fallen roof timbers, which still 
remain among the debris in some of the chambers, had been cut 
with primitive tools. The pottery, of which many fragments were 
collected, is varied and interesting, the several types apparently 
grading one into the other. There are bits of plain black polished 
ware, much like the modem domestic black ware of the Rio Grande 
pueblos ; many fragments of small bowls, with enlarged, thickened, 
or flaring rims, and rude designs in brown, greenish, and blackish 
glaze.^ Other specimens have incurved rims and somewhat red- 
dish designs ; pieces also of orange and red ware were found, and 
of the typical white ware with black decoration, the bowls being 
ornamented both inside and out. There are also handled vessels, 
mugs and bowls, the handles being simple loops vertically placed ; 
also bowls with wide mouths, and a large percentage of pots that 
appear to have been used over the fire. 

The stone implements collected include a black polished dis- 
coidal stone, apparently of hematite, about an inch in diameter and 
an eighth of an inch in thickness, and handsome polished axes of 
mottled actinolite rock. Thousands of flakes of black obsidian 
occur a few miles farther up the canon and on the slopes of Pelado 
mountain. Numerous arrowpoints of white quartz and of white 
and red agate were collected. 

Upper pueblo ruin. — About a mile above the Survey camp and 
16 miles above Jemez pueblo, occupying a low sloping terrace on 

I This ware is especially referred to by Bandelier, Final Report ^ p. 185. 



—Sketch plan 

L ncd pueblo 

the west side of the valley and 30 or 40 yards from the creek, is a 
small pueblo group, of usual type (figure 1 2). It is about 40 feet 
above the creek bed, and covers a space some 50 yards long facing 
the stream, and 50 yards deep reaching back to the steeper ground. 
The low crumbling walls of small irregular stones mdicate a 
squarish structure of numerous rooms including an open space or 
court, in which are two circu- 
lar depressions, probably the 
remains of kivas. A third 
depression occurs in the midst 
of the ruined walls on the 
north side. 

The pottery on this site 
is wholly, or mainly at least, 
of the archaic varieties, in- 
cluding the coiled ware and 
the white ware with decora- 
tions in black. The stone m C5 a 
implements collected include a grooved ax of usual Pueblo type. 

Scattered stone lodges. — A unique feature of the antiquities of 
Jemez valley are the ruins of small stone houses that are encoun- 
tered by the explorer at every turn in the tributary valleys, on the 
steep slopes of the plateaus, and scattered over the upper surfaces 
of the wooded tablelands. In the foothills they are seen sometimes 
occupying very precipitous sites, and in riding through the deep 
forests of the uplands they may be counted by the score. They 
consist generally of a single room, rarely of two or more rooms, 
and the dimensions of the apartments seldom exceed ten or twelve 
feet. The walls are thin and loosely laid up, and to-day are rarely 
more than three or four feet in height, the dearth of debris indicat- 
ing that they could not have been more than one story in height 
at any time. A few potsherds of the white ware with black decor- 
ation are about all that could be found in the way of artifacts around 
these structures. The presence of this ware, however, is good evidence 
of the considerable antiquity of the work. These houses occur in 
considerable numbers in the valley of the San Diego near the great 
bend, twenty miles above Jemez pueblo ; in the vicinity of the 

212 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

warm springs a few miles above the bend ; on the plateau east of 
Jemez springs ; and along the terrace-like projections of the west- 
em slope of the canon wall. The use of these small structures 
can only be surmised. They were hardly permanent abodes for 
families, but seem rather to have been designed for some temporary 
purpose, as lodges for watchers, hunters, herders (if within the 
Spanish period), shrines, or places of resort on special occasions 
connected with religious observances. Some of these structures, 
as well as the more important ruins, are located on the accompany- 
ing map (figure 6). 

Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C. 



Until quite recently, the extent of the area in northern California 
and southern Oregon formerly occupied by Indians of the Shasta, 
or Sastean, stock has been regarded as definitely determined. The 
area was supposed to be limited to the region along Klamath river 
from the mouth of Scott river up as far as Bogus creek, including 
the watershed of the two largest southern tributaries of the Klamath 
in this portion of its course — the Scott and Shasta rivers. The 
stock was also supposed to have extended northward across the 
Siskiyou mountains into Oregon, but how far this extension pene- 
trated beyond the mountains was rather uncertain. There were in 
addition vague statements as to the early occupancy by the Shasta 
of the extreme upper course of Salmon river. 

In working with this stock in 19CX), and again in 1902,^ more 
definite information was procured by the writer in regard to the 
Oregonian extension of the stock. It appears that the Shasta 
formerly extended northward up the valleys of Cottonwood and 
Jenny creeks, and occupied the entire valley of Stewart river to its 
mouth. From here they controlled the area along Rogue river, 
above the mouth of the Stewart, to Little Butte creek, as well as 
the basin of the latter stream which heads near the base of Mt 
Pitt. In addition to obtaining the above particulars, vague rumors 
were heard of an earlier extension of the stock both to the south 
into the Sacramento-McCloud drainage area, and to the west 
toward the Salmon. It was not, however, till the season of 1903 
that, acting on the suggestions made by Dr A. L. Kroeber and 
Dr P. E. Goddard, of the University of California, who had been 
carrying on work among the Hupa and neighboring tribes, I went 
to the Forks of Salmon in search of what Dr Goddard had thought 

^ In connection with the Huntington Expedition of the American Museum of Natural 
History, New York. 


2 1 4 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

might be a slightly variant Shasta dialect. This supposed new 
dialect proved on more careful investigation to be not essentially dif- 
ferent from the Shasta as spoken on Klamath river, but a casual 
remark by one of my informants, as to " the old people's talk," 
leading to further questioning, resulted in finding that there had 
formerly been a small tribe at the Forks of Salmon whose language 
was distinct from any in the vicinity. Unfortunately the last person 
known to have spoken the language had died two years previous 
to my visit, and for a time it appeared hopeless to attempt to 
obtain any material to determine it affinities. By good fortune, 
however, the two women who were my informants were able, with 
much difficulty, in the course of several days, to recollect some 
seventy- five words and short phrases, which they remembered to 
have heard their father (a mixed blood of the Shasta and the local 
tribe) use many years before. 

The tribe, according to my informants, was known by the name 
of Konoml'hu, and occupied the region immediately about the 
Forks of Salmon, extending for seven miles up the South fork, and 
five miles up the North fork. The language, as shown by the 
scanty material obtainable, is in the main entirely distinct from that 
of any stock in the region, comparisons with Shasta, Karok, Chi- 
mariko, and Hupa failing to show any agreement except in the 
case of one or two words, which are practically identical with Shasta. 
On the other hand, the general phonetic character of the language 
is entirely in accord with the Shasta, as well as is also what might 
be called its " feeling." The two tribes had apparently very close 
cultural connections, and claimed to be distantly related. A possi- 
ble agreement also of one or more verbal stems seems not unlikely, 
so that for the present, at least, it seems justifiable to regard the new 
language as probably a very divergent member of the Shasta stock. 

Further investigations suggested by this discovery led to the 
finding of what seems to be a second new dialect in this region, 
spoken by the rumored Shasta occupants of the upper Salmon. It 
seems certain that the upper courses of the two forks of Salmon 
river above the Konoml'hu were controlled by a small branch of the 
stock, speaking a language markedly divergent from the Shasta 
proper, and that this portion of the stock extended even over the 


divide, onto the head of New river. On the whole, this dialect or 
language is much closer to Shasta proper than is the Konomi'hu, 
and in some particulars both new dialects or languages agree among 
themselves. They seem to be sufficiently unlike, however, to war- 
rant their being considered separate dialects. 

Although the earlier hints of a greater westward extension of 
the stock were thus substantiated, no evidence had yet been found 
of the rumored Sacramento-McCloud tribe and dialect. In 1902 
and again in 1903 a number of clues were followed up, only to 
result in disappointment. Finally, near the close of last season's 
work (1904) further continued search led to the finding of the long 
anticipated dialect. From an old woman, living on the upper Sac- 
ramento, information was obtained sufficient to show that a small 
tribe or body of Indians known as the Okwa'nuchu had formerly 
occupied the head of Sacramento river down as far as Salt creek, 
and the upper portion of the McCloud as far down as Squaw creek, 
together with the valley of the latter stream. The language spoken 
by the Okwa'nuchu, from the rather scanty material obtained, shows 
clearly that it is a dialect of the Shasta, but like the New River 
dialect, while a considerable number of words are nearly or quite 
identical with Shasta equivalents, there are a large number of forms 
which show no resemblance at all, either to Shasta or to any other 
stock language in the region. Contrary, however, to the other new 
dialects, the general phonetic character of the Okwa'nuchu differs 
quite a little in some points from the Shasta, particularly in its fond- 
ness for nasals. 

The finding of these markedly variant Shasta dialects brings 
into prominence once more the question of the possible relationship 
between the languages of the Shasta and the Achoma'wi, or so-called 
Pit River Indians. Several years ago Gatschet suggested such a 
relationship as possible, but did not attempt, from lack of material, 
to demonstrate it. From the Achoma'wi linguistic material collected 
by the writer in 1900 and 1903, it seems clear that this relationship 
is to be regarded as certain, although the detailed analysis of the 
Achoma'wi is not yet complete. The first result of the investiga- 
tion, however, is the discovery that the Achoma'wi is not the single 
language it hitherto has been supposed to be, but in reality consists 

AM. ANTH., N. S.. 7-Z5 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

of two markedly divergent languages. The one of these is spoken 
by the Achoma'wi proper, the other by the Atsugg'wi, or Hat Creek 
Indians, who occupy the valley of Hat creek, together with Bumey 
and Dixie valleys. Of the words of the two vocabularies only 
about one-third are common to both, if indeed the proportion is not 
smaller, and many of these show considerable, although regular, 
phonetic changes. Structurally the two languages are similar in 
the main, but differ radically so far as regards the actual prefixes or 
suffixes employed. The two languages, while unquestionably re- 
lated are yet strikingly unlike. 

A comparison of these two languages, the Achoma'wi and the 
Atsuge'wi, with the Shasta and its dialects, shows clearly that the 
three are related, although divergent members of a single stock. A 
considerable number of close lexical correspondences exist, not only 
between the Achoma'wi, Atsuga'wi, and Shasta proper, but between 
the former two and Konomi'hu, the New River dialect, and Okwa'- 
nuchu. The following brief table will illustrate some of the 
more important of these agreements. 



Nkw Rivkr. 








■ • • 

• • • 



in'nux (hair) Wna 







• • • 







• • « 

• • • 



• • • 



• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


• • • 



• • • 

• • • 



• ■ • 



• ■ • 

• • • 

• • ■ 

• • • 




• • ■ 

• • • 

• • • 








• • • 

• • • 




• • • 

■ • • 

• • • 

• • • 




• « • 

go' ats' 






• • ■ 

• • ■ 

• m • 


• • • 



• • • 



■ • • 



bear atss^ 


au . . . 


• • ■ 

• • ■ 




• • • 

• • • 




m • • 


• ■ • 




• • • 

• • • 





■ • • 

• • • 





• • • 

• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 

• • • 


A preliminary grammatical comparison shows equally impor- 
tant points of agreement. For lack of grammatical material from 




the Konomi'hQ, New River, and Okwa'nuchu, only Shasta, Atsu- 
ge'wi, and Achoma'wi are shown. 




Subjective suffix (nominal) 




Instrumental " ** 




Indep. form 2<* pers. pronoun. 




Plural pronominal suffix. 


• • 


Poss. pronominal suffix. 



m m 

Subjective pron. suffix (verbal) 




In view, therefore, of the considerable agreement between these 
different languages, not only in vocabulary but in important gram- 
matical elements, it seems justifiable to regard them all as members 
of a single stock. The choice of a name for the new group is a 
matter of some difficulty, but on the whole the compound term 
Shasta- Achomawi seems the most satisfactory, as, in spite of its 
length, it has the advantage of exactly describing the group. 

Harvard University, 

Cambridge, Massachusetts. 


About three years ago there came to light in Florence, Italy, 
two Mexican atlatls, true gems of ancient Aztec art. They were 
fortunately obtained by Professor Mantegazza and are now pre- 
served in the Museo Nazionale d'Antropologia ed Etnologia del R. 
Istituto di Studi Superiori, in Florence. 

The specimens are probably the finest existing examples of the 
throwing-sticks of the ancient Mexicans. From the high degree of 
skill shown in the design and execution of the carving, it is evident 
they were ceremonial or sacred objects and not intended for actual 
use. Moreover, the carved surfaces of both specimens were origi- 
nally covered with a thin layer of yellow gold, the greater portion of 
which still adheres, although on the higher, more exposed parts of 
the relief, it has been rubbed or worn away. The wood of which 
they are made is very heavy, fine-grained, and of reddish black hue. 

In the following brief description I shall refer to the specimens 
as A and B. 

Specimen A (plate xxi) is the larger of the two, the dimen- 
sions being : 

Length 605 mm. 

{at upper end 37 mm. 

at end of carving 30 mm. 

at lower end 22 mm. 

Length of carved surface 355 mm. 

Length of hook 65 mm. 

Length of groove 540 mm. 

base of hook 7 mm. 

lower end 5 mm. 

Width of groove < 

The decoration on the back of this specimen represents human 

figures and various symbols carved in low relief, but distinct and 

sharp in outline. As will be seen by referring to the illustration, 




the decoration is rather uniform and well balanced ; the larger and 
more prominent figures extend down the median line, while the 
lesser are placed on either side. In this respect it differs essentially 
from the other specimen, as a comparison of the plates will show. 

On the front a narrow line of carving extends along each side of 
the groove, beginning at the upper end and terminating at a point 
opposite the end of the carved surface on the back. The groove 
and hook are without decoration, but are covered with a layer of 

Specimen B (plate xxii) is the shorter of the two and is the 
finest example of the ancient Mexican atlatl or spear-thrower known 
to exist. Its dimensions are : 

Length 575 mm. 

{at upper end 35 mm. 

at end of carving 27 mm. 

at lower end 25 mm. 

Length of carved surface 378 mm. 

Length of hook 55 mm. 

Length of grooves 520 mm. 

,.-.,, - f at base of hook 10 mm. 

Width of grooves < , , 

( at lower end 6 mm. 

The peculiarity of this unique specimen is that it has two 
grooves on the front surface, instead of the single groove, extend- 
ing from the hooks to the lower end. If this atlatl was ever actually 
used, which appears to be doubtful, it was evidently intended to 

a b 

Fig. 13. — Sections of the two atlatls at the ends of the carved surfaces. (Exact size.) 

hurl two arrows or spears simultaneously, thus increasing its effec- 
tiveness as a weapon. 

The complicated decoration on the back, in which are introduced 
representations of human figures, various symbols, and animal 

220 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

designs, IS carved in high, bold relief, extending from 3 mm. to 
5 mm. above the surface or background, on which is represented a 
symbolic design in very low relief, the whole being covered with 
gold. The carving on the back is divided by two transverse ridges 
into three distinct sections of unequal size. In each of the end sec- 
tions are represented two human figures facing inward. In the 
central section, which includes about four-fifths of the entire carved 
surface, the decoration is more intricate and confused, and will 
require one well versed in Aztec lore to decipher the various 
figures and symbols portrayed. 

The front of this atlatl, as above stated, has t^'o grooves, thus 
constituting a new type, of which this is the only known specimen. 
The three ridges between which extend the two grooves are of equal 
size, being about 3 mm. high and 4 mm. wide at the bottom. The 
bottoms of the grooves are flat and are decorated with a simple 
design of incised lines. The decoration begins at the ends of the 
hooks and extends as far as the end of the carved surface on the 
back. The designs in the two grooves are different. The hooks 
at the upper end of the grooves are carved in low relief, a human 
figure, standing and facing inward, being represented on each. 

It is to be regretted that the history of these two most interest- 
ing objects is not known, but it is evident they have been in Flor- 
ence for several centuries. They probably belonged to the collec- 
tion sent by Cortes to Charles V of Spain and by him presented to 
Pope Clement VII, himself a Medici. 

The atlatl in the Kircheriana Museum in Rome ^ is similar to 
the Florence specimens, being richly carved and covered with gold. 
Possibly the three belonged at one time to the same collection. 
The Italian museums are certainly fortunate in possessing the three 
most valuable and interesting examples of the ancient Mexican 
spear-thrower known to exist. 

* This specimen was described, but not figured, by Mrs Zelia Nuttall in her paper 
**The Atlatl or Spear-thrower '* published in 1891 by the Peabody Museum as No. 3 of 
Vol. I of its ArcJucological and Ethnological Papers. The dimensions of this specimen, 
according to Mrs Nuttall, which I quote for comparison, are : Length, 558 mm. ; width 
of upper end, 37 mm. ; of lower end, 19 mm. 


A specimen in the British Museum ^ is decorated with carving 
covered with gold on the back only, the front being entirely plain. 
In one respect, however, this is the most perfect of the four ; the 
finger-loops still remain bound on near the lower end. But there 
is nothing to indicate that similar loops were originally attached to 
the three specimens in the Italian museums. 

The atlatl in Berlin belongs to a type different from those to 
which I have referred. 

1 The late Dr Hjalmar Stolpe described and Bgured this specimen in colors in 
Internationales Archives fUr Ethnographies vol. HI, 1890, p. 234. The length of the 
specimen is given as 506 mm. ; width of upper end, 33 mm. ; of the lower end, 23 mm. 

Florence, Italy, 
Aprils igo^. 



To the April-June, 1904, number of the American Anthro- 
pologist I contributed an article on " The Tapehanek Dialect of 
Virginia/* a subject which I had had under study for several years and 
which concerned a peculiar Virginia speech that, in its phonetics, 
was almost identical with the dialects of the Cree group or division 
of the Algonquian language. In a notice of that article, in the 
October-December, 1904, number of this journal, Mr William 
Wallace Tooker expresses, in regard to the meaning of a certain num- 
ber of the words mentioned therein, opinions that differ very widely 
from those which I hold, and which I perhaps too briefly stated. 
It seems proper, therefore, that I should again go over as much of 
the ground as the space accorded me will permit, in order to explain 
more fully the reasons for the statements that I made and which 
have been called in question by Mr Tooker, whose ideas in regard 
to the manner in which Algonquian phrase-words are constructed 
are extremely novel and differ very materially from those which I 
have gained by a quarter of a century's study of the dialects of 
this linguistic family, radically, grammatically, comparatively, and 
especially from the view point of its laws of letter-change, and 
are certainly far removed from those of the ancient framers of the 
language. I shall state at the outset that after a careful examina- 
tion of Mr Tooker's article, which is remarkable, among other 
things, for the positiveness of its assertions, unmodified by an 
occasional qualification of *' perhaps " or ''possibly," and which 
call to mind the Abnaki saying that nekeinat ghclusin^ I see no 
reason whatever for changing a single one of the views of a philo- 
logical nature that were expressed in my former article. 

Wiiiatik. — Mr Tooker, following Dr Trumbull, believes that 
this name stands for waen-ohke, and means the * going-around 
place.* There are three objections to this view, any one of which 
would be fatal. In the first place, the name was not that of a 



promontory, but of a piece of land of which the southern extremity 
terminated in a low meadow point on James river ^ ("Careless 
Point," as Captain Archer named it). In the second, the prepo- 
sition waeenUf * round about,' belongs to the dialects of Massa- 
chusetts, none of which was spoken on James river.* In the third, 
waeenu ohkeit (that is, ohke with the \ tpositive preposition, as Al- 
gonquian grammar requires in such a case) means ' round about 
the land,' * earth,' or 'country,' not * going-around place,' and could 
not be used as a name for a locality. The place was doubtless 
named from the presence there of a conspicuous specimen of windi, 
or sassafras, a tree which in favorable situations attains a great 

Appamatuck, — By a slip of the pen, I stated that this name was 
given to several places situated in the vicinity of a river-bend. Al- 
though the name is applicable to any decided curve in a tidal river, 
there is no evidence that it was given to any other in Virginia than 
the very wide one which James river makes previous to the influx 
of the Appomattox at City Point. It was a locality on this bend 
that the first explorers of the river knew as the '* Country of Apa- 
matica." This word, spelled also Apainatecohy stands for Apdmd- 
Uku^ or better, ApdffUtiku, and means * river-bend.' It was the 
designation of a tract of land on which stood an Indian village of 
the same name on the site (according to Jefferson) of Bermuda 
Hundred, in Chesterfield county. The word in a verbal form is 
dpdmitikwe, meaning the * river makes a bend,' * turns about,' and 
is cognate with Ojibwe dbdmltlgweia^ in which the suflftx ia is that 
of an impersonal verb. The root dpdm^ dbdm, * to turn around,' is 
found in the dialects of Cree, Ojibwe, Abnaki, and Massachusetts, 
and probably in those of all other Algonquian groups. The suflftx 
'Ukwe = Nipissing -tlkweia^ = Ojibwe -tlgweia^ = Cree -tlkweiaWy 
means '(tidal) river.' 

Prof. Scheie Devere (Amencam'sms, p. 63) tells his readers that 
the name is " from Apomatox, the Indian for Tobacco-plant 
Country " ! Mr Tooker, inspired by a picture of a mulberry tree. 

* ** . . . a sharpe point, which is parte of Winauk : ** — Archer. 
' ''The analysis of a geographical name must be sought in the language spoken by 
the name-givers." — Trumbull in ColL Conn. Hist. Soc.y 11, p. 50. 


224 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

with an Indian "queen" sitting on a mat beneath it, derives the 
name from appu^ 'he (or she) sits,' 'abides,' * remains,' * rests,' and 
'tneiuc or -fnatuck, * a tree,' and imagines that, by hyphenating 
these two words, he converts the intransitive verb apu into a par- 
ticipial adjective and gives the compound the meaning of ' resting 
tree*! In support of his "etymology," he offers, as cognates, 
"Cree apiw-mistick (Lacombe), appti-mistick (Howse)." It is 
hardly necessary to say that these two scholarly men, Pere La- 
combe and Mr Howse, never hyphenated these two words, as 
might seem to be the case from the enumeration of Mr Tooker's 
so-called " cognates." 

Chickahominy. — The fact that the three last syllables of this word 
constitute those that form the name of a well-known food product 
has led to the erroneous conclusion that the two words are in some 
way connected, and also to the delusion that the suffix in each of 
them stands for the inseparable substantival -min^ meaning ' fruit,' 
* seed,' or * grain,' and sometimes used specifically to designate a 
grain of Indian corn. Such was the idea of Professor Devere, who 
derived the name from the impossible word checahaminend, to 
which he ascribed the meaning of 'land of much grain.' Mr 
Tooker also seeing in the word some reference to Indian com, and 
laboring under the mistaken belief that it was the name of a people 
and not of a place, offers in explanation of it a word of so novel 
construction that I shall pause for a moment to analyze it. This 
word, to which he attributes the meaning of * coarse-pounded com 
people,' is chick-aham-min-anough. In his explanation of this com- 
pound,^ he tells us that the element -aham is a " special affix or 
verb" {sic), which implies that he "beats or batters" the object 
viin after the manner of the root-word or prefix chick. In the 
eastern Algonquian dialects the intransitive verbal suffix -ham and 
the corresponding transitive -havien, denote forcible action, and, 
when combined with roots meaning ' to hit,' or ' strike,' form intran- 
sitive and transitive verbs that assert, respectively, that the sub- 
ject 'pounds ' or ' brays,' or 'pounds it' or ' brays it' (something 
inanimate). Since -ham is an intransitive suffix, and intransitive 
verbs do not govern objectives, it is difficult to see why Mr Tooker 

' Algonquian Series, IX. 


should select an object for his intransitive verb and why he should 
suffix it to the latter, for even had his verb a transitive form, the 
object could not be affixed to it, but would have to consist of a 
substantive standing apart In order to indicate the manner in^ 
which the object is brayed, he selects the adjective kiichi, which he 
uses in the sense of * coarse,' a meaning which it could not possibly 
have. This adjective denotes, primarily, superiority or preeminence, 
and, when employed in the sense of ' large,' or ' great,' signifies 
that the thing qualified is large or great as compared with some 
object of the same class or similar to it. From its peculiar mean- 
ing it could not be used as a root for a verb expressing forcible 
action. Having abbreviated this adjective to chi^ Mr Tooker finds 
that he needs a ^ in his word and thereupon boldly affixes this 
letter to the adjective and thereby forms a root ^ of entirely different 
meaning. Of the suffix anoughy of the meaning of which I have to 
confess my ignorance, Mr Tooker regards the terminal y in the 
word Chickahominy as a ** softened " form. It will be seen from 
this brief analysis that the combination under consideration does 
not constitute a word, but is simply a collocation of vowels and 

In the eastern Algonquian dialects, verbs having the inanimate 
active transitive form of the class ending in -min * had the peculi- 
arity that they could be used as passive participial adjectives, ' and, 
from this sense, could pass to that of substantives. 

The Indians of Virginia (like those of the three Americas, from 
Maine as far south as to Peru) made a very nutritious food prepara- 
tion by parching Indian com and reducing it to a fine powder, 
which they called rokihdminy * softened.' This word is cognate 
with Abnaki nuk*hdmSn, used as a designation for flour, and with 
Lenape lok'hdfn^n, used as a name for bran or shorts. In Stra- 
chey's time (1610-13), this word had undergone no alteration; but 
later on, it became, in the pronunciation of English-speaking people, 
rockahominie (Beverly, 1705), rockahomine (Lawson, 1709), rocka- 

^ KUchikf * to be speckled,* 'spotted,* 'dappled.* 

* This suffix has been spelled with all the short vowels of the alphabet : -mSn^ 
mdftf min, mln, mUn. 

'For example: Natick, HsowitaMtin, *he names it,' iisawit&miin (pass, adj.) 
'named' ; v/HsaJkA^mtin, *he writes it,* wHsiikhilmtln (pass, adj.) 'written.* 

226 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

hominy (Byrd, 1728). Again, the natives of Virginia, by boiling 
the acorns of the basket and live oaks {Quercus michauxii and Q. 
virens) in water, extracted therefrom an oil which they called mdnd- 
hdmin^ * removed from,' * skimmed from/ In the pronunciation of 
the settlers this word soon became fnoftohominy. The Virginians 
also made a food product by coarsely cracking Indian com, win- 
nowing away the chaff, and sifting out the flour, and, to it, as well 
as to the porridge prepared from it, applied the name of usikute- 
hemin, meaning * crushed by pounding * (from //, prosthetic vowel ; 
siku, a root meaning * to crush * ; /^, a particle denoting that the 
action expressed in the root is done with a blow or stroke ; and 
hem^n, a verbal suffix denoting, in the transitive form of the verb, 
instrumental action upon an inanimate object). Strachey appears 
to have been acquainted with this word only in such corrupted 
forms as tisketehamuu, uskatahomen, and usketehamun. The Eng- 
lish colonists soon became very familiar with this Indian food prod- 
uct, but, finding its aboriginal name altogether too cumbersome for 
current use, contracted the already corrupted word to its verbal 
suffix, homen, hamun, homin, etc., and, rounding off this disjunctum 
membrum with a vowel, formed such terms as homeni, fiamuni, 
homini, etc. The very first mention, in print, of this abbreviated 
word IS found in the form of liomini in Smith's Tn^e Travels^ Ad- 
ventures and Obser-cations, p. 43 (1630). Thus originated a term 
concerning the source and meaning of which there has been, up to 
the very present (the writing of these lines), more speculation than 
about any other Indian word that has entered the English language. 
A few miles above the mouth of a tributary of James river was 
situated the town ^ of a " lustie and daring people " (independent of 
Powhatan) on a tract of land called Tsldkihdm^ii ^ (or, in the spell- 
ing of the period, Chicohomin, Chickahatnan, Chickahamin), meaning 
' scraped,* ' swept,' and implying a clearing. Smith, who was the 
first to visit this town (on the morning of November 10, 1607), 

* The exact location of this town, which must have been of some importance, is not 
known, since it does not appear on Smith's map ; but we know from the Trttf Relation 
that it was situated between the mouth of the river and the town of Manascosick, which 
lay at a point 10 or 12 miles upstream. 

* Thb verb is found in every Algonquian dialect from Maine to Virginia. It is from 
the root tshik (i) *to scrape* ; (2) *to sweep.' 


made its name known in the form of Chickahamania, a spelling in 
which the Latin toponymic suffix -ia was an addition of his own, 
just as was the same suffix in such Indian names as Tanxitania and 
Shakaconia. The various writers of the period changed Smith's 
expletive syllables to e, a, ie, and y^ the latter of which prevailed.* 
Thus originated the name Chickahominy, a word which, like rocka^ 
hominy and monohomifiy, has preserved its root and taken on a par- 
agogic syllable, while hominy^ with its expletive syllable, is simply 
the corrupted suffix of a verb which has suffered the apheresis of 
its root {sikUy * to crush *). 

Pamatmkee, — This was the general name for a tract of land in 
what is now King William county, beginning at the confluence of 
what are called the Pamunkey and Mattapony rivers, and, accord- 
ing to Smith's description, was characterized by numerous high hills 
composed of sand — probably drift-sand and hence sloping. Speak- 
ing of the religious observances of the Powhatans, Smith says that 
** their principall Temple or place of superstition is at Vttamussack^ 
at [that is, in] Pamaronker Mr Tooker, jumping at the conclusion 
that these words form a compound, hyphenates them and, in a 
former essay,* thus proceeds to analyze them : W, he tells us, 
means ' at,' or * in.' It really did have that meaning in some of the 
dialects of Massachusetts, to which the use of it was confined, and 
none of which was ever spoken on the Pamunkey. Mussa^ he says, 
means 'woods.' The Virginia word mussi designated a 'log' or 
* billet of wood,' not wood or woods in the sense of a collection of 
trees. To the terminal -ack Mr Tooker ascribes the meaning of 
' place,' probably having in view the word aki^ ' land,' * country,' 
'earth.' The second element of his compound, Pamaunkee, Mr 
Tooker states to be a " form of a verb to hide [pamukque, Eliot)." 

Uttamussack (= tdmtsack, with prosthetic 72), which Mr Tooker 

^ The practice of adding a syllable to the suffix of passive adjectives of this class was 
not confined to the people of the South, for we find an example of it in the North. The 
Lenape Indians of New Jersey called the thin-shelled nut of the shag-bark hickory ( Carya 
alba) J sikuskandamifif meaning * crushed with the teeth.* Among the many corruptions 
which this word underwent in the vicinity of New York City was that of cuskatominy. 

* Utamussac was at the head of the second northerly bend of the Pamunkey, west of 
the fork, and was the site of a place put down on Jefferson's map as Quinlan. 

^ Algonquian Series ^ ix. 


has SO carefully analyzed, was the Virginia name for a knife/ a 
sharp edged piece of flint or quartzite, generally of triangular shape. 
The word is an apocopated form of tdm^sdkd?t, meaning, literally, 
a * sharp-edged cutting utensil/ Uttamasack was probably the 
name of an Indian " workshop," where these implements were manu- 
factured. The word may be an abbreviation of tdmHakdnikdn, 
meaning * place where knives are made.' 

Never having seen in Eliot's translation of the Bible, or in any 
of his writings, such a word as pavmkque, meaning ' to hide,' my 
curiosity led me to look it up. Upon examining the Natick Dic- 
tionary^ I found therein the inanimate passive verbal adjective 
assampamukquodt^ which Eliot uses in the sense of * hiding place,' 
although the meaning of the word is almost directly the reverse, 
viz., 'it is seen in a certain manner,' *it appears so.' * The word is 
formed from the adverb of manner, as, * so,' * in such a way,* and 
the inanimate passive adjective (w)ompafnukquodt, 'it is seen.' 
Eliot (as well as Cotton) was in the habit of irregularly and unnec- 
essarily * forming another adjective from this class by rejecting the 
termination -at and substituting e (= i) therefor. His new word 
in the present case was assompamukque. Here, then, we find the 
origin of Mr Tooker's patnukque, which, as will be observed, con- 
sists of /, the characteristic of the root womp, * to see ' or * be 
seen,' and the formative syllables amukque. To the above-men- 
tioned remarkable compound its author ascribes the meaning of ' a 
place of secrecy in the woods ' ! 

As I have already stated, pamaunkfe ( ^pafna^'h) means ' slop- 
ing hill,' or * rising upland,' from pdm {p^m, plm, pum, according 
to dialect), ' sloping,' ' slanting,' * oblique,' and -a^'ki, ' hill,' 
'mountain,' or 'highland'; == Ojibwe -dki, 'hill' or 'mountain,' 
in such words as nissdki, ' at the bottom of a hill,' ogiddki, ' on a 
hill,' awassdkiy ' beyond the hill.' The particle dk, c^k, (tg, denot- 

1 In Smith's Tocabulary we find '' Pamesacks, Kniues," where the terminal x is a sign 
of the English plural, and the inital P an error of the press for T, Strachey writes the 
word damassac. 

* Blunders of this kind are not infrequent in Eliot's writings. 

'Unnecessarily, because the new adjective had precisely the same meaning (that of 
a passive participial adjective) for the reason that the kw (ku) of the suffix is a particle 
characteristic of the passive voice. 



ing ' height * or ' elevation,* is used in several Algonquian dialects ; 
e. g. : Abnaki pimttkke, the * high land slopes/ pni^kd^ku^ * sandy 
hill/ (tbagwd^ki^ * under shelter of a hill/ nissd^lare^ ' he goes to 
the bottom of a hill/ usa^'kuk, * on a hill *; Natick sdk(tkwdt, a 
height (lit. * it is very high ') ; Lenape mand^gihleu (corrupt, to 
Monongahela), ' it (earth) separates from (man) the hill {(tfg) and 
slides quickly {-i/t/fuy an impersonal adjective verb used substan- 
tively as a designation for a landslide. But why multiply examples, 
when the meaning of the word under consideration is so clear ? 

Wirawokomdko, — Mr Tooker says that this word is " easy of 
identification" (interpretation), and yet, instead of at once interpret- 
ing it for himself, goes back nearly three hundred years (after 
stopping for a moment with Trumbull in order to get the latter's 
opinion) and consults Strachey, who gives him the information, 
which, without examination, he unhesitatingly accepts, that the 
word '*by interpretacion signifies Kinge's house." What little 
Strachey knew about the language of the Indians with whom he 
came into contact was merely that which he gained by ear. He 
knew that the first two syllables of the word under consideration 
were found in the name for "king," and jumped to the conclusion 
that the shorter word was incorporated in the longer, whereas the 
only thing that the two vocables have in common is the root. 
The name Wirowokomdko was applied to a tract of land "vpon 
salt water, in bredth two myles" (Smith), and not to Powhatan's 
house, the breadth of which must have fallen short of that figure 
by 10,540 feet at the very least estimate. As I have before stated, 
wirowokomdko means "fertile land." It is cognate with Natick 
winudkomuky which Cotton interprets *fat ground,* and is from 
the root wiro, = Natick tuinu^ = Naskapi welu, = Montagnais weru, 
= Prairie Cree weyo (and, in Old and Modem Lenape, by change 
of characteristic, tmrd, wUd^ = Old and Modem Abnaki wUol), ' to 
be rich,' * fecund,' * prolific,* ^ and (of land) * fertile * or ' productive.' 

The name for a native ruler among the Virginians, variously 
written wirbans^ weroance^ werowance, and wyroaunce^ means *he 

I It is in this sense that it is found in the Natick and Lenape name for the grape, 
winomin and wilam^ * prolific fruit.' 

230 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

is rich/ or, more accurately, 'he lives (or exists) in affluence.*^ 
The suffix -ans, -artce, -aunce, is a contraction (due to the shifting of 
the accent forward to ^, the characteristic of the root) of -^"/ *s, for 
'(fiis, for -a^tisu^ = Ojibwe -atlsiy = Cree -dtlsiu, an animate ver- 
bal adjective suffix denoting a manner of being, of existence, or 
of behavior, and also character. 

Aiiowhy a * ball.* — Mr Tooker thinks that I deserve great credit 
"in a measure," for my remarks on this word, but that I did •* not 
go far enough into the subject to show the exact status of the radical. 
The word did not signify * a ball,' * a round thing ' : " Had I gone 
a little farther into the subject, I might have stated that the Nas- 
kapi (Cree) form of the root is tuu, whence the substantive tuudn^ 
defined in that dialect as a * ball,' ' globe,' or * any round object.' 
Still, I did not say, or even intimate, that the root means * to be 

My statement that the root is found in the formative of words re- 
lating to the game of lacrosse started Mr Tooker on a line of profound 
philological inquiry that led to a remarkable result. Finding that, 
in Ojibwe, the name for ' ball-play * is pagaadozuewin, he at once 
came to the conclusion, on the doctrine of resemblances, that the 
" equivalent of the Powhatan term is more fully displayed in the 
[Narragansett] word pauochdutaivwin, * a Bable [= a bauble] to 
play with.' " Erroneously dividing this word, he confidently states 
that the latter is from pdtiochdu * to play,' and autow, *a bauble.' 
Pauochdu, however, does not mean ' to play,* but 'he (or she) plays,' 
or * dances.' Now, it is quite evident that if antow were a substan- 
tive, it could not be suffixed to a verb, either intransitive or transi- 
tive. The fact of the matter is simply this : in Narragansett, -tcnv- 
win (written also by Roger Williams -touwin, -teouwin, and -teonin) 
is an inanimate active transitive verbal suffix. The intransitive verb 

1 The Pequot-Mohegan name, also, for a chief was wQy&wa' ghu^ * he is rich * 
(lives in affiuence ; = Caniba wiraiuighu). 

' In the writing of Indian words, the failure to note the sound of f or d when pre- 
ceded by a long or nasalized vowel was a common practice in colonial times. Thus, 
Eliot writes aunchentukau for a^fshlmukeu ; puthonchtt for fntta'^tshu^ etc. A similar eli- 
sion of / sometimes occurred in English words as written by some of the early visitors to 
this country. Thus, Hariot, who wrote wiroans^ Smith, werowance^ and Strachey, 
weroanctf respectively, wrote inhabitans, inhabitaunce, and inhabitance for the English 
word inhabitants. 


pauochau means, as above stated, * he (or she) plays/ or ' dances/ 
and the transitive verb pauochduiowwin means ' he (or she) plays 
(or dances) with it ' ; hence, passively (according to Narragansett 
grammar), * what is played with,* say a bauble, or ' what is danced 
with,* say some object held in the hand. In like manner we have 
monaskunem (intransitive) ' he weeds,' and monaskunemautowwin 
(transitive) *he weeds with it'; hence, passively,' what is weeded 
with,' i. e., a hoe (not a bauble !). 

It will be seen from this that there is the same etymological 
connection between the Ojibwe and Narragansett words above cited 
as there is between the English word ball^ a ' sphere,' and ball, a 

* dance,* that is to say, none whatever. 

Attaangwassuwk (Strachey) = dtdl^kwusdk, a 'star.' — In com- 
menting on this word, Mr Tooker observes that Mr Gerard believes 
it *'to be a plural form, but his mistake is evident when we compare 
the name with its cognates, for the long {sic) form is seemingly 
attaang, * a star,' + -wassuwk (= Natick wohsumuk, * bright' or ' shin- 
ing,' Lenape zvaseleu, ' bright '), hence ' a shining star ' or ' he ap- 
pears shining'"! It would require but the most elementary 
knowledge of Algonquian grammar to know that an adjective used 
attributively cannot be suffixed to the noun which it qualifies. To 
express the idea that a * star shines * or ' is bright,' ' shining,* ' bril- 
liant/ or ' sparkling,' requires the use of a predicative verbal adjec- 
tive that affirms or predicates of the star that it has the property of 
brilliancy, brightness, or luminosity ; as, for example, Cree wdsisuw 
atakw, * the star shines ' (lit. ' is brilliant * or ' shining *) ; Ojibwe 
wdsseriagoshka andng, * the star shines ' (lit. ' is brilliant,' ' bright,' 

* shining *). 

The Algonquian names for star (that is to say, those that are 
cognates of the one under consideration) are divided into two classes, 
one embracing primitive and the other diminutive terms — diminutive 
in form, but not necessarily so in sense, since the Algonquian dimin- 
utive suffix sometimes denotes regard, endearment, or affection. 
The characteristic k or g of these names is always accompanied with 
w, or, in dialects in which that letter is not pronounced, o. This 
letter may be lost in the pronunciation of the simple form of the 
word, but always makes its appearance when the latter takes a suffix 

AM. ANTH., H. S., 7— 16 


232 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

beginning with a vowel. In fact, it is a part of the characteristic. 
In the word under consideration the primitive form is at(tkw ; us is 
a diminutive ; and -ak is an animate plural suffix. 

AtemuSy * dog.' — Mr Tooker says that he agrees with Trumbull, 
who considered the forms attm, an urn, arum^ alum, ayim, etc, as 
derivatives from distinct elements, i. e., " those words which have 
the / in * certain positions/ like the Powhatan attemaus, Cree atim^ 
Abn. atiiy Pequot ahteah, indicate that the word is related to the 
Natick verb adchu, ' he hunts,' while those with the form anum^ 
alum, or arufu are from the verb annumau, * he holds [it] with his 
mouth.' " It is evident from these remarks and others of like char- 
acter made elsewhere in Mr Tooker's article, that phonetics play no 
part with him in the study of linguistics. A very slight acquain- 
tance with the laws of Algonquian letter-changes, most of which are 
invariable, would show that the names for dog given in my study 
1. I of the subject are cognate words ; and, moreover, are radical. Dr 

jii Trumbull never made the remarkable statement that Cree atim 

'' ■ (dim. atimus) and Abnaki atie were related words ; but what he did 

say was that atie and its Pequot cognate were related to adchu, 'he 
hunts.' There is no more etymological connection between aim 
and atie than there is between the English words hound and hunt^ 
rj I or ear and hear, or between Cree atim, = Ojibwe aniin *= Caniba 

arem (primitive form), * dog,' and Cree atim, = Ojibwe anim, =■ 
i' Caniba arem, ' to turn the back upon.' In explanation of the Massa- 

(! chusetts word anum, Dr Trumbull suggested the transitive verb 

i: . annumaii, to which he ascribed the meaning of * he holds it (some 

j, animate object) with the mouth.' There are several objections to 

this view : (i) the word used by Trumbull in this sense really means, 
as Eliot employs it, * he helps him'; (2) active transitive verbs 
are never used by the Algonquians in the nomenclature of animals; 
(3) Natick afium and its cognates are radical words, the character- 
istic of which is accompanied with zu (or in some western and 
northern dialects) which, although it may be lost in pronunciation, 
always makes its appearance when the word takes a suffix begin- 
ning with a vowel (a diminutive or plural).^ 

1 Speaking of the sound of this letter, which, when it accompanies the characteristic 
of a root, of\en distinguishes from each other roots and radical words of an otherwise 



Mr Tooker remarks that Mr Gerard writes : "Another Lenape 
word for dog ... is mowekaneu} * he eats bones.' " **0n the con- 
trary," confidently asserts the commentator, " the word signifies ' he 
cries or howls in the dark ' *' ! In support of this extraordinary ety- 
mology, the only explanation that he offers is the mere mention of 
the Natick verb mail, * he cries,* * weeps/ As to how such a verb 
could take a suffix kaneu to give it the meaning of ' he cries in the 
dark,* we, like the dog during his weeping, are all ** in the dark." 
I do not think it probable that it ever occurred to an Algonquian to 
speak of the weeping of a dog. The Algonquian verb meaning ' he 
howls ' is onomatopoetic, and, in one of its forms, resembles the 
English word : Naskapi (Cree) ///«, = Natick unu^ = Ojibwe ono^ 
= Prairie Cree oyuw, etc. (compare Latin ululat, ' he howls,* Greek 
lilao), ' he howls,* and German er heult, ' he howls *). 

It is perhaps known to every student of Algonquian (if it is not, 
it ought to be ) that one of the commonest methods of forming verbs 
is by the incorporation of substantives or of semi-radicals represent- 
ing substantives. Moweu means ' he (or she) eats animate food,' or 
food which is classed among animate objects. In Lenape, by incor- 
porating kan^ ' bone,* we have mawekdneu, * he eats bones * ; in 
Caniba, by incorporating the semi-radical -(triaghw^ meaning 
' snow,* we have inowct' riaghwe , * he eats snow * ; in Cree, by in- 
corporating kuity ' snow,* taken as animate, we have mowdkuneu^ ' he 
eats snow * ; in Narragansett, by incorporating the word diiokw, 
* deer,' we have modttokweUy * he eats deer,* and, by changing the 
intransitive to a verbal adjective suffix, we have moattbkwus, ' deer- 
eater,* a name for the black wolf, called also deer-wolf." All this is 
simple, and of so very elementary a character that it did not occur 
to me to furnish an analysis of the word mowekdneu in my article.* 

identical form, but of very] different meaning, Dr A. S. Gatschet, in speaking of the 
Abnakis, says : **The Indians who are in daily intercourse with white people are apt to- 
lose this queer sound [something like hu in the French word //«iV] altogether from their 
colloquial language, but the more aboriginal an Indian remains the more frequently it 
will be heard when he converses in his vernacular." 

1 This word is written phonetically vioekaneu by Zeisberger, but more correctly as 
above by Cummings, in Schoolcraft's ** Indian Tribes." 

*'* These . . . are called Z>r<rr Wolfsy because they are accustomed to prey upon 
Deer.'''* — Josselyn, New Englands Rarities, p. 15. 

'To those who are entering on the study of Algonquian, or to those who have 

234 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Cuttoundj ^ ktihtju, — This, positively states Mr Tookcr, "like 
many of the sounds uttered by animals ... is of onomatopoetic 
origin; hence to attribute its derivation to a verb signifying 'to 
make a noise/ or * to speak,' is a mistake, and to make cawcawwas- 
sough, *a captain,' . . . a derivative from * bark of a dog* is equally 
erroneous." It is equally erroneous to impute to me any such 
puerile statements as those just mentioned. All that I said was 
that kiitu^ju was a doublet of karusu, a statement which would be 
as incomprehensible to a person who was not thoroughly familiar 
with the primitive and derivative meaning of Algonquian roots,^ and 
with the regular letter changes which they undergo in passing from 
one group of dialects to another, as would be, for example, to a 
person ignorant of " Grimm's law," the statement that the two 
English words glory and slave, of so dissimilar appearance, are 
cognates. KuHTju is not an onomatopoetic word for the simple 
reason that it is not from an onomatopoetic root. Its root is kutti, 
= Cree kltu or klto, and this, by regular letter change, == the roots : 
Virginia karu, = Peoria karo, = Ojibwe g'dno, = Natick ki^nu, = 
Caniba kiru, = Penobscot kelu, etc. In order to make it plain how 
it comes about that kiitu^ju and kdrtisu are precisely the same word 
in a different dialectic dress would require the use of more space 

never been able to grasp the principles of Algonquian word-building, which are invari- 
able, very simple, and easily understood, I would recommend the study of a very 
scholarly paper on Some Principles of Algonquian Word-formation contributed by Dr 
William Jones to No. 3, vol. vi, of this journal. 

1 Had Mr Tooker a more accurate acquaintance with this very important subject, he 
would have refrained from making the rash statement (p. 685) that there is no Abnaki 
root kal, 'fine,* 'beautiful,' 'good,* He will find it in Passamaquoddy and Penobscot 
if he looks for it. I am somewhat doubtful (on account of the vowel) as to whether the 
Lenape root kor, kol, ' fine * (as in korapeichen,, * fine stream * ) has any connection ex- 
cept that of sense. But we find kalawil^ 'beautiful head,* in the IValum Olum. Again, 
for the same reason, Mr Tooker would not have been quite so positive in his assertion 
(p. 686) about the Cree root tQp. There are just four Algonquian roots of this form, 
differing in their initial letter according to dialect. One means * to alternate,' 'recipro- 
cate,* etc.; another 'to suspend' or 'be suspended from'; a third 'to string' or 'to 
thread*; and a fourth 'to fix one thing to the end of another.' To each of these roots 
corresponds a Cree root t&p. The Ojibwe and Cree adverbs nhiQb and eydbitch^ 'again,' 
mentioned by Mr Tooker, have, of course, no connection whatever with these roots. The 
"fictitious root"! (p. 686), Niantic and Pequot-Mohegan ^'rt"/ is found in the word 
ya^pihSnik, Dr Trumbull was the first to call attention to the fact that y consonant 
in these dialects corresponds (as in Prairie Cree) to the r and / of other dialects. 


than I could reasonably ask for, since questions of grammar as well 
as of phonetics are involved. 

Captain Smith, in his True Relation^ states that the Chicka- 
hominies were governed by their priests assisted by their cawcaw- 
wassoughes. This word is an error of the press for cawcawrrussough^ 
= kdkarusu (** cockarouse *'), * he speaks at some length,' ' he 
expatiates,' iterative form of kdriisu, *he speaks,' 'talks.' This 
was originally the name of an adviser — one who gave his views 
(usually in the form of a harangue, among the Indians), when, at a 
council held by the wirdancCy affairs of ** state " were under discus- 
sion. In course of time, the name lost its connotive character and 
became simply denotive of a good hunter or of a man who was 
noted for performing brave or daring deeds.^ In the early history 
of Virginia (i8th century), the name *' cockarouse " was adopted in 
English as a term for a person of consequence.^ 

It was upon the above-mentioned misspelled word that Dr 
Trumbull (who curiously did not observe the typographical blunder) 
based his word caucaudsu, to which he ascribed the meaning of ' he 
incites,' * encourages,' etc., and which he offered as the origin of 
the English word " caucus." The root from which Trumbull's word 
was formed, I have never been able to find. 

Cutsenepo = crenepo, * woman.' — Had Mr Tooker more carefully 
read what I had to say about these words, and had taken the pains to 
study them, and had adopted the caution of Trumbull, who was never 
too proud to say " I do not know," it would have saved him much 
trouble and prevented him from putting into print some very remark- 
able crudities. I stated very plainly that the two words above cited 
were nicknames, which is quite a different thing from saying that 
they were names for woman {fnulier). We know very well that 
the Virginians, like all other Algonquians, had a name for woman, 
properly so called, and that it was apparently Iskweu or dskweu, and, 
when suffixed to the personal name of a female, was apocopated to 
'Iske, Proceeding upon the assumption that crenepo was really the 

* *' Thus a Fish finding it self intangled, wou'd flounce and often pull him under Water, 
and then that Man was counted a Cockarouse, or brave fellow that wou'd not let go." — 
Beverly, Hist, of Virginia, Book ir, p. 33 (1705). 

•**Cockerouse is a Man of Quality." — Cooke, The Sot-weed Factor, p. 15 (1708). 

236 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Virginia name for woman {tnulier), Mr Tooker is led into some very 
curious speculations as to the meaning of the word, which becomes 
so obvious after the root is known, as to need not a particle of 
guesswork ; and, in fact, to use Mr Tooker's words, ** is compara- 
tively simple." Oblivious to the fact that the word has an initial c, 
and that in the analysis of an Algonquian word it is absolutely nec- 
essary that every letter and every syllable shall be accounted for, 
Mr Tooker says that crenepo ** is surely [!] the Lenape (New Swe- 
den, Campanius) renappi \j=rinapc\ 'man'; Abnaki arenanbe 
[== drina^'be'] ' homme.' '* " Strachey's cuchenepo or cutsenepo** he 
proceeds to state, "has the same suffix, ncpo (= Natick neepoh, *he 
stands erect *), a generic for man occurring in all Algonquian dia- 
lects " ! This is astounding. In what Algonquian dialect or dia- 
lects, I would ask, does neepOy either disjunctively or as a suffix, 
mean ' man.' Is it possible that Mr Tooker supposes that, in the 
Lenape and Abnaki words which he cites, there is a nappi and 
nanbe meaning * man ' ? The suffix -dpi and -a^be in these words 
is generic for 'man,' but the prefix rCn and drCn means 'true,' 
' genuine,' ' natural.' 

Coming back to crenepo, the word is, as I have already ex- 
plained, from the dissyllabic root kiri^' n (contracted to krin^ owing 
to the short vowel of the first syllable and the accentuation of the 
second), * to carry,' = Lenape giWti (old Lenape giri'n), = Penob- 
scot ghiU^n, = Natick k^nuhiy = Pequot-Mohegan ktnu'n ; with 
the intransitive verbal suffix -pen, denoting, in this form, in nearly 
all Algonquian dialects, action with, by, in, or upon water. The 
contraction of the suffix to po was doubtless due to the Indians 
themselves, and not to the whites, since Rev. Mr Anthony (a full- 
blood Delaware Indian) states that the Minsis also pronounce the 
syllables -eu of verbal suffixes as long 0, To repeat my former 
statement, which no one with an accurate knowledge of the princi- 
ples of Algonquian word-formation, and the elements of the word 
before him, would, for a moment, venture to question, the word 
means ' she carries water.' Such a word, as a nickname, was not 
ill-chosen, since in a warm climate like that of Vii^nia, where a 
considerable quantity of water must have been needed to allay the 
thirst induced by heat, in addition to that required for culinary and 


Other domestic purposes, and where gourds were employed in lieu 
of pails and pitchers, the woman must have been observed many 
times during the day going to and coming from the water source. 

This was one of the things that attracted the attention of John 
White (artist of Raleigh's second expedition to Virginia in 1585), 
who devotes one of the plates illustrating de Bry's edition of 
Hariot's New found land of Virginia to a woman in her role of 
water-carrier, and who is represented in the act of coming from a 
body of water in the background and carrying in her left hand a 
gourd which the artist states is "filled with sweet liquid," that is, 
fresh water. 

The word cutsenepo (= kuU'n^po, with an assibilated /) is a cog- 
nate of crenepOf although Mr Tooker prefers to go north and derive 
it from the Narragansett kutchinnu, a ' middle-aged man,' * + neepoh, 
' he stands ' ! Aside from the fact that no Algonquian dialect is so 
poverty-stricken as to necessitate the transfer of the name for a 
middle-aged man to a woman,* and to the fact that the Virginians 
knew nothing about the Narragansett dialect, no compound word 
can be formed in Algonquian by combining a substantive with the 
verb with which it agrees. The two words must stand separate 
and apart as in English.^ That is a question of grammar of so ele- 
mentary a character that it ought not to be necessary for me to 
direct attention to it. 

Hickory, — Mr Tooker states that the derivation of this word 
*' has long been known.** " Long ** is not precisely the correct word 
to use, since it was but nine years ago that I made the history and 
meaning of the word known, for the first time, in a journal now out 
of print* Since this publication was not devoted to linguistics, I 
simply gave the etymology of the word, which I now embrace the 

"^ Kutchinnuy * superior man,' i. e., superior by reason of age. 

' The name for an elderly or old woman, corresponding to kutchinnu, was kut- 
chisquOf 'superior woman.' 

'Mr Tooker need not have gone outside of Strachey's vocabulary for a word resem- 
bling cutsenepOy since he might have found therein the word cushenepOy *he (or she) 
has finished sleeping.' It is found in the phrase mummascushenepo {= ni mas cush- 
fnepo)j * I have been asleep.' 

* Garden and Forest^ IX, p. 263 (1896). See also the Athenaum^ No. 3591 
(1896), in which the article is quoted by Prof. Walter W. Skeat of Cambridge Univer- 

238 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

opportunity of explaining from the view point of grammar. Pdkd- 
lukdre, meaning *it is brayed/ is an inanimate passive adjective 
(which, like all Algonquian impersonal verbal adjectives, can be 
used substantively, as it is in the present case) of which the ani- 
mate or personal form is pdkdhikdsu. Adjectives of this class are 
formed from the inanimate indefinite of active verbs (in the present 
case pdkdhikeu^ * he (or she) brays,' something inanimate under- 
stood) by the addition of the suffix -drc (Powhatan),^ -ddc (Ojibwe), 
'die (Nipissing), -dteii (Cree), for the inanimate passive adjective, and 
of 'dsu^ = 'dso (Ojibwe and Nipissing), -dstnu (Cree) for the animate 
or personal form. 

It is probably due to the fact that I did not enter into the above 
grammatical details that Mr Tooker thought that there might be 
some " conjecture,*' something ** quite erroneous" about it, and so, 
after making a philological foray upon Massachusetts and Lenape 
dictionaries, obtains material for two different combinations in ex- 
planation of the Virginia word, which is practically self-explanatory. 
These are "Natick poqua-hogkSnie [and] Lenape poqui-hackeney^'' 
to which are ascribed the meaning of ' (that which is) made from 
broken or pounded shells ' ! These two productions are perhaps 
offered merely tentatively with the privilege of withdrawal in 
the future, should they not strike the fancy of philologists. The 
first of these remarkable vocables is composed of the root pokw, 
* to break,' and hogkSnie, ' made of skins ' (see Naiick Dictionary, 
p. 103) and the second of the same root and the Lenape word 
hakcy (with an epenthetic ;/), the human or animal ' body.' 

