Full text of "American anthropologist"

See other formats

Google

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project

to make the world's books discoverable online.

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the

publisher to a library and finally to you.

Usage guidelines

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe.

About Google Book Search

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web

at|http: //books .google .com/I

AMERICAN
ANTHROPOLOGIST

NEW SERIES

ORGAN OF THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION,
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF WASHINGTON.
AND THE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGICAL
SOCIETY OF NEW YORK

PUBLICATION COMMITTEE

F. W. PUTNAM, Chairman tx-officio ; F. W. HODCJE, Secretary ex-officio ; JUAN
B. AMBROSETTI, FRANK BAKER. FRANZ BOAS, DAVID BOYLE,
ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN, ALFREDO CHAVERO,
STEWART CULIN, GEORGE A. DORSEY, J. WALTER
FEWKES, ALICE C. FLETCHER, W. H.
HOLMES, H. VON IHERING, A. L.
KROEBER, RODOLFO LENZ,
W J McGEE, CHARLES
PEABODY.

F. W. HODGE, Editor, Washington, D.j:.

VOLUME 7

LANCASTER, PA., U. S. A.

I'l'IlLlSHKlJ FOR

THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

1905

Prvw of
Hm nnr Uu PmNniw

iv AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

The Eolithic Problem — Evidences of a Rude Industry Antedating
the Paleolithic. George Grant MacCurdy. (plates xxv-
XXIX) 425

Notes on the San Carlos Apache. Ale§ Hrdlicka. (plates

xxx-xxxii) 480

A Pawnee Personal Medicine Shrine. George A. Dorsey. . 496

Dress and Ornaments of the New England Indians. Charles C.

WiLLOUGHBY 499

The Splayed or So-called '* Casco Foot " in the Filipino. Albert

Ernest Jenks. (plates xxxiii-xxxiv) .... 509
InMemoriam: Washington Matthews, (plate xxxv). . .514
Some More About Virginia Names. William Wallace Tooker. 524
Systematic Nomenclature in Ethnology. A. L. Kroeber . -579
The Indian Population of California. C. Hart Merriam. . . 594
The Mythology of the Shasta- Achomawi. Roland B. Dixon . 607
Mechanical Aids to the Study and Recording of Language. P. E.

GODDARD. (plate XXXVI ) 613

Religious Ceremonies and Myths of the Mission Indians. Con-
stance GoDDARD Dubois 620

The Naming of Specimens in American Archeology. Charles Pea-
body and Warren K. Moorehead ..... 630

A Few Ethnological Specimens Collected by Lewis and Clark.

Charles C. Willoughby. (plates xxxvii-xxxviii) . . 633

Maya Dates. J. T. Goodman 642

Basket Designs of the Pomo Indians. S. E. Barrett, (plates

xxxix-xl) 648

A New Method of Preserving Specimens of Shell and other Perish-
able Materials. Philip Mills Jones 654

Sketch of the Grammar of the Luisefio Language of California.

P. S. Sparkman 656

The Social Organization of American Tribes. John R. S wanton . 663

Some Features of the Language and Culture of the Salish. Charles

Hill-Tout 674

The Obsidian Blades of California. Horatio N. Rust, (plate xli) 688

BOOK REVIEWS

Ferrand: Basis of American History (/r£7//w^x) . . . .114

Metcalf : Outline of the Theory of Organic Evolution ( Ward') . 117
Thorndike: Introduction to the Theory of Mental and Social

Measurements (^Wissler) . . . . . .118

CONTENTS OF VOLUME 7 V

DoiGNEAU : Notes d'arch^ologie pr6historique — Nos anc^tres primi-

tifs (^MacCurdy) . . . .120

Nelson : Personal Names of Indians of New Jersey (^Mooney) . 123
Dorsey: The Mythology of the Wichita (J/^^w/y) . .123

Trifkovic: Vier Lustspiele (^Mooney) . . . .126

Krause: Anthropophyteia (Mooney) . . . . .127

MObiijs: Beitrage zur Lehre von den Geschlechts-Unterschieden

{Chamberlain) • . . .129

Folkmar: Album of Philippine Types (5/tfrr) . . . -131
Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres

Straits, Vol. V {Starr) 132

BoGORAS : The Chuckchee {Sternberg) . . . . .320

Le6n : \jO(s Vo^loczs {Chamberlain) . . . • 324

I.£HMANN-NiTSCHE : La Colecciou Boggiani de Tipos Indigenas de

Sudamerica Central ( CAa/«^^r/j/«) . . • 3*5

Zeitschrift fUr Demographie und Statistik der Juden ( Casanowicz) 326
Krause : Romanische Meistererzahler, unter Mitwirkung {Mooney) 327
Hubbard: Neolithic Dew-ponds and Cattle-ways (il/arC«rd^) . 529
Livi : Antropometria Militare {HrdlUka) . . -531

Jenks : The Bontoc Igorot ( Chamberlain) ..... 696
Machado: a Universidade e a Na^io ( C4tf»i^^rAw«) . .701

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA

LoaisUna Purchase Exposition awards, 157. Preservation of antiquities, 164. Archaeo-
logical Institute of America, 166. A form of urn-burial on Mobile bay, 167.
Facial casts, 169. Marquis de Nadaillac, 169. The Wisconsin Archeological
Society, 170. The Justin Winsor Prire, 171. Thomas Varker Keam, 171. An
interesting broadside, 172. Tlingit method of collecting herring-eggs, 172. Bon-
toc-Igorot clothing, 173. Minor notes, 173. American Anthropological Associa-
tion, 354. Fifteenth International Congress of Americanists, 355. Congr^s Pr6-
historiqne de France, 356. Congr^ International d' Expansion ficonomique Mon-
diale, 357. The Jews of Mzab, 357. Columbia University courses in anthro-
pology, 358. Head deformation among the Klamath, 360. Maricopa weaving,
361. A Cora cradle, 361. Jacob Vradenburg Brower, 362. Minnesota Historical
Society, 363. Minor notes, 363. Recent work of the Wisconsin Archeological
Society, 556. Explorations at Cavetown, Maryland, 568. Preservation of an-
tiquities, 569. Supposed Shoshoneans in Lower California, 570. Ponce de Le6n
and the " Fountain of Youth,'' 572. Recent Folk-lore meetings in California, 573.
Moskwaki Indians of Iowa, 575. Inlaid objects, 575. The so-called ** oldest
bouse" in Santa F*, 576. El Morro inscriptions, 576. Missouri Historical
Society, 577. Minor notes, 577. American Anthropological Association, 728.
International Congress of Americanists, 729. Congr^s International d'Anthro-
pologie et d* Arch^ologie Pr^historiques, 729. Jay feathers in Cora ceremony, 730.
Minor notes, 730.

American Anthropologist

NEW SERIES

Vol. 7 January-March, 1905 No. i

ETHNIC FACTORS IN EDUCATION '
By EDGAR L. HEWETT

The eminent place accorded education in our social organiza-
tion makes imperative the closest investigation of every factor in
educational practice. Instruction is a scientific work of the highest
order. Pedagogy has no special body of facts or phenomena of its
own as material for investigation ; it depends for its structure on the
conclusions of contributory sciences. Its "sphere of influence**
being coextensive with all human welfare, no necessity exists for
examining limits, but emphasis must constantly be placed on organi-
zation. On the clear apprehension of the relation of the contribu-
tory sciences of biology, psychology, sociology, and anthropology
to pedagogy depends the efficiency of the educational system.

Before proceeding to the direct investigation of the subject an-
nounced in the title, it will be necessary to consider briefly the results
of the long discussion of the aims of education. The keen analysis
to which this question has been subjected in recent years does not
disclose any real antagonism between the individual and the social
aims. In practice in American schools the individualistic ideal is
unquestionably predominant, notwithstanding the fact that in the
great majority of our schools for the training of teachers, empha-
sis is placed on the interest of society, and the normal school that
gives no place to the social sciences in pedagogical training is not
in the professional class. A just conception of the relation between
the individual and society affords no ground for placing especial
emphasis on the interests of either.

* Read before the Section of Social and Economic Sciences, A. A. A. S., at the
PhiUde]pbia meeting, December, 1904-January, 1905.

▲M. AKTM.. K. S., 7 — I '

2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

In every normal individual of any stage of culture there exists
a feeling that the activities which yield him the greatest satisfaction
are those which involve the interests of his fellow men. He finds
no happiness in habitual isolation. For the pleasure of association
with his kind he submits to the social will. In primitive stages of
culture he unconsciously accepts the esthetic, the economic, the
social, the religious traditions of his tribe. In civilized society he
does not surrender his consciousness to the group. He examines
and criticizes social conditions ; seeks to accelerate or retard social
progress ; strives to establish, annul, or modify customs and beliefs ;
pits his individual reasonings against public motives, opinions, and
acts ; yet withal submits to what society sanctions. But while appa-
rently emphasizing the interests of society, he knows that society is
the great efficient agent for benefitting, developing, perfecting him-
self. Its interests are his interests. In the self-renunciation inci-
dent to social service he realizes his highest happiness and highest
individual perfection. His individualization and his socialization
proceed simultaneously by like processes. Antagonism to the
social order carried to the extent of destructiveness is an aberrant
condition. On the general acceptance of this fact of the identity
of individual and social interests depends the happy adjustments of
most of our social, economic, political, and educational problems.

Since an individual aim in education, standing for the highest
development of the powers of the one, and a social aim, emphasiz-
ing the interests of the many, proceed by simultaneous and similar
processes to a common end, it is not necessary to accept any dictum
as to the educational aim. It is individual, social, ethnical. A
sound, commonplace aim to keep in view in educating Americans
is to make better Americans ; in educating Indians to make better
Indians ; in educating Filipinos to make better Filipinos; and it
should especially be noted that when the term is applied to the
process of improving any race or group or individual that is not
formally praying to be absorbed into the citizenship of the United
States, it in no sense implies to Americanise.

The phenomena of the four sciences previously mentioned as
contributing data for the scientific study of education are so inter-
dependent that they cannot be definitely separated. The purpose

HEWETT] ETHNIC FACTORS IN EDUCATION 3

of this paper is to examine anthropological facts and conditions
which are vital in the development of the American system of public
education. But I am aware that some of the material chosen for con-
sideration may justly be claimed to be in the domain of psychology,
and all of it in sociology. This delightful elasticity and inclusiveness
of our several sciences is not altogether regrettable. The cross-fire
to which a proposition that falls within these overlapping spheres of
influence is subjected, compels a certain agility and alertness not
incident to the study of closely isolated and definitely limited
sciences.

It is possible that the use made in this paper of the term " ethnic
mind ** may not be acceptable to experimental psychologists. While
not in accord with the extreme views of many European scholars
on this subject, I accept the opinions of Wundt and Brinton that
ethnic psychology is a valid science — a branch of the great un-
mapped field of anthropology that awaits close investigation. The
hypothesis of an ethnic mind is most serviceable in the study of
culture history, constructive sociology, and race pedagogy. Any
needed justification of its use will, I hope, be accomplished as we
examine causes and conditions of ethnic development

It is a trite saying that " the teacher must understand human
nature," but we do not always consider the vast significance of that
requirement. It presupposes all the usually expected knowledge of
man as an individual, with all his physiologic and psychic characters
and the immediate effect thereon of meteorologic and dietetic in-
fluences. It demands an understanding of the modifications affected
by society on individual psychic states. Furthermore, it requires a
comprehension of the environmental influences that have worked
through the ages to affect man's distribution over the globe, to con-
trol his occupations and social organization, and to compel the
thoughts which dominated his primitive life and fixed in every group
of savage men a unified, collective, psychic state. The individual
was a cipher. He lived, worked, thought, prayed as did his tribe.
Nature was as regardless of the individual in humanity as in the lower
life forms. An ethnic mind, an ethnic character, a race of men was
the goal. Fixed environmental conditions compelled men to certain
activities, to certain beliefs and customs, equally coercive whether

4 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

true or false, good or bad. Such was the fatalistic yet effective
discipline by which nature shaped men into ethnic groups, by virtue
of which we have Hun or Gaul, or Apache or Hopi. Such was the
origin of ethnic mind — "a blind, unreasoning, natural force" that
rules primitive men absolutely and to a marked degree dominates
the acts of civilized nations. The investigation of these phenomena
is the province of anthropology; the determination of their use in
education is the province of pedagogy.

The teaching of forty children of a single race is a compara-
tively simple problem. But the teacher in an American city school
may have under her instruction representatives of half a score of
ethnic divisions with ethno-psychic characteristics that are as distinc-
tive as are their physical differences. The work of the teacher is to
Americanize all these elements ; to inculcate our best ideals of per-
sonal and civic righteousness ; to eradicate as far as possible ideals
that are foreign or adverse to our own. This is a complex process.
The street does its part. The general exercises of school and class
advance the unifying process. That day is lost in which the teacher
finds no occasion for upholding some ideal of lofty patriotism, of
civic virtue, of family life, of personal honor. But daily the neces-
sity arises for dealing directly with individuals who fail to come under
the influence of the collective spirit, with whom lawlessness (which
may be a misunderstanding of our social order), or incipient crime
(which may be but lack of comprehension of our ideals of decency)
and the disasters incident to conflict with law or prevailing ethical
sense, seem inevitable. The teacher must know that Italian and
Bohemian, and Celt and Hebrew, and Anglo-Saxon and African
look upon questions of honor, morality, and decency out of separate
ethnic minds under the coercion of centuries of fixed racial customs
and ideals. What is to us criminal tendency may be but a survival
of a custom which, in the view of a more primitive race, was a strictly
moral act. Much that we call evil, malevolent, was in primitive
mind altogether beneficent. What is to us an indecent act is often
in primitive practice a religious rite. A case of stubborn resistance
to a necessary truth may be a matter of racial difference of opinion.
So countless perplexing problems of the teacher root in ethnic mind
and can be solved only when the ethnic factors in the equation are

HEWETT] ^.THNIC FACTORS IN EDUCATION 5

duly considered and the inheritance from savagery or foreign national
life is given its proper value.

Before considering further the educational aspects of the sub-
ject, let us inquire into some fundamental causes of static racial con-
ditions. As previously indicated in this paper this must be primarily
an inquiry into the influence of physiographic environment on the
human mind.

Dr Edwin G. Dexter has shown, in an eminent contribution to
psychological knowledge, the influence of definite meteorological con-
ditions on mental states. These researches pertain to the immediate
psychic response to weather influences, and the results are such as
to suggest an important application in the study of racial character
development under the influence of fixed climatic conditions. I
believe that Dexter's method might be extended to the field of racial
psychology with excellent results.

Ample facilities exist for the study of this subject by direct ob-
servational methods. We may select one element of human nature
that is practically universal, namely, the religious element, and see
how science accounts for its variations. Race religion is almost as
persistent as race physiology. All people have beliefs concerning
the supernormal. Speaking in a very general sense, these beliefs
constitute their religion. It is a peculiarly fruitful field of. study,
with abundance of material for investigation. The religious ideas
of primitive men are preserved in myths, in symbolic ornament, in
pictography in its various forms, in games, the interpretation of which
calls for the keenest insight of which the anthropologist is capable.
The system of religious thought of every primitive tribe is embodied
in ritual which can be studied by direct observation.

A remarkable series of field studies on the Hopi Indians of Ari-
zona by Dr J. Walter Fewkes of the Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy, extending over a period of twelve years, the results of which
are embraced in numerous contributions, afford such a comprehen-
sive exposition of the evolution of the religion of one primitive
tribe in response to climatic influences that, with his kind permis-
sion, I quote here at some length his own words on the subject }

'* In physical features this province [Tusayan] is a part of the great
arid zone of the Rocky mountains. On all sides it is isolated by a dreary

* A Study of Tnsayan Ritual, Smithsonian Report^ J^S*

6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

extent of mountains, mesas, and arid plains about 6,000 feet above the
level of the sea. No permanent streams of water refresh these parched
canyons or fields, and the surroundings of this isolated tribe, organic and
inorganic, belong to those characteristic of desert environment. The rains
are limited in quantity — ^liable to fail at planting time. Springs of perma-
ent water are small and weak. . . . Uncompromising as was the soil for
agriculture, the resources of the hunter were much less, and in this region
man was forced to become an agriculturist. . . . He adopted the life
which environment dictated, and accepting things as they were, worked
out his culture on the only possible lines of development.

'* Accepting the inevitable, man's ritual became a mirror of that part
of his environment which most intimately affected his necessities. The
irregularity of the rains, and the possibility that the corn may not grow,
developed the ritual in the direction indicated. In a bountiful soil which
never fails the farmer, where the seed dropped in the ground is sure to
germinate, and the rains are constant, no ritual would originate to bring
about what was sure to come. But let natural processes be capricious,
awake in a primitive mind the fear that these processes may not recur, let
him become conscious that the rains may not come, and he evolves a
ritual to prevent its failure. . . . The cults of a primitive people are
products of their necessities. . . . The two needs which sorely pressed
the Hopi farmer were rain to water his crops and the growth and matur-
ity of his corn. My problem, therefore, is to show by illustrations that
the two components, rain making and growth ceremonials, characterize
the Tusayan ritual, as aridity is the epitome of the distinctive climatic
features of the region in which it has been developed. . . .

** In Tusayan the Great Plumed Serpent is a powerful deity to bring
the rain, and is associated with lightning, his symbol. By simple obser-
vation the untutored mind recognizes that rain follows lightning, and
what more natural than that it should be looked upon as the effect.
He therefore warships lightning because of this power. The course of
the lightning in the sky is zigzag as that of the snake, both kill when
they strike. The lightning comes from the sky, the abode of the sun and
rain god, and the simple reasoning of the Tusayan Indian supposes some
connection between the lightning, snake and rain. The sustenance of
the primitive agriculturist comes from the earth, and if the soil is non-
productive the sun and rain are of no avail. The Tusayan Indian thus
recognizes the potency of the earth and symbolically deifies it as the
mother. Consequently earth goddesses play important rdles in his mythol-
ogy. ... No better ceremony could be chosen to illustrate the effect

HEWETT] ETHNIC FACTORS IN EDUCATION 7

of the arid environment than the well-known Snake Dance, the most
weird rite in the Tusayan calendar. This dance occurs every summer on
alternate years in five of the Tusayan villages, and although a dramatiza-
tion of an elaborate sun-serpent myth, is so permeated by rain ceremonials
that it has come to be an elaborate prayer for rain. . . .

*' The reptiles are believed to be elder brothers of the priests, and
they are gathered from the fields on four successive days to participate in
the ceremonies. It is believed that these reptiles have more power to in-
fluence supematiual beings than man, and as the acme of the whole series
of nine da]rs' observances they are thrown in a heap on the ground in a
circle of sacred meal, and the chief of the Antelopes says a prayer to the
struggling mass, after which they are seized by the priests and carried. to
the fields commissioned to intercede with rain gods to send the desired
rains. In fact, the whole series of rites which make up the snake cele-
bration is one long prayer of nine days' duration. . . .

"Another component of the Tusayan ritual which occurs each year
in the month following that in which the Snake Dance occurs, is the
ceremony of the women priests for the maturation of the com. I refer
to the September rites called the Lalakonti, celebrated by a priesthood
of the same name.

"The ceremony for growth of the crops, which is practically for
the harvest of maize, is directly the outgrowth of those climatic conditions
which have made the Tusayan people agriculturists. A ^lure of this crop
means starvation, and maize is far from a spontaneous growth in those
desert sands. Hence the elaborate nature of the appeals to the supernat-
ural beings which control this function. This great ceremony is natur-
ally of special concern to women, the providers. . . .

" The influence of arid climatic conditions is shown in the character
and intent of s3anbols. The conventional figure of the rain clouds and
£dling rain is depicted more than any other on various paraphernalia of
worship. It is painted on the altars, drawn in sacred meal on the floor of
his sacred rooms, or kivas, embroidered on ceremonial kilts. ... By a
natural connection it is often replaced by figures of animals or plants as-
sociated with water. The frog and tadpole appear when the rain is abun-
dant, and for that reason the priest paints the figures of these animals on
his medicine bowl, or places effigies of it on the altar. . . . The dragon-
fly which hovers over the springs, the cotton wood which grows near the
springs, the flag which loves the moist places, becomes a symbol of water.
Water itself from the ocean or from some distant spring, in his concep-
tion, are all powerful agents to bring moisture. There can be but one

8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

reason for this — the aridity of his surroundings. The clouds from which
rain falls are symbolized by the smoke from the pipe in his ceremony, and
he so regards them. He pours water on the heads of participants in cer-
tain ceremonials, hoping that in the same way rain will fall on his parched
fields. Even in his games he is influenced by the same thought, and in
certain races the young men run along the arroyos, as they wish the water
to go filled to their banks. . . .

** The necessities of life have driven man into the agricultural condi-
tion and the aridity of the climate has forced him to devise all possible
means at his control to so influence his gods as to force them to send the
rains to aid him. Wherever we turn in an intimate study of the cere-
monials of the Tusayan Indians we see the imprint of the arid deserts by
which they are surrounded, always the prayer for abundant crops and
rains for his parched fields. ' '

In thus attempting to epitomize briefly some results of this
investigation, I have done scant justice to the eminent student
who conducted it. In this series of researches principles are de-
rived which are capable of wide application. There is no reason
to doubt that the same method will show that primitive social organ-
ization, economic systems, and esthetic life are in great measure
results of definite physiographic environment.

Everything in human nature must be regarded as a product of
growth. Ideas and ideals that have been rooted for ages in the
ethnic mind can not and should not be eradicated in a generation.
Biology has demonstrated that no appreciable increment of brain
power can be effected in the lifetime of an individual. Ethnology
has shown how ideals of religion, of welfare, of morals that have
become ingrained in racial character, along with color of skin and
shape of skull, are likewise persistent under the artificial environ-
ment of civilization. With a race a thousand years are as yester-
day with an individual. Nature will not be hurried.

There are facts that are particularly applicable to the great task
to which we have set ourselves in the education of alien races.
The education of the Indian is a work that we have had on hand
for many years, and much diversity of opinion exists as to the val-
ue of our results. Apparently the idea of educating the Indian
away from his native environment is losing ground. The trans-

HEWITT] ETHNIC FACTORS IN EDUCATION g

planting of isolated spedmens of primitive races to a totally new en-
vironment has never been productive of happy results. The reser-
vation Indian school is successful so far as its ideal is to make of the
Indians better Indians. Unhappily, Americanization is often thought
to be education.

Probably no one will be considered better qualified to express
the ideals that have dominated our Indian educational policy and to
speak of the difficulties which have beset it than Dr W. H. Hail-
mann, for some years national superintendent of Indian schools.
Dr Hailmann says^ (italics are mine) :

"There can be no doubt that an education which inculcates the tastes
and establishes the ideals of current civilization constitutes the proper first
step in the work of introducing the Indians into American citizenship. It
is equally evident that the cultivation of these tastes and ideals is well nigh
impossible under the conditions and influences of tribal life on Indian
reservations.

" The mere recital of a few of the leading differences between the two
civilizations will sufficiendy emphasize these difficulties. The Indian
civilization looks upon the tribe or family as a unit ; with us it is the indi-
vidual. With the Indian he is richest who gives most ; with us it is he
who keeps most. The Indian claims hospitality as a right until the means
of the host are exhausted ; and this hospitality is freely granted. To the
Indian land is as free as the water he drinks ; proprietorship continues
only so long as the land is dlled or otherwise in use. The Indian prizes
the worthless pony, whilom his companion and friend in the lost occupa-
tions of the chase and war. The cow is to him only a poor substitute for
the buffalo ; he knows nothing of her value as a giver of milk and a
breeder of cattle. Woman in Indian civilization is a producer and pos-
sesses in full Indian life an economic 7falue and independence to which in
our ciinlization she is largely a stranger. His religious rights and cere-
monies afford the Indian, in addition to a certain degree of spiritual eleva-
tion, opportunities for intense social enjoyment for which he looks in vain
in the mw civilization. Add to this that the wants of the Indian are few
and easily gratified by simple forms of homely skill in which the industries
and other acquirements of the Indian school find little application ; that
chiefs and medicine-men in the very nature of things look with distrust

* Education of the Indian ; Monographs on Education in the United States, No.
19. by W. H. Hailmann.

lO AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, r90S

and disdain upon a civilization which robs them of power and influence ;
that time-honored tradition imposes upon the young Indian silence and
obedience, — and you have an array of adverse conditions which is
appalling.

** Against these odds the Indian schools are pitted.**

Might it not have been better if the Indian schools had never
been pitted against these conditions at all, but rather, devoted to
the cultivation of just what could be found in the Indian that was
worthy of stimulation ? Like ourselves, the Indian possesses many
traits that are worthy of the highest nurture and, like ourselves,
many for which the world would be better if eradicated. A system
of practical education must recognize in the subjects to be educated,
potentialities worthy of development. If such potentialities do not
exist, then education will be futile. That the Indian is a worthy
subject for education, all will agree, but that his potentialities are
along the lines of our peculiar culture is not disclosed by history or
ethnology. He takes rather kindly to education, but resists the
overthrow of his religious and social customs. The need for the
overthrow of these (with few exceptions) is not apparent.

I know of no persistent attempt on the part of government or
philanthropy to develop the inherent Indian character by stimulating
him to the perfection of his own arts, his own social institutions, his
own religion, his own literature. When the Indian wants citizen-
ship and prays for absorption into the body politic, then will be time
to Americanize. After centuries of contact with us he chooses to
remain an Indian. Candid investigation from his point of view as
well as ours might lead us to approve his choice. At great cost to
childhood we have learned that about all we can do for the young
mind is to stimulate, direct, accelerate, or retard its unfoldment.
All that we attempt to impose on it that is foreign to its nature can
only work to its detriment. It is likewise with a race that is in its
childhood. Its development must be from within. An ethno-edu-
cational experimental station on the reservation of one of our most
isolated tribes, which should have for its task the development of
Indian character (which is inherently noble) along strictly Indian
lines ought in a few generations to yield us definite knowledge on the
subject of educating and governing primitive races.

hewett] ethnic factors IN EDUCATION 1 1

We are now attacking an ethno-educational problem of enor-
mous proportions, the education of some millions of subjects in
the Philippine islands. In the evolution of our national life, our
frontier has moved westward to the other side of the earth. We
are in possession of a new domain, peopled mainly by the Malay
race, consisting of numerous tribes, in every stage of culture from
absolute savagery to semi-civilization. Of these ethnic groups,
none of which approaches the Caucasian race, we know but little.
With their customs, morals, ideals, religious beliefs, modes of rea-
soning, which have arisen and become ingrained through ages of
relation to definite conditions, we are just beginning to become
acquainted. We are carrying to them an exotic civilization, devel-
oped under environment as different from theirs as it is possible for
this planet to aflTord. We propose to prepare them for self-govern-
ment, and to that end have placed over them, in slightly modified
form, our highly specialized American public school system, our
only guide to the efficacy of this, when imposed upon other races,
being the results of our experience with the American Indians.

The purposes and expectations of the government in this respect
are officially set forth in the report * of Dr David P. Barrows, Gen-
eral Superintendent of Education for the Philippine islands, under
date of September 15, 1903.

"The definite purposes in introducing this educational system are
unique in the history of colonial administration. Professedly, openly,
and with resolute expectation of success, the American Government
avowed its intention through public schools to give to every inhabitant of
the Philippine islands a primary, but thoroughly modem education, to
thereby fit the race for participation in self-government and for every
sphere of activity offered by the life of the Far East, and to supplant the
Spanish language by the introduction of English as a basis of education
and the means of intercourse and communication.*'

In justification of this purpose Dr Barrows says :

*' Such an educational plan would never have been practicable had
it not been in fact the demand of the Filipino people themselves.
Thoroughly American as our school system is, it represents the ideas

* Report of the Philippine Commiaion, I903» P^rt III, p. 694.

12 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

which theoretically command the desires of the Filipino. His request
was for free, secular schools, open to all inhabitants and teaching the
English tongue and the elementary branches of modern knowledge."
Again we are told that the Filipino father is desirous that the intellectual
advance of his child '' should be unaffected by ecclesiastical control, and
that the instruction of the church shall be separate from that of the
school. . . . For common intercourse, as well as for education, the Fili-
pino demands a foreign speech. To confine him to his native dialect
would be simply to perpetuate that isolation which he has so long suf-
fered and against which his insurrection was a protest. Opponents of
English education find no sympathizer among the Filipino people."

These desires, if accurately portrayed, reveal on the part of the
Filipino people a profound insight into the causes and conditions of
both individual and national progress — an intelligence already
equal to that of the most enlightened nations, and diflficult to recon-
cile with other statements made in the same discussion, of which
the following are examples :

** The race lends itself naturally and without protest to the blind leader-
ship and cruel oppression of its aristocracy. ... It is in these rural
spots that the great mass of the population finds its home. These are the
centers of ignorance, the resorts and recruiting ground for the ladrones,
and they perpetuate the ignorance and poverty of the race, which has re-
mained constant for three hundred years. ' *

It is somewhat difficult, too, to share the buoyant enthusiasm of
Dr Barrows for the value of the English language to the Filipino :

" It is without rival the most useful language which a man can know.
It will be more used within the next ten years, and to the Filipino the
possession of English is the gateway into that busy and fervid life of
commerce, of modern science, of diplomacy and politics in which he
aspires to shine. Knowledge of English is more than this — it is a pos-
session as valuable to the humble peasant for his social protection as it is
to the man of wealth for his social distinction. If we can give the
Filipino husbandman a knowledge of the English language, and even the
most elemental acquaintance with English writings, we will free him from
that degraded dependence upon the man of influence of his own race
which made possible not only insurrection but that fairly unparalleled
epidemic of crime which we have seen in these islands during the past
few years. * *

HEWETT] ETHNIC FACTORS IN EDUCATION 1 3

The above statement of occupations in which the Filipino aspires
to shine should be considered in connection with the following state-
ments as pointing to some obvious conclusions concerning him as a
subject for education :

'' American investors and promoters in the Philippines at the present
moment are deeply disgusted with the Filipino as a laborer and are clam-
orous for the introduction of Chinese coolies. They claim that the Fili-
pino hates and despises labor for itself, will not keep a laboring contract,
and cannot be procured on any reasonable terms for various enterprises in
which Americans desire to invest effort and money. When, however, we
looked a litde more closely into the demands of these men, it is apparent
that what they really want here is a great body of unskilled labor, depen-
dent for living upon its daily wage, willing to work in great gangs, submis-
sive to the rough handling of a boss, and ready to leave home and family
and go anywhere in the islands and to labor at day wages under condi-
tions of hours and methods of labor set by their foreign employers . . .
Now, the Filipino detests labor under these conditions. It is probably
true that he will not work in a gang under a < boss,' subjected to condi-
tions of labor which appear to him unnecessarily harsh and onerous. ' '

These are interesting conditions, pointing to entirely different
lines of development from those possible to the Chinese and
Japanese and to a commercial civilization, with a leaning to science,
diplomacy, and politics, yet unsupported by any sturdy laboring
class comparable to our Irish and Italian citizens who have made
possible our vast mining, railroad building, and other great con-
structive enterprises.

It must be admitted that our present knowledge of the Filipino
does not warrant very deep convictions with reference to his future
possibilities. His habitat is the zone that has not produced sturdy
civilized races. Climate and physiography are decidedly against
him. He is of a race, the Malay, that has as yet produced no
strong ascendant ethnic groups. Ethnology has little to promise
in his favor.

There is really much in science and history to guide us in this
matter — enough to teach us that it is questionable whether we can
prepare any primitive people for self-government by placing them
under our institutions. Every nation on the globe that is fit for

14 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

self-government prepared itself for it by centuries of racial experi-
ence.

I do not wish to be understood as being opposed to an educa-
tional policy for the Philippine islands, but I do regard it as prema-
ture and wasteful to establish- there a public school system in ad-
vance of any considerable scientific knowledge of the mind and
character of the Malay race. A number of educational experi-
ment stations there, where for some years educational policy, based
on the ascertained capability and desires of the people, could be
carefully wrought out and the best of their young people stimu-
lated to lead in their intellectual and social life, thus developing
such inherent qualities of leadership as may exist, would be eco-
nomical and sensible, would determine if there are any strong
ascendant ethnic groups and develop the methods by which
the racial potentialities could be brought out. Such a policy is
fraught with no possibility of injustice to our subjects. These
people have waited some thousands of years for Americanism.
Let us not inaugurate another " century of dishonor" by malprac-
tice on another alien race. There is really no cause for haste. It
is hardly time to put the Filipinos to school to us. Let us go to
school to them for a while. We can learn much from them that
will be for their good and ours. We should study the social order,
the religious beliefs, the ethnic mind of these subjects, and accept
the fact tliat we have here a problem in which we must count re-
sults by generations and not by years.

These are conditions which suggest a wide extension of the func-
tions of the Bureau of American Ethnology and of the Bureau of Edu-
cation. Our vast educational interests call for some constructive
statesmanship. The present system is wasteful and inefficient. Edu-
cation in the Philippines was organized by the War Department and
is conducted by the Philippine Commission. The Office of Indian
Affairs shapes a policy of Indian education. The Bureau of Edu-
cation takes care of all educational interests not otherwise let out.
It is difficult to understand how, under any consideration of effi-
ciency, economy, or businesslike management, such a system
should be tolerated. This condition is best known to those who
have been intimately connected with it. I quote again from Dr
Hailmann's monograph on Indian Education :

HEWETT] ETHNIC FACTORS IN EDUCATION 1 5

"The direction and supervision of the Indian schools rest with the
Indian office which, in its turn, is under the direction and supervision of
the Secretary of the Interior. In the Indian office the details of the work
are intrusted to the education division, now probably the most important
division under its control. The education division consists of a chief
clerk, with a corps of subordinate clerks, stenographers and copyists. To
this division all reports are made ; by it all directions and orders are
drafted and issued.

" The education division is aided in its work by the superintendent
of Indian schools and by five supervisors, assigned in their work to five
districts respectively. These officials constitute a branch of the Indian
school service which occupies a very uncertain position, which can be
designated neither as subordinate nor as coordinate, and which in its
effectiveness depends wholly on the force of character of the incumbents
and the good will of the commissioner. They have duties, but no rights ;
and even their efforts to perform these duties may be rendered practically
nugatory by the ill-will of the education division or of the commissioner. ' *

This is a statement of the condition in one of our several great
uncorrelated departments of education. The American people
claim to have supreme confidence in our democratic educational
system. They would look with favor upon a more definite recog-
nition of education by the national government, and the organiza-
tion of the educational system upon an equal footing with commerce,
agriculture, and war. No executive department of government has
in its care interests more vast and important than our combined
educational interests would be. The organization of these interests
demands the elevation of the Bureau of Education to the status of
an executive department.

The conclusions of this paper may be summarized as follows :

1 . Ethnic mind, character, ideals, and motives are developed pri-
marily by definite physiographic conditions of age-long duration.
Ethnic traits persist through generations of new influences. This
fact is of vital importance to teachers in the management of indi-
vidual cases.

2. The development of a race must be from within. A civiliza-
tion imposed from without is usually harmful, often destructive,
and always undesirable. This fact is the keynote to all that should
be attempted by way of educating alien races.

l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

3. Normal schools and other institutions for the training of
teachers should give a prominent place to anthropological sciences.

4. A rational educational policy for the various primitive races
now under our care must be based on specific scientific knowledge
of racial mind and character. This suggests a wide extension of the
functions of the Bureau of American Ethnology and the establish-
ment of ethno-educational experiment stations.

5. Our national educational interests have been greatly increased
and complicated by the acquisition of new races. The system of
distributing these interests among unrelated departments is wasteful
and inefficient and calls for the organization of an executive Depart-
ment of Education.

PREHISTORIC SURGERY — A NEOLITHIC SURVIVAL

By GEORGE GRANT MACCURDY

Our knowledge of prehistoric surgery is limited to operations tha
afiected the bony tissue. One of the best known and most remark-
able operations performed by our neolithic ancestors is without
question that df trepanation, the evidence of their skill and success
in the use of rude instruments being nothing short of marvelous.

The object of this paper is to call attention to a peculiar type of
prehistoric surgery having certain points in common with trepan-
ning, and which have been brought to light during the last decade.
So far as at present known, this type occurs in France over a limited
area lying to the north of Paris, between the Seine and the Oise.
The history of the series of discoveries, as well as of Prof. L. Man-
ouvrier's successive observations and attempts at an explanation until
finally the correct solution was reached, forms an interesting chapter
in methods of arriving at scientific facts.

The crania bearing marks of the operation in question are not
only from a limited area, but are also from dolmens belonging to
the neolithic period. The Dolmen de la Justice at Epone, near
Mantes (Seine-et-Oise), had been known since 1833 — in fact so
long that, owing to its dilapidated condition, it was supposed to have
been already robbed of its contents. However, M. Perrier du
Came, of Mantes, thought it worth while, in 188 1, to obtain from
the owner, Madame Piot, a permit to excavate, and was very much
surprised to find the sepulture intact. In addition to pottery, stone
implements, and ornaments, he obtained portions of about sixty skele-
tons, including twelve crania. Professor Manouvrier, to whom the
human bones were referred for examination, observed that three of
the female crania were marked by curious and similar mutilations in
the region of the vertex. In every case the cicatrice is T-shaped.
The antero-posterior branch begins just above the anterior curve of
the frontal, extends along the sagittal suture, and terminates near
the obelion where the transverse branch is encountered. The

AM. AKTM^ n. s., 7 — a.

1 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

latter descends on either side to a point back of the parietal pro-
tuberances. The scars are evidently the result of lesions of the
scalp made during life, and deep enough to affect, directly or indi-
rectly, the periosteum.

Searching through the Broca collection, Manouvrier found three
other examples of the cicatrice in T, and all three on feminine subjects.
They came from three dolmens in the neighborhood of the dolmen
of Epone, namely, Vaureal, Conflans-Sainte-Honorine, and Feigneux,
all in the department of Seine-et-Oise. In one of these three cases
the cicatrice was very slight, in another the diploe was uncovered
by either the wound or the suppuration.

In every instance the lines forming the T were broken at inter-
vals, giving the appearance of successive operations. The operation
on the scalp, however, may have been performed at one time and
in a continuous line without affecting the skull at all points. None
of the crania presents pathological characters. As to the meaning
of these marks, Manouvrier suggested that an explanation might be
found in practices connected with religion, war, penal justice, mourn-
ing, therapeutics, or coiffure. While admitting that the peculiar
shape of the scar might be due to the hieratic value attributed to
T, he expresses preference for a simpler and more rational explana-
tion. What could be more simple, for instance, than to suppose that
a surgical operation on the scalp should follow the natural partings
of the hair. One of these is the median line from the forehead to
the whorl at the crown ; the other descends laterally from the crown
on either side, and they account for a feminine fashion of combing
the hair which is still in use.

Dolmens to the north of Paris and within a radius of 50 kilo-
meters were searched for further examples, and they were soon
forthcoming. Of eighteen crania found by M. Fouju in the dolmen
of Menouville, near Tlsle d'Adam (Seine-et-Oise), one bore the
antero-posterior branch of the lesion in question, one was marked
by an enigmatical oval scar in the region of the bregma (evidently
to be classed as a variation of the same general type of operation),
and three were unquestioned cases of trepanation — a large per-
centage for a sepulture containing not more than forty skeletons.
The reduction of the so-called "sincipital T" to a line in the one

MACCCiLDY] PREHISTORIC SURGERY 19

instance and to an oval in the other led Manouvrier to substitute
for the name first chosen that of " sincipital marks " ; and the pres-
ence in the same dolmen of crania thus scarred, in juxtaposition
with trepanned crania, supported his favorite hypothesis that the
sincipital marks were, like trepanation, the result of therapeutic
treatment.

Vemeau's description^ of certain skull fragments from the
Dolmen des Mureaux, published five years before the discovery of
the Epone specimens, when viewed in the light of Manouvrier's
contributions, is invested with a new interest. The fact that the
fragments of a right parietal and a left parietal were " trepanned "
along the line of the sagittal suture, points to the most persistent
feature of the sincipital markings in question. One operation would
account for both, in case the two pieces could be referred to the same
skull. The strength of the supposition would not be impaired even
if they belonged to different skulls. It might be worth while to
reexamine these fragments, particularly as the allee couverte des Mu-
reaux is situated near the dolmens that furnished all the specimens
described by Manouvrier in a series of papers the titles of which
appear in the appended list of references.

As regards the methods employed in the operation, Manouvrier
had this to say in 1902 :

"L'hypoth^se d'une cauterisation par brfilure ou autrement me
parait fttre la plus satisfaisante et corrobor^e par T existence non douteuse
chez la peuplade n^olithique qui v^cut entre la Seine et TOise, de chirur-
giens dont les ressources th^rapeutiques ne debaient pas Stre bom^es a la
terrible trepanation.**

The oval scar in the region of the bregma cited above recalls
precisely similar ones observed by von Luschan,^ of Berlin, on
ancient Guanche crania from the island of Teneriffe. Of the 210
Teneriffe crania in the museums of Berlin, Leipzig, and Braunschweig,
25 have suffered scarification in the region of the grand fontanelle,
two of these being completely perforated by the operation or as a
result of it. Von Luschan regarded the operation as surgical and
related to trepanning proper. In his opinion the bone was removed

I R. Vcmeau. L'allee couverte des Mureaux ; V anthropologies 1890, i, I57-
' Vtrhandl, Berliner Ges. f. Anthr.y 1896, p. 65.

20 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

by scraping. To show that similar results could be obtained by the
use of a counter-irritant, Virchow produced the skull of a patient
who was treated about the year 1846 at the Charity Hospital (in-
sane ward), Berlin. When, as a young man, Virchow ^ was assis-
tant at the Hospital, Professor Ideler, the physican in charge, often
applied tartar-emetic ointment (Brechweinsiein-Salbe) to the scalp of
demented patients in order to drive out supposed inflammation.
The unguent caused suppuration that occasionally attacked the
skull even to the extent of producing a perforation.

Von Luschan was the first to point out the analogy between
the oval lesions on the crania from the Canary islands and the
T-shaped lesions on neolithic crania. This analogy became all the
more evident with Manouvrier's description of the two Menouville
crania, calling forth a timely article by Lehmann-Nitsche ^ in which
he quotes from the ancient chroniclers of the Canaries as cited by
Chil y Naranjo.^ The passage describing the operation is as follows :

"They made large scarifications with their stone knives on the skin of
the part affected, and then cauterized the wound with roots of Malacca
cane {Jonc) dipped in boiling grease ; preference being given to the
use of goat's grease."

Almost coincident with the appearance of Lehmann-Nitsche's
paper, Manouvrier had the good fortune to find in a recent work
by M. Auguste Brachet,* quotations from ancient books on surgery
that not only serve as an explanation of the sincipital marks on
neolithic crania, but also prove that similar operations were per-
formed during the Dark Ages by the successors of Galen.

The texts are :

(i) Under the title ** Purgatio capitis"; Avicenna. Canon I,
III, tr. 4. cap. X (T. i, p. 485, col. i): " De cura Melancholiae et
quandoque opportet ut caput ejus secundum crucem cauterizetur si nihil
aliud confert. * '

^VirhLy etc., p. 327.

' Notes sur des lesions de cr&nes des lies Canaries analogues 2L celles du cr&ne de
Menouville et leur interprttation probable ; Bull, et mini, de la Soc, d^anthr, de PariSy

1903. P- 492.

' M6moire sur I'origine des Guanches ou habitants primitifs des lies Canaries ; Con^r.
itttem. des Sciences anthropologiques tenu d Paris du 16 au 21 aoHty iSySy pp. 167-220.

^ Pathologie mentale des rois de France: Louis XI et ses ascendants ; Paris,
Hachette, 1903.

22 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Manouvrier on the occasion of his recent visit to America, is from
the dolmen of ChampignoUes (Seine-et-Oise). Like all but one or
two of the seven or eight previously noted, it is that of a female. The
character of the lesions indicate that they were made in early life.
In the first place there is the sincipital T with a medial branch 13
centimeters long, not perfectly straight but continuous. It is narrow,
and suggests an incision of the periosteum rather than a cauteriza-
tion. The short transverse groove terminates at either extremity in
an oval pit large enough to hold the ball of the thumb. The one
on the right actually penetrates the skull, forming a perforation 3 to
4 millimeters in diameter with sharp margins. Near the latter, and
in a line with the transverse groove, is an extensive lesion, 6 centi-
meters in diameter, with irregular, oval contour. The central per-
foration is of the same shape, and fully 3 centimeters in diameter.
In aspect, whatever the intention of the operator may have been, it
is a veritable trepanation. Of the bony area attacked, almost one-
half was completely destroyed. The perforation is surrounded by
a zone of practically uniform width, composed of the inner compact
layer of the skull wall ; and beyond this zone rises the surrounding
rim measured in height by the thickness of the external compact
layer. The irregular outlines are not such as would be produced
by cutting, sawing, or scraping. There is still another oval cicatrice
to be noted. It is sufficient in size to lodge the tip of the little fin-
ger ; is on the frontal bone 3 centimeters to the right of the medial
incision, and does not amount to a perforation.

That these oval lesions are the result of cauterization would be
evident even without the support of the ancient authors whose
documentary evidence must have come as an agreeable surprise to
the finder — all the more so because it was unexpected. It would
seem incredible were it not for the fact that any primitive art is apt
to remain unchanged until transformed by the growth of its com-
plementary science. When we consider what scientific limitations
are imposed on the twentieth century art of healing nervous and
mental diseases, there is little wonder that Avicenna, Albucasis, et
al. should have made so little progress over the neolithic surgeons.
Rather do the latter command anew our admiration because of their
skill and courage. Their success, too, may be measured by the

PRBHISrORlC SURGER Y

that survived treatment, even if they were not cured.
•f had courage in daring to operate on cases that would now
led as hopeless seems to be abundantly attested by the
Tiolles example, where the hardihood of the surgeon was
equaled by the fortitude of the patient,
t could better explain the marks on these skulls, espe-
e one from ChampignoUes, than Avicenna's prescription
inchoUa : " When nothing else avails, the head is to be
■A in the form of a cross" ; or that of Albucasis for the
lease, which is even more explicit : " When there is a ten-
ward hypochondria, the cautery is to be applied lightly but
rous points. . . . This kind of cauterization restores to the
normal humidity." For epilepsy, the same authority says
:erize on the vertex, on the occiput, and on the frontal pro-
es" (forehead). Cephalalgia being caused, as he thought,
:ces3 of cold and humidity in the brain, the proper corrcc-
Id be found in heat, and the resulting noisome vapors would
exhalation through the points cauterized. Such was the
of Albucasis, and it tallies perfectly with neolithic practice.

Tke Htt of papers by Professor Matwuvrier.
It T sincipital — Curieuse mutilation crinienne neolithique.
c. d'antkr. de Paris. 1895, 4* ser., vi, 357 (see also p. 273).
onjectures sur le T sincipital, mutilation prehistorique.
'anf. p. I'av. des sciences, Bordeaux, 1895, p. 712.
[ouvelle mutilation cranienne neolithique. Le T sincipital.
nsuelle de I'Mcole d'anthr. de Paris, 1896, vi, 57.
tote sur un cas de T sincipital incomplet et sur une autre
ligmadque du crane. Bxdl. et mem., Soc. d'anthr. de Paris,
' ser.. Ill, 601.

<s marques sindpitales des cranes neolithiques considerees

reliant la chirurgie classique ancienne a la chirurgie pr^his-

Ibid., 1903, 5' ser., iv, 494. (See also Revue de I'^ole

'pologie de Paris, 1903, xii, 431, and I'Assoc. fran^aise p.

THE SEX-COMPOSITION OF HUMAN FAMILIES

By JOHN BENJAMIN NICHOLS

It is the purpose of this paper to present the results of a study
of the sex-composition, that is, the number of sons and daughters,
respectively, of 3,000 human families of six or more children each.

The data for this study were obtained from the genealogical
records presented in the History of Hingham^ Massachusetts ^ pub-
lished by the town ; in S. Judd's History of Hadley^ Massachusetts ;
in D. M. Hoyt's Old Families of Salisbury and Amesbury^ Massa-
chusetts; in J. O. Austin's Genealogical Dictionary of RJiode Island ;
in W. W. Ingraham's History of the Castle Family ; from manuscript
genealogical and other data in my possession ; and a few data
(enough to complete the 3,000 familes) from James Savage's Getu-
alogical Dictionary of First Settlers of New England.

In order to avoid the disturbing numerical influences in small
families, the study was confined to large families, of six or more
children each. Only those families derived from a single pair of
parents aie included in the enumerations : for instance, if a man
were married more than once and had six (or more) children by one
wife and fewer than six by another wife, the six bom to the one
couple were counted in as a complete family, and the others were
disregarded. In a few instances where a man or a woman had
more than five children by each of two wives or husbands, the two
sets of children were taken as two separate families. Each family
in this series therefore represents the progeny of the same father and
mother. The families were taken as they came, without any selec-
tion whatever.

The vast majority of the families enumerated — probably more
than 95 per cent. — were of Anglo-Saxon race and located in New
England. An insignificant proportion were of Irish, Scotch, or
other origin ; no colored families were knowingly included. The
period of time embraced by these families covers more than three
hundred years, from the year 1600 (and even earlier) to the present

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7. 1905

daughters. The proportion of males to females was as 108.3 to
100. This proportion of males is somewhat higher than the usual
general ratio at birth, which is ordinarily in the neighborhood of 105
or ro6 ; thus, in 59,350,000 births in Europe there was a ratio of
106.3 boys to 100 girls; and of 2,063,386 births in the United
Table I. StatiitUs af Stx-compasiHati 0/3,000 Famttiei

NunlwiD

-—

Nambtfin

_..