Tapahanackc — Rapahanocke (Smith). — Before attempting to in- 
terpret these names, Mr Tooker favors us with the admission that 
they are dialectic forms of the same word. Precisely, and it was this 
very fact, which had never before been suspected, that it was one of 
the objects of my former article to point out and prove by a presen- 
tation of the few remaining fragments of the speech of a Virginia 

I While in«kin|{ « copy of my forinvr article for the press, I accidently omitted a 
couple of liiimorthr f(Kit tuitc* on {MiKr 317. which stated thnt the /in a few suffixes ending 
la the lettrrii -f/r. tt% iru, did not undrrK«> the change of that letter to r, but that a curious 

ption lo ihli rule (mil rule 5 of the text) was found in the word pakahik&ri. The 
•• WCfptioti " In thi» CAir really *< provi-M the rule " (rule 5 of the text). 


people who could not pronounce the letter r ; but, in his attempt to 
explain the origin and meaning of these words, Mr Tooker is obliged 
to take considerable liberty with historical facts in order to adapt 
them to his etymologies. To explain the name Rapahanock, a 
Lenape word of which the meaning is obvious, and which was dupli- 
cated in the name of a river on the east side of Chesapeake bay, 
Mr Tooker prefers to relegate this to the background for the 
moment and to devote his entire attention to its doublet. This, he 
told us in a former essay,^ stood for Toppahanough, meaning, as he 
said, * encampment people.* Such a view was, of course, unten- 
able, for the simple reason that there is no Algonquian root top 
meaning ' to encamp/ and no word anmigh, meaning * people,* and 
even if there were such a word, it could not be suffixed directly to 
a verbal root. Since putting this etymology on record, its author 
has changed his opinion, and would now account for the name by 
the syllabic combination toppa-dn-ock, meaning, as he thinks, * the 
country of exceeding plenty,' and which he analyzes thus : toppa^ 
'enough* 'sufficient,' 'plenty,' + the verbal root an, 'more than,' 
'exceeding,' 'surpassing,' + ock, 'country,' 'land.' To such a 
" word," were it permissible so to call it, several serious objections 
may be urged, any one of which would prove its undoing. In the 
first place, the Algonquian root meaning * enough,' ' plenty,' is tip, 
teb, deb (French close c)^ and not top^ which is a radical of very 
different meaning. In the second place, there is no Algonquian root 
^//, meaning ' to exceed,' 'surpass,' or 'excel,' and, even if there 
were, it could not occupy the secondary position accorded to it by 
Mr Tooker in the combination which he offers, since Algonquian 
words are not constructed through an assemblage of primordial 
radicals. The root meaning 'to excel,' 'surpass,* 'exceed,' 'go 
beyond,' is a dissyllabic one having the form of: Natick, Mohegan, 
and Ojibwe dniu = Lenape dlbti, = Quiripi drbu, = Prairie Cree 
dyiu, = Wood Cree dihiu, etc. No dissyllabic radical, of course, 
can be split in two. The root : Natick and Narragansett dn = old 

' Algonquian Series, IX. 

* Tdb in Narragansett, and /<?/ in Mohegan, which changes ^, 3, and t2 to ^ ; but 
these two dialects were foreign to Virginia. 

'7<7/, * to be immature ' ; (of com) * to be in the milk.' 

240 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

and modern Lenape, and old and modem Abnaki ^r, a/, = Cree 
aty means *to be or to become rotten,' 'putrescent,* 'corrupt* In 
the Natick Dictionary {^. 9), this monosyllabic root is confounded 
with the dissyllabic one above mentioned. The termination -ock, 
* country,* ' land,* in Mr Tooker*s combination presumably stands 
for -aki, and this would have given the original word the form of 
Tapahanaki, The root tep under no circumstances (except through 
a typographical blunder in print) could become rep, and so, of 
course, there could be no such word ^srepahanock ; and tapahanock 
and rapahanock could not be cognates, as Mr Tooker admits that 
they are. 

Since I have discussed this subject with sufficient thoroughness 
and given the meaning of the words in my former article, I shall 
not occupy space with a reiteration of the statements contained 
therein. Under the same root with these two stream-names, I 
placed tapantaniy the Tapahanek name for deer, and its doublet 
rapantdm, meaning ' he chews again,' * once more.* Mr Tooker 
confidently asserts that "these two words have quite a different 
meaning, for the termination -antam ... is a characteristic forma- 
tive expressing a disposition of the mind [!] and was of common 
use both in Powhatan and Natick." "In the Powhatan it occurs 
also in tsepaantamen, ' to kiss,' i. e., ' to be separately-minded ' [!] ; 
. . . naajitam, 'a wolf,' . . . i. e., 'he grieves,' 'he is sorrow- 
minded,' referring to his ' mournful howling ' ; hence uttapaantam 
and rapaantam, when applied to deer and to venison, indicated food 
that ' enough-minded,' i. e., ' satisfied ' or ' contented them,' and 
not that which ' he chews once again ' " ! To use one of Mr 
Tooker's phrases, all this "presents some curious ideas in specu- 
lative analysis." - . 

In the dialects of the Algonquian language, the action of the 
mind is expressed in verbs by a particle placed before an animate 
and an inanimate suffix, which has precisely the same form as that 
which denotes the action of the mouth, but which, of course, has a 
different meaning. In the N-dialects this particle is e?t,^ in the 
R-dialects rr, in the L-dialects el, in Prairie Cree ey, and in Wood 

1 Eliot writes this particle an, the acute accent denoting that the vowel has its long 
English sound. In Narragansett and Mohegan it is -dn, and in Fox -an. 


Crce eih. Since what is called ** Powhatan " was an R-dialect, it is 
obvious that a word meaning *he is enough-minded/ 'satisfied/ 
would have had the form of teper^fiddm, not that of tepdntdniy in 
which the suffix -^ntdtn denotes the action of the mouth on an 
inanimate object (understood, since the suffix is intransitive). As 
there could be no root rep corresponding to tep^ it follows that 
there could be no word reperi^nddm^ and, according to Mr Tooker's 
fanciful etymology, there could, therefore, have been but one name 
for the deer, whereas we know that there were two, and that these 
were doublets. 

The same confusion of ideas in regard to verbal suffixes leads 
Mr Tooker to assign to the word tsepaantamen, * to kiss,' the mean- 
ing of ' to be separately-minded,' although it is supposable that two 
persons who indulge in the act of osculation have one mind in 
common, and, for the time being, at least, " two hearts that beat as 
one." Algonquian verbs expressing the act of kissing are formed 
with suffixes denoting the action of the mouth, not of the mind. 
The Virginia word cited above means ' he (or she) parts the mouth 
on it ' (some inanimate object). The animate transitive form would 
have been tsepamawdr, * she parts the mouth on him,' or * he parts 
the mouth on her.' In naantam, the name for wolf, we have still 
another suffix,^ which denotes this time the action of the ear. 
Ndntdm = Ojibwe nonddm, = Natick nuidm^ * he hears ' (any kind 
of noise) ; the name referring to the animal's well known acuteness 
of ear, which is found also in other members of the dog family. 

Coiacohanauke = Kaidkuhdnik, — In his remarks on this word, 
Mr Tooker is pleased to say that my interpretation of it is an ex- 
ample of" curious speculation," and then proceeds to substitute some 
guesswork of the wildest sort for a statement which has at least in its 
favor the merit of plausibility. If the name is correctly spelled by 
Strachey, the word can have no meaning except the one that I 
assigned to it, i. e., *gull creek.' There would have been nothing 
strange about such a name, since we find in our own geographical 
nomenclature the name of this natatorial bird, which seeks its food 
(moUusks and fishes) in streams and lakes often far inland. The 

1 -tmueu in the animate transitive form, -idmen in the inanimate transitive, and -tdm 
in the intransitive. 

242 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

same name in common was formerly (as at present) applied to two 
streams at some distance apart, which Smith calls the " two rivers 
of Qiiiyoughcohanocker Strachey seems to intimate that this 
spelling is incorrect ; and that is probably the case, since no 
meaning can be extracted from the prefix Quiyoughco, unless 
we suppose that Smith used such spelling in the belief that 
the first part of the word, as he heard it, was a corruption of 
the root found in the name for a priest. This is possible, since he 
relates a story, a mixture of fact and fiction, to the effect that the 
Tapehaneks annually held a sacrifice of children which was pre- 
sided over by a quiyoughcosu^ or priest, appointed for the purpose. 
Fifteen children, between the ages of 10 and 15, after having been 
painted white, were passed between two files of men armed with 
bastinadoes, each child being led by a guard who protected it from 
the blows aimed at it by receiving them upon his own naked body. 
After this, some of the children were killed in a wild revelry of 
the would-be bastinadoers in which the latter " tore down trees [!], 
branches and boughs with such violence that they rent the [children's] 
body.'* The cadavers were then thrown in a heap in a valley, 
while the survivors were kept in the wilderness nine months and 
were finally made priests and conjurors. The practice on which 
this story was based was one that was observed also by the In- 
dians on the north side of the James (and also by those of Mas- 
sachusetts), and was a species of "hazing" to which young 
men were submitted in order to prepare them for entrance into 
public life. This practice, which came to be known to the inhabi- 
tants of Virginia as ** huskanawing," ^ consisted in selecting a cer- 
tain number of promising young men who had reached the age of 
virility, sending them into the woods under guard, enclosing them 
in a hut, withholding food from them, and dosing them with wisa- 
kan (= *it is bitter'), an infusion of the roots of the spreading dog- 
bane (j\pocy7ium androscemifolimpi), a drug having emetic properties 

^ This word which is now admitted into our dictionaries as a verb and substantive, is 
from Powhatan uskinmvcu, 'he has a new body' (from uski^ *new,* naw, *body,* and 
tUf * has he ' ), said of a youth who had reached the age of puberty. The same idea is 
expressed in the Natick word woskitomp^ *man* (t'/V), from woskitu^ * new-bom,* and 
'omp^ * male ' ; the idea of the Massachusetts Indians having been that alter a youth 
(nunkompf * agile male *) had reached the age of virility he had been created anew. 


of about two-thirds the strength of the offidnal ipecac. The effect 
of this treatment was to make the subjects of it delirious and to 
cause them temporarily to forget everything that had passed in 
their life. Thus, says Beverly, they unlived their former life and 
began as men (prepared to perform the function of priest, cockarouse, 
etc.), by forgetting that they had ever been boys. 

Mr Tooker, after deriving the name of a priest from a supposed 
word quiyaughqu, having the imaginary meaning of * boy,* -f the 
adjective suck, * black * or * dark-colored,* which, of course, could 
not be suffixed to the substantive which it qualifies, proceeds to 
say that " the qiiiyoughqu-osucks, to use the best notation, were there- 
fore * the lesser priests,* or * black-boyes,* ^ who were taught or 
chosen to be such ; hence Quiyoughqu-ohan-ock, * the place or country 
where the lesser priests or boys were beaten or initiated into the 
mysteries of the cult [!], a compound of quiyoughqu -f the verb 
\sic\ 'Ohan, * to beat,' or • to strike,* together with the locative ock, 
* place * or * country.* ** From this it appears that the suffix -hanock 
in another stream-name does not, after all, really mean, as we were 
told, ' exceeding * or * surpassing country,* but * beating country,' 
and that -ock does not stand for aki, 'land,' 'country,* but is a loca- 
tive suffix, which would, in that event, mean * at,* * in,' or * on.' 
Here we have, indeed, "speculation** run wild.' In what Algon- 
quian dialect, I would ask, is there any semi-radical -Jian^ capable 
of entering into composition with the meaning of * beating * ? In 
what Algonquian dialect is there to be found any word quiyoughqu, 
or any term resembling it, meaning * boy ' ? 

As to the meaning of the Powhatan name for a priest, variously 

* Mr Tooker, in a footnote, says that ** Smith (p. 373) on the margin has : * Their 
solemn Sacrifices of Children which they call Black-boyes.* This I regard as a free trans- 
lation of the word Quiyoughquosuky Smith's word "black," however, is merely a mis- 
print for blaek ; modem bleak (Anglo-Saxon blaecj biac), meaning * pale,* *wan,* 
'pallid.* The ** boyes " were so called by Smith, of course, because they were painted 

* Since there were two Quiottghcohanockst there must, therefore, have been two 
"beating places.'* This was certainly pretty hard on the Tapehanek "black boys." 

'In answer to this question, Mr Tooker, in a footnote, explains it as **a verb [«V] 
that appears in several Powhatan names in varying forms, such as ^'Rok-oha-mittj {>arched 
com ground small.' ** Of this word I have given the meaning under the name Chicka- 

'244 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

spelled quiyoughcosough^ quiyougficosuck, quiyoughquosicke, qui- 
oquascake, I shall offer a suggestion, which may be taken for 
what it is worth. The first vowel i of the root doubtless had its 
long English sound, and we should therefore write it at ; the ough ^ 
=1 «, and this, in one spelling, is replaced by ; the characteristic, 
ky of the root is accompanied with w or o. From these data we 
have the root kwaiukw, or kwaiokw, which is possibly the Pow- 
hatan form of the Ojibwe root gwaiukw or gwaiakw ( = Prairie 
Cree kwaiaskw, = Wood Cree kwaiuskw\ 'straight,' 'straight- 
forward,' 'upright,' 'just,' 'true,* etc. From this root we should 
have the animate verbal adjective kwaiukosii or kwaiokosu, ' he is 
straight,' 'just,* 'true,' 'perfect,' ' without guile,* etc. The name 
was applied also by the Powhatans to any one of the petty gods 
whom they worshipped. In Natick the root sampw, ' straight,' was 
used by Eliot with similar derivative meanings : ' upright,* ' right,' 
'righteous,' 'just.' In Lenape, also, the root schachachg^ 'straight,' 
is employed in the senses of ' upright,' * right,' ' righteous,' 'true,' 
'just,' 'correct,' etc. If my surmise in regard to the meaning of 
the root whence the name of a Virginia priest was derived is cor- 
rect. Smith's Quiyoughcolianok would mean ' straight stream ' ; but, 
inasmuch as neither of the creeks so called is straight, the proba- 
bility is that the name given by Strachey is the correct one. 

Massawomek, — My intimation that this word was a mispronun- 
ciation by the English settlers of MacJiewomik was unfortunate, 
since the two names are merely dialectic forms of the same term. 

A picturesque valley of the Susquehanna, in Luzerne county, 
Pa., is bordered on each side by a broad plain or flat, about twenty 
miles in length, which was formerly the domain of several Lenape 
clans, by whom it was called by a name meaning ' great flat ' or 
' plain,' which in the guttural Minsi dialect was ATchewomi} 

1 The combination ough was an orthopeic device used by Smith and other early Eng- 
lish writers in Virginia to represent the peculiar pronunciation of u in Algonquian. 

• This word with the addition of the postpositive preposition, making APchnvomink, 
'at (or on) the great plain,' gave rise, through corruption, to the name Wyoming, 
which was rendered famous by Campbell (1809) in his once widely read poem entitled 
Gertrude of Wyoming , whence the application of the name to so many places (and finally 
to a state) in the United States. The Iroquois name for this flat was Skahentowaney 
'great meadow (or plain),' a term which was applied also to extensive meadows in 
other localities, and became corrupted to ''Shenandoah." 


These Algonquians were conquered and "put in petticoats" by the 
Minquas, a powerful and warlike Iroquoian people, who settled 
upon the land of the vanquished and lived there previous to and 
at the advent of the Europeans. It was certainly these belligerent 
Minquas, and not people of the same linguistic stock from the Great 
Lakes (as Smith supposed) that occasionally organized war parties 
and paddled down the Susquehanna into Chesapeake bay in their 
bark canoes (with which all the Iroquois were provided), and struck 
terror into the hearts of the natives of the tidewater region of Vir- 
ginia. The word Mdsiwcnnik means ' people of the great plain ' ; 
from nias^ * great/ wofPti, * plain ' or ' flat/ and k, the characteristic 
of the animate plural suflix. 

Mr Tooker says he translates "it * those who travel by boat/ 
massoW'Omekey There could be no such Algonquian word formed 
to have that meaning. The Powhatan word to render the English 
phrase * those who travel by boat/ would have been meshurhdnkik. 
It was nothing surprising to the Virginians that their enemies should 
travel by boat, since that was precisely the way in which they them- 
selves traveled when they went by water. 

Vttasantasough = Utdsantdsu. — I deeply regret that I made any 
reference to this word, since I have never been able to work out its 
meaning. The origin of the terminal -antasu is plain enough ; that 
is simply an adjective suffix derived from the intransitive verbal suf- 
fix -antam, which, according to the root used with it, might denote 
the action of wearing clothing, eating, accompanying, etc. The 
meaning of the. root tas (Pamptico tosJi) is problematical. A root 
used in one dialect often dies out in others and is replaced therein 
by one of a different form having practically the same meaning. 
No root tds that would form a verb with the suffix -anatm can now 
be found in any other dialect. Mr Tooker, taking as his model the 
Narragansett word cejiantowash (miswritten for ininmitoivash, imp. 
2d sing, of ininantoweti) * speak thou Indian ! ' forms a combination 
k' uttass-antowash, to which he ascribes the meaning of * he speaks a 
strange language.' Such a word, if I may so call it, would have 
seemed fully as strange to the Powhatans as did the foreigners who 
suddenly appeared among them. In the first place, there is no 
Algonquian root ktitUxss, meaning * to be strange ' ; and, in the 

246 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

second, if the suflfix represents -antozveu denoting the action of speak- 
ing in the manner designated by the root, it would have here, as in 
the Narragansett word just cited, the form of the 2d pers. sing, of 
the imperative mood. The meaning of the word utdsantdsu will 
never be known, and it is therefore useless to make frivolous guesses 
in regard to it. 

Mr Tooker*s etymons of the names for *' paint '' and " bark dish " 
may be disposed of in a few words. The idea that the first syllable 
in the name for paint is an adjective root meaning * fine,' * pretty,* 
* handsome,* is very absurd, as well as quite antiquated. If such 
were the case, the root vowel, when the word takes an adjective 
prefix or enters into composition, would be preserved ; but, instead 
of this, the first vowel of the word disappears under such circum- 
stances, thus showing that it is merely expletive. Again, the cog- 
nate Lenape names, in addition to wuldman, are dldmdn and wdld- 
man, and the Prairie Cree name is wiyamdn — words in which^ in 
Lenape, neither dl nor wdl, and, in Cree, neither wi nor wiy means 
'fine,' 'pretty,' 'handsome.' Finally, the comparative study and 
analysis of the word which I presented in my former article, 
and in which I stripped it of its expletive prefix and its forma- 
tive and laid bare its root, gives all that we can ever expect to know 
in regard to a term the actual meaning of which, like that of the 
name of the kettle, spoon, bark dish, and some other primitive uten- 
sils, has long been lost to the Indians themselves. 

The fact that the names for a bark dish are, as I have already 
fully explained (Amer, Anthropologist , vi, p. 328, f n.), derived 
from a verb would suffice to show to any one having even but a 
slight acquaintance with Algonquian grammar that -dgdn is the 
formative of a verbal noun, and not a generic substantival suffix 
which can be used to form a word in combination with an adjective 
or with a substantive used attributively. Verbs in -dkeu or -dgcii, 
and, consequently, substantives in -dgdn can be formed only from 
intransitive verbs or animate adjectives, and never directly from a 
root. The Algonquian root meaning ' to be concave ' or * hollow ' 
is not, as Mr Tooker seems to imagine, wur^ wu7i, ol, on, etc., but : 
Caniba wctr, Penobscot and Lenape wdl, Natick zvbn (wdti), 
Ojibwe wdn, Prairie Cree wdy. Wood Cree wdth, etc. From this 


root is formed the Caniba name for a plate, ivd^rade, meaning * it is 
concave.' In the same dialect, the name for a bark dish is uroH'gdn, 
a word which, like all its cognates, is derived from an intransitive 
verb formed from a root of which the meaning is lost. 

**From the same element*' [/. ^., the supposed root found in 
the name for a bark dish] , says Mr Tooker, is derived the " Narra- 
gansett tvunnauanounuck, a * shallop,' . . . from wunnau, * a shallow 
vessel,' and -anounau, *to carry,' + -uk^ 'that which.' " 

In this Narragansett word, the generic substantival suffix 
'Ounuck (= unuk^ written also -onuk, = Natick onag-, = Caniba 
'Urdk, = Lenape -oldk, = Ojibwe -ondg, = Cree -otdk) means * boat ' 
or * canoe.* The signification of the substantive prefix wunnauan^ 
used attributively, has not been^ ascertained ; but what may be 
stated as absolutely certain is that wunnau does not mean ' hollow 
(wan) vessel,* and that anounau does not mean * to carry.' 

Paqwantewun =» pdkwa^tehun, — In this word Mr Tooker sees 
lurking the Narragansett name for an * apron,* viz., autawhun, 
** Hence,** he says, '* paqwantewun = Narr. pahk-autawhun, ' a clean 
apron' " ! To use Mr Tooker's language, the Narragansett word 
shows simply one of those accidental similarities that sometimes 
occur in words belonging to remote dialects, **for there is no 
etymological connection between the two names," — none whatever. 
The root and grammatical structure of the words differ in Mo, Mr 
Tooker's grammatical explanation of the structure of the Narragan- 
sett name for "apron,** I am sorry to say, I cannot grasp: **The 
particle un is the nominative of the impersonal verb, when the object 
for which it stands is expressed by the verb, i. e., antawhiin^ *it 
hides.* '* 

Bagivanchybasson ( = pdkwa^'tshlpisun), says Mr Tooker, is the 
same name as Natick puttukwobbesin ( = putukwdbistin\ = Abnaki 
p^Ugwdbisun^ "from pnttuckqiii-au , * it girdles,* and mobee, *hip* '* ! 
It would certainly be difficult (except, perhaps, to a myope) to see 
any resemblance between the roots pdkw and putukiv or p^t^gw^ 
the first meaning to * wind about * or * be wound about,* and the 
second * to be round.* The meaning of the Natick and Abnaki 
words above cited is simply ' round tie * or * band * (-bisun). The 
semi-radical *mobee, * hip,* does not enter into the composition of 

AM. ANTH.y N. S., 7-I7 

248 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

the word. The bb in the Natick word simply represents a gemina- 
tion of the consonant b belonging to the suffix. Girdles are worn 
around the waist, not around the hips. The Nipissings call the 
waist by the same name as the sash or girdle that encircles it 

Finally, Mr Tooker directs his attention to the word wintuc, 
wintuccum (= wlntuk, wlntukuw), ghoul, regarding which he posi- 
tively asserts that ** neither Strachey nor the copyist made a mis- 
take, for this word means a ' fool,' and not a * ghoul.* ** Was it no 
mistake of a copyist, then, that in Strachey's vocabulary the pro- 
nomial adjective cuttak^ * another,* is given as the name for an * otter,' 
that pussequembun {^ pusikivibun\ * he rose,' is given as the name 
for a * rose,* that meisutterask, a * cove,' is given as the name for an 

* owl ' ? In support of his assertion that the Virginia word means 

* fool,' Mr Tooker offers *' wintuccum = Mass. ween-tuhkekufiy * he is 
head-heavy,' * he is a fool.' " - 

Inasmuch as the Natick word ween is the name for * marrow,' 
not * head,' and as tuhkekwun is a verbal adjective meaning ' it is 
heavy,* Mr Tooker*s ** cognate " would be written in two separate 
words, ween tuhkekwun^ and assert that * marrow is heavy.' As 
another " cognate," he gives Lenape wil-tak^ * head-heavy,' * a 
fool,' * a sot,' * a drunkard ' ; a combination entirely original with 
him, in which wil means * head,' and tak is simply a product of the 
imagination, since there is no Lenape adjective root tak ^ meaning 
' heavy.' A compound consisting of a substantive connected by a 
hyphen with a mere root, and a suppositional root at that, is cer- 
tainly a philological curiosity. 

In closing this article, I cannot refrain from warmly commend- 
ing >Ir Tooker for the able, conscientious, and fearless manner in 
which he performed the task (doubtless painful and onerous) of 
pointing out and correcting the mistakes which he found skulking 
**in nearly every paragraph" of my former communication. In 
dragging forth some of these mistakes to the light and submitting 

»Thc Lenape name for *'lead," given in Brinton and Anthony's Lenape- English 
Dictionary 2iS takachsuny and quoted in the Natick Dictionary (p. 163) and there in- 
terpreted * heavy stone,' is miswritten for wtakachsun^ *soft stone' (i. e., metal). The 
Natick root tA'kihtv^ = Abnaki tfkikw (not on record in lenape), meaning *to be 
heavy,' is dissyllabic. 


them to so intelligent an examination, I think he has done but 
right ; for I hold it to be the bounden duty of every person who 
has the interest of the reading public sincerely at heart, and who 
feels himself sufficiently well equipped to assume the functions of 
critic, promptly to call attention to and correct any glaring errors 
that he may observe in print, to the end that the evils resulting from 
the dissemination of false teachings may, in a measure at least, be 



The origin of the people inhabiting the New World was one of 
the first problems that busied European minds as soon as it became 
realized that America was an independent continent. How could 
man have reached this land, that was so widely separated from the 
rest of the known world? In reality this question was not a new 
one, for it had been asked in regard to every distant island found 
inhabited by animals and plants as well as by man. Solutions 
had been proposed long prior to the fifteenth century — the- 
ories in harmony with the state of knowledge and with the re- 
ligious fervor of the period. Among others, Saint Augustine, in 
the fifth century, speculated on the problem of how quadrupeds, 
such as beasts of prey, that are of no use to man, came to live on 
distant isles (i).* I wish to lay stress on these precolumbian 
speculations, for when the origin of the American Indian became 
the subject of investigation, the autochthonous theory was as freely 
discussed as any other. But the general trend of opinion in the 
sixteenth centur>' was in favor of the belief that the ''aborigines" 
of America were not in reality aboriginal, but that at some more or 
less remote period they had migrated from other sections of the 
globe. Many were the theories proposed in regard to the regions 
whence these migrations might have come ; but this is not the place 
to discuss their relative merits. 

The belief in an extra- American origin of the Indians has direct 
bearing on the value of Indian traditions, as recorded by Europeans 
who were under the influence of that conjecture, for it naturally led 
Spanish investigators, for example, to interpret any tale that might 
be construed in favor of the assumption that man came to America 
from the outside world. I am by no means favoring the hypoth- 

* See the notes at the close of the article. 



esis of an independent creation or evolution of the Indian on 
this continent. All I desire to call attention to is the danger of 
early Indian lore having been colored, by those who gathered it, 
so as to support a favorite theory. Such coloring is a serious ob- 
stacle to the critical use of aboriginal American lore supposed to 
embody historical information. 

Among Indian myths that appear to touch on an extra-Amer- 
ican descent of the natives in the western parts of South America, 
we must discriminate between (i) allusions to the appearance of 
strange individuals or groups of individuals, long before the epoch 
of Columbus but while the land was already peopled ; (2) tales men- 
tioning a primitive settlement of parts of South America from other 
parts of the globe ; and (3) stories of landings on the western coast 
of the southern continent. 

The tale of Tonapa (sometimes identified with Viracocha), in 
the interior of Peru and Bolivia, has already been discussed by me, 
so far as the scanty material and its nature permitted (2). The 
Tonapa story, in its later version by Calancha, begins in Brazil. 
It tells of the wanderings of two white men, at a time quite remote, 
but still after the beginning of our era. These white travelers are 
reputed to have landed on the Brazilian shore, whence they pushed 
inland, preaching to and teaching the natives after the manner of 
Christian apostles or missionaries. They are accredited with ac- 
complishing the portentous journey through southern Brazil, Para- 
guay, and northern Argentina into western Bolivia, where, near the 
shores of Lake Titicaca, one of them suffered death at the hands of 
the natives, while the other pursued his way to the Pacific and there 
disappeared. This version, however, dates from the middle of the 
seventeenth century (3), and extends the scope of the original 
Tonapa or Viracocha lore obtained in southern Peru and in Bolivia. 
It bears the stamp not merely of confirmation, but of explanation 
and adaptation to Christian legends about apostolic labors in remote 
corners of the earth. The early, hence more authentic, versions of 
the Tonapa and Viracocha story, heard not later than sixteen years 
after the arrival of Pizarro, and probably even within a decade of 
that event, either represent the origin of that mysterious individ- 
ual from Lake Titicaca (not necessarily from the island of that 


name) or make him appear on the Bolivian plateau from the south 
and to direct his steps toward the north where, on the shores 
of Ecuador, he disappears, together with his companions, on the 
waters of the ocean. In the heart of Peru a similar tradition was 
found among the Indians at an early date, and while these tales 
must be accepted cum grano salis, they may have had their nucleus 
in original recollections that already had become veiled and dis- 
torted prior to the sixteenth century. 

The traditions of central western Peru differ partly from the 
tales of Tonapa-Viracocha in that they also mention a settlement of 
strangers. The report of the Augustines on their investigations 
among the Indians of Huamachuco between 1552 and 1561, states 
that most of the settlers perished and that the few survivors were 
driven out of the country. But this part of the story appears to 
be distinct from the tale of white "teachers" of the Tonapa legend, 
and to refer to another set of individuals (4). The term *' culture- 
heroes" has been introduced into American ethnology for such 
personages. In this case their labors would have left few, if any, 
cultural traces. 

Almost parallel with the Tonapa and Viracocha lore is the myth 
of Bochica or Nemquetheba (Nemtherequeteba), also called Zuhe, 
among the Muysca or Chibcha Indians of Colombia. The four 
names apply, according to Piedrahita, to one individual. Fray 
Pedro Simon, who wrote somewhat earlier, discriminates between 
Bochica and Nemtherequeteba. Piedrahita asserts that, according 
to Chibcha tradition, Bochica "came" to the plateau of Bogota — 
whence, he does not state. He describes him as with a long beard 
and wearing long garments, as having walked with bare feet and 
gone about preaching and teaching the Indians a better mode of 
life. At Sogamoso, in the Colombian highlands, Bochica lived two 
thousand years, and died there after performing many miracles, 
among which the opening of the cleft at Tequendama is most con- 
spicuous. There is a certain analogy between this personage and 
Tonapa or Viracocha. In Peru, as is well known, the Indians called 
and still call the whites Vtracochas, Piedrahita asserts that the sur- 
name Zuhe, given to Bochica, was used by the Chibcha to desig- 
nate the first Europeans they saw (6). 

254 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Santa Elena a landing of ** giants/' What Oliva says of the fate of 
these giants appears to have been taken almost literally from Cieza 
and Zarate. To this I shall refer later. After the reputed destruc- 
tion of the intruders by fire from heaven, the settlers on the coast 
continued to extend their excursions with more or less success : 
some went in the direction of Chile and the straits of Magellan, and 
were not heard of again ; others settled at various points on the 
Peruvian shore ; still others penetrated inland and reached Lake 
Titicaca and the Cuzco region. It is noteworthy that these reputed 
settlers from the coast found the interior already inhabited and the 
shrine on Titicaca island in full operation (ii). 

Assuming, for the present, that Oliva reported primitive, hence 
genuine, Indian lore, the following appear to be the essential points 
of his tales : 

(i) The earliest landing in Venezuela, therefore in northeastern 
South America. 

(2) A gradual spread over the northern sections to the west- 
ward as far as the coast of Ecuador. 

(3) Coast voyages thence to the south as far as the southern 
extremity of the continent. 

(4) After the settlement on the western coast had been effected 
and some of these voyages were in progress, there took place a 
landing, from parts unknown, of strange people who were destroyed 
by some cataclysm and left no impression beyond some remains and 
recollections of their appearance. 

(5) A gradual spread from the coast to the eastward into sec- 
tions that were already peopled. 

The first part of this story recalls Colombiaji traditions, while 
the landing of the so-called giants is a local tale heard by the Span- 
iards on the shores of Ecuador at a very early day. The coast 
voyages also, as I shall show, were mentioned by Spanish sources 
half a century prior to Oliva's time. 

Oliva acknowledges another source of information — "original 
papers " given to him by a Dr Bartolome Cervantes, of Charcas, 
Bolivia (12). Under any circumstance all his knowledge is derived 
at second hand. It bears the stamp of compilation from various 
sides, as well as the impress of adaptation to the favorite belief in 


the peopling of America from the old world. Parts of his material, 
so far as based on local tales, may contain a nucleus of primitive 
Indian recollection, but it is manifestly woven into a general story 
highly colored by European ideas. 

Among Indian lore collected soon after the conquest, and there- 
fore presumably genuine, there are traces of the drifting of tribes 
into the interior of Peru from the western coast. On this point 
Cieza states : 

**They also relate what I have written in my first part, that on the 
Island of Titicaca, in former centuries, there were white men, bearded 
like ourselves, and that, sallying from the valley of Coquimbo, a captain 
whose name was Cari, he came to where now is Chucuito, whence, after 
making a few more settlements, he passed with his people over to the 
island and made such war on the people of which I speak that he killed 
all of them." (13) 

If the word ** Coquimbo " is correctly rendered from the origi- 
nal text, and not one of the clerical mistakes that so frequently crept 
into copies of old manuscripts, then Cari and his men came from 
the coast of northern Chile. But, as in the case of those who, ac- 
cording to Oliva, would have reached Lake Titicaca from the Peru- 
vian coast, they found the shores and islands of that lake already 
inhabited. Concerning the white men exterminated by Cari, Cieza 
fails to state whence they came, but he assures us that he heard the 
tale from an Indian who may have been well versed in ancient lore. 

Montesinos, a contemporary of Simon, Oliva, Calancha, and 
Piedrahita, treats of the peopling of America in a general way, mak- 
ing the earliest settlers appear from every quarter of the globe, 
hence also from the South sea. In his own words : 

* * At that time, which as far as I have been able to ascertain was six 
hundred years after the deluge, all these provinces filled up with people. 
Many people came from the direction of Chile, others by the Andes, 
others by the mainland and the South sea, so that its coasts became settled 
from the island of Santa Elena and Puerto Viejo to Chile ; this can be 
gathered from the poetry and ancient songs of the Indians,*' etc. (14) 

Salcamayhua, an Indian writer of the same period, bases, as he 
claims, on original lore preserved by the Indians of '* Orcasuyo, 
between Canas and Canchis of Collasuyo," the traditions which he 
says he heard from his father and other old men. He relates : 

256 AMERICAN ANTHR OPOL O GIST [n. s. , 7, 1 905 

*' They say that, in the time of Purunpachay all the nations of Tahuan- 
tinsuyo came from the direction of above Potossi in three or four armies 
ready for war, and so they came settling, occupying the places, every band 
remaining on unoccupied lands." (15) 

This hints at a movement of tribes from south to north, in upper 
Peru and Bolivia. How far the tales are genuine, that is, wholly pre- 
columbian, is not yet easy to ascertain. Salcamayhua makes most 
fervent protestations of Christianity, so fervent, indeed, that there 
arises a suspicion of the infiltration of many European elements in 
his version of native lore. It is particularly marked in what he re- 
lates of the person, travels, and deeds of Tonapa (16). And he 
merely mentions some migrations to the interior of the continent, 
without stating whence the settlers originally came. 

Pedro de Cieza remarks in a general way : " In Peru the Indians 
speak of nothing else than that the ones came from one part [direc- 
tion] and the others from another." (17) 

Similar to the stories preserved by the Augustine missionaries, 
in the sixteenth century, are tales recorded by Miguel Cabello Bal- 
boa in his " Antarctic Miscellany " concluded in 1 586. But he also 
furnishes a long story to the effect that South America, or at least 
the coast of Chile, was peopled originally by pirates from the East 
Indies. To Balboa I shall return later, having yet to refer to some 
traditions found in the interior of Peru, likewise in the second half 
of the sixteenth century and recorded in the year that Balboa finished 
his work, hence they are either a coincidence or Balboa obtained 
them from the same source or was told of them by the authorities 
of Guamanga, who wrote the report on the " Repartimiento de los 
Rucanas Antamarcas,'* dated January 27, 1586. This report con- 
tains the following statement : 

''The old Indians say that they have notice from their forefathers, 
by hearsay, that in very remote times, before the Incas ruled them, there 
came to this country people whom they called Viracochas, not many of 
them ; and that the Indians followed them, listening to their speech, and 
now the Indians say they were Saints. * * 

I call attention to the last phrase — that now the Indians call 
these people " Saints." (18) 

Returning to Miguel Cabello Balboa, it is noted, as before stated. 



that he attributes the settlement of southern Chile to pirates from 
the East Indies, whom he calls Nayres, He traces the career of 
these people over nearly the whole eastern world, making a part of 
them finally land near the southern extremity of America. Accord- 
ing to Balboa they were ** the origin and trunk of the Indians of 
Chile, from whom also descend the Chiriguanaes, or (rather) Chili- 
ganaes. By these were made those strange fortifications that in 
Ayavira and Tiaguanaco (and in other parts of this section of the 
world) are seen,'* etc. After the " Nayres '* had ** conquered the 
austral regions, they penetrated inland and were never afterward 
heard from. Their intrusion in these our Indies is conjecture, for 
the reason that old Indians state they have it from ancient traditions 
of their forefathers, who told them that from that part of the world 
there came these pestiferous tyrants [the Nayres], and those of 
Chile say the same, pointing out that they came from this side of 
the straits which we call of Magellan.'* (19) 

While the eagerness displayed by Balboa to defend a favorite 
theory renders his statements liable to suspicion, it is worthy of 
investigation whether the tales are genuine or not, but I have not 
at my command the material necessary. While in Peru Balboa 
joined the order of the Jesuits and was a contemporary of Acosta 
and of the Dominican Fray Gregorio Garcia (20). Neither of these, 
in their classical works on America, makes any mention of his story, 
a lack manifestly due to their being unacquainted with the " Miscel- 
lany," only a part of which, to this time, has appeared in print as a 
French translation by Henri Temaux-Compans. 

But Cabello Balboa does not confine himself to ancient lore of 
a general character ; he also has preserved what bears every mark 
of being a genuine local tradition of Indians from the northern Peru- 
vian coast. According to him, the aborigines of the villages of 
Motupe and Lambayeque said that " in times very remote, so remote 
that they cannot count them, there came from the upper parts of 
this Piru, with a great fleet of rafts, a mighty warrior, of great valor 
and many qualities, called Naymlap, and he had with him a number 
of concubines, the principal of whom they say was called Cetemi ; 
and with him and in his company he brought many followers whom 
he led as captain and leader. This chief Naymlap, with his entire 


retinue, landed and disembarked at the mouth of a river (now called 
Faquisllanga, where they abandoned their rafts and penetrated 
inland." (21) 

This indicates a coastwise expedition, possibly from some point 
on the shores of Ecuador, as far as the vicinity of Chiclayo and 
Lambayeque. It recalls the coast voyages told of by Oliva, and 
seems to confirm them. There is no apparent connection, however, 
between the sources of Balboa (who alludes to direct Indian informa- 
tion from tradition) and those mentioned by Oliva ; nor is it said 
that the people led by Naymlap were of extra- American issue. 

When Pizarro first visited the coast of Ecuador and the north- 
western extremity of Peru, he sent the pilot Bartolome Ruiz with 
one of his frail craft to explore the southern coast for two months. 
Ruiz coasted as far as southern Ecuador and perhaps to the latitude 
of the Peruvian boundary, although it is not possible to determine 
the southern limit accurately. While on this voyage he captured a 
craft, carrying about twenty men, which he describes as follows : 

** This vessel which I say he took, appeared to be of as many as thirty 
tons ; it was made after the manner and [with] a keel of canes as thick 
as posts, bound together by ropes of a kind they call eneguen [henequen] , 
which is like flax, and the upper parts [bulwarks] of other canes more 
slender, bound with the same ropes, where they placed their persons and 
the merchandize together, as the hold was with water. It had its masts 
and spars of very handsome wood and sails of cotton of the same descrip- 
tion, like those of our ships ; and very good fishing tools of the same 
eneguen mentioned that is like flax, and for anchors stones after the man- 
ner of barbers* grinding-stones. ' ' (22) 

After the return of Ruiz, Pizarro set out himself, and at Tacamez 
[Atacames] was met by fourteen large craft manned by Indians. 
"Balsas" (rafts) are frequently mentioned (23). A complete de- 
scription of one of these large vessels is given by Father Bemabe 
Cobo. Although of the first half of the seventeenth century, hence 
a full century after the conquest, it agrees well with the indications 
previously quoted. 

**The largest balsas used by the Peruvian Indians that live close to 
forests, like those of the ports of Payta [in Peru] , Manta, and Guayaquil 
[in Ecuador] , are composed of seven, nine, or more timbers of paio de 


balsa^ in this manner : that they tie them one to the other lengthwise 
with bejucos [lianas or creepers] or ropes, over others crosswise. The 
one in the middle is longer at the prow than the others, which become 
smaller in proportion as they recede on the sides ; the middle one is long- 
est at the prow, so that at the prow they are like the fingers of an extended 
hand, whereas at the stern they are equal. On these they build a plat- 
form of boards so that the people and cloth that go in it may not get wet 
from the water entering through the joints of the timbers. They navigate 
on the sea with sail and oars, and some are so large as easily to accomo- 
date fifty men.'* (24) 

An earlier description is that by the Licentiate Salazar de Villa- 
sante, dating from about 1 574. It refers only to the balsas used on 
the Rio Guayas without sails, but with as many as seven oars on 
each side, or fourteen oarsmen in all (25). 

Oviedo never visited Peru, but gathered much information from 
Spaniards who had been with Pizarro at the beginning of the con- 
quest. He speaks of the large rafts used by the Indians of the 
southern coast of Ecuador, saying that they carried on the sea as 
many as three horses. His description agrees very well with the 
preceding, mentioning sails and the oarsmen on the sides. South 
of Payta the craft, according to him, were made of reeds (26). 

With such craft the short distance separating the mainland from 
the island of Puna, for instance, could .easily be traversed. Long 
voyages along the coast were also possible. Of attempts to venture 
far into the open sea, I find as yet no traces. 

The Jesuit Joseph de Acosta mentions canoes of seal -skin in which 
the Indians from lea and Arica (the latter now pertaining to northern 
Chile) made long voyages ** to some islands far away in the west," 
and he adds : " Hence there is no lack of indications that the South 
sea was navigated before the Spaniards [came]." (27) The islands 
visited by the Indians of lea may have been the Chincha isles, to 
which the journey can be made from the port of Pisco in a compar- 
atively short time. That these guano deposits were frequently 
touched by Indians in precolumbian times is well established. The 
islands that were reached from Arica are a matter of conjecture, but 
I should be quite loath to accept the vague statement of Acosta 
as a basis for assuming that the tales apply to voyages as far as 
Easter island or other distant Pacific groups. Distance is very 

26o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

elastic in the mind of the Indian, and as no direction is given the 
trips may as well have been along the coast as to the west Besides, 
the seal-skin craft mentioned could hardly have withstood wind and 
wave for many days beyond reach of succor. Cobo describes these 
craft as follows : 

** They make them of two skins of seals, filled with air, which they 
tie together like the two fagots of which are made those of grass. Only 
one Indian goes in each, and he goes fishing in the sea as far from shore 
as in any of the others. But as these rafts are wont to collapse in the 
water, in order to prevent their sinking each Indian carries a hollow reed, 
and out on the sea he from time to time unties and blows them up again, 
like air-bags. They are as light and swift in the water as the substance 
with which they are filled, which is air. No sails are used, as little as 
with those of reeds ; only oars, as in the latter.*' (28) 

The only traditional record of a landing on the western coast of 
South America is that of the " giants," near Punta Santa Elena in 
Ecuador. According to Zarate, it was known to the Spaniards 
prior to 1543, but not credited until the discovery of large fossil 
bones in that year furnished, in the light of knowledge of the 
times, an apparent confirmation. The finding of fossil remains of 
unusual size was not altogether accidental. The captain Juan de 
Olmos, lieutenant governor at Puerto Viejo in the year aforesaid, 
hearing of " all these things, caused excavations to be made in that 
valley, where they found such large ribs and other bones that, if the 
skulls had not appeared at the same time, it would not have been 
credible they were of human persons. . . . Teeth then found were 
sent to different parts of Peru ; they were three fingers broad and 
four in length." Although these remains were found beneath the 
surface, it is possible that some skull had previously been seen by 
the Indians who founded thereon an ** observation myth" (29). 
On the other hand, the tale may probably be a distorted reminis- 
cence of some precolumbian occurrence on the coast of Ecquador. 

It is not likely that the earliest Spanish discoverers of Peru had 
already heard of the tradition. Oviedo surely would have men- 
tioned it, as he carefully recorded everything that came to his notice 
at the time. He conversed with Diego de Almagro on the return 
of the latter to Panama from the first expedition in 1527; in 1534 
he questioned several of the returning members of Pizarro's corps, 


on the island of Santo Domingo, and in 1536 conversed with Pedro 
de Alvarado. Had any of these mentioned the ** giants," Oviedo 
would not have failed to note it in his voluminous work. It is 
therefore likely that the Spaniards first heard of the tradition between 
1536 and 1543 (30). 

The earliest reports on the " giants " are by Cieza and 21arate, 
printed in 1553 and 1555, respectively. The former says : 

* * The natives tell, from what they heard through their forefathers, 
who heard and had it from far back, that there came by sea in rafts of 
reeds after the manner of large boats, some men who were so tall that from 
the knee down they were as big as the full length of an ordinary fair-sized 
man, and the limbs were in prop>ortion to their bodies, so misshapen that 
it was monstrous to look at their heads, as large as they were, and with 
the hair that came down to the shoulders. The eyes they give to under- 
stand were of the size of small plates. They affirm that they had no 
beards and that some were clad in skins of animals, while others came as 
nature made them, and there were no women along. Arriving at this 
point, and after making on it their settlement in the form of a village 
(even at the present day the sites of the houses are known), they did not 
find water, and in order to supply the need thereof, made some deep 
wells, a work that is certainly worthy of remembrance, performed by as 
strong men as it is presumed they were, judging from their size. And 
they dug these wells in the live rock until they found water, and after- 
ward lined them with stone to the mouth, in such manner that they will 
last for many ages, in which [wells] there is always good and savory 
water, and always so cold that it is a great pleasure to drink it. Having 
thus established themselves, these tall men or giants, and having these 
wells or cisterns out of which they drank, they ate and wasted all the food 
they could find in the land, for each one of them consumed more than 
fifty of the natives of the country, and as the supply was not sufficient for 
them, they killed much fish in the sea by means of their nets and con- 
trivances which, it stands to reason, they must have had. The natives 
abhorred them, for they killed their women in making use of them, and 
the men they killed for other reasons. The Indians did not feel strong 
enough to kill these new people that had come to take their country and 
domain, although great meetings were held to confer about it ; but they 
dare not attack them. After a few years, the giants being still in the 
country, and having no women, and those of the Indians not suiting their 
great size, or because it may have been by advice and inducement of the 

262 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

demon, they resorted to the unnatural vice of sodomy, which they com- 
mitted openly in public, with no fear of God and little shame of them- 
selves.** (31) 

Then followed the punishment of which I shall treat at length 
in a subsequent paper — an angel appeared in a mass of fire from 
heaven and killed them all. Cieza is fully convinced of the truth 
of the story and refers to the large fossil bones in evidence, showing 
that he obtained his data after 1 543. 

Agustin de Zarate differs but little from Cieza in his main state- 
ments, except that he does not mention their landing on the coast 


After these two primitive sources, the tale was often repeated, 
with slight variations (33). I shall refer to only a part of one of 
the later versions, contained in an anonymous description of the 
" government '* of Guayaquil, dating from about the year 1605, 
apparently an official document by one who was intimately ac- 
quainted with the district. It says : 

**They drink water out of wells, especially of one they call of the 
Giants which, according to the sayings of the ancient Indians, lived in 
that country, not as original inhabitants, but from other parts. ' ' 

The fossil remains of large size are also alluded to : ** They are 
chiefly preserved in the deposits of pitch, of which there are few." 


It thus seems that the tale of the landing of so-called giants on 
the coast of southern Ecuador is a genuine Indian tradition from a 
period antedating the sixteenth century. It appears also that it 
refers to people entirely distinct from the American natives ; but we 
are at a loss to find even an inkling as to whence these people may 
have come. 

Under these circumstances it is at least premature to attempt 
conjectures as to the part of the globe whence the so-called giants 
came. If their original home lay beyond the American continent, 
some of the island groups of the South sea might be considered as 
affording the answer. How far the craft in use by the islanders 
might have enabled such long voyages, and in what manner oceanic 
currents and winds might have favored or impeded them, are sub- 
jects for investigation on the islands themselves. 


It is possible that the strange beings came from some point on 
the western coast of America, although the marked difference in 
appearance between them and the coast Indians of Ecuador would 
rather indicate an extra-American ofigin. 

The large stature attributed to the intruders should not be taken 
too literally. During the course of many ages traditional person- 
ages easily assume exaggerated proportions. The Indians of Ecua- 
dor and Peru are of low stature, comparatively speaking, and any- 
one above their average height becomes, in their eyes, first a tall, 
later a very tall man. If to unusual size, hostile demeanor is added, 
after a lapse of time aboriginal lore converts him into a monster, 
morally and physically, and it is in some such sense that the term 
"giant** should be understood — a being with superior physical 
power and destructive tendencies. As for the manner in which the 
"giants" came to be exterminated, it may be said that, while the 
natural phenomenon described in connection with their destruction 
seems to indicate the fall of a meteorite of unusual size, the possibility 
of some volcanic disturbance should not be excluded. 


1. De Civitate Deiy cap. 7, lib. xvi. 

2. The Cross of Carabuco, American Anthropologist ^ vi, No. 5, 1904. 

3. Corbnica moralizada del Or den de San Agustin en el Ferv, vol. i, 
1638, lib, II, cap. II, III, IV ; also cap. x on Viracocha. 

4. Having frequently quoted, in previous papers, the sources to which 
I must refer, I abridge titles in order to save space and to avoid repeti- 
tion. The report of the Augustines is in vol. iii of the Documentos inid- 
itos de Indias under the title **Relacion de la Religion y de los Ritos del 
Peru,** etc. The passage is found on p. 22 : ** Pues finge el demonio, y 
los indios io tenian muy creido, que Ataguju envi6 a el mundo desde el 
cielo a este Guamansuri, y este vino a el mundo a la provincia de Guam- 
achuco, que de alll se habia de comenzar, y cuando vino hallo en €\ cris- 
tianos, que en lengua de Guamachuco se Uaman Guachemines, y ^1 andaba 
muy pobre entre ellos. Y los guachemines le hacian trabajar y hacer sus 
chacaras : tenian estos guachemines una hermana,que llamaban Cantaguan^ 
la cual tenian muy encerrada que no la veia nadie ; y un dia fueron los 
hermanos fuera, y entonces Guamansuri fu^ a ella y con halagos y enga- 
fios la hubo y empreflo. Y como los hermanos guachemines la vieron 
prefiada y supieron el negocio, y que Guamansuri habia sido el estrupador 
y agresor, prendieronle y quemaronle y hici^ron le polvos ; y dicen los 
indios que los polvos se subieron al cielo y que se qued6 alia con Ata- 
guju ; y por esta causa por entonces no hobo la erecion de los indios y a 

AM. ANTH., N. S , 7—18 


264 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

ella pusieron d muy buen recabdo. ' ' This bears a suspiciously Christian 
tinge, (p. 23) : ** Y entonces dice quel fuerte mancebo mat6 a los gua- 
chemines, y a algunos que quedaron ech61es de la tierra. * ' The story of 
the followers of Viracocha, or Tonapa, is entirely different. Com- 
pare Juan de Betanzos, Suma y Narracian de los Incas^ cap. 11, p. 8. 
From the report of the Augustines it would seem that the " Guache- 
mines** inhabited the country before the Indians, for Catequil, who 
was the son of Cantaguan, killed the so-called Christians : '^ Enton- 
ces subi6se al cielo y dix61e a Ataguju : ' ya la tierra estd libre y los 
guachemines muertos y echados de la tierra, agora te ruego que se 
crien indios que la habiten y labren.* *' Thereupon Ataguju (to whom 
creation is attributed) directed Catequil to go to a height between Lima 
and Truxillo, ** y que fuesen d el dicho cerro y cavasen con taquillas 6 
azadas de plata y oro y de alii sacaria los indios y de alii se multiplicarian 
y se multiplicaron todos ; y asi se hizo y que de alii sali6 su principio. ' ' 
Hence the ** Guachemines * ' occupied the region before the Indians, Their 
identification with * ' Christians * ' is certainly posterior to the conquest 
and invented by the Indians to explain and excuse, to a certain extent, 
their opposition to the Christian faith. This results plainly from p. 24 : 
" Lo segundo es que dicen los indios, que porque los indios mataron los 
guachemines y los echaron, agora los cristianos son sus enemigos y les hacen 
tanto mal y los roban y toman sus mujeres y haciendas ; y por esto ellos 
son nuestros enemigos, y el demon io, porque mataron los guachemines a 
Guamansuri, quiere mal a los cristianos y los teme, y no querria que en 
cosa recibiesen la ley de los cristianos, y no hay que dubdar sin6 que es 
grande el 6dio que nos han tenido. ' * The traditions about * ' white men ' * 
from the vicinity of Ayacucho, and the tales connected with the ruins of 
the Rio Vinaque, will be treated farther on. They bear some analogy 
to the Huamachuco stories. 

5. Lucas Fernandez de Piedrahita, Historia general de las Conqinstas 
del Nvevo Reyno de Granada (1688, lib. i, cap. iii, p. 17) : *'Tenian 
alguna noticia del diluvio, y de la creacion del mundo ; pero con tanto 
adicion de disparates, que fuera indecencia reducirlos a la pluma : y comu- 
nicados en esta materia referian, y lo hazen al presente por tradicion de 
vnos en otros, que en los passados siglos aport6 a aquellas regiones vn 
hombre estrangero, a quien llaman vnos Nemquetheba, otros Bochica, y 
otros Zuh6, y algunos dizen, que no fue solo el estrangero, sino tres,que 
en diferentes tiempos entraron predicando ; pero lo mas comun, y reci- 
bido entre ellos es, que fue vno solo con los tres epitetos referidos. 
Este tal, dizen, que tenia la barba muy crecida hasta la cintura, los cabe- 
llos recogidos con vna cinta como tren^a puesta a la manera, que los an- 
tiguos Fariseos vsaban los Philacterios, 6 Coronas con que se rodeaban 
las cabezas. . . . Andaba este hombre con las plantas desnudas, y traia 
vna Almalafa puesta, cuyas puntas juntaba con vn nudo sobre el ombro ; 
de donde afiaden aver tomado el trage, el vso del cabello, y de andar 
descal^os'* (p. 18). He preached to the Indians and, ** del Bochica 
refieren en particular muchos beneficios, que los hizo, como son dezir, 
que por inundaciones del rio Funzha en que intervino el arte de Huy- 


thica, etc." The miracle of Tenquendama follows (p. 19) : " Vltima- 
mente afirman del Bochica, que muri6 en Sogamoso despues de su predi- 
cacioD ; y que aviendo vivido alii retirado veinte vezes cinco veintes de 
afios, que por su cuenta hazen dos mil, fue trasladado al cielo. " . . . "EI 
averle dado entre otros el epiteto de Zuh6, que es el mismo, que dieron 
despues a los primeros hombres blancos, que vieron en las conquistas." 
On the heels of Bochica there appeared a very beautiful woman who, 
however, was as bad as Bochica was good, and whom the latter, accord- 
ing to some, converted into an owl, or into the moon according to others 
(p. 18). This woman is sometimes called Huythdca, again Chia and 
Yubecayguaya. To her evil arts the inundation of the Rio Funzha is 
attributed. I have elsewhere called attention to the difficulty of deter- 
mining whether these traditions, as told in the seventeenth century, 
existed as early as 1536, when the first contact of the Chibchas with the 
whites took place. The writings of the conqueror Quesada, finished in 
1539, preserved in manuscript in the national historical archives of 
Spain, can alone throw light on this question. The title of this precious 
document is Epitome del Nuevo Reino de Granada, See Jimenez de la Es- 
pada, Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias, vol. i, p. xliv, ** Antecedentes.^^ 

6. Noticias historiales de las Conquistas de Tierrafirme en las Indias 
occidentales (MS. in the Lenox branch of N. Y. Public Library; pt. 11, 
noticia iv, cap. 3, p. 261): **Aq' ayuda mucho una tradicion cer- 
tissima q* tienen todos los de este reyno, de haver uivido en el veinte 
hedades v cuentan en cada edad 70 afios, un hombre no conocido de nadie 
ya mayor en afios y cargado de canas, el cabello y barva larga hasta la 
cintura cogida la cabellera con vna cinta. . . . Dicen q* vino por la 
parte del Leste q' son los llanos q* llaman continuados de Venezuela, y 
entr6 a este reyno por el pueblo de Pasca al sur de esta Ciudad de S** 
F^." . . . (p. 262) : ** Desde alii vino al pueblo de Boza donde se le 
muri6 vn Camello q* traia, cuyos guesos procuraron conservar los natu- 
rales, pues aun hallaron algunos los Espafloles en aquel pueblo quando 
entraron, entre los quales dicen q* fu^ la costilla q*" adoraban en la laguna 
llamada Bozassio : los Indios de Boza y Suacha, a este pusieron dos 6 
tres nombres segun la variedad de las lenguas q* havia por donde pasaba." 
On p. 265 he describes the wanderings of that man over the highlands of 
Bogata, preaching. 

7. Noticias historiales y MS. pt. 11, not. rv, cap. iv, p. 266. 

8. Piedrahita, Historia general de las Conqvistas^ p. 17. Simon, 
Noticias historiales (pt. 11, not. iv, cap. iv, p. 264) says of Bochica : "El 
Bochica era Dios mas universal y aun casi Sefior de este otro. * * 

9. According to Enrique Torres Saldamando {Los antiguos Jesuitas 
del Peru, Lima, 1882, p. 107), Oliva was a Neapolitan and came to 
Lima in 1597, where he was consecrated and sent to Juli, on the shores 
of Lake Titicaca. He remained in Bolivia a number of years, chiefly at 
Chuquisaca (Sucre) and Potosi. In 1636 he was rector of the college of 
Jesuits a*t Callao. He died at Lima in 1642. His book, Historia del 
Peru y Varones insignes en Santidad de la Compaflia de Jesus ^ was 
approved in 1631, the year of its completion. 

266 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

10. Historia del Ferv^ 1719 (p. 5). He says of his Indian informant 
" pero mejor d mi ver hace relation dellos el quipocamayo y cacique 
llamado Catari viejo antiguo del valle de Cochabamba y hijo de los qui- 
pocamayos coronistas de los Reies Incas por que aunque admite, ' ' etc. 

11. Historia del Pen^ (pp. 23-37). It would take too much space 
to quote the whole. He says, among other things : * * Aportaron a Caracas, 
donde poblaron y hi^ieron alto : y de donde despues el tiempo adelante 
se fueron estendiendo en las demas tierras y prouin^ias de Peru. Destos 
primeros pobladores passaron algunos a las partes de Sumpa, que es aquel 
paraje que aora los Espafioles Uaman la punta de sancta Helena que esta 
en dos grados." He goes on to tell of several expeditions from Santa 
Elena to various parts of South America, including Brazil and Paraguay. 
After the ''giants'* had been exterminated, voyages were made farther 
down the coast as well as into the interior. The stories are confused, 
and there is such a mixture of pretended lore from Ecuador and from 
Peru that it presents an exceedingly suspicious appearance. Finally (p. 
32), he causes Manco Capac to be bom on the island of Pund, near Guay- 
aquil, whence he coasted with his people as far as Lima, " y Manco 
con la gente que le sigui6 ap>orto acia la costa de Rimac. ' ' On account 
of a severe storm and earthquake Manco continued his voyage down the 
coast and went inland to the Collao. He found the Titicaca region 
already inhabited. All this does not read like genuine Indian folklore. 

12. Historia del Peru (lib. i, cap. 2, p. 23): " Y enel tiempo que 
estoy escribiendo esta vinieron a mis manos unos papeles originales, que 
roe dio el doctor Bartholome Ceruantes, racionero de la Sancta yglesia 
de los Charcas en que halle con puntualidad lo que muchos alios a e 
deseado saber. ' ' 

13. Segunda Parte de la Crbnica del Peru ^ cap. iv, p. 4. 

14. Memorias antiguas historiales y politicas del Peru^ ?• 3- 

15. Relacion de Antiguedades deste Reyno del Piru^ p. 234 : " Dizen 
que en tiempo de Purunpacha todas las naciones de Tauantinsuyo benieron 
de hazia arriba de Potossi tres 6 quatro exercitos en forma de guerra, y 
assi los venieron poblando, tomando los lugares, quedandose cada vno de 
los compafiias en los lugares baldios. * ' 

16. Compare pp. 236 to 240, and his profession of faith, p. 234. 

17. Primera parte de la Crbnica del Peru ^ p. 453. 

18. Descripcion de la Tier r a del Repartimiento de los Rue anas Anta- 
marcas de la Corona real, Jurisdicion de la ciudad de Guanianga^ 1586, 
in Relaciones geogrdficas de IndiaSy vol. i, p. 210: "Respdndese 
al capitulo veinte y uno, que junto al pueblo de La Vera Cruz de 
Cauana esta un pueblo derribado, al parecer, antiquisima cosa. Tiene 
paredes de piedra labrada, aunque la obra tosca ; las portadas de las 
casas, algunas de ellas algo mas de dos varas en alto, y los lumbrales 
labrados de piedras muy grandes ; y hay seftales de calles.*' It may be 
that these edifices are those mentioned by Cieza (Primera parte de la 
Cronica, p. 434, cap. lxxxvii) as on the Rio Vinaque, "adonde estan 
unos grandes y muy antiquisimos edificios, que cierto, segun estan gasta- 
dos y arruinados, debe de haber pasado por ellos muchas edades. Pregun- 


tando d los Indios comarcanos quien hizo aquella antigualla, responden 
que otras gentes barbadas y blancas como nosotros, los cuales, muchos 
tiempo antes que los ingas reinasen, dicen que vinieron d estas partes y 
hicieron alii su morada. * * If the ruins on the Vinaque are the same as 
those near Cauana, then the Spaniards must have heard the tradition 
shortly after the conquest, 

19. Primera parte de la Misceidnea Antdrctica (MS. in the Lenox 
branch of the New York Pubic Library, fol. 257). The *' Nayres *' were 
originally from Malabar, I am informed by Dr Berthold Laufer, the distin- 
guished student of eastern Asiatic anthropology. According to Cabello 
Balboa these Nayres, in the course of their depredations, came from Asia 
to Chile and " fueron el origen, y cepa de los Yndios de Chile, de quien 
tambien descienden los Chiriguanaes (6 mejor diciendo) Chiliganaes de 
estos fueron fabricadas aquellas fortalezas estrafias que en Ayavira, y Tia- 
guanaco ( y en otras partes de este pedazo de mundo) se an visto, ' ' etc. (cap. 
19, fol. 257). '* Se metieron en a tierra austral, y de alii jamas se tuvo 
nueva y noticia de ellos La entrada que ellos afiide [?] en las n™* Yndias 
es congetura por las razones que los Yndios antiguos dan para tenerla por 
las antiguas tradiciones de sus mayores que les decian que de acia aquella 
parte del Mundo avian venido estos pestilentes tiranos, y la misma razon 
dan los de Chile sefialando su venida de acia el estrecho aquien llamamos 
de Magallanes. * * This passage is confused. In the first place, Balboa 
says that nothing was known or learned about the ** Nayres " after they 
had once penetrated inland, yet he attributes to them the construction of 
the ancient edifices near Ayaviri (probably the remains of Pucard are 
meant) and Tiahuanaco. Again, he intimates that the Nayres were the 
original inhabitants and settlers, whereas he also states that the Indians 
of Chile spoke of them as ruthless invaders. All this shows that he has 
arranged, but not objectively rendered, the traditions claimed by him to be 
original and primitive. What might possibly be gathered from his state- 
ments is that there existed in his time, among the Indians of Chile, lore, 
perhaps ancient, relative to landings on the southern Chilean coast of 
people coming ft^om the direction of Asia. This is said with every proper 

20. The manuscript of Balboa, in all likelihood, was not known to 
Barcia, the editor of Garcia*s Origen de los Indios^ 1729. In cap. xxiii, 
p. 247, Garcia treats of the possibility of an East Indian origin of the In- 
dians of southern Chile, but he quotes as authorities Hugo Grotius {Diss, 
I de Origin Amer, ) and Hornius (^De Originibus Americanis Libri qua- 
tuory 1652, lib. I, fol, 55, 56), which indicates that the quotation is by 
Barcia, as the first edition bears date 1607. 

21. Misceidnea, etc., (MS., pt. in, cap. 17, fol. 509): "Que en 
tiempos muy antiguos que no saben numerarlos vino de la parte suprema 
de este Piru con gran fiota de Balsas vn padre de Campafias, hombre de 
mucho valor y calidad llamado Naymlap, y consigo traia muchas concu- 
binas, mas la muger principal dicese averse llamado Ceterni, trujo en su 
compafiia muchas gentes que ansi como a Capitan y caudillo le venian 
siguiendo. ... [p. 511 ^^^^ Sefior Naymlap con todo su repuesto 

268 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

vino i aportar y tomar tieria d la boca de vn Rio (aora llamado Faquis- 
llanga) y auiendo alii desamparado sus balsas se entraron la tierra adentro. ' ' 

22. Relacion de los primeros descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y 
Diego de Almagro (in Doc, para la Historia de Espafla, vol. v, p. 196). 
This document states (p. 193) that Pizarro and Almagro left on their 
expedition in 1525. He was at Panama again in 1528. — Informacion 
hecha en Panamd d pedimento de Garcia de/arin, Aug. 3, 1528 {Doc, 
para la Hist, de Espaha, vol. xxvi, p. 259). If the craft captured by 
Ruiz was ''de cabida de hasta treinta toueles," it was not much smaller 
than the smallest vessels of Pizarro. Relacion de los primeros descubri- 
mientos (p. 193) : Partieron en el afio de 25 con dos navios de cuarenta 
y setenta toneles y un bergantin pequefio. ' * 

23. Relacion de los Descubrimientos (p. 198): '* Salieron d losdichos 
navios catorce canoas grandes con muchos indios.*' — Pedro Pizarro, Re- 
lacion del descubrimiento y conquista de los reinos del Peru (Doc, para la 
Hist, de Espafla, v, 215). 

24. Historia del Nuevo Mundo (iv, 221): *' Las mayores balsas que 
usan los indios peruanos que habitan cerca de montaiias, como los de los 
puertos de Payta, Manta y Guayaquil, son compuestas de siete, nueve 6 
mas maderos de palo de balsa, por este orden : que los atan a lo largo 
unos con otros con bejucos 6 cuerdas sobre otros atravesados ; el de enme- 
dio es por la proa mas largo que los otros ; los cuales van siendo mas 
cortos unos que otros cuanto mas se apartan d los lados ; de suerte que 
vienen i quedar en la proa con la figura y proporci6n que guardan los 
dedos de la mano extendida, puesto que por la popa son iguales ; encima 
hacen tablados, para que no se moje la gente y ropa que va en ellas con 
el agua que les entra por las junturas de los leflos. Navegan por la mar 
d vela y remo, y son algunas tan grandes, que caben holgadamente cin- 
cuenta hombres. * ' 

25. Relacion general de las poblaciones espaflolas del Peru {Rel, geo- 
grdf, de IndiaSy i, 13): '* Por este rio arriba hasta el Desembarcadero 
que hay diez y nueve leguas, se va en unas que llaman balsas ; en lugar 
de barcos, y son como palos grandes atados uno con otro, ni mas ni 
m^nos que la escalera de una carreta, digo como una carreta quitadas las 
ruedas, salvo que van los palos juntos ; el de en medio es mas largo y es 
la proa de la balsa, en la cabeza del cual va siempre gobemando un indio, 
y a los lados van cada tres, 6 cada dos 6 cada cinco indios, segun son las 
balsas y la carga que lie van ; porque algunos son de siete palos, y de aqui 
no suben : van lianas por el agua, que algunas veces las bafia el agua, y 
los regalados y gente de respeto hacen poner unas tablas sobre unos palos 
atravesados, y alii van echados. Otras veces hacen poner a los lados 
unas estacas y atravesados palos como las varas de carreta, por si llevan 
nifios no caigan en el agua ; y ansi subi yo con mi muger y hijos ; y por 
el sol hacen un dejadillo de paja, de manera que cuando esta balsa va 
ansi, parice una choza de pastores.'* These rafts recall the *' callapas '* 
in use on the confluence of the Amazon in eastern Bolivia, which, how- 
ever, are usually tvi'O rafts attached at the sides and each with its 


26. Historia general y natural de Indias (vol. iv, lib. XLVi, cap. xvii, 
p. 3 2 3 ) : " Son hechas de unos palos gordos k. livianos tablados como vigas, 
^ otros atravesadosy en que van atados, ^ sus barbacoas enmedio, h sus 
velas latinas, ^ remeros por los lados con sus nahes. ' ' 

27. Historia natural y moral de las Indias (ed. of 1608, lib. i, cap. 
19, p. 68) : *' Tambien cuentan los Indios de Yea, y los de Arica, que solian 
antiguamente nauegar a vnas Islas al Poniente muy lexos, y la nauegacion 
era en vnos cueros de lobo Marino hinchados. De manera que no faltan 
indiciosy de que se aya navegado la mar del Sur, antes q* viniessen 
Espafioles por ella. ' * 

28. Hist, del Nuevo Mundo (iv, 220) : " Hdcenlas de dos cueros de 
Lobos Marinos llenos de aire, los cuales atan uno con otro al modo de los 
dos haces de que se hacen las de Enea. En cada una va solo un indio, y 
entran a pescar en la mar tanto trecho como en las otras. Mas porque 
estas balsas suelen aflojarse en el agua y descrecer, para que no se hundan, 
lleva cada indio un cafiuto, y enmedio de la mar se pone de cuando en 
cuando a desatarlas y rehenchirlas a soplos, como si fueran pelotas de 
viento. Son tan livianas y ligeras en el agua, como la materia de que 
son compuestas, que es aire ; nunca se les pone velas, como ni a las de 
Enea, y s61o se navega en ellas i remo, como en las primeras.^' 

29. Agustin de Zarate, Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista de la 
Provincia del Peru (In Vedia, vol. 11, cap. v, p. 464) : '* Y con todo 
esto, nunca se di6 entero cr^dito d lo que los indios decian cerca de estos 
gigantes, hasta que siendo teniente de gobemador en Puerto-Viejo 
el capitan Juan de Olmos, natural de Trujillo, en el alio de 543, y 
oyendo todas estas cosas, hizo cavar en aquel valle, donde hallaron tan 
grandes costillas y otros huesos, que si no parescieran juntas las cabezas, 
no era creible ser de personas humanas ; y asi, hecha la averiguacion y 
vistas las sefiales de los rayos en las pefias, se tuvo por cierto lo que los 
indios decian ; y se enviaron a diversas partes del PerCi algunos dientes 
de los que alii se hallaron, que tenia cada uno tres dedos de ancho y 
cuatro de largo.*' The fact that the lieutenant-governor caused excava- 
tions to be made leads to the inference that the Indians suggested to him 
that the remains of the ** giants '* were buried. In the Descripcion de la 
gobemacion de Guayaquil {Doc, de Indias ^ ix, 273) it is stated that the 
bones are specially found in the deposits of asphalt near Santa Elena, 
which are well known ; hence it is not impossible that the Indians may 
have seen one or more of the skulls on the surface. That the remains 
are those of mastodons is made likely by the great resemblance that they 
bear to human crania of enormous size, as Prof. H. F. Osborne, of the 
American Museum of Natural History, has kindly shown to me. 

30. Historia general y natural (vol. iv, lib. XLVii, p 257; also pp. 
146, 213, etc.). Since he mentions (p. 219) the asphalt deposits, he 
would have spoken of the ** giants *' had he known of the tale. 

31. Primera parte del Crbnica del Peru (Vedia, 11, cap. Lii, 
p. 405). The translation is not as literal as might be desired, yet 
it conveys Cieza's meaning, I hope, with sufficient adherence to his 

270 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

32. Historia del descubrimienio etc. (Vedia, 11, cap. v, p. 465): 
" No declaran de qu6 parte vinieron.*' He further says : *' Vieron los 
espafioles en Puerto-Viejo dos figuras de bulto destos gigantes, una de 
hombre y otra de mujer. ' * It is in the vicinity of Santa Elena and Puerto 
Viejo that the carved stone seats have been found, representing human 
figures on all fours. Examples may be seen in several museums of this 
and other countries. The fact, mentioned by Zarate, that one of the 
carvings represented a woman, might militate against his assumption that 
it was intended to depict the mythical giants, since the latter had no 
women with them. 

33. I would only mention Gregorio Garcia, Origen de los IndioSy 
1729 (lib. I, cap. IV, p. 35) : '* Dicen, que aquellos Gigantes vinieron 
por mar.** Oliva, Historia del Peru (p. 25) : "Ay tradicion que estos 
gigantes llegaron alii por mar en balsas. * * 

34. Descripcion de la gobemacion de Guayaquil (vol. ix, p. 275) : 
"Colonchillo esta poblado en el puerto de la punta de Santa Elena, 
veinte y cinco leguas de Guayaquil y siete de Colonche, que es de donde 
se proveen de las cosas que les faltan ; la tierra es est^ril y sin aguas ; 
beben de po^os, especialmente de uno que llaman de los Gigantes, que 
segun relacion de los indios viejos, los hubo en aquella tierra, no nacidos 
en ella, sino venidos de otras partes." 



You said that you would like to see a copy, which I had, of an 
old Indian will. I have the pleasure of sending it. I am afraid 
you will find it rather stupid. The will was brought to my notice 
four or five years ago, in Coban, by a German investigator — Mr 
Chas. Sapper, who wished me to see what I could make of it ; there 
were difficulties, both of reading and of interpretation. The will 
had been found in Carcha, Mr Sapper said, and sent to the Berlin 
Museum ; when, or by whom, I do not now remember. Of that 
original he had obtained a tracing, and the tracing was what I saw. 
I told him what little I could, at the time, and I took a copy. 

On looking over it to send to you last year, it was plain to me 
that the text would be of little or no use without something in the 
way of elucidation ; and a number of words remained to be identi- 
fied. This delayed me. Sometimes it was a question of decipher- 
ing the writing ; sometimes the recovery of a word nearly out of 
use and unknown to most Indians ; sometimes immediate verifica- 
tion would have required a particular journey. I have not made 
out everything, as you will see, but I have done a good deal ; more, 
perhaps, than the thing deserves. 

The will is the will of a dying widow. What she bequeathes 
are articles of clothing, a grinding stone, a couple of mattocks, etc., 
some Indian com, a field of peppers, and a garden. Part goes to 
the church, to pay for masses. The rest is divided between two 
Indians. The instrument is witnessed by town officers and others, 
and signed by the Spanish scribe in the presence of the testatrix 
and of at least one of the legatees. The place is not mentioned, 
but it was either Chamelco or Carcha. The date is the 3d of De- 
cember, 1583. 

^ This paper, originally a letter of Mr Burkitt's, b presented practically in the form 
in which it was received. — Editor. 


272 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

The handwriting is of the round order, small and crabbed, with 
frequent idiosyncrasies. For instance, the sequence tz is con- 
stantly so written as to look like a capital B, Yet the main is 
legible. Uncertain characters are few, and those few I have at- 
tempted to imitate in the copy. 

The disposition of the words, syllables, and letters is much as 
my copy represents. Words are misunited ; and words are broken 
apart, often, apparently, at haphazard. The tale of syllables is 
usually complete. Much of the will, however, is in the style of 
notes jotted down from speech ; and not mere syllables, but words, 
and even phrases, are probably missing. 

The punctuation is rude, and sometimes obscure. Periods are 
separated by dashes, but not always. Little or no use is made of 
capital letters. Only one or two periods begin with a capital, and 
a few of the proper names. 

There are uses in spelling to be noticed : 

(i) The letters b and v are used indifferently, not only for the 
sound of b^ as is still common in Spanish, but also for the sound of w 
or of gw. Alguacil is spelled * alvacil ' ; the Indian gwan is both 
' ban ' and ' van ' ; Vi and gwi are alike spelled * vi ' ; and so on. 

(2) The right sound of // is written // ; but sometimes the letter 
is silent, as in modem Spanish ; and again it often stands for the 
guttural y. Awabej, for instance, is written * hauabeh ' ; and jtin is 
sometimes *hun.* The Cajabon manuscript,^ too, uses // for j 

(3) There is no attempt, at this early date, to distinguish the 
sound of k from that other palatal which I write q ; they and their 
modifications, ^ and 5, are alike written c (or qu, as Spanish ortho- 
graphy may require). So with / and // etc. In fact the only 
improvement on the alphabet of present-day Spanish is the Cata- 
lonian use of x for the consonant which in English we write sh. 

(4) When that consonant, however, is the possessive prefix, it 
is not written x, but 7; a custom which may still be found in 
Cajabon. Thus, oxib (three) the will spells correctly ; while xhaq 
{its price) is * y tzac,' with y for x, 

1 The Cajab6n manuscript referred to here and elsewhere in this article is in posses- 
sion of Charles P. Bowditch, Esq., of Boston, Mass. See Amer, Anthropologist^ 1902, 
IV, p. 456. 

BURKiTT] A kekchI will of the sixteenth centur y 273 

In other cases y is either for the vowel /, as in Spanish, or for 
the Indian consonant y (English dy^ nearly). 

(5) Z has the sound oi s ; in these colonies z never has had any 
other sound. 

(6) Contractions are frequent, especially by omission of «, as 
the custom was. And contraction is usually indicated by a super- 
script vinculum or similar mark. 

Some other pecularities and aberrations of spelling will be seen 
in reading. 

In the following text of the will the large type represents the 
original. The interlinear is the same thing made plain ; that is, the 
Indian is deciphered in my phonetic alphabet, each word apart and 
without abbreviation. The Spanish words that occur are dis- 
tinguished in the interlinear by italics. I have supplied some marks 
of punctuation in the interlinear, but the language itself is in no 
way varied. Those parts of the text which I cannot make out with 
certainty are shown in the interlinear by dots. I shall speak of 
them in detail ; and for the sake of reference I have numbered the 


1. testamento rech M- 

Testamento retx Mathalena 

2. rixq^l d! hematez camenac 

rizaqil . . . Hemandex kamenaq. 

3. cey cabay Dios hauabeh Dios caholbeh Dios fpu sancto 

S€ zkabS, i Dios awabej, Dios kajolbej, Dios Espiritu santo 

4. ta in tic quib vi in testamento retal rahom in chol y chum in chol 

ta in tikib b! in testamento retal rajom in txol, xtxum in txol, 

5. chirixc le vech chirixc chic vi in canabahem nac quin 

txi rixk le gwetx, txi rizk txik b! in kanabahem naq in 

6. chi came = hun pot hu ca caib y miifa chi uxc 

txi kamq. Jun p(tot, jun kfl, kflib i misa txi uxq 

7. chinbehen — hun uec hoob y tosto on que oxib y 

tx' in behen. Jun . . . , Sob i toston o'n ke, oxib i 

8. mifla chi uxc chinbehe chi rixc ruquin ar chielc 

misa txi uxq tx' in behen txi rixk ; rukin ... txi elq 

9. y cantela ru quineb p! hoob an chal y misfa nan tzama 

i candela ; rukin ib pe dob antxal i misa na 'n tsama. 

274 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

10. ma xic an chal ce rochoch y Dios le hal ruqn 

. . . zik antxal s€ rotxotx i Dios le hal nikin 

11. hu ach capupul hu hacha caib mifTa matiuma 

jun ... ... jun . . . k&ib misa . . . 

12. chirixc hu bech cha ^ah . . 9*u y bailom cha a yah 

txi rixk juD gwetz txan . . . Juan x ... txan a yaj. 

13. hkiohl hunyocote chich chi re cha a luis Cal racah 

Gwan arwin jun yokotS txitx txi retxan a Luis Q&al, . . . 

14. vacunac chacayah hunyocote chich chi re cha 

... , txank a yaj. Jun yokotS txitx txi retxan 

15. JQ yat vi hovi y chac raby bahilom nac ocamc chaayah 

Juan Yat bT, jOgwI xtxaqrab x ... naq o kamk, txan a yaj. 

16. hun acha ca pupul chi re cha luis Cal cha ayah 

Jun txi retxan Luis Q&al, txan a yaj. 

17. Balthafar ^a«*illi^ ju chic cha c precarabi chac 

Balthasar . . . Jun txik txank ... , txank 

18. ayah Vcmno ju ah quinam xiyab neb 

a yaj. . . . Jun aj kinam xiyab ' . .eb 

19. chi quehec hQ acha ca pupul chi quehec rech cha ayah 

txi keheq jun ... ... txi keheq retx, txan a yaj. 

20. hunca xa chi re cha vi jii yat vany <jerosohil chaayah 

Jun caja txi retxan hlJuanYvX^ gwan x-ctrrojo-Wf txan a yaj. 

21. hQ caxa mahi y ce rosohil chi re cha luis Cal cha ayah 

Jun cajay majl x-cerrojo-W^ txi retxan Luis Q&al, txan a yaj. 

22. huntepic chi re chanluis cal cha ayah 

Jun tep ik txi retxan Luis QSaI, txan a yaj. 

23. hunpat in pot van chicaz ruqui ju y[obUteniied]z laheb y tomin 

Jun ... in p5ot gwan txi kas nikin Juan Yats, lajeeb i tumin 

24. chicacao bahxa tac cal rahlaq^ y bahilO ixcabha ^V^ hu 

txi kakaw, gwaqxaq taq kal rajlankil, ... ... Jun 

V [erased] ach 


25. o cacruq^n gafpar tQ uccal chin to hac vi chac acal chic 

o kamk nikin Caspar Tun, gwuq kal tx' in toj &q bT, txank ; ox kal txik, 

26. y tzac tzi hotuc achal chi cacao ox petet chic in noc 

xtsaq tsl; dtuk antxal txi kakaw. Ox petet txik in noq, 


27. vena quin 


y quirac chin qe 

naq in txi kiraq tx' in kem 

in choch 

in txotx 

camicas I tul 


28. havt le 

A ut le 

vauib I 

gwawim ; granadillas^ tul, 







p* cheb echanc ruquin anchal 

p€ tx' eb etxanq rukin antxal 

o I pata, I turazno | coyou tern 

o, pata, duraznOf koyow, tern. 

30. Com vech chi ru ch y dios ruquin in bahilom camenac 

Kamk gwetx txi nitx i Dios^ rukin in ... kamenaq, 

31. cha ayah chi ruch eb mathalena chi ruch eb ah valebc 

txan a yaj [above struck out] Mathalena ; txi rutx €h aj-gwalebj 

32. atts regi tores y cana vinaql y ratin ayah chiruch 

• • • f regidores, xkanagwinaqil i ratin a yaj, txi rutx 

33. luis Cal Cana vinac ex quin tziba y ratin <;e martes 

Luis QSal. Kanagwinaq ix k'in tsiba i ratin si martts, 

chi 9a oxib y y be y po te ciempre mil y qui ni entos y 



txi s& oxib i xbe 

ocheta y tres anbs 

ochenta y tres aHos, 

i po diciembre^ mil y quinientos y 


or ceo 'ma.'jof 


. . . Inis 

Oxib regidor. 

Merez . . . 

de Guzman 

. . . alguacil mayor. 

• • • 

Lorenzo mayor- 

Juan MendeZy 



Lines i and 2, which I have placed as a heading, are scribbled 
on the back of the original. 

Testamento . . . kamenaq, ' Testament of Mathalena [Magda- 
lena], wife of Hernandez, deceased.' 

di herndtes. The first word must be short for something Span- 
ish, d not being an Indian sound. In adopting Spanish words, 

2/6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Indians turn d into /; so the surname Hernandez is written with a 
/ to imitate Indian pronunciation. 

3, Se xkaba . . . Santo, * In the name of God the Father, God 
the Son, and God the Holy Ghost' 

cey cabay. In neither case does the final y belong to the word 
to which it is joined ; the first represents the possessive prefix x, to 
be joined to kaba ; the second is the proclitic i. See remarks (4) 
on the spelling. 

Dios, Indians say ' Tiox^ ; and it is commonly supposed that 
Tiox is a corruption of Dios. This may be doubted. The same 
word sometimes means * pupil ' (of the eye). Tiox also appears in 
the vocable bantiox (* thanks '), and is the base of tioxi{^ be thankful 
for '). If the Greeks had conquered Mexico, it is likely they would 
have supposed the Aztec Tecotl to be a corruption of fleic. 

fpu sancto. Where the original uses a long j, I copy it. The 
half-Latin spelling of these words, and, farther on, the constant 
spelling of * tnissa * for misa, might be taken to signify that the scribe 
had learned his letters among clerics. The Indian for * God the 
Spirit' is Tiox Musiqbej {Jmtisiq, 'breath of). 

4, 5, 6, ta in tikib , , . txi kamq^ * I begin, then, my testa- 
ment, the record of my heart's wish, my heart's desire, respecting 
what is mine, respecting too what I have to leave when I die.' 

4, ta in. So also in the Cajabon MS. Modem speech would 
elide the a^ making fin. 

retal rajom in Ixol. An Indian rendering of the previous 
Spanish word, a practice frequent in the old compositions called 
' parlamentos.' 

5, 6. in txi kamq. This arrangement is now seldom heard, the 
txi being fully assimilated to an index of tense, and put first : tx' in 

In the spelling nac quin, of the original, the qu is merely a false 
repetition of the final palatal of naq. Cf. tic quib for tikib^ lipe 4. 

6, 7. Jun pooty . , . tx' in behen, * A shirt, and a grinding- 
stone [are to pay for] two masses to be performed on my behalf.' 
Poot is the short, loose shirt, without sleeves, which is the upper 
garment of the women. It is of white cotton among these Indians, 
and frequently embroidered with colors. 

BURKiTT] A kekchI will of the sixteenth centur y 277 

7, 8. Jun \uuq f\ , dob ... txi rixk. * A [skirt ?] — five 
tostones I gave [for it] — [is to pay for] three masses to be 
performed for me afterward.' 

uec. Such appears to be the spelling, but no such word is 
known. It has been proposed to read gwex (trousers) ; but I can- 
not think the last letter a miswritten x; besides the price, five 
tostones, would be too much. Tostbn was the old half-dollar. I 
think the word must be uuq, 'skirt.' Among these Indians the 
skirt is a dark blue. It may be very voluminous. A well-off 
woman wears as much as ten yards. 

8, 9. ru%in . . . candela, * Therewith candles are to go ' ; 
i. e., with the masses. This at least is one rendering, and perhaps 
the best. It supposes that the word which seems to be written ar 
is meant for the third personal pronoun an, enclitic to rukin, 

cantela for candela. See note on herndtez, line 2. An Indian 
word for candle is Htsuuj, though not much used in that sense. 

9, ru^in eb pe dob . . . hama. * So, with them, I ask for five 
additional masses.' That is, with the first two masses and the 
subsequent three she gets the total of five ; * additional,' I suppose 
is meant, to the regular office of the dead. 

pe. This particle occurs again, on line 28 ; and both times it is 
so written as to look like an abbreviation, which it is not. I have 
rendered pe here by the introductory * so.' Better, perhaps, would 
be our * you see ' : ' With them, you see, I ask for five,' etc. These 
particles pe and Hi (especially pe) are out of place in a prepared 
statement or monologue ; they belong to conversation. The use 
of them is evidence that the will was not a prepared statement, but 
pieced together on the spot with fragments of talk ; and not very 
coherently pieced, either, as further reading shows. Throughout 
this paragraph (lines 7-9) the punctuation, and in some degree the 
sense, have been matter of dispute. I have given what seems to 
me the most natural. 

ID, II) 12. These three lines present such a disposition of 
doubtful or unrecognizable words that hardly the drift of the mean- 
ing can be guessed. In the original, these lines are in a handwriting 
which is notably different from that of the rest, and some have sup- 
posed a different writer. 

2/8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

10. ma xik. There is a particle of negation, ma ; but no such 
construction as ma xik. The least unlikely guess I can offer is that 
ma should be read na, the present-tense index, which makes things 
intelligible as far as hal : Na xik antxal . , , le hal^ ' The com also 
goes to the house of God * ; i. e., to the church, doubtless to pay 
for the masses mentioned in the next line. The proceeding would 
be nothing unusual. 

ruqn^ short for writing ruqiiin, as again on line 25, where the 
abbreviation mark is written. The context of rukin is as doubtful 
as everything else here. I should incline to put a pause after hal^ 
and perhaps translate ruki7i by ' therewith,' referring to the com as 
a means of payment This is one of the places where it is easy to 
suspect something missing, with the scribe's attention divided be- 
tween his ear and his pen. 

11. ach capupuL This mysterious phrase is the great crux 
of the will. It occurs again on line 16, and again on line 19; 
but with slight variations : acha instead of ach^ and ca separated 
from pupuL ca might be qa (our) ; but more likely is kA (two). 
pupul has all the appearance of a noun formed on a base pup, 
like lukul from luk, tupul from tup, etc.; but my inquiries and 
those of others have failed to elicit any pup or pupul from the 
speech of the day. Possibly the word might be recovered from 
the Cajabon MS. One Indian thought the word should be tupul, 
in the sense of ' piece,' ' portion ; ' but the spelling is plainly pupul, 
thrice over. 

As for ach, or cu:ha, to most readers it immediately suggests 
the Spanish hacha. But if an * axe ' was meant, why say it in 
Spanish? Indians always use their own word, mdl, and so does 
everybody, talking Indian. Another suggestion is that the word is 
still the Spanish hacha, but in the sense of 'torch,' or 'great 
candle,' used in church processions, etc., and perhaps to be used in 
the kdib misa, ' two masses,' which are now in question. But then 
this meaning is not suitable to the context in lines 16 and 19. The 
only thing in Indian, I know of, that ach could be, is the root atx, 
found in atxab, ' slacken,' ' let go ' ; but there is no help in this. 

hu hacha. Last letter probably a, though it looks more like ;/ 
in the original. These words may be a repetition of the ////;/ ach. 


or hun acha, already discussed. But the initial h, of hacha, may be 
for j\ and we might read jun jatx a kaib tnisa^ * a half of the two 
masses.' Jatx, 'fraction/ especially 'half; a, the. This would 
suggest that elsewhere the word acA should be Aach, i. ^,,jatx\ and 
we should understand the meaning to be that the com, above men- 
tioned, and the other articles farther on (lines i6, 19) are to be ap- 
portioned between the two beneficiaries. 

ma tiuma. Such appear to be the letters. No meaning. The 
context seems to indicate a verb. We might therefore suppose ma 
to be na, as in the case of ma xik on line 10. As for tiuma, perhaps 
a final n is suppressed without mark, as happens elsewhere ; we 
should then have the ending -man, of the gerundive ; and so finally 
evolve something like na tiwman, ' it is to be eaten ' {tnv, * bite,* 
* eat '). But the meaning * eat ' does not fit, unless it referred to the 
com, and in that case the word would not be tiw, but ^ux, 

12. txi rixk Jun gwetx, * after one for me ' ; meaning, apparently, 
' after one mass for me.' But the translation might be varied, putting 
a pause after rixk. 

cAd yah. The first letter of the second word looks like an r with 
an accidental * tail ' ; or it may be a misshapen y. If y^ then the 
word is yaj\ * sick ' ; and we must assume the omission of the article 
' a' Xo complete the oft-recurring phrase txan ayaj\ 'says the sick 
(one),' meaning, of course, the testatrix. If this reading is accepted, 
then yaj ends the sentence. The two dots which follow are evi- 
dently intentional, and may be meant to mark a period, though no 
other period is so marked. 

^U y bailom. The first letter cannot be a capital G, but is a 
capital I or J, begun with a flourish. Both Juan and jun are else- 
where contracted to ju. Here the word is doubtless Juan, the 
christian name of the person termed bailom. 

The latter word, with the spelling baAilom, occurs three times 
again. From line 1 5 it is seen that baAilom denoted a person, de- 
ceased, whose directions about some property are confirmed by the 
testatrix. And from line 30 it is plain that her baAilom was one 
whose memory she cherished. We know from the outset that she 
is the relict of one Hernandez. The conclusion is natural that 
ba{ft)ilom somehow represents the word belom, * husband.' I can- 

AM. AMTH., H. S., 7. — 19 

280 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

not believe that bahUom has been transmuted into belotn since the 
time of the will. The change would be too great, and without a 
known parallel. All I can suggest is that bahUom may have been 
a collateral variant of the word, but confined to local use and now 

txan a yaj\ * says the sick (woman).' Here the strange hand- 
writing ceases, and I put a period. On the whole, the thing 
seems to mean that two more masses are to be said, for the woman, 
perhaps, or for her late husband John (Hernandez) ; and paid for 
in com. 

13. ^wan arwin . . . a Luis Qda/, * There is here an iron 
mattock, to be owned by Lewis Caal.' 

bdo) In, Here ba = ban = gwan. See remarks (i and 6) on 
the spelling. The will writes no accents, and the mark which looks 
like one is an abbreviation-mark tilted up ; hence bi = bin ; but no 
Indian word at all suitable ends in -bin. The b must then be read 
«/, or £^ ; the hieroglyphic which looks like the Greek omega must 
somehow represent the letters or ; hence, finally, arwin or argwin^ 
an obsolescent variant of of in, 

retxan. The usual form now would be retxa, 

a Luis Qdal, The use of the semi-demonstrative a shows that 
Lewis Caal was actually present ; as in fact is stated further on 
(line 33). 

13, 14. racah vacunac, * son of my eldest son.' At least, this 
is the best interpretation offered. It supposes that racah is meant 
for reqaj^ ' substitute of,' frequently used in the sense of ' son of,' 
indicating in all likelihood that the father is dead. As for vacunac, 
it appears that in Pokomchi there is a word guacunac, meaning 
* my-eldest-son ' ; and the word was perhaps current at the time, 
in whatever part of the Kekchi country the will was written. There 
is no such word now in Kekchi. 

The use of certain forms {se for sa^ fu^n for ji^in, jetx for fe) 
indicate that the will was written either in Carcha or in the neigh- 
boring village of Chamelco ; more likely the latter. The Chamelco 
district, which is not large, lies between Carcha and the Xukaneb 
mountains, next to the Pokom country. The church is the oldest 
in these parts, and has a chime of bells said to be the gift of no less 


a person than the emperor Charles V. A fantastic effigy of the 
Austrian eagles is still apparent on the wall. As the emperor 
abdicated in 1556, the church would have been built at least 27 
years before the writing of the will. There is therefore nothing 
wonderful in finding an old Indian woman the ** widow " of a Span- 
ish colonist, and the Indians already baptized with christian names. 
14, 15. Junyokote . . . txan ayaj. ' One iron mattock John Yat 
is to own, as was the command of her [husband ?] when he died, 
quoth the sick (woman).' The Indian txaji^ like the English 
* quoth,' is supposed to report a speaker's own terms. Hence, if 
ba/ulotn means ' husband,' we should expect * in bahilotn* ' my hus- 
band,' as we do find in line 30. But both here and on lines 12 and 
24 we find y ba(K)Uom, * her husband ' (the^ being for the possessive 
prefix X, of the 3rd person). This confusion of 'her' and *my' 
may be an oversight on the part of the scribe ; yet it is an over- 
sight which could not occur in speech, and the scribe makes the 
blunder, it seems, only in connection with bahilom. 

16. txi retxan . . . a yaj\ * let Lewis Caal have it, says the sick ; ' 
' it ' being whatever is meant by /tun acha ca pupul (see note on line 

17. Here follows the signature of one Balthasar, whose sur- 
name appears as ^a** • Hi^, ending with what seems to be a j/ 

scratched out, and es written above it. The initial letter is like a 
d, Greek fashion. There is no such surname in Indian ; nor in 
Casdlian either, that I know of. It has a Valentian or Catalonian 

Below this name are the letters emno^ preceded by what looks 
like the arithmetical sign of square root. This hieroglyphic I take 
to be a capital T, and the whole an abbreviation of TesHtnonio^ which 
in old Spanish was sometimes used to mean testigo (* witness '). 
A line is drawn about signature and all. It is evident from the 
space occupied that the thing was not squeezed in afterward, but 
written then and there, before the document went further. The 
witness perhaps could not wait, and signed his name at the stage 
then reached ; an irregularity quite in keeping with the style of the 

282 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Jun txik, txanky ' Another, says (she).' 

precarabi. Mere gibberish ; .yet the spelling seems clear, pr 
is not an Indian sequence of consonants. There must be some- 
thing wrong, or something missing. The sentence ends at once, 
with the repetition of txank a yaj\ * says the sick.' 

18. Jun of kinam xiyab^ * a single kinam (-wood) comb.' This 
does not fit the following plural, eb : eb txi 'keheq, * let them be 

neb^ I read eb, I cannot understand the initial », unless it be a 
miswritten A, silent, eb txi "kekeq^ modem style tx' eb ^eheq ; cf. in 
txi kamqy line 5. 

19. hu acha ca pupul. See notes on lines 1 1 and 1 6. 

txi %eheq retx, txan a yaj\ *be it given to him, says the sick.' 
To whom ? Again the legatee's name is omitted. Both on this 
line and the preceding it is evident the sentences are mangled. 

20. Jun caja . . . yaj, • One box let John Yat possess, that has 
a lock, says the sick (woman).' 

coxa = caja. X and 7 were used alike in Castilian. The mod- 
em guttural j was hardly known in Castile before the end of the 
XVIth century, and was not general in the colonies till the end of 
the XVIIth. To the Indians a box was evidently a foreign contri- 
vance. To this day the word they use is a corruption of caja or of 

ge rosohil, A corruption of the Span, cerrojo, with the addition 
of the Indian "appropriating" termination, -//. As an index to the 
scribe's proficiency, note that the c has a needless cedilla ; as again 
on line 33. 

21. Jun caja, tnajl . . . yaj, * One box, no lock to it, let Luis 
Caal possess, says the sick.' 

maji. Modern style would say mdka, Maji, nowadays, means 
* not yet,' excepting in one or two expressions, like Txan naq niaji ? 
' Why not ' ? The Cajabon manuscript also uses majl as a simple 
negative, without connotation of time. 

22. Jun tep , . . yaj. ' A chile field, let Lewis Caal have it, 
says the sick (one).' 

Lines 23-27 are parenthetical ; they enumerate certain assets, 
but make no bequests. It will be seen that these lines are sepa- 


rated from the rest by a couple of scratches, or dashes, reaching 
into the margin. 

23. Jun pat in poot . . . yah, ' One pat of shirting of mine 
is on debt with John Yats/ as we should say, * on credit ' ; he owes 
her for the stuff. The woman, as we see further on, was a weaver. 
With the Indians, weaving is a business of women ; sewing and tail- 
oring a business of men, even to the embroidering of womens' shirts 
(poot). John Yats may have been the tailor. 

pat. All that is clear is that this was some unit, in speaking of 
shirt-cloth. Some have wished to read pac, and render ' a cut of 
shirting,' etc. But the spelling pat is plain. There is a fossil word 
pat, whose proper meaning is uncertain, the word occurring only in 
the vocable j'unpat, ox jumpat, *a moment,' 'quickly,' etc. 

Yah, In the original, the surname begins with Y and ends with 
with z, the middle of the word being obliterated. There would be 
room for about two letters ; and Yah (or, as the scribe would spell 
it, Yatz) is the only surname that fits. 

23, 24. lajeeb . . . rajlankil ; [worth] 'ten silver (pieces) in 
cacao, reckoning them eight score each.' The shirt-cloth, in other 
words, is valued at ten pieces-of-eight ; the piece-of-eight, or silver 
dollar, being reckoned, in cacao, as equal to eight score seeds. 
The real was therefore worth a score. Cacao must have been 
scarce or silver plenty. A few years ago, before silver money dis- 
appeared, the rate was two score for a real^ and old men tell of its 
being even four score. 

gwaqxaq. In the original, written bahxa / ^ = gw ; the // is 
due to mistaking q ior j ; and the final palatal is missing — slurred 
over by effect of the following /, of taq, 

rajlankil ; written rahldq* ; the second contraction-mark tilted 
up, as on lines 13 and 25. 

y bahild, i. e., xbahilom (see remarks on bahilom, lines 12 and 
15). No connection is traceable between this and what goes 
before. As for the following ixcabha, all I can say is that it does 
not contain xkabd (his, her, its, name), nor xkab (* secondly '), nor 
anything else that might be fancied beginning with the possessive 
prefix X, as the scribe jinvariably writes^ for that x. 

The next thing on this line (24) is an unintelligible sign which 

284 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

has some likeness to capital upsilon, standing on what is perhaps 
one of the usual dashes marking a period. 

24, 25. Jun gwdkatx . . . txank, 'A turkey of mine which 
died at Caspar Tun's, seven score Til pay [for it], said he* — 
meaning seven score of cacao. It is common to lend birds for 

gwakatx. In the original, begins with v (= gw) and ends with 
ach^ the intervening letters being obliterated ; there would be room 
for two. 

gwuq %al. The original writes uccal^ which most readers took 
for tikal (* earthen pot '), but an earthen pot would be no adequate 
payment for a turkey ; besides there is no determining word, such 
as jun (a, one), before uccal. Others have read ial (five score), 
turning the u into 0. There can be no doubt about the truth of my 
reading ; the u means gwu ; — g^ as usual, is not recognized before 
the sound of w. The sequence wu is not Spanish, and a Spaniard 
is very apt to reduce it, in writing, to a mere u. gwuq Hal also 
accounts for the cc of uccal. And last, but not least, the meaning 
* seven score ' makes sense of the remainder. 

25, 26. ox Hal . . . kakaw. * Three score more, price of dog — 
200 additional of cacao.' The Caspar Tun debt, of 7 score and 3 
score, makes 200 of cacao, additional to that owed by John Yats. 

ox Hal, In the original, the initial hieroglyphic, which is said to 
resemble the algebraic sign of variation, must be a sort of mono- 
gram of ox. 

xisaq hi. Dogs and puppies, even the most wretched curs, 
have a price, and are not given away by Indians, but sold. 

26, 27. Ox petet ... a yaj, * Three spindles (-full) more of 
cotton I have, (which) in case that I get well I mean to weave, says 
the sick (one).* — The ruling passion strong in death. 

gwey, represented in the original by ve, 

naq, like the English 'that,' is here superfluous. 

in txi Hiraq. Modern style, tx* in Hiraq. Cf. in txi kamq 
(lines 5, 6), and eb txi Heheq (line 19). There can be little doubt 
that the y of the original represents txi in the present instance. 
There was frequent confusion of the letters y, i, and x. 

28, 29. A ut . . . tern. * And as for my land, why, let them 


possess [it ?] , together also with my plantation ; granadUlas, plan- 
tains, alligator-pears, guavas, peaches, koyaws, tents,* 

* le in^ modern /' in^ eliding the vowel of the article. 

pe^ * why ' or * well/ etc. See note on pi, line 9. 

etxanq. If there is nothing wrong with this word, it would be 
proper to supply retx, answering here to the English * it' Here 
again, as in line 19, the instrument omits to name the beneficiaries ; 
doubtless John Yat and Lewis Caal. 

gwawitn. Written vauib. Final b and tn are easily confounded. 

camicas. Corruption of granadUlas, a fruit I know only under 
its Spanish name. — turazno, t for d. — koyow, tern ; I have no Euro- 
pean names for them. — The names, except the last two, are sep- 
arated in the original by vertical scratches, meant as commas. 

30-33. Kamk gwetx . . . Luis Qdaly * I am about to die before 
God, with my dead [husband ?] , says the sick (one) Magdalen ; in 
presence of their worships [attesting?], regidores, witnesses to the 
words of the sick, in presence of Luis Caal.' 

Kamk, written Com, Final k not distinguished from the follow- 
ing g\ o ^ miswritten a. 

bahUom, See under lines 12 and 15. 

31. chi ruch eb is scratched out, the first time, to put in the 
woman's name. — ah valebc ; the final c should bey. For a contrary 
mistake see line 24. 

32. atts. A person acquainted with law papers of the period 
might know what this meant. I suppose it is an abbreviation for 
atestados, or something similar. Cf atto and att, after two of the 
signatures below. 

regitares : / for d. But the imitation of Indian goes only part 
way ; the plural ending should be struck off, as it is in ' oxib regi- 
dor farther on. Regidor means a sort of town officer, like inspector 
of roads, or of police, of public works, etc. 

xkanagwinaqil. See kanagwinag, next line. For the scribe's 
abbreviation of the last syllable, cf. rixaqil, line 2, and rajlajikil, 
line 24. 

txi rutx Luis Qdal, I connect this with what goes before it, and 
so end the sentence. This punctuation makes as good sense as 
any, and seems to be authorized by the capital C of the next word. 

286 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

As the Other legatee, John Yat, is not mentioned here, it is probable 
he was not present. 

33, 35. Kanagwinaq ex . . , afios, * Ye are witnesses, I have 
written her words on Tuesday, upon the third of the month Decem- 
ber, a thousand and five hundred and eighty three years.' 

Kanagwinaq, The original, Cafia vinac^ was long a puzzle. 
Some Indians proposed kanajenaq (• remaining ') ; others qajenaq 
(* departed *) ; and what not. I discovered the word, under the 
form canaguenac^ in reading an old composition which also gave 
the translation * testigo' The word is nearly obsolete. It was only 
lately that I found an Indian who knew it — a man from Cajabon. 
There is a similar word for * witness ' in the Kiche-chi. 

se martes, I have not examined whether the day of the week 
agrees or not with the rest of the date. 

txi sd. After txi, the sa must be accented ; and the fact of its 
being written with a shows that it was accented. Otherwise the 
word becomes s'e^ in the style of the will ; and also in the style of 
Carcha and Chamelco to the present day. 

i xbe i po. Modem style would reduce this to either i be i po 
(in Cajabon), or ;ri^^ // /^ (Coban) ; literally, 'the moon's course.' 

diciembre, written * te ciempre' These Indians had a native 
almanac, with twenty months in the year ; and the names of them 
are still to be found in medicine-talk. 

mil y quinicntos, etc. All this might as well have been Indian. 

The signature which comes first is Gonzalo Meres, The next I 
guess to be In^s de Guzman, In the original, the part ifies is 
underlined ; as for tecuzma I suppose the / and the c to be meant 
as Indian imitations of d and g, respectively, as happens elsewhere ; 
and final n is often dropped ; so I arrive at * de Guzman.* The 
part * do dom ' I cannot make out, though it looks as if it might 
somehow involve * Dofla,' 

As for atto and att, see note on atts^ line 32. 

The third group contains one Indian word, oxib (three). The 
di before alguazil, is likely the same as the di before Hernandez^ in 
line 2, q. v. * lorSco ' must be read Lorenzo ; the c should have a 
cedilla ; cf. the Portuguese spelling Lotire^igo, This Lorenzo 
(* majordomo ' of the cabildo, most likely) seems to have signed for 

BURKiTT] A kekchI will of the sixteenth century 287 

the three regidores and for the alguacil mayor. All the signatures, 
of course, are adorned with those flourishes, however clumsy, 
which these people consider to be as essential as the name. 

Last of all, at the bottom, is the name Juan M6ndez^ so I read 
it ; aj'isib, * scribe.* 

I have supposed throughout that the reader is not new to the 
language. Be that as it may, there will be interest, and perhaps 
help for him, in the following short glossary. It embraces all the 
Indian of the will that has been read with confidence — the Indian 
of the interlinear. Meanings are given with the least amount of 
grammar ; and no secondary meanings of a word are mentioned 
unless they conduce to the text. 

It is well to say, that many words as they occur in speech, or in 
the will, begin with gw, with r, or with x ; and yet will not be found 
here under those headings. When that happens, those sounds are 
merely inflexional prefixes ; and removing them, let the reader look 
for what remains. Thus, not finding gwawint^ or rotxotx^ or xisaq, 
let him look for azvim, otxotx, isaq. See gwj^ r/, and x/, which I 
have entered, for explanation's sake, as if they were separable words, 
like the prefix in. 

No regular derivatives will be entered independently ; they will 
be noticed each under the entry of its principal part ; although the 
latter may not be used in the will. So Jajlankil will be found 
under ajla, ^ajolbej under l^ajol, oxib under ox. 

Various forms, as jajlankil^ {^(ijol^ j^abd, jixaqily will be found 
with a line drawn before them ; which signifies, that owing to the 
nature of their meaning, they can be used, in general, only with a 
possessive prefix. I sometimes speak of them as * appropriating ' 
forms. — Certain English words may be followed by (v.) ; which 
means that they are to be taken as verbs, not as nouns. 

Accent will not be written, unless in a few cases : to distinguish, 
for instance, the tonic sd, belly, etc., from the proclitic sd, in. By 
accent I mean capacity for stress. The Indian syllable of accent is 
always the last — often, of course, the only syllable. For effects 
of accent, an enclitic word is the last syllable to its principal ; a 
proclitic, a first syllable. 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

a, proclitic ; one of the two defi- 
nite articles (the other being li or 
le), the^ this^ thaty unemphatic ; Fr. 
ce. See note on line 13. 

a, prepositive ; particle of intro- 
duction ; may sometimes be ren- 
dered by buty as for, line 28. 

aj-y prefix of correlative person, 
frequently agent, aj-tsib, he of 
writings; seetsib. 

ajy particle postpositive to nu- 
meral expressions, in the sense of 
onlyy just, etc.: jun aj. Just one 
. , . , a single . . ., line 18. 

ajy ajok| etc., wish, desire (v.). 
/ajom^appropriating subve. , (one^s) 
wish, wish {pfY rajom in txfA^ my 
hearfs wish, line 4. 

ajgwalebj, person of worship or 
authority, headman, etc. 

ajla, ajlanky etc., count, reckon. 
/ajlankily appropriating instrumen- 
tal, count {of), reckoning {of), 
line 24. 

akatX| turkey. 

antxaly postpositive, also, withal, 
besides, in cuidition, etc. 

aq, enclitic ; energizing or dram- 
atizing particle, without English 
equivalent. Attached to verbs, as in 
lines 25 (toj&q) and 27 (kem &q), 
its effect is to put the action, as it 
were, in sight. 

arwin, or argwin, obsolescent, 
the usual word now being either 
arin (in Coban), or ahi, here. 

&tin, word, speech. 

/ftwa, or leigweijfather {of), but 
only in figurative senses. [Not con- 
nected, apparently, with the ordi- 

nary gwa, father.] awabej, or ag- 
wabej, ditto, undetermined, /iM^r, 
ruler, governor of a country, etc. 

awim [irregular, of root aw, 
sow ; cf ajom and aj] , that is sown 
or planted, crops, plantation. Span. 

be^ pcUh, rocui, course. 

/behen (in Cobin /been or /b€n), 
top {of). Chiefly in prepositional 
phrases, following sa or tzi: tzi 
/behen, * on top of, ^ in more or less 
figurative senses ; over, above ; on 
behalf of \ cf. drip with gen. tx' in 
t>ehen| over me, on my behalf, line 7. 

bi| postpositive particle of re- 
sponse, real or constructive, indi- 
cating assent or corroboration. 
May sometimes be rendered by 
' why yes, ' ^ tobe sure, * ' then, ' etc. , 
or oftener perhaps by the Span. 
'pues.' ta in tikib bi . ., I begin 
' then ' . . . , line 4. Attempts at 
direct translation, however, are apt 
to be clumsy or trivial. See p€. 

eb| proclitic and enclitic; pro- 
noun indicative of the 3d pers. pi. : 
they, them; but often to be ren- 
dered by merely pluralizing some 
word in the translation. 

el| elk, elq, etc., go out, come 
out, Sp. salir. 

etal| sign, token, record. 