Nambfliii

—

Fimily.

F.n,il)-.

1*3

FsniUr.

1 .

\\\

J''

1
i

1
1

§■

LI.

»5

4 14

5 14

•J4

111

6 U

1S6

7 14

I_10

iiS

114

ao7

los

1
3

4
3

5?3

—

44S

119

'1*

~~'

iSi

161

168

■s

3«

_5_

69
7«

ViT

i*L

■6

_3_

— ■

343

ti4

«3o

154

150

138

■II

8 '3

9;>3

10 13

SS3

S53

11 13

i
46

States during the census 5'ear 1900 there were 104.9 niales to every
100 females. The figures of Janse and of Geissler* both show
that in lai^e families the proportion of sons at birth is greater than j^
in small families, and the high rate of sons found in my series is
probably due, in part at least, to the fact that this series is based on
lai^e families.

' 5e« TcfCRDces at Ihe close of tbe uticle.

28 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

chances of a child being a son are taken as 108 : 208, and of being
a daughter as 100 : 208. Each permutation of m sons and n daugh-
ters would, then, have a chance of occurring 108"* x 100" times in
208*+* families. This ratio makes the calculations more cumber-
some, but gives a more accurate result. In Table I, along with the
number of families of each combination as actually observed is
given, in the fifth column, the number called for by the theory of
probabilities, calculated on the basis of 108 : 100. Thus, out of
603 families of 6 children, 1 1 consisting entirely of sons actually
occurred, while the theory of chances called for 12 ; 186 families
actually consisted of 3 sons and 3 daughters, while the probable
number was 188 ; and so on.

It will be immediately seen on examination of Table I that there
is throughout a very close correspondence between the number of
families actually observed and the number called for by the theory
of probabilities. In other words, the sex-composition of families
practically agrees with the laws of chance.

After completing this enumeration and arriving at the results
stated, I found on searching the literature two and only two other
studies of the same subject, those of Janse and of Geissler.

Janse gives statistics of 2,412 families of Middelburg, Holland,
of I to 16 children each, aggregating 8,818 children. He gives
(pages 125-142) the numbers of families not only of each combina-
tion of sexes but also of each permutation or order of birth of sons
and daughters ; he does not, however, apply the theory of proba-
bilities to the subject.

Geissler, having at his command the unexampled facilities and
data of the vital registry bureau of Saxony, has presented an analysis
of the statistics of no fewer than 4,794,304 children, of 998,761
families, bom in Saxony, 1876-1885. In a careful comparison of
the various sex-combinations in his families of 2 to 1 2 children each
he found an extremely exact correspondence of the actual numbers
with the numbers called for by the theory of probabilities, except
that in the case of families entirely of the same sex the actual num-
bers slightly exceeded the probable. He also gives an exhaustive
study of the actuality and probability of the sex of children born
after given sex-combinations already exist, and concludes that in
general there is a tendency toward the equalization of the number

30 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

determination of the sex of his or her offspring, the sex-composition
of any family bom to a single pair of parents would be the resultant
from the fusion of the sex-determining powers of the two parents.
Opposite sex-determining influences in the two parents would tend
to neutralize each other, while similar influences would be strength-
ened. With a single pair of parents it is not possible to form a
judgment as to the special sex-determining power, arrhenogenic or
thelygenic, of either parent. A study of families resulting from
multiple marriages, in which one parent was married more than
once, might reveal a constant sex-determining influence on the part
of the parent multiply married that would be manifest in the off-
spring by different consorts. It is not often that a father has six or
more children by each of two wives, so that in this study there are
too few families of this sort from which to draw any satisfactory con-
clusions. The data obtained, so far as they go, are as follows :
Fourteen fathers who had more than five children by each of two
wives, and each of whom by the first marriage had more sons than
daughters, had by the first marriages a total of 79 sons and 34
daughters, and by the second marriages 66 sons and 42 daughters ;
if in this series the predominance of sons in the first marriages can
be interpreted as due to a dominant arrhenogenic power in the
fathers, then the same dominant tendency to the generation of males
is in general observable in the second marriages. On the contrary,
7 fathers, each of whom by his first marriage had more daughters
than sons, had by the first marriages 16 sons and 37 daughters, and
by the second marriages 33 sons and 29 daughters ; the dominant
thelygenic tendency in the first unions in this series was not main-
tained in the second unions. These data are insufficient for general-
ization ; but a study of larger series, embracing mothers as well as
fathers and not limited to large families, might yield some reliable
conclusions as to the possession of special sex-determining powers
by individuals.

If there is any special sex-determining influence, in either an
arrhenogenic or thelygenic direction, inherent in individuals, and
this tendency is transmissible to the offspring, then a study of the
different families or generations descended from the same common
ancestors might reveal traces of the existence of such tendency.

32 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

sons and 31 daughters, a ratio of 177 sons to 100 daughters; and
so with the others. The total number of families enumerated is
878, i^ith a total of 7,376 individuals, and an average ratio of 108.5
males to 100 females, practically the same ratio as in my entire
series of 3,000 families. The different families are arranged in the
order of the ratios of sons to daughters, and range from the Leavitt
families, averaging 177 sons, to the Wilder families, averaging only
72 sons, to every 100 daughters. These statistics are perhaps too
limited to warrant any very positive conclusions ; but they serve as
a contribution to the subject, and in some of the cases, as the 47
Gushing families with a ratio of 153 sons, or the 37 Beal families
with a ratio of 83 sons, the number of families appears sufficiently
large and the departure from the average ratio of the sexes suffi-
ciently marked to eliminate chance and show that in some individ-
uals and families there is a hereditary tendency to the production of
sons, and in others of daughters. This table necessarily presents
the influence of only one line, the male ; the female lines coming
in at each marriage of course affect the sex-determining tendency,
but both parental influences can not be exhibited in this method of
presentation, and a markedly predominant tendency to produce all
children of one sex even if on one side only ought to be brought
out by this method. On the whole, the data exhibited in Table II
would seem to show that in different families there are marked
hereditary differences in the sex-determining tendencies. Other
observers (von Lenhossek, Lorenz) also have expressed a belief
that in some families there are hereditary tendencies to a predomi-
nance of sons, in others of daughters.

If there is a special parental sex-determining power shown by
the data in Table II, it is exerted, be it noted, on the male or
paternal side ; and, contrary to recent theories that sex is deter-
mined exclusively through the mother, indicates that in the case of
man at least the paternal side has some sex-determining influence.

If there is a hereditable sex-determining power, it would be
natural to expect that the members of large unisexual families, in
which the children are all or nearly all of the same sex, would
themselves show a marked tendency to produce children predomi-
nantly of that sex. This, however, is often not the case.

34 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

of the comparative strengths of these two forces in the parents.
For instance, suppose one parent to have a net arrhenogenic power
twice the strength of a net thelygenic power in the other parent ;
then the net resultant sex-determining power in the pair would be
such that there would be a tendency to produce two sons for every
daughter. For the race at large the general average relative
strengths of the arrhenogenic and thelygenic forces are at concep-
tion approximately in the ratio of 1 1 5 : \oo (Rauber), or 1 1 1 : 100
(von Lenhossek), respectively, which after allowing for the exces-
sive intrauterine mortality of male fetuses yields the ratio at birth
of from 1 05-108 boys to 100 girls. The net sex-determining powers
or coefficients vary through a wide range in different pairs of par-
ents, and, considering that in each pair they result from the fortuitous
union of individuals with differing or unknown coefficients, these vary-
ing powers are probably distributed among the parental pairs in such
a way quantitatively as to agree with the numerical expression of the
theory of chances. According to this hypothesis, then, the sex-
composition of families agrees with the laws of chance, not because the
determination of sex is a pure matter of chance, but because the cell-
ular forces that govern the determination of sex and tend to produce
males and females respectively are distributed among the various pairs
of parents in arithmetical agreement with the theory of probability.

In a comparatively small number of families included in my
enumeration (771) the sex of the firstborn child was noted. Sim-
lar statistics have been collected and presented by Geissler and by
Orschansky. The three series of data are shown in Table III.

These three series of data agree with one another in showing
that there is a general agreement between the sex rf the first
child and the sex of the majority of the children in families ; in
families beginning with a son there is in general an excess of male
over female children, and vice versa. After deducting the firstborn
children, however, the remaining children of the families present, as
shown by the last column of the table, the usual proportions between
the sexes. The general agreement between the sex of the first child
and the sex of the majority of the children, therefore, is a purely
arithmetical result of the method of classification employed, and

36 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

sex-composition of the various families all gradations were found
from those exclusively or preponderatingly male, through those in
which the sexes were mixed in various proportions, to families pre-
ponderatingly or exclusively female. It was found that the act-
ually observed numbers of families of each sex-combination cor-
respond very closely with the numbers required by the theories of
probabilities, calculating on the basis that the general chances that
any given child would be a male would be as 108 in 208. This
correspondence, however, was not taken as necessarily indicating
that the determination of sex in families is entirely a fortuitous
matter, rather than under the government of forces resident in the
parents or germ cells ; although these sex-determining forces
might be distributed in varying strength among the various
parents in quantitative agreement with the laws of chance. A com-
pilation of numerous families in various generations descended from
common ancestors seemed to show that parents may possess defi-
nite and specific sex-determining powers that are transmissible to
offspring, and vary in different individuals and different families.
As in this compilation the lines of descent were shown on the
male side only, it would seem that in the case of man at least
the father has some influence in the determination of the sex of
his offspring. It was also shown that in general the. sex of the
firstborn child agrees with the sex of the majority of the children in
families, but simply as an arithmetical result from the numerical
advantage arising from arrangement of the families according to

the sex of the first child.

References

Janse, L. Bijdrage tot het onderzoek naar de oorzaken der geslachtsver-

houding bij de geboorten. Middelburg, 1853. Pp. 171.
Geissler, Arthur. Beitrdge zur Frage des Geschlechtst^erhdltnisses der

Geborenen. Zeitschrift des k, sdchsischen staiistischen Bureaus^

Dresden, 1889, xxxv, pages 1-24 and 56.
Rauber, a. Die Ueberschuss an Knabengeburien und seine biologische

Bedeutung. Leipzig, 1900. Pp. 220.
Orschansky, J. Die Vererbung im gesunden und krankhaften Zustande

und die Entstehung des Geschlechts beim Menschen, Stuttgart, 1903.

Pp- 347-
VON LENHOSSfeK, M. Das Problem der geschlechtsbestimmenden Ursachen.

Jena, 1903. Pp. 99.

38 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

more or less sacred character ; so that in some cases where the
medidne is mixed with water before it is administered, it is neces-
sary to stir the mixture with the identifying article — with the claw
of the animal, or the beard of the turkey, or the little stone arrow-
head which may be tied to the bundle. Favorite objects for stirring
such fluid medicine are the claw or the tusk of a bear. This no
doubt has relation to the very common belief in the bear's invulner-
ability and in its power as a healer.

Formerly almost every man carried about with him, tied to his
necklet, his shoulder girdle, or perhaps to his hair, one or more
little bundles containing medicine. Some men have herb medi-
cines of which they alone possess the secrets. These may be
what we would call drugs, or they may be merely ma-i-yti' (mys-
terious, or spiritual). The old stories tell us that the people learned
of the various medicinal plants, and of the uses to which they were
to be put, by means of dreams ; and that in other cases certain
mythological heroes went out with them on the prairie and pointed
out plants which they explained were to be used for certain diseases.

Medicinal Plants

From my old " mother,'* Wind Woman, of the Northern Chey-
ennes, I have received a number of specimens of plants used in
healing by these Indians. The collection by no means includes all
the plant medicines used by the Cheyennes, yet it was difficult to
secure even so small a collection and to properly identify the plants.
The species procured have been very kindly named for me by Mr
Frederick V. Coville, Botanist of the United States Department of
Agriculture, and also have been submitted to Dr H. H. Rusby of
the College of Pharmacy of the City of New York. Dr Rusby has
been kind enough to comment on some of the uses to which these
plants are put, and I have introduced his remarks under the differ-
ent species. To the list of plants used in healing, two dyes are
added at the close.

Huu' jiP* hlssp' iyOy Bark Medicine {Balsamarrfiisa sagittata
Nutt.). This is used for stomach trouble and for headache. For
pains in the stomach, boil the leaves, roots, and stems together and
drink the infusion. For headache, steam the face over the boiling

40 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

sores which may break out on the body. The leaves and stem are
boiled together, and the affected parts are washed with the infusion.
If this does not speedily effect a cure, the fluid must be rubbed on
hard. In severe cases some of the tea must be drunk ; it is used
in this way to cure smallpox. The plant has no medicinal prop-
erties known to science.

To'wdniyUhkfts^ Fever Medicine (** to-make-cold medicine'*)
{Psaralea argophylla Pursh). This is used to reduce fever. The
leaves and stems are ground fine and boiled in water, and the tea is
drunk. To cure a high fever, the leaves and stem ground to
powder are also mixed with grease and rubbed all over the body.

The medicinal properties of this plant are not known to science,
but it is a near relative of species having active and important
properties, though not much used in medicine. Its use to reduce
fever is of great interest and very suggestive.

Mahkfta'niywdSy Poison Weed Medicine {Astragalus nitidus
Dougl.). This plant is used in cases of poisoning by ivy or other
noxious plants. The leaves and stems are ground fine, and when
the poisoned skin presents a watery appearance the powder is
sprinkled on the afflicted parts.

The use of this plant is also interesting, and if a really efficient
and reliable remedy could be found for ivy poisoning (and it is pos-
sible that this plant might be such) it might become a very impor-
tant article of trade. This plant is closely related to the famous
loco weed.

Hdh! dhidnSis' tut. Paralysis Medicine ( Uthospermum lifieari-
folium Goldie.). This is used for paralysis, and also in cases where
the patient is irrational from any sickness. For paralysis the leaves,
roots, and stems are ground fine, and a very small quantity of the
powder is rubbed on the paralyzed part. It causes a prickling sen-
sation of the skin. It is also said to be sometimes used green, the
doctor wrapping some of the leaves in a cotton cloth, then crushing
them with her teeth and rubbing the affected parts, when the
same prickling or stinging sensation is felt. Where the person is
irrational by reason of illness, a tea is made of the roots, leaves, and
stem, and rubbed on the head and face. The plant is also used
when a person is very sleepy — hard to keep awake. It is chewed

42 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

M&wd* himohk' shin, Elk Mint {Agastaclu anethiodora (Nutt.)
Britt). Used as tea by boiling the leaves and forming a pleasant
drink. An infusion of the leaves when allowed to get cold is good
for pain in the chest (as when the lungs are sore from much cough-
ing), or for a weak heart.

WV Uhkhlssi' hiyOy Bitter Medicine {Acorus calamtis). An infusion
made from a bit of this root boiled in water is drunk for pain in the
bowels, and the root chewed and rubbed on the skin is good for
any illness. A bit of the root tied to a child's necklet, dress, or
blanket, will keep the night spirits away.

This plant does not grow in the northern country, but is ob-
tained by the Cheyennes from the Sioux. In former times they
smoked it with red-willow bark.

Slfiyd'ln&wthlss^' hiyo, Strong Medicine {Anaphalis niargaritacea
or subalpina). If a gift, to be left on a hill, is to be made to the sun
or to the spirits, this ** strong medicine*' is used to smoke and
purify it before it is taken out. The leaves of the medicine are
scattered over a burning coal, just as sweet grass or sweet pine is
used in smoking other things. In one of his little medicine bundles
each man carries some of the dried and powdered flowers of this
plant, and formerly, when going into battle, he chewed a little of it
and rubbed it over his arms, legs, and body, for the purpose of im-
parting strength, energy, and dash, and thus protecting him from
danger. A man still puts a little of the powder on the sole of each
hoof of the horse he is riding, in order to make it long-winded, and
he also blows a little of the powder between the animal's ears also
for the purpose of increasing its wind. The reason for rubbing the
medicine on the body is that the warrior may be hard to hit by an
enemy. Spotted Wolf warned his sons that after this medicine had
been rubbed on them, they must let no woman touch them, for to
do so would render the medicine powerless.

The dried flowers of the plant are made into a very fine light
dust, which is easily blown away or moved by any force, and
the qualities that it is believed to impart to one treated with it prob-
ably have reference to this readiness with which it is moved.

Mdhhfsln, Mint (unidentified). This mint is used in making a
tea for drinking, chiefly for the sick. A little of the plant may be
used with the bark medicine to give it a pleasant flavor.

ANCIENT INDIAN FIREPLACES IN SOUTH DAKOTA

BAD-LANDS

By a. E. SHELDON

In the Bad-lands region of South Dakota, on the south side of
White river, about 1 50 miles above where that stream empties into
the Missouri, flows the small stream now called Lost Dog. Be-
fore 1 89 1 it had no name ; the region was wild and uninhabited
by white men or Indians. It was in December, 1890, that Big
Foot's band of Sioux from Cheyenne River agency crossed White
river and followed an old trail along the bank of the little stream
on their way to the scene of the Ghost-dance disturbance at Pine
Ridge. The first night across White river they camped by a little
spring, since called Big Foot spring ; their second encampment was
beneath the evening shadow of picturesque, pine-crowned Porcu-
pine butte. Here they were located by scouts of the Seventh cav-
alry, and the next day were halted on their march and forced to
surrender. The third night both soldiers and Indians camped on
Wounded Knee creek. The attempt the next morning to disarm
the band led to a fight in which thirty soldiers and more than a
hundred Indians were killed in what became known as the battle of
Wounded Knee, to be remembered as the last serious conflict with
Indians within the United States. The Indian survivors fled from
their camp to the hills ; their tipis were set on fire by the soldiers in
order to drive lingering hostiles from their shelter, and when the
fight ended some dozens of homeless dogs sniffed about the ruined,
blood-stained camp. History records the fate of the fleeing Sioux
— how some of them were killed and others captured in their
hungry and homeless flight. One of the vivid recollections of the
writer is that of the churches in Pine Ridge which, a few hours later,
became improvised hospitals for the mangled men, women, and
children brought in from the field.

A few days after the battle some cowboys from a ranch on the
north side of White river were searching the Bad-lands for stock

46 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

was the result of fire, and then informed his uncle, who went into the
canyon and examined the find, wondering whether it was an Indian
" sweat-house " and if so how it came to be fastened against the side
of a disintegrating clay wall so far below the top.

Later in the year Mr Famham informed Dr Walker, surgeon at
Pine Ridge agency, of the discovery, and from this gentleman the
writer, then engaged in a scientific expedition to the Sioux reserva-
tion, received an account of what had been reported to him. In
August, 1903, I reached Mr Famham's place with a camera and
made the first photographs of what was found to be a remarkable
series of prehistoric fireplaces. Before my arrival, Ulysses had dis-
covered four similar deposits scattered along the canyon within two
miles of the first one, and after my appearance on the ground we
discovered two more, making seven in all. Their common character-
istic was a mass of charcoal, burned stones, and occasional fragments
of pottery, clay, and bone, covering a space about two feet in diam-
eter and two or three feet in height The first fireplace found was
about six feet below the top of the wall to which it adhered ; the
others occurred from three to ten feet below the present surface of
the soil. Near the fireplace which lies at the maximum distance
from the top there occurs a mass of kitchen refuse consisting of
ashes, charcoal, a dozen different kinds of bones, and flint chips.
This mass, which is about fifteen inches thick and extends back an
unknown distance into the cliff, is visible along the side of the canyon
for a distance of five or six yards. From this debris I took two
fragments of pottery and an arrowpoint. (See plates ii-v.)

The soil above these fireplaces exhibits from eight to twelve
distinct strata, each four inches to fifteen inches in thickness and
varying in substance from black loam to yellow gumbo clay and
soft, sandy grit. A careful verticial section of these strata was taken
out and is now preserved in the museum of the Nebraska Historical
Society at Lincoln. It was observed that the stratum of soil at the
level of the fireplaces was uniformly of a black humus material,
with stray root-fibers here and there, indicating clearly that this
was the surface of the ground at the time the Indians built the fires
and scattered the debris from their kitchens. One or two feet above
this layer of black soil is a thick stratum of fine, gray silt, indicatifig

SHELDON] AXCIE.VT INDIAN FIREPLACES 47

a deposit in comparatively still water. Scattered thickly through
the silt are the shells of several varieties of periwinkle and other
fresh-water mollusks.

Lost Dog creek heads about 12 miles from White river and flows
northeastwardly into that stream. It is about 70 miles north of
Merriman, Neb. Its canyon, or Bad-lands tract, is about ten miles
long by three miles wide ; it is depressed from 100 to 1 50 feet below
the level of the surrounding high prairie, and its walls are carved
and gashed into thousands of fantastic forms by the action of the
waters upon the soft deposits which form the basin through which
the stream has deeply cut its way. The alternating strata which
lie above the fireplaces extend almost horizontally across the entire
basin, appearing and reappearing in a hundred places where the
water from the hills has eaten out side ravines that feed into the
main canyon. (See plate 11.)

The problem presented is this : At some time in the past these
fireplaces and deposits of kitchen refuse were made by primitive
people who were wont to camp on what was then the superficial
level of the country. Since that time the entire basin, covering an
area of three by ten miles, has been filled with soft Bad-lands clay,
regularly deposited by the action of water in eight or ten distinctly
marked strata, some of which are filled with the shells of fresh-
water mollusks. After the basin had been filled above the old
level, where the ancients camped, to a depth of at least ten feet,
erosion began its work, since which time the entire basin of hori-
zontal strata has been cut into gullies thirty to sixty feet deep, so
that the present creek with its lateral ravines is that much below
the top of the surface which extends from one side of the basin to
the other. In this process of erosion these ancient fireplaces have
been exposed to view.

The data available for determining how many years have been
required to fill the basin from ten to fifteen feet or more above its
old level and to cut ravines through these deposits to a depth of
fifiy or sixty feet are very shifting and unsatisfactory. Everyone
familiar with the Bad-lands region knows that enormous masses of
its soft soil are moved by a single heavy rain-storm, in some cases
a road being completely obliterated by a deposit of three or four

48 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

feet of gumbo soil during a single night. On the other hand, the
filling of a basin covering three by ten miles with uniform hori-
zontal strata is manifestly a different task from that of burying a
road in a narrow canyon. I have talked with many of the earliest
trappers, traders, and Indians, some of whom have been familiar
with this region for fifty years. They all say that half a century
ago the appearance of these Bad-lands basins was practically the
same as it now is — dissected by gullies and ravines from forty to
fifty feet below the surface of the basin deposit. I am satisfied that
their testimony is correct, having tested it in many different details.
If half a ^entury has made no marked difference in the topography
which the eye of an experienced man would notice, it must have
required a great many centuries to accomplish the changes that
have taken place in these Bad-lands basins since the ancient fire-
places were centers of social groups.

I sent prints of the accompanying photographs to Prof. J. E.
Todd, State Geologist of South Dakota, informing him of the cir-
cumstances and asking his judgment of the probable period covered
by deposits and subsequent erosion in basins similar to that of Lost
Dog canyon. In reply Professor Todd expressed deep interest in
the finds and added :

** I regret that I have never made a careful study of the rapidity of
changes in the Bad-lands, but I doubt not that there, as elsewhere, they
vary much according to the succession of wet or dry years. Having
had a little experience in a thunder-shower in Indian Draw, I am pre-
pared to believe your succession of strata may be traces of annual
aggradations, yet they may mark much longer intervals. Whether a par-
ticular area is aggrading or degrading depends upon its local base level,
and that may be the result of * river piracy, ' land slide, amount of
rainfall, or length of rainy season. As to the geological age of your
finds, they cannot be earlier than late Pleistocene and more likely are
quite recent. The gravel beds on top of Cedar mountain and Sheep
mountain I look upon as Pliocene or early Pleistocene. They are about
300 feet above present streams. I should think a few centuries, and pos-
sibly considerable less, would cover the antiquity of your finds. To an-
swer any particular case, the relations to present and former drainage
channels and the rate of changes must be carefully considered. Judging
from other cases, different minds are likely to come to widely different
conclusions. * *

52 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

places vertical ; yet there is hardly any natural obstacle to scal-
ing the rocks from the lake side, and if there were artificial defenses
they have completely disappeared. Along the edge, and sometimes
almost on the brink, towers and quadrangles are disposed at vary-
ing distances from each other. They form two larger groups and
three smaller ones, the last one of which stands some 750 feet from
the extreme northwestern point of the peninsula.

The central area of the plateau has fewer buildings. With the
exception of the round ones at h (plate vii, 3) and a group lying west
of w, they are quadrangular. But the northern edge, from a point
500 feet east of the western end to its eastern extremity, supports
nineteen round structures, the most easterly group of which is con-
nected with a wall, more than 280 feet long, running west to east,
toward the edifice m. Near the lake shore and on the northeastern
spur of the peninsula is a group of much ruined structures, and an
isolated tower rises near the northern beach. In all (except the
vestiges of what appeared to be small rectangular cysts, which we
were not allowed to open), the peninsula at Sillustani was found to
support at least ninety-five buildings, more than eighty of which are
circular, not including scattered walls and the so-called '* sun cir-
cles" of which there are at least five.

It will be observed that the majority of the towers stand on the
edge of the plateau, while most of the rectangular structures are
away from it. The largest and best built occupy prominent positions.
Low and indifferently constructed walls exist in connection with one
or the other group of towers, and in a few places they also extend
along the brink of the plateau. But, as already remarked, nowhere
is there a trace of breastworks or walls of circumvallation. The
andenes on the eastern flanks of the mesa (for the plateau is but a
mesa) recall the terraced lines around ancient villages in the Bolivian
Cordillera, and could have afforded a stand for warriors fighting with
the sling, but without protection. This is in harmony with the mode
of warfare and the weapons of the aborigines.^

' The use of the sling made ramparts inconvenient, whereas a platform that placed
the defenders on a plane higher than the assailants was an advantage. The ruins in the
Cordillera of Bolivia nearly always show such a platform, or a series of platforms, with
hardly any trace of parapets. V^^ood or brush were out of the question.

54 AMERICAX ASTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

At the base of the chullpa is a tiny rectangular entrance measuring
about two feet in width and height (plate ix. 3. 4, 6, 7, 8). I could
not crawl into any of these chullpas m>*self, and my wife had con-
siderable difficulty in entering e\'en the largest of them from the
base. These structures were absolutely empt}*, nor could I learn
that anything had ever been found in them.

The upper tier of this chullpa was probably ne\'er closed ; only
the lower chamber could have been used. It is not large, since
the facing and the core have an aggregate thickness of eight feet
below and ten feet above, so that two-thirds of the diameter of the
structure are occupied by its walls.

Chullpa c (plate viii, 2) also is completed to the top. Like the
former, it stands on the brink of the plateau, but on the southern
instead of on the eastern edge. It is much smaUer than chullpa
a^ its elevation being only 22 feet, of which 16 feet form the lower
or main part. Its width at the bottom is 16 feet, at the top 18
feet; its other dimensions are proportional. Like a, the upper
chamber has for its sides only the armor of polished andesite blocks.
There is a neck through the upper part of the core down to the hole
in the apex of the main chamber ; the hole has the same dimensions
as that in chullpa a. These interior chambers with the necks
recall the form of a bottle.^

Several features of these chullpas attract attention :

1. The great solidity of construction, obtained by closely fitting
the heavy blocks forming the outer facing or armor, and by the
massiveness of the lower part of the structure.

2. The great thickness of the walls encasing the main chamber.

3. The diminutive size of the apertures, both above and below.
A child alone could pass through the upper orifice, while the lar-
gest of the doorways are not four feet square.

Mt is interesting to compare the form of the interior with the bottle-shaped under-
ground cells so numerous in the ruins of Cajamarqnilla, near Lima. These are well de-
scribed by Sqnier, Peru^ pp. 92-93. Mr Sqnier very appropriately calls them "gran
aries/' adding (p. 94) : **and were no doubt intended for the storage of household
supplies." The towers of Sillustani resemble such granaries, except that they are
above ground. Compare also the bottle-shaped structures of clay which Dr Lumholtz
has descril>ed from cave-villages in northwestern Chihuahua ( Unknown Mexico, vol.
I, pp. 58, 62, 64, no).

56 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

It may therefore be said that the andesite used at Sillustani was
quarried chiefly by lightning. At the foot of the cliffs many large
stones lie about, rudely chipped and ready for transport. A num-
ber of such blocks are also scattered through the valley, between
the cliffs and the hacienda, as if abandoned in transit. Plate ix,
16, 17, 18, represent three sides of the largest one seen by us, and
figure 1 5 of this plate shows the front view of a smaller one. The
former is nearly 1 2 feet long, 7 feet thick, and 6 feet in height. On
its face (turned toward the ruins) protrude three knobs, about 18
inches long, curved upward so as to afford a fair hold. On the rear
are three stubs. The knobs suggest the idea of pulling, wooden
levers being applied behind. These knobs, protruding from the face
of the blocks and also from the rear, are still seen on some of the
partly cut stones lying about the towers. They seem to be, if not
strictly peculiar to Inca architecture, at least a constant feature of it.
I have here introduced a view of some of the ruins of Ollantay-
tambo, near Cuzco (plate xiii), on which the knobs are shown on
many parts of the walls. The blocks thus abandoned on the way
have stone props under them in the rear, so that by pulling, push-
ing, heaving, and upsetting, with the characteristic disregard of time
consumed, the huge stones were moved from the cliffs to the plateau,
where the work of cutting, placing in position, and smoothing was
completed.

The tools employed in these processes no longer exist at Umayo
and Sillustani, but we are sufficiently acquainted with the imple-
ments of the ancient inhabitants of Peru and Bolivia to safely assert
that, for breaking and chipping, stone mauls and hammers were used.
Andesite can easily be worked with bronze, or copper, and even
with chisels of harder stone. Knowledge of the implements of the
Quichua and Aymara, before iron was introduced by the Spaniards,
sheds abundant light on the work performed at Sillustani. The
smooth finish was obtained by simple patient attrition, and there is
no necessity of resorting to hypotheses of artificial stone or tempered
copper. Each block was finished on the ground as far as possible,
but the final close fitting and the removal of the knobs were done
after the blocks were placed in position in the walls. This is proved
by courses of the masonry and even of sections of walls in which the

BANDEUKR] ABORIGINAL RUINS AT SILLUSTANI, PE^U $7

knobs still protrude. That the curve was last efiected is shown by
the upper tier, where the outer edges of the blocks appear to form
a drcle, when seen from below, but on closer inspection it is seen
that the courses are polygonal^ with as many sides as there are
blocks in each.

So long as the stones had not to be raised above the second
course, their placement was easily accomplished, but they are placed
as high as thirty-five feet above the ground. Windlasses were not
known to aboriginal Americans, but the ruins at Sillustani fortu-
nately preserve examples of the devices by which the raising of
the blocks of andesite was achieved. Plates viii, ii, and ix, i,
exhibit the remains of inclined planes of rubble, one of them 215
feet in length (f/), on which the blocks of stone were gradually
moved up to the required elevation in the wall. The incline abuts
against the tower and was raised as the building of the latter pro-
gressed. It must also be considered that the size of the blocks was
reduced by cutting, and that the largest ones were always used in
the lower courses. In addition, a device was adopted for dimin-
ishing the weight of the blocks. As seen in plates xi and xii, i, the
ends of each block were hollowed out, and, once in place, these
cavities were filled with small pieces of stone. This allowed the
blocks to be handled with greater facility, while the subsequent fill-
ing practically restored their original weight.

The round and handsomely constructed chuUpas are the least
numerous, and only one of them is ornamented on the outside. The
tallest of all (plate xi) has the figure of a lizard carved on its surface
about midway between the base and the top.

The condition of the stone buildings at Sillustani leads to the in-
ference that work on them was abandoned before completion. This
is particularly the case with the quadrangular structures, all of which
are unfinished. Their condition is not the result of demolition or of
decay. The masonry is like that of the towers, well laid and nicely
joined. The building m, shown in plates viii, 7, and xiv, 2, was fur-
ther advanced in construction than the others, part of its walls being
8 feet high. Some of the blocks are 9 to 1 1 feet long, 4 feet thick,
and 6^ feet high. Only two sides were reared, one of which measures
not quite 28 feet and the other more than 35 feet in length. Inside,

$8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

and touching the walls of the rectangle, is a circle of upright slabs,
38 inches in thickness, set without mortar, alongside of each other.
On the longer side of the rectangle is an entrance* 52 inches wide.

Quadrangle k (plates viii, 8 ; xv, i) has all four walls, measur-
ing, respectively, 17.3, 17.3, 17.4, and 17.5 inches. The building,
therefore, is nearly square ; but the opposite sides are not of exactly
equal length, there being a difference of one and two inches, respec-
tively. An entrance 50 inches in width is provided in one of the
walls. The outer surface of the stones is as well cut and smoothed
as any in Sillustani, but the blocks are not so large as those in
building m (plates vii (3), m ; viii, 7 ; xvi, 2).

Structure / (plates vii (3), /; viii, 9) is still less advanced in con-
struction ; two sides are partly laid, and on the other side a few
blocks only are in position. It should be stated that not a single
building at Sillustani is provided with a foundation ; every struc-
ture rests on the surface of the ground, the size and weight of the
stones alone insuring solidity.

Building o (plate viii, 13) is in as unfinished a state as tower b
near which it is situated. Only two feet of a wall of cut stone are
visible ; its average width is 3 1 inches. This structure suggests the
commencement of a dwelling. It resembles, in size and ground-
plan, the houses of Inca origin which our excavations brought to
light at Kasapata, on the Island of Titicaca.

Several other quadrangular structures, some of them nearly ob-
literated, are found here and there on the plateau. These differ but
little from those described, and, judging by the first course of stones
lying on the ground, they were to have been built in the same man-
ner and of the same material.

I have purposely delayed mentioning certain details in the con-
struction of the stone buildings for the reason that they exist in
both the quadrangles and the towers. First, it was observed that,
although the workmanship is far superior to that of any buildings
outside of actual Inca settlements, it is not so accurate as it appears
to be — angles are nearly but not absolutely true, the towers are
only approximately circular, and the stones themselves not per-
fectly squared. Rule of thumb here guided the primitive artisan ;
he did much better than the builders of the Aymara structures, but

BANDELIER] ABORIGINAL RUINS AT SILLUSTANI, PERU 59

not SO well as any European would have done. The moving of heavy
masses was certainly an achievement, if we consider the means at
the command of these builders, but to compare the results favor-
ably with European building of the time is ' benevolent exaggera-
tion. Superabundance of leisure was a prime factor. Where a
block presented obstacles, the troublesome part was taken ofT, and
another stone cut to fill the lack (plate ix, 5, 9). Such pieces were
not inserted for decorative effect nor to increase the solidity of the
structure ; they are simply indications that each block was inde-
pendently cut, not according to a definite plan, but to suit the im-
mediate occasion. The doorways are usually an open space left
between two blocks in a course (plate ix, 6, 7) ; but where the block
was too high, a rectangular opening was cut through it (plate ix,
8). This shows that the small size of the doorways had a definite
purpose. In the quadrangular structures (plate viii, 7, 8) there
are, as before stated, wider entrances, but these were designed to
afford access to round buildings within. In the case of rectan-
gular building ;//, this circular structure had been commenced ; in k
there is strong probability that it was the intention to erect one also.
The singular edifice i (plate ix, 1,2) is also in a half-finished
condition. This building is unique among the ruins at Sillustani ; it
is dome-shaped, and the apex of the cupola approaches a true arch,
a wedge-shaped keystone being set in horizontally to complete a
circle (see plate ix, 2). The structure marked i is 10 feet in height
and consists of two tiers, each of which has four niches so placed
that the upper ones are not immediately above those below. The
lower tier is pierced by an entrance 21 inches wide. The inside of
this building is lined with spalls forming a thin, fairly smooth wall.
The cupola varies in thickness ; its outer diameter is about 1 2 feet,
and the inside, in size as well as in its niches, recalls the basements
of rectangular chullpas found on the peninsula of Huata in Bolivia,
called Chinkana by the Aymara. Around the cupola a stone
casing, like that of the towers, has been erected to an elevation of
six feet, indicating that it was intended as a facing to the rubble
core. An inclined plane 2 1 feet long, 1 2 feet wide, and 6 feet high
(where it abuts against the armor), shows that the structure was
abandoned before completion. The niches are not symmetrical ;

6o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

their height varies from 40 to 44 inches, and other dimensions are
also unequal. Of the probable purpose of this building we shall
treat later.

There is another class of round buildings, and the most numer-
ous of all. They differ from the chullpas described in being far
less elaborate and considerably smaller. Plates viii, 6 ; ix, 1 2, show
two examples. The motive in these is the same as in the towers,
but the outer finish is a coating of white clay, mixed with grass, and
formed in irregular cakes, varying in thickness from two to three
feet according to the structure. One of these ** white towers " is
1 3 feet high and 48 feet in circumference. The interior forms a
vault with rubble walls 8 feet high, 7 feet in diameter below, and
4j^ feet at the top. Where completed, these white towers are
closed above with heavy slabs covered with rubbish and some clay ;
hence there is no neck as in the stone chullpas, and the interior is
an imperfect cupola. We could not detect an opening at the bottom.
The structure rests on a base of well-cut andesite blocks eleven
inches thick, showing that these clay-covered chullpas were erected
by the people who built the other ones, and for a similar purpose.

Some of these white towers stand in the valley near the cliffs
whence the andesite was obtained, and on ridges and slopes round
about. We could not examine any of those farther away from Sil-
lustani, but plates viii, 10 ; ix, 10-12, show the base and section of
one that may be regarded as typical. All that remains of the lower
portion is a circle of rough slabs resting on four upright stones three
feet high. The wall (i i inches thick at the base and 30 inches at
the top) rises ten feet above this circle and is constructed of rudely
superposed slabs coated inside with clay mixed with Puna grass.
The elevation of this structure on stone posts may have been for the
purpose of protecting the contents from moisture, as the bottom of
the valley is sometimes flooded.

The much ruined structures forming group r (plate vii, 3), on the
extreme northeastern spur of Sillustani, are in such condition that
little can be said about them. Most of them appear to have been
circular chullpas of the clay-faced variety. One building may have
been a rudely constructed house of three or four rooms and with
rounded comers. The artifacts found there were potsherds, both

BANDEUER] ABORIGINAL RUINS AT SILLUSTANI, PERU 6 1

of the Cuzco type and of the ruder kind attributed generally to
the Aymara Indians. We also found ckulls of both males and
females, the former artificially flattened frontally.

Finally, on the ridge south of the hacienda, there stand the few
buildings marked p on the general plan (plates vii (3); viii, 12).
In regard to these I do not feel justified in asserting that they are
aboriginal, nor can I affirm the contrary. The walls are built of
roughly broken volcanic stones from 24 to 33 inches wide, laid in
mud. No tradition as to their origin could be obtained, and while
they may have been designed as Indian dwellings, begun and aban-
doned before completion like the others on the plateau, they may
also be of Spanish construction.

With few exceptions, the buildings at Sillustani were unfit for
abode. Only groups o and p (provided the latter are ancient),
and perhaps some of group r, bear the character of dwellings. All
the others, except i, are so constructed as to indicate that they
were designed to shelter and preserve, as carefully as possible,
materials of the nature of which we have no knowledge. Had
it been possible for us to open one or more of the white chull-
pas, we might know something of their contents, but permission
was unobtainable. The belief that valuable objects of metal are
therein concealed is deeply rooted in the minds of the people,
although there is no authentic recollection of the finding of any
** treasure " at Sillustani. Many of the towers were partly torn
down and searched long ago, but no tradition in regard to what was
found in them was obtainable by us. The universal opinion, pub-
lished and unpublished, is that the towers of Sillustani were designed
as sepulchers, burial towers, or funeral monuments, and we held the
same opinion ourselves.

One point is certain : these towers were, so to say, hermetically
closed, or were built with the view of so closing them as soon as
filled. It is also evident that they could not be opened or entered
except with considerable difficulty, and that they were carefully
guarded against such intrusion is shown by their massive construc-
tion. The towers cannot be scaled, and the aperture above is too
small to admit an adult person. The opening below is equally con-
tracted, and if the interior were closely packed it was practically

62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

inaccessible. To break in from the outside was beyond the power
of Indians within a reasonable time. Hence the contents of these
towers must have been of such value to the builders that they ex-
ercised every effort to preserve them, as is evidenced by the mas-
siveness of the walls, the smooth finish which made scaling impos-
sible, and their inverted conical shape. Mortuary monuments they
cannot have been unless, as is generally supposed, they were de-
signed to receive a number of corpses. But the question arises.
How could corpses have been introduced ? The opening above is
entirely too small, and while the aperture below might have given
passage to an Indian of small stature, such a mode of burial is com-
pletely at variance with what is known of the mortuary customs of
both the Quichua and the Aymara ; and to fill the chamber with
dead bodies would have been a very long and arduous task.

A question intimately related to that of the contents of these
towers is that of the builders of the Sillustani structures. There
is no known tradition in which the place is mentioned, and the name
Sillustani nowhere appears in books or documents of the period of
early Spanish colonization. Hence it might be supposed that these
buildings, like those of Tiahuanaco, must be attributed to some
tribe the record of which is lost. Although we search in vain for
data in regard to Sillustani, we meet with positive information con-
cerning a site called Hattin-Colla, This place (or rather Kolla)
lay close to Umayo, and while there exist some ruins there which
Squier has described,^ nowhere in the vicinity are there any of the
type and importance of those at Sillustani. Cieza de Leon, who
visited Hatun-Kolla in 1 540, speaks of it as follows :

"From Pucara to HatuncoUa there are something like fifteen leagues;
in their neighborhood are some villages, as Nicasio, Xullaca and others.
HatuncoUa, in times past, was the chief thing of the Collas . . . and
afterwards the Incas embellished the village with an increased number of
edifices and a great number of depositories, where, by their command,
was put the tribute that was brought from the country around. ' ' . . .'

Garcilasso de la Vega also mentions the construction by the Incas
of edifices at Hatun-Kolla.'

1 Peruy p. 384 et seq.

« Primera Parte de la Crdnica del Peru^ cap. Cll, p. 445.

s Comentarios reales, Primera parte, 1609, lib. ii, cap. xix, f. 45.

BANDELIER] ABORIGINAL RUINS AT SILLUSTANI, PERU 63

Heirera certainly copied Cieza de Leon, and perhaps other
sources of which, as yet, we have no knowledge. He mentions,
although not very clearly, the construction by the Incas of edifices
in what was then called Collasuyu^ and it seems clear that these
structures were in the vicinity of Hatun-Kolla.

The architecture and masonry at Sillustani bear the stamp of
Inca work. They resemble structural remains at Huanuco in central
Peru, on the island of Koati, and also the quadrangular towers of
well-fitted stones at Kalaki on the shores of Lake Titicaca. The
edifices in the latter two localities are clearly of Inca construction —
there is abundant evidence to that effect. In regard to Huanuco
it is stated that the buildings (of large, nicely fitted, and smoothed
blocks) are also of Inca origin. The Indians who inhabited Hatun-
Kolla, before the Inca came in contact with them, built with much
less care and regularity. It is more than likely that by the struc-
tures at Hatun-KoUa those at Sillustani are meant by Cieza. The
two places are very near each other, and the remains of Hatun-
Kolla can not be compared in importance with the former. Hence,
also, it is not improbable that the name Sillustani is comparatively
modem, otherwise Cieza would certainly have known of it, for he
must have seen the ruins when at Hatun-Kolla. Even the white
chuUpas are of Inca origin.'

* Historia general de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y la Tierra firme del
Mar Ociano, 1726, vol. ii, libro il of dec. v, p. 73. The Jesuit Beraab^ Cobo, who
lived in the Peruvian and Bolivian highlands itom 1615 to 1618 (or 1621, if Arequipa is
included in the sierra, by Enrique Torres Saldamando, Los Antiguos Jesuiias del Peru^
Lima, 1885, p. 99), also mentions ancient buildings formerly serving as storage rooms, in
hb Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Sevilla, 1902, vol. ill, lib. XII, cap. xxx, p. 254) :
*< EdiBcaban de ordinario estos dep6sitos i almacenes fuera de poblado, en lugares
altos, frescos y airosos, cerca del camino real, cuyas ruinas vemos hoy al rededor de los
pueblos en los collados y laderas de los cerros ; eran muchas casas cuadradas y pequefias
como aposentos ordinarios, a manera de torrecillas, desviades unas de otras dos i tres
pasos y puestas en hilera con mucho 6rden y proporcion ; en partes eran mas, y en partes
menos, segun la necesidad lo pedia ; . . . A veces eran las hileras de veinte, treinta,
cincuenta, y mas casas, y como estaban en sitios altos y por 6rden, parecian bien, pues
aun lo parecen hoy las paredes que en algunas partes estan en pi6 y tan enteras que no
les falta m4s que el techo. El asenta en lugares altos estos dep6sitos lo hacian los Indios
para que lo que en ellos se guardaba estuviese defendido de las aguas y humedad y seguro
de toda corrupcion." Cobo also speaks of larger and smaller depositos^ but does not
mention circular ones.

* Cieza, Primer a Parte, p. 429 : << Enlo que llaman Guanuco habia una cassa real de
admirable edificio, porque les piedras eras grandes y estaban muy solidamente asentadas.''

64 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

I would also add that the lai^er proportion of the potsherds
found are of the type of Cuzco pottery, which is sui generis among
Peruvian and Bolivian ceramics. This is another indication in favor
of the assumption that the builders of Sillustani were Incas.

Stone towers as military constructions are not common among
the ruins of Peru and Bolivia. There are a few on the coast, in
positions indicating that they were lookouts. It is manifest that those
at Sillustani were not for observation, still less for residence. They
must have been intended for either burial-towers or store-houses.

The Aymara Indians sometimes buried their dead in structures,
resembling quadrangular one-story towers, built of mud and rubble,^
also of cakes of clay mixed with straw, just as are the walls of the
white chullpas. Rectangular, but not circular, chullpas are very
numerous on the Bolivian tableland, and in our examination of
hundreds of them we invariably found that they had simply been
the dwellings of the people, whose only building materials are stone
and mud, for wood is entirely beyond reach in those vast treeless
expanses. But the Aymara, like the forest tribes on the eastern
slope of the cordillera, in the great basin of the Beni, to this day,
formerly buried their dead beneath the floors of their dwellings^ con-
tinuing to live directly over the remains of their departed. Even when
a chullpa becomes deserted, it is still used for burial. A certain
number of the white chullpas at Sillustani are completed and still
absolutely closed, hence were not used as dwellings. The Incas
buried their dead in a sitting posture, and separately. Moreover,

He also mentions : «y habia dep6sitos 7 aposentos de los ingas, muy bastecidos." It
should be observed that the tendency of the Spanish chroniclers is to attribute to the Incas
all edifices that are unusually well finished. Garcilasso de la Vega (Histoire des Incas,
vol. II, p. 274) says in regard to Hu&nuco : '' lis y fondirent une Maison de Vierges
choisies." Herrera {Historia general, vol. Ill, dec. vil, lib. iv, p. 69) copies Cieza,
adding slightly to the exaggerations of the latter and of Garcilasso. See also Squier,
Peru, pp. 215-216 et seq.

> Cieza (Primera Parte, p. 443) describes clearly the chullpas of the Collao. " Por
las vegas y llanos cerca de les pueblos estaban las sepulturas destes indios hechas como
pequeftas torres de quatro esquinas, unas de piedra sola y otras de piedra y tierra, algunas
anchas y otras angostas ; en fin, como tenian la posibilidad las personas que las edificaban.
Los chapiteles de algunos estaban cubiertos con paja, otros con unas losas grandes ; y pare-
d6me que tenian las puertas estas sepulturas hacia la parte de levante.'' Cieza did not
examine closely the structures he describes, not having time for it ; yet it is clear that he
did not mean the edifices at Sillustani.

BANDKUER] ABORIGINAL RUINS AT SILLUSTANI, PERU 6$

as above pointed out, the corpses could not have been placed in the
towers from above, and from below it would have been a most tedi-
ous and difficult task to fill the chamber with squatting dead through
the tiny doorways, which seem to be made rather for taking out
small objects. The open space in the second tier afforded neither
shelter nor convenience for human remains.

The statement by Cieza that the Inca erected depositaries near
Hatun-Kolla is significant. The Sillustani buildings cannot have
been anything else but such depositories. There is no evidence of
their having been depositories of the dead, and such was not the
mode of burial either of the Aymara or of the Cuzco people ; hence
if they were depositories, it was of stores. The tribute which the
Inca obtained on the tableland consisted of what could be raised on
it, that is, potatoes (made into chufiu), oca^ quinua, and a little maize.
The bottle-shaped interior of the chullpas is as if made for receiving
just such produce. A chullpa could readily be filled from above with
chuiiu and the like by pouring it through the orifice, and when the
stores had to be used they could as easily be extracted from the
small opening afler removal of the block which closed it.

To those not familiar with the country and with the mode of
life of its aborigines, it may seem improbable that such elaborate
structures should have been erected simply for preserving potatoes
and other produce, but before the Spanish colonization, and even
to-day, food was and is much more important to the Indians in these
cold and barren regions than what now is called treasure. The Inca
had no standard medium of exchange, no currency or " money."
Gold and silver were less indispensable to them than potatoes,
quinua, and other products, for they could use the former only for
decoration and as ceremonial offerings, whereas they depended on the
vegetables for subsistence. Sillustani, therefore, as Cieza indicates,
consisted of a cluster of storehouses erected by the Inca within the
Aymara range for preserving tribute. From the Aymara of Hatun-
Kolla the Inca had nothing to fear, and against extensive depreda-
tion the massive character of the storage tower was sufficient pro-
tection, so that it was not even necessary to guard or garrison the
site. Such Inca magazines were established at intervals through-
out Peru and they were always associated with buildings of a cere-
monial character.