/6tx (in Coban /e), primitively, 
mouth of', (2) that is of, for, or 
to; {one's) *have\' the translation 
is usually effected by a possessive 
pronoun ; or by a preposition, of, 
for, to, followed by a noun or pro- 
noun : gwetZy mine ; of me, to me. 


far me : retx his {hers^ itSy theirs)] 
for him, for . , ,, etc. 

etxa [etx + formative vowel a] , 
etxank, etzanq, etc., oum, possess: 
tzi retxa, /ef him possess (if) ; in 
the will, tzi retzaoi with n-aug- 
ment. See note, line 13. 

exy proclitic and enclitic ; indic- 
ative pronoun, 2nd pers. pL, ye. 

gw/, possessive prefix, ist person 
sing., to names beginning with a 
vowel ; my, etc. ; see in. gwawim, 
my plantation, see awim. gwetz, 
my ^ have,^ mine, see /etx. jtin 
gwakatZi ' one my turkey,^ i. e., a 
turkey of mine, 

gwan, predicate of passive being, 
as yo is of active being ; existing, in 
being, present, situated somewhere 
or somehow. Translation usually 
involves some part of the verb be : 
gwan arwin jtin yokotC, {there) is 
here a mattock, line 1 3. But gwan 
often disappears in translation ; e. g. 
when followed by a noun with a pos- 
sessive prefix: gwan x-cerrojo-il, 
having a lock, with a lock, line 20 ; 
more literally, ^ {there) is its lock,' 

This predicate gwan is not to be 
confused, grammatically, with the 
verb gwan, gwank, gwanq, accom- 
panied by indices of tense. 

gwaqxaq, eight. 

gwey, if, in case. 

gwiiq^ seven. 

haly Indian com in the ear. 

iy proclitic ; an early * construc- 
tive ' demonstrative, similar to the 
definite article, but now disused, 
excepting in the Cajab6n style or in 

certain traditional phrases. Where 
it occurs in the will, modem style 
would either drop it altogether as 
superfluous, or replace it by a more 
specialized form — U^ the ; or txi, 
q. V. :iDio8sliDio8;ixbeipOa 
xbe li po ; kaib i misa » kaib txi 
misa {two * of masses). 

iky chile (peppers). 

in, proclitic ; denoting possession 
by the ist pers. sing.; my, of mine : 
in &oly my heart, line 3. When 
attached to a verb, however, the 
possessive prefix is no longer trans- 
lated explicitly, but by means of the 
respective English pronoun: ta 
in tikiby / shall begin {it) ; more 
literally, (//) will be * my begin,' 
line 4. Before names which be- 
gin with a vowel, in is replaced by 
the prefix gw/, q. v. ; see also 'n. 

in (identical in form, though not 
in meaning, with the preceding 
word ; cf. the Sp. mi, which means 
both my and me), proclitic and 
enclitic pronoun, ist pers. sing., /, 
me : in txi kamq, line 5 ; in txi 
kiraqi line 27. 

/ixaqil [irregular appropriating 
of ixq, woman"], wife {of). 

/ixk (more commonly /ix), skin 
{of), exterior {of) ; txi /ixk, 
' at skin of, * hence outside, behind, 
about, respecting, etc. : txi rixk 
le gwetx, respecting what I have, 
line 5. 

jogwi, likewise ; as also ; as. 

jun, one ; a, an. 

k% for the aorist index, ki, before 
any proclitic beginning with a vowel. 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

ka, grinding'Stone (for grinding 

kki kiiib| /z^/^. 

/kabiiy /lam^ (0/) ; sake {of^, 

/kajoly offspring {of), son' {of), 
kajolbej, ditto undetermined, son^ 
offspring, Cf. /awa and awabej. 

kakaW| cacao, 

£al| J^^r^ ; OX kaly Mr^^ J^<7r^. 

kaniy kamky kamq, etc., die: 
kamk gwetz ( * dying is mine ' ) , / 
am about to die, line 30 ; kame- 
naq^ dead, 

kanaby kanabank, etc., leave 
(v.); middle irreg., kana, etc. 
kanabahem (or kanabaem), ir- 
reg. appropriating of kanab^ that 
one has to leave, e. g. , to one's heirs. 

kanagwinaq, that assures, wit- 
ness; kanagwinaqily ditto, appro- 
priating, witness (to). See note, 
line 33. 

kaS| debt, 

ke, keoky etc. , give ; put ; pas- 
sive, ke€, etc., with q-augment 
Seeq. keheq for keeq, with in- 
trusive h, style of Carcha. 

kem, kemok, etc., weave, 

kiy proclitic, index of aorist tense. 
See k'. Occasionally Indian uses 
the aorist where English prefers the 
perfect, as in line 33. 

kinam, a certain tree, and its 
wood, of which combs are made. 

kira, kirak, kiraq (independent 
neuter, though formed like an irreg. 
middle of the reduplicating conjuga- 
tion, cf. \uJl!Bi)ygetweiiy convalesce, 

koyow, a fruit-tree, much like the 

laje, lajeeby ten, 

le, proclitic, the. This variant of 
11 is now confined, so far as I know, 
to Cajab6n style. The Indian def. 
art. may of course disappear in Eng- 
lish : le gwetz, what is mine. 
Span, lo mio, line 5 ; le In tzotx, 
my land, ^ the land I have,^ Ital. 
ii mio terreno, line 28. 

maji| not yet ; not. See note, 
line 21. 

*n, in Carcha style, for the pos- 
sessive in, by elision of its vowel 
afler the tense indices na and o. 
Thus na 'n «= na in ; 'n s 

na, proclitic, index of present 

naq, proclitic, when (the con- 
junctive adverb), that (conjunc- 
tion, not the relative or demonstra- 
tive pronoun), as: naq in txi 
kamq, when I die, as I die, line 5. 

noq, cotton, 

0, (style of Carcha or Chamelco, 
and somewhat old-fashioned for x) 
proclitic, index of perfect tense. 
Indian, like French, uses the per- 
fect incessantly, where English 
would usually have the aorist : naq 
kamk, Fr. iorsqu'ii est mort, but 
English, when he died, line 15. 

0, alligator-pear. Span, aguacate. 

0, ooh^five, 

Otuk, tiao hundred, [The word 
is a compound of and tuk, as is 
proved by interposition of taq : 0- 
taq-tuk, 200 each. The is prob- 
ably five; but of the part tuk there 
is no certain explanation ; it has no 


meaning alone, and occurs only as 

OtzotXi dwelling house, lodge. 

OXy oziby three : OX kal, j score ; 
oxib i misa, 3 masses, line 7 ; ox 
petety J spindlefuls (of cotton), 
line 26, not oxib petet, because 
here petet is taken as a mere unit of 
reckoning, like kal, the real object 
in mind being the cotton. In 
other words, the use of ox, and 
not oxib| implies the translation of 
petet by * spindleful,' not spindle. 
Similar remarks would apply to 
and <x>by ka and kaib, laje and la- 
jceb, q. V. 

pata, guava, 

p€, particle (either postpositive 
or prepositive) indicating surprise ; 
which, however, may be purely con- 
structive. It may sometimes be 
rendered by such expressions as 
'Dear me!' 'But/' 'See/' 
' There now/' ' Why/' 'So,' etc. 
But these are clumsy and vague. 
p€, like bl, is best rendered by suit- 
able inflexion of the voice ; or by 
a corresponding gesture; with bl, 
a confirmatory nod or toss of the 
head ; with pC, perhaps, raising the 
eyebrows. See bi, and note to line 


petet| spindle; spindle fuL 

po, moon; lunar month, loosely, 

poot, Indian woman's 'shirt' ; 
cotton 'shirting' for making it. 
See note on pdot, line 6. 

Qaal| an Indian surname, one of 
the commonest. 

r/, possessive prefix, of the 3rd 
person; Span. j«(j); Eng. his^ 
her, its, their, as the case may be. 
rixaqily his wife (see /ixaqil), 
ratlBi her words (see &tin). 

The possessor's name follows, if 
mentioned : rixaqil 11 gwinq, the 
man's wife ; ratin a yaj, words of 
the sick one, the sick one' s words, 
line 32 ; and direct translation of 
the prefix has to be abandoned. So 
in many other cases : txl keheq retx 
{be it given, 'his have,' i. e.), be it 
given to him, line 19. See /etx, 
/ixky /iiiin. 

When the prefix is attached to 
the stem-form of a verb, the In- 
dian ' possessor ' turns up in trans- 
lation as the ' subject ' of the 
verb: txl retxa(n) a Luis O&al, 
let Lewis Caal possess it (Indian 
idea : be it Lewis CaaPs 'possess'), 
Cf. under In. 

Before a consonant, r is trans- 
muted into Xy q. v. The change is 
merely euphonic. 

/sa, belly {of) ; hence, inside 
{of)',\j±si (for txl xsa), on {its) 
inside ' , within {it) ; upon (a certain 
day, line 34) . In modem style the 
full phrase, txl sa, is used only 
when emphatic, or final (cf. the Fr. 
dedans) ; when the name of the 
thing follows, txl sa, is cut down to 
sH alone (Fr. dans) ; thus the noun 
sH becomes a preposition ; and it 
can bear no emphasis. For this 
unaccented sa the style of Carcha, 
and of the will, employs the variant 
s6, q. V. 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

sC (in Cobin, 8&) proclitic (cf. 
Gr. Iv), in; at^ otiy etc. If the 
meaning of the preposition is 
to be emphasized, tzl 8^ must be 
used instead. See /8&. 

ta, proclitic, index of future 
tense. The Indian 'future/ how- 
ever, has a variety of uses out of 
keeping with the English tense of 
that name ; on line 4, < ta in tikib ' 
is better rendered by an Eng. ' pres- 
ent ' : / begifiy I am beginning. 

taq, atonic interpositive particle, 
signifying that the numeral with 
which it is combined is to be taken 
in a distributive sense. The trans- 
lation, usually, involves such words 
as ' apiece\ ' each \ ' every\'gwBX\r 
zaq taq Ibd, eight score each^ line 

tern, a certain tree, planted in 
gardens for shade. 

tfip, body^ lot (of anything); 
precinct^ field, 

tikib| tikibanky etc., begin. 
Middle, tikia, etc. 

toj, tojoky eiz., pay (v.). 

ts&ma, ts&manky etc., begy ask 

tsaq^ price, worth. 

tsl, dog. 

tsib, * scripture * — writing or 
drawing, aj-tsib, writer, draughts- 
man; scribe, especially scrivener. 
See aj-. 

tsiba^ tsibanky etc., write ; neu- 
ter, tsibaki etc. 

tul, plantain. 

tumin, silver ; silverpiece ; money. 

Tun, an Indian surname. 

tx % for tzly before any proclitic 
beginning with a vowel. 

txan, or with k-augment, tzank, 
answers the purpose of our ^ says\ 
* said\ * quoth '; and like them, it 
immediately follows the language it 
reports. — Notwithstanding this ap- 
parent congruence of txan and 
' says ', yet tzan is not a verb, and 
does not of itself mean say. Its 
initial meaning, as examples in 
another syntax would show, is what 
like ; how ; or as. 

txaqrabi commandment, orders. 

tzly proclitic, at, to; on; etc. 
Txi /behen, txl /Izk, tzi /sk, tzi 
/utz ; see /behen, etc. The closest 
parallel to these expressions, and 
often a convenient translation of 
them, is found in those words of ours 
which are formed with the prefixes 
be-, a-, or with-] as behind, before ; 
within, without; ahead, astern; etc. 
These prefixes are the just counter- 
part of tzl ; not merely in situation, 
and in want of accent (for they 
cannot be emphasized); but also in 
meaning, being a mixture of at and 

tzi answers to /Vi, ox of, in expres- 
sions like 5tuk ... tzi kakaw, 
200 in cacao, line 26. 

The uses of tzi are multiferious ; 
in a way which might be explained 
as elliptical, tzi has come to be con- 
strued like an index of tense, taking 
the same verbal forms with it as the 
future index ta. The effect of this 
tzi may often be rendered by the 
Span. * present subjunctive ', or by 


some sort of 'imperative/ or other 
future expression of purpose or ex- 
pectation, to which, as it were, the 
mind is stretched : txl uxq, (Sp. ) 
que se hagan, line 6 ; tzi £eheqi be 
it given f let it be given^ it is to be 
given J etc., line 19 ; . . . noq 
. . . tx'inkeniy . . . cotton , . . 
/or me to weave, or which I mean 
to weave, line 27 ; naq in tzl 
kamq (s naq tz'in kamq), as I 
{look to) die, line 6. This td 
may be termed the index of ' eth- 
ical ' future, or ' future of in- 
terest.* The difference between 
this txl and ta may sometimes be 

tjdk, postpositive, more, else, 
other, besides, too, etc. : jun tJdk, 
another, line 17. 

^^tx metal, especially iron, 

/txOl heart ; figuratively, heart, 
breast; mind. 

tzotZy earth, land. 

/tzum (obsolescent), desire, 
fancy, whim {of), 

/tt&n (in Cobdn /ikin), with; 
at (so and so' s), Fr. chez) together 
with ; etc. : vaSdn^ with {him, it, 
etc.), therewith; rukin Caspar 
Tun, with Caspar Tun, at Caspar 

Tun^s, line 25. Though translated 
by prepositions, /uldn, like 86, is 
by rights a noun. 

ut, sometimes postpositive (cf. 
Latin que) ; particle of continua- 
tion, generally translatable by ' and. ' 

/titz (in Cob^, and generally, 
/u), face {of), front {of), txi 
/utx, in front of, before, in pres- 
ence of; etc. 

tix, uxky tixq, be done, be exe- 
cuted, take place. 

x/, for r/, q. v., before a conso- 
nant : 8^ xkab&i in his name, line 
3 ; xtzum in txol ( ' its desire my 
heart^), my hearfs desire, line 4. 

zik, go. — The final k is not a 
palatal augment, but part of the 
stem, zik is irregular in having no 
imperative of its own ; and is not 
used in past tenses. 

xiyab, comb. — The verb is quite 
different : t^, tCok. 

yaj, sick. 

Y&t| an Indian surname, nearly 
as common as Q&al. 

Yat8, another Indian surname. 

yokotC [' wooden crook */ yoko8| 
crooked; tC, obsolete variant of 
txC, wood'\, mattock (for hoeing 
com, etc.). 

It is 320 years since the writing of the will; and considering 
the bad penmanship, the vacillating spelling, stupid abbreviations, 
omissions, want of punctuation, and what not, the wonder is not 
that parts of the document should be obscure, but that so much of 
it should be clear. Not counting repetitions, the known words 
established in it, surnames and all, are about 112 Kekchi and 36 
Spanish. Inspection of the dubious words, or groups of letters, 
shows that some 10 or 11 of them may be set down to Kekchi, 

294 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

and 4 or 5 to Spanish. The proportions are small, and favorable, 
if anything, to the Indian. 

It has been affirmed that barbarian languages are unstable ; and 
even change so fast that a boy and his grandfather may hardly under- 
stand each other. The merit of the will is its violent testimony 
to the contrary. If "Juan Mendez, scribe," had been a better 
scribe, there would be little but the date to show that his Indian 
was not written yesterday. 

Senahu, Guatemala, 1904. 




During the previous autumn (Oct-Nov., 1904) excavations of 
Indian burial-sites were made in two places along the east bank of 
Connecticut river, one under the auspices of Smith College, the 
other by Amherst As both were successful in finding well-pre- 
served skeletons, a brief account of the results may be of interest, 
especially since little seems to have been recorded concerning the 
mortuary customs of the Indians of this locality. 

The Smith College excavations were carried on between Oct. i 
and I S at North Hadley, on the spot indicated by the accompanying 
map (figure 14). The northwestern portion of the town, including 
the branch road running northward, is situated on a level sandy 
plain, the bottom of the post-glacial " Hadley lake," and this for- 
mation is prolonged into the bend of the river where it forms a rec- 
tangular field, the burial site. About this the land slopes down 
abruptly to the lower level of the present river-meadows. Almost 
continuous with the northwest curve of this is a rectangular knoll 
300 to 400 feet across, which is probably not a farther continuation 
of the lake-bottom plateau, but a sand dune, or drumlin. Local 
tradition locates here an Indian settlement, and although this knoll 
has been under cultivation for years and is now covered with a crop 
of clover, we were able to pick up on the surface several potsherds 
and a broken quartz arrowpoint, confirmatory indications of the 
truth of the tradition. At the present time the river lies at some 
little distance from both the village and the burial sites, except on 
the north, but as the bed of the river at this place has been the 
scene of repeated changes, as is evidenced by the traces of several 
ox-bows to the west, it is probable that at the time of the Indian 
occupancy the water came to the foot of the terraces, thus enclosing 
the knoll and the plateau on three sides, and giving the site an 
exceptional location, with an open prospect both up and down the 

AM. ANTH., N S., 7— 90 295 



Fig. 14. — Map of North Hadley, Mui., showing site of aboriginal Tillage and butial- 


river. It had long been known that there was an aboriginal burial 
site somewhere in this vicinity, but the exact locality had become 
lost, and was rediscovered the previous spring (1904) by the chance 
plowing up of some bones near the northern edge of the rectangular 
field. The northwest comer of this field was almost immediately 
excavated by a representative of the Peabody Museum of Harvard 
University, who found there the skeletons of two adults and a child 
of six or seven years. The right to dig in the remainder of the field 
was then granted by Mr L. P. Bullard, its owner, to the Smith 
College authorities, who located a claim along the northern side, 
adjacent to that of the Peabody Museum, but postponed the actual 
excavation until after the summer vacation. 

The burial site, where these excavations were made, is now a 
cultivated field, planted with tobacco. The field is covered with a 
brown surface loam, 14 to 16 inches thick on a level, below which 
lies a compact yellow sand of unknown depth. The skeletons oc- 
curred in this latter formation, their highest parts not more than 4 
to 6 inches below its surface, or 18 to 22 inches from the top. As 
the color contrast between the brown surface loam and the yellow 
sand is a marked one, and as the top soil is very mellow from long 
cultivation, it was possible to scrape the loam into heaps with a two- 
horse road scraper, leaving about an inch over the sand, and then 
dig over the territory thus uncovered with spades. Although the 
depth thus reached was sufficient to disclose the skeletons, the chief 
reliance was placed upon the mixture of the two colors of earth 
which necessarily occurred over each grave, a point which could be 
easily determined by watching the cuts made by the sharp spades. 
In each case the mixed earth formed an approximately circular area 
about three feet in diameter, the more superficial portion strewn with 
pieces of charcoal much mixed up by the years of cultivation to 
which the field had been subjected. 

In this way a fairly large area was thoroughly searched, result- 
ing in the discovery of two skeletons in good preservation. In five 
or six other instances there were uncovered the characteristic areas 
of mixed earth with pieces of charcoal, but with no trace of either 
bones or teeth, although in every such case the earth was excavated 
to a considerable depth, and careful search made. Whether these 


spots indicated graves from which all traces of the human remains 
had disappeared, or had been caused by the uprooting of ancient 
trees, we have been unable to decide, as their exact similarity to the 
actual graves points to the one conclusion while the entire absence 
of remains suggests the other. 

The first of the skeletons found is shown in the accompanying 
photograph (plate xxiii, 2). The sand, at the time of the excavation, 
was moist from recent rains, and held the bones well in place, and 
the skeleton was prepared for the photograph by removing the sand 
from above bit by bit, allowing the bones to remain absolutely undis- 
turbed. The only bones which had been moved before the photo- 
graph was taken were the tarsal and other bones of the feet, which 
are seen lying upon a piece of burlap at the right of the figure, and 
the right tibia and patella, which became accidentally loosened 
during the removal of the sand, but were exactly replaced in their 
former position. In taking the photograph the camera was placed 
at the edge of the excavation, standing perhaps a foot above the 
highest level of the bones, and was pointed almost directly down- 
ward, so that the photograph must be held nearly horizontally to 
reproduce the exact relationship. 

It is shown by this that there had been some change in the orig- 
inal position of the bones prior to the excavation, due probably to 
such various causes as the action of water, earthworms, and the 
growth of roots. Thus the bones of the hands had wandered from 
their original position and were found at various depths in the vicin- 
ity of the head, some not being recovered at all. The bones of one 
entire finger were firmly imbedded in the earth that filled the cran- 
ial cavity and came to light when the skull was cleaned in the lab- 
oratory several days later. This dislocation of parts, especially of 
the smaller bones, which must have occurred long after burial, leads 
one to be cautious in drawing sweeping conclusions concerning the 
original disposal of the limbs when in the flesh, although the reten- 
tion of the natural relationships of the larger bones assures us that 
the shifting of position of the limbs as a whole could have been but 
slight, as for example, a possible dropping of the knees from a more 
upright original position. It is thus sufficiently clear that the body 
was buried with its arms and legs folded up, the hands about the 



head, and the knees close to the body. This is the Hockerstellung 
of German archeologists, and may be interpreted as an intentional 
symbolism, referring to a second birth, the position being similar to 
that of the child in the womb. The skeleton was headed almost 
due east, as shown by a compass, the face being to the north. The 
body lay upon its right side. A later examination of the pelvis 
showed that the skeleton was undoubtedly that of a man, and the 
sutures of the skull indicated that he was probably between 20 and 
30 years of age. The length and breadth measurements of the skull, 
182 X 135.5 mm., give a cephalic index of 74.45. 

The excavation of the second skeleton was not quite as success- 
ful, owing in part to a somewhat deeper burial and in part to the 
&ct that the bones were smaller and more fragile. This skeleton 
was that of a small aged person, with a lower jaw of the extreme 
senile type, and showing but two stubs of teeth, besides two other 
alveoli nearly filled ^-ith bone substance. The general position was 
similar to the first, that is, it was doubled up with the knees close 
to the chest, but it seems to have been cast into the grave with but 
little care, as the face was directed downward. It lay upon its left 
side, with the head directed nearly to the south. 

No implements or utensils of any kind were found in connection 
with these skeletons, but the field has yielded an abundance of arrow- 
points for many years, and it is at present plentifully bestre\*Ti with 
flint flakes. Baking stones, reddened by heat and often cracked or 
split, were found here and there in the soil, especially in the ucinit}- 
of the spots of disturbed earth ; these were rendered conspicuous 
from the feet that the soil, owing to its formation, is naturally with- 
out stones of any kind. 

The Amherst College excavations were conducted a few weeks 

later by Dr Edward Hitchcock. These were also on the east bank 

of the Connecticut, but about six miles farther south by the road, or 

double that distance along the windings of the river, at a well-known 

locality between Hadley and South Hadlcy. where skeletons and 

utensils have been obtained in the past. The spot is known locally 

as " Indian Hill," the name being applied to a low ridge of sand, the 

longer axis of which runs approximately east and west, at right angics 

to the river bank. Its southern slope is abrupt, but its norther^. 


head, and the knees close to the body. This is the Hockerstellung 
of German archeologists, and may be interpreted as an intentional 
symbolism, referring to a second birth, the position being similar to 
that of the child in the womb. The skeleton was headed almost 
due east, as shown by a compass, the face being to the north. The 
body lay upon its right side. A later examination of the pelvis 
showed that the skeleton was undoubtedly that of a man, and the 
sutures of the skull indicated that he was probably between 20 and 
30 years of age. The length and breadth measurements of the skull, 
182 X 135.5 mm., give a cephalic index of 74.45. 

The excavation of the second skeleton was not quite as success- 
ful, owing in part to a somewhat deeper burial and in part to the 
fact that the bones were smaller and more fragile. This skeleton 
was that of a small aged person, with a lower jaw of the extreme 
senile type, and showing but two stubs of teeth, besides two other 
alveoli nearly filled with bone substance. The general position was 
similar to the first, that is, it was doubled up with the knees close 
to the chest, but it seems to have been cast into the grave with but 
little care, as the face was directed downward. It lay upon its left 
side, with the head directed nearly to the south. 

No implements or utensils of any kind were found in connection 
with these skeletons, but the field has yielded an abundance of arrow- 
points for many years, and it is at present plentifully bestrewn with 
flint flakes. Baking stones, reddened by heat and oflen cracked or 
split, were found here and there in the soil, especially in the vicinity 
of the spots of disturbed earth ; these were rendered conspicuous 
from the fact that the soil, owing to its formation, is naturally with- 
out stones of any kind. 

The Amherst College excavations were conducted a few weeks 
later by Dr Edward Hitchcock. These were also on the east bank 
of the Connecticut, but about six miles farther south by the road, or 
double that distance along the windings of the river, at a well-known 
locality between Hadley and South Hadley, where skeletons and 
utensils have been obtained in the past. The spot is known locally 
as '* Indian Hill," the name being applied to a low ridge of sand, the 
longer axis of which runs approximately east and west, at right angles 
to the river bank. Its southern slope is abrupt, but its northern 

300 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

dips gradually into the surrounding level. The east bank of the 
river at this place is apt to be undermined by the action of the spring 
freshets, and it is reported locally that this action once disclosed a 
skeleton which was seen protruding from the cut section of the bank. 
In the spring of 1900 the washout included the highway, which ran 
near the river bank at this place, necessitating the construction of a 
new highway some distance farther east ; and in the cut which was 
made through the ridge for this purpose parts of five skeletons were 
found at that time, together with a number of stone implements, 
variously interpreted as hoes, hatchets, and gouges. It thus seems 
probable that the entire ridge was used by the Indians for burial 
purposes, and as little of the ground has been dug over it is to be 
expected that the ridge still contains considerable material. The 
ground is unbroken and covered with sod, and no excavation on a 
large scale has ever been attempted. In the course of the present 
investigation two finds were made, both upon the east side of the 
new cut One of these was that of a child of twelve, the other a 
double grave containing two adults, lying side by side, with their 
limbs entwined. This find is of so unusual a nature that a photo- 
graph of it, given me by Dr Hitchcock, is here reproduced (plate 

XXIII, i). 

As will be seen, the photograph was taken in strong sunlight, 

and with the camera pointed almost directly downward, as in the 

other case. The skeletons lay with their heads to the south and 

facing west No utensils or charcoal were found in connection with 

either grave, although, as stated above, many stone implements were 

discovered with the bones found four years ago in excavating the 

cut for the highway, the edge of which was but eight feet from the 

double grave. The relation of these implements to the skeletons 

does not seem to have been recorded. 
Smith College, 

Northampton. Mass. 




In 1900 I contributed to the Anthropological Society of Wash- 
ington an article entitled " The Wombya Organization of the Aus- 
tralian Aborigines," ^ accompanied with a map showing the geo- 
graphic limits of the territory within which it prevails. The 
WomhyB. or Wombaia type of organization is distinguished by the 
tribe being divided into eight sections, which intermarry one with 
the other in conformity with certain laws. This type is in force in 
the northwest comer of Queensland, the northern comer of West 
Australia, and over the greater part of the Northem Territory. 

Since presenting the article referred to, I have made further 
investigations respecting the laws of intermarriage, and have thought 
it right to report the result of my work for the information of the 
ethnologists of America and Europe. The Chingalee tribe will 
again be taken as our example and a table used to illustrate the 
intermarrying divisions. The names in this table are the same as 
those given in the table accompanying my former article, excepting 
that I have omitted the termination 'in/ah, which is common to 
nearly all of them, in order that they may occupy less space. 

I have also found it convenient to alter somewhat the arrange- 
ment of the sections constituting the two phratries, A and B, each 
phratry comprising four sections. The table shows the husband, 
wife, son, and daughter belonging to each of the eight divisions, on 
the same line across the page. 

If we take the first name in the table it will serve as an illustra- 
tion of all the rest. Chimitcha's tabular or direct wife is Nungalee, 
which we shall call No. I. He can, in certain cases marry, Nala, 
which we have denominated his altemative wife, or No. II. Or he 
can, subject to prescribed restrictions, take a Nana as his wife, which 

^ American Anthropologist^ N. s., n, pp. 494-501, with map. 




[N. s., 7, 1905 

we shall distinguish as No. III. Moreover, Chimitcha may occa- 
sionally espouse a Namitcha maiden, whom we shall set down as 

No. IV. 

Table I 



r Chimitcha 
















' Chemara 













No. I is the normal or usual wife of Chimitcha, and is the one 
most generally married. No. II is the next most frequently allotted 
wife. Nos. Ill and IV are not of such common occurrence, although 
quite in accordance with the aboriginal law. 

Again, Chuna marries Nala as his tabular wife, or No. I ; he 
takes Nungalee as his alternative spouse, or No. II ; he mates with 
Namitcha as No. Ill ; and he can marry a Nana woman as No. IV. 

Similarly, Chula and Chungalee can marry either of the women 
opposite their respective names in Table I as their No. I and No. 
II wives. Or they can take a Nala or a Nungalee as their No. Ill 
and No. IV wives. It is evident, therefore, that any man of 
Phratry A can marry any one of the four women mentioned in that 
portion of the table, subject to the modifications stated above. 

Everything that has been said respecting the people in Phratry 
A applies to the marriages of the men and women in Phratry B^ 
mutatis mutandis. 

In all cases the section name of the progeny is determined 
through the mother. If Chimitcha marry Nungalee, his children are 
Taralee and Naralee ; if he take a Nala, they are Tungaree and 
Nungaree ; if he choose a Nana, they are Chemara and Nemara ; 
and if he be allotted a Namitcha, his children will be Champachina 
and Nampachina. 

Space will not permit the use of genealogical tables and expla- 
nations for exhibiting how intermarriages are regulated, hence this 



matter must be passed for the present By means of trustworthy 
correspondents residing in the territory of the Chingalee tribe, I 
have been trjang for some years to ascertain definitely how the to- 
tems descend — whether through the men or through the women ; 
but I am not yet satisfied. In describing the organization of kin- 
dred tribes in adjacent districts, Spencer and Gillen have endeavored 
to show that descent is through the men, but I am equally dissatis- 
fied with their conclusions. 

One of my most valued and careful correspondents has sent me 
the following tabulated list of sixteen members of the Chingalee 
tribe, in which, at my request, he has given me the English name, 
together with the section and totem, of each individual ; the totem of 
his or her father ; the totem of his or her mother, and the totem of 

the offspring. 

Table II 


Individual (man and 


Totem of 



Toiem of 



Totem of 





AIiaiTKlUKl ■ 



Lucy (wife) 


Black striped 

Native bee 

Black Striped 


Native bee 

) Black 
V striped 
j snake 





Black striped 


V Iguana 





Sulky snake 


\ No 
j children 


Old Dad 
His wife 


Stone knife 

Stone knife 


1 Sleepy- 
/ lizard 




Water snake 
Honey and 


Ground honey 
Tree honey 

>- Water snake 


His wife 





V Kangaroo 


His wife 



Water snake 


V Honey 




Streculia and 



V Streculia 

In the above table, Nos. i , 2, 6, and 7 are married to the normal 
or ** direct " wives, whom we previously distinguished as No. I. 

304 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

No. 5 in the table has an "alternative" or No. II wife. No. 8 is 
married to a No. Ill woman, which may be called " rare." Nos. 
3 and 4 are united to " exceptional " or No. IV wives. 

According to Table II the children of Nos. i, 4, 5, 6, and 7 
have the same totem as the father. Nos. 2 and 8 take the totem of 
the mother. Again, on examination of the totems in the fourth, 
iifUi, and sixth columns, it is seen that some of them follow the 
father, some the mother, and some follow neither parent. Other 
individuals have two totems. 

In other instances not included in this table, I have discovered 
that even among the offspring of the same parents there is consider- 
able irregularity — some of the children having one totem and some 
another. I am inclined to think, however, that if one could prepare 
genealogies showing tw6 or three generations, taking into account 
all the ramifications caused by the marriages I have numbered I, II, 
III, and IV, the laws of descent might be found more regular than 
at present appears. 

It may be stated that I am the only student up to the present 
who has reported the marriages herein referred to as No. Ill and 
No. IV among the Wombya or any kindred tribe ; and no author 
has before attempted to arrange the sections composing the phratries 
as they now appear in Table I. The present article is necessarily 
very brief, but it is believed that it will result in shedding new light 
on the social organization of Australian tribes and enable investi- 
gators to start anew. 


New South Wales. 



IX. — Verbal Directive and Locative Particles 

1. Magi, or mage. — This particle, which corresponds to mai 
of the Sawaiori languages, is used to express motion toward the 
speaker; as Chule mAgi i hdnont^ bring hither the water; tnauudai 
hoc magi ? were you carried hither ? (did you ride hither ?). It is 
interesting to note that whereas in Polynesia the particle men is used 
also as a preposition ' from ' {nud^hea^ Hawaiian, from where), this 
is not the case in the Chamorro language {gine-mano^ from where), 
in which it is used only as a directive particle having the sense con- 
veyed by hither (German h€r\ It is possible that the verb maila, 
to come, is connected in some way with the particle tnagi^ but I 
have been unable to trace the connection. 

2. Goatu, or guato. — This particle corresponds to atu of the 
Sawaiori languages ; it is used to express motion away from the 
speaker (German hin) ; as chule guato / hanom^ take hence the water. 
Guato gi manchagb na tano^ forth to distant lands. It is not used 
as a preposition, but is simply a verbal directive. From it is formed 
a verb gudguato^ to go to (German hingehen), 

3. Directive Particles Absent from Philippine Dialects. — 
So far as I have been able to learn, these particles are absent from 
the dialects of the Philippines. They are essentially Polynesian, 
playing a far greater part in the eastern Pacific groups than in 
Guam. In Samoan we have au mai, bring hither; az/atu, take 
hence ; o mai ia te a' My come hither unto me ; o atu ia losefa, go 
hence unto Joseph. In Hawaiian we have, e awe mai, bring hither ; 
e awe aku, take hence ; e hele mai, come hither ; e helo aku, go 
away. I have found nothing corresponding to this in the Philippine 
dialects, but the identity of the Polynesian and Guam directives is 

4. Nae, or nai. — In addition to the above particles, which indi- 


306 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

cate the direction toward which ox from which an action tends, there 
is another particle very much used in the Chamorro, indicating the 
place or time at which the action of the verb is performed. This 
may be called a locative particle. It corresponds to the English at 
or on (French i, German an), in the adverbial phrases, at what 
place, at what time, on Monday, at evening. Its use does not ac- 
cord, however, with the rules of English grammar, since it is used 
with adverbs of place and time ; as mano nae gaege, where at is he ? 
ngaian nae mato hao ? when at did you come ? pago nae, at now — 
phrases which become proper in our language when changed to, * at 
what place is he ? at what time did you come ? at present' This 
particle is applied even to Spanish words which have found their 
way into the Chamorro, as este nae, here, at this place ; nunka nae, 
never, at no time. It is also combined with the adverbial conjunc- 
tions an, gin, when or where, used to join a subordinate to a principal 
clause in complex sentences, forming anae, ginae, etc. 

X. — Adverbs 

I. Adverbs of Place and Motion. — The common adverbs 
of place and motion are in reality abbreviations of phrases composed 
of the demonstrative pronouns preceded by the preposition gi, ^ or 
to. They correspond with the demonstratives very much as the 
French adverbs id, la (here, there) correspond with the demon- 
stratives celui'ci, celui4a (this, that), although in Guam it is the 
demonstrative which is the primitive word and the adverb the 
derivative. Thus we have : 

guinl| here, from gi yini, at this (place) ; 
guenaOi there, ixora gi yenao, at that (place) ; 
guihCi yonder, from gi yuhe, at yon (place) ; 

From the names of directions are derived adverbs preceded by 
iya, or by the prefix san-, the latter of which has the effect of 
modifying the radical vowel as in the case of the article L 

Primitive word With Iya With San 

huld^ up iya hulo, on top sanhilo, above 

papd, down iya papd, at the bottom sanpdpd, below 

halotn, in iya halom, inside sanhdlom, inward 

huyong, out iya huyongy outside sanhiyongy outward 




Primitive word 

tate^ after 
lago^ north 
haya^ south 
katatif east 
luchafif west 


santitCy on the rear 
sanl&gOy on the north 
sanhdya, on the south 
sank&tatiy on the east 
sanlichany on the west 

gi i&gO'kOy on my north ; 
gi hctya-moy on thy south ; 
gi kdtan-Ha on his east ; 
gi lichan-tay on our west ; 
entaloy among, between; 

With iya 
iya tatCy behind 
iya lagOy in the north 
iya hayay in the south 
iya kataUy in the east 
iya luchatiy in the west 

In indicating the direction of an action the above words are pre- 
ceded by the prepositions falag, toward ; gine, from, as — 

falaghuldy upward ; ginehuldy from above ; falagluchaUy to the west. 
falagpapdy downward ; ginipapdy from below ; ginikatariy from the east. 

The use of the possessive suffixes with these adverbs has already 
been noticed,^ as — 

gi hiid-mame ; on our upper side, above us ; 
gi pdpd'tniyoy on our lower side, below us ; 
gi menan-nihay on their front, before them ; 
gi tdten-fUhay in their rear, behind them. 
gi tntalo-miyoy in your midst, among you. 

Adverbs used with locative and directive particles : 

mano nae, mano nai, where ? at what place ? where at ? 

enao nae, there, at that place ; 

ajni naCi ayo nai, yonder, at yonder place ; 

guaha naCi at any place, anywhere ; somewhere ; 

taya nae, at no place, nowhere ; 

este * nae, at this place, here. 

este magi, guini magi, in this direction, hither ; 

este magi nae, at this place, to this place (toward me); 

guenao guato, in that direction, thither ; 

enao guato nae, in that place (away from here); 

ajru guato nae, ayo guatu nai, in yonder place (away from here); 

todohft nae, in every place, at all times ; ' 

iya guiya nae, with it, therein. 

Suffix -naion, or -naehon. — This suffix often has the force of 
the adverb * away ' ; as Mnfakvas^on i guina/ia-fno gi fantaguon-mo, 
thou-dividedst-^ra/tfj/ thy property among thy children.* 

^ Am. Anthr.y vol. V, p. 512 ; p. 29 of the reprint. 

• Este^ adopted from the Spanish, is gradually superseding the Chamorro iif 1, this. 

• From Spanish todoy every, all, and the Chamorro A<3, indeed, really. 
*See Verbal Suffixes, Am, Anthr., vol. vi, p. 113 ; p. 6$ of reprint. 

308 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

2. Adverbs of Time and Succession : 

pdgo^ now, today ; pagd na haane^ this day ; 

pdgohdy pdgogohdf right now, only today, just now ; 

naya, formerly, in olden times ; 

hagas^ formerly, once on a time; as hagas magalahe hao^ formerly 
you were governor. 

Idmona^ presently, later (literally, more ahead) ; 

monhayariy monhan^ already (before a past act) ; ^ 

agupay tomorrow; 

agupahdf repeatedly, day after day ; 

inagpaHaj day after tomorrow ; 

nigady yesterday ; 

inigabHaj i halacha, day before yesterday ; 

tafiafy early ; 

taloancy late, tardy, tardily (when spoken in the morning); 

poeHge, puefige^ late, tardy, tardily (when spoken in the afternoon) ; 

am-anty behind-hand, tardy, a long time ; 

ti am-amy not long ; a short time ; 

ti am-arnhdy quite a short time ; 

seso^ sesuy frequently, often ; 

lachay onct ] fahaguay twice; fafatUy three times, etc., are now 

taplungy frequently; 

ikaiagy ekdkaiagf rarely, seldom ; 

halagy rarely, seldom; 

taloy again, once more (French, encore) ; 

// talOy not again, nevermore : ti hu-isao talOy I will not sin again ; 

fininanay firstly, in the first place ; 

/ mina-doSy secondly, in the second place,* etc. 

With Locative Particle nae, or nai : 

figalan nae ? when ? at what time ? 

ayo nae, ajru nai, at that time ; 

pagO nae, now, at this time ; 

taya nae, tat nae, never, at no time. 

guaha naCi at some time, at times, at any time. 

Adopted from the Spanish : 
siemprey siemprehdy always, ever; 

* Sec vol. VI, p. 510 ; p. 80 of reprint. 

' From the Chamorro minay and the Spanish dosy two. 


nunka nae, never ; 
kddaratOf frequently, many times ; 

kadadia^ tolosdiasy every day, daily ; kadadia hu-gdgagao si Vuus, I 
beg God daily ; 

yes/a, fradia, already; 

fradia, (in a reply, like Spanish todavia)^ not yet ; 

untirOf unabtSy un biahe^ once ; dos beses^ dos biahes twice. 

untirohd, dereptnte^ suddenly, all at once. 

atrasdo, tardy, behind-hand. 

entbnseSf then ; antes^ before, already ; despues^ afterward. 

3. Adverbs of Manner and Quality. — To express the manner 
or quality of an action the Chamorros use either a prefix to the 
verb or adjective, an illustrative adverb like taiguini (thus), or a 
phrase formed by the preposition kalang (like) and an object ; or 
they may use an adjective or denominative verb to describe an 
action, placing the verb indicating the action in the infinitive form. 
Thus, * The crow flies swiftly ' is rendered Sahyao gumupo i dga, 
which is literally * Swift to fly is the crow,' or, in better English, 
* The crow is swift in flying.' In the same way nearly all derivative 
adverbs ending in English in -iy (Spanish -mente, French -meftt,) 
may be used as adjectives or denominative verbs. 

Adverbial Prefixes : 
well, g6f-, g6f-, g6s-; 
ill, chat- (from the Malayan jahat^ ill). 
Nearly, almost, on the point of, katna-, k6-. 
Easily, readily, liable to, prone to, gus^-. 

It is interesting to note that the formation of many words in 
Chamorro can readily be traced to the use of some of these parti- 
cles prefixed to verbs. Thus from gof, well, and /«, see, we have 
the verb goflii^ or as it is usually written gufliiy ' to love,' literally, 
'to see well.' From this, by the interposition of the particle in 
before the radical vowel (which has the effect of modifying it to / ), 
we have the noun love, giniflii. By prefixing the particle a-, which 
has a reciprocal sense, we have aguflii, friend, friends being those 
who look well, or kindly, at one another. In the same way a great 
many words are plainly traced to the prefix chat, ill or bad, and Hi, 
to see ; chatlii, to hate, literally, * to look ill ' at some one ; and from 


it are formed chinatlU, hatred, and other derivatives. In a similar 
way from halom^ in, and the prefixes gef and chat are formed the 
"wor^s gefhinalom, generous ( * kind-interior ' ), and chathinalom^ mean 
(* bad-interior '). The possibility of tracing many words to their origi- 
nal sources is an interesting feature of the Chamorro langruage, 
showing clearly that the words were formed by the Chamorros 
themselves, who use them in their primitive sense. This is a sharp 
contrast to our use in English of such words as benevolent, mal- 
evolent, benediction, malediction, benefactor, malefactor, the signifi- 
cance of the component parts of which are seldom brought to the 
mind of the speaker. 

Comparison. — In answering the question * How ? ' the Chamor- 
ros have a series of adverbs formed by the prepositional prefix tai^ 
like, and the adverbs of place here, there, yonder, forming words 
which are all rendered by the English * thus ' — 

haf taimano ? how (literally, what-like-which) ? 
taigttiniy thus, like this (here) ; 
taigenao, thus, like that (there) ; 
taiguihCy thus, like that (yonder) ; 
taiguineh&i just like this. 

Examples : Umafatinas i pinto-mo gi tano taiguihe i Langit. 
Thy will shall be done on earth like (yonder) in Heaven. 

4. Adverbs of Measure and Degree. — The measure or 
degree of an action or quality are usually expressed by prefixes, as 
has been shown in treating of the verb and the adjective. The 
most common of these prefixes are : 

sen-, very, most ; taotaohdy truly human ; 

sesen-,^ exceedingly; magahethd, quite true; 

ch^-i equally ; Id-, more, a little more ; 

achd-| equally ; chat-, incompletely, imperfectly ; 

'hd (suffix), truly quite ; pindt-, excessively, too greatly ; 

-fia (suffix J, more. 

Among the independent adverbs of this character are : 

^Sen and sesen are in all probability identical with the Nahuatl cen (i^») and cecen 
(zezen)f introduced in early times by priests or soldiers from Mexico. Thus we have 
in Nahuatl kualli, good ; zen kualli^ very good ; %nen kualli^ exceedingly good. 


megce, or megai^ greatly, much ; kdtnahdy nearly, almost ; 
dtdidiy or dtdidiy a little ; mampos^ excessively, too much ; 

achat guay equally ; taloy more (repetition) ; 

nahongy sufficiently, enough ; lokuCy besides, also ; 

paloy the rest, the remainder. 

Adopted from the Spanish are : mas, more ; menoSy less ; dema- 
sido, too much. 

5. Adverbs of Modality: 

magahety truly, certainly ; siftay possibly ; 

magahethdy very truly, quite certainly ; siHahdy quite possibly ; 

sen- (prefix), truly; tisifiay impossibly; 

buentey perhaps, //, not; 

huguatiy doubtfully ; sentiy not at all ; 

enao-mindy therefore ; gin siftay if possible. 

6. Affirmation and Negation : 

hunggatiy yes; ahiy no; 

hiioy yes ; senahiy no indeed ; 

hikudy I don't know ; tisifiay it is impossible ; 

siflay it may be so ; chamo / (precative) do not ! 

magahety it is true ; timagahety it is not true ; 

mandagCy it is false ; semnandagCy it is quite false ; 

tayay nothing ; sentayahdy absolutely nothing at all. 

Interrogatives. — Several of the interrogatives used by the 
ancient Chamorros have become obsolete ; among them fiay how 
many,^ used in asking questions of time, as * how many days ? ' 
fafia, how many, in asking questions as to the number of living 
things ; and fiiyaiy how many, in asking questions as to measure- 
ments, as * how many fathoms, or arm-lengths ? ' In the same way 
fahafay how many times, is no longer used. These words have 
been supplanted by kuantoSy how many ; and kuantos bcseSy kuantos 
bialteSy kuantos tiros, how many times, how many trips, how many 
shots, adopted from the Spanish. The Spanish porquiy 'why,' is 
also used. 

In many cases the interrogative is followed by the locate parti- 
cle 7iae (or nai^ : 

1 Identical with the Samoan fia, Tongan fihuy New Zealand hiay how many. See 
Am. Anthr,y vol. v, p. 526; reprint, p. 43. 

AM. ANTM., N. S., 7 — 21. 

I I 

3 1 2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

ngaian nae ? when ? at what time ? 

mano nae ? where ? at which place ? 

mano ? whither ? to which place ? 

guafia ? is it true that ? 

ada, peradventure ; as ada ti mauieg} is it peradventure not good ? 

haf a ? why ? what for ? Porki^ why (from Span, porqui) is now used. 

haftaimano ? haf ataimano ? how ? what like ? 

XL — Prepositions 

1. Classes of Prepositions. — The Chamorro has a few primi- 
tive prepositions, some of which are used independently, others as 
prefixes, and others as suffixes. Like other languages it contains 
many compound prepositions indicating time, place, or order, com- 
posed of a noun and one or two prepositions ; as, * on top of,' ' inside 

I ' of,' * at the front of.' 

2. Gi. — This preposition is the most frequent of all. It has vari- 
ous shades of meaning, being used like the Latin ad (to) followed 

i . by the accusative ; or in some cases like the Latin apud or in (at) 

followed by the ablative, and like the English at (German an) in 
what may be called the locative. When it is followed by the 
definite article /, it combines with it, remaining unchanged. When 

j : followed by the locative article iya, it forms the combination giya. 

When followed by the article si^ used before the names of persons, 
it is dropped, and the latter becomes as, 

i tasty the sea ; gi tasi^ to the sea, by the sea. 

/ tdnoy the earth ; gi tdno, on the earth. 

iangity heaven, sky ; gi langity in heaven. 

lamasuy table ; gi lamasa^ at the table. 

iya hitay our house (Fr. chez nous) ; giya hitay at our house, with 

us, in our keeping. 

iya HagadHay Agafia ; giy^ Hagadtiay at or to Agafia. 

si Huany John ; as Huany to or with John. 

3. Nu. — This preposition is also very much used, and its use 
is sometimes difficult for a foreigner to understand. It may be 
translated 'with,' 'from,' 'by,' 'in,' or 'of,' and is used in many 
cases where in Latin the noun would be put in the ablative without 
a preposition. In constructions where, according to the usual Eng- 


1 ■ 





lish form, the verb would have a direct and indirect object, corres- 
ponding to the dative case of the person and the accusative of the 
thing (* He gave grain to the Athenians '), the usage of the Chamorro 
language corresponds to the Latin accusative of person and the 
ablative of thing ; as, Athenienses fruinento doncnit^ * he presented 
the Athenians with grain.' Examples : 

Nae-ham pdgo nu / agon-mamey Give us today our bread, lit. , * Pre- 
sent us this day with our bread. ' 

Puta i chandiha nu / sisi^ Cut the watermelon with the knife. 

Nafanlibre-ham nu / tailaye^ Deliver-us from evil. 

Maddlalag hao nu i famaguon^ You were pursued by the boys. 

Hachahlao i kahet nu / akaguefia^ He caught the orange with his left. 

Nalie-yo nu / lachi-ho^ Convince me (cause me to see) of my error. 

Hafahague yd nu i paki-Hdy He threatened me with his gun. 

Hafanague yd si Pali nu / gramatikay The priest instructed me in 

TisiHayd maUfa nu hamyo, I cannot be forgetful of you. 

In English the usual forms of these expressions would be : Give 
us our bread, Show me my error, The priest taught me grammar, 

4. Yan. — The primitive signification of this word is that of 
the conjunction *and.* It is, however, used as a preposition, signi- 
fying with, together with, in company with. In the Chamorro the 
use of this preposition is not nearly so common as in European 
languages. Thus, Go with him, is rendered: Hanao enhamyo. Go 
ye two ; or Ddlalag gui. Follow him. With whom did you come 
hither? is rendered: Hayi gachochong'-mo magi} or. Who (was) 
your companioning hither ? I will go with father : Si tata gacliong- 
ho kumanaoy or. Father (is) my companion to go (in going). 

5. Gine, or gini. — This signifies 'from.' Unlike the corres- 
ponding preposition in the Polynesian dialects, it is quite distinct 
from the directive particle (jnagi). It is often used as a prefix, as 
Gim-mano hao} From- where (art) thou ? — forming a verb which is 
conjugated like an intransitive ; thus, the plural of the preceding 
compound is Ma?i^m'fnano hamyo ? From-where (are) ye ? Gini- 
Hagat yo, from-Agat (am) I, is conjugated like a verb, *to-come- 
from-Agat,* taking forms which correspond to the progressive, * I 

3 1 4 AMERICAN ANTHR OPOL O CIS T [n. s. , 7, 1905 

am-come-from-Agating,' etc. This preposition can however be used 
independently ; as, Gini / maHaina-ta as Adan yan Eva^ From our 
parents Adam and Eve ; Ha-nahuyong gini / taya i liion yan i tiliian^ 
He-made-come-out from the nothing the visible and the invisible. 

6. Falagy malag. — This corresponds in usage with the preced- 
ing, but has the opposite significance. With a noun or an adverb 
denoting direction it forms a compound verb, as Falag-tate! (Go) 
to the rear ! Malag-tate i patgofi, the boy went to the rear. Falag 
is used in the imperative, and malag in the present and past tenses 
of the indicative mode. In the same way we have : 

falag'tnonay toward the front, to the front, forward ; 
falag'katatiy toward the east, to the east, eastward ; 
faiag'luchan, toward the west, to the west, westward ; 
falag-halomtanoy toward the inland, to the forest (Samoan tut a), 
faiag-tasiy toward the sea, to the sea, seaward (Samoan i tai),^ 

7. lyon. — This may be considered as a phrase signifying 'prop- 
erty of,' * pertaining to,* or * belonging to,' formed from the noun iyo, 
property, or attribute, and the ligation n, ' of* It has already been 
shown, under Possessives, how independent possessive pronouns are 
formed from this root ; as, iyo-ko, my or mine (property -of-me) ; iyon- 
mamc, our or ours (property-of-us). In the same way we have 
iyon langit, belonging to heaven, celestial ; iyo7i tano, belonging to 
earth, terrestrial ; iyon tataho, belonging to my father, etc. 

8. G e, or gai. — This may be considered as a preposition signi- 
fying ' with,* although it is usually employed as a prefix to a noun 
and is translated as a verb, to have. Thus, gdi-salape si Huan^ 
may be translated either John has money, or with-money (is) John ; 
gai-salape na taotao, may be rendered * moneyed man *; gdi-gima hao^ 
thou hast a home, or with-a-home-art thou ; gdi-payo yd, with-an- 
umbrella-am I, or I have an umbrella. 

9. Tae, or tai. — This is the opposite of gdi, indicating non- 
possession, and may be regarded as a preposition, * without.* Thus, 
tdi'Salape si Huan, may be translated, John has no money, or with- 
out-money is John, or moneyless is John. In the same way we 

^ The Chamorros do not use the expressions * landward * (f uta) and * seaward * (t 
tai) to the same extent as the Samoans and other Polynesians. They usually designate 
boundaries, directions, sides of the house, etc., by the points of the compass. 


have tdi'tutulwn, without beginning ; tdi-hinekog, without end, end- 
less, infinite ; tdi-c/Ui, without limit, boundless ; tdi-minapot, without 
difficulty, easy ; tdi-aflao i lake, without fear is the man, fearless is 
the man. 

10. Mi and e. — These may be considered prepositional prefixes, 
mi signifying ' full of,' abounding in, and e signifying lacking in, scant 
of, poor in ; as, mi-salape, abounding in money, rich ; tm-hito, full 
of lice ; e-hinaso^ lacking in understanding, scant of brains. 

11. Elalalig. — This is an independent preposition signifying 
' like,' like unto ; as kalaHg giiaho, like me ; kalahg patgon, like a 

1 2. Tai. — This prefix, when used with demonstratives, may be 
considered a preposition, * like,* as taiguini, like this, thus, so ; 
taiguenao, like that ; taiguihe, like yonder. Tumafigis-hao taiguihe i 
palo, thou didst weep like the rest yonder (like yonder the others). 

13. Compound Prepositions. — The following compound prepo- 
sitions are closely connected with corresponding adverbs of place 
and direction. They are formed from roots which may be consid- 
ered nouns : 

fona^ mona, front ; gimena, in front of, opposite to, before. 

tate, rear ; gitdte, in rear of, back of, behind. 

hiilo, top ; gihilo, on top of, above, upon. 

papa, bottom ; gipdpd, underneath, below, under. 

halom, inside, interior ; gihdlom, inside of, within, in. 
huyong, outside, exterior ; gihiyo7ig, outside of, without, out of. 
entalo, midst, middle ; gi-entalo, in the midst of, between, among. 
agapa, right hand ; £^'^g<^P<^, on the right side of, on the 

akagiie, lefl ; gi-akague, on the lefl side of, on the left of. 

lagOy north ; gUdgo, on the north of, north of, north 

haya, south ; gihdya, on the south of, south of, south 

katan, east ; gikatan, on the east of, east of, east from. 

luchan, west ; gilichan, on the west of, west of, west from. 

14. Prepositional Suffixes. — In expressing an action which 
is directed to or for some one or something, instead of an indepen- 

3l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

dent preposition, a suffix is used, which combines enclidcally with 
the verb in somewhat the same way as the Latin prefix ad (at) is 
combined with mirari (to wonder) to form admirari, from which we 
derive our verb 'to admire/ These suffixes, as we have already 
seen in connection with the verb, are -e, -ye, -ge. Examples : 

told, to spit ; told^, to spit at 

tunog, to lower ; tunogt si JLuis, lower for Louis. 

tcdag, to look ; talagty to look at, to look toward. 

iayuyui, to pray ; tayttyutt yd si Yuus, pray for me to God. 

sangan, to say ; sarigant, to say to (some one). 

adingan, to speak ; adingatity to speak to, to address. 

chule, chuli, to carry ; ckuliye yd, chulie yd, carry for me. 

sausau, to wipe off; sausauge si nana i lamasa wipe off for 

mother the table. 

15. Prepositions Adopted from the Spanish. — On account 
of a misunderstanding of the above forms and constructions of a 
similar nature the early missionaries introduced into the Chamorro 
the prepositions pot {por), for ; and para, to, for, in order to. They 
also introduced the Spanish prepositions antes de, despues de (after), 
fuera de (beyond), contra (against), and many others. In the cate- 
chism written for the natives such expressions as the following are 
common : 

para hamyo, for ye ; 

para utaka, in order to get ; 

para undhanao, in order to remove (cause to go) ; 

pot i tinayuyut, by the mediation, by the praying ; 

pot i minaaftao nu sasalagtian, through the fear of hell ; 

con todo i tninalagofla, with all his-will. 

para uasii todo i tnanmagas yan i mandikiki na isao, in order to 
pardon all the great and small sins. 

XII. — Conjunctions 

I . Classes of Conjunctions. — In Chamorro there are certain 
words which may be regarded as pure conjunctions ; others may be 
regarded as conjunctive phrases formed by joining certain preposi- 
tions to demonstratives, while others now in use have been adopted 
from the Spanish. 


2. Original Conjunctions. — The original conjunctions are : 
ya, and (joining clauses); laO| but; 

yan, and (joining words); sa, for, because; 

pat, or ; gin, if; 

na, that (with present or past) ; kao, whether ; 

nu, that (with future); an, if, when ; 

lii, nevertheless ; y*ui, if, provided that. 