AM. A1«TM., N. S., 7-5

66 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

To these latter the structure marked i (plates vii (3); ix, i, 2)
must be referred. Its niches, its smaller size and larger entrance,
make it appear as an Inca place of worship. On the peninsula of
Huata, in Bolivia, there are structures with an analogous interior plan,
but they are built underground, beneath square towers of Inca make.
These ckinkanas, as the Aymara call them, therefore appear to have
been storage houses and chapels combined. At Sillustani a sub-
terranean structure was out of the question. Building i was a place
of worship such as we are told (with much exaggeration as to size
and decoration) everywhere accompanied Inca storehouses.

The white towers are also of Inca construction. They could
have been much more rapidly built than the towers of stone, and it
is therefore possible that they were erected as temporary store-
houses until the more solid ones were ready for use. The quad-
rangular structures were in part magazines also, and in part (as o
and possibly p) dwellings. There was no need of permanent mili-
tary occupancy of the site. Inca ** garrisons " nowhere were kept,
not even in the great refuge-place of Cuzco, the Sacsahuaman,

As already stated, work at Sillustani was interrupted and aban-
doned for some cause or other and never resumed. This may
have been in consequence of the appearance of the Spaniards at
Cuzco in 1534, but it is more likely that the abandonment occurred
before or during the time that warfare between the Inca of Quito
and those of Cuzco had thrown in confusion everything in the south.
Under any circumstance it is probable that work on the edifices was
begun in the second half of the fifteenth century and abandoned
in the first third of the sixteenth.^

We have yet to consider another class of structures — those
marked q on plates vii (3); viii, 12, of which there exist a group of

1 The series of Inca head war-chiefs becomes positive only with Tupac Yupanqui, the
third from the last (counting Huascar as the last and ignoring Ata Hualpa, who was an In.
dian from Quito). Previous to Tupac Yupanqui there is contradiction and confusion among
the chroniclers and in the traditions. Tupac Yupanqui subjugated the Collas, or, what is
just as likely, they confederated, in his time, with the Cuzco tribe. This took place in
the second half of the fifteenth century. To him also are attributed the buildings said
to have existed at or near Hatun-KoIIa. The appearance of the Quito warriors at Cuzco
and the great confusion occasioned thereby among the Incas occurred a few years prior
to 1 53 1, when Pizarro landed on the Peruvian coast. Quotations are superfluous, the facts
being too well established.

eUlLEMNQ BLOCK AND QUADRANGULAR STRUCTURE

BANDDJER] ABORIGINAL RUINS AT SILLUSTANI, PERU 67

four at the foot of the cliff on which the largest chullpa {a) stands,
while an isolated one is on the slope of the northeastern promontory.
These are called inH-huatana, translated *' place where the sun is
tied up." Leaving aside etymology, it first strikes one that these
circles are on the flanks instead of on the plateau, where they might
be expected if designed for astronomical purposes. It is also singular
that they are not truly circular (see plate vii, figure i) ; indeed^
they do not even approach geometrical accuracy. The " circle "
proper is formed by upright slabs, little worked if at all. The total
length of the curve from ^ to/is 84 feet, and the average height of
the stones three feet. Around this " circle " was a ring of handsomely
cut slabs laid flat and having an aggregate width of about two feet.
Most of this stone ring is destroyed, but what remains distinctly
shows a tendency to ornamentation (plate vii, i, 2). The entrance
{b\ with its upright stone-posts (r, d), is a little more than two feet
wide, and the well-cut block in front of it has two low steps. The
whole is not symmetrical, but is fairly accurate for work done by
"rule of thumb."

It is difficult to understand how such contrivances as these cir-
cles, situated as they are, and of such inaccuracy in form, could
have been of use for astronomical purposes. It is conceivable that
a slender cone (tall as at Cacha, or a mere stub as at Pisac) might
have been serviceable for approximately determining equinoxes by
noting the days when the sun shed its full light on the top about
noontime ; but, aside from the fact that it is very doubtful if the
Indians of Peru ever paid much attention to the equinoxes,* the
** circles" at Sillustani exhibit nothing to indicate that they could
have been used for such a purpose.

It is equally difficult to conceive that the circular structures could
have had other than a ceremonial object, but what rites were per-
formed within them can only be conjectured. There are a number
of such circles, less carefully built, on the height called Kajopi,
above the village of Huata in Bolivia. Kajopi is 1,600 feet above

^ The equinoxes are not well marked by meteorological phenomena in the highlands
of Peru and Bolivia. The Indians barely pay attention to them, whereas the solstices
are more easily noted. What Garcilasso and others say of ceremonies performed at the
time of the equinoxes must be taken with allowance.

68 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

Lake Titicaca, toward which it descends in partly vertical cliffs.
The top is to-day a resort for wizards, and the circles (which, be it
said, lie entirely on the inclines and therefore could not have been of
any use for astronomical determinations) are regarded with super-
stitious dread, offerings constantly being made there. The circles
at Sillustani consequently seem to have been for some sacrificial
purpose, and as such I shall regard them until evidence to the con-
trary is presented. These and the small building (i) appear to have
been the only structures at Sillustani designed for ceremonial use.

Sillustani, therefore, presents the characteristics not of some
ruin of very ancient date but of a cluster of buildings reared by and for
the Inca of Cuzco for storage, and not earlier than the latter part of
the sixteenth century. Few of the better constructed edifices are
finished. The general condition, the evidences of mechanical con-
trivances for hoisting, the building stones abandoned by the road-
side while under transportation, all prove that the work suddenly
ceased for some cause unknown, but which was not necessarily
the appearance of the Spaniards. Sillustani is perhaps one of
the most instructive sites at which can be studied the strides made
by the Inca in the art of building. The ceremonial structures, espe-
cially /, are of particular interest as the best-preserved specimens of
Inca religious architecture thus far examined.

QUADRANOULAR STRUCTUne AND WHITE TOWERS

AN OJIBWAY CEREMONY
By D. I. BUSHNELL, Jr

During the afternoon of October 5, 1899, while making a
canoe trip on the lakes and streams of northern Minnesota and
Hunter's island, Canada, I was enabled to witness an interesting
ceremony of the Ojibways, held at one of their small settlements
on the shore of Basswood lake. The boundary line between
Canada and the United States passes through this lake, but whether
the settlement was situated to the north or to the south of the
border I was unable to ascertain.

The site of the village was well chosen, being situated on rising
ground at the head of a small bay, protected from the northern and
western winds by dense underbrush and timber. The wigwams
were of two forms, circular and oval ; all were constructed of strips
of birch-bark attached to a framework of poles, the lower ends of
which were planted in the ground. On the shore were twelve
birch-bark canoes, only two of which were decorated — one with
seven vermilion spots, about four inches in diameter, along each
side ; the other with four crosses painted in blue, one on either side
of each end. Toward the east, not more than a hundred yards
away, were a number of graves with their peculiar box-like covers
of hewn logs.

Beyond the wigwams, a short distance from the lake shore, was
the site selected by the Indians for their ceremony. It had first
been cleared of brush and grass, then a circle of pine and cedar
boughs, some forty feet in diameter and two or three feet high, had
been formed. The circle had only one opening or entrance, which
was toward the south. A few feet from the entrance, toward the
east, on the outer edge of the circle, a rudely carved wooden rep-
resentation of a kingfisher, the totem of the sub-chief who resided
there, had been placed on the top of a tamarack pole twelve or fif-
teen feet high. The center of the circle was occupied by a large

70 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

drum surrounded by several men and boys who beat it in unison
and with great vigor.

Within the circle a single row of mats had been 'placed on the
ground next to the pine and cedar boughs. The men were seated
on the western, the women and children on the eastern side. A
pine log, the seat of honor, was placed on the northeastern side, and
upon it sat the old sub-chief, Wahg^stkeemunsit, who was later
joined by my guide, Eniwewdhah.

Near the entrance stood a young man, who acted as master of
ceremonies, to whom I shall refer as Keezhik. He held a piece of
buckskin, about two or three feet in size, one side of which was
covered with large eagle feathers placed in rows. Attached to two
comers were strips of skin three feet or more in length and an inch
in width. This apron, for such it closely resembled, was called
chippeezung by the Ojibways. As the ceremony progressed it be-
came evident that Keezhik alone was intrusted with the care of the
feather-covered apron, which appeared to have been highly prized
and so cared for that as each dance was finished it was hastily re-
turned to him.

All being in readiness, the boys and men, several in number,
began beating the drum, and the young man carrying the chippee-
zung entered the circle and, passing from left to right, stopped
before the first woman to the left of the sub-chief. She immedi-
ately jumped up and assisted him in fastening the apron around her
waist, allowing it to hang down behind. As soon as it was in
position the woman commenced to dance, and immediately two men
who were sitting opposite her arose. They then danced round
the circle four times, always remaining separated and never touching
one another. When the dancer stopped at her seat within the
circle, the woman to her left assisted in removing the chippeezung
and immediately carried it to Keezhik, who during the dance
remained standing near the entrance to the circle.

The next ten or fifteen minutes were devoted to talking and
laughing ; apparently all were enjoying the event.

Suddenly the drumming was resumed and the sound of voices
ceased, for the ceremony was to be repeated. Keezhik entered
the circle and, passing from left to right, stood before the woman to

iHffliii] -A^ OJIBWAY CEREMONY Jt

^ left of the one wrho had previously danced. She arose and as-
istcd in listening the strings of the chippeczung around her waist
The suae two men ivho had danced before repeated the peHbr-
nance, and all passed round the drum four times. When the woman
■topped at her place, the one next to her, toward the entrance,
untied die chippeezung^ and carried it to Keezhik. After five or
ten minutes' intermission the ceremony was repeated, and thus it
continued until ax women had danced. At one time a young girl
danced, but as she was rather small the chippeezui^ would have
touched the ground had it been tied around her waist ; hence it
vas fastened around her neck and hung down in front

All the Indians present with the exception of Eniweweihah
were said to have belonged to the clan which has for its totem the
longfisber — no others were expected to participate in the cere-
mony. In other words, the Kingfisher people were holding a
reunion. It was therefore considered by Eniweweihah a great
honor to be invited by Wahgistkeemunsit to dance, and still
greater was the honor to have Wahgistkeemunsit tie with his own
hands the strings of the chippeezung. He then danced as had the
others. During the dance all who passed round the circle did so
from left to right, that is with their tight side toward the drum.
During every dance one or more would sing or chant.

Eniweweihah was the last to dance, and when he had returned
to his seat upon the log, Wahgistkeemunsit arose and, taking a step
forward, addressed the gathering. While he spoke no other sound
was heard. Although an old man, his voice was strong and clear ;
his gestures were few but gracefully made ; his bearing was that of
a leader accustomed to commanding respect and attention. Al-
though the writer understood but few of his words, it was appar-
ent that those who fully understood him were greatly impressed.
All Fcmained attentive listeners, hardly taking their eyes from him
while he stood before them.

Later I was informed by Eniweweihah of the purport of the
speech. First he had spoken of their blessings and misfortunes
since they had met during the previous autumn ; of the friend s who
had died during that interval ; then he expressed his desire and
l»ope that all present might come together again, and he asked

72 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

them to seek their friends and bring them when they returned the
following autumn. He hoped all might be prosperous and well
during the coming seasons, and that they might be spared to meet
again.

Keezhik then entered the circle, bearing two large copper ket-
tles with their contents steaming. He had taken them from the
larger of the long wigwams, in which they had been prepared by
several old women whom I afterward saw. By the time Keezhik
had placed the kettles on the mat before the log seat and removed
the covers, every man, woman, and child within the circle had pro-
duced either a tin plate or a sheet of birch-bark upon which to re-
ceive his portion of the food. Wahgistkeemunsit was the first to be
served ; after him came Eniweweihah, then the men, boys, women,
and young children in the order named. All remained seated, and
Keezhik passed from one to another until every person was served.
One of the kettles contained moose meat and rice boiled together
until very thick ; the other held a stew of dried blueberries. We
left while they were still within the circle enjoying their repast.

A few days later the settlement was again visited, when we
found that after the conclusion of the ceremonies many of the In-
dians had returned to their homes on the lakes to the north and
west, so that few remained at the scene of the recent gathering. It
was observed, however, that Wahgistkeemunsit and six or seven
others who had been within the circle during the dance, were pres-
ent within the largest wigwam, the interior of which presented an
interesting aspect. It was more spacious than structures of that
type usually are, being some eighteen feet in length and probably
half as wide. Along the central line on the ground were four small
fires, the smoke from which found egress through an opening at the
top. The several women present were making moccasins of buck-
skin, and the men were equally busy smoking their pipes. Some
well-made mats were spread on the ground near the walls, forming
seats for all.

In one comer of the wigwam was the drum which had been
used during the dance. This consisted of an ordinary wooden tub,
about thirty inches in diameter and two feet deep, over which a

BUSHNELL] AN OJIBWAY CEREMONY 73

piece of untanned moose hide had been stretched and dried. The
outside of the tub, or drum, was covered with pieces of cloth of dif-
ferent colors, and around the upper edge was a heavy fringe of
colored yam. Attached to the cloth covering were four bags or
pouches, measuring five by seven inches, which faced the cardinal
points when the drum was in use. The designs worked in colored
bands upon the bags were very interesting. The decoration on the
bag toward the east was a kingfisher encircled by a floral design.
According to their legends, the clan having the kingfisher for its
totem formerly lived in the eastern part of the country, near the
"great water," for which reason the kingfisher bag was placed on
the drum so as to face the east. The bag on the southern side was
decorated with the figure of a man worked in white beads, because,
they say, the first white man to visit them came from the south.
The bag toward the west had four figures worked in blue beads,
three men and one woman, but it was not possible for the writer
to ascertain the meaning of this design. The figure on the bag to
the north represented a man in red beads, and according to Eniwe-
weihah referred to the " fire in the north," the aurora borealis.

At the intermediate points between the cardinal directions as rep-
resented by the bags, that is, toward the northeast, southeast, south-
west, and northwest, were sticks, four feet high, stuck into the
ground against the drum. A few inches from them, away from the
drum, where four others, slightly higher, with the upper part bent
outward and with several small brass bells fastened on the concave
side. Each of the eight sticks was covered with mink skin. The
sticks used in beating the drum were somewhat more than two feet
in length ; their handles were of smooth, plain wood, and to the
other end were attached rolls of mink skin five or six inches in
length. When the drum was struck a muffled sound was produced.
The writer succeeded in obtaining two of the four beaded bags, but
they were not removed from the drum until the women had made
exact drawings of each on pieces of birch-bark, probably to enable

them to make others to take their places.

Florence, Italy,
November, 1904.

A TALE IN THE HUDSON RIVER INDIAN

LANGUAGE

By J. DYNELEY PRINCE

The following text is philologically of the utmost importance,
because in it we have what is probably the last echo of the lan-
guage formerly used by the Mohican Indians whose original habitat
was along the shores of our own Hudson river.

It is well known that an extensive body of these people was
settled for many years at Stockbridge, Mass., where Jonathan Ed-
wards, Jr, studied and practically mastered their speech.^ The mem-
bers of this sub-tribe were first transferred from Stockbridge to a
New York reservation, thence to Kansas, and have now found
their final resting place on the so-called Stockbridge Reservation
at Red Springs, Wisconsin, where some four hundred survivors
still reside. Driven from one place to another among alien races
as they have been, it is indeed surprising that there still remain
members of the colony who know anything of their earlier lan-
guage. A few of them, however, all old men and of failing mem-
ory, can still speak Mohican, and it was from one of these aged
members that Mr J. F. Estes, an educated Dakota Indian with no
knowledge of the Mohican language, obtained for me the following
text and free translation. With the exception of the few broken
words gathered by Mr Frank G. Speck in Kent, Litchfield county.
Conn., this is apparently the only printed specimen extant of the
modem Mohican idiom. Mr Speck's material I have codified and
analyzed in our joint paper " Dying American Speech Echoes from
Connecticut" * I regard it as most fortunate, therefore, that I have
been able to obtain this longer connected specimen of a language
which is historically so interesting and which in a few years' time
will be quite extinct

^See Pilling, Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages ^ s. v. J. £kl wards, Jr.
and J. Sergeant.

^Proc Amer. Philos. Soc., xui, pp. 346-352.

PRINCX] HUDSON RIVER INDIAN LANGUAGE 75

Mr Estes has written out the tale in the Dakota system of or-
thography, the key to which is as follows :

a =B ah. H sss the French nasal -n,

^ as in English. 0, p, as in English.

c =s ch. /* =» the voiceless tenuis.

r ^t sh, ras in English (I question the exis-

^ as in English. tence of r in modem eastern

e = ay, Algonquian).

g like English hard g, s always hard as in safe.

^ as in English. / as in English.

^* =s a soft aspirated guttural. /* = the voiceless tenuis.

/ as ee. th as in thin,

j\ k, as in English. » as in the proper English pronun-

h' s the voiceless tenuis. ciation of rude,

m, n, as in English. w, y (consonantal) as in English.

There are undoubtedly faults of transcription in the text, chiefly
owing to the fact, as Mr Estes has pointed out to me, that his
Mohican narrator was old and toothless and consequently most
difficult to follow. On the whole, however, as will appear from the
following etymological analysis, the words are given so correctly
that I have been able to identify nearly all of them by a comparison
with kindred dialects, chiefly with those of the Lenape, the Canadian
Abenaki, the extinct Massachusetts Natick, and occasionally by
means of the idioms of the eastern Passamaquoddy and Micmac.
The Mohican dialect herein given bears close resemblance to the
Munsee dialect as still used at Hagersville, Ontario.^ The differences
between this Mohican dialect and the Munsee language are about
the same in degree as those which exist between Dutch and High
German. The Mohican was evidently a branch of the Munsee and
stands related in a lesser degree to the kindred Lenape idiom of
Brinton's Lenape Dictionary^ which I have been able to use, how-
ever, in most cases in my identifications.

There is something peculiarly melancholy in the thought that
we probably have in this text the last specimen of the tongue
which was heard for centuries in the neighborhood of New York

1 Cf. Prince, Notes on the Modem Minsi- Dialect, Amer. Joura. Fhilol., xxi, pp.
295-302 ; A Modem Delaware Tale, Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., XLI, pp. 20-34.

76 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

City and along the shores of the great Maik'anetuk, or ' Mohican
river/ as the original inhabitants called the Hudson.

Mohican Text

/. Gut'e withk'enowak mdwe P'ip'tnat'owak ponak k'otawe ni thipo
Maik'anet'uk, Ait'an gatndu- P'ip*tnat'it', Gut-e wafikmau mdwe
P'tp'Mdt'owak. Psukp^hdnatn gwtece dan hotawdHsman not'ek'dk. Kne
ph'dnam ph'aktdmo. Ami-kseih't'art'a nin ph-ak'ek'wat-an ne t-ane
t'awdk'wuk ne waace kteP'anank ne t-awdk-wukntu wicok niswa namedo
awdne nebiik. K'oseeh't'at-a wosak'k'amonman, OnamidH sok'wd-
awak wawM'han wici maat'ik.

II, Kne andmatho ne wikwafimahk, AupadH nimdna wawM'han
ame ten naHampp-nan nawdH ne nip-aakwendayerk, Kne paeondit'ita
P'ip'mauwinnowdk. Kne awot'aflndnwan nimand k'adk'waemaa naam-
iet'ak' ne waHk-amak, Kne saHdHwa waspowdk nemanadk wici ne
p-aakwenaaySrk, Kne awot'aflnawan ph-dnman pseek'dnc k'iiwa k'ce
P'ot'a, P' tit 'in maawe ningdano ne p'aak'wenaayirk, Kne saHahwd
wdspo andmatho ne paakwenaaySrk. Kne arame outhdme p'k'atindk
erst'd k'ise waamahk P'dawe. Kne ne maftsdHt-aman ne p-ihwahdk,
Kne aan nitaao ne-ien-p'iciikwthin P'ikwah'k'woerk,

III, Mdace P'ic'ikwthiit'a op'ot'awdH cinwaaciik wawtet-an ani-
n&omp'nan nan naawaH. Kne op 'ot'awdn pask'owdn nemdnan ou-wSenan
aniwithit' ouwanthdk -amwok wadeao mah 'okwaawinjannak, Kne mdacino
st'aHmiik'ao mdawe ciit'tni, Kne mdacino nethwak nemdnak ne nihafi-
P'ak bwak ph 'dnam maa knamedflna, Na ph *dnam adt st-adtwahaHmaflk
dyiwi, Kne owakp'eet'at' no aut-ap'inno P'ek'wah'k'wok, Kne pask-o
mat' ok awdau oundt't'ookwun nan ph'dnman, Kne ou erst'd no out'-
ap'P'ewan, Kne anamithwak. Kne ciit'mih'ein ph'dnam dan awaH-
thith, Erstd gut* c'iinwawe kanet'Pek'ak.

IV, Kne kaawanp' at 'afipank'cikwtho ph'dnam. Andmatho wawief
an ararnS kakh'ikammih'ak ounae. No wici k'eseam saHpeetawaH sek'-
wiot'ke nuuci thafip'ein nihafipao at-anakaHtak at'aHnakoma, Kne than-
dftwa out'dnwanaanayak, AnS maaceaflafimdHknowicawotp'ane. Kne
wdiawau anamafinak'ammau k'akse naci withhenbwa dine-amowat-et'
waac'tdm mok'wamp'dk pafit'it' thafiwamooce wacii P'afU'it' nokmamici
anaik'ik' sikwiafit- it no ph'dnman, Kni-maacino ph'dnmak dap'okkaflk
wac'ein met'thondiit-it' paeondiit-iit-a,

V, Kne maawe nok mok'wamp'dk kp'aothwdk wek'wameek'bk danwa
ph'dnam aflh'odho wdceam erstd nameafimok, Erstd meek-ao paeondo-
wdk ; kanwapaak wdiyawau out'aHna mUt'thondiikw thafhva mat'thon-

PRINCX] HUDSON RIVER INDIAN LANGUAGE 77

dowak. Kne wdiyawau anet^aHafUa kithpundowdk, Kne ni-ut'an wa
nemdnaa ap^it. Kne ouk'tutcimonan ; k'ak'wai kHnin ne kmah'okwao'
wenjanf Kne aut'afinan haakwail Amoskw nathak'amok'tinn. Kne
ph'anman ktafikcako autanan : kaHkna waahiflyaH ktaftnamokwin, Kne
kawamo P'osko, Kne maawe kt'aHkcawak amusok'wanawaH, Kne
p^askawan anao imthk'enawan mawe amaama wdyawau ama kmrndna-
mak mawe kwana. And niya nimdnamak erstadm geese-k'wanatuik.
Awayethdk art okat't'am maflwaH nemdnama.

Translation

I. Once on a time some young men went hunting in the winter up
river on the Mohican river (Hudson river). That was where they always
hunted. One day all were hunting. One woman alone and her child
were in the camp. Then the woman was hulling com. When she was
washing the hulled com at the spring, where the spring comes out of the
mountain, she saw some persons in the water. She was washing her com
when she saw them painted and she knew that was for evil (/. e., a bad
sign).

II. Then she went to where they (her party) were camping. She
awaited the men (for) she knew that they were to be attacked that very
night. Then when the men came, then she told the men what she had
seen that day. Then they prepared — the men did — for that night.
Then they said to the woman : '' Do your best ; do you go away and try
to save (yourself). Perhaps we shall all be killed this night." Then,
because it was so very dark, she could not go a great way. Then this
(woman) remembered a certain hollow log. So she thought, "I will
crawl into that hollow log. * '

III. After she was within, she heard them fighting (and) she knew
that they were attacked. Then she heard one man call him (her hus-
band) by name (and say), " The dog has bitten my thiunb." Then not
long afterward all became quiet. After that two men came (and) they
said, " We certainly saw a woman. That woman cannot be a great way
off.'* Then they said, "Perhaps she is inside this hollow log." One
of them used a stick, feeling with it inside for the woman. Then he
said, "She is not inside." So they went away. Then the woman and
her child lay quite still. Not once did she make a sound the whole night
through.

IV. Then, as soon as the dawn came, the woman crawled out. She
went where she knew a cross-cut. For this reason she was able to head
off the murderers (and) she got to her home and people before they

78 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

arrived. Then she told what had happened to her people ; that all were
killed who had gone with her. Then the chief sent all the young men
around to notify the warriors that they should come at once. Those bad
people had murdered the husband of that woman. Right after this, the
women cooked (food) so that they (the murderers) might eat when they
arrived.

V. Then all those warriors shut themselves up in the wigwams and the
woman hid herself, so that they could not see her. Not long afterward
they came ; when they arrived, the chief said, " Eat ye,** and they ate.
Then the chief thought that they had eaten enough. So he went to
where the man (murderer) was sitting. Then he asked him, "What
have you (what is the matter) with your thumb?** And he said,
" What? Why a beaver bit me.** But the woman sprang out and said,
* * You liar, my husband bit you ! * * Then someone uttered the war-whoop.
Then they (the hidden warriors) all jumped out and scalped them. Then
(the chief) said to one of the young men, "Go tell the chief (of the
murderer's clan) and say, 'Come bury your men.* ** He (the chief)
said to him, " My men I cannot bury. The wild animals have eaten my
men up.**

Analysis '

I. GuT'E ' once * = Pass, neqt ' one * (see below, § I. ). Withken-
OWAK * young men * =5 withke * young * ( Abn. uski ; Oj. oshkt) + linno
'man *; Munsee withkeelno (see Prince, P. A. Ph. S. xli, 27). MAwe
' all* a metathesis for Del. wemi. P-ip'MAT-owak * they hunt *; cf. Abn.
piVtna ' shoot * ; N. pummau ' shoot. ' Ponak seems to mean ' in winter,*
although my translator gives it ' in the north *; cf, Abn. pebdn * winter.*
K-OT'AWE 'up there* = N. kuhkuhqueau 'he ascends.* Ni (dem. pr.)
'that* B= Abn. ni 'that.* Th^po =s Abn. sipOy a common Algonquian
word. Maik'ANET-uk ' the Mohican river * or 'the Hudson*; cf. ND.
p. 315, Mohicanniiuck ' Hudson.* Note that -t-uky = Abn. -iukw ' river.'
Ait -AN ' where * same element as Abn. tdni ; N. uttiyeu ' where.' GamAu
'always* =s Del.^«^^»i««/i* 'always.* P-ip-mat-it- 'they hunt,* relative
form, 3d pers., pi. Gut-e waSkmau 'one day*; Abn. nguddog' niwi

1 The following abbreviations have been used : Abn = Abenaki ; the material
for this language is drawn from Prince, Abenaki- English Dictionary (not yet pub.
lished); Del. = Delaware ; D. Lex. = Brinton, A Len&pe- English Dictionary, Fhila.,
1889 ; Narr. = Narragansett ; Roger Williams, Key into the Language of America ;
N.=Natick; ND. = J. Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, Washington, 1903 ; P. A. Ph. S.
= Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society; Pass = Passamaquoddy (material
from Prince's collections); Peq. = Pequot, discussed at length by Prince and Speck, Am^
Anthrop.^ v, pp. 193-212; vi, 18-45, and Speck, Am. Anthrop,, vii, pp. 469-476.

PRINCE] HUDSON RIVER INDIAN LANGUAGE 79

'one day.* Psuk 'one*=Abn. pazego, patekw 'one.* Ph'Anam
' woman/ found only in Abn. fhanetn. That this is a real Mohican word
is seen in De Forest, Indians of Connecticut^ ^pp*9 P* 49i» where the form
fghainoom is given. It is probably connected by metathesis with the
stem meaning 'split/ i. e., vulvcy seen in Del. ochqeuy Pass, and Micmac
ipity Oj. ikwcy and also with Narr. and Pequot squaw «> ^ -4- qua. I
think p-h* in ph'dnam is a metathesis of k{p')'W{h') in the words just
cited. GwfeECE 'alone/ probably cognitive with N. wukse 'alone*
(ND. p. 270). Is the gw- the same element as in gut-c ' one * ? Dan
'and* t= Abn. ta. HoxAw'AfJsMAN 'her child.* I think Estes wrote
hot' for wot-y i. e., the w- of the 3d pers. prefix + the intercalated / be-
fore a vowel ; cf. Abn. wd-awdssisma. The »»-element is the possessive
suffix and the final -n is probably the obviative ending as Pass. •/, -a in Abn.
Not-ek-Ar seems to mean ' alone *; cf. Abn. nodega^ and not ' in camp *
(so Estes). It is perhaps a redundancy for gwSece, Kne 'then * must
contain the element k- = Abn. ga + «/, i. e., Abn. ni-ga * then * (ga-ni).
Ph'AKtAmo 'she hulls com* is probably cogn. with N. wuh-hogkom-
minecuh ' corn-husks. * ARNfe =s the relative ' when. * There is probably
no r in this dialect (?)* I think this is Abn. aii = am. See s. v.
ARARNEy § II. Perhaps this is the same element as Abn. t-dni ' when * ?
KsEiH'T'ARTA ' she washing* » D. geschiechton 'to wash* and Abn.
katebcLaWmuk 'one washes.* The -r- is superfluous here =» -ata^ i. e.,
the ending of 3d pers. overhanging -iz, seen in Abn. piVrnddid-a ' when
they shoot.* Nin is the inanimate pi. of ni ' that/ and agrees with the
following word. Ph-ak-ek-wat-an 'husks of com/ with inanimate pi.
-an; cf. Pass. -«/. Ne t-ane is simply Abn. ni dali 'there* (lit. 'at
that*); 1^=- n zs\u the inan. pi. T'awakwuk contains the element
seen in N. tohkekom 'running water.* This is a cogn. of the stem of
Abn. tego 'wave* and -tukw 'river.* See above Maikanet-uk, § I.
Waac'E-ktep'ANank ' it emerges.* Waace is simply Abn. wajiy uji ' out
of* and ktep-anank = D. ktschin * go out *; cf. Prince P. A. Ph. S., xli,
p. 33. Niu, lit. ni * that * and u ' this * is a strong dem. pronoun.

1 In Abenaki the consonants are pronounced as in English and the vowels as in
Italian, except d^ which is the French nasal -on. In Delaware, Brinton has followed the
German system of phonetics. In Narragansett and Natick, Williams and Trumbull have
used the English system of spelling. In Passamaquoddy and Pequot the consonants and
▼owels are to be pronounced as in Abenaki.

The existence of r in modem eastern Algonquian is very doubtful. Mr Speck found
a pure initial r in his broken Connecticut dialect of the Stockbridge Mohican in the word
rtUig * crushed com.' This, however, is an evident archaism and not to be taken as a
correct specimen of spoken Mohican (see Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., XLii, p. 350.).

{

8o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

Wicx>K, locative of wico * mountain ' a Abn. wq/o, a common Algon-
quian word. Niswa * then * = Abn. m'-sawa, a usual resumptive ' then
indeed.* Nameao * she sees ' = Abn. w^namid, Pass. w*nsmia ' he (she)
sees.' AwAne should be awanen with obviative ending -«. Cf. D.
auwen^ Abn. awani 'someone.' NebiIr *in the water* = Abn. n^btk,
K-ASEEH-T-AT'A ' while Washing ' ; * while * is expressed by overhanging -a.
See above kseth't-art-a, Wosak-k-amonman 'her com' = Abn. ska-
mdnal ; OA. skam&n ' com ' and N. mesunkquammineash ' husks. ' The
ending -an is inan. pi. OnamiAR 'she sees it' or 'them,' with definite
ending -aH, cf. Abn. vfndmid 'he sees him.' . Sok-wAawak 'them
painted'; cf. Narr. wumckwhbmtnen 'he paints it.' Waw^et-han 'she
knows it'; cf. Abn. uwawawindwd 'they know him.' Wicfe 'for'
= Abn. wajiy Pass, weji 'for.' MAAT-feK = Abn. tnajiy N. matche^ D.
machtit ' bad, ill, evil. '

II. AnAmatho 'she went' = D. allumsin 'he goes away,' with th
for s. WiKWAfiMASK ' the place of abode,' from root wik, Cf. Abn. wig-
wdm ' dwelling,' and see below, § V. AupaAS ' she awaits ' = D. pehowen
' wait. ' NiM Ana ' men ' ; the old Mohican word for ' man ' was nema-
naoo ; cf. De Forest, op, cit.^ p. 491. ArnI:-ien seems to be ante + the
suffix -/>«. Na!}amp*p*nan I cannot explain. NAwAS=sAbn. ;ia«/a 'then.*
NiP-AAKWENAAVfeRK ' that Same night * = Abn. nibdiwi; D. nipahwi 'in
the night.* Paeonditit-a ' when they came * ('when they ' = iHt-a) ;
cf. D. paan^ Abn. paid ' come.' Awot-afindnwan ' she told them ' prob-
ably contains stem of aan (see below) with intercalated dental. K'ad-
k'wae ' what * =s Abn. kagui, Pass, kekw^ Del. kolku. Note the metathe-
sis in N. teagua 'what.' Maa NAMfeET'AT- 'what she had seen.' This
maa may be the sign of the past, seen in N. mahche ' already ' (cf. also
Prince, Pequot glossary, Am. Anthrop., vi, 36). NAMfeEX-AT- is the in-
animate form in -/•/ cf. Abn. namito ' he sees it ' (inan.). WaSk-amak*
' on that day ' must show the same element seen in Abn. tuisdg-ivnakkiwik
'three days.' SASAfJwA 'they' has the same element as in Abn. sa-
ndba ' man.' WaspowAk ' they prepare ' I cannot identify. Pseek-Anc
' everything ' = Del. tsigantschi 'all.' K-iiwA=ayou Abn. kiya (?).
K'CE p-OT*A I cannot identify. P-iit-in ' perhaps * = Del. //// D. Lex.
117, 15. See below on peet-a-t^ § III. Has this any connection with
the Yitnoh peui-itre ? NingAano 'we shall be killed'; Del. nihillan^
Abn. nihlo, I am not certain of this. Ararne ' because ' perhaps s
a-a-neiy). See above on arn£. OuthAme 'so very* = Abn. uzdmi
'too much'; Del. wsamiechen ' to have too much.' P-k-aSnAk 'it is
dark' = Del. pakenum, D. Lex. 105, 10. ErstA 'not,' see below on

PRINCE] HUDSON RIVER INDIAN LANGUAGE 8 1

staHy staty § III. Same element as Abn. anday Del. attdy N. maty Pequot
mud 'not.' K-ise 'she was able'; cf. Abn. kizi 'can.' WaanmaSk
'go'; perhapss Del. aan 'go.' P-Aawe 'far,' perhaps for pa//iwi with
elision of /, so often seen in Pequot. MaSsASt-aman ' she remembers ' =
Del. meschatametiy D. Lex. 82, 3. P-ik-wahak 'hollow log*==Del.
puchtschessu ' it is hollow '; N. pukqui ' there is a hole '; Abn. piguagen
'it is hollow within.' Note in the next sentence the form P-ikwah--
k-woer-k; -erk^si-ak in Abn. -akuam 'tree.* Aan seems to mean
' she said,' probably cogn. with Munsee owhy Prince, op, «/., p. 30. Cf.
Oj. iwa ' he says.' N^taao ' I think ' = Del. ntite ' I think *; wditehen
'he thinks,' D. Lex. 153, 12. Ne-ien-p-ic-iikwthin 'I will enter in.*
The element ien here is probably Del. aan * to go ' -f pusihu ' enter any-
thing,' especially a canoe; D. Lex. 120, 20; cf next sentence /-/V'/V-
kwihiit'a ' when she had entered. '

III. Maac'E ' afterward' =s N. «^ mahchcy ND. 219 b. Ma is same
particle seen in Oj. pa-ma ' afterward.' See below maacino. Op'OT-a-
wAfJ ' she heard them ' (^waH). Cf. Del. pendamen ' hear * ; Abn. poda-
wazimuk 'one takes council.' Cinwaac-iik * them (ik) fighting.' I can-
not locate this stem. WAwfeEX-AN ; note different writing here for
wAwfeET -HAN above, §11. Aninx^omp-nan nannaawan ' that they were
being attacked.' I cannot explain this form. See above s,v, naI^amp--
p-NAN, §11. Pask-owAn, see above s.v. psuk, §I. Ou-w^enan 'he
names him,' from root wee = Abn. kdeli-wi-zi ' you are named ' ; also
Del. wliwunsawagan ' name.' Aniwithit- ' his name ' a participial form
in -/'/• =s 3d p. The -w- element here = Abn. // in liwizowogan ' name. '
OuwanthAk-amwok ' he bites me.* I connect the root thak with ND.
226 b, sogkepuan 'he bites.' Cf. Oj. nin-takwange * I bite,' Abn. sag-
amdmuk * bite, * with s for th as usual. Wadeao * the dog ' shows same
root as in Abn. wdamis ' his dog * ; Pass, ndemis ' my dog ' ; Old Peq.
nahteauy see Prince, Peq. Glossary, p. 36 ; nutteah, Mah-okwaowinjan-
NAK ' the thumb ' contains root seen in ND. ^^^ kehieguanutch * thumb,'
i. e. kehie 'big* 4 uhquae 'finger.* The Del. word was kitthukquewul-
inschawotty D. Lex. 55, i. The root inj 'finger' appears in Oj. onind-
jima 'his finger.* Maac-ino, see above on mAace. StaSmiik-ao 'not
long.* This is clearly erstd (see above, § II.) + miik-ao ' long ' = Del.
miqui 'far off.' See below on staAi-wahaSmaSk, § III. The Abn.
kweni 'long' is the same stem as in miikao, C-iit-mi 'silent' = N.
chequnnappu 'he is silent,' ND. 322a. Cf. ciit-mihein, §III. D. Lex.
146, 22 gives ischitquihillen * he is silent.' Cf. Abn. chigabi ' be silent.'
Nethwak ' two,' pi. = Del. nischay Abn. nizwak, Niha5Jp-ak * they

AM. AICTH-, N. S., 7—6

82 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

approach* contains the element oi paeon 'to come.' See above on
paeonditita^ § II. O'wak ' they say/ pi. of element awh seen in Munsee.
See Prince, P. A. Ph. Soc, xli, p. 30, andcf. above on awota!Jnanwan,
§ II. Ph-anam maa knameA!^na. This maa is probably the sign of the
past (see above, §11.). KnameAJ^na 'we (inclusive) have seen her.*
AAt probably= ' they say ' participle of aan ; see above awota!JnAnwan,
§ II. St-aatwahaSmank ayiwi ' she is not far off.* Staat is negative,
see above on st'aSmiik-ao, §III; wahaHmaHk ^ jyt\. wahelltmaty D,
Lex. 150, 15 * it is a great distance ' ; dyiwi is the neg. of the verb ' to
be* ; Abn. anda aowi 'he is not.' Peet'AT* 'perhaps* may be con-
nected with ///, see above, § II. s. v. piit-in, but it looks suspiciously like
the French peutitre used as a loanword ? No is the demonstrative that
one ; cf. ni ' that * and nok, § IV., outapin ' she is lying * or ' sitting,*
from root df/=B Abn. ab in wdabin 'he (she) is lying* or 'sitting.*
P-ek-wah'K-w6k 'in the hollow log,* loc. of p-ekw-ahAk, see above, § II.
Mat* 6k 'stick* ; cogn. archaic form is tachauy D. Lex. 135, 8 ' piece of
wood.* AwAau means lit. 'he uses,* cogn. of D. Lex. 24, 13 auweken
'he uses* ; cf. Abn. awaka 'he works.* Ounattookkwun 'he feels
inside with it * probably cogn. with D. Lex. 92, 5 natianamen * he seeks
someone.' Nan p-hAnman. Note the obviative -« in both words. Out--
AP-p-EWAN ' she is not there * from root ap (see above outapin ^ § III), with
neg. ending -wan \ cf. in Ayiwi, § III. Anamithwak ' they went
away * see above § II. on anAmatho. Note difference of spelling.
C'liT-MiH-EiN 'she was silent*; a participial form. See above on
c-iiT-Mi, § II, AwAfiTHiTH, sceabovc, § I., on HOTAWAfJsMAN. I cannot
imderstand why the sibilant should be lisped in this form and not in
the first instance. Cf. keseam, §IV., and kithpundowak, § V. The
Abn. word is awdssis ' child.* Gut-, see above on Gute, § I. Ciin-
WAWE ' he did not make a sound.* Probably the same root as in c-iitmi,
§111. Kanet-pekak 'all night' For tp'ek-ak, cf. Abn. illitebakak
' at night.* Kane here is simply Abn. kweni ' long, during * ; thus, Abn.
kwenitebakak ' all night. *

IV. Kaawan ' as soon as * is probably a metathesis for kwenan = N.
quenan ' as long as,* ND.32Sa. P-at-aSpan ' daybreak ' = DqI. petapan,
D. Lex. 114,4. K-cikwtho 'she comes out;' Cogn. with Del. kut-
schin 'come out of a house,* D. Lex. 59,5. Kakh-ikammihak ounae
' a cross-road.* I cannot identify the first element ; evidently from some
root 'to cross over,* but ounae is good Delaware. Cf. D. Lex. 21,3
a/^ 'road.' K-eseam she could = Abn. kizi- 'can.* SaSpeetawaS
' she heads them off. * The element safl- is probably the same as in sack-

PRINCE] HUDSON RIVER INDIAN LANGUAGE 83

gaguntin ' to lead/ D. Lex. p. 123 ; Abn. sa-osa * he goes forth.* Does
the element /^^/=Del. pet-on 'bring' D. Lex. 114,20, also seen in
petschi ' until * 114,21 ? Sek*wiot*ke ' murderers.* I cannot explain this
word unless it is connected with Del. saquay sakqua 'troublous/ D.
Lex. 123. Nuua ' first * s=i D. Lex. 102,10 nutscht ' at first,* ' in the be-
ginning/ Thanp'EIN ' she came out, arrived * ; same root as sa- in Abn.
saosa ' he goes forth * andpatd * come. * NiHAShPAO, cf. nihaSpak above
§ IIL At'ANAKaI^tak and at-aHnakoma^ both cogn. with Del. Lex.
31,27 el-angomat 'a member of the family* and langoma 60,18 'rela-
tion/ ThaSJA5Jwa seems to mean ' what had happened ? * Out-Anwan
'she relates* ; cf. below § V. Out -an an 'she told them.* A ana yak
seems to mean ' the people * and is the same word as anaik-ik*, § IV.
Af^Af^MANR ' they (are) killed * ; perhaps cogn. with -nalen in Del.
gachtO'fialen ' he seeks {gachto) to kill, * D. Lex. 96, 12? This is prob-
ably the same element seen in Del. mhilia'tiy Abn. nihldn ' kill.* Wica-
woTP'ANE ' those who went with her * sss Abn. wijawi ' come with me ; *
D. Lex. 164,5 witschawan 'go along with.' WAiawau ' chief* is a good
Delaware word ; cf. D. Lex. 167, 9 wojawwe, or Anthony's form wej-
jaweu 'chief.' Anama!Jnak-ammau 'he sends'; perhaps = Del. Lex.
17, XX allogalen 'send someone,' cf. N. D. annunau p. 319a {dHna^s
allof), K'AKSE NACi 'all around.* Kakse perhaps = Abn. kakaswi
'rather, more' and naci maybe cogn. with ND.77b nashawe 'in be-
tween,* ' in the midst * ? Aine-amowat-et- ' that ' (^dine = Abn. ait) ;
amowatet 'they should tell,' 3d per. pi. Waac-iAm = Abn. ivaji 'in
order to ' ; cf Wacii below, § IV., and wice^ § I. Mokwampak ' war-
riors,' probably cogn. with D. Lex. 69, 8 machtageoagan ' war.' PaSt-it*
*that they should come '= Abn. paiodit ; note the sing, for the pi.
ThaSwa-mooce ' immediately ' contains the element schawi * dX once,'
Del. Lex. 127, 12. Wac-ii, cf. above on waciam, § IV. Nok pi. of
no ' those.' Mamici, reduplicated form = Abn. maji, Del. Lex. 70, 10—
n machtity Peq. mudjee 'bad.* Anaik.ik- 'people,' cf above on Aan-
ayak, § IV. SikwiaSJt-it* 'those who murdered her husband/ same
element as in tek-wiot-ke above, § IV. DapokkASk * they cook ' must
be distantly connected with ND. 273 appuan^ apwan 'he bakes.'
Wac'EIN ' so that ' ; ct. wacidm, wacii above, § IV. MEX-THONDiiT'iT-
' that they may eat ' = D. Lex. mizin ; Abn. mitsi ' eat,' a common Algon-
quian stem.

V. Kp-aothwAk 'they shut themselves up' = D. Lex. 45, i8 gop-
hammen 'shut, close'; Abn. kbaha ; D. Lex. 56, 8 kpahhi 'shut (the
door).' Wek-wameek'OK *in the houses'; Abn. wigwom-ikok. Note

84 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

the pi. locative -ikok. Dan-wa 'and* ^=^dan (§1) + the asseverative
element -wa. AfJH-oAfJo 'she covers herself*; cf. ND. 238b onkhutn
'he hides'; WaceAm erstA namea!Jmok 'so that they shall not see
her*=s Abn. waji anda namiawak, ErstA meekao 'not long*; cf.
above on sta!Jmiikao, § III. Paeondowak ' they came * = Abn. pat-
dwak, Kanwa ' when * = Abn. kanowa ' but.* Paak ' they came * =
paiaky aorist form. MfeETTHONDiiKW ' that you should eat *; 2d pers. pi.
participle from same root as Del. mizin. Mat-thondowak ' they ate *
from same stem. Anet-aSaSta ' he thought * =» Abn. nde-laldam ' I
think *; ND. 333a anantam ' he thinks.* Kithpundowak ' that they had
eaten enough *; kith = Abn. kizi sign of the past + root pun-puin D.
Lex. 156. Note the lisped sibilant in kith in contrast with keseam above
= kiziy § IV. The stem pun^ puin is cogn. with Abn. pol-didit ' they
eat.* Ni UTAN ' that one («/) went,* from D. Lex. 9, 2 aan ' go.* Wa
nemAnaa those men ; note the obviative. A -pit ' who sits * = Abn. abit.
OuK-wiciMONAN 'he asks him*; cogn. ND. 222a wehquetum 'he asks
it*; Abn. wikomomuk 'he seeks it.' Kaak-wae 'what?' See above,
§11. Ktinin 'you have * = Pass, ktiyin 'you have.* Kmah-okwao-
WENJAN 'your (/^*) thumb*; see above, §111, on mah'okwaowinjannak,
Amoskw ' beaver * = D. Lex. 58, 16 amochk, Nathak- amok -win 'he
bit me *; cf. above s, v. wanthak-amwok, § III. Note the 3d pers. suf-
fix 'kwin, KtaSkcako ' she jumps out * = D. Lex. 60, 7, laktschellen
'jump over.' See below ktaSkcakwak. ND. 286, queJishau 'he
jumps ' and Abn. ujanC gwigidahen ' he jumps over * are cognates. All
these contain the root tsch «= kc, KaSkna ' thou liest * = D. Lex. 10,
14 achgalunen 'to lie*; 37, i, gakelunenhen 'to make a liar.' I find
in this word the explanation of the Pequot taiond-uksku 'lie,' which I
could not identify in Am. Anthrop., v, 205. WahiSyaS ' my husband ';
probably cogn. with D. Lex. 158, 6 wiu*u 'he copulates.' KtaSnamo-
KWiN 'he bites you* (/^'). See above wanthak-amwok ^ §111. Ka-
WAMO 'he warwhoops* = D. Lex. 16, 21, kowano ; Abn. kwa^kwadmo,
Amusok-wanawaS ' they scalped them * = D. Lex. 74, 6, manoquen ' to
scalp*; Abn. w^masokwdmo 'he scalps him.* Mawe 'go and tell* =
D. Lex. 75B mauwi 'go.* Kwana ' bury * = Abn. pos-kenomuk 'one
buries.' Niva 'him* seems to be the obviative form of nekama 'him,'
'he.* Ersta-Am geese-k-wanawik 'not can I bury them.* Note the
neg. 'W- in the verb-form. AwayethAk ' wild animals * = Abn.
awasis ' animal.* Art = aat ' he says.* O-kat-t-a-maSwaS ' they eat
them * = Heckewelder mohoan 'eat* ND. 250b; also Abn. mohomuk
' one eats.* The element kat-t-a is the same that is seen in Abn. w'gata-
hamowon 'he cuts off (his ear)*.

TEXTILE FABRICS OF THE NEW ENGLAND

INDIANS

By CHARLES C. WILLOUGHBY

Comparatively little is known of the indigenous art products of
the New England Indians, especially of such perishable objects as
garments and textile fabrics. In general the arts of these Indians
resembled those of other eastern Algonquians, although little re-
mains of the native culture of any of these tribes by which to judge
their earlier and superior work. The bark and mat wigpvams, bul-
rush and flag matting, bark receptacles, and a few other objects
still made by the remoter Ojibwa are similar to those known to
have been common in New England. The snowshoe and bark
canoe of the Abnaki of Maine are, however, practically the only
modem native artifacts of the New England Indians which remain
unmodified.

For several generations the textile productions of the New Eng-
land tribes have been limited almost exclusively to splint basketry,
the manufacture and sale of which form the principal means of
subsistence of many families. It may be assumed that modem
examples of this work bear but slight resemblance to the earlier
forms. The distribution of splint basketry at present among the
Iroquois and widely separated Algonquian peoples seems to indi-
cate a survival of this type from prehistoric times. It is the one
style of Indian basketry which would be the most serviceable to the
early colonists, and its demand by settlers would naturally stimu-
late its production and tend to modify the native forms. Still I find
no mention of splint baskets by the earlier explorers and settlers
of New England, although eight other varieties are noted, which
seem to show that it was certainly not the prevailing type during
the first part of the seventeenth century. The earliest authentic
examples known to the writer belong to the first third of the nine-
teenth century, and are the work of the Scatacooks of Connecticut.