3. Compound Conjunctions. — These are formed by affixing the 
preposition mina (on account of) to the demonstratives, or the loca- 
tive particle nae (or nai^ to simple conjunctions, assuming an 
adverbial sense and joining a subordinate to a principal clause 
in a complex sentence : 

enao-minft, therefore, on that account ; 

ayu-minft, therefore, on yonder account ; 

este-minft,* therefore, on this account ; 

annae or anae, where, when ; as Matae gi kiluus anae hachuda i 
hagd-Hay He died on the cross, where he shed his blood. Anae matae i 
asagua-mo . . . when thy wife died. . . 

ginnae, ginae, when, if (German wenn), 

yagin, if, provided that ; as Yagin / taotao haguguflii si Yuus . . . 
if man loves God when a man loves God. 

4. Conjunctive Phrases adopted from the Spanish. — In 
certain cases where the Chamorro had no exact expression to cor- 
respond with a Spanish idiom, the early missionaries introduced the 
Spanish idiom itself; as the correlative asikomo {asi comd), as . . . 
so ; masea, maskesea {mas que sea), although ; kontoke {con todo 
que), notwithstanding ; mientras ke, while, during the time that ; 
antes ke, before the time that ; despues ke, after the time that ; 
para ke, in order that, so that ; pot ke {porque) because that.' 

Sometimes there is a combination of Spanish and Chamorro 
forms, as in such sentences as ** As pants the hart for cooling streams, 
so longs my soul for thee," the initial as of which would be rendered 

1 Este is adopted from the Spanish ; it has almost entirely superseded the original 
ini of the Chamorro. 

2 The necessity for the use of the letter k instead of the Spanish c and qu has already 
been explained in speaking of the changes taking place in the vowels of such words as 
kolaty fence ; i kelat, the fence (from the Spanish corral )f which would have to change 
the initial letter c to qu before e if the Spanish system of orthography were followed. 

3l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

by the Spanish asikomo, and the correlative so by the Chamorro 
taiguenao or taiguihCy signifying * thus.* The expression * so as 
not/ is rendered in Chamorro para umunga. 

5. Interrogatives. — In case of the use of a question in a sub- 
ordinate clause the interrogative adverb is used ; as Nihe talii haf a- 
taimano uta-nafatdibre i anti-ia, Come let-us-see how we-shall- 
make-free our-souls. 

6. Connective Particles. — The ligations na and -n have 
already been explained in treating of the adjective and the noun.* 

XIII. — Interjections 

1. True Interjections. — These are used as exclamations, de- 
noting strong emotion. Some of them have evidently been adopted 
from the Spanish : 

Dl, Behold ! Look ! 

Difth&i Just look ! Only look ! 

Heiy Hoe, Hello ! Oh ! 

Uhu (without opening the lips), Ah ! 

Ae (pain, or shock), Ouch ! 

Nihe, Nihi (exhortation), Come! (Lat. veniU,) 

Ptif (aversion). Ugh ! 

He, Hu, Pu (contempt). Pshaw ! 

2. Imperatives used as Interjections : 

Lily Liftht, Look ! Just look ! 

Gus6, Hurry ! Be quick ! 

Sahyao, Hurry ! Go quickly ! 

Falago, Hurry ! Go ! Run ! 

L&ttanao, Begone ! Get out ! Go away ! 

P&kak&i Silence ! Hush ! Hold your tongue ! 

Adahe I Beware ! Be careful ! Look out ! 

Cho (to animals) Whoa ! Stop ! 

3. From the Spanish. — Expressions containing the names 
Yujis (Dios), Hcsus, Maria, are not held to be profane in Cha- 
morro. As in the Spanish, they are frequently used, and on the 
slightest provocation : 

^ Am, Anthr.y vol. v, p. 519; reprint p. 36. 


Yuus-maasei Thanks ! 

Hesus (joy, admiration ), How beautiful ! How strange ! 

Hesus ke (contempt). What a miserable . . . ! 

Asaena (wonder) , Lord ! Good gracious ! 

Ohal& (desire), I hope so ! Would to God ! 

Ai de mi (sorrow), Alas for me ! Poor me ! 

4. Vocative suffix . — After nouns in the vocative case the 
suffix lac is used ; as Tata-lao, O father ! Francisco4ao^ O St. 
Francis ! 


The Chukchee. I — Material Culture. By Waldemar Bogoras. 
Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup 
North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VII. Leyden : E. J. Brill. 1904. 
4**, 280 pp., maps, plates, and figures. 

The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, the funds for which were pro- 
vided by Mr Morris K. Jesup, President of the American Museum of 
Natural History, New York, and which was organized and carried out 
under the direction of Prof. Franz Boas, had for its prime object, by a 
careful and thorough study of the primitive tribes still surviving on the 
northern coasts of the Pacific ocean, the elucidation of the great problem 
of racial, linguistic, and cultural connections between the two continents 
in primeval times. 

The results of that great undertaking are now steadily being pub- 
lished. So far, thirteen comprehensive issues on the archeology, linguis- 
tics, and ethnology of the tribes of the coast of North America, richly 
illustrated, have appeared. Now we have a new, comprehensive volume 
on the most important tribe of extreme northeastern Siberia — the so- 
called Chukchee. This volume is by Mr W. Bogoras, the well-known 
ethnologist^ who during many years has made extensive linguistic and 
anthropological studies among this tribe and its neighbors ; and it is to 
his close studies that we are indebted for the discovery that the Chukchee, 
the Koryak, and the Kamchadal are of the same linguistic stock. For 
the solution of the problem of the Jesup Expedition, the close investiga- 
tion of the Chukchee is of the highest value. 

The Chukchee belong to that mysterious group of North Asiatic 
tribes (including the Gilyak, Yukaghir, Cott, Yenisei Ostiak, and Aino) 
which have been called paleoasiatic by L. Schrenck, and whose enig- 
matic trait is the complete isolation of their languages among themselves 
as well as from the great linguistic stocks of Asia. The isolated character 
of the Chukchee, moreover, as is shown by Mr Bogoras through his ex- 
tensive measurements (of about two hundred persons) and observations, 
is not limited to their language. Like the Aino, the Chukchee are enig- 
matic from an anthropological point of view. Though having amalga- 
mated for many centuries with the Mongolian tribes, they present features 
strikingly different from the Mongolian type. 



" Their eyes are straight, and frequently as large as those of Caucas- 
ians, and XhQ plica occurs but rarely among them. Their hair is often wavy 
or even curly. . . . Fifteen percent of the Chukchee of the Pacific 
coast have dark-brown or even light-brown hair, and beards are more 
frequently seen among them than among the Lamut or the Yakut.*' 

Their folklore, which has little in common even with that of the 
Koryak — their immediate neighbors and a closely related tribe — af- 
fords additional significant testimony as to their isolated position. 

To this enigmatic people Mr Bogoras is to devote four large volumes, 
treating of their material culture, religion, mythology, and social organi- 
zation, besides their linguistics, which forms a separate series. The 
volume now before us takes up the material culture only (trade, reindeer 
and dog breeding, hunting, fishing, war, habitation, food, manufactures, 
clothing, games, etc.), giving an exhaustive and highly scientific treat- 
ment of these topics. 

The rule of modern ethnology — to describe every ethnographical 
fact or object with the minute objectivity of the naturalist, not neglecting 
even the smallest detail, but considering each as important — has been 
observed by the author in the strictest manner. At the same time he has 
been able to give to his objective descriptions an animated and life-like 
setting by numerous comparisons and enlivening details which reflect 
views of the Chukchee themselves. These he was able to present, owing 
to his intimate acquaintance with the language and the habits of thought 
of the tribe described, as well as owing to his comprehensive under- 
standing of the general problems of ethnology. We must await the 
continuation of this work before drawing all the interesting inferences 
suggested by the present volume ; but it already presents, besides an ex- 
haustive picture of the material life of the tribe described, a great store 
of facts highly suggestive for a comparison with similar cultures of other 
primitive tribes, as well as for general ethnological conclusions. 

From the first point of view, the chapters devoted to reindeer breed- 
ing and driving, the most characteristic feature of the arctic regions of 
northern Europe and Siberia, are of great interest. As far as we know, 
this is the first attempt at so detailed a description of reindeer-breeding, 
and it were well if it were followed by similar descriptions of the peculiar 
form of breeding among other arctic tribes. The absence, or at least the 
fragmentary character, of such information, is as yet the main obstacle 
to a solution of the question as to the origin and gradual spread of the 
domestication of the reindeer. How important such exhaustive inquiries 
are, can be seen by the difficulties experienced by Mr Bogoras himself 
in discussing the question. 


The vast body of data brought forward by the author, including tra- 
ditions and survivals in modem life, suggest that, among the Chukchee, 
dog-breeding preceded reindeer-breeding, the latter being probably bor- 
rowed from theTungus, the reindeer people /ar^jcr^//i?«^^/ but, strangely 
enough, the reindeer-race of the Chukchee, as it seems to Mr B(>goras, 
is quite different from that of the Lamut, the one of all the Tungus tribes 
nearest allied to the Chukchee. However, this question is still an open 
one, because, in the present state of our information about racial differences 
of the reindeer among all the arctic tribes of Asia, it is impossible to decide 
whether the physical differences are due to original racial differences or 
to mere differences in the methods of breeding or using the animals. For 
instance, the original, and even now the most usual, form of reindeer 
locomotion among the Tungus tribes was by riding with the saddle 
fastened on the neck ; the Chukchee drive on sledges. For so slender 
an animal, and one with so little endurance as the reindeer, such differ- 
ent forms of treatment are factors that, in the reviewer's opinion, are 
capable of producing, in the long-run, physical differences that can easily 
appear as differences of race. Moreover, as far as the present writer's 
experience goes, the Tungus at the present time continue to increase their 
herds by capturing wild animals and taming them \ but it is not so with 
the Chukchee, and this is not an unimportant cause for producing physi- 
cal differences independent of original descent. As it is, the fiind of 
information about the Chukchee manner of reindeer-breeding is a valu- 
able contribution to this question. 

Dog-breeding is treated by Mr Bogoras on a still larger scale. Close 
investigation and comparison of the methods of dog breeding and driving 
among the different peoples of Siberia have given the author an oppor* 
tunity not only of making an analysis of dog-driving instructive in itself, 
but also of deducing interesting inferences as to the great cultural influ- 
ences in early times among the most distant tribes of the North Pacific- 
The profusion of minute details presented by the author in this chapter, 
although perhaps a little tiresome for the lay reader, are of great value to 
the ethnologist. Everywhere we find old methods preserved among tribes 
that for centuries have lost all communication (compare the sledges of 
the Chukchee and Kamchadal), and instructive survivals that suggest ideas 
of relationship between tribes separated by many thousands of miles, and 
seemingly without any communication (compare, for instance, the custon* 
of the Chukchee of putting the corpse, at a funeral, in a riding position, 
astride, and the usual manner of riding of the Gilyak). 

With the same acuteness of observation and detail as to nunutise, 


the author treats the other departments of material culture, making his 
work a storehouse of facts highly suggestive for comparison and deduction, 
to which the last volume of the publication of the Expedition, entitled 
'* Summary and Final Results,'* will be devoted. 

Of peculiar interest to the ethnologist are the chapters devoted to 
ornament, decorations, hair-dressing, and tattooing. Without any attempt 
at theorizing, the author simply presents facts, and the facts show that all 
these phenomena are of religious origin. He says: "The tonsure and 
fringe are resorted to whenever it is thought necessary, for superstitious 
reasons, to change one's appearance ; for instance, for protecting one's 
self from the spirits of contagious diseases, or by a murderer to conceal 
his identity from the revengeful soul of his victim" (page 253). 

'' Childless women tattoo on both cheeks two lines, etc., and this is 
considered as one of the charms against sterility. . . . Tattoo-marks on 
men are intended as charms against spirits" (pages 254, 256). 

'^Chukchee men and women embellish their persons with various 
adornments of rudest fashion, most of which are regarded as protecting 
charms or amulets. Most prominent among these are necklaces. Some 
of those who have been baptized add to them a brass crucifix. . . . 
Middle-aged men often wear a kind of head-band. It is made of a narrow 
strip of leather adorned at intervals with a few large beads. These orna- 
ments are also amulets. In olden times the attachments consisted of 
small blocks of wood representing protecting spirits, called * wooden 
manikins. ' ^ Similar manikins are also on the breast-bands of the 
women. . . . Many men wear also ear-ornaments, generally by order of 
the sh ans. . . . Single beads on long leather strings are sewed to the 
clothe, serving at the same time both as charm and as ornament. ' ' 

Tb ornamental designs represent also, as far as could be learned from 
the natives, figures of religious origin, as the sun, stars, mountains, rivers, 
and so on ; and the same designs are to be found tattooed on the body. 

Attention should be called to the two introductory chapters, contain- 
ing a discussion of the general characteristics of the tribe ; their habitat, 
climate, statistics, anthropological peculiarities, and lastly some consider- 
ations of former migrations, drawn from linguistic and folkloristic data, 
all of which lead to the curious conclusion of a southern origin of the 
Chukchee. One tradition, that about the boa-constrictor, deserves par- 
ticular attention, as all kinds of snakes are wholly absent from the modem 

^ '' See p. 258. This is a remarkable fact, because wooden manikins are very com- 
mon all over northern Asia. See my paper on the Inau, in the Transactions of the Rus- 
sian Anthrop. Soc., 1905." 

324 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

habitat of the Chukchee. Strange to say, a similar tradition was found 
by the present writer among the Orochee, thousands of miles distant from 
the Chukchee, on the coast of the Tatar strait. 

The volume is richly illustrated with maps, numerous text illustra- 
tions, and plates, all bearing on and elucidating the minute descriptions 
of the text. 

Before closing I will take the liberty of correcting a slight error due 
to misinterpretation of one of Schrenck's plates. In the chapter on dog- 
breeding, the author gives a design of a Chukchee dog-harness,^ a so- 
called one-band "oblique" harness, saying that "this form of harness 
was introduced from the south," and adding that " it is in use among the 
Amur tribes, as may be seen from the description and drawings by 
Schrenck (II, plate xxvi, figs. 3, 4, 5)." As a matter of fact the regular 
dog-harness of the Amur tribes, that of the Gilyak, is quite different, its 
peculiar feature being the absence of the back-band, the dogs pulling by 
the neck. This is clearly seen from the description in the text, as well as 
in Schrenck* s plate (figs. 2, 3) quoted by the author. He has evidently 
been misled by figs. 4 and 5. The upper band, which he took for a 
back-band, really serves for holding a head-decoration for the dog, used 
on solemn occasions. 

Speaking of the senses of the Chukchee, the author says that *' taboo 
against bringing into the sleeping-room any objects connected with the 
hearths and households of other families is founded chiefly upon their 
unfamiliar odor," referring to a case of a woman having fallen sick 
when seeing an old Chukchee wooden case brought by the author from 
another place. She declared that "an unfamiliar odor given off by the 
case made her feel giddy and sick " (page 39). I would not try to ex- 
plain the individual case cited by the author, but I think thai taboos 
connected with the family or clan fires and hearths need not be explained 
in such an unusual way. It would be more rational to suppose that the 
" sickness " of the woman in the alleged case was but a nervous fit asso- 
ciated with the fear of violating a taboo, and that it also was an effect of 
the taboo, not its cause. Indeed, we know many cases where men have 
suddenly died after having violated a taboo. L. Sternberg. 

Conferencias del Museo NacionaL Seed on de Etnologia, Num. i. Los 
Popolocas, Por el Profesor Dr N. Le6x. Mexico : Imprenta de 
Museo Nacional. 1905. 8**, 28 pp. 
This lecture, delivered at the Mexican National Museum by Dr 1 .e6n, 

r^sum^s part of the information obtained by him during his visit among 

' See page 108, fig. 25, a. 


the Popolocas in i904-'o5 (the detailed monograph will appear in the 
Annals of the Museum). After a historical introduction and some notice 
of the confusion concerning the use and interpretation of the term popo- 
locay which Brinton once proposed to bar from the ethnic vocabulary, the 
author sketches briefly the ethnology of this linguistic stock, whose pre- 
columbian habitat was the southern part of the Tlaxcaltecan territory. 
To-day the area of the Popoloca tongue embraces Azingo and Mezontla 
in the state of Puebla, and several places in Oaxaca. In Guerrero the 
Popolocas are almost extinct, and such of them as are said to exist in 
Vera Cruz speak Mixe. The Pupulucas of Guatemala are of Cakchi- 
quel lineage, and those of Nicaragua of Lenca stock : with both of these 
the Mexican Popolocas have been wrongly affined by various writers. 
Remnants of ancient idolatry flourish among them and witchcraft is very 
prevalent. Indeed, the Catholic priest is to them " no more than a wiz- 
ard endowed with a certain power, less, however, than that of their own. * * 
Endogamy is practised and the religious rites of the Catholic church are 
added to by many old heathen ceremonies. Snakes are much venerated. 
The influence of woman in society is great, and her word and counsel con- 
trol all actions. The vocabulary of some 2,000 words obtained by Dr 
Le6n enabled him, by comparison with Mixtec and Chuchona, to prove 
the relationship of these tongues. The physical characters of these 
three peoples point also to identity of race. The so-called *' Mixtec 
eye '* (as the author proposes to term a phenomenon which is " neither 
the * Mongolian eye ' nor the teratological epicanthus ' * ) occurs in all 
individuals of pure blood among the Popolocas, Mixtecs, and Chucones. 
The archeological remains in the Popoloca country corroborate these 
conclusions: **The Popolocas, Chuchones, and Mixtecas belong to the 
same ethnic family.'* Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

La Coleccion Boggiani de Tipos indlgenas de Sudamerica Central, Pub- 
licada por Robert Lehmann-Nitsche, Dr phil. et med. Buenos 
Aires, 1904. Casa Editora de R. Rosauer, Rivadavia 571. Suple- 
mento. Buenos Aires: 1904. 

As the accompanying brief catalogue in Spanish and German ex- 
plains, this collection of 100 photographs (the Supplement adds 14 
more) of men, women, and children, of various Indian tribes of central 
South America, is the posthumous work of Guido Boggiani, the ethnologist, 
who fell a victim to some of the savages of the Gran Chaco a year or 
two ago. The reproductions, excellently done, are on cards, rather 
larger than postals, with titles in Spanish only ; the catalogue gives the 

326 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

German translations, however. The tribes represented are : Sanapani, 
i; Angait6y 3; Lengua^'s; belonging to the Maskoi stock. Caduveo 
(Mbaya)y 15; Toba, i ; Payagua, 6; of the Guaicurti stock. Boior6, 
4. Chamacoco, 79. This makes altogether a most valuable album for 
the ethnologist in easily usable form covering considerable variety of 
aboriginal life and activity, and is a welcome addition to the eye- 
data of distant Indian tribes. Among the most interesting pictures are 
a Sanapani Indian with tame parrots, No. i ; a Mbayi with bow and 
arrow. No. 13 ; Indian holding a snake, Nos. 42-43 ; Indian with 
labret. No. 50 ; Indian woman carrying infant in net, Nos. 87 and 89 ; a 
group of children, Nos. 3Sa and 35B. There are a number of fine 
pictures of old men. Tattooing is well represented in Nos. 16-19, *'" 
24, 77-81, 85, 86, 93, 94; and those who argue for a connection between 
these South American Indians and the Polynesians may find some conso- 
lation in the resemblances suggested by the tattooed aborigines of the 
Chaco in comparison with Maori chiefs, etc. Dr Lehmann-Nitsche has 
both performed a pious deed and benefited anthropology by editing this 
collection. Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

Zeitschrift fur Demographie und Statistik der Juden. Berlin. 4®. 

Under this title a new monthly, devoted to the anthropology and 
statistics of the Jews, made its appearance at the commencement of the 
present year. It is edited by Dr Arthur Ruppin, under the auspices of 
the Bureau for Statistics of the Jews in Berlin. Within the compass of 
sixteen small quarto pages, of which each number is composed, a large 
amount of readable matter and interesting information is compressed, 
and, although it has to do with the anthropological, sociological, and 
economic features of a special people, the tone and tenor of the journal 
are entirely objective, sine ira et studio^ neither polemical nor apologetic. 

The table of contents of the first two numbers will convey an idea of 
the richness and variety of the subject-matter. Thus, the January num- 
ber contains (i) under the heading * * Abhandlungen * ' : Contribution 
to the Physical Anthropology of the Jews, by Prof. F. v. I^uschan ; Mar- 
riages between Jews and Christians in Copenhagen during 1 880-1 903, 
by Julius Salomon ; Criminality among Christians and Jews in Germany 
during 1899-1902, by Dr A. Ruppin. (2) Under the heading **Sta- 
tistisches Archiv** : Changes in the Local Distribution of the Jews in 
Germany since 187 1 ; The Jewish Population of WUrttenberg ; Mixed 
Marriages in Hamburg ; Education in Prussia j The Number of Foreigners 
in the Kingdom of Saxony ; Statistics of Vocations in Austria on the 


Basis of the Census of 1900 ; Mixed Marriages in Buda-Pesth ; The Jews 
in Italy according to the Census of 1901 ; Immigration into the United 
States ; The Jews in British India. In the February issue appear : ( i ) 
The Conception of the Jews of their being a Chosen People and its Bio- 
logical Significance, by Curt Michaelis ; The Pan-Jewish Labor Union 
in Russia, Poland, and Lithuania, by Esther Schneerson ; (2; Age Sta- 
tistics of Christians and Jews in Hamburg ; Criminality among the Jews 
in the Netherlands; Cities in Germany with more than 1,000 Jewish 
Inhabitants; Results of the Census of 1900 in Serbia; The Jews of the 
Oasis Mzab ; The Vernacular of the Jews in Austria ; Census of 1901 in 
New South Wales ; The Jewish Colonies in India. 

L M. Casanowicz. 

Romanische MeisfererzdhUr^ unter Mitwirkung . . . Herausgegeben von 
Dr Friedrich S. Krauss. I Band. Die Hundert alien Erzdh- 
lungen, Deutsch von Jakob Ulrich. Leipzig: Deutsche Ver- 
lagsactiengesellschaft, 1905. 8^, i~l, 1-141 pp. 

This volume by Professor Ulrich, of Ziirich, is the first of a proposed 
series of "Romanic Master Raconteurs," put into German under the 
editorial supervision of Dr Krauss of Vienna, aided by some twenty 
collaborators from among the leading literary critics of the principal 
German university towns. It is dedicated to Ancona, of " Cento 
Novelle Antiche," from which it takes its name. The series, to consist 
of a number of small volumes to appear at the rate of six or eight per 
year, is intended to embody all that has endured as worth preserving of 
the countless short tales, midway between folklore and epic, that passed 
current among the Romanic nations, particularly France and Italy, in 
the Medieval period down to about the close of the Xlllth century. 
Many of these were of Hindu, Arab, or other Oriental origin, brought 
back by returning Crusaders and adapted to European ideas by knights 
and minnesingers. They are of all sorts, from Bible parables and 
miracle stories to the originals on which our best-known humorists have 
built their reputations. In construction they are all built on the same 
model — short, simple, and direct, as was necessary to appeal to illiterate 
auditors, who wished to be amused or lightly instructed, without too long 
a strain on their intellects. They are the prose counterpart of the 
ancient ballad, and the delight which the work affords to one brought up 
in the European tradition is akin to that with which in mature age we turn 
over the pages of the old fourth reader of our childhood. Each volume 
contains a critical introduction by the translator, with an appendix of 
literary and historical notes for each story. James Moonev. 

Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain 

[Note. — Authors, especially those whose articles appear id jonnials uid other 
serials oot eotirel]' devoted to anthropology, will greatly aid this departiDeDt of the 
American AnlArofiilogist by seadiog direct to Dr A. F. Chamberlain, Clark University, 
Worcester, Massachusetts, U. S. A., reprints or copies of such studies as they may desire 
to hare noticed in these pages. — Editor.] 


Andri LBfiTre. (R. de 1' £c. d'Anthr. 
de Paris, 1904, XIV, 383-96, portrait. ) 
Memorial addresses by MM. D'Echerac, 
Thuli*. Deniker, Delbet, Hen-*, on the 
life, character, aod woiks of the dis- 
tinguished Freoch anthropologist. His 
chief publicHtioQs were on Religion and 
mythologies, Man through the ages, 
Myths and religioni, Races and lan- 
guages, Slavs and Teutons, Ancient Italy, 
etc. By his will he left to the ^le 
d'Anthropoloeie " my head — face, cra- 
nium and brain, — and more, if useful." 

Balfmu (H, ) The relationship of mu- 
scums to the study of anthropology. (J. 
Anth. Inst.,Lond., 1904, xxxiv, 10-10.) 
Argues for individuatiialion, varitty, and 


1 type I 

have larger beads and are darker- haired 
ihna the reformatory and industrial 
school boys. London -bom boys are 
oftener darker-eyed, darker- haired, and 
Bloat (A.) Questions de technique c^pfa- 
alomitrique d'apris M. Bertillon. (An- 
nte Psychol., Paris, 1903 [1904], x, 
139-40- ) From measurement oi 104 
subjects it was found that in 38 there 
was no diifereoce in length of head 
when measured from the glabella and 
from tfae root of the nose ; io 29 the 
first diameter was less, in 37 greater. 
The individual differences are greater 
with the greater excess of the gUbcllar 

fast disappearing. Great Britain needs 
a National Museum and " Folk- Mu- 
seum," and special muEcums lo illustrate 
special subjects (environment, etc.) 

Baschi (A.) Intomo ai presunti ritratti 
di Andrea de Sarin. (A. p. I'Antrop., 
Firenie, 1904, XXXlv, 301-13, pi.). 
Discusses from an anatomical point of 
view the six portraits of Andrea del 
Sarto, alleged 10 be in existence. From 
his physiognomic analysis Dr B. con- 
cludes that the portraits in question rep- I 
resent at least three different individuals ; . 
which is Andrea is still doubtful. | 

Beddoa (J.) The somatology of eight I 
hundred boys in training for the Royal . 
Navy. (J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1904, | 
xxxiv, 92-99. ) Details of color obser- j 
vatioDS of Soo boys 1 6-1 7 years of age, 
and head -measurements of 300 compared < 
with E6 reformatory school and 123 , 
other boys of like ages. The navy boys [ 

Bl£al(M.) Andr«Ulirre. (Rdel'^c 
d' Anthr. de Paris, 1905, xv, i-3.) 
Brief appreciation of life and works. 
Among other literary efforts, Leftvre, 
the anthropologist, published two vol- 
umes of poems pantheistic in sentiment 
and classic in style and form. He was 
also the author of a translation of Ln- 

DBlTame(J.) La vie sociale. (R. Philos., 
Paris, 1904, Lviii, 583-601.) The au- 
thor does not accept the theory that social 
phenomena are a mere prelongaHon of 
biological phenomena. Many compar- 
isons of this order are superficial and ex- 
terior. Human changes are due to in- 
dividual minds, but science alone cannot 
create civiliialion. Moral ideas, indi- 
vidual eneigies escaping scientific for- 
mula are also necessary. 

Duff (R. A.) Proverbial morality. (Int 
J. Ethics, Phila., 1904, xiv, 172-9.) 
From a consideration of proverbs or 
maxims concerning human conduct, etc, 
D. concludes tbat ■' if the ideal of con- 




duct which most popular maxims present 
is not of very high type, it is at least a 
many-sided and self-corrective one." 
For most of the popular maxims another 
one of opposite import exists. The an- 
tagonbms, uncertainties, and contradic- 
tions of life are well expressed. 

Oiuffrida-Russeri (V.) Le ossificazioni 
di spazi suturali e i parietali divisi. 
(Mon. Zool. Ital., Firenze, 1904, xv, 
172-8, 4 fgs. ) Treats of ossifications of 
sutural spaces in relation to divided 
parietals. G. holds that inter-central 
membranous spaces can independently 
ossify. Divided parietals may be real 
and pseudo, one part of the so-called 
** divided parietal '' being really an inde- 
pendent ossification in the sutural space. 

— — II canale infrasquamoso di Gruber e 
altre particolarit^ roorfologiche nella 
regione temporale, canale interstiziale 
e processo ensiforme. (Ibid., 298- 
303* I fg«) Describes the occurrence 
of Gruber's canal in two European 
(Roman Apulian) male skulls out of 
1,300 examined. It did not occur once 
in 400 Papuan skulls, and the only 
other example was in an infantile Peru- 
vian skull. The occurrence of the ensi- 
form process is noted in four Peruvian 
skulls. In the Italian skulls when it oc- 
curs (ra. I : 350) it is not so typical. 

Gli pweudo-parietali tripartiti del 

Frasseto. (Ibid., 1905, xvi, 64-70.) 
Critique of article by Frassetto in same 
periodical for Dec., 1904. G. considers 
that the cases of 2^ja and Fusari, Ranke, 
and the Egyptian skull of the Paris Mu- 
seum cited by F., can be interpreted 
otherwise than as divided parietals, and 
attributes to him '*an extraordinary facil- 
ity for seeing divided parietals." The 
theory of the ossification of the periparie- 
tal sutural spaces is advocated by G. 

L'indice tibio-femorale e I'indice 

radio-omerale (A. di Anat. edi Embr., 
Firenze, 1904, ill, 546-65.) The con- 
clusions of this interesting paper are that, 
contrary to the opinion of Tarufli, macro- 
somia (gianthood) does not alter the re- 
spective proportions of femur and tibia ; 
nor does microsomia (pygmism) alter 
them according to any fixed law. 
The radio-humeral index is higher in 
male, and not in females (as Calori 
maintained ) ; the greater development 
of the humerus in giants, relatively to 
the radius, is not proved. Taruffi's 
*< law ", that low stature is accompanied 

by an augmentation of radial length, is 
disproved. The great majority of the 
lower races have high anti-brachial in- 
dices, independent of stature. 

—— Un cranio acrocefalico. (A.d. Soc. 
Rom. di Antrop., 1905, xi, extr., pp. 
1-17, 2 fgs.) Describes with measure- 
ments an acrocephalic skull belonging to 
an individual ca, 8 years of age, and dis- 
cusses the general subject (views of Top> 
inard and Hanotte, — for the latter aero- 
cephaly and oxycephaly are synony- 
mous). The precocious closure of a 
great part of the coronal and of the an- 
terior part of the sagittal suture is the 
cause of the excessive reaction causing 
the peculiar form of the skull, its prog- 
nathism, etc. The capacity *is 1,330 
ccm., the cephalic index 96.7. The par- 
ietal bosses are asymmetrical. 

Partecipazione della donna al pro- 

gresso. (Riv. Pop., Napoli, 1904, estr., 
10 pp. ) Discusses rdle of women in 
human progress in ancient and modem 
times. In the Homeric age and corre- 
sponding epochs elsewhere woman repre- 
sented a progressive element ; man was 
priest and warrior and conservative. 
Woman's conservatism to-day is retro- 
gression ; she has been mechanized by 
religion, etc., and civilization has lost 
infinitely much. Woman must be 
allowed again to infuse into human cul- 
ture her grace and gentleness, by acquir- 
ing a clearer intellect and a deeper sin> 
cerity. Woman ceases to study before 
she is twenty ; what would man do if he 
were in like status? Matrimony and 
child-birth are, after all, episodes, not 
all of life. 

de la Grasserie (R. ) De 1' expression de 
I'id^e de la sexuality dans le langage. 
(R. Philos., Paris, 1904, LVIII, 225- 
46. ) Author holds that sexual gender is 
the slowest and latest of several strata to 
appear. Gender appeared long before 
sexuality was recognized in thb category ; 
biotic and logistic preceded sexual 

Greenwood (M.) A first study of the 
weight, variability, and correlation of the 
human viscera, with special reference to 
the healthy and diseased heart. (Bio- 
metrika, Cambr., 1904, ill, 63-83.) 
Gives statistics of weight, variability, 
correlation, etc., of heart, liver, spleen, 
and kidneys, based on 1,382 cases from 
general hospital population and from 358 
to 413 cases of healthy hearts. Sp>ecial 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

diseases and general want of health both 
tend to increase variability and reduce 
correlation. Heart-kidney correlation is 
highest. In health heart-weight in- 
creases with age, but the healthy hear- 
is much smaller than the heart in diseaset 
The weight of the average healthy hear, 
has been underestimated. 

de Helguero ( F. ) Determinazione della 
grandezza e della forma degli organismi 
in somatometria. (A. d. Soc. Rom. di 
Antrop., 1905, XI, 17-26.) Emphasizes 
importance and distinction of size (mass) 
and form of organisms. Stature seems 
to be the best index of size, all organ- 
isms being reduced to a common stature 
of 1000 units, and the somatic coefficient 
being determined. The value of the 
relation between brain-weight and body- 
weight is somewhat doubtful. In woman 
the brain-weight is, relative to the body- 
mass, greater than in man. Indices are 
not generally independent of the abso- 
lute masses of organism. 

Hellmich (H.) Der Gdtze'sche Bdsch- 
ungsmesser. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, 
XXXVI, 885-90, 3 fgs.) Gives results 
of practical experience with the Gdtze 
scarp-measure. See American Anthro- 
pologist, 1904, N. s., VI, 554. 

Hery6 (G.) Le journal de voyage de 
Relian. (R. d. 1' fee. d' Anthr. de Paris, 
1904, XIV, 415-22.) Gives extracts on 
maritime superstitions (use of powdered 
shark brain as medicine), the Hottentots 
(*< their language resembles more the 
cry of a turkey than the voice of man " ), 
manners of the Europeans at Batavia in 
Java (they keep slave mistresses, selling 
them when tired), the Chinese in Java 
(a << Chinese question" existed then as 
now), poisoning by female slaves 
abandoned by their European paramours, 
the Chinese of Canton (industries, reli- 
gion, medicine, etc. ), the orangutang 
(called "a wild man'*), etc. from a Ms. 
of the 1 8th century (1754) by a ship's 
surgeon named Relian, of Geneva. 

ten Kate (H.) Die blauen Geburtsflecke. 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 
53-8. ) Discusses the occurrence of 
** blue birth-marks " (Mongolian spots) 
in Asia, particularly Japan and China, 
Indonesia (they are not unknown among 
the Papuans), America (Mayas, Bra- 
zilian Indians, etc. ), whites of Europe, 
etc. Dr ten Kate concludes that the 
evidence in hand indicates that these 
"blue spots" are an isomorphism (in 

the sense of Lehmann-Nitsche), and 
** occur with different intensity and fre- 
quency in all human races." Folk-lore 
in Japan attributes them to coitus during 
pregnancy; in parts of China to '*tbe 
slap of a fairy," the mark of the king of 
the lower world, etc.; in Java to the 
** lick " of dwarf-like spirits, the lick of 
a snake, etc. 

Lamieri ( Vittoria ) Folk-lore et pedagogia. 
(R. di Psicol. Appl., Bologna, 1905, i, 
26-31.) Author describes a game of 
proverbs introduced by her into the 
school for the feeble-minded at Bologna 
and the good results therefrom. 

Lapicque (L. ) Sur I'emploi d'une toise 
horizontale en campagne ; experience 
faite dans le Sud de I'lnde. (Bull. Soc 
d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 337- 
40. ) Describes a measure for taking the 
length (height) lying, etc., of human 
subjects, used by the author in southern 
India. The principle of the apparatus 
was suggested by Papillault. L. finds 
the difference between the height stand- 
ing and the length lying to be about 
2 cm. 

Lejeune (C. ) La communion. (Ibid., 
404-11.) Discusses various theories 
(Lefivre, Reinach, Maury) concerning 
the origin of communion as practised by 
the Christian churches, etc. For L. the 
Catholic ceremony is a survival from the 
cannibalism of remote ages — anthropo- 
theophagy. The author looks upon 
Catholicism as the greatest danger of 
the future. 

YOn Lendenfeld ( R. ) Bemerkungen ttber 
die Bedeutung der Riickbildung fiir die 
Anpassung. (A. f. Rassen- u. Ges.- 
Biol., Berlin, 1904, I, 793-7.) Dis- 
cusses the significance of regression for 
adaptation. Regression of unused parts 
is not retrogression but progression, for 
it increases the regression of the whole 
organism. To get rid of the superfluous 
is an advantage, — to accomplish the 
most, with the least expenditure. Nega- 
tive variation leads to the regression of 
what is unused, superfluous, unpro- 

MacDougall (R.) The significance of the 
human hand in the evolution of mind. 
(Amer. J. Psych., Worcester, 1905, 
XVI, 232-42. ) General discussion. M. 
holds that there is *'an intimate connec- 
tion between the features of the hand 
and the soul of man," that its individu- 




ality is "no less characteristic than that 
of the human face/' and that "in its 
features and capabilities is symbolized all 
that man has achieved in his long up- 
ward march from the primeval ooze.'* 

Mahoadaau (P. G. ) Poudre de crftne. 
(R. de r6c. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, 
XIV, 332. ) Note on a recii>e of powder 
made from the skull of one who has died 
a violent death, given in a botanical and 

?harmaceutical dictionary published in 
'aris in 17 16. 

Kann (R. ) Facial expression. (Intern. 
Quart., N. Y., 1905, xi, 148-62.) 
General discussion. Education and inher- 
itance constantly increase the differences 
between adults. The infantile and adult 
faces among civilized peoples are farther 
apart than among savages. Aristocratic 
and socially-selected classes have greater 
social expressiveness. The contrasts 
between the faces of men and women are 
greater among civilized than among sav- 
age peoples. 

Kanouyrier (L. ) L' individuality de T an- 
thropologic. (R. de rfec. d* Anthr. de 
Paris, 1904, XIV, 397-410.) Address 
at St Louis Exposition, September 23, 
1904. General discussion of the indi- 
vidualization of anthropology as a dis- 
tinct science. Anthropology is con- 
cerned with anatomical, physiological, 
psychological, and sociological differ- 
ences, and the connection of these with 
one another is not to be forgotten. The 
practical organization of the science is of 
great importance. The theoretic recog- 
nition of its individuality in the minds 
of all anthropologists dominates all other 

Mantegazza (P. ) Primee linee di psicolo- 
gia positiva. (A. p. 1' Anthr., Firenze, 
1904, XXXIV, 143-82, 193-241.) Sec- 
tions xxv-xxxii, treating of inferior 
intelligences, psychic processes in hu- 
man societies, pathology of thought, 
higher forms of human endowment, 
memory, imagination and fancy, speech 
and gesture in races of man, ethical 
character of human thought (every 
thought of weak brains is low), etc. 
Memory increases with hierarchy of 
races. In biology and psychology 1 00 
= 100 is of more importance than 2 = 2. 
Invita Minerva applies to muscular 

MinakoY (P. A.) O pos£d£nii volos. 
(Russk. Antrop. Zhum., Moskva, 1903, 

NO. 2, 1-12, 2 pi. ) Treats of the grow- 
ing gray of the hair. M. opposes Met- 
chnikov's pigmentophagi theory — the 
pigmentophagi are really pigmentophors 
of Riehl, Kdlliker, etc. 

de Mortillet (A.) Les tumulus. (R. de 
1* fee. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 
247-62, 6 fgs. ) Treats of names, num- 
ber (exceeds 3000 in France — infinitely 
more have been destroyed without re- 
cord) ; classification (true tumuli or torn- 
belles ; pseudo-tumuli : mottes^ buttes^ 
etc. ) ; buttes due to mineral exploitation ; 
murgers or more or less modem funeral 
cairns, also callied pierriers ; tombelles 
or sepulchral tumuli of earth (barrows); 
neolithic tumuli, etc. De M. holds that, 
except those buried directly in the 
ground, all dolmens were covered by 

MottfL. F.) The Round Table. (Pubs. 
Moa. Lang. Assoc. Amer., 1905, 
XX, 231-64.) Treats chiefly of the 
Arthurian " Round Table " as a courtly 
festival celebrated on some great feast 
day. Author seeks to show that "all 
the known features of Arthur's Round 
Table are found in primitive agricultural 
celebrations," the basis being Celtic 

Nioolle (C.) Reproduction exp6rimentale 
de la Idpre chez le singe. (C.-R. Acad, 
d. Sci., Paris, 1905, CXL, 539-42.) 
Describes the inoculation of a female 
Macacus sinensis with leprosy from a 
human being. Other related experi- 
ments are in progress at the Pasteur 

Poarl (R. ) A notable advance in the 
theory of correlation. (Science, N. Y., 
*905» N» s., XXI, 32-5.) Calls atten- 
tion to the importance of Pearson's 
recent memoir On the theory of contin- 
gency and its relation to association and 
normal correlation (London, 1 904, pp. 
1-35) in widening the range of prob- 
lems and material which can be effiect- 
ively handled by biometric methods. 

Pi^trement (C. A.) Les races che valines 
dans les temps et dans I'espace. ( Bull. 
Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s, v, 
412-36.) Discussion and critique of 
Zaborowski's recent article Le cheval 
domestique en Europe et les Protaryens 
(C.-R. Ass. frang. A. d. Sci., 1903, 
845-62.) Z. is in error in applying 
the term large ( grand ) to the Asiatic 
race of Sanson and to the Assyrian 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

horses and those of the Parthenon. Nor 
were the horses bestridden by Cesar's 
Teutons so small as Z. thinks. There 
is no evidence that any race of horses 
has grown larger before the 19th cen- 
tury (at this epoch, improvements of 
the soil and climate and domestication 
with better and more abundant food 
have combined to improve the breed). 
P. thinks that the [>eninsular Arabs of 
the time of Mahomet already possessed 
what might be called a breed of 

Pittaluga ( Rosetta) Su un caso di ossa 
wormiane etmo-lacrimali e del palato 
duro. (A. d. Soc. Rom. di Antrop., 
1905, XI, 52-5, 2 figs.) Treats of two 
small ethmo-lacrimal wormian bones and 
two large wormian bones in the hard 
palate of a female skull (from Siena) 
belonging to a person not more than 15 
years of age. Facial asymmetry and 
dental anomalies were also present. 
Rachitic influence is suggested. 

Preuss (T. ) Der Ursprung der Religion 
und Kunst. I. Der Zauber in Kdrper- 
ofihungen. (Globus, Bmschwg, 1904, 

Lxxxvi, 321-7, 355-63, 375-9, 388-92, 
10 figs. ) Treats of the ** magic ' ' of the 
bodily openings in connection with the 
origin of religion and art : Magic song 
of animals (^. ^^ grasshopper as bringer 
of heat, — animals thus become deities), 
magic of defecation (among Aztecs, etc., 
excreta and urine in rites and cere- 
monies), magic of cohabitation (Peru- 
vian and Mexican ceremonies for the 
"renewing" of nature, sexual orgies of 
gods and men), magic of breath (breath- 
ing into mouth of woman as necessary as 
as injectio seminis for completion of 
child), magic of animal dances (men 
imitate animals and increase power) — 
these are matters of magic, not mere 
representations of scenes and ideas ( this 
occurs after the dances have become 
secular, or at a higher stage of develop- 
ment). The conception of a magic 
power or orenda in the whole of man 
was preceded by the idea of the 
"magic" of separate portions of the 
body and of fixed acts. Personal magic 
began with the belief that out of the 
openings of the body came magic powers 
and magic stuff — out of the nose breath ; 
out of the mouth breath, voice, spittle, 
and other excreta out of the anus, penis, 
and genital organs. The magic of man 
is the origin of religion and of art. 

R. (J.) Bin Oberkiefer ;mit flberzflhligen 
Zfthnen. (Corr.-Bl. d. deutschen Ges. 
f. Anthr., Mttnchen, 1905, xxxv, 57, 
I fig.) The supernumerary teeth grew 
after the wisdom teeth in the twentieth 

Rhumbler (L.) Klaatsch's und Schoeten- 
sacks Theorien iiber Abstanmiung und 
Urheimat des Menschengeschlechts. (A. 
f. Rassen- u. Ges.- Biol., Berlin, 1904, 
79S-808.) Critical discussion of Kla- 
atsch's theory of the separation of the 
human stock branch and the anthropoid- 
stock branch at the period of ^e mam- 
mal, or ^t primatoidy pre-simian ances- 
try of man, and the argument of Schoeten- 
sack that Australia was the scene of the 
origin of mankind, — here the natural 
environment was especially favorable to 
the development of such a being. R. 
considers both hypotheses untenable. 
The discovery of fossil human remains, 
etc., in Australia must occur before 
Schoetensack's theory can have a status. 

Salmon (P.) Influence du sexe sur le 
dessin. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 
1904, \^ s, V, 332-7.) Dr S. holds 
that drawing is homosexual and of the 
corresponding sex, — it is easier for a 
girl to draw a woman, for a boy to draw 
a man. The personal equation is large 
even in famous artists. There are 
"natural drawings" and "influenced 
drawings." The esthetic sense hardly 
appears, even with education, before the 
thirteenth year. There exists in man 
an innate tendency to draw. Drawing 
is precocious in the race and in the indi- 

Shaler (N. S. ) Earth and man: an 
economic forecast. (Intern. Quart., N. 
Y., 1905, X, 227-39.) According to 
S., " the genus homo is one of those ex- 
ceptional groups, of which there are 
many, which have a peculiar capacity for 
withstanding those influences which bring 
about the death of organic groups." 
Man's intellectual quality exempts him 
from calamities and accidents of extinc- 
tion and "he is not to pmss from the 
earth in all foreseeable time, but is to 
master it and himself for ages of far- 
reaching endeavor." 

Slaughter (J. W.) Music and religion: 
a psychological rivalry. (Intern. J. 
Ethics, Phila., 1905, xv, 352-61.) 
According to the author, " music ana 
religion are rivals for the same claims in 




hnman nature, and so long as music oc- 
cupies its present place in the general 
consciousness, we can look for no wide- 
spread revival in religion." 

Stoops (J. D. ) Three stages in individual 
development (Ibid., 1904, xiv, 81- 
90.^ Author seeks to show that in the 
individual, and correspondingly also in 
society, there exist three developmental 
stages : organization ; negative, exclusive 
self^consciousness ; reorganization be- 
tween growing sense of self and deeper 

Stratx (C. H.) Das Kind als Erzieher. 
(Vrtljhrs. f. Kdrp. Erzhg., Wien, 1905, 
I, 17-22, I fg. ) We should not only 
educate children but we ought also to 
let them educate us — especially in the 
light of mens sana in corpore sano. 
The child must not be deprived of its 
natural and healthy instinct tor nakedness 
and its expression. 

Stravch {Hf') Ueber eine Methode far- 
biger Konservierung frischer Leichen- 
teile fUr die Zwecke der somatischen 
Anthropologic. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 

1904, XXXVI, 671-5.) Gives author's 
experience with the Littlejohn wet 
method of preserving fresh parts of the 
body, which he highly approves. A 
woman's head has been preserved by 
this method since Nov., 1903. The 
realism of the specimens is remarkable. 

Stfickelberg (E. A.) Ueber Pergament- 
bilder. (Schwz. A. f. Volksk., Ziirich, 

1905, VIII, 1-15, 4 pi., 5 fg.) Treats 
of the so-called ** parchment pictures," 
of which the author has seen some 
10,000 (at the Second International 
Congress of the History of Religions at 
B&le), or memorial pictures for pilgrims 
and devotees, of saints, etc. The pic- 
tures themselves, their origin, use, etc., 
are discussed, also the inscriptions on 
them. Their flourishing period was the 
time of the barok and rococo style and 
they were made in monasteries, etc., as 
e. g., at Einsiedeln. These A^/tj^/i are 
still sometimes presented to children or 
put into coffins, or hung on chamber 

Symington (J.) John Grattan's crani- 
ometer and craniometric methods. (J. 
Anat. and Phys., Lond., 1904, xxxviii, 
259-74, 2 pi.) Describes, from G.'s 
article in the 67f/^r Journal of Arche- 
ology for 1853, an apparatus for tracing 
on paper the curves of skulls, the 
methods used, etc. 

Tenchini (L.) Di un canale perforante 
arterioso ( infra-parietate) nella volta 
cranica dell' uomoadulto. (Mon. Zool. 
Ital., Firenze, 1904, xv, loi-io, i fg. ) 
This phenomenon of arrest occurred 
three times in 430 skulls of criminals 
and in 120 normal skulls investigated by 
the author. 

Terman (L. M. ) A study in precocity 
and prematuration. ( Amer. J. of Psych. , 
Worcester, 1905, xvi, 145-83. ) Treats 
of infancy, education and prematuration, 
over -pressure, criminal and religious 
and sexual precocity, precocity and un- 
balance, nervousness, etc. There are 
race-precocity, individual precocity, and 
'* prematuration " (the result of outside 

ToYO (C. ) Le forme del cranio nello svi- 
luppo fetale. (A. d. Soc. Rom. di 
Antrop., 1905, XI, 27-44.) Gives 
results of examination by Sergi's method 
of 86 Piedmontese fetal skulls (second 
month 3, third 4, fourth 5, fifth ii, 
sixth 9, seventh 7, eighth 5, ninth 1 1, 
term 31). Of these skulls 37 were 
pentagonoid, 22 ellipsoid, 20 ovoid. 
Before the seventh month 96.9 % are 
ellipsoid-ovoid, after that period 74.5 % 
pentagonoid. Normally, therefore, the 
fetal skull assumes from the seventh 
month of intra-uterine life a pentagonal 
form ; before this comes a distinct period 
with an ellipsoid -ovoid form. The pen- 
tagonal form in adult skull is probably a 
fetal residuum. Cephalic indices are 

VolkOY (Th.) Variations squelettiques 
du pied chez les primates et dans les 
races humaines. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. 
de Paris, 1903, \'« s., iv, 632-708 ; 
1904, v, 1-50, 201-331, 57 fgs., 172 
tables.) Detailed and valuable mono- 
graph based on the study of some 200 
human subjects (43 Amerinds), 57 an- 
thropoids, monkeys, etc., and 24 other 
animals. The European foot is the 
result of the very slow and gradual 
transformation of the foot of a climbing 
ancestor, the transitory forms of which 
still occur in the flat foot of the fetus 
and of modem savages. The arch of 
the foot is the most essential anthropo- 
logical character, and the index of curve, 
or relation between the height and the 
length of the foot, is an important datum. 
Very important also are the foot of the 
new-bom and the so-called supemumer- 
ary bones. In the Hylobates and the 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

gorilla in part occur the beginnings of 
adaptation to the upright position and 
bipedal progression. 

Vram (U. G. ) L'indice alveolare inferiore. 
(A. d. Soc. Rom. di Antr., 1905, xi, 
49-51.) Gives the results of measure- 
ments of the prognathism of the jaw in 
34 Bolognese (males 17), 13 Fuegians 
(males 8l, and 6 Milanese skulls, accord- 
ing to the relation of the intergonial- 
alveolar line to the intergonial pogonon 
(TOrOk). An index below 103 indicates 
a prognathic chin, above 103 a prog- 
nathic alveolus and a retreating chin. 
Here the relation of two linear measure- 
ments is substituted for the measuration 
of an angle. 

Un quarto molare in un cranio di un 

Cercocebus. (Ibid., 47-48, i fg. ) 
Brief description of a fourth molar in 
the skull of a macaque from Sumatra, 
— very small, as was the fourth molar in 
a human skull recorded by V. 

Waldeyer (H.) Os tibiale externum 
Pfitzner. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, 
XXXVI, 881-2.) Brief note on four 
cases of this variation, one on both 

WMtelaw (C. E.) The origin and de- 
velopment of the H ighland di rk. ( Trans. 
Glasgow Archeol. Soc., 1905, N. s., v, 
32-42, 3 pi.). Author distinguishes 
four types, developed from the form of 
** the simple dagger knife in use over 
western Europe from the 14th to the 
1 6th centuries inclusive." As a distinc- 
tive weapon the Highland dirk does not 
seem to exist earlier than the 17th cen- 
tury, although at that time the ** univer- 
sal type " of dagger knife was then in 
use. W. believes that ** the existence 
of Celtic ornament on weapons of the 
17th and i8th centuries was a revival 
rather than a survival." 

Wilder (H. H.) Duplicate twins and 
double monsters. (Amer. J. Anat., N. 
Y., 1904, III, 387-472, II fgs., 2 pi.) 
Treats of multiple births and their rela- 
tionship to composite monsters, intra- 
uterine relationships in twin gestations, 
triplets and other multiple births, dupli- 
cates among lower animals, relation of 
duplicate twins to double monsters, clas- 
sified list of double monsters (diploplagi, 
autosite and parasite), origin of compo- 
site monsters (recent theories, etc.), 
configuration of the friction-skin ( palms 
and soles) in twins and triplets, physical 
measurements of duplicate twins (four 

sets). Good bibliography (pp. 465- 
472). Among the conclusions reached 
in this valuable monograph are these : 
Twins are either duplicate (invariably 
of same sex — <<the result of the total 
separation of the first two blastomeres 
of a single egg) or fraternal (of same or 
different sex — << resulting firom the si- 
multaneous ripening and consequent fer- 
tilization of two separate eggs " ). Da- 
plicate twins usually ''resemble each 
other to the point of confusion" ; fra- 
ternal twins may or may not resemble 
each other. Symmetrical double mon- 
sters (diploplagi) are closely related to 
duplicate twins ; unequal double mon- 
sters (autosite and parasite) are due to 
"the secondary fusion of two embr3ros." 
Twins show greater differences fipom 
each other in the soft than in the skeletal 


Abercrombie (J.) A method of arrang- 
ing British bronze-age ceramics in chron- 
ological order. (Trans. Glasgow Arch- 
eol. Soc., 1905, N. s., V, 54-60.) Author 
argues that *'the beaker is the oldest 
bronze-age type in Britain, and came 
from the continent." Paper appeared 
in full in J. Anthr, Inst.^ London, 
1903, XXXII, 373-97. See American 
Anthropologist^ *903> N. s., V, 560. 

Adler (B.) Die deutsche Kolonie Rie- 
bensdorf im Gouvemement Woronesh. 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 21- 
27» 37-44> 15 fgs-. plan.) Interesting 
account of the German colony of Rie- 
bensdorf in the Government of Voronej 
(founded in the latter part of the 1 8th 
century by immigrants from Sulzfeld, 
near Heilbronn) and its people. The 
language is Swabian with a few Little 
Russian loan-words. The colony orig- 
inally numbered 209 souls ; the popula- 
tion in 1902 was 1,192, practically sta- 
tionary since 1881. The people have 
retained their Protestantism, thrift, and 
industry. Agriculture and cattle-breed- 
ing are the bases of material culture. 
Government interference (law of 1871) 
gave the colony a blow from which it 
never recovered. 

Ammon (O.) Die Bewohner der Halli- 
gen. (A. f. Rassen- u. Ges.-Biol., Ber- 
lin, 1904, I, 84-98.) Critical r^sum^ 
and discussion of Waldenburg's recent 
work Das isocephaU blonde RassentU- 
mtnt unter Hallif^riesen und jUdiscken 
Taubstummen (Berlin, 1 902, pp. 46). 




W. attributed the frequent occurrence of 
isocephaly to hereditary taint in both 
cases. A. explains the condition of af- 
fairs in the Frisian islands by references 
to his theory of the emigration of the 

Anderson ( L- F. ) The Anglo-Saxon scop. 
(Univ. of Toronto Stud., Philol. Ser., 
^903» If ^-45* ) Author concludes that 
*' professional singers existed among the 
Anglo-Saxons as well as among the other 
Germanic races of the 6th, 7th and 9th 
centuries.** The scop was warrior, poet, 
sage, teacher, historian. 

Bardon (L.) et Bovyssonie (J. et A.) 
Monographic de la grotte de Noailles, 
Corr^ze. (R. de I'fec. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1904, XIV, 283-94, 8 fgs. ) De- 
scribes the **Cher Serre " grotto near 
Noailles, condition and contents, — arch- 
eological strata, flints, piercers and bor- 
ers, nuclei and flakers, etc. The "new 
type** of borer was common here. The 
fauna and implements of the cave attach 
it to the Solutrean-Magdalenian epoch. 
There are analogies with Brassempouy 
and Sordes especially. One carving was 
found. The number of non-retouched 
flints was great. ! 

Bartels (P.) Ueber Schftdel der Steinzeit 
und der friihen Bronzezeit aus der Um- 
gegend von Wurms a. Rhein. (Z. f. 
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 891-7, 
2 flgs. ) Gives account of examination 
of some 50 skulls in the Paulusmuseum, 
from the stone age and the early bronze 
age in the neighborhood of Wurms. 
Two bronze-age types and two stone-age 
types are distinguished. 

Baudouin (M.) Presentations des docu- 
ments relatifs aux coutumes des Ma- 
ralchens du pays de Mont, Vendue. 
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« 
s.» V, 390.) Notes on two series of 
photographs representing various phases 
of "maraichinage,'* a **maralchin** 
wedding, "raaralchin** dances, etc. 
See American Anthropologist ^ 1905, N. 
S., VII, 140. 

Borobro y Dias (P.) Les colonies sco- 
laires ou colonies de vacances & Saragosse, 
Espagne. (Int. Arch. f. Schulhyg., 
Leipzig, 1905, I, 101-4. ) Gives anthro- 
pometric data, weight, height, chest- 
girth, strength of hand, etc., of 20 boys 
belonging to a "vacation colony** from 
Saragossa, aged 7-13 years. 

Brecht (Z>r) Ueber die Eolithen von 
Biere. ( Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 
750-2.^ Brief notes in addition to Dr 
Hahne s account of the discovery of 
"eoliths** at Biere, Saxony. The 
original flnder seems to have been 
August Rebe, a teacher. 

Bruce (J.) Report and investigations upon 
the Langbank pile-dwelling. (Trans. 
Glasgow Archeol. Soc., 1905, N. s., v, 
43-8, 4 pi. ) Treats briefly position and 
construction, objects of shale (one show- 
ing human face), shell, stone, bone (a 
highly ornamented comb) and horn, 
bronze fibula, etc. 

Bryce (T. H. ) Report on animal bones 
from Langbank pile dwelling. (Ibid., 
49-51, 2 pi.) Bones of oxen (chiefly), 
deer, pig, goat, sheep were found. The 
remains correspond with those found at 
other Scotch pile dwellings. The ox is 
the Bos albifrons or Celtic short-horn, 
the pre- Roman domestic spedes. One 
sheep presents characters not found in 
any existing variety. 

On certain points in Scottish ethnol- 
ogy. (Scott. Hist. Rev., Glasgow, 
1905, II, 275-86 II figs.) Treats of 
chambered cairns, their contents and 
human remains Author holds that 
when the east of Scotland was occupied 
by an Eur- Asian (Ripley*s "Alpine**) 
people, the west was inhabited by an 
Iberian tribe whose customs and culture 
have certain characteristic features. The 
Eur-Asians brought with them the 
beaker^ — i\ie/ood vessel was apparently 
native. There took place " a degenera- 
tion in situ of the Iberian before the 
Eur- Asian t3rpe of custom and culture.** 

Brydall ( R. ) Notes of incised and sculp- 
tured stones at ( i ) Luss ; ( 2 ) Inch 
Cailleach, Loch Lomond ; and ^3) at 
Glendaruel in Argyleshire. (Trans. 
Glasgow Archeol. Soc., 1905, N. s., v, 
23-31, 7 pi. ) Describes the stone effigy 
of St Kessog(?) at Luss found in a 
cairn, and a "hog-backed** stone and 
other relics from the churchyard ; cross- 
stones from Inch Cailleach ; and several 
carved stones from the churchyard of 
Kilmodan, district of Glendaruel. 

Inscribed mottoes, etc., on arms 

and armor. (Ibid., 1-22.) Gives 
numerous inscriptions from Scandinavian, 
Old English, French, Scotch, German, 
Spanish, and Oriental weapons, armor, 
powder-flasks, etc. Such inscriptions 



[N. s., 7i 1905 

consist of magic themes, weapon-names, 
sacred words, monograms and devices, 
patriotic sentiments, historical references, 
political mottos and legends, famous 
names, marks, names and monograms of 
makers and places of manufacture. The 
inscribing of swords and knives (Corsica, 
Sicily) is not yet extinct. 

Capitan (A.) L'homme et lemammouth 
k r^poquequatemaire sur I'emplacement 
de la rue de Rennes. (C.-R. Acad. d. 
Sci., Paris, 1905, CXL, 168-9.) From 
examination of the region in question the 
conclusion is reached that " at the period 
of the deposition of the lower Quaternary 
gravels, man, elephant, rhinoceros lived 
in the valley of the Seine, on the very 
site of the modem dty of Paris." 

Capitan (A. ), Breuil (PAbbi), ^/ Ampou- 
lange (M. ) Une nouvelle grotte pr6- 
historique k parois gravies. (R. de 1' 
fee. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 320-5, 
4 fgs. ) Describes grotto of Gr^ze in 
Dordogne discovered in 1904 (the 
eleventh so far known), its contents, 
engravings, etc. The Gr^ze grotto seems 
to put an end to questions as to the au- 
thenticity of these mural pictures, since 
the sand and clay accumulation had long 
covered them up and indeed preserved 
the few now existing — the cave was 
once full of such mural engravings of 
bisons, horses, deer, etc. Their rudeness 
also indicates their antiquity. The bison 
figure, though profile, has both horns 
represented. Flints and bones were also 

Capitan (A.), Breuil f/'-4/^<5<»),^/Peyrony 
( M. ) Une nouvelle grotte ^ parois 
grav6es, LaCal6vie, Dordogne. (Ibid., 
379-81, 2 fgs.) Brief account of the 
grotto with decorated walls at La Cal^vie 
(the figures are of horses) in the Dor- 
dogne. The engravings belong to the 
same series as do those of the other 
caves in this region, particularly the 
figures of Pair non Pair. 

Deecke (W. ) Zur Eolithenfrage auf RU- 
gen und Bomholm. (Mitt. d. Naturw. 
Ver. zu Greifswald, 1905, xxxvi, i-ii.) 
On geological grounds the author con- 
cludes that the so-called eoliths on the 
islands of Riigen and Bomholm are post- 

Deniker (J. ) Les Bulgares et les Mac^- 
doniens. Note compl^mentaire k la 
communication du Dr Wateff. (Bull. 
Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, \'« s., v, 

459-66, map.) Discnsses the distribu- 
tion of the cephalic index in Balgmria 
and Macedonia, according to the investi- 
gations of WatefT, Pittai^ etc In the 
region north of the Balkans brachy- 
cephaly predominates, in the south doli- 
chocephaly. Western Rumelia is espe- 
cially dolichocephalic The indices for 
women follow about the same coarse as 
for men. In the discussion M. Atgier 
attributed the brachycephaly of the 
north to a Celto-Slav and the dolicho- 
cephaly of the south to an " Ibero- 
Pelasgic" element. 

Finn ( Hr, ) Ueber neuere Ausgrabungen 
in Skandinavien. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 
1904, XXXVI, 668-70.) Notes on a 
bridge of the early stone age near N&st- 
ved on the island of Seeland, a find (ca, 
400 A. D. ) of various metal objects from 
Finnestorp, Westgotland, urn-graves 
(8th cent. a. d. ) at Alsten near Stock- 
holm, a chisel and two axes of stone of 
the Lapp stone age (** Arctic** stone 
age) from Lillsund in Swedish Norr- 
land, and the richly carved Viking ship 
of TSnsberg — a ** national treasure.'* 

Funde (Die) im Maglemose und ihre 
Zeitliche pr&historische Stellung. (Glo- 
bus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 363-4.) 
R^sum^s Sarauw's account in the Aar- 
boger for Nordisk Oldkyndighid^ ^^Z* 
of the important discovery at Magel- 
mose on the west coast of the island of 
Seeland of a large number of stone im- 
plements, tools of bone and horn, etc, 
indicating a ''station" belonging to the 
earliest neolithic period, or p)erhaps the 
period of transition between the paleo- 
lithic and the neolithic p)eriods. 

Giglioli ( E. H. ) Pietre adoperate per la 
pesca. (A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1904, 
xxxiv, 315--6.) Brief account of the 
mogigy or net-stones, in use on the Italian 
lakes, identical with those of the Ameri- 
can Indians, Pacific islanders, etc. 

Giuff rida-Ruggeri ( V. ) Terzo contributo 
all' antropologia fisica dei Siculi eneo- 
lithici Grotto della Chiusilla, alle Ma- 
donie presso Isnello circ. di Cefald. ( A. 
d. Soc. Rom. di Antr., 1905, xi, 58- 
103, I pi., 4 fgs.) Gives detailed de- 
scription, with tables, of the measure- 
ments of 12 skulls, 9 femurs, 16 tibia, 8 
humeri, 5 radii, several sacrums and a 
number of fragmentary bones, etc., from 
the burial grotto of Chiusilla. The pot- 
tery and other industrial remains are now 
in the Failla-Tedaldi collection. The 




prevailing cnmial form is the cuneate 
ellipnoid. The average capacity of 14 
skulls is 1477.6 ccm., the cephalic form 
for 13 male skulls is dolicho-mesato ce- 
phalic. The estimated stature for males 
is 1,686 mm., for females 1,590. These 
rather tall eneolithic people may be the 
ancestors of the tall Sicilian element of 
to-day, related to the race of Cro-Mag- 
non, the "Berbers,** and the "littoral 
type *' of Deniker, all one and the same 
thing. Apparently a tall type has ex- 
isted in Sicily since eneolithic times. 

Goldstein ( F. ) Die Malthusische Theorie 
und die Bevdlkerung Deutschlands. 
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 
46-50.) Author considers "social over- 
population** the menace, not "Malthu- 
sian over-population** — the first has 
been present in Germany for some time 
and is becoming more and more oppress- 
ive. Not lack of food but excess of 
work, overfilling of occupations, is the 
real trouble. 

GorganoYic-Kramberger ( K. ) Der pali- 
olische Mensch una seine Zeitgenossen 
aus dem Diluvium von Krapina in Kro- 
atien. ( Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 

1904, XXXIV, 187-99, 3 pi., 9 fgs.) 
Supplementary pap>er. Describes re- 
mains found by Dr G.-K.'s assistant, 
S. Ostermann, in 1902. The finds in- 
clude some 400 bones of animals, the 
lower jaw of a seven-year-old child, 
some teeth of children and adults (in all 
32), a few skull fragments (one showing 
a marked tuber parietale)^ and portions 
of humeri and claviculae of two typ>es. 
The author finds two varieties of men 
(the presence of the second due to some 
irruption of a foreign horde) of the same 
old diluvial species Homo primigcnitis to 
be represented at Krapina. 

Gustafsons (G.) Ueber das Schiff von 
Tdnsberg. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, 
XXXVI, 670-1.) Brief description of 
the highly ornamented Viking ship found 
near TSnsberg, Norway. It is orna- 
mented with animal figures in the Norse 
style, in relief. The boat was used as a 

Halbfass (/^^. ) Der Einflusz des Gen' 
fersees auf die Bevdlkerungsverteilung in 
seiner Umgebung. (Globus, Bmschwg., 

1905, LXXXVII, 34.) Brief r6sum6 of 
the section in Prof. A. Forel's Le L^man 
treating of the influence of the Lake of 
Geneva on the distribution of population. 

The riparian zone has great attractive 
power, — ^the lake is a source of food, 
and land-attacks are more easily repelled. 
Other factors, geographic, climatic and 
meteorologic, have also been at work to 
favor this zone against country behind it. 

Handschin (C. H.) Das Sprichwort bei 
Hans Sachs. I. Teil: Verzeichnis der 
SprichwOrtem. (Bull. Univ. Wise, 
Phil. Lit. ser., 1904, Iii, 1-153.) Lists 
alphabetically under key-words the prov- 
erbs and cognate expressions in Hans 
Sachs. Rare in the art-epic of Knight- 
hood-times ( in Iwein only 42 ; in Par- 
zival, 37 ; in the Wigalois 60), proverbs 
abound in the folk-poetry of the 1 6th 

Handtmann (E.^ Brettchenweberei. (Z. 
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 748, 
749. ) Brief notes on weaving-bcMU-ds 
lately or now in use in various places in 
northern Germany. 

Heennaiice (T. W.) Excavations in Cor- 
inth in 1904. Preliminary report. (J. 
Amer. Arch., Norwood, Mass., I904f 
II s., VIII, 433-41, 2 pi., I fig.) De- 
scribes the new stoa near the old temple 
of Apollo, and certain pieces of sculp- 
ture, etc., found. 

Hery6 ( G. ) Les Alsaciens sous le rapport 
moral et intellectuel. (R. de I'^c. 
d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 295- 
319.) First part of ethnological study. 
Among the marked characteristics of the 
Alsatians are good-nature, honesty, and 
industry, but they are lacking in vivacity 
and initiative, considerably addicted to 
drunkenness, brave, gay, with a good 
humor. Their habits and customs are 
patriarchal, simple, and conservative, 
with much survival of superstition and 
popular rites and ideas which have af- 
fected the Christianity of the country. 
" Reversions '* have been common 
through the ages and sectarian spirit has 
been fierce. 

La colonic allemande du Klingenthal. 

(Ibid., 331-332. ) R^sum^s the account 
of this German colony (founded in 1830, 
by reason of the manufacture of side- 
arms ) in Alsace given by P. A. Helmer 
in the Retme d^ Alsace for 1903. 

Le Morvan en 1794. (Ibid., 1905, 

XV, 35-6.) Gives extracts on the 
"lourds paysans du Morvan*^ their 
habits and customs, from a book of recol- 
lections, etc., of the revolutionary com- 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

mitteesof I793~95> published at Paris in 
1830, by M. G. Audiger. 

Hovtaay (F. ) Trois nouveaux polissoirs. 
(Ibid.. 1904, XIV, 326-30, 2 figs.) 
Describes rocks used for polishing stone 
implements, as the holes and ** pits'* 
indicate at Chissay in Loir-et-Cher, and 
La CrimailUre, Monthon-sur-Cher. 
Many similar "polishers" have doubt- 
less disappeared, leaving but few to 
represent prehistoric times. 

Kaindl ( R. ) Neuere Arbeiten zur Vdlk- 
erkunde, Vdlkerbeschreibung und Volks- 
kunde von Galizien, Russisch-Polen und 
der Ukraine. (Globus, Bmschwg., 
1904, Lxxxvi, 315-18, 330-3. 4 fgs.) 
Notes the recent (1902-03) literature 
on the prehistory, ethnology, ethnog- 
raphy, folk-lore, etc., of Galicia, Rus- 
sian Poland, and the Ukraine, contained 
in the publications of the Cracow Acad- 
emy of Sciences, the folk-lore journal 
Ludf issued by the Lemberg society, 
the Tchevtchensko society of Lemberg, 
etc., among which are included very 
important works by Fedorowski on the 
White Russians ; Kolessa on Galician- 
Ruthenian folk-songs ; Gnatiuk on Gali- 
cian-Ruthenian folk-tales (2 vols.); 
Franko on old Russian folk-tales, etc. 
R^sum^s are also given of recent works 
by Majewski, Ketrynski, Niederle, Tal- 
ko-Hryncewicz, etc., on Slavic ethnology, 
Olszewski on the ethnology and history 
of the heart, Windakiewicz on the 
ancient Polish folk-drama, etc. Suchie- 
wicz's work on the Huzuls is also note- 

Koroley (S. A. ) Astrachanskie Kalmyki. 
(Russk. Antrop. Zhum., Moskva, 1903, 
No. I, 22-47, 4 fgs., 3 diagr.). Gives 
results of observation and measurement 
of 200 Kalmucks of both sexes and 
various ages. K. compmres the Kal- 
mucks with their Asiatic relatives the 
Torgots, — the effect of the European 
environment of ca. 130 years is seen, 
but the basal race characters remain. 
Of 93 males between the ages of 21 and 
65 years, 56.99 % had a stature between 
1576 and 1675 mm. The average ceph- 
alic index of 96 males of like ages was 

Larson (L. M. ) The king's household 
in England before the Norman conquest. 
(Bull. Univ. Wise., Hist, ser., 1904, I, 
55-204.) A good, well -documented 
account, with index, of the old English 
court, its constitution, officials, etc 

Lissauer (A.) Erster Bericht Uber die 
T&tigkeit der von der Deutschen an- 
thropologischen Gesellschaft gew&hlten 
Kommission flir pr&historische Typen- 
karten. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, 
XXXVI, 537-607, 62 fgs., 3 maps.) 
This valuable first report of the com- 
mittee of the German Anthropological 
Society on prehistoric type-maps presents 
distribution maps of flat and rimmed 
bronze axes, oar and disk head needles, 
and wheel head needles, for the German 
empire, with indications where speci- 
mens are now preserved and references 
to literature. The rimmed bronze axe 
has the following varieties : Armorican 
type, North German, South German, 
Siucon, ''nicked," long-stemmed. East 
Baltic. Transition forms are very num- 
erous. L. wishes to ban the word Celt 
and use only Axt (axe). The Armori- 
can type is the simplest, the East Bal- 
tic very limited in occurrence. The oar 
needle has 4, the disk needle 2 types, — 
there is also an East Baltic type of the 
disk needle with flat ribbon -spiral head. 
Of the wheel needle there are 4 tyi>es 
(earless. Upper Rhenish with one eye. 
Central German with two and four ears, 
Hanoverian with three ears). L. op- 
poses the idea that the wheel needles 
were developed from the disk needles. 
Long after the bronze age, in the 
Roman imperial period, the use of wheel 
needles appears again in Livonia, etc. 

MehlU (C. ) Die neuen Ausgrabungen 
im neolithischen Dorfe Wallbdhl bei 
Neustadt a d. H. und ihre Bedeutung 
fiir die Kulturgeschichte. (Globus, 
Bmschwg, 1905, LXXXVI I, 128-34, 27 
fgs.) Describes the important recent 
neolithic finds at Wallbdhl in 1904, 
seeming to indicate the existence of a 
village (22 huts have been noted), a 
new fact for Bavaria and the Palatinate. 
The most interesting objects are ceramic 
objects, amulets, idols, beads, flints, etc. 
This find establishes a settled population 
in this region at ca, 2000 B. c, with 
trade relations with western Switzerland, 
northern Italy, the Danube country, and 
the shores of the /Egean. Curious is 
the m on a pottery- fragment. 

Meier ( S. ) Volkstiimliches aus dem Frei- 
und Kelleramt. (Schwz. A. f. Vlksk., 
Zurich, 1905, VIII, 32-51.) This fifth 
section treats of folklore and folk -cus- 
tom connected with the various saints* 
days, etc., of the year (St. Martin's, St. 




Nicholas*, Christmas with its choral sing- 
ing, St. John's, St. Silvester's and its 
songs of which specimens are given, New 
Year, The Three Kings and the star 
songs, St. Anthony's Week, Candlemas, 
St. Blasius', St. Agatha's, « dirty 
Thursday," Lent). 

Meianer {Dr) Ueber Danewerk und 
Hedeby Ein Riickblick auf vormittelal- 
terliche Befestigungen. (Z. f. Ethn., 
Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 675-97.) Dis- 
cusses the pre-medieval fortifications, 
Danewerke, etc., about Hedeby near 
Schleswig, which once guarded the ap- 
proach to the Jutish peninsula ( Krumm- 
wall, Danewerk, Hohburg, Osterwall, 
attributed to the Danish King Godfrey, 
ca, 808 A. D. ). 

Melville (R. D.) The use and form of 
judicial torture in England and Scotland. 
(Scott. Hist. Rev., Glasgow, 1905, 11, 
225-48, 28 fgs. ) Treats briefly of thumb- 
screws, **pilniewinkies," the rack, 
branks, stocks, jougs, anklets, heads- 
man's axe, repentance stool, '*the 
maiden," etc. In Scotland, contrary to 
legal theory (not practice) in England, 
judicial torture seems to have been 

Montessori (Maria). Sui caratteri antro- 
pometrici in relazione alle gerarchie in- 
telletuali dei fanciulli nelle scuoli. (A. 
per I'Antrop., Firenze, 1904, xxxiv, 
243-97. ) Detailed results of measure- 
ments, (weight, height, finger-reach, 
chest-girth, cranial, facial) of 105 pupils 
( as to intellectual development : mediocre 
30, worse 40, better 35) in the ele- 
mentary schools of Rome. The meas- 
urements for each individual are given in 
the tables also the same details for 23 
best pupils and 23 backward pupils. The 
more intelligent pupils were found to 
have a greater development of the head 
and better of the face. The two classes 
( more and less intelligent) as determined 
by the teachers showed chiefly physiolog- 
ical differences, which tended to vanish 
(accentuating the cranial differences in 
favor of the more intelligent) when Dr 
M. arranged the two series. Better de- 
velopment of head would seem to pre- 
vail among the well-to-do and the more 
intelligent. One problem has to do 
with the intelligence, another with nu- 

Nerong (O. C. ) Haus- und Viehmarken 
auf der Insel Fdhr. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1904, Lxxxvi, 353-5, 3 fgs. ) Describes 

house and cattle marks on the island of 
Fdhr, belonging to the 17th and i8th cen- 
uries — their age is ca. 400-500 or 600 
years. There are also duck-marks (boring 
the web-skin, etc.). The cattle are 
marked by snipping the ears. The 
house-marks are used on all sorts of uten- 
sils, tools, etc. House-marks were some- 
times engraved on seals. 

Ochsner (J.) VolkstUmliches aus Einsie- 
deln und Umgebung. (Schwz. A. f. 
Vlksk., Zurich, 1904, viii, 296-315.) 
Gives from MS. of Jakob Ochsner ( 1798- 
1871) ca. 1867-1871 items of folk-lore 
and folk-custom from the region of Ein- 
siedeln, concerning spirits and gnomes, 
animals, insects, plants, witches, zusam- 
menschdlUn (a sort of cAarivari), 
** Kindlestein," exorcism, EUister fire, 

Oesten (G.) Ueber die bisherigen Ar- 
beiten der Rethra-Kommission. (Z. f. 
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 758-64, 3 
fgs. ) Gives account of recent excava- 
tions in the Liep>e region. Author finds 
evidence of Slav settlement. 

Oliphant (J.) The mariage de conve- 
nance in France. (Intern. J. Ethics, 
Phila., 1905, XV, 189-98.) The mar- 
iage de convenance is an historical con- 
vention and has an ex post facto defence, 
outlined here. It is materialistic in or- 
igin and effect The convent-education 
of girls enabled it to continue, but free 
intercourse of young people has not yet 
that completeness which will abolish it. 

Ottolenghi (S.) La nuova *'cartella bio- 
grafica dei pregiudicati " adottata nell' 
amministrazione di P. S. (A. d. Soc. 
Rom. di Antrop., 1905, xi, 104-29.) 
Reproduces, with explanatory notes and 
instructions for observers, the "bio- 
graphic record" for prisoners adopted 
by the police authorities of the Italian 
government in 1899. and since amended 
or rather remade by Professor O. in 1 902 
and adopted by the Government in Jan. 
1904 for all Italy. 

Pellandini ( V. ) Usi e costumi di Bedano, 
Ticino. (Scnwz. A. f. Volksk., ZUrich, 
1904, VIII, 241-67.) Treats of region 
and localities, parish and church, indus- 
try, professions, trades, etc., folk foods 
and drinks, religious festivals and usages, 
carnival customs, "stable evenings," 
baptism, and christening, weddings, per- 
sonal nicknames, language (glossary of 
Bedano dialect, pp. 258-67). Bedano 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

(population 332) was a century ago the 
cradle of artists of no mean sort and 
even now its fame for learned men is not 
at all extinct. 

Pemice (£.) Ueber die Gr&ber in Thu- 
row bei Ziissow. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 
1904, xxxxvi, 752-8, 4 fgs.) De- 
scribes stone graves at Thurow and con- 
tents, urn-burial, pottery fragments, gold 
spiral, bronze needle, etc 

Pittard (£. ) De la survivance d*un type 
crftnien n^groide dans les populations 
anciennes et contemporaines de P Europe. 
(A. d. Sciences phys. et nat., Gendve, 
1904, XVII, 625-39.) From examina- 
tion of 47 skulls from the ossuary (early 
medieval) at Sierre in the canton of 
Valais, P. discovered two female skulls 
(indexes 71.05, 76.84) resembling the 
Grimaldi type, and pronouncedly ne- 
groid. P. believes that the representa- 
tives of this Quaternary tjrpe were not 
confined to southern France. 

Pndor (H. ) Nordische Reise. (Mitt d. 
k. k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1905, 
XLVIII, 133-72.) Treats of Stockholm 
(architecture, painting, museums, etc.), 
St Petersburg (social phenomena, street- 
life, markets, etc.), Moscow (architec- 
ture), Finland (architectural renais- 
sance, the Finnish question, art and 
artists, Runeberg, Vallgren, Edelfelt, 
Gallen with his Aino-mythos, J&inefelt, 
Sibelius, composer of music), etc. 

Reich (E.) The present state of Europe. 
(Intern. Quart., N. Y., 1905, x, 211- 
26. ) Treats of the cyclone of imperial- 
ism and its innominate anti-cyclone, etc. 
British imperialism is ** need-bom," 
German, ** brain -bom,'* Russian, the 
expansion of space, not force. The 
price of Spanish imperialism was bigotry. 
French lumiirnsm is skin-deep. Amid 
all these war is imminent. 

Roberts (P. ) The Sclavs. (Intem. Quart., 
N. Y., 1904, X, 32-45.) General discus- 
sion of history, race, and recent progress. 
The author, who spells the name * * Sclav, ' * 
speaks of '<the coming of the Sclav to 
Europe," adopting outgrown ethnological 
theories. On the average, he ** is as good 
an anima) as the average member of any 
European people." Socially and indus- 
trially, but not physically or intellectually, 
he occupies a lower place. Ethno-senti- 
mental motives are factors in Russian 
progress. Another Peter the Great may 
make a reality of Panslavism. 

Report of committee appointed by the 
Society, at the request of Mr Bruce, to 
cooperate with him in the excavation of 
a pile structure at Langbank in October, 
1902. (Trans. Glasgow Archeol. Soc, 
1905, N. s., V, 52-3, pi. ) Corroborates 
Mr Bruce' s details. 

Schenk ( A. ) Les squelettes pt^historiques 
de Chamblandes, Suisse. (R. de I'Ec. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 335-78, 
15 figs.) Describes, with details of 
cranial measurements especially, the hu- 
man remains (29 skeletons in all, of 
which a number were not in condition to 
examine carefully) found in the << cubic 
graves " of Chamblandes, near Lausanne, 
in 1901. One female skull is treated at 
length ( 349-354 ) • The average cephalic 
index is 74-94; the estimated brain- 
weight raises the Chamblandes people 
above those of modem ** lower races" 
and tends to approach that of the Euro- 
peans of to-day, although they were 
of small stature. Three chief cranial 
tjrpes (Herv6's Baumes-Chaudes, prob- 
ably the descendant of the Magdalenian 
paleolithic race of Laugerie-Chancelade ; 
the Grimaldi type of Vemeau, of negroid 
nature ; a neolithic dolichocephalic t3rpe 
of northern origin, — two skulls only) are 
recognized. The other remains (flints, 
omaments, axes, etc.), indicate the first 
part of the age of polished stone as the peri- 
od of sepulture, and complicated funeral 
ceremonies were probably in vogue. S. 
considers that the remains at Cham- 
blandes prove that Switzerland was in- 
habited at the end of the paleolithic and 
beginning of the neolithic age by the 
ancient prehistoric races of northem and 
western Europe. 

Schmidt (H.) Troja-Mykene— Ungam. 
Arch&ologische Parallelen. (Z. f. Ethn., 
Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 608-56, 34 figs.) 
Discusses archeological parallels in the 
prehistoric culture of Troy, Mycenae, and 
Hungary. Bodily omaments (buckles, 
spirals, etc.), the culture of the Thraci, 
the neolithic culture of the Danubian 
and Balkan countries ( Lengyel, Tordos, 
etc.), — painted ceramics in particular. 

' S. holds that the evidence justifies the 
belief that certain ceramic and orna- 
mental forms were carried by migrating 
tribes from central Europe to the yEgean 
culture-area, and that Thracian peoples 
had their share in the development of the 
narrower Mycenaean culture. 




Schmit ( £. ) Investigation d' un puits fbn^- 
raire de I'^poque n^olithique (p^riode 
camao6enne) \ Pocancy, Marne. (Bull. 
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 
466-9. ) Brief account of a burial pit of 
die Cunacean epoch and its contents 
(several skeletons discovered some 15 
years ago ; two amulets of serpentine, 
etc.). M. Schmit, with Manouvrier, 
points out the importance of a scientific 
investigation of dolmens, etc., previously 
explored in non-scientific fiiishion. 

Schneider (K. ) Die Entwaldung Istriens. 
( Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 297- 
9. ) Sketches the history of the defores- 
tation of Istria, from early times to the 
present. The remains found in the pre- 
historic ** stations ' ' indicate forests where 
none are now. Neither the Romans nor 
the Venetians, but the inhabitants of the 
peninsula are to be credited with most of 
the destruction. 

Schoener (J. G.) Die Kolonization SQd- 
west-Finnlands durch Schweden. (Mitt. 
- d. k. k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1905, 
XLViii, 173-4.) R6sum6s the views as 
to the Swedish colonization of Finland 
contained in Wiklund's recent work A'ar 
kommo Svenskame till Finland ? ( Up- 
sala, 7901). Montelius holds that the 
Swedes have inhabited Finland for some 
4000 years, while the Finns came there 
only aiter the beginning of the Christian 
era. Archeologic and linguistic data 
alike indicate the presence of the Swedes 
in Finland ca. 2000 B. c. 

Stasi (P. £.) e RegalU (E.) Grotta 
Romanelli (C!astro, Terra d' Otranto) 
stazione con faune interglaciali calde e di 
steppa. Nota preventiva. (A. per T- 
Antrop., Firenze, 1904, xxxiv, 17-81, 
4 pi. ) Detailed account of grotto with 
interglacial (warm epoch and step[>e 
period) animal remains, among them an 
Asiatic member of the Equidti — all in- 
troduced into the cave by hunters. In 
the early part of this epoch man pos- 
sessed, besides fire, a lithic industry no 
longer primitive, later a stage corre- 
sponding to a part of the Solutrean. 
During the subsequent glacial period, 
and since, the cave seems to have been 
visited by man. 

▼. Stenin fP.) Der Geist der Getreide- 
darre una sein Namensfest bei den Gross- 
russen. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, 
LXXXVI, 366.) R^sum^s Balofs ac- 
count in the Shivopisnaia Rossiia of the 
owinny or protective deity of the grain- 

driers among the Great Russians and the 
celebration of his name-feast. 

Tarbell (F. B.) Some present problems 
in the history of Greek sculpture. 
(Amer. J. Arch., Norwood, Mass., 
1904, II s., VIII, 442-459.) Discusses 
ideal history, rdle of copies in recon- 
struction of history of Greek sculpture, 
variation in the works of a single master, 

V. Ein altnordisches Freilichtmuseum. 
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1904, lxxxvi, 
296-7. ) Brief account of the open-air 
museum for Norwegian archeologic and 
ethnographic antiquities recently estab- 
lished in the little town of Lillehammer 
in the heart of Norway, — the Majhau- 
gen^ as it is called. Here the objects 
are preserved in the very houses them- 
selves ; art and architecture are genuine 
and real. 

Restaurierung der hanseatischen 

Ringmauer in Wisby. (Ibid., 379-80. ) 
Brief account of the restoration, now 
completed, by the Swedish government, 
of the famous ring wall of Wisby, one 

- of the most important remains of Hanse- 
atic architecture and fortification in the 

Voroblev (V. V.) Astrachanskie Kal- 
myki. ( Russk. Antrop. Zhur., Moskva, 
1903, No. I, 1-22.) General descrip- 
tion of the physical characteristics of the 
Astrakan Kalmucks based on the author's 
observations of 75 individuals. The 
chief anthropometric data concerning 
these 75 are compared (p. 12) with 
those obtained by Metchnikov, Koll- 
mann, Deniker, Erkert, Ivanovski, etc. 
Vorobiev's average stature, 1642.2 mm., 
is higher than that of the others. The 
limbs of the Kalmucks show the effect of 
nomadic horse-life. The average cep- 
halic index is 83.05. The Mongolian 
characters are especially marked in the 

Waagen (L.) Fahrten und Wanderun- 
gen der nordlichen Adria. (Mitt. d. 
k.k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1905, XLViii, 
3-30. ) Treats of the islands of Veglia 
(with the kolo dance and bugarija or 
hero-songs), Cherso (with the tomb of 
St. Gaudentnis, who banished all poison- 
ous snakes] and Arbe, whose cathedral 
contains St Christopher's head. 

Wateff (S.) Contribution ^ I'itude an- 
thropologique des Bulgares. ( Bull. Soc. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 437- 



58, 7 ^.) Rinunii (be results of an- 
thropome^k obiervaCions on 36,493 
soldieii (age 19-35), 319,841 school- 
childicn (age 6-10), several hundred 
other Bulgarian) of all ages, 500 braiiu 
of Bulgaiiaus of all ages, and 1,330 
crania, a few of which belong lo the I3tb 
century. Height, color of eyn, hair and 
■kin, meAsuieinents of head and face, and 
weight of brain are conadered. The 
Bulgarians are piedominantly (50 per 
cent.) bninet, only 5 per cent, being 
blonds ; have an BTerage stature of 
166.5 '^'^- 'i" "'"^ (women 156.7) ; are 
laii^ly (77 pet ceoL) mesocephalic ; 
have an average brain -weight of 138S gr. 
(or men and 1260 for women. The 
heaviest brains come from the Macedon- 
ians, (he lowest average from the 
■outhem Bulgarians. The male country 
people have heavier brains than the 
Drban population. The heaviest male 
brain (1S50 gr.) belonged to a peasant, 
as did also the heaviest female brain 
(•440 gf) 

WlbllDK ( C. ) DrottninghSgen i Helsing- 
boi^. [Ymer, Stckhlm., 1904, xxiv, 
359-aSo, 13 ^) Deicribes a prehis. 
tone tumului at Helsingborg and con- 
tents ( Rint objects, potsherds, pitted and 
"cup" stones. 

Wilwr (L.) Ui^eschichtliche Neger in 
Europa. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, I 
LXxxvlI, 45-6.) Rtsumis daU as to ' 
the existence in Europe in prehistoric I 
times of a negroid race. The earliest 
evidence was the skull from the Maas 
Valley described by Spring in 1S55. 
Since then the finds in Monaco ( Doute), 
on Lake Geneva (Schenk), in Armorica 
(Vemeau, Hervft), etc., have strength- 
ened (he case, and now little doubt 
exists, according to W., of the former 
presence of negro-like peoples in south- 
western Europe. 

Zaboiowald (S.) L'sutocthonisme des 
Slaves en Europe, Ses premiers difen- 
seurs. (R. I'Ec. d'Antbr. de Paris, 
1905, XV, 3-17.) Treats of the various 
theories as to the European origin of the 
Slavs, from the andent Russian Chronic 
of Nestor down to ethnologists, etc., 
of the iSth and 19th centuries — Suro, 
wiecki, Schafarik, I^lewel, Malte-Brun, 
Wilser. Saraokvasov, etc. Z. upholds 
the European origin, — probably in the 
Danubian region. 
Zlndel-Krelasig (A.) Die Knabengesell- 
schaft von Sargans. (Schwz. A. f. 

Gives the 15 articles of organiaatiiin oL 
the Knabengeiellschaf) or youth's soci- 
ety, of Sargans in 1833. ^nAmtrUan 
AHlhropologiit, 1905, N. S., Vti, 141. 
ZQiidMT (G.) u. Keliittard (M.) Aller- 
hand Aberglauben aus dem Kantoo 
Bern. (Ibid., 367-81.) Gives 160 
items of popular superstilians, etc, 
from the Canton of Bern concerning 
children, domestic animals and indus- 
tries, clothing, dreams, folk-inedidne, 
marriage, death, sickness, bewitching, 
ghosts, etc. 


BAgt* (S. ) The circumcision ceremony 
among the Naivasha Masai. (J. Anthr. 
Inst., Lotid., 1904, 167-9.) Describes 
briefly the E-unolo feast, the boy's feait, 
the operation of circumcision after these ; 
also the circumcision of girls. The 
E-HHolo lasts for 3 months, the other fbc 
two days. For gitis the operator is a 
female (usually the mother), (or boys • 
member of the Andoro-tribe, who are 
cattle -slayers. No uncircumdsed youth 
can have connection with a drcimicised 
woman, but may with an uncircumdied 

BMUch ( Ein ) beim Bangalah&npUiiig 
Katchnngo. (Mitt. d. k. Ic geogr. 
Ges. in Wien, 1905, XLvm, 103-7.) 
Reproduces from the Nal. Ztifung- s 
description of the Bangala, a little risited 
tribe of central Africa, who are said to 
be still cannibals. The chief and hit 
surroundings, are discussed. 

Blyden (E. W.) The Koran in Africa. 
(J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 1905, iv, 157- 
71.) Treats of the influence of the 
Koran, the Arabic language, and the 
feast of Ramadhan, in negro Africa. 
The African Muslims object to being 
called Muhammedans and pay less re- 
gard to tradition than to the words of 
(he sacred teat. Their chief objections 
to Christianity are : Its desocialiiing in- 
fluence (breaking up (amily ties, disinte- 
grating communities), its priesthood 
caste, its countenance of the liquor traific 
and liquor drinking. In many respects 
the Muslim facts are best and acts of 
Christian missionaries and their country- 
men, not preachings, are necessary. The 
Koran (chap. 31 is said to re(er to a 
negro) and the Muslims have 00 negro- 




Crawford (D.) African shibboleths. A 
new check in philology. (Ibid., 232- 
7.) Among these are Arab w for v 
(e. g. Luban), Vemba / (Luban v), 
Rugaruga g for ^, Luapula c for ch^ etc. 
The Arab, *« willy-nilly, is a disturbing 
feature both in African lands and African 
languages. " He has << marked indelibly 
his Semitic phonology on the musical 
Bantu tongues.'* The blend of the east 
coast is Arab in mouth and African in 
mind. The Luban makes fun of it in a 
little song. 

CummiiiB ( S. L. ) Sub-tribes of the Bahr- 
el-Ghazal Dinkas. (J. Anthr. Insti 
Lond., 1904, XXXIV, 149-66, I pi., 3 
fgs. ) Notes on customs, occupations 
and pursuits; legal, ethical, and reli- 
gious ideas ; superstition (witchcraft, 
hostile magic) ; arts and designs (clay 
models of cattle ) ; music and song ( Eng- 
lish versions of four given), etc., of the 
Dinkas and Golo, with a few notes on 
the Jur. Among the Dinka a ceremony 
of speech obtains. The Dinkas are bet- 
ter spearmen and cattle-herds than hun- 
ters ; possession of cattle is the great 
ambition, and tending them the chief 
occupation. Force of public opinion 
regulates conduct. The Dinkas have a 
good map-making sense. 

Darker (G. F. ) Niger delta natives, with 
special reference to maintaining and in- 
creasing the population of southern 
Nigeria. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 1905, 
IV, 206-26, 2 pi., 3 maps.) After in- 
troductory remarks on the decrease of 
primitive peoples, author discusses the 
population of southern Nigeria as di- 
vided into three classes, according to 
hygienic zones : Waterside peoples — 
people of the mangrove swamps (the 
''islands" are ideal places for keeping 
slaves ; each is a little town, with a 
"chief**) ; inland peoples near the 
coast — people of the bush (producers 
of oil and nuts) ; inland peoples proper 
near to Africa civilization ; grass and 
forest men (hardier type, with iron in- 
dustry and cotton cloth). Diseases are 
discussed, also native hygiene, with 
proposals for health improvement. In 
two appendices (pp. 220-6), ** Negroes 
in the United States '* and ** Negroes in 
the West Indies'* are considered. 

David (J.) Weitere Mitteilungen tiber 
das Okapi. (Globus, Brnschwg, 1904, 
Lxxxvi, 385-6.) Gives some of the 
native names of this animal, notes on its 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7-93 

distribution, knowledge of the pygmies, 

Deyrolle (— ) Les haouanet de Tunisie. 
(Bull. Soc.d* Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v«s., 
V, 395-404* 3 fgs. ) Treats of the sepul- 
chral chambers known as haouanet 
("shops") from their resemblance to 
the shops of the Suks of the Barbary 
coast. Of 188 existing in Tunis, the 
author has visited 138, of which 94 were 
discovered by him. Variations in form, 
etc., ornamentation, sculptures, engrav- 
ii^gs, paintings (ornamental, symbolical, 
animal) are briefly described. The 
sculptures recall the South Algerian rock 
carvings, etc. The haouanet themselves 
find analogues in Sicily and in the arti- 
ficial grottoes of Mame. 

Fairclough (T. L. ) Notes on the Basuto, 
their history, country, etc. (J. Afric. 
Soc., Lond., 1905, IV, 194-205, 4 pi.) 
Treats of the early history of the Basuto, 
who intruded on the Bushmen, their first 
chiefs, wars, etc. ; names of mountains 
and rivers ; rain-making ; guilds and in- 
itiation schools for boys and girls ; bur- 
ial customs, salutations, etc. A famine- 
origin of cannibalism is suggested (p. 
197). In the rain-making of 1885 more 
than 10,000 people took part in the 
Leribe district alone. Left-handed na- 
tives are rare. The native population of 
Basutoland increased from about 218,500 
in 1891 to 347»73i »" ^904- 

Fies ( K. ) Der Hostamm in Deutsch-To- 
go. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1905, Lxxxvi, 
13-17, 2 fgs. ) Treats of history and mi- 
gration of the Ho(Eewe) people, their 
wars with Ashanti, their attachment to 
the Germans of Togo, etc. Religion 
(heaven and earth are husband and 
wife), chiefdom and 'government (king, 
judges, male assembly of those above fif- 
teen years of age) are briefly considered. 

van Gennep (A.) Ueber das T&touieren 
in Nordafrika. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 
1904, XXX VI, 749-50. ) Adds to article 
of Trager (see Amer. Anthr op,, 1904, 
N. S., VI, 732) facts concerning tattoo- 
ing among the Khumir, a mountain- 
people of Tunis. Words for tattooing 
are discussed. The cross here is not of 
Christian origin. 

GigUoli (E. H.) II sale-moneta dell' 
Etiopia. (A. per I'Antrop., Firenze, 
1904, XXXIV, 183-7.) Describes the 
*' salt-money" of Ethiopia, obtained 
from Ar6h, in the territory of the Taltal, 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

its use and how it is obtained. There 
are four varieties — ganfur^ Umedign^ 
amoliif txAfescesc, 

Hvgnet ( J. ) La valeur physique g^nerale 
des indigenes Sahariens. (R. de TEc. 
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 263-82, 
II fgs.) R^sum^s data as to constitu- 
tion, temperament, stature, chest-girths, 
acuity of vision, vaccination, intelligence 
of 119 men from various parts of the 
south and extreme south of the Algerian 
Sahara, examined as to aptitude for 
military service and all Arabs by races, 
with ethnographic notes. More than 
half were rejected. The average stature 
was 1.68 m. The chest-girth of the 
nomad shepherds exceeded that of. the 
nomad hunters. There was one my- 
opic. The Saharians are more intelli- 
gent than the people of the Tell. 

Contribution 2l I'^tude sociologique 

des femmes Sahariennes. (Ibid., 411- 
14. ^ Brief notes on Arab, Berber, Tua- 
reg, Mzab, and other women of the 
Saharian tribes. The absence of the 
men from the family tent for days leads 
to a certain freedom on the part of 
the women, grudgingly given by jealous 
husbands and often cruelly avenged. 
Daughters are property and disposed of 
as such. Virginity is often relative ( the 
Tuaregs practise inHbulation). Famous 
are the Ulad Nallox Saharian prostitutes, 
who had their representatives in antiquity. 

Hvtter (F.) Aug. Chevalier's Forsch- 
ungs expedition von Ubangi durch das 
Stromgebiet des Schari nach dem 
Tsadsee. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, 
Lxxxvi, 299-302. ) R^sum^s the re- 
sults of Chevalier's Tchad expedition, 
with a few notes on the natives (Gulla- 
Homer). In German Bomu an old Sd 
settlement was discovered, with traces of 
another almost extinct people. 

Johnston (A.) French policy in Mada- 
gascar. (J. Afric. Soc., 1904, IV, 78- 
81.) Brief notes on statistics and facts 
relating to the French colony contained 
in Gen. Galli^ni's eighth annual report 
(1903). The authorities are endeavor- 
ing to reduce the mortality of new-bom 
infants and women in child-birth. A 
children' s^/^ has been instituted. The 
European population is slowly increasing. 

Kirk (J. W. C. ) The Yibirs and Midgdns 
of Somaliland, their traditions and dia- 
lects. (Ibid., 91-108.) Treats of 
present condition, tribal names, activities, 

of these two outcast peoples, who spedk 
Somali, but also have each their pnvmte 
dialect kept secret from other tribes; 
traditions concerning Mohammed Hanif, 
the ancestors of the Yibirs language, 
specimens of word-formation and brief 
lists of words are given. (The dialects 
are based on Somali, and one Midgin 
said <<his language was invented by his 
ancestors in the jungle as a secret code " ). 

Lederbogen ( W. ) Duala fables. ( Ibid. , 
56-77. ) Gives English text (translated 
from German of author by Miss M. 
Huber) of 14 fables from the Doala erf* 
the Cameroons. 

Malerei (Die) in Abessinien. (Globus, 
Bmschwg., 1904, LXXXVI, 237-329, 
6 fgs. ) R^sum^s Dr C. Keller's article 
Ueber Maler und Malerei in Abessinien 
in the Jahresbericht d. Geogr.-Ethnogr. 
Ges. in Ziirich for 1903-04. Abyssinian 
painting is of Christian Byzantine origin 
and the best specimens are in the 
churches. To-day European influences 
are making themselves felt in many ways. 

Manonyrier ( L. ) ^/ Capitan ( A. ^ l&tude 
anthropologique et arch^ologique de 
I'fegypte d'aprds le recent livre de M. 
Chantre. ( R. de 1' Ec. d' Anthr. de Pkris, 
1905, XV, 18-30, 9 fgs.) R^sum^s the 
anthropological (Manouvrier) and arch- 
eological (Capitan) data in Chantre's 
Recherches anthropologiques dans 
r Afrique orientaU. Egypte ( Lyon, 1 904 ) 
relating to the ancient and modem 
Egyptians. Chantre concludes that 
Egypt represents an autochthonous Lib- 
yan culture, on which foreign inroads 
have made little or no durable impres- 
sion. The Egyptians are morphologic- 
ally one with the Bedja, Berbers, etc. 
In the Egyptian regions neolithic "sta- 
tions" are abundant, megaliths rare. 

Melnhof (C.) Ueber M. Merker's 
"Masai." (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, 
XXXVI, 735-44. ) Critique of Merker's 
Die Masai (Berlin, 1904)* Meinhof 
discusses and rejects Merker's theory 
that the Masai and the Israelites were 
once one people and that the Masai 
legends are older than those of the latter 
as contained in the Bible. The Masai 
are rather a Hamitic i>eople. 

Nathan ( M. ) The Gold Coast at the end 
of the seventeenth century under the 
Danes and Dutch. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 
1904-5, IV, 1-32.) Translation (pp. 
10-32) from a description of the country 




of Guinea by Eric Tylleman, published 
at Copenhagen in 1697, with introduc- 
tion by author. Treats of the towns 
and forts on the Gold Coast, the kingdom 
of Acara, the gold on the Gold Coast, 

— Historical chart of the Gold Coast, 

compiled fram various sources. (Ibid., 
33-43. ) Enumerates dates and events, 
1426-1900. Gives list of governors of 
the Gold Coast, Kings of Ashanti, etc. 

Plehn ( A. ) Beobachtungen in Kamerun. 
Ueber die Anschauungen und Gebr^uche 
einiger Negerst&mme. (Z. f. Ethn., 
Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 713-28, 4 fgs.) 
Treats of the secret societies of the 
Dualla, etc. (Kongolo, Tambimbe, 
Mbomako or stilt- walkers, Bajongs — 
slave society — Mungi, Djingo), goblins 
( Ediimo, an evil earth-spirit ; Ekelle- 
kette, a tormenting sprite, etc.), magic 
and '* medicine," charms, soul -lore, an- 
thropophagy (human sacrifice is not so 
widespread on the Gulf of Guinea as 
cannibalism). Remarks by Hr Stand- 
inger are appended. 

Renner (W. ) Native poison. West Af- 
rica. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 1904-5, 
IV, 109-11.^ Treats of the effects of 
eating food (fish ) poisoned by means of 
the ground fruit of Chailletia toxicaria, 
locally known in Sierra Leone as 
'* broken back," from its inducing 
paralysis of the lower limbs in animals 
— a species of ratsbane . It is used by the 
Timnes and Mendis to poison wells and 

Rnete ( S. ) Die Schlafkrankheit im Kon- 
gogebiet. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, 
Lxxxvii, 17-18.) R^sum^s recent re- 
port of the expedition of the Liverpool 
School for Tropical Medicine. The 
tsetse-fly is regarded as the carrier of 
infection in sleeping-sickness. 

Schfitze (W. ) Die Handelszonen des 
Sambesi. ( Ibid., 5-12, 7 fgs.) Treats of 
development of watershed oif Zambesi, 
policy of Portuguese, British, etc. 

Schweinfurth (H. G.) Ueber steinzeit- 
liche Forschungen in Oberagypten. (Z. 
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 766- 
830, 49 fgs., I pi.) Third contribution 
to study of stone age in the neighbor- 
hood of Thebes. Describes 58 types of 
eoliths (natural pebbles, flakes natural 
and intentional) of various uses, and 
compares them with European series. 
The great majority of these eoliths cor- 

respond to the most primitive type of 

Seiner (F.) Ueber die Ursachen des sUd- 
westafrikanischen Aufstandes. (Globus, 
Bmschwg., 1905, LXXXVII, 1-5.) The 
author, who was in the Herero country 
in 1903, attributes the uprising of the 
natives to the '* civilization" of the pro- 
tectorate, the increase of the German 
power, the rinderpest of 1897 and its 
consequences, the actions of the traders, 
and the reservation question. 

T. (H. R. ) The opening up of British 
East Africa. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 
1904, IV, 44-55. ) Treats of chief duties 
and action of officials. The strength of 
the district officer <Mies in the support of 
the authority of tribal chiefs and in their 
realization of the extent of the respon- 
sibility." The hut tax is of very recent 
introduction into East Africa and Uganda. 

Tate ( H. R. ) Notes on the Kikuyu and 
Kamba tribes of British East Africa. 
(J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1904, xxxiv, 
130-48, 4 pi. , I fg. ) Treats of physical 
type, clothing, personal ornaments, lan- 
guage ( vocabularies of 300 words each, 
compared with Swahili and Teita) . The 
Akikuyu are hard-working, thrifty and 
moral, with an assured future ; also ex- 
traordinarily prolific. The Akamba are 
primarily agriculturists, but not so 
thorough or neat as the Akikuyn. The 
languages of both are Bantu. 

TepowA (A.) Notes on the (Nembe) 
Brass language. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 
1904-5, IV, 1 17-133.) Grammatical 
notes, vocabulary of some 550 words 
and 30 easy sentences. In Nembe 
pleasure is ** sweet-mind" (diodi/i); 
yesterday, * * passed to-morrow ' * ( bbgdtibe 
bai) ; family **one or a belly" (gbdri- 
furo). There are four articles. 

Wallis ( B. ) The * ' poro * ' of the Mendi. 
(Ibid., 1905, IV, 183-89.) Brief ac- 
count of >^^poro (law, or " one word " ), 
^^ the governing and ruling power of the 
natives, embodying everything or any- 
thing good or bad in the country, that re- 
quires framing into order, keeping secret 
among the masses, guarding as public 
property, and making into law. It is 
confined to boys and men and has a 
course of special training and prepara- 
tion. There are civil and religious 
"arms," — the former for special pur- 
poses. There are a /<7r<7-house and a 
poro-^* devil." The author sees some 



[N. s., 7, 1905 

Buddhist and traveler, is represented in 
a group with deities and men. 

Xacdoiuld (D. B.) The moral educa- 
tion of the young among Muslims. (Int. 
J. Ethics, Phila., 1905, xv, 286-304.) 
Gives Moslem view from the Koran and 
the Ihy& of al-Ghazzall (d. A. D. iiii), 
"a man of the intellectual rank of Au- 
gustine." The order of education is: 
Mechanical imitation and practice ; habit, 
intellectual acceptance and devotion. 
The Arabian Nights is also referred to 
as valuable. 

Niehns (H. ) Das Ramfestspiel Nordin- 
diens. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, 
Lxxxvii, 58-61, 7 fgs.) Describes the 
yearly lo-day festival of Ram (hero of 
the Ramayana) as celebrated at Ghazi- 
pur on the Ganges, at an expense of 
2,000 rupees. The representation con- 
sists entirely of ]>antomimes with the 
reading of the texts of the Ramayana. 
No stage is used and the scene is changed 
almost daily. The action follows the 

Sakholda fTh.) Presentation d'objects 
ethnographiques de la Giorgie. ( Bull. 
Soc. d*Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s, v., 
370-3f 3 ^g^O Notes on a calabash 
vase, an implement for softening skin- 
thongs, a distaflfand bobbin-ring, a bean- 
crusher, wooden vases and other dishes, 
sort of snow-shoe, a bee-smoker, a New 
Year's offering or tchitchilaqui^ two 
stone amulets, one suspended over a 
door to protect against the evil eye, the 
other worn by a wife to cure her hus- 
band's sickness. 

Seklemian (A. G. ) The Armenian alpha- 
bet. (Armenia, Boston, 1904-5, I, No. 
6, 39-45.) Historical account of the 
"invention" by Mesrob (b. 361 A. D. ) 
of this alphabet. Before this the Arme- 
nian had used the Phenician alphabet, 
and, much earlier, cuneiform writing. 
Mesrob, who was assisted by the cali- 
grapher Rophanus, made his alphabet 
read from left to ri^ht. 


Bouchal ( L. ) A. Henry Savage Landor' s 
Reisen auf den Philippinen. (Mitt. d. 
k.k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1905, XLViii, 
31-51.) Critical r^sum^ of Landor' s 
The Gems of the East (2 vols., I^nd., 
1904 ), with references to the chief litera- | 

ture of the subject The breritj of 
Lander's journey causes one to ask 
whether he himself could ha^e made 
some of the detailed observatioiis re- 
corded. Only the averages of the an- 
thropological measurements are gireo 
by L. 

Chinesen (Die) auf Java. (Ibid., 93-4*) 
The Chmese in Java number 265,000 
with strong yearly increase ; are no mere 
servants, but capitalists, promoten, 
business men, traders, land-exploiten, 
speculators. The Japanese term the 
Chinese "swine," but the latter rise in 
spite of all opposition and are now in- 
dispensable. They learn in a few weeks 
what does not come to a Malay in his 
whole life-time. They can be relied oo, 

GigUoli ( E. H. ) Lo'scudo pubico e I'as- 
tuccio penico degli indigeni del sod e 
sud-ovest del la Nuova Guinea. (A. per 
I'Antrop., Firenze, 1904, xxxiv, 317- 
18.) Describes briefly the "polw 
shield," made of the CymMum melt 
and known as /orda or vedere ert^ in ose 
in parts of southern and southwestern 
Guinea. The lorda is often omamentaL 
Besides the << pubic shield," a pOB 
cover is also sometimes used. 

Di alcuni strigili litici e spedalment 

di uno bellissimo dei Landak di Borneo. 
(Ibid., 319-20.) Brief account of 
** skin-scrapers" (used after a bath) 
from Hawaii, — called there fokah 
hiai-kua^ — and from the Landak, » 
tribe of land-dyaks in Borneo. The 
latter is an elegant and artistic instm- 
ment, putting to shame a modem EoR' 
lish scraper of pumice. 

Howitt (A. W.) and Sicbert (0^ 
Legends of the Dieri and kindred tribes 
of central Australia. (J. Anthr. Ibs^j 
Lond., 1904, XXXIV, 100-29, I fr) 
Gives English texts of the origin of the 
M Urdus and the Kana, how the Mora- 
Murd Pariuilpa perfected mankind, M«J' 
dra-Mankana (Belly hind-beforc), K*°' 
ri-pariwilpa-ulu (Two Milky Ways)» 
Malku-malku-ulu (Two Invisible Bene- 
factors), Yuri-ulu (Two living onesji 
The Wanderings of the Yuri-nlu, A 
Circumcision legend. The Pinunalkaff 
(Big Giri and Little Giri), TbePira«» 
Wapiya Legend, The Antietya and the 
Ngarduetya ( Hunter and nardoo)^ Dar* 
ana Legend, Kakakudana and the origu^ 
of the Mound springs, the Mardu legend. 




Joly (P. R.) Notes sur les Nouvellcs- 
H^brides. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de 
Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 356-69, 3 fgs.) 
Brief notes on the natives of Erromango, 
Anatom, Tanna, Vat^, Api, Mallicollo 
(especially, pp. 357-65), Ambrym, 
rentecost, Aurora, Aoba, Espiritu- 
Santo. The New Hebridians are Mel- 
anesian (Papuan and Melanesian people) 
with a Polynesian element, in some 
regions recent and still clearly notice- 
able, and, perhaps, Negrito traces. 
The natives of Api are famed for their 
skill in vegetable poisons. Those of 
Mallicollo live in '*a mixture of fero- 
cious savagery and joyous childishness." 
They fear not only the dead but also 
the living, shamans. Impotent old men 
and the helplessly sick are put to death. 
Caste-systems exist for both men and 
women. The fragments of old pottery 
at Olal on the coast of Ambryn are prob- 
ably exotic, since except in northern 
Espiritu-Santo no pottery is now made 
in the New Hebrides. Dances are 
common, lasting often for hours. Three 
races are discernible in Espiritu Santo. 