86 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

These have been described and figured by the Rev. W. C. Curtis
in the Southern Workman for 1904, and may be classified as follows :
I. Handlelcss baskets with square or oblong base and rim more
or less rounded, the height being usually much less than the diam-
eter. These were commonly used as work-baskets by our grand-
mothers. This type may be indigenous.

Fig. I. — Carrying basket of hickory spliots. Maihpee Indians, BarnsUble county,
Massacbusetti. (One-sixth natural size.)

2. Baskets similar to the preceding type, but, unlike them, being
supplied with a handle. These are much like the ordinary splint
hand-basket of commerce.

3. Baskets with a square base and circular upper portion, the
diameter being about equal to the height. They are furnished with
a snug -fitting cover, and were used by our colonial ancestors princi-
pally as storage baskets for small objects, such as yarn, colored
worsteds, etc. Similar baskets may still occasionally be found in
the attics of the older New England famiUes.

wiLLOUGHBY] TEXTILES OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 8/

It seems probable that these types, with the possible exception
of the first, were made more expressly for the needs of civilized
housekeepers, but it is difficult to determine just how much both
form and method of construction are due to the exigencies of two
centuries of trade. The more common modem examples of New
England splint basketry of Indian make have probably lost all
resemblance to primitive forms and need not be discussed here.
Most of the splints from which they are constructed are machine-
made and supplied by wholesale.

There are two baskets in the Peabody Museum of Harvard
University (one being shown in figure i) which may be regarded as
purely aboriginal. They are the work of the Mashpee Indians of
Barnstable county, Massachusetts. A few of the primitive customs
of this tribe were retained until a comparatively late period, sedge-
covered wigpvams being constructed as late as 1802. Both of these
pack-baskets are made of hickory splints woven in a simple checker
pattern. There are four series of warp splints, the first series being
long enough to cross and radiate from the center of the bottom of
the basket and to reach the rim on each side. The second, third,
and fourth series are less than half the length of the first and are
added at the bottom only, at intervals of about two inches, so as to
fill the interstices between the radiating splints, one end of each
splint of the last three series being cut wedge-shape so as to fit
snugly.

The foundation of the rim consists of three hoops. Each alter-
nate warp splint is cut off flush, while the ends of the others are
bent over the middle hoop and pushed under the upper two or three
rows of the woof. Within and without this middle hoop are the two
other hoops, the whole being bound securely together by a splint
wrapping. Two splint rings are attached on opposite sides at the
rim, and two others are placed in corresponding position near the
bottom for the carrying strap which is also woven of hickory splints.
The ends of the strap pass through the loops and are tied beneath
the basket. De Bry figures a Virginia Indian carrying upon his back,
by means of a carrying strap, a basket of this form filled with fish.

The process of preparing splints in the earlier days was as fol-
lows : Small hickory, ash, or elm trees, a few inches in diameter.

88 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

were cut in the spring. The logs were sometimes soaked in water,
although this was not always necessary. They were then peeled
and beaten with wooden mauls until the annual growth layers were
separated one from another. These were split into various widths
and assorted, strips of uniform sizes being bound together in bunches
or coils.

Of the many varieties of baskets, bags, and other textiles made
by the New England Indians during the seventeenth century almost
nothing remains. A critical study of the records of the early
writers and of the modem basketry of various American stocks will
however give us an approximate idea of the types of that period.

Brereton ^ in 1 602 saw, at Buzzards Bay, baskets made of twigs
not unlike the English osier. When the Pilgrims * landed at Cape
Cod they opened an Indian cache and found therein a storage bas-
ket holding three or four bushels of shelled com. It was round,
with a narrow opening at the top, and was '' handsomely and cun-
ningly made." In form it apparently resembled the storage basket
of several modern tribes, notably the Pima. In one of the mat-cov-
ered lodges they found "baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some
lesser, finer and some coarser ; some were cunningly wrought with
black and white in pretty works." When Captain Underbill*
retumed from his memorable expedition against the Pequot Indians,
he brought several "delightful" baskets. Gookin* refers to
basket sieves for sifting commeal. According to this writer, rushes,
bents (coarse grass), maize husks, silk grass, and wild hemp were
used for baskets and bags, some of which were very neatly made
and omamented with '.designs of birds, beasts, fishes, and flowers.
To this list Josselyn * adds sparke and the bast of the lime tree, in
their natural colors or dyed black, blue, red, and yellow. Wood *
writes : "In the summer the Indians gather hemp and rushes and
material for dyes with which they make curious baskets with inter-
mixed colors and portraitures of antique Imagerie." Some of the

> Massachusetts Historical Collections, Third series, viii, p. 88.

• Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, Cheevcr's reprint, pp. 34, 39.

• Capt, VnderhilPs Narrative, Orr*s reprint in History of Pequot War, p. 55.
^ Massachusetts Historical Collections, First series, I, pp. 150, 151.

• Two Voyages to Ne7v England, Veazic reprint.

•i\>a» England* s Prospect, Prince Society's reprint, pp. 109, no.

WILLOUGHBY] TEXTILES OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 89

bags or sacks woven of Indian hemp would hold five or six bush-
els.* According to Champlain,* large bags woven of grass were
used for storing corn. It is probable that some of the maize-husk
baskets noted by Gookin were woven in the same manner as the
baskets of this material still occasionally made by the Iroquois In-
dians for their own use. A low, broad, bottle-shaped receptacle is
a frequent form, the neck being supplied with a corn-cob stopper.
Another variety is pan -shaped with nearly perpendicular sides. Both
styles are in twined weaving, for which the pliable husks are espe-
cially adapted.

Rushes, bents, silk grass, wild hemp, and linden bast are all
adapted to twined weaving. Rushes were extensively used in
making mats for lining and furnishing wigwams. According to
Williams these mats were embroidered. Josselyn says they were
painted. Mourt, in his Relation^ informs us that they were of finer
quality than those used for lodge-coverings.

The mats for both the exterior and the interior of the lodge were
in all essential qualities like those now made by the Ojibwa, Menom-
inee, and Winnebago. Morton* and Vincent* say the exterior mats
of the New England lodge were made of reeds, large flags, or sedge,
firmly sewed together with cords of Indian hemp, the needle used
for sewing being made from the splinter bone (fibula) of a crane's
leg. Modem mats of the western tribes above mentioned are
usually made of flags strung together upon a series of bast cords
in such a manner that each alternate leaf lies upon opposite sides
and covers the junction of two other leaves. These mats are
usually four or five feet in width and about ten feet in length. The
ends are furnished with a strip of wood to which tying cords are
attached.

The lining mats are woven of rushes in their natural color or
dyed. Rushes are used for the woof only, the warp being composed
of twisted cords of hemp or bast. The groundwork is usually the
color of the undyed material, and artistic patterns are produced by

1 Williams, Key into the Language of America^ R. I. Hist. Coll., I, p. 50.

' Voyagesy li, Prince Society's reprint, p. 121.

• New English Canaan^ Prince Society's reprint, p. 135.

^ Vincent* s Narrative, Orr's reprint in History of Pequot War, p. 105

90 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 190$

weaving in rushes dyed in various colors. Both the simple in-and-
out weaving and the more elaborate diagonal styles are followed in
their construction.

Excellent examples of hexagonal weaving survive in the raw-
hide "netting" of snowshoes made by the Penobscot and other
Maine Indians. It is doubtful, however, if this weave was used in
the basketry of this region.

It is impossible to determine to what extent the finer textiles
were used, but we know that the New England Indians made a
serviceable closely-woven cloth of Indian hemp (Apocynum canna-
binum) and probably also of the soft bast of the linden. Bags hold-
ing five or six bushels were woven of the former material, the
prepared fibers of which resembled silk in softness.

Robes woven of grass and hemp, *' scarcely covering the body
and coming down only to their thighs," were seen by Cham-
plain * in the vicinity of Wellsfleet Harbor. There is a drawing by
John White, made in 1585, of a Virginia Indian wearing a "silk
grass" mantle, which is probably identical with the New England
specimens. It reaches only to the thigh and has an opening for
the neck and another for the right arm. It is apparently twined
woven, silk grass probably being used for the warp and cords of
hemp for the woof. The twined woven, shredded cedar-bark
capes of the Nootka are similar in form and style of weaving to
these early Eastern examples.

The most beautiful garments produced by the New England
Indians were made of the iridescent feathers of the wild turkey
" woven with twine of their own making ^ in such a manner that
nothing can be seen but feathers." ^ These cloaks or mantles were
usually the work of old men,* although they were sometimes made
by women for their children.*

A few coarse feather garments are at the present time found
among the California tribes. The Miwok of Calaveras county in
particular construct a ceremonial cape by attaching the quills of

*0p. cit., p. 78.

3 Morton, op. cit., p. 142.

'Capt. John Smith, True Travels, i, p. 129.

^Williams, op. dt., p. 107.

*Josselyn, op. cit., p. 78.

wiLLOUGHBY] TEXTILES OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 9 1

turkey feathers to a coarse netting of twine, the feathers overlying
each other like shingles upon a house. According to Du Pratz in
former times feather garments were made by the Louisiana Indians,
old fishing nets or woven mantles of mulberry bark being used for
a foundation.

Feathers were attached one over the other to the fabric, and
covered both sides of the garment.* Lawson mentions a Santee
(Siouan) doctor or medicine-man warmly clad in a mantle of turkey
feathers, the feathers being selected and arranged to form figures.'
Butel-Dumont writes that the fiber of basswood bark was used by
the southern Indians to make a species of mantle which is covered
with swan*s feathers.* The foundation of the feather cloaks of the
Pacific islands is either netted or t>\'ined woven. Morton's remark
that the New England feather mantles were ** woven with twine of
their own making" would seem to indicate that the feathers were
fastened to a woven fabric and not to a netted foundation. There
would be nothing inconsistent, however, in the employment of
netting for the purpose, as fishing nets were in common use.

An example of indigenous textile work of a type probably not
uncommon throughout New England during the early historic period
is illustrated in plate xvi. So far as known it represents the highest
development of weaving and embroidery among these Indians, and as
a specimen of embroidered twined woven cloth it probably equals the
productions of any North American tribe. It is a two-fold pocket-
book of European pattern and is shown open. The side not illustrated
is furnished with two pockets of green flannel. The front is sup-
plied with a silver hasp with the date 1778 engraved upon it. The
hasps were the work of a local silversmith. The form of the pocket-
book, the green flannel, and the hasps are of course European.
The heavy cloth forming the body of the book, the material of
which it is made, the style of weaving, and the embroidered design
are purely aboriginal.

This wallet was made by Mollocket, an old Indian woman of
considerable local fame, living in Oxford county, western Maine.

1 Quoted by Holmes, 13th Rept. Bur. Ethnolog}', p. 27.
■Ibid., p. 28.
« Ibid.

92 AHIER/CAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 7, 1905

She was one of the Anasagunticooks, a tribe claiming dominion
over the Androscoggin valley. It was given by her to Eli Twichel
of Bethel, Oxford county, about the year 1785, and is now in the
collection of the Maine Historical Society, having been presented
to that institution by Mrs Lucia Kimball in 1863. The wallet is in
twined weaving, a style common among nearly all primitive people.
The entire surface of one side of the closely-woven cloth is covered
with an artistic design embroidered with the long white hairs of the
moose in their natural color or dyed red, green, blue, or yellow.
The design is excellent and the colors are well grouped.

The warp is formed of twisted cords of native fiber, probably
Indian hemp. Each woof element consists of two cords of the same

Fig. 3. — Detail of wallel. a, a, warp cords; b, b, Iwined woof cords; i, moose hair
wrapped three times around each twist of the woof strand on the right side of the fabric.

material twisted once around each warp-strand as illustrated in figure
2. These double woof-strands are pressed close together, conceal-
ing the warp, and are in turn concealed beneath the embroidery
covering the outer surface. A fihiment of moose hair is wrapped
three times around each strand of the twisted woof elements where
it comes outside. On the inside of the fabric there is no appearance
of ornamentation, only the ends of the hair showing where they
have been carried through.

Strictly speaking, the ornamentation is in what is termed false
embroidery, the outer woof-cords being wrapped with moose hair
during the process of weaving, and not after the cloth is Bnished, as
in embroidery proper.

^ILOCCHBY] T£:JCTJZ.£S of new ENGLAND INDIANS 93

The technique is identical with that of the Tlingit basketry and
the wallets of the I^ez Perce Indians, except that these tribes wrap
the coarser embroidery strand but once around the woof-twist instead
of several times as in the New England work. Patterns of a char-
acter similar to the design upon the pocket-book, showing the wide
distribution of the geometric and linear style of decoration among
the Algonquians, axe common upon the old quill-omamented bark
boxes of the Micmac and the rush mats and wool wallets of the
Ojibwa. These i^rallets or bags are about twenty inches in length
and fourteen in width, with an opening at one of the longer edges.
In former times they were made of native material, bast or Indian
hemp, but are now commonly woven of trade worsted, although the
primitive style of weaving and decoration is followed. Similar bags,
with the opening at one of the longer or shorter edges, were widely
distributed, occurring among the Salishan tribes of the west coast,
the neighboring Shahaptians, the Winnebago, Oto, and Omaha of
the Siouan stock, the Ojibwa, and doubtless also among the more
eastern Algonquians, including the New England Indians. Josselyn
may have referred to wallets of this type when he wrote of woven
bags of dyed porcupine quills. * The style of weaving and embroid-
ery surviving in the pocket-book illustrated was probably applied
by our eastern Indians principally to bags of the above general form.
In conclusion it is evident that the textile products of the New
England Indians were of a relatively high order : that baskets, bags,
matting, and twined woven cloth were made of a quality probably
not excelled by any of the Algonquians, and so far as we can judge
by existing examples it is doubtful if embroidered cloth of any
North American tribe exceeded in workmanship or artistic merit
that produced by the natives of New England and their neighbor-
ing iandred.

^. dL, p. III.

TYPES OF HAIDA AND TLINGIT MYTHS

By JOHN R. SWANTON

In recording more than two hundred and fifty stories of the
Haida and Tlingit of the north Pacific coast the writer has found
that many of them have very similar plots, and it has seemed to him
that abstracts of the more important of these might be of interest to
those engaged in comparative work. The story of Raven is of
course similar to the stories of other transformers and need not be
included. The same is true of the story of the brothers who
traveled about overcoming monsters. Here it is evidently Tlingit,
the heroes in all cases ending their career in an attempt to cross the
Stikine, and from the Tlingit it has been transmitted to the Haida
without losing its Tlingit names and atmosphere. Several other
tales, repeated from end to end of the Haida-Tlingit area, are also
strongly localized in certain towns or camps, and hardly fall into
the present scheme. Such are the story of the man who was car-
ried off by the salmon people, the story of the woman who was
turned into an owl, the story of the man who obtained strength to
kill sea-lions, the story of the man who made killer-whales out of
wood, and the story of the hunters who changed into supernatural
beings by putting themselves into the fire. A few of the plots given
are so general that they can hardly be considered peculiar to the
northwest coast, but others probably do not occur outside of that
area.

1 . The Man Captured by the Supernatural Beings. — A man out
hunting is taken into the house of some supernatural being, usually
on account of something he has said or done to displease the latter,
and often it tries to turn him into an animal, especially if it be a
land otter or a killer-whale. On the other hand the hero may be
given a crest or a name, and such a story is told by the Haida to
explain the origin of secret society performances.

2. The Man who Married the Grizzly Bear. — This is related
to the above. A man out hunting hears his dogs bark in front of

SWANTON] TYPES OF HAJDA AND TLINGIT MYTHS 95

a grizzly bear's den. When he comes to it the male bear throws
him inside, but the female conceals him, marries him, and kills her
previous husband. He has several children by her. By and by
he returns to his own people, but his bear wife enjoins him to have
nothing to do with his human wife or children. Every day after
his return he spears seals and carries them up to his bear family,
who are waiting at the head of an inlet. After a while, however,
he disobeys her instructions, and they kill him. Then his children
wage war on human beings, but are finally destroyed.

3. The Woman who Married the Supernatural Being. — A
woman says something about an animal or object which angers the
supernatural being connected with it, or else her father refuses for
a long time to let her marry anyone. The offended being appears
to the prl, and she marries it. Sometimes she goes off with it and
lives among the animals for a long time, and sometimes her hus-
band remains with her. In the former case she usually comes back
to her father's people after a time, bringing food, and her father
nuy recover her by killing the people she has been among.

4. The Kidnapped Wife. — A man's wife is washing a skin in
the sea, when she is carried off by a killer- whale. Her husband
follows, descends to the sea floor, and assists some being there who
in turn directs him how to get his wife back. Then he goes behind
the town where she is kept, causes the wedges of a slave coming
out to chop wood to break, restores them, and so obtains the slave's
assistance. When the slave carries water into the house, he spills
it upon the fire, and while the house is filled with steam the man
runs in and carries off his wife. He is pursued, but reaches home
safely.

5. The Supernatural Helper. — A man who has been unsuc-
cessful in gambling, hunting, or getting property, goes off into the
forest or out on the sea, obtains assistance from some supernatural*
being, and is afterward fortunate, or,

6. A man or a woman leaves food for some animal or treats it
kindly, and is afterward given plenty of food in return, thereby
becoming rich.

7. The Supernatural Child. — A girl or a girl and her mother
lose all their relatives and are left alone in the town. After a while

96 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

the girl gives birth to a child who has supernatural power, grows
up rapidly, destroys the enemies who have killed his mother's
people, and usually restores them to life.

8. The Magic Feather. — The popular form of type 7 is the
following : While the people in a certain town are playing shinny on
the beach, a feather or some similar object comes down from above,
and those who seize it are carried up out of sight. In this way
everybody disappears except one or two women. The younger of
these swallows something and gives birth to a supernatural child
who revenges and protects them.

9. The Boy who was Abandoned. — For some action, trifling
or otherwise, a boy is abandoned by all his people, who leave him
alone in the town. His youngest uncle's wife, however, being fond
of him, conceals a little food for him and some fire enclosed in
mussel-shells. Then the youth receives assistance in some super-
natural way and stores a great quantity of food, while those who
have abandoned him are starving. After a while slaves are sent
over to see what has become of him. He feeds them, but warns
them not to carry any of the food away. One of them, however,
conceals a piece for his (or her) infant, and the night after they
return gives it to the child. While eating this, the child cries out,
often from being choked or from having dropped the food, and the
chief or his wife makes an investigation, thereby discovering the
truth. Then the people of that town return to the place where the
boy was left. All of his uncles' daughters dress themselves up,
hoping that he will choose one of them for his wife, but he selects
the daughter of his youngest uncle, although she. has not adorned
herself and arrives last. He becomes a chief.

10. The Boy and His Grandmother who were Banished. — A
boy and his grandmother were either abandoned or forced to live
outside the town. In the former case the story sometimes proceeds
like type 9. In the latter case the boy is assisted by some super-
natural being and obtains a great deal of food, while the other
people are starving. They are obliged to purchase food of him, and
he becomes wealthy. Sometimes he becomes a great shaman and
obtains his property in that way.

11. The Ill-disposed Mother-in-law. — A man is badly treated

SWANTON] TYPES OF HA/DA AND TLJNGIT MYTHS 97

by his mother-in-law because he lies in bed continually instead of
working. After a while he goes to a lake behind the town and
kills a water-monster living there by splitting a tree along the
middle, spreading the halves apart, and tolling the monster up until
its head comes between the two portions. He skins this creature
and begins to catch all kinds of fish and sea animals. These he
leaves on the beach where his mother-in-law can find them, and by
letting her find them regularly, he induces her to think that she
has become a g^eat shaman. After a long time he reveals himself
before all the people and kills his mother-in-law with shame. Some-
times a monster is killed in the way indicated merely that the hero
may obtain its skin to wear when he performs great deeds, not with
a view to personal revenge.

1 2. The Goose Wife. — A man finds two female geese, in human
form, bathing in a lake while their skins hang on the limb of a tree
near by. He seizes these skins and so compels one or both of them
to marry him. When the goose tribe passes over, his wives get
them to throw down food. By and by they leave him and rejoin
their people. He follows them and remains with them for a while,
afterward returning to his own place. On his way to find his wife
he is sometimes made to encounter a man chopping, whose chips
turn into salmon as they fall into the water.

13. The Land Otter Sister. — The sister of a certain man is
carried away by the land otters and married among them. Once,
when he is encamped by himself making a canoe, his sister brings
him food. By and by she sends some of the land otters to launch
his canoe for him, and afterward he goes to the land-otter town to
finish it. While he is there his sister takes his smallest child on
her lap and sings to it, making a little tail grow out of it. When
the man objects, she sings another song and it goes back. Finally
he returns to his town.

14. The Eagle People. — A man is set adrift in a box or on a
plank by his uncle and lands among the eagles. He is found by
two girls, marries them, and is given a suit of feathers by the eagle
people in which he goes fishing. After some time he flies to his
uncle's town, seizes his uncle by the head, and flies up from the
ground with him. A person seizes his uncle's foot and is also

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—7

98 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

•

carried up. He in turn is seized by another, and the process is
continued until all the people of that town are hanging in a string.
He drowns them in the ocean.

15. Beaver and Porcupine. — Beaver carries porcupine out to
an island from which he can not get ashore. Finally he sings for
a north wind, the sea freezes over, and he walks home. Afterward
he takes beaver up to the top of a tall tree and beaver gets down
with difficulty. The two parts of this story are sometimes told in
reverse order.

16. The Rival Towns. — (This story is usually localized in the
neighborhood of Metlakatla or on Nass river, but it is also told of
Sitka.) War breaks out between two towns, and all of the people
in one of them are destroyed except a woman and her daughter
who escape into the forest. Then the mother calls out, " Who will
marry my daughter ? " and the animals and birds present themselves
successively. She asks each of these what it can do, and is dis-
satisfied with the replies she receives, so she rejects all. Finally
she is answered by the son of a sky deity (given variously as sky,
sun, or moon), whom she accepts ; whereupon her son-in-law
puts her into a tree, where she becomes the creaking of boughs or
the echo, and carries his wife up to his father's house in the sky.
There they have a number of children, whom their grandfather
teaches how to fight when they are grown up. Usually there is
one sister able to heal wounds. Finally their grandfather puts them
inside of beautifully painted houses, or a fort, and lowers them down
on their old town site. When the people of the town opposite hear
the noises there, they say that they must be produced by ghosts ;
but seeing the houses next morning, they start across to gamble
with the newcomers. During this game trouble breaks out, and the
children of the sky are about to be overwhelmed. Their grandfather
intervenes, however, and enables them to destroy all their foes.

17. The Doomed Canoemen. — Some men out hunting in a canoe
are hailed by a supernatural being, who informs them that on their
way home they will die successively, beginning with the man in the
bow, and that when the man in the stem has reached home and
related his story, he too will die. The death of a shaman or the
destruction of a village is also sometimes foretold through him.

SWANTON] TYPES OF HAIDA AND TLJNGIT MYTHS 99

18. The Protracted Winter. — ^The people in a certain town so
offend some supernatural being that snow falls and almost covers
the houses. Finally a bird is seen sitting on the edge of the smoke-
hole with a berry in its mouth. Suspecting something is wrong,
the people, or those who have survived, climb out and go to another
place, where they find that it is already midsummer and the berries
are ripe. Similar stories relate how people were punished by a
flood, by stormy weather which prevents them from getting food,
and in one or two stories otherwise of type 17, by fire.

19. The Magic Flight. — ^A person is captured by some super-
natural beings, as in stories of type 3. He or a friend of his obtains
some objects from an old woman, and as they run away they throw
these behind them and turn into obstructions through which their
pursuers find difficulty in forcing a way. Usually this story is told
of a woman who offended the grizzly bears. After she has ex-
hausted her magic gifts, she comes out on the shore of a lake or
the shores of the sea, where she is taken into a canoe, marries an-
other supernatural being, and after a time returns to her father's
people, bringing food. Sometimes the adventures of her son are also
related, and again a story of type 4 may be added.

20. The Grand Catch. — A fisherman who has been long unsuc-
cessful at length pulls up an enormous "nest" full of fishes, or else
an enormous fish surrounded by smaller ones. All the canoes are
filled, and the poor fisherman becomes wealthy.

2 1 . The Unfaithful Wife. — Desiring to marry another person,
the wife of a certain man pretends that she is about to die and is
placed in the grave-box. Afterward her lover liberates her and
carries her home or to another part of the country. By and by her
former husband suspects the truth, goes to the grave-box, and finds
her body missing. Then he goes at night to the house where she
and her new husband are living and kills them by running pointed
sticks into their hearts. Next morning he dresses well and goes out
to gamble.

22. The Rejected Lover. — A man is in love with a woman who
does not care for him. She induces him to pull all the hair out of
his body and then leaves him. Too much ashamed to return to
town, the man wanders off to another place, or climbs into the sky

ICX) AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

country on a chain of arrows. By and by he meets a supernatural
being who restores his hair and takes him to another town where
he marries the daughter of the town chief. Then he returns to his
father's town with his new wife and puts the woman who had rejected
him to shame.

23. The Woman who Went with the Animal (Haida story). —
A woman goes out after roots or shell-fish every day regularly until
her husband becomes suspicious. By and by he pretends to start
off hunting, lands not far off, and comes back behind the village.
When he sees his wife start out, he follows her, and sees her come
out on the sea at a certain place where she begins a song. Finally
a whale, owl, or other animal comes and lies with her. Next day
the husband sends his wife off in another direction, puts on her
clothing, and goes to the same place. When the animal comes to
him, he cuts off its penis. He takes this home, cooks it, and gives
it to his wife to eat. After she has done this, he lets her know
what she has eaten and makes her ashamed.

24. The Blind Grizzly-bear Hunter. — A man who has been a
great grizzly-bear hunter becomes old and blind. One time his
wife aims his arrow for him, and he shoots a grizzly bear, but his
wife pretends that he has missed and leaves him. She begins cut-
ting up the animal and cooking it. Meanwhile her husband is met
by a supernatural being, usually a bird, which restores his sight.
When he comes to her camp and looks in, he wishes that the bear
head may bite her, and it does so. There are other stories of the
restoring of a blind man's sight, but they agree with the above in
that particular only.

25. The Sleep Bird. — A hunter is unsuccessful for a long time.
One night he hears something buzzing about his canoe and knocks
it down. It proves to be the bird that causes sleep, and when he
reaches his town he finds the people lying dead just as they slept.
Sometimes it is added that the hero himself could not sleep be-
cause the bird had died while he was awake.

26. The Land Otter's Captive. — A man is carried away by the
land otters, but his people finally discover where he is, smoke the
land otters out, and recover him.

27. The Monster Devil-fish. — While two or three brothers are

"••1 •;• • •

; ' : : ••• \

SWANTON] TYPES OF HA IDA AND TLINGIT MYTHS lOI

out hunting, a monster devil-fish sweeps the camp from which they
had set out into the sea, and all the people with it. Then the older
brother or brothers put the youngest ashore, toll the devil-fish to
the surface, and destroy it, although they themselves are carried
down when it dies. The youngest is left to tell what has taken
place, and the devil-fish is found floating dead with the men inside.

28. The Sea- walkers. — A man marries the daughter of some
supernatural being and takes her home. While there she lets no
one bring her water except her husband, and as soon as he sets it
down she puts a magic quill into it. If the water falls from this
clear, her husband has been faithful to her ; if it is slimy, he has
been unfaithful. At last she sees that the water is slimy, and, get-
ting up, starts to walk back to her father on the surface of the
ocean. Her husband follows her, but presently she looks at him
and he goes down out of sight.

29. The Shell-fish's Victim. — A man reaches under a rock,
and a bivalve closes upon his hand so that it cannot be removed.
When the tide rises, he is covered, and either disappears or is
drowned.

30. Acquirement of Wealth by a Shaman. — A shaman sends
diseases into the son of some wealthy man and afterward cures him,
obtaining thereby a great quantity of property.

3 1 . Visit of a Shaman to the Animals. — A shaman is sent for
by some animals, usually land otters, to cure one of their number
who has been wounded by hunters. He removes a spear-point and
obtains some supernatural gift in payment. When he first comes
among these people, they try to make him think that the patient is
in another house by filling it with people, but he puts his rattle on
the ground, and it goes up before him to the right place.

32. The Stolen Skin. — A man's friend dies and his body is
placed in a grave-box, which his friend watches continually. By
and by he sees some people come by canoe and carry off his
friend's skin. The friend gets in along with them, and as they are
on the way makes their chief sick by grasping him tightly around
the body. When they reach home, these people send for shamans
who practise upon him vainly, until a very powerful shaman is sent
for who discovers what is wrong. He gets the skin for the dead
man's friend and sends him home.

I02 . AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 7, 1905

33. The Ground-hog Mountain. — A young man accompanies
his uncle to a mountain that the latter owns, where there are many
ground-hogs. Arrived there they find that the ground-hogs have
left it and gone to a mountain farther back. When they get to
this place the youth creeps into the cave where they are, ahead
of his uncle, and he is suddenly possessed by spirits and becomes
a shaman.

34. The Wild Man. — A man takes a notion to live entirely
alone. He is met by people at various times, but refuses to go
with them. He is said to live on raw food and to cut up and carry
home very small birds as if they were large animals.

35. The Bug-a-boo. — ^A child is a great cry-baby. One time a
supernatural being comes to the house, calls to it, and induces it to
follow him. Its parents pursue and see their child carried down
into the earth. Then they began to dig over the place where it has
disappeared, but in vain. After some time the child comes back or
is discovered, but soon dies. This story is used to frighten chil-
dren into obedience.

36. The Fatal Misunderstanding. — A mother tells her little
child to give the baby something to eat, but she understands that
she is told to kill it, and obeys.

It is interesting to note how conventional expressions, or what
might be called the ** mythic formulae," differ as used by Haida
and Tlingit. Thus the Tlingit indicate that a town was large by
saying "it was a long town," while the Haida equivalent is, **it was
a town of five rows of houses." In Tlingit a girl is carried off by
some supernatural being because she had said something to offend
it ; in Haida it is because (or after) her father has refused a great
many suitors for her hand. In Tinglit a man kills his unkind uncle
or aunt by wishing that what he or she eats will not satisfy, but in
Haida he does it by feeding the person on nothing but grease.
Although the myths of both peoples speak of traveling in canoes
which are alive and have to be fed, in Tlingit these are always griz-
zly bears. Often it is said that the turnings in rivers were made by
grizzly bears who began to turn round as soon as they were hun-
gry. While four is nearly always the story or mystic number in
Haida, two appears quite as often in Tlingit. After a child with

SWANTON] TYPES OF HA ID A AND TLINGIT MYTHS IO3

supernatural powers is born, the Tinglit story-teller is content to
say that it grew up rapidly and hunted continually, but the Haida
must add that it cried for a bow and arrows and was not satisfied
until it obtained some made out of copper. Among the Haida,
too, a supernatural being is usually killed by cutting its body apart
and throwing a whetstone between, on which the body grinds itself
"to nothing.'* To express plenty the Tlingit say that one could
not see the inside of the house for the multitude of things in it ; a
child that has eaten something against the wishes of its elders has
the inside of its mouth scratched ; a medicine animal often appears
in the shape of a bear ; and it is always said of a supernatural be-
ing addicted to the habit of doing away with his wives periodically
that '* his wives do not last long."

POPULAR FALLACIES RESPECTING THE INDIANS

By henry W. HENSHAW

Since the day when Columbus miscalled the aborigines of
America " Indians," believing that he had discovered India, popu-
lar fallacies respecting them have been numerous and widespread.
Some of the more important of them will be discussed here.

Origin of tlie Indians. — As soon as, or even before, the newly-
discovered continent was found to be not connected with Asia, the-
ories of the origin of the Indians began to be formulated by the
learned, and, consistently with the religious spirit of the age, a solu-
tion of the problem was sought in Hebrew tradition. In the Indians
were recognized the descendants of the " lost tribes of Israel." The
latest and most earnest supporters of the Hebrew origin are the
Mormons, whose statements are alleged to have the authority of
direct revelation. Absurd as the theory is in the light of present
knowledge, anthropology owes to it several valuable treatises
on the habits and characteristics of the Indians, which it could ill
afford to lose, notably Lord Kingsborough's Mexican Antiquities
and Adair's History of the North American Indians^ the latter book
being filled with fancied similarities to Jewish customs, rites, and
even traditions.

Equally absurd, but less widespread, was the myth of a tribe of
Welsh Indians, descendants of a colony reputed to have been
founded by Prince Madoc about 1 1 70. The myth located them,
with their Welsh language and Welsh Bible, first on the Atlantic
coast, where they were identified with the Tuscarora, and then
farther and farther west, until about 1776 we find the Welsh, or
"white," Indians on the Missouri, where they appeared as the
Mandan (according to Catlin), later on Red river. Later still they
were identified with the Hopi of Arizona,[and finally with the Modoc
of Oregon, afler which they vanish.^

'MooDcy in Am, Anthrop,, iv, 393, 1891.

104

HENSHAW] FALLACIES RESPECTING THE INDIANS I05

Other seekers of a foreign origin for the American aborigines
have derived them in turn from Greeks, Chinese, Japanese, Phoeni-
cians, Irish, Polynesians, and even from the peoples of Australasia.
Most of these theories are based on fortuitous analogies in habits, in-
stitutions, and arts ; but the attempt is frequently made to strengthen
them by alleged similarities of language, language being confess-
edly the principal basis for classifying peoples. The general sim-
ilarity of the human mind in similar stages of culture in every part
of the world, with its proneness to produce similar arts, institutions,
religious ideas, myths, and even material products, sufficiently ex-
plains the former class of facts, whilst the hypotheses of identity of
language, based, as they invariably are, on a small number of verbal
similarities in the nature of coincidences, are wholly disproved on
adequate examination and analysis.

Indian Langtiages, — Indian languages are so utterly unlike
European speech in sound and so different in structure and charac-
ter that it is not surprising that erroneous conceptions concerning
them should arise. The unlearned conceived the ideas that the
speech of all Indians of whatsoever tribe was practically the same,
that it was little more than a sort of gibberish, that it contained but
a small number of words, that to eke out its shortcomings the
Indian was compelled to use gestures, that it was hardly human
speech, much less orderly and well developed language.

A comprehension of the manifold variety of Indian linguistic
families, embracing a multitude of languages and dialects, of their
rich vocabularies, flexible grammatical methods, and general suffi-
ciency to express any and all concepts the Indian mind is capable
of entertaining, above all, of their capacity, shared with more
advanced tongues, of indefinite expansion corresponding to culture
growth, was reserved for a later period and more complete study.
The intricacies of Indian languages are even yet but partially under-
stood ; their proper study has hardly begun, so vast is the field.

Indians not Nomadic, — One of the common fallacies of early
historians, by no means yet entirely dissipated, was the idea that
the Indians were generally nomadic, having no fixed place of abode,
but wandering hither and yon as fancy or the necessities of ex-
istence demanded. The term nomadic is not, in fact, properly ap-

I06 AMERICAN ANTHROPaLOGIST [n. s., 7. 1903

plicable to any Indian tribe. Every tribe and every congeries of
tribes, with exceptions to be noted, laid claim to and dwelt within
the limits of a certain tract or region the boundaries of which were
well understood and were handed down by tradition and never re-
linquished save to a superior force. Between many of the tribes,
indeed, were debatable areas, owned by none but claimed by all,
which from time immemorial formed the cause of disputes and inter-
tribal wars. Most or all of the tribes east of Mississippi river,
except in the north, and some west of it, were to a greater or less
extent agricultural and depended much for food on the products
of their tillage. During the hunting season such tribes or villages
broke up into small parties and dispersed over their domains more
or less widely in search of game ; or they visited the seashore for
fish and shellfish. Only in this restricted sense may they be said
to be nomadic. The so-called " horse Indians " and the Plains
Indians, at least after the latter acquired the horse, wandered very
widely in search of their chief dependence, the buffalo. Though
most of these had no fixed and permanent villages, they yet pos-
sessed clear ideas as to the extent of their own territory as well as
that of their neighbors. The Athapascan and Algonquian tribes of
the far north, where absence of agriculture, the wide expanses of
desolate territory, and the nature of the game necessitated frequent
changes of abode and forbade any form of fixed village life, most
nearly approached nomadic life.

Indian Ownership of Land, — The exact nature of Indian own-
ership of land appears not to have been understood by the early
settlers, and the misunderstanding was the fruitful source of trouble
and even bloodshed. Neither the individual Indian nor the family
possessed vested rights in land. The land belonged to the tribe as
a whole. Individual families and clans might appropriate for their
own use and tillage any portion of the tribe's unoccupied domain.
Hence it was impossible for a chief, family, clan, or any section of a
tribe legally to sell or to give away to aliens, white or red, any part
of the tribal domain, and the inevitable consequences of illegal sales
or gifls was bad feeling, followed oflen by repudiation of the con-
tract by the tribe as a whole. Attempts by the whites to enforce
these supposed legal sales were followed by disorder and bloodshed,
often by prolonged wars.

HENSHAW] FALLACIES RESPECTING THE INDIANS IO7

Ideas of Royalty. — It is perhaps not strange that the early emi-
grants to America, habituated to European ideas of royal descent
and kingly prerogative, should describe the simple village and
tribal organizations of the Indians with high-sounding phrases*
Early treatises on the Indians teem with the terms "king,"
"qiieen," and "princess,** and even with ideas of hereditary priv-
ilege and rank. It would be difficult to imagine states of society
more unlike than one implied by such terms and the simple democ-
racy of most of the Indians. On the northwest coast ideas of caste
had gained a foothold, principally founded on a property basis, but
this was exceptional. Equality and independence were the cardinal
principles of Indian society. In some tribes, as the Iroquois, certain
of the highest chieftaincies were confined to certain clans, and these
may be said in a modified sense to have been hereditary. Practi-
cally, however, all the offices within the limits of the tribal govern-
ment were purely elective. The ability of the candidates, their
courage, eloquence, previous services, above all their personal pop-
ularity, formed the basis for election to any and all offices. No
power in any wise analogous to that of the despot, no rank savoring
of inheritance, as we understand the term, existed among our
Indians. Even military service was not compulsory, but he who
would might organize a war party, and the courage and known
prowess in war of the leader chiefly determined the number of his
followers. So loose were the ties of authority on the warpath that
a bad dream or an unlucky presage was enough to diminish the
number of the war party at any time or even to break it up entirely.

The idea prevalent among the colonists of a legal executive head
over the Indians, a so-called king, was acceptable on account of the
aid it lent to the transaction of business with the Indians, especially
to the enforcement of contracts. It enabled the colonists to treat
directly and effectively with one man, or at most with a few, for the
sale of land, instead of with the tribe as a whole. The fact is that
social and political organization was of the lowest kind ; the very
name of tribe, with implication of a body bound together by social
ties and under some central authority, is of very uncertain application.

Knowledge of Medicine, — Many erroneous ideas of the practice
of medicine among the Indians are current, often fostered by quacks

I08 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s^ 7, 1905

who claim to have received herbs and methods of practice from noted
Indian doctors. The medical art among all Indians was rooted in
sorcery ; and the prevailing idea that diseases were caused by the
presence or acts of evil spirits, which could be removed only by
sorcery and incantation, controlled diagnosis and treatment This
conception gave rise to both priest and physician. Combined with
it there grew up a certain knowledge of and dependence upon
simples, one important development of which was what we know as
the doctrine of signatures, according to which the color, shape, and
markings of plants are supposed to indicate the organs for which
in disease they are supposed to be efficacious specifics. There was
current in many tribes, especially among the old women, a rude
knowledge of the therapeutic use of a considerable number of plants
and roots and of the sweating process, which was employed with
little discrimination.

Tlie Great Spirit, — Among the many erroneous conceptions re-
garding the Indian none has taken deeper root than the one which
ascribes to him belief in an overruling deity, the " Great Spirit."
Very far removed from this tremendous conception of one all-
powerful deity was the Indian belief in a multitude of spirits that
dwelt in animate and inanimate objects, to propitiate which was the
chief object of his supplications and sacrifices. To none of his
deities did the Indian ascribe moral good or evil. His religion was
practical. The spirits were the source of good or bad fortune
whether on the hunting path or the war trail, in the pursuit of a
wife or in a ball game. If successful he adored, offered sacrifices,
and made valuable presents. If unsuccessful he cast his manitou
away and offered his faith to more powerful or more friendly deities.

In this world of spirits the Indian dwelt in perpetual fear. He
feared to offend the spirits of the mountains, of the dark wood, of
the lake, of the prairie. The real Indian was a different creature
from the joyous and untrammeled savage pictured and envied by the
poet and philosopher.

Happy Hunting Ground, — If the term be understood to imply
nothing more than a belief of the Indian in a future existence, it
answers, perhaps, as well as another. That the Indian believes in
a future life his mortuary rites abundantly testify. It may be con-

"k.

HENSHAW] FALLACIES RESPECTING THE INDIANS IO9

iidently stated that no tribe of American Indians was without some
idea of a life after death ; but as to its exact nature and whereabouts
the Indian's ideas, differing in different tribes, were vague. Nor
does it appear that belief in a future life had any marked influence
on the daily life and conduct of the individual. The American
Indian seems not to have evolved the idea of hell and future
punishment.

Division of Labor. — The position of woman in Indian society,
especially as regards the division of labor, has been misunderstood.
Historians have generally pictured her as a drudge and slave, toiling
incessantly, while her indolent husband idles away most of the time
and exists chiefly by the fruits of her labor. While the picture is
not wholly false, it is much overdrawn, chiefly because the observa-
tions which suggest it were made about the camp or village, in
which and in the neighboring fields lay the peculiar province of
woman's activity. In addition to the nurture of children, their
duties were the care of the habitation, cooking, preparation of
skins, and the making of clothing, pottery, and basketry; and
among many tribes they were expected also to help bring home
the spoils of the chase. Among agricultural tribes tillage of the
fields was largely woman's work. Thus her tasks were many and
laborious, but she had her hours for gossip and for special women's
games. In an Indian community, where the food question is always
a serious one, there can be no idle hands. The women were aided
in their round of tasks by the children and the old men. Where
slavery existed their toil was further lightened by the aid of slaves,
and in other tribes captives were often compelled to aid in the
women's work.

The men did all the hunting, fishing, and trapping, which in
savagery are always toilsome, frequently dangerous, and not rarely
fatal, especially in winter. The man alone bore arms, and to him be-
longed the chances and dangers of war. The making and admin-
istration of laws, the conduct of treaties, and the general regulation
of tribal affairs were in the hands of the men, though in these fields
woman also had important prerogatives. To men were entrusted all
the important ceremonies and most of the religious rites, also the
task of memorizing tribal records and treaties, as well as rituals.

I lO AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

which involved astonishing feats of memory. The chief manual
labor of the men was the manufacture of hunting and war imple-
ments, an important occupation that took much time. The manu-
facture of canoes, also, was chiefly man's work. Thus in Indian
society the position of woman was always subordinate, and the lines
of demarcation between the duties of the sexes were everywhere
sharply drawn. Nevertheless, the division of labor was not so
unequal as it might seem to the casual observer, and it is difficult to
understand how the line could have been more fairly drawn in a
state of society where the military spirit was so dominant. Indian
communities lived in constant danger of attack, and their men,
whether in camp or on the march, must ever be ready at a moment's
warning to seize their arms and defend their homes and families.

Where Indian communities adopted settled village life, as did
the Pueblo peoples, or where the nature of tribal wealth was such
as to enable women to become property-holders on a large scale, as
among the Navaho, whose women own the sheep, or where slavery
was an established institution and extensively practised, as among
the northwest coast tribes, the position of women advanced, and
there ensued, among other social changes, a more equal division of
laborious tasks.

Indian Population. — Early estimates of Indian population were
greatly exaggerated, chiefly because they were based on the num-
bers observed in the more populous districts, as along the coast, on
the natural waterways, and in permanent settlements. The infer-
ence was that elsewhere the population was equally large, whereas
the country as a whole was but sparsely populated, and there were
extensive tracts in the United States which were practically unin-
habited. Later, when a fairly accurate census revealed a compara-
tively small population, the difference between the first estimates and
the actual numbers was accounted for by the theory of rapid deci-
mation due to pestilence. The Indian population of prehistoric
America can never be known, but all available data indicate that it
could not possibly have exceeded a million ; many authorities be-
lieve an estimate of half that number sufficient.

Degeneracy of Mixed-bloods, — It has long been an adage that
the mixed-blood is a moral degenerate, exhibiting few or none of

HKNSHAW] FALLACIES RESPECTING THE INDIANS 1 1 1

the virtues of either, but all the vices of both of the parent stocks.
In various parts of the country there are many mixed-bloods of
undoubted ability and of high moral standing, and there is no evi-
dence to prove that the low moral status of the average mixed-
bloods of the frontier is a necessary result of mixture of blood, but
there is much to indicate that it arises chiefly from his unfortunate
environment. The mixed-blood finds little favor with either race,
while his superior education and advantages, derived from associa-
tion with the whites, enable him to outstrip his Indian brother in the
pursuit of either good or evil. Absorption into the dominant race
is likely to be the fate of the Indian, and there is no reason to fear
that when freed from his anomalous environment the mixed-blood
will not win an honorable, social, industrial, and political place in the
national life.

Indian Pygmies and Giants. — All times and all peoples have
had traditions of pygmies and giants. It is therefore nowise sur-
prising that such myths were early transplanted to American soil.
The story of an ancient race of pygmies in Tennessee, familiar to
most archeologists, owes its origin to the discovery, in the early half
of the last century, of numerous small stone coffins, or cists, contain-
ing skeletons. The largest, measured by Featherstonhaugh, was 24
inches long by 9 inches deep. The small size of the cists was
assumed by their discoverers to be proof of the existence of a race
of dwarfs, and the belief gained ready credence and exists to the
present day in the minds of a few. In many cases the skeletons of
the supposed dwarfs proved to be those of children, while, as pointed
out by Jones and Thomas, the skeletons of the adults found in the
cists had been deprived of flesh, a common Indian mortuary custom,
and then disjointed, when the bones of an adult could be packed
into a very small space.

A race of dwarfs has also been popularly ascribed to the cliff-
dweller region of New Mexico and Arizona, partly owing to the
finding of shriveled and shrunken mummies of children, too hastily
assumed to be those of dwarfs, and partly owing to the discovery
of small apartments in the cliff dwellings, of the nature of cubby-
holes for the storage of property, the entrances to which were too
small to permit the passage, erect, of an ordinar>- man ; hence, in the

112 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

mind of the discoverers, they must have been used by dwarfs. The
Pueblo peoples are, indeed, of relatively small stature, but they are
as far from being dwarfs as other Indians from being giants.^

The myth of the discovery of giant skeletons perennial in news-
papers, is revived at times by the finding of huge fossil mammalian
remains of ancient epochs, erroneously supposed by the ignorant to
be human ; at others by the discovery of buried skeletons the bones
of which have in the course of time become separated so as to give
the impression of beings of unusual height. There was considerable
diversity of stature among Indian tribes, some, as the Pueblos, being
of rather small size, while among the tribes of the lower Colorado
and the Plains were many men of unusual size. Now and then, too,
as among other peoples, a man is found who is a real giant among
his kind ; a skeleton was exhumed in West Virginia which measured
yyi feet in length and 19 inches across the shoulders.

Mound-builders and Cliff-dwellers. — The belief was formerly
held by many that the mound-builders of the Mississippi valley and
the cliff-dwellers of the southwestern border were racially distinct
from the Indians or had reached a superior degree of culture. The
more thoroughly the mounds and cliff ruins have been explored and
the more carefully the artifacts, customs, and culture status of these
ancient peoples are studied, the more apparent is it that their attain-
ments were nowise superior to those of the later Indian. There is
no evidence incompatible with the theory that the builders of the
mounds and the dwellers in the cliffs are the ancestors of the tribes
now or recently in possession of the same regions.

Stolidity and Taciturnity, — The idea of the Indian, once popu-
lar, suggests a taciturn and stolid character who smoked his pipe
in silence and stalked reserved and dignified among his fellows.
Unquestionably the Indian of the Atlantic slope differed in many
respects from his kinsmen farther west ; it may be that the forest
Indian of the north and east imbibed something of the spirit of the
primeval woods which, deep and gloomy, overspread much of his
region. If so, he has no counterpart in the regions west of the

For details respecting the dwarfs of Tennessee see Haywood, Natural and Aborig-
inal History of Tennessee^ 1823 ; and Jones, Antiquities of Tennessee^ 10, 1876.

HENSHAW] FALLACIES RESPECTING THE INDIANS II3

Mississippi. On occasions of ceremony and religion the western
Indian can be both dignified and solemn, as befits the occasion, but
his nature, if not as bright and sunny as that of the Polynesian, is at
least as far removed from moroseness as his disposition is from taci*
tumity. The Indian of the present day has a fair sense of humor
and is by no means a stranger to jest, laughter, and even repartee.

AM. AMTH., N. S., 7—8

BOOK REVIEWS

Th€ American Xaiion : A History. Volume IL Basis of American
History^ ijoo-igoo. By Lmxcsrox Farrasd, A.M., M.D.,
Professor of Anthropolog}', Columbia University. New York and
London : Harper Brothers. 1904. 8°, 303 pages, i pi., 10 maps.