Xathews (R. H.) Language of the 
Wuddyawtlrru tribe, Victoria. (Z. f. 
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 729-34.) 
Brief sketch of grammar, with vocabulary 
of 150 words. This language has a 
trial number. M. says that the native 
texts given by R. B. Smith in his 
Aborigines of Victoria^ II, 48-40, are 
« mere ungrammatical jargon." 


Azara (F. de) Geografia fisica y esffrrica 
de las Provincias del Paraguay, y mis- 
iones Guaranies. (An. d. Mus. Nac. 
de Montevideo, Secc. Hist.-Filos., 1904, 
I, i-cxxxii, 1-478, 10 maps, 5 plans, 3 
pi.). Azara' s description of Paraguay 
from MS. of 1790 in the National Li- 
brary, with bibliography (pages liii-lx) 
introduction (Ixiii-cxxxii), containing 
valuable ethnographic and linguistic 
matter, and notes by R. R. Schuller. 
The "descripcion general" includes 
( 353-427 ) notes on the Payagu^, 
Mbayis, Guanas, Lenguas, Tupis, Guay- 
anas, Caingu&s, Guaranis, and other In- 
dian tribes. Also items concerning ne- 
groes, mulattos, etc. The linguistic 
matter by Schuller includes a compara- 
tive vocabulary of the Guaycurd family, 
also one of the **Nu-Aruak." The 
tribal names are discussed in detail by S. 

Bleyer {Dr) Ueber die wilden Wald- 
indianer Santa Catharinas : die *<Schok- 
16ng." (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, 
XXXVI, 830-44, 5 fgs.) Treats briefly 
of physical appearance, dwellings, dances, 
food (preponderatingly animal ; fond of 
honey), basketry, ornament, weaving, 
wood-carving, flute, weapons, hunting 
and capture of animals, bow and arrow, 
relations with whites, Shokl^ng skull, 
kidnapping, diseases (syphilis and lep- 
rosy unknown ), death and burial. They 
live in small hordes, have ho hammocks, 
do not smoke, have no plantations. 

Bamham (J. H.) The coming of the 
Mississagas. (Ont. Hist. Soc., Pap & 
Rec, Toronto, 1905, vi, 7-1 1.) Re- 
cords on the authority of Chief Paudash, 
grandson of Cheneebeesh (d. 1869, age 
104), <<the solenm tradition of the 
Mississagas respecting their present place 
of settlement in Ontario and the migra- 
tion which led them thither." The 
Mississagas are incorrectly said to be 
<* Shawnees," and to them is attributed 
the Otonabee serpent mound — a struc- 
ture said by Boyle to be *<most undoubt- 
edly the work of ,a people who occupied 
the soil long before the coming of the 

Dr Herrmann Meyers deutsche Ackerbau- 
Kolonieen in aQdbrasilien. (Globus, 
Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 346-9, 4 fgs. ) 
Brief account of the German colonies in 
the heart of Rio Grande do Sul, founded 
in 1897 ^y ^^ Meyer, after his firs 
Xingt^ expedition. 

Dn Bols (W. E. B.) The development 
of a people. (Int. J. Ethics, Phila. 

1 904, XIV, 292-3 II.) Discusses history 
of negro under slavery, etc. Argues for 
public and industrial schools. Dr D. 
believes in the efficacy of "group lead- 

Ehrenreich (P.) Bericht aber den 14. 
Amerikanistenkongress in Stuttjiart. (Z. 
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 862-66.) 
Brief r6sum6 of proceedings and papers 

Fehlinger (H.) Die Neger der Verein- 
igten Staaten. (Globus, Bmschwg., 

1905, Lxxxvii, 62-64.) Discusses the 
figures and facts of the census of 1900 in 
relation to the present condition and fu- 
ture prospects of the negro in the U. S. 
Two marked tendencies exist, a migra- 
tion North and West, and a massing in 
ceitain parts of the South. F. does 00 

3 so 


[N. s., 7, 1905 

agree with the idea ( Ward and others) 
of an ultimate amalgamation of whites 
and blacks. 

Ftwkes (J. W.) Porto Rican stone col- 
lars and tripointed idols. (Smithson. 
Misc. Coll., Quart., Washington, 1904, 
II, 163-86, 8 pi., I fg. ) Discusses the 
forms and tjrpes of these relics, the the- 
ories as to their origin, use, etc. ; based 
on the author's investigations in Porto 
Rico, 1902-03, and comparisons with 
other material. These stone "collars'* 
are practically confined to Porto Rico, 
and they do not occur in the shell heaps. 
The <* tripointed idol ** is equally Porto 
Rican. Dr F. considers most suggest- 
ive the theory of J. J. Acosta that 
<* these stone collars were united with 
the tripointed stones to form a serpent 

Flom (G. T.) The Scandinavian factor 
in the American population. (Iowa J. 
Hist, and Pol., Iowa City, 1905, III, 
57-91, map.) Based on census statis- 
tics of 1900. Treats of causes of emi- 
gration from Scandinavia, growth and 
distribution of Scandinavian population 
in the U. S., and of the three nationali- 
ties (Norwegians, Swedes, Danes) in 
state, city, country. About 70 per cent, 
reside in the northwestern states. 

FOratemann (E.) Liegen die Tonalmatl 
der Mayahandschriften in bestimmten 
Jahren? (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1 904, 
XXXVI, 659-67.) Discusses the ques- 
tion whether the tonalamatl fall in fixed 
years. ( F. uses as material iSS /ona/a- 
mat/ in the Codex Madridensis and 60 
in the first part of the Codex Dresdensis). 
Of the 1888 in the Madrid Codex 44 fall 
on the day aAau (17), of those in Dres- 
den Codex 13 on the same day. The 
settlement of the fixation of the tonala- 
matl and the order of succession would 
be a real progress in Mayan epigraphy. 

Vergleichung der Dresdener Maya- 

handschrift mit der Madrider. (Ibid., 
369-70.) Notes 17 points of compari- 
son between the Dresden and Madrid 

Ganong (W. F.) Upon aboriginal picto- 
graphs from New Brunswick. (Bull. 
Nat. Hist. Soc. New Brunswick, 1904, 
175-8, I pi.) Only four real or sup- 
posed aboriginal pictographs so far re- 
ported from N. B. Gesner's pictures on 
wood (now disappeared), the St. George 
medallion of 1863 ( probably not Indian ), 

the Passamaqoody in the N. 6. Unirer- 
sity Museum ( markings are of gladil 
origin, not Indian), and the OroiDOCto 
sandstone boulder (of natural origm). 
The *< pictograph " described and 6^ircd 
by Prof G. from French Lake may also 
have received its markings from nature 
and not from man. 

Gardiner (H. F.) Ontario onomatology 
and British biography. (Ont. Hist. 
Soc., Pap. and Proc., Toronto, 1905, vi, 
37-47* ) Treats of * * old country stoiks 
suggested by Canadian place-names." 

Gerend (A.) Potsherds fram Lake Mkhi- 
gan shore sites in Wisconsin. (Wist 
Archeol., Madison, 1904, iv, 1-19, 6 
pi. ) Treats briefly of 57 pottery frag- 
ments from Sand Ridge, Ozaukee, New 
Amsterdam, Sheboygan, Two Rivers, 
Brown co. The pottery is usually W>- 
ric-marked. From some sites were ob- 
tained "a small number of miniatore 
rounded vessels, evidently moulded od 
the thumb," and probably toys. Tbe 
Sheboygan pottery varies distinctly in 
character and ornamentation from that 
of the other sites. 

and Brown (C. E.) Additions to 

the list of Wisconsin aboriginal pottery. 
( Ibid. , 1 9-2 1 . ) Brief notes on speci- 
mens 18-24, the first of these beiog 
** the largest known example of Wiscon- 
sin aboriginal earthenware." Na » 
seems to represent a turtle. 

Goddard (P. E. ) Life and cultnre of the 
Hupa. ( Univ. of Calif. Publ, Anwj. 
Arch. & Ethn., Berkeley, 1904, l, 1-80. 
30 pi. , map. ) This valuable monograph 
adds abundantly to and corrects thedati 
in Powers and Ray- Mason. Tbe topics 
treated are : Environment, history, J^' 
lages, houses, dress, food, occupatioos 
of men, occupations of women, measures, 
social customs, social organiatwo. 
amusements, war, diseases and their 
cures, burial customs, religion. *°J 
Hupa have no migration myth *^ 
believe their ancestors originated i« "'^** 
They have **an undercurrent of deep 

religious feeling.'* 

Hupa texts. (Ibid., 89-368.) This 

valuable collection, "offered prini»fl'y 
as a basis for the study of the Hop* 
language,'* gives Indian text, interline^ 
translation and free English version ot 
14 myths and tales, and 27 stori« r^ 
lating to dances and feasts, **medicioe 
formulae, etc. These texU contain «»• 



portant fblk-loric, socio1<^ical and phil- 
olc^cal material about a people of the 
Athapascan slock, who differ notably in 
many poioli from their congeners. See 
Ameriian Anthropologist, 1904, N. s., 
VI, 7ia-i6. 

Juiim(C.C.) Theoriginor "Napanee." , 
(Ont. Hist. Soc., Pap. & Rec, Toronto, | 
1905, VI, 47-9.) Author argaes ihaC | 
the town.nome Napante ii derived not 
from the Mississaga word for "flour" 
(nmu-pito-nay, aa often written) but 
Trom the earlier river-name Apanec after- 
ward applied lo the settlement. The | 
diflerence in accent does not exist, how' 1 
ever,aSiVftilriH^f rcallyrepreseDts French 

Kilror (Margaret C.) Local historical 
placeiin Essex county. (Ibid., 54-65.) 
Contains some notes on the Jesuit mis- 
sions among the Hurons. | 

KolODi* (Die) San Bernardino in Para- , 
guay. (Mitt. d. k. k. Geogr. Ges. in ' 
Wien, 1905, XLViTi, 107-9.) Briefac- 
coont, reproduced from the Hamburgtr I 
Nathruhltn, of the flourishing GennaD . 
colonyofS. Bernardino, founded 10 years j 
■go on Lake Ipacarai in Paraguay. The ' 


: of 

several races. The Germ 

majority, but the jtft politico is a Para- 

Kiaeb«T (A. L.) Basketry designs of the 
Indians of northwestern California. 

(Univ.of Calif. Publ., Amer. Atch. and 
Ethn., Berkeley, 1905, it, 105-64, 7 pi., 
335 fgs, ) Treats of the specially de- 
Telopwl canislral art of the linguistically 
distinct but culturally related Yurok, 
Karok, and Hnpa, giving the results of 
the author's extensive investigations in 
1900-01. The native names of the 
designs are recorded, — and "many of 
the words are not names of animals or 
objects, but geometrical or descriptive 
terms not translatable by the Indians." 
Only slight tribal differences are noted, — 
the Karok, r.f., favor more red, vertical 
outlines, etc. The Yurok work is per- 
haps finest. The so-called "artistic 
poverty " of the Porno can apply only to 
design names. Dr K. finds that there 
" is no deep or inherent relationship be- 
tween the designs of California basketry 
and their names " ; and symbolism is non- 
existent. The design names are "free 
from attempts at picture writing or the 
expression of religions ideas." The 
designs are primarily decorative. 

lAtdUUa ( R. E. ) Notes on the physical 

characters of the Araucanos. { J. Anlhr. 
Inst,, Land., 1904, XXXiV, 170-80, I 
p]., 3 fgs.) Gives measurements of 31 
skulls (6 female) studied by author, 
compared with 20 by Guevara and 7 by 
Medina. The average index isCueveta 
7S.9, Medina 7S.5, Latcham male 79.6, 
female 80. i — the race being sub-brachy- 
cephalic (range 70-88). Artificial de- 
formation seems unknown. During ex- 
ertion these Indians have a marked, 
disagreeable ditn-odor. Physically they 
are inferior to Europeans and half-breeds. 
Stature (300 individuals) averages for 
males 1630-1635, and for females 1430- 
1440 mm. (great difference due to early 
marriage and hard wotIc). Large fami- 
lies are rare. 

Lebmaon-HitsclM ( R. ) Attpatagon- 
ische, angeblich syphilitische Knochen 
aus dem Museum lu La PlaU. (Z. f. 
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvl, 854-63, 4 
fgs. ) Discusses the osseous material sug- 
gestive of syphilitic disease in the L< 
Plata Museum, examined by L.-N. and 
by Stegmann — skulls, long bones, etc. 
The case for syphilis is not proved, ac- 
cording lo the author. If syphilis Is of 
American origin the locus is Central 
America, not Patagonia. 

Sammlung Boggiani von Indianer- 

typen aus dem zentralen SUdamerika. 
(Ibid., 882-5.) Brief account of the 
Boggiani collection of photographs of 
Indian types. 

tlaMSer (A.) Schadel eines SchokUng 
aus Santa Catharina, Brasilien. (Ibid., 
844-7, 5 fg'-) Describes a male skull 
(40-60 years) of dolichocephalic type. 

SchSdel eines Bugre aus Blumenau, 

Santa Catharina, Brasilien. (Ibid., 
848-51.) Describes a skull of a Bugre 
killed in 1S53, — now in the musenm of 
the society. The chief measurements 
are given in comparison with those of the 
Shoklfng skull. The cephalic indices 
are respectively 77.3 and 73.3. 

Lnco (L. O.) Chile contemporaneo. 
(An. de la Univ., Santiago, 1904, cxiv, 
19-96, 157-338, 483-SS1-) Contains 
brief sections on the Araocanian Indians, 
the Peruvian (Incauc) conquest, the 
ethnic elements of the population, the 
Spanish conquest, etc. 
HarquM (A.) Sobre os primitiioa estab- 
elecimentos na Guyana Ingleia. ( Bol. 
Soc. de Geogr. de Lisboa, 1904, 358- 



[N. s.,7, 1905 

64. ) Notes, translated from English, on 
the early history of European settlement 
in Guiana, the El Dorado myth, etc. 

Martili (C. W.) The Brst Indian land 
grant in Maiden. (Ont. Hist. Soc., 
Pap. and Rec., Toronto, 1905, vi, 
II-14.) Describes document signed in 
1783 by the Ottawa chiefs Kenitchenine, 
Necanigo, Negig, Rognash, Chemenin- 
tona, Assogawso, and Okilhavanan. 

Meerwarth (H. ) Eine zoologische For- 
schungsreise nach dem Rio Acari im 
Staate Pari, Brasilien. (Globus, Bm- 
schwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 289-96, 309-15, 
12 fgs., map. ) Describes journey made 
in 1899, with notes on the Turyu&ra 
Indians, their boats, huts, etc. The 
Turuyuira are nominally Catholic and 
monogamous. They cultivate manioc, 
cotton, and a few fruits. The women 
make fine hammocks. Many of the 
names of animals are onomatopoeic. 
At pages 294-5 is given a brief list 
of personal names of men and women. 
Shooting fish with the bow and arrow 
is in vogue and much skill shown. 

de Mortillet (A.) Grottes 2l peintures 
de TAm^rique du Sud. (R. d. V^z. 
d*Anthr. de Paris, 1905, xv, 31-35, 9 
fgs. ) R^sum^s the article of Ambrosetti, 
published in 1895, on Las grutas pin- 
tados y ios petroglyfos de la provincia 
de Salta^ treating the Gruta pintada and 
other caves with paintings in the Argen- 
tinean province of Salta and the same 
author's Cuatro pictografias de la region 
Calchaqui (1903). 

Ton Nordenslddld ( E. Freih. ) Ueber die 
Sitte der heutigen Aymara und Quichua 
Indianer, den Toten Beigaben in die 
Gr&ber zu legen. (Globus, Brnschwg., 
1905, Lxxxvii, 27-28.) Describes the 
offering of gifts to the dead by the Ay- 
mara and Quichua (who are much more 
conservative than the Tacana tribes) of 
the Bolivian- Peruvian border, and re- 
tain, even under Christian influence, 
many old customs in relation to burial, 
etc. Precolumbian graves are opened 
and European articles put in sometimes. 
One way of presenting things to the dead 
is to gather together the articles used by 
him and bum them on a nearby spot. 
The Indians excavate chulpas to get the 
skulls to **make weather" with. 

OliTier (S.) The white man's burden at 
home. (Intern. Quart., N. Y., 1905, 
XI, 6-23. ) Discusses the negro question 
in Jamaica. The negro < Ms now indis- 

putably the equal of the white in cate- 
gories in which loo years ago he would 
have appeared naturally his inferior.*' 
Negrophobia (instinctive race prejudice) 
is a source of danger. In the British 
West Indies <* assaults by black or col- 
ored men on white women or children 
are practically unknown.'* The aathcMr 
was long in the colonial service. 

Pelzer (L.) The negro and slavery in 
early Iowa. (Iowa J. Hist, and Pol., 
Iowa City, 1904, li, 471-84.) Histor- 
ical sketch ; not anthropological. 

Thompson (E. H.) Archeological re- 
searches in Yucatan. (Mem. Peab. 
Mus., Cambridge, 1904, ill, 1-20, 9 pL, 
1 1 fgs. ). Describes caves of Oxkutzkab 
(results of exploration same as previ- 
ously at Loltun), ruins of Xul (some 
<* monkey- like" figures, a usual type of 
pottery), Tzuli (traces of paintings on 
walls), Chacmulttm (five buildings still 
standing) where vandalism has been 
rife — kd'tuneSf or mills for grinding 
com, are made from the casing of the 
walls. Mr T. thinks that "these great 
structures afford the evidence of evolu- 
tion from the native thatched hut similar 
to the nd of to-day." The colored 
paintings are quite remarkable. 

Vignaud (H. ) La maison d'Albe et les 
archives colombiennes. (J. Soc. d. 
Am^ric. d. Paris, 1904, N. s., i, 273- 
287. ) Discusses the fate of the papers 
of Columbus in the possession of the 
house of Alba, — three collections were 
published by the Duchess of Berwick and 
Alba in 1891-1902. Other valuable 
documents may be in the possession of 
her descendants. In an appendix V. 
considers the rdle of Ferdinand Colum- 
bus in the production of the documents 
attributed to Toscanelli. 

Virchow ( H. ) Sechs Photos von Wcst- 
grdnl&ndem. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 
1 904, XXXVI, 862.) Note on photos 
of West Greenland mixed-bloods from 
Ivigtut — young women prefer to have 
children by Europeans. 

Wake ( C. S. ) Legends of the American 
Indians. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1 904, 
XXVI, 23-28.) Author considers the 
real value of these stories to lie in the 
fact that, *' making due allowance for 
modem changes, they will probably give 
us a tme notion of the present native 
inhabitants of North America, possibly 
several thousands of years ago." As 




showing this the facts as to domestic and 
social life, food, clothing, social rela- 
tions, activities, government, character, 
beliefs, etc., are briefly considered. Mr 
W. thinks '< it is possible that the In- 
dians of North America and the buffalo 
appeared on this continent together." 

American origins. ( Ibid. , 105-1 15.) 

Discusses the Mexican <* merchant's 
staff*," trade-deities, astronomic ideas, 
pillar-stones, etc., use of copper, Votan 
and QuetzalcoatJ, etc., as proving Asiatic 
origin of American Indian culture. Mr 
Wake concludes that "early American 
culture was derived from the Asiatic 
stock to which the early Babylonians, 
who probably originated in central Asia, 
belonged, or from the Phenicians, who 
appear to have been intermediaries be- 
tween Asia and the Western World." 

Nihancan, the white man. (Ibid., 

225-23 1 . ) Treats of Nihancan ( creator, 
death-giver, deceiver, sensual being, 
fool, ingrate, etc.), a chief figure in the 
Arapaho traditions as recorded by Dr 
Kroeber. The term white man (Nihan- 
can has now this meaning) may have 
reference to the complexion of the new- 

comers. In certain elements of Arapaho 
mythology Mr W. sees evidence of ** a 
culture area which included the greater 
part of Asia as well as North America." 

Ward (D. J. H.) The problem of the 
mounds. (Iowa J. Hist, and Pol., Iowa 
City, 1905, III, 20-40.) Discusses hb- 
tory of problem and investigation, kinds 
of prehistoric works ( earthworks, refuse 
heaps, house sites, hut rings, stone works 
— cairns, enclosures, box-shaped graves, 
cliff houses — excavations, canals and 
ditches, pits, garden beds, fire-hearths, 
trails, mines), material of the mounds, 
current investigations elsewhere, num- 
ber, size and contents of mounds (Illi- 
nois has 5,000 within a radius of 50 
miles of the mouth of the Illinois river) ; 
When did the mound-builders live? 
what the mounds intimate, need of legis- 
lative action, methods of investigation. 
Dr W. argues that ** if the mounds 
were built by Indians, that is, by the 
ancestors of the present existing tribes, 
they must have degenerated before the 
Europeans arrived." And he wonders 
<*if the cave men are young as com- 
pared with the mound builder in 


The American Anthropological Association will meet in San Fran- 
cisco, California^ August 29th to 3isty 1905. 

Members of the Association and all others interested in anthropology 
are cordially invited to be present at this meeting. Papers relating to 
ethnology, archeology, prehistoric man, physical anthropology, linguis- 
tics, and general anthropology will be read. Members and prospective 
members are invited to present titles of communications. 

The meeting will be followed by an excursion of the Association to 
the Lewis and Clark Centennial Exposition at Portland. Arrangements 
will be made for the members of the Association while in San Francisco 
to visit the great educational institutions of the Pacific coast, the Uni- 
versity of California and Leland Stanford Junior University, and for 
excursions to other points of interest. The Museum of the Department 
of Anthropology of the University of California at the Affiliated Colleges 
in San Francisco, which has recently been installed but which is not yet 
open to the public, will be the headquarters of the Association and will 
be made fully accessible to those in attendance. 

This will be the first meeting of the American Anthropological Asso- 
ciation to be held west of the Missouri river, and the first meeting de- 
voted to anthropology, archeology, or ethnology ever held on the Pacific 
coast by any body of national organization. It is unlikely that another 
anthropological meeting of similar scope can be held on the western side 
of the continent for a number of years to come, so that by the selection of 
San Francisco as the place of meeting an unusual opportunity is presented 
to anthropologists and to those interested in anthropology not only on 
the Pacific coast of America but in all countries adjacent to the Pacific 
ocean. The special rates given by the transcontinental railroads to 
Portland via San Francisco afford an exceptional opportunity for the 
archeologists and ethnologists of the eastern parts of the country to 
visit the Pacific coast. From points east of Chicago, St Ix)uis, and 
New Orleans, the railroad rate will be a little more than one fare for the 
round trip. Tickets will be sold on July 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 24, 25, 
26, August 5 to 16 inclusive and 28, 29, 30, 31, and will have a final 
return limit of 90 days, but in no case later than November 30 of this 
year. These tickets will be good going and returning via same route east 



of the above-named cities ; but west of them, tickets will be good going 
via any regular direct route, and returning via same or any other regular 
direct route (the Canadian Pacific being included in choice of routes). 
Stop-over privileges are allowed in the East at Philadelphia, Baltimore, 
Washington, and Niagara Falls ; in the West, at Yellowstone Park, at 
Cheyenne, Denver, Colorado Springs, and Pueblo, and any point west 
thereof. For rates from points west of the Mississippi, and for further 
particulars, members are requested to communicate with their nearest 
station agent. 

All communications relating to the meeting, including titles of papers 
and applications for membership, and in regard to hotels, should be ad- 
dressed to Dr A. L. Kroeber, Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco. 

The Association committee on program and arrangements are : 
President F. W. Putnam, chairman ; A. L. Kroeber, secretary ; George 
Grant MacCurdy, Franz Boas, E. J. Molera, George H. Pepper, F. W. 

Several amendments to the Constitution of the Association, proposed 
and approved at the Philadelphia session of 1904, are to be voted 
on at the meeting. These are as follows : 

Article V, Section i, second and third lines : Change a number of 
councilors to be determined annually to twenty-four councilors. 

Section 2, third and fourth lines : Change a number of councilors to 
be determined by the council to six councilors. 

Section 3 : Add to the end of the section : Five shall constitute a 

Section 7 : Strike out at the end of the section : of whom not more 
than one shall be a member of the council, 

AR'ncLE VII, Section i : Strike oiit entirely. 

Section 2 : Omit from first sentence : whose chairmen shall be mem- 
bers of the executive committee. 

Fifteenth International Congress of Americanists. — Pursuant to 
the action taken at the Fourteenth International Congress of American- 
ists, held at Stuttgart in August, 1904, the Committee of Organization 
announce that the sessions of the Fifteenth Congress will be held at Que- 
bec, Canada, from Monday, September lo, to Saturday, September 15, 
1906. The Committee urge that all persons interested in the work of 
the Congress (the scope of which includes everything pertaining to the 
history, ethnology, and archeology of the New World) become affiliated 
as members or associates of the Fifteenth Session at the earliest practicable 


date, and that titles of papers to be presented in person or otherwise be 
sent to the General Secretary as soon as possible. 

The fee for Members is three dollars ($3.00). Members have the 
privilege of voting, of taking part in the deliberations of the Congress, 
and of receiving its publications. 

The fee for Associates is one dollar ($1.00). Associates may attend 
the meetings, but they do not have the right of participating in the discus- 
sions nor of receiving the publications gratuitously. 

The sessions of the Congress will be held in the halls of the majestic 
Parliament Buildings, and ample facilities will be provided should it be 
deemed necessary to hold sectional meetings. Plans are already in prep- 
aration for excursions following the meetings, and there is no doubt that, 
with such a wealth of historical association as Quebec p>ossesses, those 
who attend the Congress will derive great pleasure and profit. 

The Committee of Organization consists of the following : President : 
Dr Robert Bell, Director of the Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa. 
Vice-president: Mgr J.-C. K. Laflamme, Dean of the Faculty of Arts, 
Laval University, Quebec ; The Honorable R. A. Pine, Minister of Edu- 
cation for Ontario ; Dr David Boyle, of the Department of Education, 
Toronto. General Secretary : Dr N. E. Dionne, Librarian of the Legis- 
lative Assembly, Quebec. Treasurer : M Alp. Gagnon, of the E^epart- 
ment of Public Works, Quebec. 

The Patron of the Congress is His Excellency Lord Grey, G. C. M. 
G., Governor General of Canada ; the Honorary President is His Honor 
Sir L. -A. Jette, Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec. 

Congr^s Pr^historique de France. — The first session of the Congr^s 
Pr^historique de France, under the presidency of M. femile Riviere, as- 
sistant director of the laboratory of the College de France, will be held 
at P^rigueux (Dordogne), from September 26 to October i, inclusive. 
The first three days of the session will be devoted to the presentation 
of communications and scientific discussion, and to visits to museums, 
monuments, etc. ; on the other three days excursions will be made to 
archeological sites, notably Eyzies, Madaleine, Liveyre, and Moustier. 
There are two classes of members — original and associate. The former, 
whose dues are twelve francs, are entitled to all the privileges of the Con- 
gress and will receive the reports ; the associate members subscribe six 
francs and participate only in the receptions, visits, and excursions. 
Americans interested in the subject are invited to become original mem- 
bers. The secretary is M. Marcel Baudouin, rue Linne, 21, Paris; the 
treasurer, M. Giraux, avenue Victor-Hugo, 9 bis, a Saint-Mand^ (Seine), 


The Congrds International d'Ezpansion £conomique Mondiale will 
be held at Mons, Belgium, toward the close of September, under the 
patronage of His Majesty the King of Belgium. Among the questions 
to come before the Congress that will prove of interest to anthropologists 
is the following, which forms a section of an announcement sent out by 
Dr Cyr van Everbergh, directeur g6n6ral de Tenseignement superieur (8, 
rue de la Loi, Brussels) : 

** What are, in new countries ^ the best methods of making ethnologic and 
sociologic observations with the view of obtaining scientific knowledge of the 
social status and of the manners and customs of the natives^ and of raising 
them to a higher civilization ? ' ' 

It is hoped that our American anthrop>ologists whose lines of research 
have been such as to enable them to render valuable information on this 
question, so far as it pertains to the American Indians and to the aborig- 
ines of some of our insular possessions, may give the Congress the benefit 
of their views. 

The Jews of Mzab. — In the February number of the Zeitschrift fur 
Demographic und Statistik der Juden, which is issued by the Bureau fiir 
die Statistik der Juden under the editorship of Dr Arthur Ruppin in 
Berlin, is found an interesting notice on the Jews of Mzab, of whom the 
French anthropologist, M. Huguet, made during 1897-99 a study and 
gave an account in the Bulletins et M6moires de la Socidtd d* Anthro- 
pologie de Paris (V serie, tome in, 1902). 

Mzab is an oasis, situated in southern Algiers, about latitude 33° N., 
longitude 4° E. , on the edge of the Sahara. It is inhabited by a Berber 
tribe of about 30,000 souls and since 1850 has been under French suprem- 
acy. By the census of 1896 there were 841 Jews living in Ghardaia, 
the capital of the oasis, and 34 in the city of Guerrara. Tradition places 
the immigration of Jews to the oasis in the 14th century. The Jews live 
in separate streets, but are not distinguished in their attire from the 
natives, excepting for the frontlocks (^peoth). The women are pretty, 
strong, and marked by a certain grace, while the men are of a less pre- 
possessing type. 

They marry very early ; not infrequently children are betrothed at 
the age of 4 to 5 years and married when they reach 13 or 14 years. 
Owing, no doubt, largely to these premature marriages, the mortality 
among children is enormous. Some marriages are blessed with 15 to 25 
children, but only a third or a fourth of them survive to maturity. 

Of the ceremonies attending a wedding it may be mentioned that on 
the wedding day the head of the bride is wrapped in a cloth into the 

358 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

folds of which candles are inserted and lighted. She is then carried, with 
bare feet (girls are not allowed to wear foot-gear before marriage), upon 
the skin of a wild sheep {tnoufton) to the house of the bridegroom. The 
marriage is consummated at once, while the guests are feasting in the 
house, and if the bride is not found chaste she may be divorced. The 
usual amount of dowry set by the groom on the bride is from 25 to 500 
francs ($5 to jioo). Divorce is easily and frequently obtained. It is 
not rare that men marry four or five times. All this, as also the fact that 
the women are rarely possessed even of the most elementary education, 
in contrast to the zeal for knowledge and learning of the men, would 
point to a low condition of women among these Jews. 

When a woman approaches childbirth she is transferred from the 
house of the husband to that of her parents, where a hole is dug in a 
comer and filled with hot ashes, over which a sheet is spread. On this 
cinereal couch the woman is placed to await the birth, the ashes being 
renewed as oflen as they grow cold. Usually the mother is able after one 
week to return to her household duties. The infant is nourished by the 
mother from two to two and a half years. In case of twins of different 
sex being bom, the boy is nourished by the mother, while the girl is 
reared on goat milk. 

Of religious observances peculiar to the Jews of Mzab it should be 
mentioned that, besides the rite of bar-mitzwah which, as elsewhere, takes 
place at the close of the thirteenth year of a boy, at the age of three years 
he is "introduced into religion** — whatever that may mean — by a 
special ceremony, called el Kestaby and is then an ouziry while at the age 
of four years another ceremony raises him to the dignity of a soltan. The 
Feast of Weeks {Shabuotk) is celebrated by them three days instead of 
two : the third in commemoration of the ** conquest of Ghardaia by the 
Jews.'* Otherwise they do not differ in their beliefs and rituals from 
other Jews in the East. I. M. Casanowicz. 

Columbia University Courses in Anthropology. — The following 
courses in Anthropology for 1905-06 have been announced by Columbia 
University. Those numbered from 101-200 inclusive are for graduates 
and specially prepared undergraduates. Courses above 200 are for grad- 
uate students. All the courses except 107-108 are open to women ; and 
all the courses are open to auditors, who must secure the written consent 
of the instructor. 

I o I - 1 02 — Anthropology, general introductory course — Lectures, 
essays, and discussions. Professor Livingston Farrand. Two hours 
weekly. In the first half of this course a description of human races and of 


their distribution is given. The physical characters of the earliest human 
remains and their relations to present forms are discussed, and the t3rpes 
of languages and their geographical distribution are described. In the 
second half of the year there is a discussion of the mental development 
of primitive man, which is followed by a description of t)rpes of primitive 
culture, and an inquiry into the origin and development of particular 
phases of culture. Open to Juniors. 

103-104 — Prehistoric archeology — Lectures, essays, and discussions. 
Professor Marshall H. Saville and Dr Berkey. Two hours weekly. In 
the first part of this course the geological basis of prehistoric arche- 
ology is discussed, while in the second part the questions of prehis- 
toric archeology are taken up in detail. The collections of the Geo- 
logical Department and of the American Museum of Natural History are 
utilized for illustrating this course. Open to Juniors. 

105-106 — General ethnography — Lectures, essays, and discussions. 
Dr Clark Wissler. Two hours weekly. In this course the ethnology of 
primitive tribes is described, in geographical order, a summary of the cul- 
tural types of America, Asia, Australia, the Pacific islands, and of Africa 
being given. The collections in the American Museum of Natural His- 
tory will be utilized for illustrating this course. Open to Juniors. 

107-108 — Ethnology — Primitive culture — Lectiu-es, papers, and 
discussions. Professor Farrand. Two hours weekly. This course con- 
sists of a more detailed treatment of the questions involved in primitive 
culture, such as the origin and development of mythology, morality and 
religion, education, art, social customs, etc. Students are expected to 
have taken Anthropology 101-102 or 105-106, or to give satisfactory 
evidence of previous work before being admitted to this course. 

109-110 — Ethnography of America and Siberia — Lectures and dis- 
cussions. Professor Franz Boas. Two hours weekly. This course con- 
sists of a detailed description of the questions involved in the distribution 
of tribes, types languages, and customs of America and Siberia. The 
collections in the American Museum of Natural History will be utilized 
for illustrating this course. Prerequisite, 101-102 or 105-106, or equiv- 
alent reading. 

[i 1 1 -1 1 2 — Ethnography of Africa, Australia, and the islands of the 
Pacific ocean. Dr Wissler. Not given in ipoj-od.'] 

113-114 — Ethnography of China — Language, literature, govern- 
ment, and social customs of China. Professor Hirth. 

115-116 — Mexican archeology — Lectures, essays, and discussions. 
Professor Saville. In this course the archeology of Mexico and the ad- 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—34 

360 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

joining regions to the south will be discussed. The collections in the 
American Museum of Natural History will be utilized for illustrating 
this course. Prerequisite, 1 01 -102, 103-104, or 105-106, or equivalent 

1 1 7- 1 1 8 — American languages — Lectures and discussions. Profes- 
sor Boas. Two hours weekly. Selected languages representing different 
types will be discussed. Indian myths will be translated in connection 
with grammatical interpretation. The course extends over two years, 
allowing time for the consideration of representative types of North 
American languages. 

1 19-120 — Morphology with special reference to physical anthropol- 
ogy. Professor Huntington. 

121 — The statistical study of variation, introductory course — Lec- 
tures, essays, and discussions. Dr Wissler. Two hours weekly and three 
hours' laboratory work ; first half year. This course is intended as an 
introduction to the study of variation for students of anthropology, 
psychology, and biology. The characteristic features of variability and 
the methods of treatment are discussed. This course is open to Seniors. 

122 — The statistical study of variation, advanced course — Lectures, 
essays, discussions, and laboratory work. Professor Boas and Dr Wissler. 
Two hours weekly and three hours' laboratory work ; second half-year. 
Continuation of course 121 for students who wish to prepare for research 
work in the statistical study of variation. 

123 — The statistical treatment of anatomical and physiological data. 
Professor Boas. Two hours weekly ; first half-year. This course is in- 
tended primarily for medical students. The methods of treating vital 
statistics and anatomical, physiological, and pathological statistics form 
the main subject of the course. 

201-202 — Seminar in ethnology, two hours weekly. Professor Boas. 
Prerequisite, 105-106 and 107-108, or equivalent reading. 

203-204 — Research work in anthropology. Professors Boas, Far- 
rand, and Saville. Daily. 

Head Deformation Among the Klamath. — The Klamath Indians, 
together with a number of other tribes of the Columbia river region, still 
practise artificial head deformation of the variety kno^vn as ** flat head," 
consisting of the flattening of the frontal region of the infant while on the 
cradle-board. The desired effect is produced by applying to the forehead 
of the child continuous pressure by means of a pad, or of a small padded 
plank. Rev. J. Kirk, an educated Klamath, who himself exhibited this 


■ n« cndic (Cat. no. 6s.'jaie, Am 


variety of head deformation, recently visited the National Museum, where 
he was measured and photographed. From him it was learned that the 
Klamath regard a long head /'. e.y anon-deformed head, with derision. 
They say it is slave-like, that their slaves had such, and that a man with 
such a head is not fit to be a great man in the tribe. Deformed heads are 
called ''good heads." The flattening, which is practised to this day, is 
produced chiefly by means of a bag of seeds, usually of the water-lily, tied 
over the forehead of the infant, the ends of the bandage that hold the 
bag in place being fastened to the baby-board. Water-lily seeds are 
among the principal native foods of the tribe. Sometimes other seeds 
are used, but they are always of some edible variety. So far as known, 
the process of deforming the head of the child has no deleterious effect. 

A. Hrdlicka. 

Maricopa Weaving. — While visiting the Maricopa Indians of 
southern Arizona in 1902, and again in 1905, the writer was fortunate 
enough to see and collect two rare examples of Maricopa native weaving. 
These specimens, which now form part of the Hyde collection in the 
American Museum of Natural History, New York, consist of long, narrow 
bands that were used to fasten the baby on its cradle-board. They are 
made from cotton or wool yam purchased from the dealers, are mostly 
white, grayish, bluish, or red in color, and are woven in simple geometric 
patterns. Both the women and the men formerly wove these bands, 
but the practice is now nearly abandoned. According to information ob- 
tained from an old Maricopa, about forty years ago the people of his 
tribe still planted native cotton, with which the men wove large decorated 
blankets. The informant made several of these himself in his youth, but he 
is now the only survivor of those acquainted with the art. The speci- 
mens obtained are illustrated in plate xxiv, i. A. Hrdlicka. 

A Cora Cradle. — Among the Cora tribe of the territory of Tepic, 
Mexico, an interesting form of swinging cradle is used. This region is 
infested with scorpions, the sting of which is dangerous to infants, and 
on this account the Cora make a shallow net of vegetal fiber which is 
stretched on an oval frame and suspended, usually by four cords, from a 
reata of ixtle, or maguey fiber, fastened lo a rafter of the dwelling. 

The accompanying illustration (plate xxiv, 2) shows one of these 
cradles, collected by the writer for the Hyde Expedition in 1902, and now 
in the American Museum of Natural History, New York. Several deer 
hoofs, that serve as rattles, dangle from the apex of the cords that sustain 
the cradle. 

j63 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Similar nets, but more rounded and smaller, suspended from pegs in 
the walls or from the roof, are used by the Cora as convenient receptacles 
for various articles, particularly food. A. Hrdlicra. 

Jacob Vradenberg Broweti well known through his researches in 
early history and archeology, especially of Minnesota and Kansas, died at 
St Cloud, Minnesota, June i . Mr Brower was bom on a farm at York, 
Michigan, January 21, 1844, moving to Long Prairie, Todd county, 
Minnesota, when only thirteen years of age. He received a common 
school education, enlisted in the volunteer cavalry in 1862, and entered 
the United States volunteer navy two years later. He was honored with 
several federal and state appointments, among the latter that of Itasca 
State Park Commissioner from 1891 to 1895. For this office Mr 
Brower was especially well fitted by reason of an intimate knowledge of the 
country gained by his exploration, in 1889, ^^ ^^^ sources of the Missis- 
sippi. While engaged in his Itasca work, Mr Brower, in 1894-95, dis- 
covered an ancient village site and several mounds at the lake. In 1896 
he traced the source of Missouri river, and in 1897-98 conducted 
archeological explorations in central and eastern Kansas that resulted in 
the important rediscovery of the ancient province of Quivira, visited by 
Francisco Vasquez Coronado in 154 1. In 1900 he located 1,125 abori- 
ginal mounds at Mille Lac, Minnesota, and was engaged in gathering 
material in the western part of the state, with the view of preparing a 
volume on the early history of the Sioux in Minnesota, when stricken 
with paralysis on May 26, near Fergus Falls. Mr Brower was an inde- 
fatigable worker, as his voluminous productions attest; and he was 
undaunted in the face of what to most men would prove a source of dis- 
couragement, as a serious fire which utterly destroyed the results of years 
of research but which spurred him to renewed vigor would indicate. In 
later years he became a firm believer in the immediate publication of 
results, so that from 1893 scarcely a year passed without the production 
of a beautiful volume, issued chiefly at the expense of his private means. 
He was for years chairman of the museum committee of the Minnesota 
Historical Society, and during a decade contributed to its collections 
more than 100,000 specimens. The most important of his published 
writings are: The Mississippi River and its Source (1893), Prehistoric 
Man at the Headwaters of the Mississippi River (1895), The Missouri 
River and its Utmost Source (1896), Quivira (1898), Harahey (1899), 
Mille Lac (1900), Kathio (1901), Minnesota: Discovery and its Area 
— 1541-1665 (1903), Kansas : Monumental Perpetuation of its Earliest 
History, 1541-1896 (1903), Itasca State Park, an Illustrated History 


(1905). Mr Brower was one of the organizers of the Quiviia Historical 
Society and had been its president from the beginning. 

Minnesota Historical Society. — The general interest in American 
archeology, especially among our historical societies, is nowhere better 
exemplified than at St Paul, where the Minnesota Historical Society, 
established in 1849, in the year that Minnesota became a territory, has 
for some years been accumulating a collection of archeological objects. 
This society, whose excellent work is wisely appreciated by the State at 
large, which annually appropriates j 15,000 toward its expenses, main- 
tains a museum, an important part of which is its department of arche- 
ology, containing a collection the extent of which is probably not known 
by many archeologists beyond the limits of the State. The late J. V. 
Brower, chairman of the Museum Committee of the Society, has alone 
added to its collections more than 100,000 specimens of stone imple- 
ments and weapons, flakes from their manufacture, bone and copper 
ornaments, pottery, etc. , partly from the Indians and partly from their 
ancient mounds throughout Minnesota and a large part of the territory 
westward to the Rocky mountains and southward to Kansas. The an- 
nouncement has recently been made by Mr Warren Upham, secretary 
and librarian of the society, that Rev. Edward C. Mitchell, of St Paul, has 
expressed his intention of depositing in the museum the greater part of his 
collection, including many thousands of specimens of aboriginal imple- 
ments, weapons, ornaments, and pottery. Within the last few months 
the society has moved into new quarters that are provided for it in 
the splendid capitol now practically completed, where it will suitably 
display its archeological collections and arrange its library as pecuniary 
means are afforded. The importance of the work that the Minnesota 
Historical Society is doing should be fully encouraged by granting the 
funds necessary for enabling it to become more and more a part of the 
educational system of the state. 

M. JuLiEN GiRARD DE RiALLE, minister plenipotentiary from France 
to Chile, died recently at Santander, Chile, aged sixty-four years. M. 
Rialle was well known in France for his anthropologic studies. He was 
at one time charged with a mission to Syria ; in 1870 he was sent to 
Germany, and after serving as prefect of the Basses- Alpes in 1871-73, 
entered the ministry of foreign affairs as sub-director of archives in 1880 
and as director in 1882. 

^MiLE VouGA, known through his excavations in the bed of the 
Zihl that resulted in the discovery of four pile-dwellings connected with 

364 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

the banks by a bridge, died at Champ Bougin, near Neufchitel, Switzer- 
land, September 11, 1904, aged 67 years. The results of Vouga's inter- 
esting researches are described in his work Les Ileivites a la Tint. 

In recognition of his services to science generally and to the cause 
of ethnology in particular, the Emperor of Russia has appointed Mr Morris 
K. Jesup, president of the American Museum of Natural History and 
patron of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, a Knight of the Imperial 
Order of St Stanislaus of the first class. 

Adrien Arcelin, who recently died at Saint-Sorlin, near Macon, 
France, in his sixty-sixth year, was well known to European archeologists 
through his discovery and exploration of the beds of Solutr^ and the dis- 
covery in 1869 of the first fiint chips known in Egypt, a find that was at 
first discredited by Egyptologists. 

ANDRfe LEFfevRE, professor in the fecole d'Anthropologie de Paris, 
died recently, aged 71 years. In 1880 Dr Lef^vre became assistant pro- 
fessor in the school, and in 1890 succeeded Hovelacque as professor of 
ethnography and linguistics. He served as president of the Soci^t^ 
d'Anthropologie in 1896. 

Dr Franz Boas has resigned the curatorship of the Department of 
Anthropology of the American Museum of Natural History, but will con- 
tinue the publication of the results of the researches that he has under- 
taken for the Museum. 

Dr Albert Ernest Jenks, Director of the Ethnological Survey for 
the Philippine Islands, has been compelled, owing to ill health, to 
relinquish his duties temporarily, and will spend several months in the 
United States. 

Dr Ales Hrdlicka, of the United States National Museum, has 
been elected a corresponding member of the Soci6t6 d* Anthropologic 
de Paris and of the Royal Bohemian Association of Sciences of Prague. 

The degree of Doctor of Science has been conferred by Columbia 
University on William T. Brigham, Director of the Bishop Museum of 
Polynesian Ethnology and Natural History at Honolulu. 

M. LfeON Lejeal, of the College de France, opened in December 
last his course on Mexican antiquities, established through the generosity 
of the Due de Loubat. 

Dr George A. Dorsev, of the Field Columbian Museum, has been 
elected a corresponding member of the Soci6t6 d' Anthropologic de Paris. 


Mr David I. Bushnell, Jr, whose article on Mexican atlatls appears 
in this issue, has been elected a correspondent of the Society Italiana 

Ernest d'Acy, who was the first to demonstrate the unity of the 
Acheulian and Chellean finds in France, died at Paris, January i, aged 
78 years. 



Meeting of December 13, 1904 

The 367th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, December i, 1904, 
the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, in the chair, and 75 members and guests 

Dr B. Rosalie Slaughter addressed the Society on The Buried 
Cities of CeyloHy illustrating with lantern slides some of the more striking 
finds of recent explorations, sketching the architectural features of several 
great topes, and closing with an account of the Singhalese migration and 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, in continuation of the postponed symposium, 
What is a Cianf {American Anthropologist y vi. No. 5, 1904), discussed 
The Iroquois Clan, Mr Hewitt showed that among these people the 
social and political structure is based on actual and theoretical blood 
relationship ; that consanguinity constitutes citizenship in the tribe, and 
that citizenship confers certain essential social, religious, and political 
rights, at the same time imposing certain duties and obligations. Theo- 
retical consanguinity is that produced by the institution of adoption, 
which by a fiction of law transforms the blood of an alien into that of an 
Iroquois. The clan of the Iroquois is constituted of one or more con- 
sanguineous groups of offspring tracing descent through a female ancestor 
and through females only ; these groups are called Ohwachiras by the 
Iroquois. Where there are several Ohwachiras constituting a clan, they 
regard one another as sisters. Hence it is evident that the clan is con- 
stituted of groups of persons regarded as actually or theoretically con- 
sanguineous. From a survey of its essential characteristics and the 
nature of the con.stitutive elements, Mr Hewitt stated that he would 
define an Iroquois clan as a permanent body of kindred, actually and 
theoretically consanguineous and socially and politically organized, who 
trace descent through the female line only. 

Dr I. M. Casanowicz discussed The Clan Among the Semites ^^^^l 
that fragmentary relics of the primitive system may be traced among the 
advanced Semites of Syria, Mesopotamia, Canaan, and Phenicia. The 
phrase ** tribes of Israel " is familiar from the English Bible. The tribe 
{shebetox matteh^ properly * rod,* ' staff,* 1. ^., a group led or ruled over 



by a chief with a staff or scepter) was a confederation of septs or clans 
{mishpahah, rendered in the English Bible by "family**), and there 
were again aggregations of households or homesteads {beth-aby properly, 
' father* s house * ). Members of one and the same mishpahah or clan are 
designated as brothers or as being of the same " bone and flesh,'* which 
would indicate that the bond of union was mainly blood-kinship. It 
would also seem that a common worship was from time to time the rally- 
ing point for the members of a tribe (I Samuel, xx, 6). It may in 
general be assumed that the primitive social system of the Hebrews and 
the other Semitic people was in its principles and purposes essentially 
similar to that of the nomadic Arabs who retained the tribal constitution 
longer than the other Semitic races. As late as the time of Mohammed, 
Arabian society was composed of a multitude of local groups, held 
together within themselves by a traditional sentiment of unity and by the 
recognition and exercise of certain mutual obligations and social duties 
and rights. These groups formed the social and political units of society. 
Larger combinations of several groups were not unknown, but they were 
comparatively unstable and tended to resolve themselves again into their 
elements. The chief duties of the members of such a group were to act 
together in war and blood-feuds, and to protect one another by blood- 
revenge. A kindred group was marked off from any other by the fact 
that within it there was no blood-feud. The unifying force was blood- 
kinship on the father's side, and the Arabian genealogists consider these 
groups as the result of the expansion and branching out of the patriarchal 
family, formed by subdivision of an original stock, on the system of kin- 
ship through male descent. But there are numerous indications that the 
fundamental doctrine of unity of blood as the principle that binds men 
into a permanent social unity, must have sprung up in groups that were 
not patriarchal families but were formed under the system of mother- 
kinship. Thus, for instance, down to the time of Mohammed, bars to 
marriage among the Arabs were constituted by female kinship only. In 
fact, fatherhood did not necessarily imply procreation. However that 
may be, the key to all the primitive divisions and aggregations among the 
Arabs and their Semitic kindred lies in the action and reaction of two 
principles : that a union of an absolute and permanent kind can be based 
only on the bond of blood, and that the purpose of such a union is to 
unite men for offense and defense. There was no hard and fast line of 
demarkation between clans and tribes among the Semites. They were 
fluid organizations, subject to integration and disintegration by combina- 
tion and subdivision, by accession and secession. 



Meeting of January s, 1905 

The 368th meeting was held January 3d, 1905. This being the 
annual meeting the reports of the General Secretary, Treasurer, and 
Curator were read. Owing to the continued ill-health of the Treasurer, 
Mr P. B. Pierce, he presented his resignation. The Society, after 
thanking Mr Pierce for his long, faithful, and efficient service, elected as 
Treasurer Mr George C. Maynard. An amendment to the By-laws, 
changing the date of the annual meeting to the last meeting in May, was 

Meeting of January 17, 1905 

The 369th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, January 17th, 1905, 
the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, in the chair, and 2 2 members and guests 
present. Dr Walter Hough described Recent Field Work in Arizona 
and New Mexico^ conducted by him for the U. S. National Museum. The 
region visited lies in western New Mexico and eastern Arizona, on the 
northern affluents of Gila river. Excavations were made in rectangular 
stone pueblos near Luna, New Mexico, and in cliff-houses and ceremo- 
nial caves of the region, yielding a collection and a body of data regard- 
ing the distribution of Pueblo tribes. 

Dr Mitchell Carroll addressed the Society on The Archaic Sculp- 
tures in the Acropolis Museum at Athens, Many lantern views of these 
sculptures were presented, accompanied with a discussion of the features 
showing development from the ruder attempts to the finished productions 
of the great classic schools. 

Meeting of January 31, 1905 

The 370th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, January 31st, 1905, 
the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, in the chair, and 31 members and guests 

A paper by Dr George Bird Grinnell on Some Cheyenne Plant 
Medicines was read. This paper is published in the American Anthro- 
pologist, vol. VII, pp. 37-43> 1905- 

In his Official Report of a Journey Across the Island of Mindanao, 
Col J. G. Harbord, U. S. A., modestly recounted what was an important 
exploration in a region which had never before been traveled by a white 
man, and seldom by men of any race. Though the journey across Min- 
danao occupied only fifteen days, it was attended with privations and 
sickness. The expedition left Baganga on the east coast, traversed diffi- 
cult mountains to Compostela and down Agusan river in dugouts to Butan 


on the west coast. The people encountered were mixed Visayans on 
the coast and the Mandayas and Manobos of the interior, who live in 
the basin of the Agusan. The paper was read by Dr E. A. Meams, 
U. S. A. , who accompanied Colonel Harbord on this journey. 

Dr J. B. Nichols presented a paper on The Sex Composition of 
Human Families. The article appears in the American Anthropologist ^ 
vol. VII, pp. 24-36, 1905. 

Meeting of February 141 1905 

The 371st meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, February 14, 1905, 
the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, in the chair, and 60 members and guests 
present. In opening the meeting the President stated that on this day 
the Society had completed its twenty-sixth year. 

Dr I. H. Lamb presented a paper on The Origin of St Valentine* s 
Day. This day, the speaker remarked, seems to be associated with the 
name of a Christian martyr in the reign of the Emperor Claudius, about 
270 A.D. His name occurs in church literature, and his feast day, Feb- 
ruary 14, was substituted for the day of the feast of the Lupercal, Febru- 
ary 15, in the evolution of the early church from heathen to Christian 
forms and ceremonies. From the Lupercal is probably derived the cus- 
tom of making gifts and of presenting favors and especially love tokens 
on St Valentine's Day. Many early writers describe the various ob- 
servances of St Valentine's as resembling a game of forfeits, the " forfeit * * 
being paid to relieve the obligation which the chance of being drawn 
placed upon the one drawn. Pepys' Diary gives illustrations of this cus- 
tom. The chance seemed binding unless relieved by a gift or forfeit. 
The literature concerning the Saint's day shows that it was popularly 
supposed that even the birds on that day selected their mates. 

Prof Edgar L. Hewett presented a communication on The Arche- 
ology of Pajarito Park^ New Mexico^ illustrated with lantern slides. Pro- 
fessor Hewett' s paper is published in vol. vi, pp. 629-659, of the Amer- 
ican Anthropologist, 

Meeting of February 28, 1905 

The 372d meeting was held February 28, 1905, the President, Dr 
D. S. Lamb, in the chair. The evening was devoted to a symposium on 
the Origin of Aboriginal Floridian Culture. 

Mr James Mooney discussed the Ethnography of Florida, stating 
that the name Florida, as originally applied by the Spaniards, included 
the whole coast and hinterland from Chesapeake bay about to Panuco river 


368b AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

in Mexico. The state received its present limitation, embracing an am 
of nearly 60,000 square miles, on coming into possession of the United 
States in 182 1. For a period of more than three centuries, with the 
exception of the twenty years from 1763 to 1783, it was a Spanish colony, 
and as a consequence most of its history must be gathered from Spanish 
sources. The Indian history may be divided into two periods, viz., the 
ancient and the modem, the separating event being the destruction of the 
missions and the invasion of the northern tribes about the year 1700. 
Before this invasion the area of the present state was occupied by some 
fifteen tribes. It had been hastily assumed on insufficient evidence that 
all of these belonged either to the Muskhogean stock along the northern 
border or to the Timuquanan stock in the west of the peninsula. The 
fact is, that we have as yet no linguistic authority for extending the Timu- 
quanan boundary beyond the middle of the peninsula, and the rest of the 
area must for the present remain uncolored upon the linguistic map. 
There is, however, strong probability that the language of the Caloosa, 
the most important of these southern tribes, may yet be recovered from 
the Spanish mission archives. The most interesting point in this con- 
nection is the fact, brought out by the paper, of the existence of an Ara- 
wakan colony from Cuba somewhere upon the southwestern coast of 
Florida, within the territory of the Caloosa. Their ancestors had landed 
in Florida in search of the same mythic fountain of youth of which Ponce 
de Leon heard from the islanders and had been forcibly detained by the 
Caloosa chief, who colonized them in a settlement, where for a longtime 
afterward they still preserved their separate identity. The chain of Ara- 
wakan extension is thus established from the Paraguay river of southern 
South America, up through Brazil, Guiana, and the Antilles to the main- 
land of North America. It was also shown that a regular communication 
existed between the tribes of Florida and those of the Antilles during the 
early Indian period, and that the so-called "Caribbean influence" dis- 
cussed by archeologists was more properly Arawakan. 