The American nation as a political miit merely is a subject easily
compassed by the historian, since its foundation lies not only within the
period of written history, but within the narrow limits of discovery and
colonization. But he who would venture to treat the national history in
its fuller significance must carry his researches beyond the limits of the
Colinnbian period and over a \'ast range of subject-matter ; he must con-
sider the races and cultures of the Old World and their &r-reaching in-
fluence in the New ; he must have an intimate acquaintance with the New
World, giving due attention to its configuration, its climate, and its
resources, and must build up the background of his picture with the his-
tory of the American race. These are the elements that, in the view of
Dr Farrand, constitute the basis of the histor\' of the American nation.
The time may or may not have come for an adequate presentation of this
history ; the point of Wew may not yet be sufficiently remote for com-
prehensive vision, and the knowledge of the field and its complex phe-
nomena may not be sufficiently complete ; but our author has ventured
on the task, and the future must determine the wisdom of the under-
taking and the degree of his success.

In the earlier chapters the author depicts in a simple and effective
manner the ph)rsical features of the continent, characterizing the areas
fitted for human occupancy and pointing out the bearing of the mountain
masses, the deserts, and rivers on the distribution of populations. He
shows how the invading race advanced to the conquest of the fertile
vallejrs and the prairies, and how the aborigines were pushed inland
along the waterways, across the passes, and over the portages, until the
great habitable areas were almost completely wrested from their grasp.
The special areas that had nurtured the native communities and developed
their peculiar culture now became the focal centers for the development
of the new people and the new culture. Dr Farrand summarizes the
characteristics of the great areas of human activity, and enumerates
(touching all too lightly on the mineral kingdom) the resources which,

114

BOOK REVIEWS II5

under the simple regime of the Indian, gave him an impulse toward civil-
ization, and which in the stronger grasp of the white race created a new
empire almost within the limit of a lifetime. Having covered this much
of the ground, the author takes up the story of the native tribes as an
essential part of the national history.

Chapter 5 is devoted to a consideration of the very important ques-
tion of the antiquity of man in what is now the domain of the American
nation. The geological evidence is dismissed with a few short para-
graphs, leaving the impression that as yet little satisfactory proof of great
antiquity has been found. Facts relied on when investigations began a
few years ago as fully establishing the existence of conditions of occu-
//pancy and culture parallel with those of Europe, have more recently
been given different and much simpler interpretations. Finds of artifacts
in Glacial gravels are too few and too imperfectly attested to carry con-
viction to the conservative student, and it is pointed out that caves which
have for untold centuries offered free shelter to the tribes that have come
and gone, yield no trace of occupancy by others than the Indian tribes
as known to us. It is justly considered, however, that the continent
must have been occupied for thousands of years, the well -authenticated
traces extending far back toward the period that witnessed the final
retreat of the Glacial ice beyond the northern limits of the Great I^kes.
The mound builders and the cliff dwellers, about whom much misconcep-
tion and error have insisted on clustering, are relegated to their proper
place in the simple history of Indian occupancy. In the light of the
straightforward and judicious interpretations presented by Dr Farrand,
the cobwebs of early misinterpretation are swept completely away.

In Chapter 6 a comprehensive glance is taken of the North Ameri-
can aborigines for the period beginning with 1500 and ending with 1900
— the period during which they have been under the observation of our
own race. The first requisite in this presentation is a classification of the
extensive and complex phenomena involved, and it is pointed out that
four groupings of the tribes are possible : by physical characters, by lan-
guages, by geographical areas, and by culture groups. The physical char-
acters are varied and pronounced, but difficult to formulate in such ways
as to serve as a basis for treatment. The grouping by languages is re-
garded as the most satisfactory for scientific discussion, but the tribes
north of Mexico present such a wonderful diversity of tongues that fifty-
seven distinct linguistic groups or families are recognized, making impos-
sible a brief and comprehensive treatment on this basis.

It is believed by Dr Farrand that a grouping by geographical areas

1 1 6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, i^c^

is the most satisfactory for his purpK>se, the areas being such as have, partly
at least, through their peculiar characteristics of conformation and resour-
ces, led to the development of somewhat decidedly distinctive phases of
culture. By this method the number of groups may be large or small as
the treatment demands. Seven are considered sufficient for the author's
purpose, and are as follows : ( i ) the Eskimo ; (2) the tribes of the North
Pacific coast ; (3) the tribes of the Mackenzie river basin and the high
plateaus; (4) the tribes of the Columbia river and California; (5) the
tribes of the Great Plains ; (6) the tribes of the eastern woodlands ; and
(7) the tribes of the Southwest and Mexico. The Eskimo occupy the
northern shoreline of the continent from Bering sea to Greenland, and
originally, it is surmised, extended south into New England. They are
a people widely separated from the Indian in physical and mental char-
acters, whose origin is not determined, but whose adjustment to the Arctic
environment and unique resultant culture are among the most interesting
and instructive lessons of aboriginal America. Contrasting strongly with
the Eskimo, and presenting physical and cultural characters hardly less re-
markable, are the tribes of the Northwest coast. The third group, assem-
bled in the great northern inland region, connects with the Eskimo on
the north and extends from the coast ranges on the west to Hudson bay
on the east ; while the fourth occupies the basin of Columbia river and the
numerous minor valleys opening out to the Pacific in Oregon and California.
The fifth group comprises the great warrior-hunter tribes of the inland
plains, of which the Sioux are taken as the type ; the sixth, the formerly
powerful and strongly contrasting Iroquoian and Algonquian groups of the
eastern woodland north and south, with which the English and French colon-
ists had chiefly to deal ; and the seventh, the many tribes of the Southwest
and Mexico, presenting numerous physical types and greatly diversified
cultures. Of the three hundred or more tribes thus passed under review,
few could even be mentioned and fewer described by Dr Farrand with
any degree of fulness in the brief space allotted ; but the perusal of these
chapters will give the reader an excellent notion of the people as a whole,
and of the groups as assembled in the great specialization areas of the
northern portions of the continent.

The chapters treating of the social organization of the tribes ; houses,
house life, and food quest ; industrial life and warfare ; religion, mythol-
ogy, and art ; and the character and future of the Indians, which follow,
are excellent summaries of these subjects ; and the final chapter, a critical
essay on authorities, will prove to be of high value to the student.

Not without shortcomings such as necessarily result from the crowd-

BOOK REVIEWS 11/

ing of a vast subject within narrow limits (the faults of omission), this
work is charmingly simple, direct, and comprehensive. The reader is
not led into troublesome mazes of speculation, nor is he asked to skate on
the thin ice of preconceived notions ; the work must therefore prove a
boon to schools and to the general public, which have too long been at
the mercy of the hobby-rider and the sensation-monger. It is conserva-
tive and refreshingly healthy in tone throughout. The publishers will be
fortunate if the other volumes of the composite work to which this one
belongs reach an equal standard of excellence.

W. H. Holmes

An Outline of the Theory of Organic Evolution, with a Description of
some of the Phenomena which it Explains. By Maynard M. Met-
CALF. New York : The Macmillan Company. 1904. 8°, xxii,
204 pages, illustrated.

This book, as the author says, is not intended for biologists, but for
la3rmen, and especially for such as are somewhat young either in years or
in science. But many a biologist could doubtless refresh his memory,
dimmed by long special researches, by scanning its attractive pages, and
especially its profuse and well-selected illustrations. It covers the entire
field of organic nature, and the examples are drawn as well from plants as
from animals. The author, although he says that he believes ** that all
nature is controlled by an intelligent Providence, * * is a thoroughgoing
evolutionist. He is also open-minded, and accepts all the evidence from
whatever source. For example, he gives some excellent illustrations of
sexual selection, which some eminent evolutionists affect to discredit.

If the book were exclusively devoted to biology in the narrower sense
of dealing with plants and the lower animals, it could not be expected
that the American Anthropologist would give space to it, however meri-
torious, but the author has not stopped with animals in the ordinary
sense. He has devoted a chapter to the evolution of man. In this he
says:

"Study of human anatomy shows mankind to be probably a single
species, belonging to the Primates, a group of the Mammalia, including,
besides man, the lemurs and the apes and monkeys of the eastern and
western hemispheres. Man is most related to the Simiida, the tailless
apes of Asia and Africa, including the gibbon, the orang, the chimpanzee,
and the gorilla. It is usual to place humankind in a distinct family of
Primates, Hominida, It is now the general consensus of opinion that we
should recognize but a single species and distinguish as subspecies the
several races of men.*'

1 1 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

In support of these views he gives the well-known figures of Huxley
showing the skeletons of man and the foiu: anthropoid apes, and also the
remarkable series of embryos arranged by Haeckel to show the phylogeny
and ontogeny of man. This series first appeared in Haeckel' s Anthro-
pogente, 1874, pi. v. It has been copied many times, and our author,
who does not seem to be acquainted with Haeckel' s work, borrowed it
from Romanes (^Darwin and after Darwin, pp. 152-153).

The general reflections in which the author indulges growing out of
these and other facts adduced in favor of human evolution, show a strong
coordinating power and a broad view of his subject. The role of the
higher mind is clearly grasped, and its bearing on the future of evolution,
both favorable and unfavorable, is well set forth. Perhaps he somewhat
exaggerates the tendency of civilization to preserve the biologically unfit,
but he may be pardoned, for this is a favorite theme of modem biological
philosophers, many of whom are so carried away by it that they lose all
sense of perspective and become wholly pessimistic. Not so our author,
although he sounds the note of warning. But he sees, as many do not,
that intelligence exempts mankind for the most part from the principle of
selection, and enables him to control and transform his environment, in-
stead of being controlled and transformed by it. **We can," he says
** to a considerable extent, control our own evolution. The lower ani-
mals cannot do so. They lack the intelligence which gives us this power. ' '
But he seems to share with Galton, Ribot, and others the faith that what-
ever progress is to be brought about through intelligence must consist in
some sort of rational stirpiculture or * * eugenics, ' ' and be exclusively
physiological. The idea of a strictly social evolution, as distinguished
from biological evolution, seems to be outside the range of his studies.

Lester F. Ward.

An Introduction to the Theory of Mental and Social Measurements, By
Edward L. Thorndike. New York: The Science Press. 1904.
8®, xii, 210 pages.

The author claims this book to be a statement of the first principles
and rules of procedure in the treatment of statistical data, to serve as a
handbook for the students of all sciences using statistical material. Yet it
is obvious, on looking into the special methods discussed, that the treatise
is expressly for the students of education and psychology. The apparent
design of the work is to present methods of procedure based on mathe-
matical conceptions with the mathematics left out, the author himself
being fiiUy conscious of the awkwardness of his position. Since methods

BOOK REVIEWS 1 19

of handling statistics for variable phenomena are of special interest to
physical anthropology, an application of methods to similar conditions
in other fields of investigation will always deserve attention. All statis-
tical work in variation proceeds on the assumption that variation is the
result of a large number of independent causes working independently,
the probabilities of their acting and not acting being equal. Such a con-
dition gives a distribution of cases expressed by the binomial formula.
Whenever it can be established that anatomical measurements for a
homogeneous people follow the same law, mathematics will be of great
service and new fields of research will present themselves. Physical
anthropology has firmly established itself by empirically demonstrating
the correspondence between the observed facts and this mathematical ex-
pression. However, the great obstacle to research has been the general
ignorance of mathematics on the part of the workers, self-justified by
traditions against the use of its methods.

While the psychologists have been using the same mathematical
methods, they have not yet demonstrated in the same rough fashion the
correspondence between their data and the binomial formula, or the more
general expression of the exponential formula. The author devotes
much space to the presentation of types of distribution obtained in the
various kinds of data to give the student some idea of the basis for the
assumption of the applicability of the mathematical formulas that hold for
the conditions of a single type of distribution. This is commendable
and safe ground, but merely states observations. The critical reader of
the book must feel that the advice of the author to regard every distribu-
tion as being of the symmetrical type unless there is good reason for not
doing so would rule out the remainder of the book, since, as far as can be
judged by eye, the majority of the plotted distributions show asymmetrical
tendencies. This will doubtless serve the good purpose of making the
student duly cautious in th« use of the method. The weakness of the
author* s position is in his failure to give a satisfactory basis for the determi-
nation of asymmetry. The question of the type of distribution would
have come to something more definite if the relation between the higher
powers of the deviations and the type of distribution had been discussed.
As it is, the whole preliminary discussion fails to suggest a way out of
seemingly hopeless diversity of forms of distribution.

The book must be estimated as an exposition of established methods
rather than as a contribution to the knowledge of the subject. To this
end the author has chosen a few main points and treated them at length.
The illustrative examples are original, and although sometimes a little

I20 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Strained seem to serve their purpose: e, g., John's Christmas money,
the relative probability of his receiving a dollar from different sources, is
carried through the entire chapter on the cause of variability.

Some useful adaptations of principles are worked out by the author as
special methods of procedure in psychological research : 1. e. , the trans-
mutation of relative measures into those of quantity. The author's discus-
sion of the zero point of a series seems unnecessarily confusing ; in this as
in several other instances he gives the reader the impression that he is in
too great haste to get to the end. The standard deviation is represented
in the exponential formula by fi and in the text by <i- ; as this occurs on
the same page without explanation it will confuse the student. The dis-
tinction between the mode and the average is dwelt upon at length, but
it would have been more emphatic if a brief mathematical demonstration
had been added. In the treatment of accuracy of measurements the
student should have been given the simple formula for the correction of
the standard deviation. These are some of the instances in which the
author's fear of mathematics led him to eliminate matter that is really
useful to the reader even though he must take its verity on faith.

The appearance of the book is an encouraging sign that psychology
may be about to begin substantial advance in one important part of its
field. As a text book for a preparatory course to psychological investiga-
tion it has many points of excellence, but the author's hope that it will be
of great service to the unmathematical reader is not well grounded, for
it is the experience of the reviewer that even such a presentation reaches
only the mathematically inclined. Clark Wissler.

Notes d* archiologie prihistorique, — Nos ancetres primitifs. Par A.
DoiGNEAU. Preface par le Docteur Capitan. Paris : Librarie C.
Clavreuil. 1905. 8®, 202 pages, 109 figures.

This volume is very well characterized by the author in the dedication
as **a work of popularization "; and again by Dr Capitan in the preface
as ** a concise r6sum6 of the history of our primitive ancestors. ' ' Turn-
ing to the table of contents, the history is found to be limited to the chap-
ters dealing with the ages of stone. Such a work marks a timely step in
the right direction. The domain of prehistoric archeology is a broad one.
The period of pioneering has therefore of necessity been long. But there
comes a time in the development of a science, as in that of a country,
when the trail should give place to the highway. There are those who
will always prefer the trail. Let them still wander to their heart's con-
tent through the wilderness. Their course leads by way of the numerous

BOOK REVIEWS 121

publications of museums, societies, academies, etc. ; of scientific journals,
government reports, books of travel, as well as works on special topics.
But that way is too laborious for the great majority whose means of com-
munication should be as easy and direct as possible, and who may choose
to be personally conducted. In that case, Doigneau is recommended as
their guide. He knows the field and has supplemented his text by
copious references to the original sources of infonnation.

In archeology it is necessary to know the when as well as the what
and the where ; hence the importance of chronological classification. In
prehistoric archeology the chronology is of necessity relative rather than
absolute. The author offers nothing new in the way of classification, his
outline agreeing practically with that made by Gabriel de Mortillet * more
than ten years ago. The stone age is divided into three periods : ( i )
eolithic, (2) paleolithic, and (3) neolithic. It is well known that to Sir
John Lubbock (Lord Avebury) belongs the credit of first employing the
terms paleolithic and neolithic. As to the name eolithic, the author
leaves one to infer (p. 36) that it was introduced by G. de Mortillet.
Dr A. Rutot * of Brussels also believes him to have been the first to pro-
pose that name to designate a primitive industry antedating the paleo-
lithic. In the opinion of the reviewer, and as stated by him in a paper
written last year but not yet published, the priority belongs to Mr J.
Allen Brown, late fellow of the Geological Society of London, who made
use of the term ** eolithic ** in a communication ' read before the Anthro-
pological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland on March 8th, 1892,
whereas de Mortillet submitted his * * Classification palethnologique * * to
the Paris Society of Anthropology on December 6, 1894.*

The eolithic period of Doigneau, like that of de Mortillet, is placed
wholly in the Tertiary. The paleolithic is referred to the early Quater-
nary and the neolithic to the Recent. On the other hand Rutot has
recently shown that the eolithic is by no means confined to the Tertiary
— Reutelian, Reutelo-Mesvinian, and Mesvinian industries all occur-
ring in the lower Quaternary. In regard to the subdivisions of the
paleolithic period, the author does not seem to share the opinion of
Professor Hoemes* and others that the Chellean, Acheulian, and

1 Classification palethnologique, Buii. Soc. d^anthr. de Paris ^ 1S94, p. 616.

»Le prthistorique dans 1' Europe centrale, etc. Extrait du C-R. du Congr,
d^arch, etd*hist.j Dinant, 1903, p. 244.

•On the continuity of the paleolithic and neolithic periods. J, A. /., xxii, 93.

« Page 616 of the Bulletins.

* Moriz Hoernes, Der diluviaU Mensch in Europe^ Braunschweig, Friedrich Vieweg
und Sohn, 1903 (reviewed in American Anthropologist ^ N. s., 1903, v, 695).

1 22 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Mousterian epochs are but phases of one and the same industry. Yet
he goes so far as to admit that : the Acheulian cannot be considered as
constituting a veritable epoch. It is at the same time the end of the
Chellean and the beginning of the Mousterian, a passage from the one to
the other, and marking a relatively short period of time. The Solutrean
is also looked upon as a transition epoch. A good deal of space is given to
the closing epoch of the paleolithic period which was marked by a real
passion for art. Indeed the Magdalenian epoch may well be called the
Phidian age of prehistoric times. Records have been preserved of each
successive step from sculpture in the round, through high-relief and low-
relief to delicate engraving. Color was sometimes combined with engrav-
ing, as in the remarkable frescoes which adorn the cavern walls of Fond-
de-Gaume, near Les Eyzies. Curious markings suggestive of a halter on
some of the figures of horses from the cavern walls of Combarelles, also
near Les Eyzies, have led to the question of domestication of animals
during the paleolithic period. Doigneau does not believe the evidence
sufficient to demonstrate that any animal had become domesticated previous
to the arrival of the neolithic peoples in Europe.

The closing chapter deals with the neolithic period ; the hiatus, sup-
posed by some to separate it from the paleolithic, the author believes to
be non-existent. In support of this view he marshals the evidence
furnished by the researches of de Mortillet at la Tourasse (Haute-
Garonne), Piette at Mas d'Azil (Ari^ge), Salmon and Capitan at Cam-
pigny (Seine-Inftrieure), and d*Ault du Mesnil in the valley of the
Somme. The Tourassian is a transition epoch. The Campignian epoch
is characterized by the survival of a few ancient types, such as scrapers,
double scrapers, and gravers, and the appearance of two new types, the
paring-knife and the pick. Nowhere was there the slightest evidence of
an attempt at polishing the stone implements. This was reserved for the
following epoch, the so-called Robenhausian.

The story as told by Doigneau is attractive throughout. The ex-
cellent figures are, happily, almost exclusively of specimens in his own
collection. The references, though numerous, are wholly confined to
French authors or French translations of foreign authors, with the excep-
tion of citations from a few classical writers — a limitation perhaps more
apparent than real when the scope of the work is taken into consideration.
A few typographical errors are noted, among which may possibly be
classed the statement that Pithecanthropus was found near Java.

George Grant MacCurdy.

BOOK RE VIE IVS 1 23

Persona! Names of Indians of New Jersey : Being a list of Six Hundred
and Fifty such Names, Gleaned mostly from Indian deeds of the Seven-
teenth Century, By William Nelson. Paterson, N. J. : The
Paterson History Club. 1904. 8®, 83 pages.

The title of this book sufficiently explains itself. The author, who
has already given us a work on the ** Indians of New Jersey/' states in the
preface that the nucleus of the present compilation appeared in the Amer-
ican Anthropologist for January, 1902, and that the interest manifested
in that publication has led him to extend the list to its present proportions.
'' It is believed that no such list of aboriginal personal names, principally
of the seventeenth century, has ever been published before." It is a
laborious and valuable work, conscientiously performed, of use alike to
the historian, philologist, and ethnologist, particularly in connection
with the old Lenape or Delaware tribe. Its usefulness will increase with
acquaintance, and it would be well if we could have more such compila-
tions on which to draw for material. James Mooney.

The Mythology of the Wichita, Collected under the Auspices of the Car-
negie Institution of Washington, By George A. Dorsey, Curator of
Anthropology, Field Columbian Museum. Washington ; Published
by the Carnegie Institution of Washington. 1904. (Publication
No. 21.) 8**, 351 pages.

This and the companion volume by the same author. Traditions of the
Arikara (Publication No. 17) are the most recent fruits of a study of the
Caddoan tribes begun several years ago by Dr Dorsey for the Field Co-
lumbian Museum and continued under an allotment from the Carnegie
Institution. The Wichita are a southern branch, as the Arikara are a north-
em branch, of the Pawnee proper, all three tribes speaking the same
language with dialectic variations, and being primarily sedentary and
agricultural in habit as distinguished from the roving, hunting tribes by
which they were formerly surrounded. The Wichita of today, now settled
on individual allotments in southwestern Oklahoma, are all that are left
of three formerly distinct tribes speaking the same language, viz. , Wichita
proper, Waco, and Tawaconi, with the Kichai, of distinct but cognate
language. The Wichita proper when first known had their villages on
the upper waters of Red river, about Wichita falls and in the Wichita
mountains, while the other two bands lived farther south, and the Kichai
fJButher east, in Texas. One hundred years ago the four tribes numbered
together at least 2,500, the Wichita proper being estimated at 400 men.
In 1874 ^^^y numbered together 671 souls; in 1885 ^^^Y ^^ dwindled

124 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

to 448 and in 1903 to 338, a decrease of one-half in thirty years. Their
fate is the common fate of the western tribes and emphasizes the necessity
of energetic field work while opportunity remains. On the field result of
the next ten years depends the final position of American ethnology.

In the valuable introductory sketch the earliest date noted is that of
the Dragoon expedition to the North Fork village in 1834. The docu-
mentary French history of the tribe goes back at least to 1720. The
Rush Springs date given is a misprint for 1852. Only the Wichita
proper lived at North Fork ; the other bands came up from Texas in
1856.

An interesting account follows of the peculiar tattooing, from which
the tribe derived the old name of Pani Piqu6. Their unique grass houses
and arbors are described in detail, and attention is given to their name
system, childbirth, war, marriage and mourning customs, all of which are
dominated by the religious idea, the religion itself being described as a
star cult, as is also that of the Pawnee. The Sun, Moon, and Morning
Star appear to be the most prominent divinities, the Moon presiding
especially over the destinies of the women. Time, from the creation to
the death of all things, is divided into four eras. We are now in the
fourth or era of decline, after which there will be a renewal by the star
gods and another cycle of four eras will begin. Notwithstanding the
commonly accepted opinion that the Pawnee and Wichita are a part of
the Caddoan stock of the timber region of Louisiana and eastern Texas,
both Dr Dorsey and Miss Alice C. Fletcher have independently arrived at
the same conclusion, from a study of their cults, that the true ancient
home of these tribes was in the open country of the plains or the desert
southwest.

Sixty myths are given, including variants. Several of the variants
might well have been omitted, being simply fragmentary renderings of
the more complete myth as told by a better story-teller. In the shorter
tales the Coyote, as usual on the Plains, appears as a trickster, usually
coming to grief in the end by his impatience and mercenary desire.
** He would always do something wrong and let the power escape him.**
In ** The Coyote and His Magic Shield and Arrows '* we are introduced
to some wonderful arrows which talk among themselves and go out every
day hunting while their master remains at home. ** Finally all his arrows
came in, each carrying a whole buffalo. * * But all this was a long time
ago. In **The Seven Brothers and the Woman,** **when she tossed
the double-ball she went with it up in the air * * to escape her pursuer.
This story, which accounts for the origin of the Pleiades, has a close

BOOK REVIEWS 12$

parallel among the Kiowa. The incident of smearing an unseen night
visitor with ashes occurs in some myth of nearly every tribe from the
Eskimo to the isthmus, being usually told to account for the spots on the
moon. The main incident in ** The Woman who Married a Star'* is
also paralleled in probably all the Plains mythologies.

Other coincidences with the universal body of Indian myth are con-
stantly cropping out in these Wichita tales and may be accepted as the
natural outcome of the workings of the primitive mind under similar
circumstances, but occasionally we find parallels which seem unaccount-
able except on the theory of actual contact by tribes or individuals.
As an instance take ** The Man who Went to Spirit Land." His wife
has died and he goes night after night to mourn at her grave. The spirit
of a former friend appears and tells him how he may bring back the
woman from the land of the dead. The spirit gives him four mud balls
and instructs him how to use them.

** His friend touched his eyes and he found himself in another world,
till with his friend. Around him, as far as his eye could see, he saw
lodges. They entered the homes of the dead, and finally came to the
place where the dance was, and there the dead man left his friend. The
live man saw his wife dancing, and as she came around he threw one of
the mud balls at her and hit her, as he had been told to do. She went
around the pole that they were dancing around and when she came around
again he threw another mud ball at her and hit her again. Every time she
came around he threw at her, until he had thrown the last ball. Then she
left the dance and went off to her home, and the live man followed her. ' '

In the story of **The Daughter of the Sun," in the present re-
viewer's Myths of the Cherokee in the 19th Report of the Bureau of Eth-
nology, 1902, seven messengers set out for the Spirit World to bring
back the soul of the daughter of the Sun, carrying with them seven
magic rods: ** They took the rods and a large box and traveled seven
days to the west until they came to the Darkening Land. There were a
great many people there, and they were having a dance just as if they
were at home in the settlement. The young woman was in the outside
circle, and as she sw^ung around to where the seven men were standing,
one struck her with his rod and she turned her head and saw him. As she
came around the second time another touched her with his rod, and then
another and another, until at the seventh round she fell out of the ring,
and they put her into the box and closed the lid fast."

Several songs are given with musical notation by Mr Frederic R.
Burton. The last thirty-five pages are devoted to abstracts of the

126 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

myths, thus afTording convenient basis for comparison. The language
throughout is simple and in accord with Indian expression, and each In-
dian assistant is given full credit.

With so much that is good it is regrettable that we have not more,
particularly in the way of notes and glossary. It has been well said that
the purpose of a museum is to illustrate a series of labels. In a similar
manner a main purpose of a myth collection is to illustrate custom, ritual,
and language. Almost every one of these myths contains reference to
some custom or ceremony of which the layman would wish to know more,
while an analytic vocabulary of the Indian terms would give a deeper
meaning to the myths themselves and add a philologic value to this revela-
tion of a most interesting people. James Moonev.

Vier Lustspiek (^Der franzosisch-preussische Krieg — Ich gratuliere ; —
Grosse Wahl schafft grosse Qua I — £in Liebesbrief), Von Kosta
Trifkovic. Ubersetzt und fiir die deutsche Buhne bearbeitet von
Dr Friedrich S. Krauss. (Bibliothek ansgewahlter serbischer
Meisterwerke, Band IV). Leipzig: Deutsche Verlagsaktien Gesell-
schaft. 1904. i2°,xvi, 182 pages.

In the fourth volume of the Library of Servian Masterworks, which
Dr Krauss is now editing, he introduces us to another talented young
author who, although prematurely cut off just when life was most full of
promise, has left such impress upon the literature of his people that his
dramas are still the favorites of the Servian stage thirty years after his
death.

Kosta Trifkovic was bom of Servian parents at Neusatz, southern
Hungary, in 1843, and after the usual school period and a short experi-
ence in seafaring life, he betook himself to law and literature while hold-
ing a small governmental clerkship at Budapest. His literary efforts
were directed chiefly to the building up of a national Servian stage at
Neusatz to rival that of Belgrade. With capacity for doing two years'
work in one, and an equipment of five languages, he worked untiringly
until stricken by a fever which finally resulted in his untimely death in
1875 at the age of thirty-two. In four short years of production he had
brought out seven original dramas, arranged ten others from the German
and French, and written two important works of fiction and an autobio-
graphy, besides critiques and numerous shorter articles which were pub-
lished in a journal which he had founded.

The four specimen comedies are filled with sparkling wit and catchy
verses, and a succession of bewilderingly comic situations which finally

BOOK REVIEWS 12/

disentangle themselves^ so that all ends well at last, as a good story
should. There are frequent appeals to Servian patriotism, and reference
to several interesting national customs such as the New Year celebration
and the betrothal feast. It is to be hoped that the translator may suc-
ceed in his efforts to bring such excellent work to a wider circle of acquain-
tance. James Mooney.

Anthropophyteia : Jahrbucher fur Folkloristische Erhebungen und For-
schungen zur Eniwicklungsgeschichte der geschlechtUchen Moral.
[Yearbooks for Folklore Collections and Investigations relating to the
Historical Development of the Sexual Code.] Herausgegeben von
Dr Friedrich S. Krauss. Band I. Sudslavische Volksiiberlieferung-
en, die sich auf den Geschlechtsverkehr beziehen. I. Erzahlungen,
gesammelt, verdeutscht und erlautert von Dr Friedrich S. Krauss.
Leipzig: Deutsche Aktien-Gesellschafl. 1904. 8°, xxii, 530 pages.

This remarkable production of the distinguished South Slavic ethnolo-
gist is the first volume of an investigation of the sexual folklore of the
Balkan provinces, of which a preliminary publication appeared in Kryptadia
(Paris) some years ago. The volume is dedicated to Dr Franz Boas of
New York, who, in a brief introductory letter, points out the importance,
to the student of European anthropology, of a knowledge of present con-
ditions, as well as of vanished and vanishing customs.

The work, which is printed in numbered copies for the use of students
only, embodies the result of a patient investigation of an important but
peculiarly difficult and ungrateful subject along the border-line between
primitive anthropology and modem civilization. From the nature of the
subject it is impossible to go into detail, but it may be said briefly that
every phase receives careful attention, from remains of ancient phallicism
to the popular proverb. Special topics treated in this connection are
supernatural conception, personal and place names, sexual teaching,
betrothal and marriage customs, sexual hospitality, the jus prima noctis,
erotic tattooing, perversions, and modem prostitution. Most of the ma-
terial is given in the form of short narrative descriptions in the various
Slavic provincial dialects, with German translation and notes.

There is one curious Bosnian myth of a woman who becomes pregnant
and a mother from having eaten the unconsumed heart of a sinner whose
body had been given to the flames. As the manifold sins have been
burned away with the body, leaving the heart in its original purity, the
child grows up to be a saint. The primitive idea of the sun or moon as
the fertilizer siu^ives in the belief that a young woman may become preg-

128 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

nant by sleeping naked under the light of the full moon or by walking
naked at noon of a sunny day through a field of growing grain. The
children of such conception can see spirits. The right of the first night
is still but a thing of yesterday, particularly in the provinces most recendy
emancipated from Turkish misrule, and was even made a claim by the
landed proprietor upon his impoverished debtor, while the essentially
primitive custom of sexual hospitality seems hardly yet to be obsolete in
the Balkan provinces.

The deep pervading bestiality of thought and act made manifest in
these relations is certainly without parallel in any other civilized country.
It must be remembered that the book does not deal with the aberrant im-
pulse of a decadent aristocracy, a degenerate city slum community, or of
a miscellaneous gathering of the refuse of the earth at some shipping port
or remote frontier outpost. It deals with the everyday things of a whole
population made up almost entirely of farmers and herdsmen remote from
large cities and their temptations. Moreover, the author expressly states
that he is not laying bare secret filthiness, such as exists to some extent
in every large community, but is putting on record * ' only what the peo-
ple are accustomed to relate in full publicity and usually also without
concern in the presence of children, young girls, and women. ' '

We cannot regard all that is here simply as a part of an arrested
primitive development, and we have too much faith in our own stock to
believe that all of it is properly European. Much of it appears to be due
to actual racial degeneration, the result of the steady brutalization of
centuries of subjection to an Asiatic barbarism which makes the harem,
the eunuch, and the mute the cornerstones of its social system. Indeed,
some of the customs noted are directly stated to be an inheritance from such
Moslem warfare as the Kurds are still inflicting on the Christian provinces
of Asia, while others were enforced at the demand of local Turkish
officials. The question is of practical interest in view of the fact that of
more than 800,000 immigrants now arriving annually in the United
States a large and increasing percentage is from southwestern Europe,
and the supply area, which in 1882 centered at Paris, in 1902 had its
center at Constantinople.

The work has a distinct philologic value as a repository of the dia-
lectic forms of Servia, Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, and neigh-
boring provinces. Among the well-known collaborators whose names
appear on the title-page are Dr Thomas Achelis, Bremen ; Dr Iwan Bloch,
Berlin ; Dr Franz Boas, New York ; Dr Anton Hermann, Budapest ; Dr
Bemhard Herrmann Obst, Leipzig ; Dr Giuseppe Pitr^, Palermo ; Dr Isak
Robinsohn, Vienna. James Mooney.

BOOK RE VIE WS 1 29

Beitrdge zur Lehre von den GeschUchis-Unterschieden, Von Dr P. J.
MObius in Leipzig. Heft i. Geschiecht und Krankheit, Pp. 39.
Heft. II. Geschiecht und Entartung. Pp.45. Hefte iii-iv. Ueber
die Wirkungen der Castration, Heft v. Geschiecht und Kopfgrbsse,
Pp. 47 ( 5 figs.). Heft VI. Goethe und die Geschlechter. Pp. 30.
Hefte vii-viii. Geschlechte und Kinderliebe, Pp. 72 (35 figs.).

As the title indicates, M6bius*s treatment of the subject of sex-differ-
ence covers a rather wide range, not all of which is of decided interest to
the anthropologist. The general conclusions of his study of ''sex and
disease, ' ' arc, that men sicken and die through their own acts oftener than
women, the chief causes of their greater mortality being the use of alcohol
and venereal diseases, and that there exists no reasonable ground for as-
cribing to woman a longevity or resistance to disease that is sui generis.
The ** innate longevity in woman is a superstition.** Fewer suicides
occur among women because they lack initiative more. If it were not
for alcohol and venereal diseases men would have less sickness and live
longer than women. For man the slow-killing diseases are more fatal
than the plagues so feared by the folk-mind.

A distinguished American psychologist once observed that he might
not wish to be ** sane according to Lombroso,** and for a woman to be
healthy according to Mobius might lie as far from rational human desire.
His eye filled with the Vollmensch (here belongs the happy European),
he recks not of ** primitive peoples** and the like whose study **adds
nothing to our knowledge of human evolution.'* For Mobius man is
nothing if not absolutely and entirely man, and no woman is healthy if
sex is not the unvarying center of her being. In his discussion of ** sex
and degeneration ** he treats the physical and mental aberrancies of sex.
Man loses, he thinks, in every way by becoming like a woman, while
woman, apparently, may gain something by being more like a man. The
causes of sexual degeneration are chiefly bad heredity and alcoholism —
the former preserves, the latter increases the evil.

In his monograph on ** Castration,** after giving a historical sketch
of the subject, Mobius discusses the physical and intellectual effects of this
form of bodily mutilation on the human organism. The origin of castra-
tion Mobius, with Bergmann, sees in the custom of marking captives, who
were not killed in war or battle, as slaves by depriving them of their
membrum virile. Observations of castrated men led afterward to similar
treatment of animals, tame or in captivity. Very early a religious signifi-
cance attaching to the sacrifice of the organ in question made castration
common alike with priest and with victim. Castration for the purpose

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—9

I30 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

of making singers is the latest of the series. The eunuchs of the Sultan
explain themselves. The general effect of castration in youth is to arrest
the development of the secondary sexual characters. Popularly speaking,
''a man becomes more like a woman/' but really what happens is that
he ceases to be more like a man. To this essay a bibliography of 53
titles is appended.

The general thesis of M6bius*s study of **sex and size of head** is
that **the circumference of the head approximately normal in form in-
creases in general with the intellectual powers.** His investigation of
the heads of distinguished men is based on the records, 600 in number,
of Haugk, the hatter, made with the conformafeury — of women only 50
were measured. At pages 26-39 ^^ measurements of 360 more or less
distinguished men are given, from which it appears that almost all distin*
guished men are short-headed (brachycephalic), — so, too, with women.
MObius holds that the relation between brain and body is not the same in
the two sexes, for ''a normal man, even when he is small, requires at
least a head of 53 cm. circumference, while a woman gets along quite
well with 51 cm.,'* — in other words, one may be a clever woman with
5 1 cm. , but not a clever man. The thing lies in the brain that makes
the difference. Sexual as well as racial differences of head go back to
intellectual differences.

Mobius*s discussion of ** Goethe and the sexes ** is devoted to a con-
sideration of the great German's sayings, ^^ Das Ewig-Weibliche zieht
tins htnan;^' *^ £s ist ungiaubiich, wie der Umgang der IVeiber herab-
zieht, * * From an examination of his declarations in prose and verse he
comes to the conclusion that the real position of Goethe was about mid-
way between the two expressions quoted. It is rather the ** Ewig-
WeiblicJuy'*^ than the Weibliche that leads us on, the ideal woman, not the
real one. The famous conclusion of Faust, Mobius thinks, can be inter-
preted only in light of the fact that Goethe was old and writing
with tender recollections of youth. In his completer manhood he would
have selected some other ideal. At this point one feels that he would
like to hear Goethe demolish, as doubtless he could and would, such
arguments.

His monograph on ** Sex and love of children ** exhibits Mobius in
his role of resurrector of Gall, the phrenologist, whose organ of ** philo-
progenitiveness ' * he seeks to make function again. In three sections he
considers love of offspring among animals and men, GalFs doctrine, and
skull and love of children. For Mobius love of offspring is an innate
instinct deeply rooted in the organism, and he argues for the location of

BOOK RE VIE IVS 1 3 I

"the organ of love of offspring/' near the ** organ of sex-instinct," in
the upper part of the occipital bone, corresponding to a special part of
the' brain. The strong development of this ** organ*' (it is marked in
women) indicates love of offspring. With civilization, according to
Mobius, comes a certain dulling of sex-differences and man takes on even
some female traits. Thus it happens, perhaps, that there are so many
men to-day with a large organ of love of offspring, — women with heads
of the male type are less common.

While interesting, and representing, doubtless, a certain tendency of
the present Teutonic mind, these views of sex-problems are fortunately not
axioms of science. Alexander F. Chamberlain.

Album of Philippine Types; Christians and Moros, By Daniel Folk-
MAR. Prepared and Published under the Auspices of the Philippine
Exposition Board. Manila: 1904. Oblong 4®, 80 plates with
introductory text.

The subjects for Dr Yc^voax^ % Album of Philippine Types were prison-
ers in Bilibid prison in the year 1903. It is unfortunate to base an
anthropological study on prison subjects unless it be absolutely necessary.
Prison cases should everywhere be exceptional and aberrant types, in no
true sense representative of their race. It may indeed be that many of
the prisoners now held in the Philippines are political prisoners and not
degenerate and abnormal to the degree that most criminals would be.
But it ought not to be difficult to conduct a study like Dr Folkmar's in vil-
lages where an unselected group might be studied and the normal type
secured.

This preliminary criticism made, we turn to the examination of Dr
Folkmar*s Album. Front and side views of each subject are presented,
made to a uniform scale, measures being one-half the actual. Opposite
the portraits are printed the anthropometric data regarding the subject
represented — eight measures and two indices being given. In the same
table are presented averages of these measures and indices as taken on a
number of individuals from the same tribe as the subject, who was, in
each case, chosen as approximating the average. The portraits thus
represent the average of the prison representation of their tribal groups.
Unfortunately there are errors in these figures as given, and apparently
many. Opening at hazard, plate 11 represents a Cagayan with chest
measure of .895 m. The average of 5 Cagayans was .864 ; of 15 from
all provinces .856. One can hardly believe an average subject to be so
far from these averages and guesses that .859 m. was intended. It is

1 12 ajizi.:7a:: aj^t^jl c-^z-l : J.vr "iw i. •- 1^

AC/

N't£7:*-:> ra^tr-il 2Ti:li.LC* '■•25 1:^3 sznill. N:r -"la ft, xs ici3*3. rr

Can:':>r:Ci't : Uziverrin- Press. i9ai>. Lirre S*. xi:. 375 r&£fe& 2i

Th* Eip/ecitfoa from Can^brldge UniversiiT id TjrT« sraiis »tb. per-
ha;/:, tJit IpCT. t.uippcd for work of a::y ethnoer^p hie
znact. U^dtrr tie leadership of Dr Alfred C. Hicc^::, :bc p*
cJ-dtd also Dr Rivers aad Messrs Rav, SeligrraTi, and Wiikis. Eadi
worker was assigned bis parti oilar porrion of the izivescigaxioQ. Dr
HaddoQ had already been in the region to be explored, srjdying the
marine iajca. in i8S3 and 1SS9. The r*2nT spent nve weeks in the
Western islands, to which the volisne before t3 is connned. in 1S9S.
Tlie region is of particular interest 25 it is the frontier between the Papuan
and A''J5tra]:an culture areas, aitho'Jgh the islanders were found to be dis-
tinalv Pai/Lian.

The Reports of the Exj^edition are to form six volumes, as follows:

I, Physical AnthrojX)log>' ; II. Physiology and Psychology : III, Lin-
guistics ; IV, Technology- ; V, Sociology, Magic, and Religion of the
Western Islanders ; VI, Socio!og>', Magic, and Religion of the Eastern
Islanders. All that has so far been published are two parts of Volume

II, presenting investigations on sense phenomena of these natives, and
Volume V, which lies before us. The other volumes are in prepazaticm
and will be duly published. Each of the workers has prepared his own
reports and the volume in hand contains contributions from all but Mr Ray
whose work was purely linguistic. In gathering material in the Western
islands, most time and attention was given to the island of Mabuiag, which
may be considered typical. These islanders have been for thirty years
under missionary influence and have been affected by it and by other forms
of contact with white men, but still retain much of their native culture and
have yielded a rich har\est of interesting data. Much in the volume
deserves notice, but we can refer to but a few points.

BOOK REVIEWS I33

Almost a third of the book is devoted to Folk Tales, which have
been treated and presented by Dr Haddon himself. They are classified
as nature myths, culture myths, totem myths, spirit myths, dogai tales,
narratives about people, comic tales. A dogai is an uncanny and mali-
cious, but stupid, human monster, of ogreish instincts. The collection
includes forty-six stories. These were told to Dr Haddon in broken
English and he assures us that he gives them as they were received. He
does so literally in some cases, and reading these versions raises the ques-
tion as to how far scientific accuracy demands such presentation. Is it
desirable to present such a story in broken English, if it can be told in
good English without falsely rendering the native teller's thought and
intent? If the recorder really knoivs the native's meaning and catches
his spirit, it is unfair to the narrator and to the genius of his race to spoil
his performance by too literal a presentation of his imperfect medium of
expression. When we listen to a great French or German scholar giv-
ing a lecture in English, we take his thought and meaning, not his bad
pronunciation and halting grammar. A reporter of such a lecture, if he
really understands its argument and matter, aims to present these, not
the dialect. Of course, the jargon of the native tale may have linguistic
importance and psychologic value ; as material for study samples may
have their reason. Dr Haddon fortunately does not give all his stories
in " Pigeon-English.** The question may be raised, whether even those
he does give in true English form do not deserve a finer rendering. If
not, it must be confessed that the tales are, on the whole, poor, vague,
and meager; not in keeping with the artistic development shown in
the manufactures, nor with the intellectual power indicated by the gene-
alogies of this people. Dr Haddon not only presents the stories them-
selves, but makes them yield their utmost to the student by giving the
carefully condensed plot of each and a statement of the anthropological
incidents which each contains. It is unnecessary to say that this work
is done carefully and conscientiously and that it adds largely to the value
of the collection.

The chapters by Dr Rivers on Genealogies, Kinship, Personal Names,
etc. , are of particular importance. These matters were investigated with
great care and throw much light on the social organization. The kinship
system in use among the Western islanders ** is a definite example of the
classificatory system," showing all of Morgan's ten indicative features.
There is, however, a clear tendency to break down in some directions.
Dr Rivers introduces an elaborate system of tabulating the genealogical
data, and his tables require close examination and some study. Once

134 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

mastered, however, Ihey clearly show the native i-iew of kin. These
Torres Straits islanders possess remarkable memory for genealogical detail
and analogous to that shown by Polynesians.

In the chapters by Mr Seligman on Birth and Childhood Customs and
Women's Puberty Customs, is a clear and excellent statement regarding
matters which are too often neglected or but inadequately touched by
travelers and students.

The mass of material on Initiation, Courtship and Marriage, Funeral
Ceremonies, Magic, Religion, etc., is large and interesting but can be
mentioned only cursorily. This has been worked out chiefly by Dr
Haddon, with the aid of Mr A. Wilkin, whose recent death is announced
in the volume. Many interesting customs are described. Thus, in court-
ship and marriage — the woman proposes, sending an arm-band to her
lover; he returns a leg-ring, meets her in the bush, and sleeps at her
house ; often, her relatives battle over her. Very interesting is the
custom of divining vA'Ccl skulls, usually those of relatives. The skulls
were carefully prepared by cleaning, painting, and enclosing in a basketry
casing decorated with feathers and the ornaments of the deceased. When
such a skull was to be consulted, it was cleaned, repainted, and anointed
with or placed upon aromatic plants. Before going to sleep the inquirer
urged the skull to tell the truth and then placed it by his pillow. The
skull spoke to the sleeper, the noise made being like the chattering of
teeth together. But further reference to the interesting ethnographic
details of the volume is impossible. The work is a storehouse of new
information regarding a little-known people and, after reading it, one
can well understand the urgency of Dr Haddon' s appeal in view of the
" vanishing of anthropological data. ' ' Now is the time for such work as
that of the Cambridge Expedition. The harvest waits. Soon it will be
lost if there are not reapers and gleaners. The volume before us is illus-
trated with t\^'enty-two full page plates and with native drawings and maps
in the text. Frederick Starr.

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

G)NDUCTED BY Dr ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN

[Note. — Authors, especially those whose articles appear in journals and other
serials not entirely devoted to anthropology, will greatly aid this department of the
American Anthropologist by sending direct to Dr A. F. Chamberlain, Clark University,
Worcester, Massachusetts, U. S. A., reprints or copies of such studies as they may desire
to have noticed in these pages. — Editor.]

GENERAL

Adachi (B.) Die Porositflt des Sch&del-
daches. (Z. f. Morph. u. Anthr., Ber-
lin, 1904, VII, 373-378, 2 pi.) De-
scribes two cases of extreme porosity of
the vault of the cranium (Dyak, Egyp-
tian),— such porosity does not occur in
European skulls.

Anthropology at the St. Louis Exposition.
(Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi,
II 6- 1 20, I fig.) Notes on Patagonian
giants, aboriginal groups, section of
archeology, etc.

Atgier (M. ) Ibdres et Berbdres : origine
et significations diverses de ces expres-
sions ethniques. (Bull. See. d' Anthr.
de Paris, 1904, v< s., V, iio-iii.) Dr
A. argues that in the Kabylian iberik^
** the blacks," lies the orgin of the Latin
/deri and its cognates and descendants.
From the same root by reduplication
came Berber^ etc. Black hair, not skin,
is connoted.

Bardeen (C. R. ) Numerical vertebral
variation in the human adult and embryo.
( Anat. Anz., Jena, 1904, xxv, 497-519. )
Risum^s data. Author recognizes in
development of spinal column and ap-
pendages 4 periods (pre-pelvic, chondro-
ficative, ossificative, — prenatal, post-
natal,— adult V B. concludes among
other things that *' regional variation in
the vertebral column is an inherited con-
dition, manifesting itself early in em-
bryonic development. ' ' Variation seems
to be greater in females than in males,
and in Baltimore negroes than in whites
as to number of presacral vertebrae. The
tendency toward reduction and increase
in the number of presacral vertebne seems
equal. The article has abundant statistics
and a bibliography of 46 titles.

Bloch (A.) Des variations de longueur
de Tintestin. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de
Paris, 1904, v« s., V, 160-197.) R6-
sumds knowledge of the length of the
intestines in the animals and man (pp.
1 77-195 ) . The effects of disease, obesity,
race, etc., are discussed. The intestine
of the child is relatively longer than that
of the adult. The variability of the adult
intestine is due to the fact that its length
is sometimes congenital and sometimes
acquired (often as a result of disease,
etc., or obesity). The Japanese (a more
or less herbivorous race) seem to possess
the longest intestines. As to sex-differ-
ences the authorities are not in agree-
ment.

et Vigier (P.) Recherches histolo-

giques sur le follicule pileux et le cheveu
de deux ndgres dic^d^s a Paris. (Ibid.,
124-132, 5 fgs.) Details concerning
the pilose follicle and hair of a negro
from Loango and of another from Accra
in Guinea. The notable peculiarity of
the negro's follicle is the oblique semi-
circular crest. The particular form and
structure of the pilose follicle are not
confined to the negro, — the Bushman
has them. Whether the recurved follicle
is found in the negro new -bom child is
not known.

Buron (E. J. P.) L*abb6 Casgrain (J.
Soc. Am^ric. de Paris, 1904, N. s., i,
344-346. ) Sketch of life and activities
of the distinguished French Canadian
man of letters, historian, genealogist, etc.

Buschan (G.) Kultur und Gehim. (A.
f. Rassen- u. Ges.-Biol., Berlin, 1904, i,
689-701.) R^sum^s briefly studies of
Broca, Schmidt, Hunt, Matiegka, Mar-
chand, Spitzka, Costa Ferreira, Galton
and Venn, Vaschide and Pelletier, Pfit-

135

■ 36

ner, Barlels, Papillaull, etc., concem-
iug the relations of siie of skull nndbnin
lo progress in civitiiation and cultuie.
I>r G. concludes that increase of brain-
volume and increa^ of culture go
together and brain sinks with disappear-
ing culture (f. g., ancient and modern
Egyiitians). Also that the gift of rood-
cm culture is for certain primitive peoples
fatal and brain- killing.

CmtuUi (W. H.) Adolf Baslian, (Open
O., Chicago, 1904, xviii, 321-330.)
Sketch of life and philosophy with list of
30 published books and portrait. To Has-
tian belongs ihe credit of originating the
expression I'oikfrgrtlantfn, or " race
thoughts" as it has been translated, —
the mailer of primBry inlerest is the
ptimitiveman's concept bonofcheuDJTcrse.

Cani*(P.) The ascent of man. (Ibid.,
17S-190, 6 fgs.) Discusses "evolu-
tion," Neanderthal skull, Ihe Mitchell-
Ward restoration of Neanderthal man,
Gabriel Max's painting of the Heme
alitlui, etc. Dr C. accepts Ihe Newider-
thal skull asof primitive man. and posits
the origin of mankind in the north,
where, through stress of environment,
ape-men developed altruism and intelli-
gencc.

A new religion. (Ibid., 355-371.

398-4M. 17 fgs.l Treats of Babism,
" Ihe ixiungest faith on earth " and its
chief eiponcnls. Some Ihink it may
some day become the religion of Persia.

Slone worshi|i. (Ibid., 660-6S5, 33

fgs.). Treats of Ihe roatschah, jachin
and Ik»7. the malsebah as Itclhel
(Jacob's dream), Gilead ami (tileal,
obelisks, the destruction of mntsebahs in
Judea, the Itudurrus of ancient Raliy-
lonia. Slonehenge (a place of sun-
worshi]i), the Tibetan pyramid of peace,
the runic stone of C.oltorp (Sleswick),
menhirs and dolmens, the memorial
stones of the Khasi (lixlia), etc. The
stone itself is not worshipped, but is a
marker for Ihe presence of <leily.

How history is transfigured hymyth,

(Ibid., 690-694). Shows the mixture
of ftcl and fancy in what we believe to
be history. Takes the op|K>site view to
Mr Shaw (q. v.).

ChamberUin (A. K. „nd I. C. ). Studies
ofachild, II. (Pedag. Sem., Worcester,
1904, KT, 4Si-483, ) Treats of ngglu-
dnktkw, analogy, caressive repciiiions,
definitioDS, father and

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

of words, parareduplici
I plural -forms. Poetiy and rhythmic
j speech, prefix, preterile-forms, redupli-
! cation, reproduction of nursery -rhymes,
I spontaneous language, word -forms dif-
I feting slightly (torn ihe adult, wotd-
I groups, words "original" or "in-
' vented," words pseudo- primitive in form,
words with special meanings, etc. Sec-
ond article of the authors' dealing with
! Ihe psvcholc^cal phenomena of their
own child.

I Child study and related topics in

recent Italian scientific lileralure. ( Ibid.,
S08-515). Risumfis articles, etc., re-
lating to child-life, craniology, ctiminol-
' ogy, fatigue, feebleminded, foot, genius,
giantism, inbreeding, Italia " baibara,"

jargon

enul I

physical, microcephaly, race and indi-
vidual, school -excursions, stature.

Child study and related topics in

recent Rus^an scientific literature.
j {Ibid., 516-530.) R^sum^s articles
I relating lo brain-conformation, brain-
cortex, continuance of growth, ear,
eye-growth, fertility, giantism, heart,
heredity, idiocy, miceoccphaly, preco-
cious development, puberty, seasonal
' growth, slill-birlh, suicide.

Cse and domestication of the horse.

icapo;

1904.

164-167.) Resumes recent articles of
Zaliorowski. Ridgeway. von Negelein.
Munro, /a1>oTowski and von Negelein do
not belieie ibe horse was domesticated
in quaternary limes, — the horse was
first used for food, Ridgeway thinks
the horse was driven before ridden, and
that .\frica was the home of the "Arab
steed."
CODwrratioii ( Lti) des nsdansles tombes.
(Bull. Soc. d'.\nthr. de Paris, 1904, v,
s., V, 99-100,^ In opposition to Man-
ouvrier. M. Emile Kiviire argued that
water and humidity are not prime de-
structive agents of osseous remains. Dr
Kaudouin took a similar view and sug-
gested expetimenls in the siifiening of

Bijinnui 1 1'. 11. 1 ■Woiieres iiber das
neue graphische Syj-iem lur die Krani-
ologie. 1 Hdlgn. v. d. Nedcrl. .\nthr.
Ver., Den ll.iag, IQ04, t, S3-103, 10
fgs. ) Treat.- of height of >kull. raliotial
modulus, indfx-system, nerei.-ity of
three-sided si-stem, racial mixture and

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

137

crossiiig, exactness, group-division, etc.
The graphic system can be used to com-
pare with each other different methods
of measurement £. would reject the
index-system for the relative mass-system
developed on the ideas of Schmidt.

Brans (H. R.) The legendary and the
real Napoleon. ( Open Ct. , Chicago, 1 904,
XVIII, 584-605, 8 fgs. ) Cites legends
produced by the Egyptian campaign,
etc, the opinions of poets, historians,
novelists, and others as to the real and the
legendary Napoleon. The theosophists
might win some comfort from the fact
that the face of a statue of Rameses now
in the Turin Museum and the face of Bar-
telda, a young Apache Indian, both
strongly resemble in profile the great
Corsican. There is also a rapprochement
between Napoleon and Alexander the
Great.

Gfeller ( S. ) Der Schulgang unseres Her-
ren und Hdlandes Jesu Christi. ( Schw.
Arch. f. Volksk., Ziirich, 1904, vii,
154-157.) Gives text of poem (Bern,
1563) on the school-going of Jesus.

HochBtetter ( F. ) Ueber die Nichtexistenz
der sogenannten Bogenfurchen an den
Gehimen lebensfrisch konservierter
menschlicher Embryonen. (Verb. d.
anat. Ges., Jena, 1904, 27-34, 5 fgs.)
Author still holds to the post-mortem
origin of these "transitory** furrows.

Hutchinson ( W.) What the dog is built
to do. (Open Ct., Chicago, 1904, xviii,
577-583.) Popular discussion. Dr H.
thinks dog the earliest domestic animal,
— **long before the dawn of history he
had become our companion in the chase,
then the most important occupation of
life,** — and grants him a '' record of at
least 10,000 years of continuous service
and devotion to our race.** To chase
and catch were long his chief acts.

Ksssel (C. ) Androgynous man in myth
and tradition. (Ibid., 525-530.) Treats
of the idea of "man- woman " in Aryan
myth, Hebrew Bible, Plato's Symposium^
the words of Jesus, facts of biology
(Haeckel), etc. A pre-sexual andro-
gynous condition is posited.

Keibel ( Hr, ) Zur Entwickelungsgeschichte
der Affen. (Verb. d. anat. Ges., Jena,
1904, 156-163.) Describes feti (from
material of Selenka and Hubrecht)
Semnopitheci, Hylobates, Orang, Ma-
cacque, etc., and man. There is a strik-

ing similarity between the young embryos
of the various monkeys and the much
more developed human embryos. The
occurrence of a schwanzfeder in the long-
tailed monkeys is noteworthy. The im-
portance of slight variations and even
"arabesques of development** for phy-
logeny is emphasized. In the discussion
G. Retzius showed that the pads in the
hands and feet of the monkey embryos
were less developed than those of man,
— the saying of K. von Bardeleben is
illustrated here, that man is a more
primitive monkey than the monkeys
themselves.**

Kr&mer (A.) Der Neubau des Berliner
Museums Hlr Vdlkerkunde im Lichte der
ethnographischen Forschung. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 21-24.) Dr
A., who remarks that since Goethe no
one has so clearly pointed out "the
yellow peril*' as the present Kaiser,
proposes to make the Berlin Museum
solely a "Museum for Asiatic Culture.**
In another location the collections relat-
ing to "primitive peoples** (American
Indians, Africans, except Mediterranean
races, people of Australasia and Poly-
nesia, Indonesians, etc.) should be ac-
comodated. This limitation to Asiatic
culture had been previously advocated by
O. Milnsterberg.

Lasch (R.) Wachstumszeremonien der
Naturv5lker und die Entstehung des
Dramas. (Ibid., 137-138.) Critical
r6sum6 of the monograph of Preuss
(see American Anthropologist, 1904, N.
s., VI, 359), on phallic growth demons,
etc. and the origin of the mimus and
the clown. The primitive mime-drama
is, in its beginnings, an act of worship
and magic and is intimately connected
with religious ideas as to the begetting of
the natural products of the field.

Lewis (J. F.) " Teigdrticke "— prints
in paste. (Proc. Num. & Antiq. Soc.
of Phila., 1 902-1 903 [1904], 189-194,
I fg. ) Of "paste-prints," made by
printing the design from the plate or
block with paste instead of ink, only
some 100 are known altogether. They
may antedate ink printing and "belong
to the very dawn of the art of engraving
for the purpose of reproducing designs.**
They were made in Germany (probably
Bavaria) before 1500, possibly before
1450. Teigdrticke are usually found
pasted in books.

138

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

** Schrotblftttcr ;** or, prints in the

*' mmni^re criblie/* with some consider-
ation of ft set of eight such prints asso-
ciated with typographic text. (Ibid.,
I05-210, 9 pi. ) These prints are so
called from the dots of the design,
suggesting that ** the plate from which
they were printed had been gnawed or
indented, or pierced through like a
sieve. ' * They belong among the earliest
forms of engraving for reproducing de-
signs, and their chief period was 1470-
1500. Like the TeigdHicke^ they are
probably of Bavarian origin.

LoiMl (G.) Sur Ernst Haeckel. (Bull.
Soc dWnthr. de Paris, 1904, %•♦ s., v,
197-199.) Risumis Ilaeckel's ^M/iro-
pogfnit (5* Aufl., Leipzig, 1903).

lUcCurdy ( G. G. ) John Wesley Powell.
(J. Soc Amine, de Paris, 1904, N. s.,
1, 339-344. ) Sketch of life and scien-
tific activities with chronological list of
pablicatioQS.

MenM (F.) I^ simultaneity des d^con-
veites sdentitiques. (Rev. Scientif.,
Paris, 1904, >-♦ s,. II, 555-559-^ Con-
tains a list of simmlSQmtous scientific dis-
coveries in mathematics, astroDomy, me-
chanics, physks. diemistry, biology,
sociology. These simultaneous discov-
eries are due neither to accident nor to
the free will of the m«a of science, but
rather K> an external and an internal de-
terminism of a <aocial character. Everr
moment has its sdentitk milieu of ideas,
acts, and objects. Contemporary men of
genius workii^ in the same 6eki have, as
it wei>f« «* a common soul '* and a com-

£.) Die Voilk^imde im Rahmen
der Kvhiueui • k:k}nng der G<s|^warL
(He». BL 1 Volksk,, Lespzii:, 1004,
m, I-15< ) Acon>dJz^ TO tiw asibar the
«l|^ect cif lbe«n6ca} ioJkkire is :o know
-Id 01 die Jalk in its processes
a

mon envuvnmenL '

\WffSt (A. R) Nene Mitteilnngen fiber ,
Nephrii. (Globus, Bmsdiw^r., 1904, |
LXXXA'l, 53-55. ) Discnfises recent ex-
amples of ^ occurrence of nephrite in i
New Guinea, Australia, Brazil, Celebes.,
a»i tbe sdotbem Tirol. — the last a
votrre axe icNind in 1903 at Verro.
Crade nephrite is now reported mm
se««ral parts of New Guinea, AufSralxa,
aaid BnudL Tbe impoitation thwvr has
reoenxlT recciiYd arrexml odwr hard

ing of the individual phenomena, and
to work on that basis is the most im-
portant task of practical folklore. The
Beld of the destructive amateur will be
narrowed and the scientific method more
and more employed. As a science, folk-
lore belongs with the culture-sciences.
A knowledge of the folk-soul is neces-
sary for the clergy, the teachers, the
statesmen. M. is of opinion that the
estrangement of the educated classes from
the vuigus accounts for the success of
the propaganda of social democracy in
Germany.

Peareon ( K. ) On the inheritance of the
mental and moral characters in man, and
its comparison with the inheritance of
the ph}*sical characters. (J. Anthr.
Inst., Lond., 1903, xxxiii, 179-237.)
In this article, mainly consisting of dia-
grams and statistics resulting fnnn the
study of the brothers and sisters in looo
fiunilies, Dr P. treats of health, color of
eyes and hair, curliness of hair, cephalic
index, head length, breadth and auricu-
lar height, athletic power ; vivacity, as-
sertiveness, introspection, popularity,
conscientiousness, temper, ability, hand-
writing. The number of school boys
examined was 191$, girls 2014. Dr P.
concludes that ** the degree of the resem-
blance of the physical and mental diar-
acters in children is one and the same."
This sameness involves a like heritage
from parents, and * ' we inherit our
parents* tempers, our parents* conscien-
tiousness, shyness and ability, even as we
inherit their stature, forearm and span.*'
Intelligence can be aided and be trained,
but ** no training or education can erf of e
iL*' It must be bred. The great prob-
lem is to make the best families and stocks
more fertile than the bad.

^S. D.) The tree of life among all
nations. (Am. Antiq., Chicafro, 1 904,
XXVI, 1-16, 7 i|:s. \ General discussion
of occurrence of these symSc^is in Asia
and .Vmerica ^ Majras chieny .

— Superstition a means of defense.
I Tbid., 4S-5tv. 6 fp^ ^ Author holds
ibat ••the mas: interesting method of
defense was that which came from the
cvmlunation of reli^poos symbols and
mechanical cocirix-anoesv." as, e. g., a:
Fl Ancierii, Ohio. Tv>%em-pas:s are
another example.

— Architecture irs the proiii^istoric
age. t^lbid-, N>-i04, 13^* Treats

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

139

of Egypt, Crete ■nd the Meditcmuian ,

UlBDds, Ana Minor, etc. Tbe end of |

the prolohisCoric period ii marked b; the '
ttppe»i«nce of the column ; it began with

the use of broQie. The rock-cut tombs I

of Phrygu and Lf dia ue imitative of the '

The distribution of pile-dwellings. |

(Ibid., 137-130, 4 fgs.) Notes of a |
genera] character on Swiss lake-dwell- i
ings and those of the Pacific 1

Sttzlni (G.) Die sog. Taslballen an
den Hlnden uDd FQssea des Menschcn.
(Verh.d. Anat. Ges,, Jena, 1904,41-43, I
3 fgs.) Author shows that the pads, '
well developed in most of the adult
monkeys, develop in the man during the
third fetal month, and then from the
(butth month, "regress." Accordingto
Keibel the pads are also present in mon-
key-embryos.

fiobin (P.) Substance et populations-
(Bull. Soc. d'Aothr. At Paris. 1904, v*
s., V, 76-79.) Author holds, with
Gabriel Giroud in his Population de sub-
listanctt (Paris, 1904), that one-third of '
mankind are condemned tot/v of hunger,
and nine-tentbs have their end fastened
through insufficient food. Hence, the
author a^ues, the advocates of ' ' parental
prudence" need not appear as mere
suppliants. In the discussion M. Le-
jeune pointed out some of the fallacies |
in such arguments.

Sduper (A.) Zur Frage der EUisteni- ,<
berechtigung der BogenfurcheB am Ge-
bime menschlicher Embryonen. (Verb,
d. anat. Ges., Jena, 1904, 35-37, 5 fgi) .
S. produces evidence to confirm the vit;*s
of Hochstetter (q. v. ) |

ScbwubU (R.) L'alchimie en 1904. '
(Rev. Scientir, Paris, 1904, 5° %., ll,
396-398.) Notes on modem alchemists,
their claims and alleged performances. :
There are those who pore over the old '
leits and the so-called " unitary chem- 1
ists." Likewise those stand between the I
two like the Society of Alchemists of
France, with its organ Rosa AUhcmiia.
M. SchwaebW has publidied a book en- '
titled Commntlairis alchimiquis.

Shaw (G. W.) Mythopceic erudition. '
(Open Ct.. Chicago, 1904, xviii, 687-
689, ) Author argues against resolving
the stories of the Trojan war, Samson,
William Tell, etc., into solar myths. ,
SeeGir»«(P.). \

Stelzl (G.) Intomo alia struttura dell'

ipofisi nei verlebrati. (A. d, Accad.
Sci. Ven, -Trent. -Isti., Padova, 1904,
N. s., I., 70-141, 9fgs.) Risumis litera-
ture of subject, — bibliography of 49
titles. Tbe hypophysis ctrtbri ot pitui-
tary gland is interesting by reason of the
so-called cbromophile and chromphobic
cells, the eiisteocc of the two portions
of the glandular lobe and the way of de-
fluiioQ of the secretion. These ques-
tions Dr S. discusses in detail.

Phila.,

pi.) Treats of n
ing, arms and armor, etc. Decadence
of tournament and jousl dates from
middle of l6tb century, — death of
Heniy JI in famous joust with Comte de
Mongomeri. They came into eiistence
with the Middle Ages.
StTAti (C. H.) De phylogenetische
beteekenis van het mamma-organ.
(Hdlgn. V. d. Neder]. Anthr, Ver.,
Den Haag, 1904, I, Sl-Sa. ) Dr S.
distinguishes four forms of mammae,, the

tna areotala, mamma papillala, — the
third is "primitive" and the fourth
" progreiaive," the one characterizing
the negro, the other the white races.
Further details are given in Dr S-'s Dit
Naturgrschichtr ^is _MenstheH (Stutt-
gart, 1904I. .'■

ThOl^ (f. W. ) D9 Internationale
KattHoederoaturwissenschaftlichen Lit-

> eratur, Abteilung P : Physische An-
thropologie. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904.
LXXXVl, 185-187.) Critique of the see-
tion on physical anthropoli^ of the In-
' '" i/ologve of Self '" ' ''

T. advo

n annual author

bibliography.
Vierkandt (A.) Der Mimus. (Ibid.,
1904, Lxxxv, 356-358.) Critical risum*
of Hermann Reich's Der Mimus. Ein
lilirar-enhaicklungsgcich ichllicktr Vtr-
such, Bd. I. Erstcr u. Zweiter Th.
(Beriin, 1903). devoted to the study of
the history and evolution of the kind of
poetry designated by the classical term
mimus. Vierkandt does not quite ap-
prove Reich's derivative of the Greek
mimus from a certain species of older
religious representations. The influence
of the mimu! is seen in the " fool " ot
Shakespeare, the clown of the circus,
etc.

I40

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

Wud (D. J. H.) First year]}' meeting i
of the lows Antbropoli^ail Associa- i
ttcm. (lova J. of Hist. & Pol., lowB
City, 1904, 11, 342-368. ) Rtsumii
proceediags and papers read by Messrs '
Wilder (Physiogimphy), Nulling (Bio- .
logy). Fairbuiks (Archeoli^y), Shimek
(Loess), FaaraiaoD (Davenport Acad-
emy), Flora (Philoli^y), Loos (Social- .
i^y), Bolton (Education), Shambaogh I
(Histoiy), McCee (Human ProgreSE], '
on various aspects of anthropology. I

EUROPE I

Annandale (N.) The sarviral of primi- 1

tive implements, materials and methods
in the Faroes and south Iceland. (J. 1
Anthr. Inst., Lend., 1903, xxxiii, 246- I
258, I pi. ) Treats of objects of stone,
and skin (hammers, ponnders.

sinkers for fishing- line

weights and whorls, stone lamps,
use comparatively recently, ~ toys and
implements from bones of whales, bone-
skates, pins, needles, li&h- carriers, bone-
sinkers, weaver's sword, skin shies,
floats, putlin-wing brooms ; skin-win-
dows, — now obsolete ) , baskets and
creels. The resemblance between these
baskets and certain clay vessels is very
striking.
BatM (W. N. ) Scenes from the ^^thiopis
on a black-figured amphora. (Trans.
Dept. Arch. Univ. of Penn.. Phila.,
1904. I, 45-50, 3 pi.) Describes frag-
ments of Greek vases from Orvieto in

' ' two of the most important events de-
scribed in the Aithiopis, namely, the
death of Antilochus and the death of
Acbilles." The ^ihiofis, continuation
of the /AW, was the work of Arclinus
of Miletus.

BaDdanin (M.) L'influeocedumariachl-
nage sur les formes de natality. ( Bull.
Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, ^-^ s., v,
80-87.) From a statistical study of the
birth and marriage data of the de Mont
region, Dr B. concludes that the custom
of " mariachinage " or pre-marriage
sexual relations has a more moralizing
effect than at first sight would be granted,
— although ^j or )^ of the young women
marry tnceinle, for it overbalances the
illegitimate births. It also seems to
favor marriage and docs not reduce the
birth-rate. The author considers that
"10 poetic and fecund a custom" adds

the perpetuation of the spedes.

Les menhirs satellites dcs mtgalitbcs

funiraires. (Ibid., 139-142.) Dr B.
argues that among menhirs properly M-
called, exclusive of alignments and
cromlechs, are to be distinguished iso-
lated large menhirs or " indicator aienhin
at a distance," and the lesser menhin
close to funerary megaliths, which wboi
venr near and regularly disposed may be
called satellites of the megalilhic tcpol-
ture, and they may indicate that the
dolmen or covered way was formerly hid-
den from the eye. TTie "pierre folle"
of Plessis and the "covered way" of
the Landes are cited.

Mnnd (G.) Galel-polissoirs. (Ibid.,
'S3-IS4-) AuthorhasfouQdi3Softh«*e
pebbles at 11 "sUtions." They were
probably used to make the grooves of the
polishers for use on stone axes.

TonBliiMr (C. A. U) Die RSmerw^
iwiscben der Unterveser und der Nied^
elbe und die mutmasslichen AnkerpUtK
des Tiberius im Jahre 5 n. Chr.
(Globus, Bmscbwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 37-
41.) The place of anchoring of Tibmns
must have been in tbe region of the lake
near Bederkesa, then connected with tbe
Elbe or the mouth of the Ostc.

Bord (Harriet A.) Goumia. — Kepoit
of the American Exploration Sodety**
Excavations at Goumia, Crete, 190I-
1903. (Trans, Dept. Arch., Univ. of
Penn., Phila., 1904, I, 7-44, I pi., 31
fgs.,map.) Treats of Turkish, Venetian,
Gneco-Koman, Iron age (l7cx>-i5oo B.
C), Bronic age (before iioo B. C)
ruins and remains, literary testimony 00
the isthmus, the town and its buildiogli
stone tools, bronie tools and weapon^
stone vases, lamps, basins, potteiy
(painted and unpainted), modeling, en-
graving, writing, etc. Gournia is
thought to be one of the 90 dlies men-
tioned by Homer.

BnniB (C. M.) A few impressions of
Segesta and Selinus. ( Proc. Num. &
Antiq. Soc. of Phiia., 1903-1903 [l904]i
185-1S6, 3 pi.) Describes ruins as leea
in 1903-1903. At Selinunte are the

proportions.
Cans (P.) Russian icons. (Open Ct.
Chicago, I9(H, xviii, 449^53, 9 fgs.)
Descnbes in partictUar the Hudoui fald-

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

141

ing icon of St Petersburg and reproduces
this and others.

Cooley (A. S. ) The Macedonian tomb
and the battlefield of Cheroneia. ( Rec.
of Past, Wash., 1904, ill, 131-143, 7
fgs. ) R6sum6s the investigations of Dr
G. Soteriades. The large funeral mound
is identified with the tomb of the Mace-
donians mentioned by Plutarch. The
colossal stone lion, marking the grave of
the Thebans, blown up during the Greek
Revolution, is now being restored.

Cr6pin (G.) et Laville (A.^ D^cou-
verte et fouille du dolmen ae Muriel.
(Bull. Soc d*Anthr. de Paris, 1904, \'«
s., V, 1 1 7- II 8.) Notes on discovery in
December, 1903, of the Muriel dolmen
and the objects (pottery fragments, flint
implements, stone and bone ornaments,
flint arrowheads and axes) found. The
human bones include a trepanned skull.

Crittenden (A. R. ) The topography and
monuments of ancient Rome. (Rec. of
Past, Wash., 1904, III, 310-314, 5 fgs.)
R6sum6s Professor S. B. Platner's Topo-
graphy and Monuments of Ancient
Ronu (Boston, 1904).

Dana (C. £. ) The English coronation,
its service and its history. (Proc. Num.
and Antiq. Soc. of Phila., 1902- 1 903
[1904], 99-133.) Contains interesting
historical notes on ceremony, etiquette,
dress and ornament, the crown, anoint-
ment, throne. King's champion, etc.

DeLoe (B. A.) Discovery of an ancient
wooden structure in the excavations of
Port Zeebrugge. (Rec. of Past, Wash.,
1904, III, 344-346, 2 fgs.) Translated
from Bull. d. Mus, R. des Arts Dhor.
et Industr., Brussels. Description of
what may have been the frame or ground-
work of an artificial island in a marsh.
The structure ( there is no trace of metal )
probably dates from the Roman period.

Delore ( M. ) Les Romains et les Francs
dans les montagnes du centre de la Gaule
au sein de 1' Arvemic. (Bull. Soc. d'
Anthr. de Paris, 1904, \^ s., v, 104-
109. ) The Arvemic region had special
attractions for the Romans, — around St.
Flour 1 8 sites indicating the presence of
their civilization have been discovered.
The author describes in some detail the
finds at the villa of Mons, and also some
Prankish weapons found in this region.

Dumas ( U. ) La station des Chataigniers-
Baron, Gard. (Ibid., 157-158. ) This

neolithic <' station *' is characterized by
the diminutive size of the stone imple-
ments found. The pottery ( rare ) has no
spar in the paste. The *' station" may
be due to a nomadic people with early
neolithic culture.

La grotte Nicolas, commune de

Sainte Anastasie, Gard. (Ibid., 158-
159.) Brief description of a funeral
grotto of the transitional period between
the stone age and the age of the metals
and the remains of human bones, stone
implements, pottery, terra-cotta statuette
of a nude man, perhaps the earliest
representation of the human figure in this
material known.

Oebhardt ( A. ) Die Rentiere auf Island.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 261-
263.) Gives, after Th. Thoroddsen,
the history of the reindeer in Iceland,
where it is not native as is often stated,
but was introduced in 1 77 1 from Norway.
The polar- fox is also not indigenous,
but an accidental immigrant (originally
brought on drift ice).

Hoffmann-Krayer (£.) Knabenschaften
und Volksjustiz in der Schweiz. (Schw.
Arch. f. Volsk., Zurich, 1904, viii,
81-99, 1 61- 1 78. J An interesting and
valuable study of societies of the youth
and folk-justice in Switzerland. The
names of these organizations and their
officers, their duties and activities, history
and character in the various cantons, are
discussed. They busied themselves with
wooing and marriage, leasts and festivals,
took over the control of certain social,
religious, political, military events, etc.
They were generally no unruly mob of
chance-met youths, but performed dis-
tinctly useful service in the community.
Dr H.-K. emphasizes their religiousness
and sexual morality, — their decrees were
directed notably against godlessness,
cursing and swearing, breaking the
divine commands, wrong conduct on
Sundays, holidays, fast days, etc., im-
morality. In Switzerland, as the oc-
currence of the charivari shows, the
amenities of married life came under the
eye of folk-justice. The unofficial char-
acter of these organizations made it easy
for some of them to become mere
parodies of official institutions. Their
three chief characters were sacral,
judicial, military. Beneath all the author
sees "belief in the holiness and purify-
ing power of youth."

142

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

Volkmedizinisches. (Schw. Arch.

f. Volksk., Ziirich, 1904, viii, 141-
153.) Gives Dumerous items of folk-
medicine received in answer to question-
naire recently sent out.

Jones (II. S. ) Recent discoveries in
Rome. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904,
XXVI, 236-239. ) Notes on excavations
in the Forum, the Lacus Curtius, etc.
Reprinted from the London Times.

K. (W. ) Kunstgewerbliche Frauenarbeit
in den Ostalpen und Nachbargebieten.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 93-
95. ) Treats of the work of women and
girls (house-industry especially) in the
production of embroidery, carpets, lace
(blond, etc. ). Lace is made of yam,
silk, silver, gold, etc., in more than 500
patterns at the lace-school at Idria. The
Bosnian women are adepts in making
oriental carpets. Appenzell embroidery
is of great reputation.

Knowles ( W. }. ) Stone axe factories
near Cushendall, County Antrim. (J.
Anthr. Inst. Lond., 1903, xxxiii, 360-
366, 8 pi.) Describes sites in Ballye-
mon Glen, where thousands of flakes,
etc., exist and from which 800 whole
axes were obtained. The most favored
material used has not been found in situ
in the district. The boulders, in various
states of flaking, indicate the process of
manufacture. These implements prob-
ably belong to an early stage of the
neolithic period, — some have been found
in the clay below the peat.

Kopp ( A. ) Handschrift der Trierer Stadt-
bibliothek vom Jahre 1744. (Hess. Bl.
f. Volksk., Leipzig, 1904, III, 16-54.)
Describes, with abundant citation of
material, a German song-book in Ms. in
the public library of Trier, dating from
1744, and probably belonging originally
to a pious Catholic family of Cologne.
A number of French pieces are included,
— also a few drinking songs and some
folk-lyrics.

Kraitschek (G.) Die Menschenrassen
Europas. (Polit. -Anthr. Rev., Berlin,
1903-1904, 15-45, 533-547» 684-704.)
R^sum^s data on the races of Europe,
their divisions, physical characters, etc.
Dr K. recognizes three chief European
races : Nordic (light, tall, dolichocephal-
ic) radiating from Scandinavian ; south
European (dark, short, dolichoceph-
alic) ; Mediterranean, kin with certain

North African and West Asiatic people,
brachycephalic [Mongolian, Celtic or
Alpine, — both broad-faced ; Sarmatian,
long-faced] originating from central Asia.

Krause ( E. L. ) Einige neuere Ergebnisse
der skandinavischen Quart&rforschung.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxv, 381-
382. ) Reviews recent literature on the
quatemary period in Sweden and Nor-
way. The middens of Schonen must be
older than the remains discovered on the
island of Sven and described by Anders-
son in 1902.

ManoUTlier ( L. ) Incisions, cauterisations
et trepanations cr&niennes de I'^poque
n^olithique. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de
Paris, 1904, V s., v, 67-73, ^ fg-)
Dr M. argues, as Dr Loydreau did 30
years ago, that the fine thin pieces of
flint, quartz, etc., belonging to the neo-
lithic period, were tools of the primitive
'' surgeon ' ' for use in trepanning, etc. A
trepanned skull from the dolmen of
Champignolles is described with some
detail. (See page 17.)

Note sur les ossements humains du

dolmen du terrier de Cabut, Gironde.
(Bull. Soc. d* Anthr. de Paris, 1904,
v« s. , V, 73-76. ) Describes, with chief
measurements, a skull (index 81.8),
several mandibles, femurs, etc., from a
dolmen of the Morgian epoch at Cabut,
much damaged by agricultural opera-
tions. One of the astragali found has
<'an almost simian form."

Sur I'aspect n6groTdedequelques crAnes

pr6historiques trouv6s en France. (Ibid. ,
119-124, I fg.) Dr M. argues that the
seemingly negroid aspect of the Mentone
crania ** is due to morphologic characters
whose occurrence together in the same
skull is certainly rare in the white race,**
but does not require the assumption of
negro ancestry. They vst. female skulls,
which explains some of their peculiar
features. The fades mon^oloideus said
to be frequent in certain parts of Brittany
becomes, when associated with dolicho-
cephaly, Vifmcies nef^roideus. The author
discusses also the skull from the dolmen
of M6riel. See Cr^pin et Laville.

Cr&nes de vieillards de I'^poque

n^olithique en France. ( Ibid., 101-104,
2 fgs. ) Describes two neolithic skulls,
from the dolmen of Pocancy and a grotto
in H6rault, both of which bear marks of
advanced old age. The chief signs of

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

old age are atrophy of the alveolar por-
tion of the maxillary and the more or
less symmetrical sinking of the external
table of the parietals, due to atrophy of
the spongy tissue of the center. These
skulls are interesting in view of the fact
that many theorists have not admitted the
possibility of the attainment of high old
age among the savage ancestors of the
present races of man.

Mayr (A.) Die voi^eschichtlichen Denk-
m&ler von Sardinien. (Globus, Bm-
schwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 133-137.) R6-
sum^s present knowledge of Sardinian
antiquities — based chiefly on Pinza's
Monumenti primitivi delta Sardegna
(Roma, 1901 ). According to P., with
whom M. agrees, the nuraghi are
** graves * * — there exist also the ** giants'
graves ' ' and the domos de inna^ or rock
graves, besides natural caves. The cul-
ture of the nuraghi^ giants' graves, rock
graves, etc., suggests a close connection
between Sardinia, the Balearic islands,
the islands between Sicily and Africa
and the southern part of Spain and
France during the bronze period. There
is a unity — a sort of "western Medi-
terranean culture area" indicated. In-
fluences of older i^ean culture are
present in this region — also Mycsenian
and pre-Mycsenian both in implements
and architecture. The nuraghi people
were probably of African origin. The
specific creators of old Sardinian culture
were the Jolai of the ancient Roman
writers.

Mehiis (C.) Die Nekropole im Benzen-
lockbei Neustadt a. d. H. (Ibid., 1904,
LXXXV, 388. ) Brief account of the con-
tents of 6 tumuli examined in 1904.
The neolithic, Hallstatt, La Tdne, and
Roman periods are all represented — the
last two subsequent interments.

OfFord (J.) Roman discoveries in Great
Britain. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904,
XXVI, 17-23.) Treats of discoveries of
1903 : altars and tablets from New-
castle-upon-Tyne, inscriptions from mili-
tary station at Brough (Derbyshire) and
city of Venta Silurum (Monmouthshire),
excavations at Silchester, etc. Frequent
references occur in the inscriptions to in-
dividuals of German origin among the
Roman soldiery in Britain. Some of the
deities cited, e. g., Mogon^ may also be
German.

A prehistoric Scandinavian sun-

chariot. (Ibid., 234-235, I fg.) De-
scribes the sun-chariot (dating from ca.
1000 B. c. ) found at Trundholm. The
author seeks Babylonian or Sumerian
connections.

P. Die Karelier im russischen Gouveme-
ment Twer. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904,
LXXXVI, 188-189.) Brief r6sum6 of
data in D. Richter's article on the
Karelians of Twer in the Journal der
finnisch-ugrischen Gesellschaft in Hel-
singforsy 1 904. Folk- literature and folk-
songs seem to have vanished — even the
recollection of their original home.
Russian influence is marked and racial
assimilation has increased since the build-
ing of schools and the coming of rail-
roads, etc. In the family there is "no
suppression of personality." The pro-
portion of males to females is 100 : 1 10.6.

Reindl (J.) Die ehemaligen Weinkul-
turen in Siidbayem. (Ibid., 1904,
LXXXV, 384-387. ) Discusses the extent
of the vineyards in South Bavaria, the
quality of the wine, and the cause of the
decline of wine culture (the increasing
importation of foreign wines since the
14th century). The vine on the gables
of houses and bams, the frequent occur-
rence of IVein in place-names, etc., indi-
cate the influence of this industry since
its introductions by the Romans.

Rossat (A.) Les paniers : podme patois.
(Schw. Arch. f. Volksk., ZUrich, 1904,
VIII, 116-140,196-219.) Gives dialect
versions and literary French texts of
Raspieler's poem Les Paniers (1849),
with critical notes on the various
versions.

Schdner (G. ) Erinnerungen und Ueber-
lebsel vergangener Zeiten aus dem Dorfe
Eschenrod im Vogelsberg. (Hess. Bl.
f. Volksk., Leipzig, 1904, in, 54-63.)
Reproduces from the narration of an old
man 25 items of beliefs, customs, folk-
thought, etc., from the village of
Eschenrod.

Stuckelberg ( E. A. ) Die Verehrung des
h. Morand Mon. (Schw. Arch. f.
Volksk., Zurich, 1904, viii, 220-223,
I fg. ) Gives account of the develop-
ment of the worship of the late medieval
St Morandus of Bftle, limited to the
Sundgau.

Tedeschi (E. E. ) Contributo alia cranio-
logia dei popoli alpini. (A. d. Accad.
Sci. Ven. -Trent. -Istr., Padova, 1904,

144

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

■ I

n .

^* s., I, 57-69.) Gives measurements
and descriptions of 50 male and 50
female skulls from the ossuary of S.
Pietro in the commune of Zuglio.
Homogeneity in the distribution of the
cephalic indexes in both sexes is marked.
The female skulls are more rectangular
than the male. There are features
which suggest artificial deformation
rather than ethnic characters.

Tetzner ( F. ) Zur Volkskunde der Serben.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 85-
91, 12 fgs. ) Treats of name, dress
(particularly bridal), houses, furniture
and implements (domestic and agri-
cultural), folk-poetry ( hero-song, lyric-
poems, etc.). Wooden vessels are still
much in use ; noteworthy are the east
Servian calabashes. The Servian ox-
yoke has some peculiarities, likewise the
fire-tongs. The "puberty cane** also
deserves mention, although some deny
its significance.

Tobler ( A. ) Der Volkstanz im Appen-
zellerlande. (Schw. Arch. f. Volksk.,
Zurich, 1904, VIII, 100-115, 178-195.)
Consists of the music for some 1 7 Appen-
zell folk-dances.

Vir6 ( A. ) Unc station solutr^enne. Nou-
velle grotte et abri sous roche de Lacave,
Lot. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris,
1904, v« s., V, 63-66.) Describes cave
and rock-shelter with remains discovered
( flints, bone implements and ornaments,
shells, kitchen debris, the last very
numerous), of the Solutrean epoch
(paleolithic).

Walker (F. I.) The story of Pompeii.
(Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 169-
176.) R6sum6s history and describes
excavations and results, as revealing the
nature of the city and its inhabitants.

Weinberg ( R. ) Pr&historische Feuersteine
und der neolithische Mensch in Baltisch-
Russland. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904,
LXXXVI, 231-235, 21 figs.) The East
Baltic region oflfers comparatively few
worked flints, — a dozen or so is the
largest find (near Swineek on Lake
Burtneck). Implements combining flints
and bone (harpoons) occur, and some of
the flints are of fine workmanship and
belong probably with the RUgen-Pomer-
ania stone-age culture. The Woisek
skeleton belongs to a decidedly dolicoce-
phalic type (index 67) — Pomeranian
and also Ladoga lake man may be related.

Der syrjanische Pam-Kultus. (Ibid.,

259-261.) Describes the Syrjanian folk-
figure of ram, the highest conception of
this people of the governments of
Wologda and Archangelsk in European
Russia. Pam incarnates the spirit striv-
ing after light, the struggle of the soul,
the ideal of humanity, Uie highest aims
of man, his boldest hopes, his deepest
emotions — he stands high above all that
is small and commonplace in the life and
activities of men. Para is perhaps the
same as the half-god of the Ugro- Finnish
peoples.

Wilser ( L. ) Die Menschenrassen Euro-
pas, nach Kraitschek. (Ibid., 45-46.)
R^sum^s the article of Dr G. Kraitscheic
on European races in the Politisch-an-
thropologische Rrvue^ vols. I- 1 1. Dr
W. agrees with K. that the dolichoce-
phalic race of Europe is the oldest, the
brachycephalic a later immigrant from
the East. Also as to the mixture of
Finnish peoples. See Kraitschek (G. )

Winter (A. C. ) Totenklagen der Russen.
(Ibid., 1904, Lxxxv, 388-389.) Gives
German texts of three "death-wails'*

from Twer, R&san and Cemigov. In
Twer they are called w6pi, in R&san

kriki, in Jaroslav pric6ty, in Cemigov
Zapla^ki. The Twer **wail*' consists
of 140 lines containing many repetitions.

Wright (G. F.) The bone cave of San
Ciro, Sicily. ( Rec. of Past, Wash.,
1904, III, 216-219, 2 fgs.) Brief notes
on the investigation of this cave in 1 830.
Immense quantities of bones (chiefly of
hippopotami and very fresh), some of
which were commercially exploited, were
found. Prestwich, the geologist, thought
a land subsidence, in times when the
hippopotami lived in this part of the
world, drove them into the cave for
refuge.

Zaborowski (S. ) La c6r6ale protoary-
enne. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris,
1904, v« s., V, 87-99.) Treats ot
limits of the proto- Aryan period, com-
mon terms relating to the employment
of stone implements (words for knife,
sword, razor, arrow, whetstone, etc. ),
agriculture in the European and Indo-
Iranian groups (words for plow, sickle,
reap, etc. — the European knowledge of
agriculture was earlier than the Indo-
Iranian), the late app>earance of agricul-
ture (of Teutonic origin) among the

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

145

Finns, the proto- Aryan plow, the plants
cultivated by the proto-Aryans. Z.
thinks that the proto-AiTans long con-
fined themselves to gathering wild grains
— first of the cereals was barley, and the
oldest names signify not special cereals
but simply the grains of the wild plant

AFRICA

Borchard ( L. ) Excavations of the Ger-
man Oriental Society near Abusir. ( Rec.
of Past, Wash., 1904, in, 195-212, 15
fgs. ) Gives account of excavations of
winters of 1901-1902 and 1902-1903.
Describes the temple of King Ne-
rooser-re ; the cemetery surrounding
''offers traces of all periods of Egyptian
civilization." Three types of mastabas
were found.

Brower (C. DeW. ) Phila. abid., 259-
268, 6 fgs. ) Historical and descriptive
account of Philse and its famous temples,
now threatened with possible submersion
by the erection of the great Assouan dam.
The author suggests that the new stone
bulwark is really more beautiful than the
old ruined temples because more useful,
now that the day of the Fellaheen has
come.

Curtis (W. E.) Ancient cities of Egypt,
f Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 77-
84. ) These notes, originally contributed
to the Chicago Record- Heraldy treat of
Alexandria, Cairo and its university,
stone towers, Memphis, mastaba of Ti,
rock-hewn tombs, etc.

DaTid (J.) Notizen Qber die Pygm&en
des Ituriwaldes. (Globus, Bmschwg.,
1904, Lxxxvi, 193-198.) Treats of
physical characters, dwellings, imple-
ments and utensils (few and pots rare),
tobacco (obtained from taller negroes
and much used by pygmies ), bunting and
other activities (traps and pits), counting,
language (brief vocabulary including
numerals and proper names of men and
women). No evidences of degeneration
or abnormality exist and the Wambutti
have been for centuries the primitive for-
est folk they are now. There is no sym-
biosis with the surrounding agricultural
peoples, as, e. g., at Mawambi. Dr D.
describes (p. 197) a new-bom child.
Their uncleanliness, dread of water,
ignorance of boiling flesh, etc., are noted.
The author, from his personal experience,
credits these pygmies with great skill in
hunting and tradcing animals.

AM. ANTH., N. S , 7~XO

Ton Doeiing (Hptnt,) Ueber die Her-
stellung von Seife in Togo. (Ibid., 282-
283.) Describes the manufacture of
soap by the negresses of Togo-land. It
is made from the ashes of the kongulu
palm and some other trees and palm-
seed oil.

G«werbe (Das) in Ruanda. (Ibid., 82>
83.) R6sum6 of the article of Dr R.
Kandt. See American Anthropologist y
1904, vol. VI, N. s., 731.

Hobley (C. W.J British East Africa:
Anthropological studies in Kavirondo and
Nandi. (J. Anthr. Inst. Lond., 1903,
XXXIII, 325-359, 3 pi. 8 fgs. ) Treats
of legends of tbe origin of the Ja-Luo
race and their genealogy, genealogy of
the Awa-Wanga, animal-stories of the
Ama-Wanga, ghost beliefs of the Ithako,
omens, ancestor- worship, charms (a list
of the components of the magic necklace
of a chief is given at page 345), totems
(list given), rain-making, c^It of the
mkia (speci/il mark of married woman),
<<mika" operation on girls among the
Guasangishu and Nandi, naming of
children, tattooing and tribal marks,
numeral proportion of sexes (table given;
in Bantu tribes male births exceed
female, in Nilotic vice versa), the isira
custom (vendetta), miscellaneous cus-
toms and beliefs, laws of succession among
the Ja-Luo (chiefship goes to eldest son
of wife whom father married first), etc.
Neither the Ja-Luo nor the Nandi have
such animal- love as the Ama-Wanga.
The Ithako consider ghosts much larger
than life-size. Cremation of a corpse and
re- interring the ashes *' lays " a ghost.
Charms are legion. Artificial deflower-
ing of dead virgins occurs among the
Ama-Wanga.

Hutter (F.) Volkergruppierung in Ka-
merun. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904,
LXXXVI, 1-5, map.) The distribution-
map suggests an ethnic chaos. The
greatest sections are the Bantu and the
Sudan-Negroes, the third chief element
consisting of intruding non-negro peoples.
In German Bomu are the Kanuri, Ma-
kari, Musgu, Marghi, besides tribes of
Arab lineage (Sh6a), some Fula, immi-
grants from Baghirmi and Wadai, from
Dar Rt^nga and Dongola. In Adamua
are Batta tribes, Fali, Musgu, Kanuri,
Sh6a, Mbum, Bantu, Baia, Tikar,
Haussa, etc. In the primitive forests
of the west and south dwell the Fans.

146

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

The Fula have followed often the ruins
of Haussa <* states.'* Mixture of races
has long been taking place here.

Slandt ( R. ) Ein Marsch am Ostufer des
Kiwu. (Ibid., 209-214, 245-249, 11
fgs.) Contains notes on the Watussi
(higher classes), Wahutu (Bantu com-
mon people), etc. A pariah-folk, the
pygmy Batwa, is scattered over the
country. The east shore of Lake Kiwu
belongs to Ruanda.

Klose ( H . ) Produktion und Handel Togos.
( Ibid. , 69-75, 145-149. ) Notes on ex-
ploitation of oil-palm and its products,
caoutchouc, ^^/-palm (shi-butter), cocoa-
palm (copra), kola-nut, earth-nut, cas-
sava, maize, cotton, caoutchouc, cacao,
etc. The spread of such American
plants as cassava, maize, and cacao in
Africa is remarkable. The oil -palm fur-
nishes oil, sauce, salve, hair-dressing,
light, building material, fish-traps, food,
drink, etc.

LeMner (^Oberltn,^ Die Balue- oder
Rumpiberge und ihre Bewohner. (Ibid.,
273-278, 337-344, 18 fgs.) Contains
notes (pp. 277-278) on the Balue,
Bakundu, Ngolo, and Batanga, all of
Bantu stock. Several albinos (who
enjoy no special rOle) were met with.
Although these four peoples speak the
same language, yet the words for several
things (including father y nosey dogy ) are
not the same in all of them. Tattooing,
clothing, and ornaments (comparatively
little), objects used in dance (very num-
erous and manifold), weapons, houses
and villages, "palaver ''-houses, furni-
ture and utensils, land-culture, domestic
animals, etc., are discussed. Tobacco is
much used.

New English province (The) of Nigeria.
(Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1904, xv,
433-442, 9 fgs. ) Contains notes on the
city of Kano and the people of the prov-
ince, chiefly Hausas.

OfFord (J. ) Discoveries in Egypt. (Am.
Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 73-77.)
Discusses the inscription of the ** Stele
of Palermo " (5 th or 6th dynasty, relat-
ing to Heliopolis), the new papyrus
(ca. 410 B. c.) from Luxor, and two
new cuneiform tablets from Tel-el
Amama.

^— Monuments of primitive Pharaohs.
(Ibid., 240-242.) Author thinks that
evidence shows that these early monarch,

were not petty princes, but ruled over
upper and lower Egypt. It also proves
the accuracy of Manetho's lists and the
increasing antiquity of Egyptian culture.

ParlBh Yon Senftenburg (Freih. O.)
Zwei Reisen durch Ruanda 1902 bis
1903. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1904,
Lxxxvi, 5-13, 73-79, 13 fgs., map.)
Based on data of Lieut, von Parish. Con-
tains ethnographic notes on the Watusi
(a tall negro people), Mssinga, the
ruler of Ruanda, the dwarf executioners
of Mssinga (Bagiga or Watwa). The
Watwa of the volcanic region are said
to be cannibals. The Watwa and Watusi
(the ruling element in Ruanda) get
along well together.

Pittard (M. ) Sur lamonnaie du Ba-Souto.
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v«
s., V, 142-143.) Describes the iirale
or copper money of the Basuto from a
sp>ecimen in the Geneva Museum and
one presented to the Anthropological
Society.

Sg. Die Festlegung der Westgrenze von
Togo. (Globus, Brnschwg, 1904,
LXXXVI, 283-286, map. ) Contains brief
notes on the Moab, Guan tribes, Nawuri,
Shanbordn, Nanumba (becoming more
and more Mohammedanized), Dag-
bamba, Tjanse, Kusa, Konkomba,
Chokosi, etc.

Singer (H.) Eine Begr&bnish5hle auf
der Insel Bussira, Victoria Nyansa.
( Ibid. , 80-82, I fg. ) Notes on a photo-
graph by the late Lieut, von Parish,
representing a grave on the island of
Bussira, and on the funeral customs of
the Wasiba. A sort of strata-deposition
of corpses is practised.