Dr Cyrus Thomas discussed Foreign Influence in Prehistoric Florida^ 
giving a critical review of the account of expeditions previous to 1513 
in search of a mythical "River Jordan," which may have introduced 
Antillean natives (Carib and Arawak) to the peninsula. The conclusion 
reached by Dr Thomas is that the weight of evidence is against the refer- 
ence of historical accounts of Antillean migration to periods before the 

Mr W. H. Holmes discussed Traces of Exotic Influences m the 
Art of Florida^ reaching the conclusion that archeological evidences 


show that, leaving the question of peoples aside, there is proof in the 
artifacts that Antillean culture was transplanted to the mainland to a 
slight extent. 

Mr J. D. McGuiRE gave a synopsis of The Explorations of Mr 
Clarence B, Moore in Florida^ presenting the results of these important 
investigations which show traces of Antillean influence. 

Meeting of March 14, 1905 

The 373d meeting was held March 14, 1905, President Lamb in the 
chair and 29 members present. 

Rev. Dr James S. Lemon addressed the Society on The Samaritan 
Passover of 1904^ sketching the location, village, history, and customs 
of this rapidly waning people, now numbering only 160. Dr Lemon, 
who was present at the Passover celebration of 1904, described minutely 
the ceremonies on Mount Gerazim, which are held every year on the 
14th day of the month Nisan. 

Mr a. E. Sheldon's paper on Ancient Indian Fire-places in South 
Dakota Bad-lands was read by Mr J. D. McGuire. This paper is 
printed in the American Anthropologist y vol. vii. No. i, 1905. 

Meeting of March 28, 1905 

The 374th meeting was held on the above date. President Lamb in 
the chair and 53 members and guests present. 

The General Secretary called attention to primitive textiles of feath- 
ers, buffalo hair, and basketry recently received at the U. S. National 
Museum from Cafion de Chelly, Arizona. 

Mr H. W. Henshaw spoke of Popular Fallacies Respecting the 
North American Indians^ reviewing the erroneous ideas prevailing re- 
garding this race. The paper is printed in full in the American Anthro- 
pologist ^ vol. VII, No. I, 1905. 

Dr I. M. Casanowicz exhibited an original Grgeco- Roman portrait 
of the ist century B.C. to the 3d century a.d., from the collection of 
Theodor Graf of Vienna, found in a Ptolemaic cemetery in Egypt. This 
portrait is now exhibited in the U. S. National Museum. 

Miss Natalie Curtis gave a pleasing and instructive rendering of 
songs from various Indian tribes. 

Mr W. E. Safford presented a paper on Fruits and Vegetables of 
the Ancient Peruvians as Represented in the Pottery from their Graves ^ 
illustrated by specimens. Vessels in the form of ears of maize, potatoes, 
peanuts, etc., were shown, and the absence of the banana from such 
representations was commented on. 

368d AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Meeting of April iz, 1905 

The 375th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, President Lamb in 
the chair and 48 members and guests present. 

Dr George A. Curriden spoke on Indian Beadwork, exhibiting 
specimens of bead embroidery and weaving from various Indian tribes. 

Dr Swan M. Burnett addressed the Society on Emerson's Place in 
Modern Thought and Opinion, This paper, which is of high literary 
quality, embodied the opinion that the influence of Emerson is still 

Dr James S. Lemon, owing to the limited time remaining, gave 
merely an abstract of his paper on The Instinctive Idea of Immortality^ 
stating that the idea exists with all peoples and is the real basis of friend- 
ship. In the discussion Mr J. N. B. Hewitt stated that American Indians 
entertain this idea, and Mr Mooney said that among the Indians growth is 
regarded as normal and death as abnormal, and that the latter is brought 
about by a malevolent spirit or an enemy. The Indian draws no dis- 
tinction between animate and inanimate objects, believing all to possess 

Meeting of April 25, 1905 

At the 376th meeting President Lamb was in the chair and 29 mem- 
bers and guests were present. 

Dr Ales Hrdlicka gave an account of his Recent Expedition to the 
Southwest, The tribes visited on this expedition were the Apache of 
San Carlos reservation, the Pima, and the Mescaleros. The object 
of the expedition, which was financed by the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, was to supplement the speaker's anthropological studies made 
on five previous trips for the Hyde Expedition under the auspices of the 
American Museum of Natural History. The Apache possess but few 
remnants of their native organization ; they still recognize numerous 
bands, and a few of these have still a recognized chief ; but tribal coher- 
ence is lost. Of all the Indians in the Southwest, the various Apache 
branches, including the Mescaleros, are among the most common-sense 
people, and all are rapidly advancing in civilization. Dr Hrdlicka de- 
scribed also the archeologic remains in San Carlos valley, an account of 
which will appear in the next number of the Anthropologist, 

The principal attention on the expedition was directed toward the 
physical and physiological study of Indian children, of whom about 1,400 
were examined. An additional inquiry was also made into the pathology 
and medicine of the people, and numerous medicinal and food plants were 


collected. It was found that in all the tribes visited there are two 
classes of individuals who treat the sick : one consists of elder people, 
principally old women, who administer medicines, mainly vegetal, in 
much the same manner as is done by old women among the whites ; the 
other class consists of medicine men, and a few medicine women, who in 
their treatment employ prayers and incantations chiefly. Most of these 
also use some form of deception and must be classed as charlatans. Among 
the Mescaleros alone it was found that ordinary medication has reached 
the stage in which several remedies are combined into a single decoction 
or application. Among all the Indians visited, scarification is in use ; 
the Pima and Maricopa use actual cautery, the Maricopa employ massage, 
the Mescaleros peculiar sweat-baths for the cure of rheumatism, etc. 
Details are reserved for future communication. 

Mr FRANas La Flesche read a paper on The Medicine Man. Mr 
La Flesche said that it is not generally credited by the white race that 
the tribes of this continent did not differ from the other peoples of the 
earth in their efforts to understand the meaning of life in all its variety of 
forms and the relation of these forms to the great mysterious power that 
animates all life. It is true, however, that the natives of this land had 
given these themes much thought and had formulated their ideas concern- 
ing them long before the European set foot upon this soil. The lack of 
intelligence as to this fact has been due in part to the absence of a written 
literature among the tribes within the area of the United States, while 
such records as did exist have suffered grave misapprehension and mis- 
treatment on the part of observers. Most of the missionaries who have 
labored among the Indians did not stop to inquire if the people had any 
idea of a power that made and controlled all things. They seem to have 
taken for granted that savages were not capable, by their own effort, of 
conceiving the thought of such a power. It was not possible therefore 
for the white people to gain, through the medium of these teachers, any 
definite knowledge of the real thoughts of the Indian concerning the 
Supreme Being. The Indian has not fared much better at the hands of 
those who have undertaken to study him as an object of ethnological 
interest. The myths, the rituals, and the legends of the race have 
frequently been recorded in such manner as to obscure their true mean- 
ing and to make them to appear childish or as foolish. This in large 
measure has been due to linguistic difficulties. 

The Indians who lived within the borders of this country knew no 
written literature : the record of their religious conceptions was kept by 
means of rites, ceremonies, and symbols. Among many of the tribes (as, 

368f AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

for example, the Omaha) , these S3rmbols were embodied in the organiza- 
tion of the tribe itself and in the ceremonies connected with the avocations 
of the people. The burden of memorizing and transmitting with accu- 
racy, from one generation to another, the rites and ceremonies common to 
the tribe, was divided among men selected from each of the clans. This 
responsibility was not placed on these men without a careful consideration 
of each man's qualifications and fitness to be so entrusted, for the reason 
that the recognition of the Great Spirit as a ruler, and the observation of 
the prescribed manner of worshiping him, was believed to be essential to 
the continued existence of the people as an organized body, that is, as a 

Four requisites were demanded of the one who was to deal with the 
mysteries enshrined in the rites and ceremonies of the tribe : ( i ) The 
most important of these was their cognition of the sanctity of human 
life. The man who was to mediate between the people and Wa-kon-da 
must stand before his tribesmen and the Great Spirit with hands unstained 
with the blood of his fellow man. (2) He must be a man whose words 
never deviate from the path of truth, for the Great Spirit manifests the 
value placed upon truth, in the regular and orderly movements of the 
heavenly bodies, and in the ever-recurring day and night, summer and 
winter. (3) He must be slow to anger, for the patience of the Great 
Spirit is shown in his forbearance with man's waywardness. (4) He 
must be deliberate and prudent of speech, lest by haste he should profane 
his trust through thoughtless utterance. These were the prophets and 
priests — the men who are termed in the Indian languages as **men of 
mystery" and by Europeans as "medicine men." The entire life of 
the medicine man, both public and private, was devoted to his calling : 
his solitary fasts were frequent and his mind was apt to be occupied in 
contemplating the supernatural ; his public duties were many and often 
onerous ; his services were needed when children were dedicated to the 
Great Spirit ; he must conduct the installation of chiefs ; when dangers 
threatened, he must call these leaders to the council of war ; and he was 
the one to confer military honors on the warrior ; the appointment of 
officers to enforce order during the tribal buffalo hunt was his duty ; and 
he it was who must designate the time for the planting of the maize. 

There was another kind of medicine man, very different in character. 
He held no office of public trust, for he lacked one of the essential quali- 
fications for such responsibility, and that was truthfulness : he continually 
wandered in thought, word, and deed from the straight path of truth. 
He was shrewd, crafty, and devoid of scruple. The intelligent classes 


within the tribe held him in contempt, while the ignorant of the com- 
munity feared him. His bold pretentions enabled him to carry on suc- 
cessfully his profession of deception upon the simple-minded. These 
tricksters were much in evidence in the tribes, and they never failed to 
impress the stranger who traveled and wrote books. 

The tribal religious rites were invariably observed either annually or 
at the beginning of a season. To go through the forms at any other time 
would be a sacrilege, so the medicine man who officiated on these occa- 
sions never had the opportunity to become known to the stranger, as 
had the sorcerer, who could go through his incantations whenever and 
wherever inducement might offer. It can therefore be readily under- 
stood how this character became prominent in the literature of the white 
race, and how his clever inventions were believed to represent the 
religious beliefs of the Indians. 

Dr Robert Stein addressed the Society on Tlie Proposed International 
Phonetic Conference^ sketching the history of the movement and stating 
that the need of reform is shown by the fact that there are seven different 
dictionaries with as many keys to pronounciation. It is felt, Dr Stein 
stated, that the reform must progress slowly and that the logical first step 
is to teach phonetic spelling to children. Dr Stein believes that the pro- 
posed conference may create an alphabet that dictionaries will recognize. 

Meeting of Hay 9, 1905 

The annual address of the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, was given 
under the auspices of the Washington Academy of Sciences at the Cosmos 
Club on the above date. The subject was The Story of the Anthropolog- 
ical Society of Washington, After a patient search among the records 
Dr Lamb was able to bring together much interesting historical and sta- 
tistical data showing the creditable work the Anthropological Society has 
accomplished in the 26 years of its existence. The address will be pub- 
lished later. 

Meeting of May 23, 1905 

The 377th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, and in the absence 
of President Lamb, Vice-president W. H. Holmes took the chair. The 
Society proceeded to the election of officers for the ensuing year, with the 
following result : 

President, Dr George M. Kober; Vice-presidents : (A. Somatology) 
Dr A. Hrdlicka, (B. Psychology) Dr Frank Baker, (C. Esthetology) 
Prof W. H. Holmes, (D. Technology) Dr J. Walter Fewkes, (E. Soci- 
ology) Mr James Mooney, (F. Philology) Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, (G. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—25 

368h AMERICA X ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

Sophiology) Dr Lester F. Ward ; General Secretary, Dr Walter Hough ; 
Secretary to the Board of Managers, Mr J. D. McGuire ; Treasurer^ Mr 
George C. Maynard ; Curator, Mrs Marianna P. Seaman ; Councilors : 
Weston Flint, F. W. Hodge, John R. Swanton, I. M. Casanowicz, Paul 
E. Beckwith, C. Hart Merriam. 

Walter Hough, 
General Secretary, 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 7, No. 2 April-June, 1905 Supplement 






1. Preface 369 

2. Phonology 372 

The Parts of Speech 375 

3. The Noun 375 

4. The Adjective 384 

5. Numerals 385 

6. The Pronoun 388 

7. The Verb 391 

8. The Gerund or Verbal Adverb 406 

9. The Adverb 407 

10. The Post-positions 409 

11. Concluding Remarks 41a 

12. Appendix 413 

A tale of what the Ancient Yukaghir did with their dead shamans 413 

A free translation of the text 415 

A grammatical analysis of the text 416 


I took up the study of the two dialects of the Yukaghir lan- 
guage in 1895-97 during my participation in the Yakut Expe- 
dition, fitted out by the Russian Imperial Geographical Society, 
and continued it on the North Pacific Expedition (from 1900 to 
1902), provided for by Mr. Morris K. Jesup, President of the 
American Museum of Natural History in New York. My 
work on the Jesup North Pacific Expedition was part of a 
general systematic investigation of the tribes inhabiting the 
coast of the North Pacific Ocean. The full results of these 
studies will be published later in the Memoirs of the Ameri- 
can Museum of Natural History. 

1 Reprinted from the Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences and herein 
published by the American Ethnological Society. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., ^ — X s 369 

370 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

All that was previously known of the Yukaghir language 
consisted of records of a few hundred words and sentences 
collected incidentally by various travelers and Russian officials, 
particularly by Baron v. Maydell (1870), and worked up by 
the late Professor A. Schiefner in three articles which appeared 
in the publications of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St. 

Owing to the meagreness of the linguistic material, the con- 
clusions of Professor Schiefner could not be very far reaching. 
Besides, incorrect records and inexact translations of phrases 
collected by incidental explorers led to wrong conclusions. 

However, it can be inferred, even from these articles, that 
the Yukaghir language stands isolated from the Siberian lan- 
guages of the so-called Ural-Altaic group ; and for that reason 
it has attracted the attention of linguists. 

Since the time of Baron v. Maydell's travels (1868-70), the 
Yukaghir language has been considered extinct, for the only 
reason that Baron v. Maydell collected his **Sprachproben" 
records among the Russianized Yukaghir, on the Anadyr 
River, from an old woman who still remembered her own lan- 
guage to a certain extent. 

But my own investigations have shown that there are still 
two independent Yukaghir dialects spoken by nearly seven 
hundred people. But the days of the Yukaghir language are 
really counted, owing to the gradual dying-out of the people 
who speak it. Even in the short interval between the two ex- 
peditions in which I participated, some Yukaghir families, on 
the middle course and on the mouth of the Omolon river, who 
conserved their language became extinct. 

The two dialects of the Yukaghir language may be called, — 
one, the Kolyma ; the other, the Tundra dialect. The former 

1 **Obcr die Sprache dcr Jukagiren" (Bull. Hist, PhiL, XVI, 1859, pp. 241- 
253; MiL asiat.f III, pp. 595-612). "Beitrage zur Kentniss der jukagirischen 
Sprache*' (Bull,^ XVI, 1871, pp. 373-399; M^L asiat.^ VI, pp. 409-446). 
**t)ber Baron v. Maydell's jukagirische Sprachproben " {Bull.y XVII, 1871, pp. 
86-103 ; Mil. asiat.y VI, pp. 600-626). These articles served the philologist Fr. 
Miiller as a basis for an outline of the Yukaghir language in his work ** Grundriss 
der Sprachwissenschaft," Bd. II, Abth. I, pp. 124-133, Wien, 1882. 


was in vogue in the region of the Kolyma River and in the val- 
leys along its tributaries ; the latter on the northern tundra, be- 
tween the lower parts of the Kolyma and Lena Rivers. At the 
present time the Kolyma dialect is confined to the region along 
the Yassachna and Korkodon Rivers ; and the Tundra dialect 
to the tundra between the Large Chukchee and the Alaseya 

Besides, the Chuvantzy language, which is now completely 
extinct, and which was spoken in former time to the east of the 
Kolyma River, also used to be, according to all collected data, 
a dialect of the Yukaghir language. 

The territory where the two former dialects are spoken is in- 
dicated upon the accompanying map. 

I mastered the Yukaghir language sufficiently to obtain full 
command of their grammatical forms, and not only to take ac- 
curate records of the texts, but also to converse freely in it. 

The linguistic material on the Yukaghir dialects collected by 
me is composed of a hundred and fifty texts, a dictionary con- 
taining nine thousand words, in which many words from the 
texts have not yet been entered, and vast phraseological material 
for a complete grammatical outline of the two dialects.' 

The present article is an abridged grammatical sketch of the 
Yukaghir language. The space at my disposal does not allow 
me to introduce the peculiarities of the Tundra dialect, and the 
article is thus mainly a brief sketch of the Kolyma dialect. It 
may be noted that the phonetical and morphological peculiarities 
of the Tundra dialect are rather insignificant, but that it has ab- 

1 A considerable part of the Yukaghir who used to speak this language has died 
•out ; a part, at the mouth of the Omolon River, on the lower course of the Kolyma 
and on the banks of both the Large Anui and the Dry Anui Rivers has become 
Russianized ; another part, on the tundra between the Indigirka and Vana Rivers, 
has been assimilated by the Tungus ; and still another, on the tundra between the 
Yana and Lena Rivers, has adopted the Yakut language. (See linguistic map. ) 

' Up to the present time a hundred texts have been published by the Imperial 
Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg, under the title, *' Materials for the Study of 
the Yukaghir Language and Folk- Lore, collected in the Kolyma District, Part I, 
St. Petersburg, 1900"; and an article containing a grammatical analysis of one text, 
in the Bulletin de P Acadimie Impiriale des Sciences de St. Pitersbourgy 1898, Sep- 
lembre, T. IX, No. 2. 

372 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

sorbed a considerable quantity of Tungus stems, which in their 
further development have been, however, subjected to the laws 
of the Yukaghir grammar. 


Following is a description of the phonetic elements of the 
Yukaghir language : 

«, e^ /, ^, «, have their continental sounds (short). 

a^ ^, I, ^, n, are long vowels. 

To avoid the introduction of unnecessary marks, I do not 
annotate here the obscure vowels separately. It may be said 
only, that all short vowels are obscure when preceding a spi- 
rant or », or following a spirant. 

The series of diphthongs is as follows : 

cd^ eiy oiy ui 
i>, iu, uo^ eo 
au, eu, ou 

Their pronunciation is as in German. 

Triphthongs are not frequent. 

y as in year. 

/ as in German. 

/ as in English all. 

/' has a spirant added. 

r as in French. 

m as in English. 

n as in English. 

fl is pronounced at the end of the word as ng in beings and 
in the middle as ng in the German word Enge. 

vr palatized m (similar to my), 

IV palatized n (similar to ny\ 

b and / are pronounced with aspiration, owing to which these 
consonants are intermediate between b and Vy and p and /• 
There is no v or / in the Yukaghir language. The Tundra 
dialect, however, has a sound that corresponds to the English 
w. When placed between two vowels, b approaches very nearly 
the sound of v. 


^, / as in English. 
d like dr. 


g like g in good. 

// as in English. 

/r as in English. 

/*, k^ have a spirant added. They are placed at the end of a 
word, if the following word does not commence with a vowel. 
The same applies to /'. 

//-/ before / is pronounced soft, by pressing the tip of the 
tongue to the front part of the palate. / and / blend into one 

tn are blended into one nasal sound. 

g velar g. 

c like the English slu 

it is equal to ty ; but old men pronounce it so that it sounds 
more like ch in chance, while with women and children it sounds 
closer to c in the German word Ceder. This seems to be a trace 
of the difference between the pronunciation of men and women, 
just as it exists in the Chukchee language. At the end of the 
word, ^ is pronounced by women almost like s, 

J \s dy ; but old men pronounce it more like j in the word 
joy, while women and children pronounce it like dz. If it oc- 
curs between two vowels, one of which has a long sound,/ is 
pronounced like the French j in jour. 

X like ch in the German Bach, 

X* like ch in the German ich, at the end of the word. 

The language bears but faint traces of an original harmony of 
sounds, which is little observed at present. It may be described 
as follows : o in the stem does not tolerate ^ or rt: in the suffix. 
In the former case, e of the suffix is changed into o ; in the 
latter, o of the stem changes into a. For example : 

Stem Suffix 

coro'pio- (man) go (locative) at present a\^o ustd coro^ moge 1 S. SS 

corc^mo- lox* (Def. Nominative) at present dihousQdcoro'mo-lek* 12 

fw^/gv- (middle) dogo (locative accompanied at pres- also used mo'igo-dege \ and 

ent by a possessive element. ) 32. 

374 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

m</do to sit. 

madd' to begin the act of sitting, sit down, instead of nu/dod^ 
in which case o and a combine into one long a (see § 92). 

^ is a weak vowel, and g and k^ when preceding or following 
it, change respectively into the corresponding sounds g and jr, 
as may be seen from the examples, e and a are strong vowels. 

Not all consonants can begin words. The Yukaghir avoid : 

1. Clusters of two consonants at the beginning of a word. 
When pronouncing Russian words beginning with two con- 
sonants, the Yukaghir will either drop the first (for example, 
Russian word statu! xa^ ** old woman," is pronounced by the 
Yukaghir teri/ke), or they will precede the word by the vowel 
/ (for example, the Russian word sta'riy, *' old," is transformed 
into i'cteret), 

2. r at the beginning of a word. 

3. The occurrence of ^, g, g^j, and rf, either at the beginning 
or the end of a word. In such cases, these letters change into 
the corresponding surds p, k, r, and /. 

The first syllable is usually accented in the Yukaghir lan- 
guage. This is an almost invariable rule with dissyllables. 
There are very few exceptions to this rule ; for example, aju' 
("word"), eme'i (** mother"), UUe* ("earth"), and some post- 
positions, likeyo/a' ("after"), yVV ("self"), a/a' ("near"). 

Trisyllables are usually accented on the second syllable ; 
but so far I have been unable to establish a rule. This would 
require a comparative study of a large number of words, which 
will be made in the elaboration of the dictionary. 

Tetrasyllables or polysyllables are mostly accented on the 
first syllable ; but many of them acquire an additional accent, 
which is usually put on the possessive element of the suffix. 
I have marked the additional accent by means of a grave 
accent ('). 

Very few words are accented on the third syllable, as, for 
instance, pqjerxo' (" day ") ; but I heard some people pronounce 

In adding suffixes to dissyllables, the accent passes to the 
second syllable: mihno ("house"), numo'ge (c. loc), but also 



nu'tnoHin (c. dat.). Trisyllables, when accented on the second 
syllable, usually retain the accent on the same syllable, car(/mo 
(" man "), coro'mogi (poss. suf.) ; but in some cases the accent 
is transferred to the first syllable, kude'de (** to kill '*), ku'dedelle 
(•'having killed"). 

The verbal prefixes always take the principal accent : 
ne'-kudide (" kill each other "), (/Ukudide (" would kill ''). 


The Noun 

§ I . Case-Suffixes. — Relations between objects are expressed 
by means of suffixes only. I distinguish between case-suffixes 
and other post-positions (see § 123) also serving to indicate re- 
lations between objects, for the reason that the case-suffixes 
have already lost their distinct sense, and, with the exception 
of the casus comitativus suffix (see § 123), they cannot consti- 
tute a basis for other word formations. 

§ 2. Case-suffixes are joined to the following classes of nouns : 

§3. (i) To nouns proper, that is, to such words as indicate 
only objects. 

§4. (2) To verbal nouns. As will be seen below, a con- 
siderable part of verbal, that is, predicative, forms, may be used 
as nouns (see §§ 80, 82, 112, 113), and form any element of the 
sentence. Only when used as a modifier does the verbal noun 
remain unchanged (see § 80). In all other cases the case-suf- 
fixes are joined to it just as to nouns proper. 

§ 5. (3) To personal pronouns, absolute possessive pronouns, 
and other pronouns used as substantives (see §§ 54, 55, 56, 57). 
Sometimes case-suffixes are joined to pronouns used as adjec- 
tives (see § 56). 

§ 6. (4) Most post-positions that are joined to nouns as case- 
suffixes and substitute prepositions (see § 1 24). 

§ 7. Possessive Suffixes. — The possessive suffixes found in 
the Ural-Altaic as well as in the Eskimo dialects (in which the 
same possessive suffixes are joined to noun and verbal bases) 
are in the Yukaghir language altogether absent in verbs and in 



nouns for the purpose of indicating the first and second persons. 
Only to express ownership of a third person is a possessive 
suffix joined to nouns. 

§ 8. The following comparative table illustrates the use of 
the possessive suffixes in nouns in the Yakut (one of the Ur2Ll- 
Altaic languages) and the Yukaghir languages. 


41 • 

































My father 
Our father 
Thy father 
Your father 
His father 
Their father an' 
their Others 

§ 9. Instead of the possessive suffix -^gi, another form may 
used for the expression of the idea of the relation of ownersh 
between objects. For instance : 

1. Met eiHe nunu/'gi 

2. Met eii* e-nu* ma 

1. Met eiti!e'd'&*U'gi 

2. Met eii'e-d-aie 

my father house his, or 
my father's house, 
my father reindeer his, or 
my father's reindeer. 

The second form is similar to the Saxon form of the genitiw^ 
case in the English language (my father's house, my father 
reindeer) ; but it is not the suffix of the genitive case that 
meet with here. Only for the sake of euphony is d (or n) pi-^ ^ 
between the final vowel of the first word and that of the initi 
in the second word. 

§ 10. The possessive suffix is used after the third person of ^ 
personal pronoun, 

> See §§ 54, 55 


tu'del^ numcf'gi he house his (see § 8) , « his house 

tftel*^ numcf'gi they house their = their house, 

but not after a possessive pronoun in the third person, 

Tu'de (see § 55) nu'mo his house. 

tUte (see § 55) nu*mo their house. 

§ 1 1. In oblique cases the inflexion expressing the possessive 
element for the third person is introduced between the base and 
the case-suffix (see §12). 

§ 1 2. The following table of case-suffixes may be thus com- 
piled : 





With the Possessive Element 
for the Third Person. 




X, leky fox or 



jcS lek', lox' 






ge or go 

dege or dogo 


gen or gon 

— \ degen or dogon 


get* or got* 

— j deget*^ or dogot*^ 


e, /e, io 


Xy lek, fox or , gi or gefe, gofoy degefe 


X*, fek', fox' 


le or lo 

— dele or dolo 



— den-e 

Comparative I 

gete, goto 

— degete or dogoto 

Comparative II 





§ 13. The definite suffixes of the nominative and accusative, 
though performing the function of the definite article of European 
languages, do not exactly correspond to them in sense. They 
are used as a reply to the questions Who or what ? Whom or 
what ? if the question relates to the object, and not to the action. 
The abbreviated form k and x is used when the noun has a 
modifier ; for instance : 

Ki'ntek' kelul'? 


Cordmo-lok' keflul' 
Omo'ie coro'mo-x' keflul' 

JV/io came ? 

The or a man came. 

The or a good man came. 


§ 14. It seems to me that the inflection le or lo is nothing but 
the case of the verb to be {le), 

Coro'mo-lok^ ktfiul* The or a man is (who) came. 

See §§82, 83 with regard to the form kelul*. 
§ 1 5. Suffix ^in of the dative indicates : 

1 . A movement in some direction, and is used in reply to* 
the question Whither ? or To whom ? 

Nu'mo'fiin xonk^ To the house or home go. 

Tu'del^ unu'-nin ko*bei He to the river went. 

Met*^ kefnme-fiin xo*nje I to a friend went. 

2. An aim, and is used after the question What for ? 

Met c^je-fiin kobefiteye I for water shall go. 

3. Limit. 

Tu*del^ li*gemufiin ^ o*moi mc^doi He until his old age well livedo 

§ 16. Suffix ge or go of the locative is used after the ques- 
tions Where ? At whose house ? On whom ? On what ? 

Met*^ numo'-ge modo'ye I at home sit. 

Met eiHe Iva*n-ge mddoi My father at Ivan's lives. 

In some cases the locative answers also the question Whither? 
and expresses motion into an object, while the dative mostly in- 
dicates motion toivard an object. 

Met'' nu'mofiin kie'ie I to the house came. 

Met^ numd'ge cduye I into the house went. 

§ 1 7. The vialis gen ^ or gon has apparently been formed from 
the locative ge. This case indicates motion on the surface^ 

^ lt\(^tmufiift =z lygtl (old age) -\- de (possessive clement) -\- fiin (suf. of the 
dative case). Often /-</«? changes into mu. 

*In the grammatical analysis of the text in my article in the Bulletin de r Acad- 
imie ItupiriaU des Sciences de Si. PHersbourg (1898, Septembre, T. IX, No. 2, p. 
173), I considered this case suffix as an instrumental case ; but my further study of the 
language in the Jesup Expedition has convinced me that I was wrong in my former 
definition of this case. To avoid misunderstanding, I consider it necessary to point 
it out here. 



across, or through an object, and also ways and means of getting 

1 . Met d^Ji-gen kitfie I on water came (on a boat or 


2. Tu'dei* ti'di'd-afii'l-genyu'odei He through the smoke opening 

(chimney) was looking. 

3. Tu*del^ nu'meJigeU yu'o-gen He his axe under belt put. 


4. Met^ ttftul (y nmun-i</ bil-gen I you over the Kolyma tundra 

ka'udet* shall drive. 

5. Met* iu'go-degen kobefiteye I along his road shall go. 

6. Met ir'kin di'ex efime-gen 

min'me I one reindeer in exchange took. 

§ 18. Suffix get or got of the ablative indicates motion from 
or out of an object, and has apparently been derived from the 
locative by the addition of /. 

Tu'del num</get u^koi He out of the house went. 

Met eiVe-get kie'ie I from the father came. 

The ablative is also used for the purpose of expressing the 
degrees of comparison of adjectives (see §41). 

§ 19. The definite form of the accusative is the same as the 
definite nominative (see §§ 13, 14). This form remains un- 
changed after all the three persons. If used as a direct object, 
it is put between the subject and the transitive verb, in which 
case the latter is conjugated in the definite conjugation (see § 82). 

1. Met eiVe corc^ molok yu* omle My father a man saw. 

2. Met elUe omo'ie coro'mox yu'omle My father a good man saw. 

§ 20. The indefinite form of the accusative, serving as a direct 
object when the subject is in the first or second person, is equal 
to the indefinite nominative ; that is, the base of the noun. It 
is only when the subject is in the third person that a special e, 
le, or lo is joined to the direct object following it. 

Met* coro'mo yu'o I a man saw. 

Tet c^ie yu'omik* Thou a reindeer sawest. 

Tu'del* cor</mO'lo yu'om He a man saw. 

Met eiVe cCie-le yu'om My father a reindeer saw. 



§ 21. It is to be observed that the third person, as a rule, 
plays a peculiar part in this language. To point out one of 
these peculiarities : the transitive verb to give is expressed by 
one word {kei, " to give ") when the indirect object is in the first 
or second person, and by an entirely different word {tafdi^ "to 
give ") if the object is in the third person ; for instance : 

1. Met* teftin efye kei 

2. Tet* me' tin if ye kefimik* 

3. EtVe meftin efyele kefim 

4. Tu'del* teftin efyele keim 


1. Met' tu'din e'ye ta'di 

2. Tet' tu'din e'ye tadVmik' 

3. Tudel' tu'din e'yele ta'dim 

4. Mit anVje met eiVefiin efyeie 


I thee a bow gave. 
Thou me a bow gavest. 
Father me a bow gave. 
He you a bow gave. 

I him a bow gave. 
Thou him a bow gavest. 
He him a bow gave. 
Our chief to my father a bow 

§ 22. In the same manner, it is only to express ownership of 
a third person that the object has a possessive element, which 
is expressed by gi in the nominative ; gi, ge^ or dege in the ac- 
cusative; and de in all other oblique cases. The possessive 
element is placed between the base and the case-suffix (see 


nu*mO'fiin To the house ; 
numd-ge In the house ; 

nu'mo-dehin To his house. 
nu'mo'dege In his house. 

§ 23. It is very likely that de is an abbreviation of the posses- 
sive pronoun tu'de (see § SS) ** his." 

§ 24. The element de indicates that an object in the oblique 
case belongs either to the subject if it is in the third person, to 
the direct object if it is in the third person, or to some third 
person ; for instance : 

1 . Met eii*e nn'mo-de-get u'kol 

2. Tet' viit ani'je nu' mo- dege 

me'tul* nugte'mik^ 

My father of his house came 

Thou our chief in his house me 
wilt find, /. e. , thou wilt find 
me in our chiefs house. 


3. Tu'dei' me^tkele fu'em^ met* He called me, I into his house 

nu'modege cc^uye went. 

§ 25. The inflection ge of the accusative is used in a word 
constituting a direct object of the subject in the third person, if 
the direct object belongs to the first or second person, or to the 
subject proper. 

Examples without the element ge : 

1. Met*^ tet* mofgo min' I thy cap took. 

2. 7>/' met* mc^go mi'n-mik* Thou my cap tookest. 

3. Tu'dei* mdgO'lo mVjum He a cap took. 

Examples with the element ge : 

1 . Tu'del* met* mo'go-gele mVjum He took my cap. 

2. Eii'e tet* m&go-gele mi'/um Father took thy cap. 

3. Eii'e tu*de mdgo-gele mi*jum Father his cap took. 

§ 26. The inflection dege^ or deu in its abbreviated form, is 
introduced to indicate that the direct object belongs not to the 
subject, but to some third person. 

Met eii *e ydndodege^ met iaia My father when he slept ( in his 

mdgodegele (or mdgodeuie) mHjum sleep) my elder brother his 

(/. ^., father's) cap took. 

§ 27. The suffix of the instrumental case, /r, signifies an 
instrument or a means. Though the indefinite accusative has 
the same suffix, le, the two seem to be of a different origin. 
The instrumental suffix Ic is used indifferently, no matter what 
person the subject may be. 

1. Met* ti'pe-le xa'rte I with a spade dig. 

2. Tet d'ie-ie^ kie'iek* Thou earnest on reindeer. 

§ 28. The suffix of the comitative case ive, is used in place 
of the preposition ivith. 

Met eH*e-fve kie'ie I with father came. 

Tu^del ettre-dene mddoi He with his father lives. 

^ A^ 'e-U is, properly speaking, in the singular number ; but in such cases the 
singular is frequently used instead of the plural. 



§ 29. The suffix of the comparative I case gete, signifies 
" as compared with " ; for instance : 

Met ei^e-gete tu*dd*^ ic^moi 

With my father compared he i: 
big (/. e,, bigger). 

§ 30. The suffix of the comparative II case, ti'te, means 
like ; for example : 

Tu^del^ met eH^e-tH tee! rie cord mox^ He like my father is a poor- 

§ 31. Temporalis me or mo changes a noun into an adverb 
of time : 

Pojerxd day ; 

pojerxd -mo in 

the daytime. 

Ogdye to-morrow ; 

dgoyel'tne in the morning. 

Yu'ole evening ; 

yu'oie-me in the evening. 

§ 32. Complete Table ( 

DF Declension of a Noun 



Definite Suffixes. 

With a Possessive 


Emtf i-mother 

Emeik^; Emeilek^ 
















Emeik^; Emeilek*. Emdigi ; Em^i- 

gele; EmdideuU 






Erne' in- e 


Comparative I 




Comparative II 



§ 33. Plural Number. — The plural is formed by the addition 
of pe or /«/*. It is very difficult to define by a general rule 
when one of these forms should be used. Most nouns receive 
the addition, now of one, now of the other, of these two forms. 
For instance, coro'mo (man) may be coro'mo-pe and cor</ mo-pub 
in the plural. Generally pe is preferred after a consonant and 


a long vowel, — polu't-pe (old men), — and put after a short 
vowel, — e'mje'pul* (younger brothers or sisters, or both). 

§ 34. The plain suffix pc, or the double one pepul^ is joined 
to the following words in plural : 

Singular. Plural. 

koi boy, fellow, young man koipe and koipepul^ 

pat young woman pa!ipe and paHpepul*' 

ke'nme friend kenne'pe * and kenne' pepul*' 

tdo child uc^rpe ' and uifrpepul^ 

K'aipe and pa'ipe are used as if they were in the singular. 
They say, for instance, i'rkin pai and i'rkin pa'ipe^ one young 

§ 35. It is quite likely that pe is a suffix of the now extinct 
-dual number. For example, eti'e-pe (fathers) means either 
father and mother together {i, e,, parents) or the father and his 
elder brother ; * while eci'e-put means many fathers. I have 
not found any more traces to confirm my supposition. With 
regard to the above-mentioned double suffixes for the expres- 
sion of plurality, I have noticed that, when these words are 
preceded by a numeral which does not exceed 5, one suffix is 
joined to them, and, if it exceeds 5, a double suffix is added ; for 
instance : 

yan pa*i'pe three young women, and 

ma' Igiyan pa'i-pepul^ six young women. 

§ 36. The element expressing plurality is placed in the nomi- 
native and all oblique cases, between the base and the other 
suffixes. A'de-pul'^in, to the reindeer (plural), and dce-ptd-de- 
ftin, to his reindeer (plural). We have thus the following 
order: Base -|- clement of plurality 4- possessive element 4- 

§ 37. Very often the element pe, when preceding another 
suffix, drops the e\ for instance, a'ce-p-ki (his reindeer), instead 
of a'ce-pe-gi, g changing into k when preceded by /. 

I m followed by/ changes into n, 

' r is put between the diphthong and / for euphony. 

'The elder brother of the father is called comd^cU, that is, the big father. 

384 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

§ 38. The Yukaghir language has no grammatical distinc- 
tion of gender. With reference to people, if there are no 
special names to indicate sex — as, for instance, eci'e (father) 
and emeH (mother), po'luV (old man, husband), teri'ke (old 
woman, wife) — the words koi, koyo'jc^ or a'dit (fellow, man), 
or pai, payo^je, or ma!rxil' (woman, girl) are prefixed for that 

Koydje-d-e! mje younger brother {emje = younger 

Pay oh'd'i^ mj€ younger sister brother, or sister) 

A' duo (insteaid of A' di'/'u'o) son ^ K•l/^^ 

Ma'rxi'd'Uo daughter v ^ =* ) 

To indicate the sex of animals, nouns are preceded by 
(/nceftofe^ for the male, and mo'iHoJe^ for the female. 

(y nieflofe-caxa! le male fox ; md ifiofe-caxa* le female fox 

The male of the wild reindeer is called simply (/nde^ ordntie, 
and that of the elk, pie'je. The female of the wild reindeer is 
i'rogoje^ and that of the elk, n'oye. 

§ 39. The suffix for the augmentative form of nouns is tdgty 
and for the diminutive, di^e, Nu'mo-tige (large house), nu'mo- 
die (small house). 

The Adjective 

§ 40. The adjective has no special form. Instead of it, par- 
ticiples and other verbal forms (see §§ 80, 84) are used. All 
forms taking the place of adjectives are used as modifiers, put 
before the modified word, and do not undergo any changes. 

Omdie cordmox good man. 

h'tneye-d- tgdyi * long thong. 

§ 41. Degrees of comparison. 

I. The comparative degree is formed by means of the abla* 
tive of one of the nouns compared and a verbal form in the 
third person ; for instance : 

* Generator or provider. 

2 Keeper. 

^ r/ is inserted for euphony. 


Met eh'e-get' tu'del' lUgei, 

my father from he is old ; that 
is, he is older than my father. 

2. The superlative is formed by means of the ablative of one 
of the nouns compared preceded by the pronoun du'mut* (all). 

Cumut odu'peget^ * tu'del' Wgei^ all the Yukaghir from he is 

old ; that is the oldest. 

§ 42. The following are the principal cardinal numbers : 


1. Irki*ei 

2. A'taxloi 

3. Ya'loi 

4. YaHoxloi (three and 


5. Tn'gan'boi 

6. MaHgiyaloi^ (two times 


7. Furki'oi (one above, one 


8. Ma* Igiyiloxloi^ (two 

times four) 

9. KuniWkiUJeoi (ten, one 

10. Ku'nel' 

Used as Modifiers. 
Frkin coro^mox (one man). 

A'taxun " two men. 

Yan " three " 




** four " 
it five *' 







Mdlgiyelokun ** eight ** 

Kuni* rkiUjeoje " nine " 
Kuni'yin ** ten ** 

§ 43. Judging from the above list of numerals, one might 
draw the conclusion that the Yukaghir system of numeration 
is not quinary, as it is with the Chukchee, Eskimo, and most of 
the Indians, but tertiary. But it should be pointed out, on the 
other hand, that in-'ganboi (five), as it seems to me, contains 
the word xa!tvbo (palm, wrist, i, e,, five fingers) since x pre- 
ceded by 7V changes into its corresponding consonant g; in 

> Instead of odu^lpeget*^ from odul*^ Yukaghir. 

^ Ma'lgi or Malgil*^ means joint. N'e^malgii* (all the joints together) means a 

• • • 

year. Ma^lgiyahij malgiyeloxloi, mean joint-three, joint-four, 1. >., each one con- 
tains three or four. 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7 — a S. 

386 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [w. s., 7, 1905 

equals wi or we (together). And if this be so, the Yukaghir 
system of numeration has two bases. Unfortunately, I have 
been unable so far to discover the meaning of the word 
ku'nel* (10). 

§ 44. All the rest of the tens are composed by multiplying 
10 {ku'nel') by the number of tens which precede the ten. Thus, 
twenty = a' taxun-ku' nel* (two tens), sixty = ma' Igiyan-ku' nef 
(six tens), etc. 

Units are put after the tens with the addition of the post- 
position budi' (on top, over and above) ; for instance : 

II. Kuni'rkibudU = ku* nel-irkin-budi (ten, one over). 

34. Ya'nkunelyHokunbudi (three tens, four over). 

76. Purk^ yinku^ nelmalgiya* nbudU (seven tens and six on top). 

§ 45. The independent cardinals are verbal forms in the third 
person, positive form, singular, present-preterite tense, indefinite 
conjugation of intransitive verbs (see § 7S). They may be in- 
flected like verbs, but not like nouns. For instance, to the 
question, " How many ? " you reply, ** Yalai (*' three") ; but to 
the question, " How many men ? " the answer is, ** Yan cart/- 
tnox"'' ("three men"). 

The plural ^ number, present-preterite tense, will be : 

Mit ya* loyeili we three are, or we three have been. 

tit ya* loyemet^ you three are, or you three have been. 
ti* tel ya! lofii they three are 

(three of them), or they three have been. 

The future tense, plural : 

Mit yaHoteili we three shall be. 

tit ya* loteyemet^ you three will be. 

tt* tel ya* loHitei they three will be. 

§ 46. Cardinal modifiers used as adjectives remain unchanged, 
only the words modified by them undergo case-inflections. 

§ 47. There are no Yukaghir words for numbers above a hun- 
dred. They used to say ku'nel'-kuhiel* (ten tens) for hundred : 

1 It is plain that there can be no singular. 


but now they say iito^x (the Russian std). The Russian word 
for thousand {t/sya^d) has also been adopted by them ; but they 
pronounce it ti'cete, 

§48. Ordinal Numbers 


As Modifiers or Attributive. 



a'Hnume'le coro'mox* (ma 

•' 2d 


a'taxlecte * 

" 3d 


yaHtnecte ' 

** 4th 


yaHaxlecte * 

" 5th 


i'fi'gan'becte * 

" 6th 



ma* Igiydlmecte ' 

'• 7th 



purki^yecte ' 

" 8th 

ma' Igiydlexlecki 

ma! IgiydlexUcte ' 

" 9th 


kunH rkiUjeocte * 

" loth 


kuneHecte * 

" nth 


kunfrkibudicte * 

" 20th 


a'taxunkunilecte ' 

" 22d 

ku* nel'dtaoculbudieki 

ku* neldtaxulbudicte * 



§ 49. Ordinal numbers are derived from the cardinals partly 
by means of verbal suffixes. C* is the suffix which changes a 
transitive verb into a causative (see § 97) ; it (instead of ^*, since 
g" preceded by c changes into k) is the possessive suffix of the 
nominative case (see § 9) ; and U (in place of de, d changing 
into / after c) is the suffix of the conditional mode (see § 87). 

§ 50. Distributive numerals : 

a'taxlonut^ by two Hn^gan-bonut^ by five, etc. 

Nu is the suffix of the iterative form of the verb (see § 103,) 
/ is the suffix of the verbal adverb (see § 115). 
§ 51. Iterative numerals : 

IrkVje once 

ataxli'Je twice 

ydii'Je thrice, etc. 

§52. Fractions. Ont-YidXi = Eimunde, The rest are com- 

^aHnume means ''at Hrst, in the beginning " ; aHnumflej ** initial, first." This 
is the only ordinal nomber that b not formed from a cardinal. 


posed of the attributive ordinals with the addition of the pos- 
sessive suffix gi; for instance : 

Yalmectegi^^ ^. 

§ 53. Collective numerals: 

ataxiot* two together yalot* three together yaloxiot* four together, etc. 


§ 54. Personal pronouns : met*, I ; tet, thou ; tu'del\ he ; mif, 
we ; /!/*, you ; ti'tel*, they. The gender is not indicated in the 
third person. The compound personal pronouns are formed by 
annexing the post-position ejHe (self) to the personal pronouns : 
Met-eji'e (myself), iet-eji'e tud-eji'e, etc. 

§ 55. Possessive modifying pronouns for the first and second 
persons are the same as the personal, for instance, Met eH'e (my 
father); while the third is tu'de in the singular and ti'te in the 
plural. The possessive modifying pronouns do not change. 
The following are the absolute possessive pronouns : 

me'ile mine te'lle thine Tu'dele his, hers 

mPl/e ours tTlie yours tfteie theirs 

Absolute possessive pronouns assume case-suffixes. 

§ 56. Demonstrative pronouns : 7}*^, this ; and tail, that. 
These two pronouns are used only as modifiers before nouns, 
and remain unchanged in most cases. After verbal nouns end- 
ing in /* (see § 84) taft is joined as a post-position, and the case- 
suffixes are joined to it, while the verbal noun remains un- 
changed. For instance, yu'ol-tafiy that one who saw ; li'gel^tafi, 
that old one. Tafi rather corresponds here to the relative pro- 
nouns which, who. 

Tu'bon (this) and To! bun (that) are mostly independent pro- 
nouns, like the German dcrjcnige, and assume case-affixes. But 
in some cases they are used as modifiers, and are declined nev- 
ertheless (see the text). 

§ 57. Interrogative pronouns : 

kin who, le^tne what, xa'mun how many (much) and nu'mun which. 
Kin and ie'me are declined. 


§ 58. Indefinite pronouns : 

yeny ye!nUk^^ ye^nbon another iu'mu^ h^mut^ all 

file some, certain t/nmun every 

Of these pronouns, ye'nbon and i'Ue (if not used as modifiers) 
are declined. 

(/nmun is used as a post-position; core/ mo-onmun, man 

§ 59. There are no relative pronouns. Verbal nouns ending 
in ban (see §112) are used instead of them (see also § 56). 

§ 60. The table on following page illustrates the declension of 
personal and other pronouns. 

§61. With the exception of a few phonetic peculiarities, the 
case-suffixes of pronouns are the same as those of nouns. 

Me' tin is used instead of me't^tn, since n cannot follow t, 

Me'tn'e, in place of me'tn-e, since / and n blend into one nasal 


sound, In, 

Tub(/dek\ instead of Tub</nlek\ etc. 

Special attention should be called to the accusative indefinite 
of the personal pronouns, first and second persons, singular as 
well as plural number. The accusative indefinite of these pro- 
nouns has a special suffix for the direct object following a sub- 
ject in the first and second person. In nouns, this form is identi- 
cal with the nominative indefinite (see § 20). For example : 

Met' te^tul' kudifdef I thee shall kill. 

7>/' me'tul* ka!udetmik' ? thou me wilt conduct ? 


Tu'del' me'tkele ka'udem he me conducted. 

§62. The possessive absolute pronouns, Me' tie, etc., assume 
the suffix of plurality, ////', which in oblique cases is put between 
the case-suffix and the base : 

MHilepul^ ours Mi^ tle-pul-hin to ours. 

§ 63. Tu'bon, To! bun. Tan, kin, le^me, yehibon, n'ilgi, 
x(/dimei', assume the suffix pe or pul* for the plural : 





5j 1 1 ^^^4j ^ 

s» ' «5 '^ ^ ^ •5 <: 

\» \, \, X X X \» 

i ^ s s s s s 


^. ^. ^. •^. •^. •^. ^. ^. ^. i{. 5{. ^. ^. 

to § 60) 

fi^ fl^ d^ H^ H^ (t^ (t^ d^ 

1 1 1^1 






•^ « ^ ? ? ^ 

•^ "^ -^ -^ It* 






^ ^ ^ •IJ'-I'^ ■I' 

5 ^ ^ ^ « ^ ^ 5 

5 555 




S :ii :ii :i; :ii :ij :i; :i; 


••^ ^ v» \> \5 -Sk \> 

S ^ S S 

no a> '^ • 
. c «5 rj 

S! S 




Nom. indef. 

'* def. 












• PW 




































• pi 






• v4 









>— "^ 






• ^ 

















^— ^ 





















Tabu'n-pe ke!lfU Those came. 

Ki^n-pe-gef kelmef f From whom (you) came? 

Ke^ lul-tdH'pe fl k^fd Arrived those here are, or those 

that arrived are here. 

Tafi is one of the forms that are used as substitutes for relative 
pronouns (see § 56). 

The Verb 

§ 64. While almost all the noun-bases are derivatives of ver- 
bal forms, the bases of verbs are in most cases disyllabic or 
monosyllabic roots, frequently consisting of one vowel. For 
instance, d expresses the conception of "doing"; /?, that of 
being bom ; 0, to draw, to get from the bottom. But nouns 
can, in their turn, become verbs again by means of the suffixes 
te (for transitive verbs) and de (for intransitive verbs). For ex- 
ample : &ji (from o^ to drawn, and o'je^ to drink), water ; i^'te^ 
to supply some one with water ; nu'mOy a house ; numo'-de, to 
be with a house. 

§ 65. While the nominative indefinite always constitutes the 
base of a noun, that of verbs does not always coincide with one 
and the same form. The first person, singular, present-preterite, 
indefinite conjugation, is the base of transitive verbs, while that 
of the intransitive coincides with the third person, singular, of the 
negative form, present -preterite, indefinite conjugation (see § 75> 
table of conjugations). 

§ 66. Verbs have only two tenses, the present-preterite or 
perfect and the future or imperfect. The action may be either 
completed or yet to be completed. The performance of an 
action consists of a continual succession of moments, every one 
of which appears in a given moment with reference to the act- 
ing person, either as past or future.* 

Met* kudefde I have killed, and I kill. 

Met' kude'det' I shall kill. 

* The present-preterite is also to be found in the Gilyak language ( L. J. Stem- 
berg, Material for the Study of the Gilyak Language and Folk- Lore [Bull, of the 
Imp. Academy of Sciences, Vol. VIII, No. 4, p. 422, November 1900, St. Peters- 

392 AMERICAN ANTHROPOL OGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 


§ 67. The following modes may be enumerated : imperative 
indicative, optative, conjunctive, conditional, supine, perfective, 
potential, evidential, inchoative. 

§ 68. The Yukaghir language has no infinitive mode. It is 
replaced by the supine. But when naming an action for illus- 
tration, I translate the English infinitive by giving the base of 
the Yukaghir verb (see § 65). 

§ 69. Before proceeding to explain the formation of voices 
and other derivative forms, which are so numerous in the Yuka- 
ghir language, and which are called " aspects " in the Slav 
languages, or as the well-known Russian philologist, NekrassofT, 
calls them " degrees of action," I shall point out how the ver- 
bal bases are being inflected according to modes, since all verb 
bases, no matter of what voice or degree of action, are inflected 
in the same manner with reference to mode. 

§ 70. Every verb has two forms of conjugation, the definite 
and the indefinite. 

§ 71. The indefinite has three forms in the indicative mode, a 
positive, a negative, and an interrogative. 

§ 72. The imperative mode has two forms, a positive and a 

§ 73. The forms of the imperative mode are the same for 
transitive and for intransitive verbs. 

§ 74. The indicative mode has different forms for transitive 
and for intransitive verbs. 

§ 75. The following tables illustrate the indefinite conjuncti^^o 
of transitive and intransitive verbs. 

















^ 1> 




to 4^ 






» (to 



































V \) 


:<>« .^ 

- Si 











1 1 


.^ .^ 
•^ ^ 











1 , 

««5 ««5 

1 1 


fc t 

^ ^ 

••• **.♦ 

«>• •« 

S § 

S S 


*• S> 




1 • 

<: <: 


•sJ. *Sc 

I I 

4e «( 

\» "S» >• ••* «K» 'C 
2* \) J!t 2» ••». 'ill 

IS 5 

M W to M N to , M 

N to 



M w to 

1$ « 

xBinSais 'i^ni^ -j^inSais 'i^inj^ 

•uuoj 9ai;tso^ 

•UUOjJ 9ApBS9J^ 


























































• • • 

M w to 

• • • 

M N «0 

•j^inSais 'iBini^ 

UUOJ 3AqiS0^ 








, i. 














-; -5 ■. 



» '5 3 

^i a 






^ s. 


o «. 



"a ■^■5 



■51 1 

H *i H 

"Cs "i 

H >1 « 







. i 










































? s 



■? -1 ? 

e K c 








L«.,' .« 


888 -i^-i 










? E 





cii: Ji: 





M ti ^ 

- n M - » .^ 

-^ « " 1 - « " 

M « M 

-jeinaais -IBJnij : -jBinSnis ■JBJnid jtinSnis -[Tunid | 





Soijaiut 1 




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396 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

§ 76. The following remarks should be added to the above 

§ TJ, The Yukaghir language has the transitive verb A (to 
have), which is absent in the Ural-Altaic languages. 

§ 78. Intransitive verbs whose base ends with a short vowel 
assume the suffixes je, jek\ etc., in the present-preterite, and 
ce^ iteky etc., in the future tense ; with a long vowel or a 
diphthong they assume the suffixes ce^ cek\ etc., in the present- 
preterite, and teye^ teyek\ etc., in the future ; while those ending 
in a consonant have the suffixes j€,Jek\ etc., or ce, cek\ etc., for 
the former, and teye, teyek\ etc., for the latter tense. 

§ 79. The negative conjugation of transitive verbs corre- 
sponds to the positive conjugation (with the exception of the 
negative prefix el) of intransitive verbs. 

§ 80. All forms of the indefinite conjugation are actual pred- 
icate forms. It is only the first person, singular number, present 
preterite, of intransitive verbs that may be used as a modifier 
when put before a noun. It thus takes the place of adjective 
forms, which are absent in the Yukaghir language (see § 40). 
For instance : 

1. Met* lefye I am, or I live. 

2. Le?ye ioro'mox* Living, existing man. 

1 . Met ebrbeye I am black. 

2. EbUbeye xar A black skin. 

§ 81. The interrogative form is used only when it does not 
refer to the verb itself. For instance : 

Mit e^ye a'tei ? Will we make a bow ? 

atei is the positive form, but in the expressions, 

Mit* xanUn e?ye atu'ok* ? When will we make a bow ? 
Mit* xa'mlol e!ye atu'ok* ? How many bows will we make I 

the verb is used in the interrogative form. 

jochelson] grammar OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 397 

§82. Definite Conjugation 


I. kudf^de-me 


'tneU oxkude^de-mU 



1. kude'de-tme 

2. " -tme 

3. " 'tmele 

1. " 'tul' 

2. " -temet' 

3. ** -nitemle 

" -^//^/' 

§ 83. In the definite conjugation, the predicate is used when 
the subject is in the definite nominative case, or the direct object 
in the definite accusative. For instance : 

I. Met' lodcf-ye and 2. Meftek' It/dol' 

I. Met' hd&'teye and 2. Me?tek' lodo'tel' 

I played. 
I shall play. 


I. Tet' kude^demik' and 2. Te^tek' kude'de-me Thou hast killed. 
I. Tet' kud^detmik' and 2. Te'tek' kude^det-me Thou wilt kill. 
3. Met d^ie kude'de and 4. Met aHelek' kude*- 

deme I killed a reindeer. 

The examples (i) may be used to answer the question, Who 
did^ or will do, a certain thing? while (2) are used in reply to 
the question, Who did or will do a certain thing ? (3) answers 
the question, What I did? and (4) answers the question. What 
I killed? 

• § 84. When the form of the first person, singular number, 
present-preterite, definite conjugation, precedes a noun, it as- 
sumes the meaning of a participle. 

398 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905 

kud^deme car(/mox* The man that has been killing. 

lodol adi'lek* The youth that has been playing. 

§ 85. The optative mode expresses, by means of the suffixes 
u'ol or miebiy a desire to do a ceitain thing. Both transitive 
and intransiti