Hauptmann Merkers Monographic

Uber die Massai. (Ibid., 264-268, 10
fgs. ) R^sum^s Capt. M. Merker's Die
Masai. Ethnographische Monographic
eines ostafrikanischen Semitcnvolkes
(Berlin, 1904). On anthropological,
ethnographic and ethnologic grounds
(but particularly from study of their
myths) M. holds that the Masai are of
Semitic lineage, but he probably places
too much weight on certain legends. The
beginning of Masai immigration he sets at
ca. 5000 B. c. Cattle are of great im-
portance for the Masia, but in conse-
quence of the great cattle-plague of some
14-15 years ago, they are in process of
change from cattle-nomads to agricul-

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

147

turists. To the main part of the book
are added ethnobotanical notes and an-
thropological descriptions of 18 men and
43 women. At pages 286-287 of Globus
is given the creation myth of the Masai.

Sommerrille (M.) Amulets and talis-
mans from Senegal. (Proc. Num. and
Antiq. Soc. of Phila., 1902-1903 [1904],
53, 2 pi. ) Brief note and photographs
of 6 amulets from the Sahara, east of
Senegal.

ASIA

Carus (P.) Stone-worship. (Open Ct,
Chicago, 1904, XVIII, 45-52, 7 fes.)
Treats of stone-worship, votive stones,
etc., among the Phenicians.

Pre-Christian crosses as symbols of

chthonic deities. (Ibid., 285-290, 12
fgs.) Author notes that the cross is
found on tombs in Asia Minor and used
in connection with chthonic deities, gods
of the lower world. Hades, etc.

The religion of proto-Semitism.

(Ibid., 421-429.) Based on Prof. S. I.
Curtiss' Ursemitische Religion (Leip-
zig, 1904), the improved German edition
of the author's Primitive Semitic Re-
ligion, Chicago, 1902.

Corea. (Ibid., 218-220, 2 fgs.)

Contains notes on coat-of-arms and kwas
or trigrams.

— The Rosetta stone. (Ibid., 531-536,
3 fgs. ) Describes the stone with cuts of
the hierogljrphic, demotic, and Greek
inscriptions.

The spinning damsel. (Ibid., 568-

5^> I fg* ) Brief account of an ancient
bas-relief from Susa of a Semitic (?)
maiden spinning, while a slave behind
£euis her.

— Naram-sin's stele. (Ibid., 563-567,
4 fgs. ) Describes the stele (now in the
Louvre) of Naram-sin (ca. 3750 b. c.)
found in the ruins of Susa by DeMorgan.
The facial types of the Elamites are repro-
duced in outlines.

— Japanese leaders. (Ibid., 454-478,
21 fgs. Treats of the Mikado, the Em-
press, Oyama, Yamagata, Kodowa,
Kuroki, Oku, Nodzu, Nogi, Ito, Yama-
mato, Togo, Kamimura, Uriu, Hirose,
Fukushima (author of patriotic poems as
well as a general). Some of these nota-
bles represent the Japanese physical type
(or types), others, apparently, do not.

Clement (E. W.) The Japanese floral
calendar. (Ibid., 6-13, 107-112, 163-
165, 213-217, 282-284, 351-354, 394-
397, 499-5oi> 554-557, 615-617, 695-
698, 723-73 1, 28 fgs. ) Interesting notes
on the pine, plum, peach, cherry, wis-
taria, iris, morning-glory, lotus, nana-
kusa (<* seven grasses'*), maple, chrys-
anthemum, camellia, the various month-
flowers in poetry, art, etc. The Japanese
love a flower as a flower. To them a
bouquet is floral murder and the whole
theory of Japanese flower arrangement
'depends upon the * language of line'
rather than upon mass or color.'' The
arrangement of flowers is an important
item in woman's education.

Crabbe (J. J. ) Japanese songs and folk-
lore. (Ibid., 277-481.) According to
the author '< no other nation has so rich
a treasury of folk-lore as the Japanese, or
has such a wealth of myth and romance,"
and religion, myth, romance and history
are inextricably intertwined. One of
the most popular collections of songs and
folk-lore is the Hyak Nin Is^shiu Mine
No Kake-hashi. The Taketori Mono^
gatari was first issued about iboo years
ago. The Japanese variant of Rip van
Winkle is given on page 279.

Doolittle (G. E.) Neglected archeologi-
cal ruins in Coelesyria. ( Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1904, III, 227-233, 12 fgs.)
Notes on die Libo aqueduct, the temple
ruins of Kefr Zebed, Shleefa Niha, the
shrine near Kobb Elias, the Kamu' at
Hermil (a monument of some hunting
monarch, etc.). These ruins have been
neglected because so overshadowed by
** the titanic ruins of Baalbek." Coele-
syria was the home of Baal worship.

El-Howie (Ghosn. ) Gezer foundation de-
posits and modem beliefs. ( Ibid. , 212—
216.) Treats of foundation-sacrifices,
ancient and modem, of this region in con-
nection with the finding at Tell-el-Jezari
(the Gezer of King Solomon) of jars
containing bodies of infants, lamps and
bowls, in the foundation of dwellings.
This was probably to ward of the ** evil

eye,

>»

. The Drooz of Syria. (Amer.

Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 167-168.)
Notes on beliefs, etc., of the Druses con-
cerning the origin of life, transmigration
of souls, etc.

d'Enjoy (P.) De la legislation chinoise
^ regard des congregations religieuses.

148

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v«
s., V, 154-157.) Gives the French
version of the legislation of the old
Chinese code relative to the Buddhist
monks and monasteries, for comparison
with recent edicts of the French Govern-
ment concerning the Catholic ** congre-
gations."

Foster (J. W.) China. (Nat. Geogr.
Mag., Wash., xv, 463-478, 2 maps.)
Contains some notes on the character of
the Chinese peoples.

Gilbert (O.) Babylons Gestimdienst,
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi.
225-231, 2 fgs. ) Treats of the stars in
Babylonian mythology and religion,
their S3rmbolism and its interpretation,
combinations of deities, double-heads,
etc. The author holds that these em-
blems are all per se symbols of deities,
which later became connected with and
were transferred to certain chief stars
and constellations. The stars were
always subordinated to the gods and not
vice versa.

Goldziher (I.) Orientalische Bauleg-
ende. (Ibid., 95-96. ) Treats of the
Persian legend of the building of the
castle of Chawamak by the Greek ar-
chitect Sinnim&r in the fifth century, the
country palace of Sh&pur I. Connected
with this legend was the astrologer's
verdict that the King would lose his
kingdom for a time and recover it only
after ** taking golden bread fix>m an iron
dish. * * The architect escapes the King* s
attempt to destroy him, by making him-
self wings and flying away. This sug-
gests the classic tale of Daedalus.

▼on Hahn (C. ) Neues Uber die Kurden.
( Ibid. ,31-32.) R6sum6s an address by
A. A. Arkeljan before the Geographical
Society of Tiflis. A. maintains that the
Kurds are a very mixed race, com-
pounded of Medes, Mongols, Tatars,'
Armenians, Turks, Arabs, etc., and not
a somewhat pure Iranian people as is
generally believed. They number alto-
gether about 1,000,000, divided into
some 100 *' tribes," partly nomadic,
partly half-nomadic In religion they
are strict Sunnites. Divorce is easy,
hospitality a sacred duty, theft and rob-
bery works of valor.

Harper (R. F.) Exploration and dis-
covery in Babylonia. (Am. Antiq.,
Chicago, 1904, XXVI, 177-179.) Notes

on the excavations at Bismya, where
large ruins exist, from whi<^ ridi re-
sults are expected.

Haa (K. ) German excavations in Baby-
lon, 1901 and 1902. (Rec of Fk^
Wash., 1904, III, 166-183, 6 fjgs). De-
scribes the excavations of the '*kasr"
mound and the remains discovered (clay
sculptures, cylinders, glazed tiles, docu-
ments found in coffins, exploratioos of
the temple, palace, fortifications, etc).
Among the finds are a new text of King
Nabopolassar, a hjmn to Marduk, etc

German excavations in Fan.

(Ibid., 233-243, 6 fgs., map.) De-
scribes investigations of 1 902- 1903, at
Fara and Abu Hatab. R6sum6d firan
official reports of the German Oriental
Society.

Hedin (S.) De vetenskapliga resnltaten
af min sista resa. (Ymer, Stkhlm.,
1 904» XXIV, 237-258, maps.) R^sumis
scientific results of last journey in central
Asia, 1 899- 1 902, which are to appear in
English in six volumes. Of great inter*
est are the excavations in old Lobnor.

Hendenon fA. E.) Survey of Cyziciu.
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, iii, 355-
364, 7 fgs., map. ) Describes sitnatioo
and topography of the ruins of Cyskns
on the southern shore of the Sea of Mar-
mora. The chief ruin is that of "the
colossal * temple of Hadrian.' " Others
are the ''theater,'* the ' * honey-maiden's
palace,'' etc.

Henning (C. L.) Die sumerische Gnmd-
lage der vorderasiatischen Sch5pfangs-
sage. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904,
LXXXVI, 46-49, 58-61, I fg. ) Risumis
the recent writings of Zimmem, Tide,
Radau, etc- , particularly the last. Radaa
endeavors to prove the "Sumerian"
origin of the Babylonian creation myth,
added to Tide's opinion (*'by far the
greater part of Babylonian religious ideas
were already in the possession of the
Sumerians").

Hervey ( D. F. A. ) Malay games. (J.
Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1903, xxxiil, 284-
304, 8 fgs. ) Describes briefly 63 games,
chiefly children's, and mostly as plajred
in Malacca. Some of these games re-
semble : Hide-and-seek, Tom Tiddler's
Ground, Oranges and Lemons, French
and English, Marbles, Hopscotch, Pitch
and Toss, etc

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

149

Janke (A.^ Das Schlachtfeld am Grani-
kus. (Ibid., 129-133, 6 fgs., map. ) J.
does not confirm Kiepert's opinion as to
the old course of the Granicus, nor his
site for the battle-field — the lowest course
of the stream has most in its favor.

Joyce (T. A. ) On the physical anthro-
pology of the Oases of Khotan and
Keriya. (J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1903,
XXXIII, 305-324, 2 pi., tables.) Treats
of cephalic nasal and facial indices, stat-
ure, thickness of lips, color of hair and
eyes, etc., of 23 individuals from Khotan
and 16 from Keriya measured by Dr M.
A. Stein during his recent archeological
investigation in Chinese Turkestan. The
ethnic affinities of these people are dis-
cussed at some length. A Turki ele-
ment has probably modified the Kho-
tanese more than the Galchas, whom
they much resemble, also a large Tibetan
admixture. The Keriya have a larger
Turki element and perhaps also some
Mongol. Both Khotanese and Keriya
are in the main ** Aryan " and descend-
ants of Lapouge's Homo alpinus.

Kanten (Paula) Abbaji Radscha und
sein Schwager Tinn&ll. ( Globus, Bms-
chwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 138-140.) Text
in German of a Tamil legend of TinnAll,
a sort of Oriental Eulenspiegel.

Lanfer (B. ) Religidse Toleranz in China.
(Ibid., 1904, Lxxxv, 219-220.) Criti-
cizes somewhat severely J. J. M. de
Groot*s recent book Sectarianism and
Religious Persecution in China (2
vols., Amsterdam : 1903- 1904), which
Dr L. considers very partial and often
inexact, and unjust in suppressing refer-
ences to edicts of toleration, while care-
ful to cite all intolerant acts. China
never burned witches, had no inquisition,
and never destroyed primitive civiliza-
tions. Any Chinese can change his re-
ligion at will. The growth of Buddhist
clericism and the "dead hand" of the
church are dangers to China as similar
conditions have been in Europe. China
has tolerated Buddhists, Parsees, Mani-
cheans, Mazdeans, Nestorians, Jews,
and Mohammedans before Christians of
to-day, and she can in no way be styled
intolerant and religiously bigoted.

Lyle (T. H.) Notes on the ancient pot-
tery kilns at Sawankalok, Siam. (J.
Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1903, xxxiii, 238-
245, I pi., 4 fgs. ) Gives results of ten
days' investigation of the Sawankalok

kilns said to belong to the time of King
Phra Roang (fifth or sixth century, A.
D. ), and the pottery found there. In an
appended "note" (pages 244-245) Mr
C. H. Read points out that Mr Lyle's
material makes it certain that celadon
ware was made in Siam in ancient times
in considerable quantity and of a kind
closely resembling the Chinese kind.

Meyer (A.) Tasch- Rabat. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1904, LXXXVI, 41-45, 8
fgs. ) R^sum^s N. N. Pantusov's article
published in 1902 on the ruins of Tasch-
Rabat on the Russo-Chinese frontier
(Kashgar caravan road), the remains of
a Nestorian monastery — these monks
were already in central Asia by the 7th
century.

Myres (J. L. ) The early pot-fabrics of
Asia Minor. (J. Anthr. Inst., Lond.,

1903, XXXIII, 367-400, 4 pi., II fgs.)
Discusses the black polished fabric of
Hissarlik and its homologues, — Hissar-
lik is "the pier-head of Asia toward
S. E. Europe, the tHe de pant of Europe
toward N. W. Asia" ; the red -faced fab-
ric of Hissarlik II and its homologues ;
the painted style of Cappadocia (distri-
bution, fabrics, forms, ornament, post-
Mycenaean and Mycenaean accretions,
pre- Mycenaean geometrical residuum, re-
sidual Cappadocian style), a Syro-Cappa-
docian promise of ceramic art. The last
the author argues from the decorative re-
pertoire, the lavish use of red paint, the
treatment of pot-surface, etc. — the
white-ground fabric may be due to the
local occurrence of meerschaum,

Niehns (H. ) Die Zuckerfabrikation des
indischen Bauem. (Globus, Bmschwg.,

1904, LXXXVI, 167-171, 7 fgs.) De-
scribes the making of sugar to-day by the
Hindu peasantry. The old sugar- mill
is not yet extinct.

Oppert (G. ) Erinnerungen an Indien.
(Ibid., 249-252.) Critique of Dr Paul
Deussen's Erinnerungen an Indien
(Kiel u. Leipzig, 1904). Dr O. con-
siders the author rather unjust and un-
sympathetic toward the English, and
instances a case in which an educated
Brahman, an M. A., did not consider it
wrong for a judge to receive money from
the two parties to a cause, provided he
returned his to the loser.

Ranke (H.) Business house of Murashu
Sons of Nippur. (Rec. of Past, Wash.

ISO

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

["•

,7, 1905

1904, 111, 364-374, 8 fgi.) Risumit

Rev. A. T. Clay's Business DocumiHts
of Murasku Sons of Nippur (PhiU.,
1904), which treats of the cuneiform
Ubiets (found al Nippur in 1893) re-
Cording the business transactions (464-
434 B.C., and 413-405 B. C. ) of a finn
of that city. The number of Aramaic
indorsements is notable, — Babylonian
may have been at this late period in uje
only for literary and legal purpoica, etc.

Segnsnlt (J. ) L'hygiine chei les Chinois,
(Kev. Scienlif., Paris, 1904, S' s., 11,
582-585,617-620,651-655.) Treatsof
houses, clothing, food, drink, opium, to-
bacco (receol), physical exercise, seT,
childhood, diseases (particularly small-
poi), death. The "comhinatioD of nat-
ural science and general hygiene obscured
by superstition," which passes for hygiene
in China, is ci\\^ fnung-choei, "wind-
water"; and the primitive hygienist is
fouitg ckoci ti.

▼on RaitlenstBill {frh. ) Die Silbcrinscl
bei Chinkiang. (Globus,llmschwg.,t9a4,
LXXXV], 317-21S, I {%., map.) Notes
on the former summer seal of the Chinese
imperial family, '■ Silver Island" in the
Yang-lse-kiang. The pagoda of the
near-by lawn of Chinkiang is the subject
of legend.

Ti«ws of Lluoa. (Nat. Gcogr. Mag..
Wash., 1905, KVI, 27-38.) Selected
from pictures taken bylbeBuriatTsibikov
and the Kalmuck Noriunov on their
recent visit to Tibet.

WrieM (F. B.l Ancient caravan routes
ofChina. { Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904,
III, 163-166, 5 fgs.) Brief notes on
the Nankin-Turfan-Kashgar-Kuldja, and
Pekin -Urga-Kiakhta- Baikal-Semipala-
tinsk caravan routes, the Chinese wall,
etc

INDONESIA. AUSTRALASIA,
POLYNESIA

Bewotmer (Die) der westlichen Torres-
strosse-Inselin. (Globus, Brnschvig.,
1904, L.\sxvi, 177-181,3 fgs.) R6-
Sum£s the fifth volume of the Reports of
the Anthropological Kxpedition to 1'orres
Strait, Soiiolegy, /l/ofiV and Rr/ij;iiin
of the Western Islanders (Cambridge,
1904). See page 132.

Dr Heinrlch Schnee'a Buch Uber den Bis-
marckarchipel. (Ibid., 152-156, 6 fgs. )
Risumts Dr Schnee's Bilder aus der

SDdset (Berlin, 1904), which treats
chiefly of ethnr^raphic matters. The
population is estimated (rather low) at
300.000, many losses taking place, et-
pedally of women and children, through
vengeance- feuds. The peoples of the
Matty and Durour islands, where cul-
ture is mi generis, Dr S. thinks, pos-
sess a strain of Chinese or Japanese
blood. His linguistic map, exclusive of
some of the smaller islands, counts 9
stocks, from Papuan-like to Polynesian.
The Manus are said to have a special
word for 10,000. An inter-island system
of signals by smoke and fire exists. The
Bismarck Islanders are still one of the
wildest peoples of the Pacific, and can-
nibalism is prevalent among many tribes.
The pile-dwellings of Mok Mandrian,
are interesting. The dui-dut of Gaielle
peninsula is an importation from New
Mecklenburg.

Fruer (J. ) Some notes on the ethnology
of the New Hebrides. (Am. Antiq.,
Chicago, 1904, xxvt, 2S-31.) Discusses
the origin of the blacks ("negroid, not
negro") of New Hebrides, etc. Dr F,,
who locates the "original home of the
undivided human family " in a "portion
of High Asia, to (he east of Mesopo-
tamia," brings the negroes into Africa,
Asia, and the Pacific islands by a wide
dispersion. That the New Hebrides
black is negroid is due to race intermix-
ture— three streams of immigration into
these islands (Malay the lastj.

Fnioess (H. F., 3d) The stone money
of Uap. Western Carolines. (Trans.
Depl. Arch., Univ. of Penn., Phila.,
1904, I, 51-60, 4 fgs.) Describes the
fei or stone money (in diameter from I
to 12 feet) of L'ap — quarried and shaped
400 miles away in the I'ttew Is., and
brought thence in canoes or rafts. No
attribute of age or sacreilness attaches
to them and Ihey have no practical or
intrinsic value. Mr ¥. thinks "they
present to the people a certain visible
and tangible amount of labor expended
in their production," are, in fact, primi-
tive " certillcales of dc[iosil of work."
Actual ]x)ssession on one's own property
is not neces.sary. indeed one al the bot-
tom of the sea is said to have served just
OS well, its linking having become com-

Hagen (H.) Die Gajos auf Sumatra,
(Globus. Brnschwg., 1904, I.XXxvi, 24-
30, 13 fgs.) Physically the Cajos are

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

151

only "grown children,** — they have re-
mained at the child-stage, and, with the
Alas, represent **the old primitive or
pre- Malay population of Sumatra more
purely and less mixed than the Bataks.*'
Their pandanus-weaving is noteworthy.
The Bataks show a more advanced, less
fluctuating culture than the Gajos ; other-
wise there are close resemblances between
them. Close relations are suggested by
Dr H. between the Toradjas and Toalas
of Celebes, the Veddas and even some
South American Indians. References
are made to Dr S. Hurgronje's book
Het Gajoland en zijne bewoners ( Batavia,

1903)-

Krimer (A.) Der Wert der Siidseekeulen
fUr Vdlkerbeziehungen. ( Ibid. ,125-128,
3 fgs. ) Describes three clubs, — from
Tutuila (Samoa), from Fiji, and from a
grave at Truxillo, Peru, the last ** thor-
oughly Tongan ** in form and ornament
South Pacific clubs have been reported
also from Alaska, etc. These are all
probably incidental imports. The rela-
tions between the Spaniards in Peru and
the Pacific islands might account for the
Truxillo club.

Xathews (R. H.) Languages of the
Kamilaroi and other aboriginal tribes of
New South Wales. (J. Anthr. Inst.,
Lond., 1903, XXXIII, 259-283. ) Gives
granmiatical sketches of the Kamilaroi
and Darkifiung languages, with notes on
the Yuan (a mystic tongue used in the
Bora ceremonies), the Wallarai, Wir-
raiarai and Guinbrai dialects, a vocabulary
of some 900 words of the Kamilaroi and
Thurrawal tongues. App>ended are also
notes on some native tribes of Victoria,
S. Australia, and Queensland. The
Kamilaroi has an inclusive and exclusive
plural of the first personal pronouns.

Language des Kurnu, tribu d' indi-
genes de la Nouvelle Galles du Sud.
(Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v«
s., V, 132-138.) R6sum6 of the gram-
mar of the Kurnu, an Australian tribe on
the river Darling in New South Wales.
The pronouns have certain special
features.

Meyer (A. B. ) Alte SUdseegegenstlnde
in Amerika. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1904,
LXXXVi, 202-203, I fg. ) Brief notes
on a <*Samoan club*' from Peru and a
mask from Atacama, the South Pacific
origin of which is probably post-Colum-
bian. See Kramer.

und Richter (O. ) Das indonesische

Webgestell. (Ibid., 172, i fg.) Gives
a more exact figure of the Indonesian
weaving-apparatus. See previous title.

. Ethnographische Miszel-

len II. (Abhandl. u. Ber. d. K.
Zool. u. Anthr. -Ethn. Mus. zu Dres-
den, 1903, X, Nr. 6, viii -|- 102, 4 pi.,
' I o fgs. ) Treats of spirit-traps in the
East Indian archipelago (1-7)} brass
shields from the Moluccas (8-15), brass
breast-plate from the Moluccas (16-18),
weaving-apparatus from the East Indies,
particularly Gorontalo in North Celebes
( 19-67), Kain Bintinany or cloths
from the island of Bentenan ; the bronze
age in Celebes, rings, ornaments,
weapons, — prehistoric and historic (72-
91), the stone age in Celebes (92-102).
The "soul-traps" are of two chief
types, the "cage** and the "boat.**
The prototype of the brass-shields is to
be found in the northern Moluccas, but
they are probably to be traced back to
the Spanish immigrants, though indige-
nous origin is not yet excluded by the
evidence. The data do not allow one
to dogmatize as to the origin of Malay-
sian weaving, — it may have been of in-
digenous origin or have spread later from
the Asiatic continent through Hindu in-
fluences. The bronze remains seem to
indicate the former existence of a pre-
historic copper or bronze culture (last
relics of primitive Malay bronze culture)
more or less repressed by iron, etc., —
this bronze culture was of Indian origin.
Fetishistic use of stone implements is
reported from various regions of Celebes;
also "holystone stocks." Stone axes
(except those found by the Sarasins in
the caves of the Toalas) have always
served previously for amulets. Evi-
dences of a former stone age are numer-
ous in Celebes.

Parkinson ( R. ) Tatowierung der Moge-
mokinsulaner. (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1904, LXXXVI, 15-17, 3 fgs.) Accord-
ing to P. the statement of Kubary that
the Yap tattooing is found on Mogemok
("Mackenzie Islands") is not quite
correct, as there are notable differences
as well as resemblances. The tattooing
of the women, while simpler, is very
characteristic. The Mogemok tattooing
is in some respects like that of Nuku-
manu and Liueniua. The men's tattoo-
ing has considerable variation.

IS2

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

Schmidt (W.) Eine Fspuasprache auf |
Neupommein. (Ibid., 79-So. ) A dose
stud; of tbe Sulka language of New 1
Britain, according to Father S., makes it
Papuan in character. Papuooid features .
occur in the pemMwl pronoun, possessive, 1
nouD, adjective, numeral, and verb. The I
numeral system is of the two-root nnd
partly of die quinary-vcgesimal- S. ci- 1
pects to Riid other more 01 less Papuan I
languages farther south and also in the ,
Solomon islands.

Seldel (H. ) Tobi in Westmikronesien '
eine deutsche Insel mit acht Namen. j
(Ibid., 13-ISO The proper appellation '
of this manf-named island seems to be
" Tobi," the Kadogube of Kobary is of 1
uncertain origin. The natives of Tobi in
1832 were fierce savages wbo enslaved
and ill-treated shipwrecked sailors.

Saipan, die Hauptinsel derdeutschen

Marianen. ( Ibid., 178-zSz. ) Con-

ChamoTTOs and their history (the island ,
was resettled in 1815, after the original
inhabitants had been eitenninated 01 1
transported by the Spaniards).
TaU (M.) Rondelle percie en coquille,
Nouveiles-Hebrides, (Bull. Soc. d'An-
thr. de Paris, 1904, V" S., V, II5.)
Brief description of a shell breast orna-
ment of the native chiefs of the New
Hebrides. Some similar objects found
in the prehistoric "stations" of western
Europe were probably worn in the same

AMERICA

Buber (E. A.) The ceramic literature
of the Pennsylvania Germans. [Proc.
Num. and Antiq. Soc. of Phila., 190Z-
1903 [1904], 83-98, 6 fgs.) Under the
heads of humor, superstitions, philoso-
phy, questionable inscriptions, history,
sentiment, eating, religion, the author 1
gives English translations of numerous I
inscriptions on si ip-decorHted earthen-
ware, mainly in the superb collection of 1
the Pennsylvania Museum, which perpel- I
uateproverbsand^oimfolk-lore- This 1
" curious phase of the potters art flour-
ished in eastern Pennsylvania for nearly
a century and a half" — -its existence
was an accidental discovery some 10 years
ago.

BeanrolS (B. ) La Crande-Irland ou pays
de blancs pricolombiens du Nouveau-
Monde. (J. Soc. d. Amir, de Paris, 1904,

N, s., 1, 189-319, map.) Historical and
critical study of the evidence as to the

existence and location of the Hvitra-
mannalandt^ ' ' white man's land " ) of the
Icelandic sagas. The author, who ac-
cepts the " evidence," places ^is r^ion
up the St. Lawrence "near modem
Quebec, which may have been the capital
of the Gaelic colony, as it was later of
New France."

Bomon (E. ) Groupes de tumulus pr6-
hispaniques dans la valine de Lerma,
RipubliqueArgenline. (L'HommePri-
hist., Paris, 1904, 11. extr., pp. i-il,
5 fgs, ) Describes briefly the tutnnlos i^
Pucari de Lenna — group A contains
1047 tumuli, group B 158, and group
C 463— in all 1168. The investiga-
tions of the author were made in 1901
and 1903. These lumuli appear to ha»e
been constructed and grouped according
to lines previously adopted. They are
undoubtedly of Indian (Calchaqui?)
origin, but are not grave-mounds, nor
hut. foundations ; they may be garden-
mounds or ceremonial seats.

Cutells (F. De P. ) The ruins of Indian

Church in British Honduras. (Am. An-
liq., Chicago, 1904. xxvi, 32-37. ^ fg».)
Describes "temple," etc., at Indiait
Church, a mahogany-cutter settlement
in northern Belize — the Indian name
Ichinihiih is said to be an imitation of
the English, but more likely vice vtrsa.
These ruins may be of considerable im-
portance for Mayan archeoli^. At the
mouth of New river are the ruins of
Santa Rita. Indian Church is on the
way to Yaxhaa lake, where other ruins

Chaniay (D. ) I^s explorations de Tto-
bert Maler. (J. Soc. d. Amftric de Paris,
1904, N. s., I, 289-308, 2 fgs. ) Critique
ofVleXtT's Reiearfieiin l/id Usumasinfla
ru//(i',i898-i900( Memoirs Peab-Mus.,
vol. It, 1901-1903). Chamay objects to
the name Yaxchilan for "Lorillard City"
and to certain spellings, the use of the
term acropolis (there are no fortresses in
"Anahuac"). He agrees with Maler
that Palcnque was in existence at the
time of the Spanish conquest, but thinks
that itwas Tayasal where Corlez slopped
in 1534. C. considers Copan the junction
of two branches of the same civilization.
The oldest monuments, according to C,
date from the nth century at Comalcalco;
the latest (middle of 17th century) are at

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

153

Tajrasal. The whole Yucatecan civiliza-
tion is thus quite modem and ** has
nothing to do with the fossil horse and
the Abb6 Brasseur's geologic epochs.''

Chithero (T.) Site of Mascouten redis-
covered. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1904,
XXVI, 84-8)8. ) Author argues that the
Mascoutenof Marquette ( 1673), AUouez,
and other early explorers and writers,
located by Dablon, in 1675, <*in the
midst of a terrestrial paradise," was
situated in Seymour's valley at the head
of Mud lake on the banks of the Run-
ning Swan, as evidenced by archeolog-
ical remains and the ruins of fortiBcations,
etc. The Mascoutens are identified with
the Gens du Feu or ** Fire Indians."

Dana (C. £.) Fitch and his predecessors
in steam-navigation. (Proc. Num. and
Antiq. Soc of Phila., 1902-1903 [1904],
47-82, 4 pi.) 3 iigs. ) Interesting illus-
trated account of the beginning of the
steamboat in America, Pennsylvania in
particular.

Kzploration of Jacob's Cavern. (Rec. of
Fast, Wash., 1904, ill, 347-35 >» 2 fjgs.)
Risnm^s account given by C. Peabody
and W. K. Moorehead in Bull. /, Dept,
of Arch,, Phillips Academy (1904).
Jacob's cavern , in the limestone region of
the Ozark uplift, contained traces of
human occupancy (six burials, flint im-
plements, thousands of flint flakes, split
bones, etc. ) . The antiquity of man' s resi -
dence is suggested by the type of imple-
ments, pictographs, etc. The cave man
here was not the Osage Indian, nor the
present tribes of the lower Mississippi.

Exploration (The) of the Potter Creek
cave, California. (Ibid., 275-282, 2
fgs. ) R^sum^ from the monograph of
W. J. Sinclair (q. v. )

Fischer (H.) Eine altemexikanische
Steinfigur. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904,
LXXXV, 445-348, 5 fgs). Describes a
nephritoid stone figure of Quetzalcoatl,
the wind-god (partly represented as a
skeleton), now in the Stuttgart Museum.
In the various parts of the figure are
many S3rmbols. The back has the sun-
disc, Tonatiuh, etc.

FOrBtemann (£. ) Die Stela J. von Copan.
(Ibid., 361-363, 2 fgs.) F. concludes
that this stele, dating from 1496-15 10,
relates to the app>earance on the coast of
unknown foreigners. Comparison is
suggested with the inscription of Piedras

Negras of about the same date, which
resembles Stela J in many respects.

Gold plates and figures from Costa Rica.
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, ill, 282-
286, 4 fgs. ) Notes on a collection from
ancient tombs in central Costa Rica,
made by Don Juan Lau Don and now in
the possession of Mr G. C. Dissette, of
Glenville, Ohio. The workmanship is
fine and the carving delicate. The bells
have little clappers of gold. The small
animal figures are skilfully designed.

Gordon (G. B. ) Chronological sequence
in the Maya Ruins of Central America.
(Trans. Dept. Archeol., Univ. of Penn.,
1904, I, 61-66.) From archeological
evidence (decorative designs, conditions
of formations of ruined buildings, in par-
ticular), Dr G. argues that **the earliest
unquestioned date is one found at Copan.
The movement from south to north (Co-
pan to Chichen Itza) covered alx>ut
three centuries. Maya culture developed
in the region in which its remains have
been found. Doubtless dates earlier and
later than those now known will be dis-
covered.

Gnnn (J. M. ) History of the pueblos of
Laguna and Acoma. (Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1904, III, 291-310, 323-344,
7 6gs. ) Rdsum^s old Spanish explor-
er's accounts, etc., the struggles with
the invaders, etc. At pages 330-337
some of the native traditions as to the
origin of these pueblos are given. Their
history since cession to the United States
in 1848 is stated in brief and the proph-
ecy of She-ake, to which Coronado is
here said to have alluded, referred to as
having been now fulfilled. The author
spoils the effect of his paper by asking if
the Queres Indians might not be refugees
from Tyre after the conquest by Alex-
ander, etc.

Humbert (J.) *'L' archive" du consulat
de Cadiz et le commerce de l'Am6rique.
(J. Soc. d. Am6ric., de Paris, 1904, N.
s., I, 231-236.) Describes the archives
of Cadiz relating to American trade,
1558-1815.

La premiere occupation allemande

du V6n6zu61a au xvi* si^cle, p^riode dite
des Welser, 1 528-1 556. (Ibid., 309-
320. ) Sketches the history of the Ger-
man colonists Ynguer, Sayler, the Wel-
ser, etc., in Venezuela 1528-1556.

154

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

Ln. s., 7, 1905

Immigration (Our) during 1904. (Nat
Ge<^. Mag., Wash., 1905, xvi, 15-27,
8 figs.) R^sumis Report of Commis-
sioner General of Immigration Peck.
The << racial/' classification is into Teu-
tonic, "Iberic," Celtic, Slavic, Mon-
golic, etc.

ten Kate (H.) Anthropologische Publi-
kationen aus La Plata. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 268.) Brief
notes on three recent publications of Dr
Lehmann-Nitsche treating of arthritis
deformans in andent Patagonians,
brachyphalangia^ and "mortar holes'*
in rodcs of the Sierra de C6rdoba.

Kroeber (A. L.) The languages of the
coast of California south of Siim Francisco.
(Univ. of Calif. Public, Amer. Arch,
and Ethn., Berkeley, 1904, 11, 29-80.)
Treats phonetic, grammatic, and lexical
characters of Chumash, Salinan, Esselen,
and Costanoan. Chumash and Salinan,
while not genetically related, constitute a
morphological group. Another such group
is formed by E^sselen and Costanoan. The
only continuous text obtained was in
Costanoan. Chumash has an article,
tna^ and Salinan a plural in verbs. Es-
selen has case-suffixes. Costanoan has
preposed particles, but no suffixes. This
article will be welcome to the students of
American Indian comparative philology
by reason of the accuracy of its data and
the real information it conveys.

Types of Indian culture in Cali-
fornia. (Ibid., 81-103.) Discusses
briefly habitat, food, dwellings, arts,
social organization, ceremonies, shaman-
ism, mythology, culture-hero, origin and
creation myths, etc.

d0 La Grasserie (R. ) Les langues de
Costa- Rica et les idiomes apparent^s.
(J. Soc. d. Am^ric. de Paris, 1904, n. s.,
I, 153-187. ) Gives grammatical sketches
of Bribri, Terraba, Brunca, Guatuso,
Chibcha, Cuna, Koggaba ; tables of re-
semblances in numerals, personal pro-
nouns, substantives, etc., — after Uhle,
Thiel, Pittier, etc. ; phonetic rules ; com-
parative vocabulary (pp. 183-187) of
Bribri, Cabecar, Terraba, Brunca, Gua-
tuso, Chibcha, Dorasque, Guaymi, Cuna.
All these languages, with certain others,
make up one stock, which ought to be
called Chibchan.

Lejeal ( L. ) Un petit probUme de th^olo-
gie Mixicaine. (Ibid., 257-361.) Treats

of Centeotl, «the Aztec Ceres," and her
cult The author inquires why a pacific
and joyous cult (that of fecundity and
the perpetuation of life) came to be de-
formed and degenerate. Beside a more
primitive (Toltec and Totonac) Centeotl
existed another (Aztec) with sanguinary
rites.

Explorations et dicouvertes dans les

regions Andines. (Ibid., 262-265.)
Notes on the expeditions of MM. Rivet,
de Cr6qui, Montfort, Granger, etc See
Rivet,

L' exposition de la Mission Fran^mise

de r Am^rique du Sud au Palais da Tro-
cad^ro. (Ibid., 321-328, 2 pi.) Con-
tains brief notes on Uie excavations in
Argentina, Tiahuanaco, Tarija (pottery),
etc

McSweeny (Z. F.) The character of oar
immigration, past and present (Nat
Geogr. Mag., Wash., 1905, xvi, 1-15,
chart. ) Discusses world-migrations, early
American immigration, immigration dur-
ing 19th century, immigrants from Italy,
Austria-Hungary and Russia, the Finns,
Greeks and Syrians, the Chinese, blend-
ing of the ** American" race, effects of
unchecked immigration, contract-labor
law, the examination of immigrants, etc
Author takes optimistic view of ability
ot America to receive and make over her
immigrants. The ** toughest problem"
is presented by the Syrians.

Marcel (G.) Un texte ethnographique
inedit du xviii« sidcle. (J. Soc d.
Am6ric. de Paris, 1904, N. s., I, 133—
151.) Gives text of MS. (rtf. 1787) by
a surgeon named La Croix containing
notes on the Indians of French Guiana
at the end of the eighteenth century —
physical characters, clothing, religion,
marriage (the couvade is described bat
not named), festivals, arms, chiefs, etc.).
The author notes the existence of a
jargon for intercommunication between
Indians and Europeans.

L' inscription du Rupunumi. (Ibid.,

387-390, I fg. ) Describes the curious
*' inscription," which includes a number
of European letters, said to have been
found by Nicholas Horstman in 1739.
It is probably of Europ>ean ( Portuguese ?)
origin.

Moorehead (W. K. ) Some unknown
forms of stone objects. ( Rec of Past,
Wash., 1904, III, 268-274, 9 %5.)

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

155

Treats of finished and unfinished objects
of the "winged-perforated" class. Mr
M. thinks reed drills were preferred to
those of flint or bone. Other curved
stone objects are figured and described
— the "bird** and "butterfly" types,
etc. The author's plea for Latin names
ought not to be heard.

Morioe (A. G. j Du lac Stuart ^ TOc^an
Padfique. (Bull. Soc Neuch&t. de
G^ogr., 1 904, XV, 32-80, 2 fgs., map.)
Contains notes on the Indian names of
lakes and rivers (pp. 53-56), and on the
Dini Indiansof the country traversed.

Peet (S. D.) Comparison of the codices
with the ordinary pictographs. (Am.
Antiq., Chicago, 1904, xxvi, 137-152,
9 %s. ) Cites evidence to show that " to
Uiose who have become familiar with the
pictographs and other symbols which are
still common among the uncivilized tribes,
there is a very close connection between
them, and both treat of the same sub-
ject,"— calendars and religious cere-
monies chiefly.

The suastika and fire worship in

America. (Ibid., 185-192, 4 fgs.)
Treats chiefly of die Navaho fire-dance
and the Aztec " new fire."

making her capable of the production of
new vegetation. Out of the sacrifice
of gods came that of man.

— Der XIV. Internationale Amerikan-

— The ethnography of art in America.
(Ibid., 201-224, 21 fgs.) General dis-
cussion of sculptured art, ethnographic
districts, graphic arts, picture-writing,
symbolic figures and hieroglyphs, per-
sonal decorations and ornaments, jew-
elry, basketry, musical instruments, etc.

Archeological researches in Costa

Rica. (Ibid., 249-256, 13 fgs.) Based
on C. V. Hartman's Archeological Re-
searches in Costa Rica (Stockholm,
1904), which it rdsum^s in part.

The red men of Brazil. (Ibid., 41-

46, 2 fgs. ) Ethnographic notes based on
a recent work of Rev. Hugh C. Tucker.

Preuss (K. Th.) Der Ursprung der
Menschenopfer in Mexico. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 108-119, i
fjg. ) Treats of the renewing of the sun
ana fire gods, the death of the deities
of rain and vegetation, the origin of god-
sacrifice, etc. The festivals of the sun
and fire gods are for the most part a re-
newal of the sun by killing a deity and
the spring and harvest festivals a bloody
rejuvenation of the spring-god and the
old harvest-mother, for the purpose of

istenkongress in Stuttgart, 18. bis 23.
August 1904. (Ibid., 199-202.) Good
r^sum^s of proceedings and chief papers
presented.

Prince ( L. B. ) The stone lions of Cochiti.
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904, ill, 151-
160, 2 figs. ) Describes what the author
calls ** the most important specimen of
aboriginal sculpture in the United
States," and thejpueblo to which these
lions belonged. The tale of its destruc-
tion by fire is also given. The lions face
the east, " a fact no doubt having sym-
bolic significance." They have sufiered
from the vandalism of ignorant herdsmen.
The author compares the enclosure of
Stonehenge, etc.

Reid ( W. M. ) Mohawk pottery. ( Ibid. ,
184-188, 4 pi. ) Treats of the pottery
of the Mohawk valley — the author's
collection includes 65 decorated frag-
ments of as many diflerent vessels. In
the sand on the shore of Lake Pleasant
was foimd recently a whole pot of large
size — this, the Hanson, the Richmond,
and the Horrack pots were all found in
the Adirondack region.

Riyet (Dr) Le "huicho" des indiens
Colorados. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de
Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 116-117. ) Notes
on the huicho of the Colorado Indians of
western Ecuador, a deadly disease char-
acterized by an irresistible tendency to
sleep. The Colorados' method of cur-
ing it is "an ethnographic curiosity."
One ingredient is human urine. Iluicho
may have analogies with the well-known
African * * sleeping-sickness. " It attacks
foreign Indians and whites first, then the
Colorados.

Les Indiens de Mallasquer : Etude

ethnologique. (Ibid., 144-152. ) Treats
briefly of environment, dwellings, cloth-
ing, agriculture (banana, sugar-cane, coca,
yucca, maize and several fruits, including
fine pineapples), domestic animals (cat-
tle), and fowls, food (banana chief
basis), drink [guarapoy fermented sugar-
cane juice), coca-chewing (from the age
of 7 years up), trade and commerce
(children of 5-6 are already porters),
dysentery ( as fatal and as feared as small-
pox), chiefs, marriage (curious "civil"

156

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

ceremony), priests (the coming of the
priest of Cumbal is the event of the
year), **priostes'* (the Indians who
pay for the festivals, etc.). These In-
dians are Catholic in name only and
they are more affected by the maleficent
vuja of their pagan past than by all the
ntYf figures of Christianity. On pages
150-15 1 are given the chief anthropo-
metrical data of 6 individuals, all male.
The cephalic index is generally brachy-
cephalic. Mallesquer is in northern Equa-
dor, west of the Cordillera.

Schmidt ( M. ) Aus den Ergebnissen meiner
Expedition in das Schingi!iquellgebiet.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi,
1 19-125, 16 fgs.) Treats of omament-
motifs (fire-fans, wall-friezes, etc.) of
the Bakairi. Also maize straw and cob
figures of animals, pencil-drawings of
animals, etc., including several of the
author, to whom the native artists as-
signed some Indian characteristics. Some
of the wall-frieze patterns were said by
the Indians to refer to marks on tor-
toises, snakes, etc. The wall-frieze pat-
terns are related to those of the fire-fans.

Simmons (H. J.) Human bones found
near Galveston. (Am. Antiq., Chicago,
1904, XXVI, 122-123.) Notes on re-
mains (bones, pottery sherds, beads)
found in shell and sand deposits in the
ballast pits on the railroad near Galves-
ton, Texas. One layer of bones was
found 3 feet below the surface, another
at sea-level about 20 feet below the sur-
face. A very large number of skulls
were discovered. The steam shovel em-
ployed destroyed very many.

Sinclair (W. J. ) The exploration of the
Potter Creek cave. (Univ. Calif. Publ.,
Amer. Arch, and Ethnol., Berkeley,
1904, II, 1-27, 12 pi.) Describes cave
and contents, rediscovered in 1902, the
first Califomian cave to be systematically
excavated and explorated, 1 902- 1 903.
No human bones wttt founds but certain
implement like bone fragments may be
human artifacts, — these polished pieces
of bone "closely resemble many of the
rough implements from the shell-mounds
of California.'' The cave fauna is not
too old to negative contemporaneity
with man.

Smith (H. I.) The archeology of the
Dakotas. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1904,
III, 220-221.) Notes on shell rings
from neck of skeleton (from grave in the

Turtle mountains) now in the American
Museum of Natural History (N. \, ), and
other Dakota relics.

The cairns or stone sepulchers of

British Columbia and Washington.
( Ibid., 243-254, 5 fgs., map. ) R^sum^
from H. I. Smith and G. Fowke*s Cairns
of Briti h Columbia and Washington
(Mem. "^Amer. Mus. Nat Hist., N. Y.
1 901, IV, pt. 11).

Shell heaps of the lower Eraser river,

British Columbia. ( Am. Antiq. , Chicago,
1904, XXVI, 235-236. ) Notes from a
paper printed in the Memoirs of the
American Museum of Natural History,

A Michigan earth-work and its im-

pending loss. (Ibid., 121-122. ) Brief
account of a prehistoric earthwork in
Ogemaw co., probably a fort, with plea
for its preservation by the public

▼on den Steinen (K. ) Ausgrabungen an
der Valenciasee. (Globus, Bmschwg.,
1904, LXXXVI, 101-108, 29 figs.) I>e-.
scribes the excavations of 1903 near Lake
Valencia, Venezuela, made by A. Jahn
for the Berlin Museum, — the finds in-
cluded 32 skulls, 140 stone implements,
more than 100 clay objects, 28 neck
charms, and many ornaments and frag-
ments of pottery. The culture reveal^
is a type of pre-Columbian stone age, and
the number of tumuli and urns discovered
indicate that in these cerritos were buried
a series of generations. Noteworthy is
a little clay pot on three legs with a
human face showing a nose-ring. Neck-
chains seem to have been the most com-
mon ornaments. The cerrito-population
of Indian descent contains few of pure
blood. According to the mapts of the
1 6th century the Meregoto, a Cariban
tribe, occupied the region in question.

Stoddard (H. L.) The abstruse signifi-
cance of the numbers thirty-six and
twelve. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1 904,
XXVI, 153-164, 6 fgs.). Discusses at
length the origin and meaning of the
discoidal stone and statues discovered
near Menard's mound, Arkansas, in the
spring of 1 901. The outer edge of this
jasper discoidal has 36 semicircles and
on the underside is a phallic symbol, a
yoni conventionalized (the male figure
has a Mongolian cast of features, the
headdress of the female suggests Egypt).
This wonderful find is regarded as evi-
dence of prehistoric Asiatic culture in
America.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA

Louisiana Purchase Exposition Awards. — The following awards
have been made in the Department of Anthropology, Louisiana Purchase
Exposition, St. Louis. The list is corrected to February lo, and while
the awards may not be regarded as absolutely final, and hence as strictly
official, the work of the Residuary Committee empowered to complete
the functions of the International Jury of Awards is so well advanced as to
leave little probability that the list will be changed.

Ethnology

united states

A. Departmental Exhibits
Ainu group : Grand prize^ Frederick Starr ; Silver medal, Y. Inagaki ;

Bronze medal. Chief Sangyea.
Patagonian group : Grand prize, Vicente Cane ; Silver medal, Chief

Guechico ; Bronze medal, Juan Wohlers.
Pygmy group : Grand prize, S. P. Vemer ; Bronze medal, John Kon-

dola.
Field school of anthropology : Grand prize. University of Chicago.
CocoPA GROUP : Gold medal, E. C. Cushman Jr. ; Silver medals. Chief

Pablo Colorado, Chief Tom Moore.
Vancouver group : Gold medal, C. F. Newcombe ; Bronze medals.

Doctor Atliu, Charles Nowell.
General assemblage: Gold medal, Mrs S. M. McCowan.
Sundry groups : Gold medal, George A. Dorsey.
Sioux GROUP : Silver medal, Chief Yellow Hair.
Pawnee group: Silver medal, Roaming Chief; Bronze medal, James

Murie.
Wichita group : Silver medal, Chief Towakanie Jim ; Bronze medal.

Burgess Hunt.
Arapaho group : Silver medal. Cleaver Warden.
Cheyenne group : Silver medal, Richard Davis.
Geronimo band : Silver medal, Chief Geronimo.

Navaho group : Silver medal, Vicente Beguay ; Bronze medal, Pestlekai.
PoMO GROUP : Silver medals, William Benson, Mary Benson.

157

158 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Osage group : Silver medals^ Charles Michel, Chief Olahowallah ; Bronte

medals^ Chief Claymore, Frank Comdropper, Wilson Kirk.
Chippewa group : Bronze medal^ Chief Meshakegeschig.
KiCKAPOO group : Bronze medaiy D. H. Roubideaux.
Pima group : Bronze medal, Kestro Jackson.
Maricopa group : Bronze medal, James Bluebird.
Apache group : Bronze medal. Chief Trucha Tafoya.
AcoMA GROUP : Bronze medal, Juan Antonio Saracini.
Pueblo group : Bronze medal, Antonio Chavez.

B. General Exhibits

AccuLTURAL ARTIFACTS : Grand prize, J. W. Benham.

American Anthropologist : Grand prize, American Anthropological

Association; Gold medal, F. W. Hodge.
Palace of Ancient Art : Grand prize, H. Ephraim Benguiat ; Silver

medal, Mordecai Benguiat.
Photographs of ethnic types : Gold medal, Frederick Starr.
PoMO basket: Gold medal, J. W. Benham.
Fictile ware : Gold medal. The Rookwood Pottery.
Haida structures : Gold medal, Alaska Territory ; Silver medal, Mary

E. Hart.
Ethnic map : Silver medal, University of California.
Alaskan artifacts : Silver medal. Governor Brady.
KiCKAPOO relics : Bronze medal, O. E. Edwards.
Indian beadwork : Bronze medal, Herbert Brown.
Mongolian type: Bronze medal, Allen Hutchinson.

GERMANY

East African artifacts : Grand prize. Imperial Government, German
Ost-Afrika ; Gold medal, Hugo Hardy.

GREAT BRITAIN (EAST INDIA)

Jain temple : Grand prize, F. P. Bumghara ; Gold medal, N. F*

Bumghara.
East Indian artifacts : Silver medal. F. P. Bumghara & Co.

SIAM

Siamese artifacts: Grand prize (letter), H. M. the King of Siam;
Grand prize, H. H. the Crown Prince of Siam ; Gold medal, J.
Howard Gore.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 159

NEW ZEALAND

Paintings of types : Gold medaiy H. E. Partridge.
Photographs of types : Silver medaiy New Zealand Govemment.
Maori artifacts : Silver medaiy T. E. Donne.

INDIAN school (UNITED STATES)

Typical Indian school : Grand prize^ U. S. Indian Bureau ; Gold
medaiy S. M. McCowan ; Silver medals y Miss C. F. Peters, Miss
Lillian Harrison, C. A. Peairs, E. K. Miller, Jesse McCallum, Chris
Kaufman ; Bronze medals. Miss Katherine Keck, Miss Emma John-
son, Miss Abbie ScotU

Archeology

united states

Indian mound relics : Grand prize, Ohio Archaeological and Historical
Society ; Gold medal, William C. Mills.

Aboriginat« artifacts : Grand prizes. New Mexico Territory, Fred Har-
vey ; Gold medal, J. F. Huckel ; Bronze medals, George Tictzel,
Jackson Hurley, E. W. Whitcomb.

Wampum treaty belts : Gold medal, Wyman Brothers.

Aboriginal antiquities : Gold medals, State of Louisiana, Fred Har-
vey ; Silver medal, George T. Williamson.

Indian mound relics : Silver medal, Davenport Academy of Sciences.

Indian cave relics : Silver medal, Phillips Academy.

Prehistoric cache : Silver medal, Weatherford & Vail.

Prehistoric cradle-basket : Silver medal, Julian T. Zeller.

Native copper implements : Silver medal, Wyman Brothers.

Aboriginal petroglyphs : Silver medal, C. H. Bennett.

Ceremonial axe : Bronze medal, Charles Aldrich.

Iron brank : Bronze medal, Joseph Roth.

ARGENTINA

Calchaqui RELICS : Grand prize, Manuel B. Zavaleta.

BRAZIL

Archeologic and ETHNOLOGICAL COLLECTIONS : Grand prize. State
Govemment of Amazonas ; Gold medal. Commissioner Aguiar.

Archeologic collection : Silver medal, Ricardo Krone.

Aboriginal artifacts : Silver medal, Mirando Ribeiro ; Bronze medal,
Alfonse Roche.

Stone implements : Bronze medal, Nicolao Badariotti.

l6o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

MEXICO

Reproductions of antiquities : Grand prize. Sees. Justicia y Fomento.

Archeologic collection : Gold medal, Mexican Commission.

Archeologic publications : Gold medals, Alfredo Chavero, Antonio
Pefiafiel.

Reproductions of sculptures : Gold medal, Eufemio Abadiano.

Models of antiquities : Gold medal, Secretaria de Fomento.

Treatises on tongues : Silver medal, Cecelio Robelo.

Map of migrations : Bronze medal. Angel Bravo.

Photographs of types : Bronze medals, Gohi^mo de Chiapas, Gobiemo
de Guerrero, Gobiemo de Tabasco, Gobiemo de Mexico, D. F.

Aboriginal costumery : Bronze medal, Gobiemo de Oaxaca.

Native instruments : Bronze medal, Gobiemo de Michoacan.

Aboriginal metates : Bronze medals, Jefatura Politica de Maxcanu,
Jefatura Politica de Motul.

Native hammock : Bronze medal, Jefatura Politica de Tixkokob.

Native artifacts : Bronze medals, Jefatura Politica de Valladolid, Jefa-
tura Politica de Tancanhuitz, Junta Local de Puebla.

Native beds : Bronze medal, Jefe Politico de Chiautla.

Native costumery : Bronze medal, Ayuntamiento de Cuetzalan.

Embroidered camisas : Bronze medal, Seftorita Margarita Vald^z.

Bead-embroidered camisas : Bronze medal, Nina S. Orosco.

Illustrations of antiquities : Bronze medal, Seftorita Maura Marin.

NICARAGUA

Protohistoric ANTIQUITIES : Silver medal, Alejandro Bermudez.

PORTO RICO

Aboriginal" collars '*: Bronze medal, Gustavo Preston.

GERMANY

Saalburg castle ANTIQUITIES : Grand prize (letter), K. K. Wilhelm II ;

Gold metal, Geh. Baurat Jacobi.
Babylonian relics: Gold medals, Kgl. Museen, Deutsch Orient. -Ges.
Illustrations of relics: Gold medal, Kgl. Messbild-Anstalt.
Illustrations of antiquities : Gold medal, Dir. Dr Th. Wiegand.

great BRITAIN

Egyptian antiquities : Grand prize, Egyptian Exploration Fund.
HoLYLAND antiquities : Grand prize, Palestine Exploration Fund.
Cretan antiquities : Grand prize, Cretan Exploration Fund.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA l6l

GREAT BRITAIN (eGYPT)

Archeologic collections : Grand prize y Egyptian Government ; Gold
medals^ Prof. G. C. C. Maspero, Dr J. E. Quibell; Bronze medaly
A. B. Coover.

GREAT BRITAIN (CEYLON)

Tamil antiquities : Silver medaly Ceylon Government.
Ola manuscripts : Silver medal, Ceylon Government.
Photographs of artifacts : Bronze medal, E. F. im Thum.
Bronze Buddhas : Bronze medal, N. S. Terninnanse.
Ola books : Bronze medal, P. E. Pieris.
Photographs of types : Bronze medal, John Scott.

BELGIXm

Classified relics : Grand prize, Mus^ d'Histoire Nat.; Gold medaly
Prof. Dr Houze, Prof. J. Fraipont.

JAPAN (FORMOSA)

Illustrations of types : Gold medal. Government of Formosa.

CHINA

Prehistoric collections : Grand prize, Imperial Chinese Government ;
Gold medal, H. H. Prince Pu Lun.

History

UNITED states

Historical collections : Grand prizes, Missouri Historical Society,
State of Iowa, Franco-Louisiana Society; Gold medals, Pierre
Chouteau, Mrs Wallace Delafield ; D. I. Bushnell, Judge W. B.
Douglas, Charles Aldrich, Caspar Cusachs, Chicago Historical
Society; Silver medals, Dr C. A. Peterson, Miss Mary L. Dalton,
Charles A. Cumming ; Bronze medals, Dr W. F. Parks, Miss
Valentine Smith.

Historical records : Grand prize, Louisiana Historical Society.

Protohistoric relics : Gold medal, Missouri Historical Society.

Chipped flints : Gold medal, Gates P. Thruston.

** History of Louisiana '' : Gold medal. Prof. Alc^e Fortier.

Native agricultural implements : Silver medal, Missouri Historical
Society.

Marquette portrait : Silver medal, Donald G. McNab.

Arkansas post records: Silver medal, W. H. Halli-Burton.

Napoleon autographs : Silver medal, Gus V. R. Mechin.

l62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 7, 1905

Ceremonial axe : Bronze medal^ D. I. Bushnell.
Claiborne portrait : Bronze medal^ W. C. C. Claiborne.
Zachary Taylor reucs : Bronze medaiy Mrs W. H. Staufier.
Napoleon death mask : Bronze medaly Miss Gaily.
Maps and docl^ments : Bronze medal y T. P. Thompson.
Letters and docl^ents : Bronze medal^ W. H. Sejrmour.

great BRITAIN

Queen's jubilee tributes : Grand prize (letter), H.R.M. Edward VII ;
Gold medal. Miss Florence Hayward.

GREAT BRITAIN (CANADA)

Historical collections : Grand prize , St. Mary's Collie ; Gold medal,
A. E. Jones, S. J. ; Silver medal, J. C. Burke, S. J.

ITALY (the Vatican)

Reproductions of archives: Grand prize (letter). His Holiness Pios

X; Gold medal, Fabrica dei Mosaid; Silver medal, Francesco

Cagiati.

Anthropometry

united states

Anthropometric pubucations: Grand prize, Peabody Museum of
American Ethnology and Archaeology ; Gold medal, F. W. Putnam.

Life casts of types : Silver medal, Caspar Mayer.

Anthropometric apparatus : Silver medals, The Fairbanks Company,
Narragansett Machine Company, C. H. Stoelting Company ; Bronu
medals, George Tieman & Co., Kny-Scheerer Company.

Anthropometric chart : Bronze medal, Bryn Mawr College.

* ' Hastings Manual ' ' : Bronze medal, Macmillan Company.

GERMANY

Anthropometric apparatus : Silver medal, Boehm & Wiedmann.
Anthropometric publications : Bronze medal, Dietrich Riemer.

GERMANY (GERMAN OST-AFRIKA)

Casts and photographs of types : Silver medal. Imperial Government
of German Ost-Afrika.

FRANCE

Anthropometric apparatus : Silver medal, (Maison Charridre) Collin.

BELGIUM

Anthropometric publications : Gold medal, Soci6t6 d' Anthropologie.
Maps of types : Silver medal. Prof. L. Vanderkindere.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 1 63

SWITZERLAND

Anthropometric apparatus : Silver medals^ P. Hermann, Prof. Rudolf

Martin.
Illustrations of types : Bronze medal y Art Institut Orell Fiissli.

PSYCHOMETRY
united STATES

Psychometric laboratory : Grand prize^ Columbia University.

Psychometric apparatus : Gold medals^ Harvard Apparatus Company,
C. H. Stoelting Company ; Silver medals^ Yale University, Milton
Bradley Company ; Bronze medal^ E. B. Meyrowitz.

General

commemorative awards

Creation of Department : Gold medal, F. W. Lehmann.
Collective exhibits : Gold medal, W J McGee ; Silver medals, C. E.

Hulbert, Anna Everly Ford.
Ethnologic exhibits : Silver medal, S. C. Simms.
Protohistoric exhibits : Silver medal, Gerard Fowke.
Indoor exhibits : Silver medal, C. L. Armstrong.
Technical exhibits : Silver medal, R. S. Woodworth ; Diploma, F. G.

Bnmer.

Organization and Personnel of Juries
Department of Anthropology

group juries

Section of Ethnology. — Dr George A. Dorsey, Field Columbian Mu-
seum, Chairman, Prof. F. W. Putnam, Harvard University, Vice- Chair-
man, Dr George Byron Gordon, Philadelphia Free Museum, Secretary.
Mrs Alice Palmer Henderson, Tacoma, Washington.

Indian School Section. — C. A. Peairs, U. S. Indian School Service,
Chairman, Dr Hugo Hardy, Berlin, Vice- Chairman, Jesse McCal-
lum, U. S. Indian School Service, Secretary, Miss Cora Peters, U. S.
Indian School Service.

Section of Archeology. — Prof. M. H. Saville, Columbia University,
Chairman. Dr J. C. Alves de Lima, Brazil, Vice- Chairman, Dr George
Grant MacCurdy, Yale University, Secretary. Madame Zelia Nuttall,
Mexico.

Section of History, — Prof. Alc^e Fortier, Tulane University, Chair-
man, Hon. L. Bradford Prince, Santa F6, Vice- Chairman, Prof. B. F.
Shambaugh, University of Iowa, Secretary.

164 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Section of Anthropometry, — Dr AlcS HrdliCka, U. S. National Mu-
seum, Chairman, Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Harvard University, Vice-
Chairman,

Section of Psychometry. — Prof. J. McKeen Cattell, Columbia Uni-
versity, Chairman, Prof. Hugo Miinsterberg, Harvard University, Vice-
Chairman, Prof Edward B. Tichener, Cornell University.

Of the foregoing, Mrs Henderson, Miss Peters, Madame Nuttall, and Miss Fletcher
were designated by the Board of Lady Managers ; Doctor Hugo Hardy was designated
by the Imperial German Commission ; and Doctor de Lima was designated by the Brm-
zilian Commission.

DEPARTMENT JURY

Prof. F. W. Putnam, Chairman, Hon. F. W. Lehmann, Honorary
Vice-Chainnan, Dr J. C. Alves de Lima, First Vice- Chairman, Prof.
Alc^e Fortier, Second Vice- Chairman, Prof. M. H. Saville, Third Vice-
Chairman, Dr George A. Dorsey, Secretary, Mr C. A. Peairs, Dr
Hugo Hardy, Hon. L. Bradford Prince (absent), Dr AleS HrdliCka,
Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Prof J. McKeen Cattell, Dr Hugo Miinster-
berg, Madame Zelia Nuttall.

Of the foregoing, Madame Nuttall was designated by the Board of Lady Managers ;
Mr Lehmann was named by the Executive ; and all others entered as chairmen and rice-
chairmen of the group juries.

REPRESENTATION IN SUPERIOR JURY

F. W. Putnam, United States (absent). J. C. Alves de Lima,
Brazil. W J McGee, Chief of Department.

Preservation of Antiquities. — Under the law of February i, 1905,
the administration of the National Forest Reserves was transferred from
the General Land Office, Department of the Interior, to the Bureau of
Forestry under the Department of Agriculture. As a large proportion of
the prehistoric ruins of the Southwest are situated on forest reserves, this
change is of importance to students of archeology. The Department of
Agriculture must now be looked to for the protection of these ruins and
for permits to do archeological work on forest reserves.

By an order recently issued the Office of Indian Affairs directs that
all traders on Indian reservations shall be prohibited from dealing in pre-
historic wares in the future. Traders are given thirty days in which to
dispose of collections on hand, after which such articles found in their
possession will be considered contraband and future violations of the order
will be punished by revocation of license to trade with the Indians.

On the request of the Secretary of the Interior, the Secretary of
Agriculture has directed that the ruins of Montezuma Castle on Beaver

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 1 65

creek, Arizona, lying on public lands, about three miles outside the Black
Mesa Forest Reserve, shall be under the protection of the forest rangers
of the adjacent portion of the reserve.

It is reported by Forest Supervisor Breen that on establishing the
northern boundary of the San Francisco Mountains Forest Reserve in
northern Arizona, the Black Falls group of ruins are found to lie within
the limits of the reserve. This important group of ruins is, therefore,
under the jurisdiction of the forest rangers of the Bureau of Forestry, in-
stead of being entirely unprotected on the public lands as has been
supposed.

The bill for the preservation of American antiquities, which was
drafted by the joint committee of the Archaeological Institute of America
and the American Anthropological Association, and presented by them
for the consideration of the House of Representatives committee on Pub-
lic Lands, met with the approval of that committee and was favorably re-
ported to the House. Final consideration of the measure, however, could
not be obtained during the short session of Congress.

As far as heard from, it is the feeling of the members of the joint
committee that the measure should be perfected and reintroduced at the
beginning of the next session of Congress. Certain defects in the bill
have been pointed out and revisions suggested to meet conditions that
were not formerly understood or that have recently arisen. The local
members have prepared and sent out the following draft for consideration
and discussion by all who are interested in the subject :

An Act for the preservation of American antiquities^ and to control
the excavation of archeological sites.

Be it enacted [etc.].

Sec. I . That for the purpose of preserving and protecting from des-
poliation the historic and prehistoric ruins, monuments, and other antiq-
uities that are situated on lands owned or controlled by the Government
of the United States, said antiquities are hereby placed under the custody
and control of the Secretaries of the Departments having jurisdiction
over said lands, and it shall be the duty of said Secretaries to preserve
and protect said antiquities from despoliation or unauthorized appropria-
tion or injury.

Sec. 2. That the Secretaries of the Departments having jurisdiction
over the lands owned or controlled by the Government of the United
States, are hereby authorized to permit the examinations of ruins, the
excavation of archeological sites, and the gathering of objects of antiquity
upon the lands under their respective jurisdictions by institutions, either

1 66 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

domestic or foreign, which they deem properly qualified to conduct such
examination, excavation, or gatherings, subject to such rules and regula-
tions as they may prescribe : Provided, That the examinations, excava-
tions, and gatherings are undertaken for the benefit of reputable museums,
universities, colleges, or other recognized scientific or educational institu-
tions with a view to increasing the knowledge of such objects, and that the
gatherings shall be made for permanent preservation in public museums
and not for commercial purposes.

Sec. 3. That of all excavations and explorations made under the pro-
visions of this act, a proper written and photographic record, with plans,
shall be made at stated periods, and transmitted for preservation to the
United States National Museum.

Sec. 4. That the Secretaries of the Departments aforesaid shall make
and publish from time to time uniform rules and regulations for the pur-
pose of carrying out the provisions of this act.

Sec. 5. That all persons who shall, without permission, appropriate,
injure, or destroy any of the objects of antiquity referred to in this act,
shall, upon conviction, be fined in a sum not more than five thousand
dollars, or be imprisoned for a period not more than twelve months, or
shall suffer both fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the court

It is hoped that all who are interested will consider this thoroughly

and freely express their views for the guidance of the committee at its

next meeting. Edgar L. Hewett.

Washington, D. C.

Archaeological Institute of America. — The twenty-fifth anniversary
of the Archaeological Institute of America was celebrated by a meeting in
Boston and Cambridge, December 28-30, 1904.

For several years many members have been urging that attention
should be given to American archeology in accordance with the original
plan of the Institute, ** embracing the sites of ancient civilization in the
New World as well as in the Old.'* An important step in this direction
is the establishment of an American Fellowship, now in its foiuth
year. This fellowship has been held from the beginning by Dr Alfred
M. Tozzer, a graduate in the Division of Anthropology at Harvard, who is
now on his fourth trip to Yucatan and Central America. At the Boston
meeting an appropriation was made for the continuation of this fellowship.

At this meeting Mr C. F. Lummis gave an account of the work
done by the recently organized Southwestern branch of the Institute, with
headquarters at Los Angeles, in collecting phonographic records of Indian

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 1 6/

and old Spanish songs, both of which are so rapidly passing away that
Mr Luxmnis aptly terms the research 'Miving archeology." Dr F. M.
P^Qmer gave an illustrated paper on some features of the archeology of
southern California, showing what had been accomplished by the South-
western branch in making collections in the southern portion of the state.
So active has this branch become that the Institute made a liberal appro-
priation for the continuation of the researches by Mr Lummis and Dr
Pdmer, the exact amount to be decided by the executive committee. An
appropriation of $1,000 was made in aid of the archeological researches
in Central America under the auspices of the committee of the Peabody
Museum ; and the sum of I500 was granted toward the continuation of
the research in the caves of northern California under the direction of the
Department of Anthropology of the University of California.

With the exception of the researches by Bandelier in the Pueblo
region during its earlier years, the Institute has been engaged principally
in classical archeology, in which it has accomplished much of value.
This new awakening to the importance of American archeology in the
wider study of the life of man, and the continuation of this broader
policy by the Institute will be gratifying to many of its members and will
be sure to bring about additional support in all its sections. The Insti-
tute has now an efficient American Committee which is ready to receive
communications in relation to researches of sp>ecial importance in this
country. Through this committee it took part in drafting the bill for the
national preservation of the prehistoric sites in this country and was
represented at the hearing before the House Committee on Public Lands.
At this anniversary meeting Prof Charles Eliot Norton, the first
president, who is regarded as the father of the Institute, was present and
took an active part.

A Fonn of Urn-burial on Mobile Bay. — In the last number of the
Anufican Anthropologist (October- December, 1904) I contributed a
paper, " Aboriginal Urn-Burial in the United States.*' In this paper I
pointed out that the occurrence of what might be called a form of um-
borial, namely, the placing of a vessel of earthenware inverted over a
skull with which the rest of the skeleton was present had not been re-
ported, to my knowledge, east of Arizona and New Mexico. The fact
was emphasized that the form of mn -burial in question should not be con-
fused with that obtaining along the northwestern Florida coast where in-
verted bowls are found lying over isolated skulls or skulls with a few scat-
tered, accompanying bones.

1 68 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 190S

While consulting authorities for my paper I came upon a description^
of the finding of an urn-burial, exact particulars not given, on Simpson's
island, one of a number of islands to the north of Mobile bay.

Having decided to make certain investigations around Mobile bay, I
visited Simpson's island in January, 1905. On the western, or Mobile
river, side of the island, about three miles from the northern end, is a
cultivated tract on which are several frame houses. About 250 yards in
a southerly direction from the houses was a mound, 3 feet in height and
87 feet across its circular base, made of a mixture of tenacious muck and
small clam-shells (^Rangia cuneata). As the owner valued the mound as
a place of refuge for stock in flood-time, the outer part of the mound,
subject to wash, was not touched by us ; but the central part, fifty feet in
diameter, was dug through and a considerable number of burials of types
common to southern mounds, not in connection with urns, were en-
countered.

There was one exception. In the northeastern part of the mound
was a skeleton of an adult, the head directed to the east. The skeleton
lay at full length on its back, with the head turned slightly to one side.
Inverted over the skull, and completely covering it, was a decorated, im-
perforate vessel of earthenware, maximum diameter 11.75 ^^c^^es, height
3.75 inches, with its upturned base but 8 inches from the surface.

Here we have a burial, as far east as Alabama, similar to the burials
reported from Arizona and New Mexico.

Considering the interesting urn-burials found on Alabama river and
those of the northwestern Florida coast, beginning at Perdido bay, the
coast boundary between Alabama and Florida, which is but a few miles
distant from Mobile bay, one might look for records of the finding of
urn -burials on Mobile bay, but such records are not forthcoming, and
even the testimony of inhabitants as to the discovery of such burials seems
to be wanting. My investigation, which included the circuit of the bay,
resulted in the finding of no urn -burial of any sort other than the one
described.

In a mound on Tombigbee river, however, sixty-five miles by water
above Mobile, at Three Rivers Landing, Washington county, Alabama,
I since have found a skeleton having on the skull, part of which it covered
like a cap, an inverted vessel six and one-half inches in diameter.

Fuller description of the archeological work on Mobile bay and on
Tombigbee river will appear in the Journal of the Academy of Natural
Sciences of Philadelphia. Clarence B. Moore.

> Smithsonian Report^ 1878, p. 290 .

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 169

Fadal Casts. — In the Directions for Collecting Information and
Specimens for Physical Anthropology^ by Dr Ale§ HrdliCka, published as
Part R of the Bulletin of the United States National Museum, No.
39, 1905, a method for collecting facial casts is described (page
19). I think it is but just to say that anthropologists are indebted
for the development of this method to Mr Caspar Mayer, sculptor in the
ethnological department of the American Museum of Natural History.
This Museum has been engaged for eight years in making systematic col-
lections of plaster casts of various types of man, and during this entire
time the method of taking casts has constantly been improved by Mr
Mayer, who was the first to suggest to anthropologists the taking of plaster
casts without the use of tubing inserted in the nose, and in such a manner
that distortions of the face are almost entirely avoided. The undersigned,
as well as all other collaborators of the American Museum of Natural His-
tory, including Dr HrdliCka, have learned this method from Mr Mayer,
who, by its development, has done an excellent service to anthropological
science. Franz Boas.

In answer to inquiries concerning the method of making facial
casts outlined in my Directions for Collecting Information and Speci-
mens for Physical Anthropology ^ I wish to say that I am not aware with
whom it is original. As plaster masks have been and are being made by
many artists and travelers, the method is presumably an outcome of
numerous experiences. The description follows almost wholly the pro-
cedure as I have seen it practised by Mr Caspar Mayer, a New York
sculptor, employed largely by the anthropological department of the
American Museum of Natural History. Mr Mayer, I believe, has intro-
duced the innovation of doing away with the nasal tubes. The method
is practicable with savage tribes; following it I have made about 140
facial casts in the field among the Indians, including some very primitive
tribes. The time required by me with one individual, including the
preparation, is about 40 minutes. The process is a little too slow for
children. A. Hrdli£ka.

Marquis de Nadaillac. — In the death of Jean Francois Albert du
Pouget, Marquis de Nadaillac, at the Chateau de Rougemont, Loir-et-Cher,
France, on October i, 1904, at the ripe age of 86 years, France has lost
one of its most distinguished citizens and Anthropology one of its best
known authorities.

The Marquis of Nadaillac was prefect of the Basses-Pyrenees in 187 1,
and of Indre-et-Loire in 1877. Retiring to private life in the latter

I/O AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

year, he thenceforth devoted his time to the study of archeology and
ethnology, writing many works on these subjects. He was a good Eng-
lish scholar, and had many American correspondents, for all of whom he
ever had a word of cheer. The Marquis was a member of many learned
societies at home and abroad; in America he was a member of the
Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, and an honorary
member of the Davenport Academy of Sciences and of the Anthropological
Society of Washington. He was a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor, a
correspondent of the Institute of France, and held decorations from Austria,
Belgium, Brazil, Hanover, Italy, and Spain. In the United States his best
known work was Prehistoric America^ an illustrated octavo published in
1884. His writings included valuable papers on Prehistoric South Amer-
ica, Precolumbian Canada, The Calaveras Skull, Recent Discoveries in
America, The Moundbuilders, Pipes and Tobacco, Progress of the United
States, The Seris, The Ancient Population of Colombia, The Unity of the
Human Race, Dawn of Life on the Earth, The Glacial Period, Man and
the Monkey, Men of the Cave Period, Primitive Monuments, The Cus-
toms of Early Races, Pile Dwellers, Prehistoric Fishing, The Copper Age,
The Evolution of Marriage, and Causes of the Decrease of the Birth-rate
in France. He also published several works relating to the archeology
and ethnology of Africa, Ireland, Great Britain, and of English and
French colonies. It has been related that the Marquis said all the good
things possible of authors to whom he referred in his numerous writings,
leaving the defects, if any, in the shadow. News of his death comes as
a distinct shock to his many American friends and his loss will be keenly
felt by students of archeology and ethnology in the New World.

J. D. McGuiRE.

The Wisconsin Archeological Society has caused to be introduced in
the State Legislature a bill (No. 195 A) asking for the appropriation by
the State of the sum of $500 annually toward the publication of its edu-
cational and scientific bulletins, and with the provision that 131 free
copies of each issue be presented to the Wisconsin Free Library Commis-
sion for distribution among its traveling libraries.

It is sincerely hoped that this bill may soon be enacted into law, as it
will do much toward increasing the interest in Wisconsin's antiquities
through wider distribution of the publications of the Wisconsin Arche-
ological Society concerning them. It is also hoped that something will
soon be done to preserve the aboriginal monuments throughout the State
ere the progress of agricultural pursuits and the increase in the value of

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA I/I

the lands on which they are situated make their acquirement, and even
their protection, impossible.

For a number of years there has been a growing interest in the pres-
ervation of the antiquities of Michigan, also, but thus far the State has
done practically nothing toward furthering it, and the public does not seem
to manifest the same interest in the subject as do the people of Wiscon-
sin, who are conducting archeological investigations within their territory
with great enthusiasm. Harlan I. Smith.

The Justin Winsor prize of |ioo, offered by the American Histor-
ical Association for the encouragement of historical research, will be
awarded for the year 1905 to the best unpublished monograph in the
field of American History that shall be submitted to the Committee of
Award on or before October i, 1905. The prize is intended for writers
who have not yet published any considerable work or obtained an estab-
lished reputation. The monograph must be based on independent and
original investigation in American history, by which is meant the history
of any of the British colonies in America to 1776, of other portions of
the continent which have since been included in the territory of the United
States, and of the United States. It may deal with any aspect of that
history — ^social, political, constitutional, religious, economic, ethnological,
military, or biographical, though in the last three instances a treatment
exclusively ethnological, military, or biographical would be unfavorably
received. Professor Charles M. Andrews, of Bryn Mawr, Pa. , chairman
of the committee, will furnish full information to prospective competitors.

Thomas Varker Keam died at Truro, Cornwall, England, of angina
pectoris, November 30, 1904. Mr Keam was bom in 1846 in Truro, and
went to sea as a boy, sailing as a midshipman in the English mercantile
marine to Sidney and Newcastle, Australia. From there he went to San
Francisco, thence in 1865 overland to Santa F6, where he entered the
service as a private in the First New Mexico Cavalry, in which he was
later commissioned as second lieutenant. In 1872 he was Spanish inter-
preter in the government service at Fort Defiance, Arizona, and ten years
later went to the cafion that bears his name, residing there as Indian
trader until a few years ago, when he disposed of his interests and finally
returned to his boyhood home at Truro. Mr Keam was widely known
to Indians of the southwest as **Tomas'* and was respected and loved
by them. He spoke both Hopi and Navaho fluently.

Mr Keam was a man of the highest integrity, a keen observer, a
wide reader, cultivated and accomplished. He maintained an open

172 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., ^, 1905

house at Keam's Cafion for every wayfarer, and his hospitality was
shared alike by the scientific explorer and the wandering Indian. For
many years he practically supported that remarkable genius, Alexander
Macgregor Stephen, who lived more or less with him from the time of
his arrival at the cafion in 1882 until his death in 1894. Mr Keam
preserved Stephen's numerous valuable manuscripts with jealous care, and
erected a monument on his grave in the cafion. Taking a lively inter-
est in the Indian antiquities of the adjacent region, he made several im-
portant collections, the largest of which is now in the Berlin Museum of
Ethnology. Other collections are in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge
and the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. Mr Keam's death
will be deplored by every student and explorer of the Southwest, to most
of whom he was known and beloved. Stewart Culin.

An Interesting Broadside. — Mr D. N. Thomas, of Greenport,
L. I., has found an interesting broadside containing a four-column versi-
fication of ** The Rebels* Reward, or English Courage Displayed, being a
Full and True Account of the Victory obtained over the Indians at Norri-
giwock on the Twelfth of August last, by the English Forces under com-
mand of Capt. Johnson Harmon. ' ' On the upper right-hand is a very
rude picture supposed to represent the English forces firing on the Indian
fortress, and over the verses is the line : "To the Tune oi All You That
Love Good Fellows^ etc.'* This broadside is printed on a thick and
coarse kind of rag paper, in old-style type, in ink but little faded. It is
in a good state of preservation, except that where creased the paper has
given way and in the vertical middle fold it has torn almost across. At
the right-hand lower comer is the imprint : BOSTON : Printed and sold
by J. Franklin in Union Street, 1724. W. W. Tooker.

Tlingit Method of Collecting Herring-eggs. When the herring run
took place, hemlock boughs were fastened together and laid down in rows
for the fish to spawn upon. At one end of each was tied a float marked
in some special way by its owner. When covered with eggs, these boughs
were lifted into the canoe, carried ashore, and placed to dry on the
branches of a tree which had been stripped of its smaller twigs. To raise
them into place there was employed a large wooden hook taken from a
tree where a branch comes off, and it was then a comparatively simple
matter, but after they were dried the eggs became very brittle and had to
be handled with care. Hemlock boughs are said to be used in preference
to others because they leave no peculiar taste. J. R. Swanton.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 1 73

Bontoc-Igorot Clothing. — In a brief communication received since
the publication of his article on this subject in the last issue of the Ameri-
can Anthropologist y Dr Albert Ernest Jenks announces that he has ascer-
tained beyond question, which he had before raised, that " the Ilokano
women on the west coast of northern Luzon avowedly wear the tapis to
hide any possible evidence of menstruation. ' '

At a meeting of the Council of the American Anthropological
Association held in New York, April 15, it was voted to hold a special
meeting of the Association in Portland, Oregon, during the Lewis and
Clark Centennial Exposition. The members of the Council present were
Messrs Boas, Chamberlain, Culin, Farrand, Gordon, Hodge, Hyde, Mac-
Curdy, Pepper, Putnam, Saville, and Smith.

The Fourteenth International Congress of Orientalists was
held at Algiers, under the auspices of the Algerian Government, April
19-26, 1905. Dr Cyrus Adler, Librarian of the Smithsonian Institu-
tion, Washington, D. C, was the official representative in the United
States of the Committee on Organization of the Congress.

Dr John R. Swanton of the Bureau of American Ethnology is de-
livering two courses of lectures in the Semitic Seminary of Johns Hopkins
University, one on American Ethnology with special reference to Soci-
ology and Mythology, and one on the Dakota language.

The wide and increasing interest in folklore researches in Germany
and Austria is indicated by the fact that the Germans have now perfected
a Folklore Union embracing twenty-four societies and 6,000 members.

Mr William H. Holmes, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology
and a vice-president of the American Anthropological Association, has
been elected a member of the National Academy of Sciences.

Dr Livingston Farrand, Professor of Anthropology in Columbia
University, has been placed in charge of the work of the National Associa-
tion for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis.

Dr C. a. Peterson, of St. Louis, a founder of the American Anthro-
pological Association, has been elected president of the Missouri Histor-
ical Society.

The title of Correspondant de TEcole d' Anthropologic de Paris has
been conferred on Dr George Grant MacCurdy of the Yale University
Museum.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

Proceedings of the Philadelphia Meeting, December 28-30, 1904.

The program of the annual meeting of the American Anthropological
Association was merged with that of the American Folk-Lore Society and
Section H of the American Association for the Advancement of Science.
The sessions were held in Widener Hall, Free Museum of Science and
Art, University of Pennsylvania, December 28-3oth, inclusive. The
joint program was as follows : '

1. Anthropometric Work at the St. Louis Exposition : (a) Sense Tests

of Various Races ; (^) Physical Measurements of the Philippine
Groups. R. S. Wood worth and Frank G. Bruner.

2. The Story of a Shield. James Mooney.

3. Themistology. Edward Lindsey.

4. Recent Investigations in the Somatic Anthropology of the Brain of

Distinguished Persons, of Individuals of Various Races, and of
Criminals. Edward Anthony Spitzka.

5. Medical Notes on the Southwestern Indians. A. Hrdli^ka.

6. The Physical Resemblance of Twins. Edward L. Thomdike.

7. The Color Sensibility of the Peripheral Retina (by title). J. W.

Baird.

8. A Tale in the Hudson River Mohican Language (by title). J.

Dyneley Prince.

9. The Settlement and Transfer of Upper Louisiana (by title) . Paul

Beckwith.

10. Superstitions of School Children. Will S. Monroe.

11. The Use and Study of Anthropology in School (by title). Amos

W. Famham.

12. Disenchantment by Decapitation, address of the retiring President

(read by Mr. Newell). George Lyman Kittredge.

13. Influence of European Contact on Aboriginal Institutions (by title).

Alexander F. Chamberlain.

14. The Kiowa Supernatural. James Mooney.

15. The Tale of the Three Wishes. William Wells Newell.

* For abstracts of the papers, see report of George H. Pepper, Secretary of Section
H, in Science f March 24, 1905.

174

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 1/5

i6. The Influence of the Sun on the People of the Hopi Pueblos. J.
Walter Fewkes.

17. The Historic and Prehistoric Ruins of the Southwest. Edgar L.

Hewett.

18. The Election at Jemez Pueblo (by title). Albert B. Reagan.

19. Prehistoric Surgery. A Neolithic Survival. George Grant MacCurdy.

20. Mexican and Central American Archeology, address of the Vice-

President. Marshall H. Saville.

In the absence of President W J McGee, Vice-President William H.
Holmes occupied the chair. The members of the Council present were :
Miss Fletcher, Messrs Holmes, Dorsey, Farrand, Fewkes, Hough,
Hrdlicka, Hyde, Kroeber, MacCurdy, McGuire, Mooney, Pepper,
Saville, E. L. Hewett, and Gordon.

The report of the Treasurer, Mr B. Talbot B. Hyde, was read and
referred to the Auditing Committee consisting of Messrs Boas (chair-
man), Farrand, and Harlan I. Smith.

Report of the Treasurer

Receipts

Balance fix>m 1903 % 53.83

Anthropological Society of Washington. 608.25

Annual dues 685.98

Annual subscriptions to American Anthropologist from libraries.. 369. 16

Other annual subscriptions 462.15

Sale of back numbers 406.85

Publication fund 235.00

Authors' reprints (at cost) 151-57

American Ethnological Society 230.76

New York Academy of Sciences 62.50

13,266^05
Expenditures

New Era Printing Company, for printing, binding, and mailing

American Anthropologist and for reprints $1,744.06

Stationery and job printing, including 1,500 copies of illustrated

prospectus IOO.34

Editor's expenses, including advertising back numbers and mail-
ing prospectus 144.31

Illustrations for American Anthropologist 188.70

Letter-heads, circulars, etc 73-24

Postage and petty expenses of Secretary and Treasurer 68. 32

Rebates on overpayments (including $30 paid Anthropological

Society of Washington for sale of Old Series) 44- 15

Binding of back numbers for St. Louis Exposition 24.00

Insurance of back numbers 25.00

$2,412. i2

1 76 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 7, 1905

The following were elected to membership in the Association :

Edward H. Angle, D.D.S. Miss Elizabeth J. Letson,

Miss Adela Breton, Reamer Ling,

Thomas S. Dedrick, M. D., Henry Link,

E. W. Deming, Rev. James William Lowber,

Christopher Easton, Rev. J. D. Marmor,

William H. Ellsworth, Owen W. Mills,

Dr William H. Fumess, William W. Newell,

W. R. Gerard, Grace Nicholson,

Pliny E. Goddard, Adolph C. Reichard,

George Byron Gordon, Francisco M. Rodriguez,

R. H. Harper, M. D., Marshall H. Saville,

C. V. Hartman, Ph.D., Elizabeth J. Van Beuren,

George G. Heye, Miss Georgie Van Brunt,

H. E. Hoopes, Atreus Wanner,

L. W. Jenkins, George A. West,

A. Kirschmann, Ph.D., Clark Wissler,

Francis LaFlesche, Christopher Wren.

Amendments to the constitution were proposed by Miss Fletcher and
Messrs Holmes and MacCurdy, and were favorably received by the
Council. They are :

Article V, Section i, second and third lines: Change a number of
councilors to be determined annually to twenty-four councilors.

Section 2, third and fourth lines : Change a number of councilors to
be determined by the council to six councilors.

Section 3 : Add at the end of the section : Five shall constitute a
quorum.

Section 7 : Strike out at the end of the section : of whom not more
than one shall be a member of the council.

Article VII, Section i : Strike out entirely.

Section 2 : Omit from first sentence : whose chairmen shall be mem-
bers of the executive committee.

Resolutions were proposed and adopted by the Association as follows :

Resolved f That a committee be appointed to represent the American
Anthropological Association before the Committees on Public Lands of
the United States Senate and House of Representatives at meetings of
those Committees held for the consideration of measures for the preserva-
tion of antiquities, and that this committee be instructed to advocate the
acceptance and passage of the particular bill that seems in their judgment
to cover the requirements of the case most fully, and that at the same

AMERICAN ANTHROPOL OGICAL ASSOCIA TION I JJ

time meets with the full approval of the Interior Department, which De-
partment has control of all public lands and whose agents in the field
must be relied on exclusively for custodianship and care of the antiquities
in question.^

The Committee provided for in the resolutions was appointed by the
chair as follows : William H. Holmes (Chairman ex officio) y Edgar L.
Hewett (Secretary), George A. Dorsey, Miss Alice C. Fletcher, George
Grant MacCurdy, George B. Gordon, A. L. Kroeber, M. H. Saville,
F. W. Putnam, Stewart Culin, C. V. Hartman.

The election of officers resulted as follows : President, Frederic W.
Putnam; Vice-President to serve four years, William H. Holmes ; Vice-
President to succeed F. W. Putnam, George A. Dorsey; Secretary,
George Grant MacCurdy ; Treasurer, B. Talbot B. Hyde ; Editor,
F. W. Hodge.

Members of the Council as at present constituted are W J McGee,
Frederic W. Putnam, William H. Holmes, Miss Alice C. Fletcher, George
A. Dorsey, Franz Boas, George Grant MacCurdy, B. Talbot B. Hyde,
F. W. Hodge, Frank Baker, Charles P. Bowditch, A. F. Chamberlain,
Stewart Culin, Roland B. Dixon, Livingston Farrand, J. Walter Fewkes,
George Byron Gordon, Edgar L. Hewett, J. N. B. Hewitt, Walter
Hough, Ales Hrdlicka, A. L. Kjoeber, Joseph D. McGuire, Otis T.
Mason, Washington Matthews, James Mooney, George H. Pepper, Mar-
shall H. Saville, Harlan I. Smith, Frederick Starr, John R. Swan ton.
Of these the first nine named constitute the Executive Committee.

Special meetings of the Association or of the Council may be called
at any time. A special meeting will be held at Portland, Oregon, dur-
ing the summer, the date to be determined by a committee appointed for
that purpose.

George Grant MacCurdy,

YcUi University Museum^ Secretary,

Nkw Haven, Conn.

1 For the present status of this proposed action see pages 164-166.

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7— 12

American Anthropological Association

OFFICERS AND MEMBERS'

April, 1905

OFFICERS

Pruxdbmt, FREDERIC W. PUTNAM, Cambridge.

Vxcb-Prbsidbmt X908, WILLIAM H. HOLMES, Waihington.

Vxcs-PusiDENT 1907, MISS ALICE C. FLETCHER, Washington.

Vxcb-Prksidbnt X906, GEORGE A. DORSEY, Chicago.

Vics-Prbsxdbnt X905, FRANZ BOAS, New York.

Skckstaky, GEORGE GRANT MACCURDY, New Haven.

Treasubm, B. TALBOT B. HYDE, New York.

Editok, F. W. HODGE, Washington.

LIFE MEMBERS

MR EDWARD E. AYER,^ MR ARCHER M. HUNTINGTON.*

Railway Exchange Building, Chicago, Baychester, New York.

Illinois. M. LE DUC DE LOUBAT,^

MR CHARLES P. BOWDITCH,* 53 Rue Dumont d'Urville, Paris.

38 State St., Boston, Mass. MR CLARENCE B. MOORE,*

132 1 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa.

MEMBERS

MR EDWARD D. ADAMS.* MR J. W. BENHAM,*

35 Wall St., New Yoric City. ,38 West 42d St., New Yoric Qty.

DR CYRUS ADLER, dR FRANZ BOAS.*

Smithsonian Institution, Washington, American Museum of Natural History.

^- C. New York City.

DR JUAN B. AMBROSETTI,* qr dAVID BOYLE.*

Museo Nadonal. Buenos Aires, Argen- ^^p^ ^^ Education. Toronto, Canada.

,>« ^^,,*«T> « *xT^r^ DR J. C. BRANNER.*

DR EDWARD a ANGLE. Stanford University. CaUfomia.

DR F^k^^l^' ^""'^'^ ^^^^ ^^^^ BRETON,

National Zoological Park, Washington, St Margaret's House, Rochester.

D C land.

DR GEORGE BARRIE.* ^^ ^' ^- BRITTIN,*

S13X Mass. ave., N. W., Washington. Englcwood. New Jersey.

D, c. MR H. G. BRYANT.*

COL. PAUL BECKWITH,* 2013 Walnut st., Philadelphia, Pa.

U. S. National Museum, Washington, MR G. H. BUEK,
D. C. 52 East X9th St.. New York City.

i Members whose names are marked with an asterisk (*) are Founders of the
dation.

178

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

179

MRS EMMA F. JAY BULLENE,^

X431 Court Place, Denver, Colormdo.

DR E. S. BURGESS/

xz West 88th it. New York Qty.
DAVID I. BUSHNELL, Sr-,

4254 Olive ft, St. Louis, Mo.
DR AMOS W. BUTLER,*

State House, Indianapolis, Indiana.
MR H. H. CAMMANN,*

43 West 38th St., New York City.
DR ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN,*

Clark University, Worcester, Mass.

DR ALFREDO CHAVERO.

Avenida de Madrid, No. 37, City of

Mexico, Mexico.
MRS KATE FOOTE COE.

Drawer i. New Haven, Conn.
REV H. P. COLLIN.

Coldwater, Michisran.
MR STEWART CULIN.*

Brooklyn Institute Museum, Brooklyn,

N. Y.
DR R. G. CURTIN,*

22 South i8th St, Philadelphia, Pa.
PROF. M. M. CURTIS,*

Western Reserve University, Qcvcland,

Ohio.
DR WILLIAM HARPER DAVIS,*

Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, Pa.
DR THOMAS S. DEDRICK,

3147 N. Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa.
MR F. S. DELLENBAUGH,*

16 West 6 1 St St., New York City.
MR E. W. DEMING,

21 W. 24th St., New York City.
MR G. E. DIMOCK,*

Elizabeth, New Jersey.
DR ROLAND B. DIXON,*

Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
PROF. R. E. DODGE,*

Teachers Collej^c, Columbia University,

New York City.
DR DAVID J. DOHERTY,

582 La Salle ave., Chicago, 111.
DR GEORGE A. DORSEY,*

Field Coltmibian Museum, Chicago, III.
MISS CONSTANCE GODDARD DU BOIS,*

Waterbury, Connecticut.
MR CHRISTOPHER EASTON,

290 Thames St., Newport, R. I.
MR WILLIAM H. ELLSWORTH.

3302 Wells St., Milwaukee. Wis.
DR WM. C. FARABEE,

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.
PROF. AMOS W. FARNHAM,

State Normal School, Oswego, New York.
DR LIVINGSTON FARRAND,*

Columbia University, New York City.

DR J. WALTER FEWKES.*

Bureau of American Ethnology, Waab-

ington, D. C.
DR CARL FISCH,

3212 Pine St., St. Louis, Mo.
DR MAURICE FISHBERG,

79 West 115th St., New York City.
PROF. IRVING FISHER,

460 Prospect St., New Haven, Conn.
MISS AUCE C. FLETCHER,*

2x4 First St., S. E., Washington, D. C
DR J. M. FLINT,*

U. S. National Museum, Washington,

D. C.
DR WESTON FLINT,*

The Cecil, Washington, D. C.
DR DANIEL FOLKMAR,*

Bontoc, Lcpanto-Bontoc Province, Philip-
pine Islands.
DR WILLIAM H. FURNESS, 3d.

Museum of Science and Art, University

of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
DR DAWIEL GARCIA,

Hospital Militar, Guadalajara, Jalisco,

Mexico.
DR E, GATES,*

Chevy Chase, Maryland.
MR WILLIAM R. GERARD,

65 West io8th St., New York City.
PROF. FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS.

Columbia University, New York City.
DR PLINY E. GODDARD,

Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco, Cal.
PROF. W. H. GOODYEAR,*

Brooklyn Institute Museum, Brooklyxi,

New York.
DR GEORGE BYRON GORDON,

Museum of Science and Art, University

of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Pa.
DR GEORGE BIRD GRINNELL,*

346 Broadway, New York City.
MR STANSBURY HAGAR,*

62 Wall St., New York City.
MRS JOHN HAYS HAMMOND,*

32 Riverside Drive, New York City.
DR R. H. HARPER,

Afton, Indian Territory.
DR C. V. HARTMAN.

Carnegie Museum, Pittsburg, Pa.
MR JOHN WALTER HASTINGS,

Hastings Hall, Harvard University,

Cambridge, Mass.
DR HENRY W. HAYNES,*

239 Beacon st.. Boston, Massachusetts.
MRS PHOEBE A. HEARST,*

Pleasanton. California.
MR RICHARD HERMANN,*

Dubuque, Iowa.
MRS ESTHER HERRMAN,*

59 West 56th St., New York City.

i8o

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

PROF. EDGAR L. HEWETT/

Care U S. National Miuenin, Wadiinf-

ton, D. C
MR J. N. B. HEWITT/

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wath-

xngton, D. C.
MR GEORGE G. HEYE»

52 Broadway, New York Gty.
MR WILLIAM B. HILL,

68 William at.. New York City, N. Y.
MR F. W. HODGE,*

Smithsonian Institution, Washington,

D. C.
DR RICHARD HODGSON.*

5 Boyleston PI., Boston, Mass.
DR WILLIAM J. HOLLAND,*

Carnegie Museum, Pittsburg, Pa.
MR WILLIAM H. HOLMES,*

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash-
ington, D. C.
MR H. E. HOOPES,

Media, Pennsylvania.
DR WALTER HOUGH,*

U. S. National Museum, Washington,

D. C.
DR ALES HRDLICKA,

U. S. National Museum, Washington,

D. C.
MR J. F. HUCKEL,*

Union Station Annex, Kansas City, Mo.
DR J. W. HUDSON,

Ukiah, California.
DR H. M. HURD,*

Johns Hopkins Hospital, Baltimore, Md.
DR JULIUS H. HURST,

Box 173, Sanford, Florida.
MR DAVID HUTCHESON,*

Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
MR B. TALBOT B. HYDE,

20 West 53d St., New York City.
MISS ELIZABETH M. HYDE,*

aio East i8th st., New York City.
DR H. VON IHERING,

Musco Paulista, Sao Paulo, Brazil.
MR G. WHARTON JAMES,*

Care The Craftsman, Syracuse, N. Y.
DR H. JAYNE,*

Wistar Institute, University of Penn-
sylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
DR ALBERT ERNEST JENKS,

Ethnological Survey, Manila, P. I.
DR L. W. JENKINS,

Peabody Academy of Science, Salem,

Mass.
DR PHILIP MILLS JONES,*

Room I, Y. M. C. A. Bldg., San Fran-
cisco, Cal.
DR DAVID STARR JORDAN,*

Stanford University, California.

DR C H. JUDD,

Yale UniTcraity, New Haven, Comu
DR HERMAN F. TEN KATE,

Batavia, Java.
DR H. KINNER,*

X103 Rutger at, St. Louis, Mo.
DR A. KIRSCHMANN,

Toronto University, Toronto, Canada.
DR GEORGE M. KOBER,*

1600 T St., Washington, D. C.
DR A. L. KROEBER,*

Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco, CaL
MR FRANCIS LA FLESCHE,

ax4 First at., S. E., Washington, D. C
DR R. LEHMANN-NITSCHE,*

Museo de la Plata, La Plata, Argentina.
DR J. S. LEMON,*

Gardner, Mass.
DR RODOLFO LENZ,

Casilla 844, Santiago de Chile, Chile.
DR NICOLAS LEON,

I a del Fresno, No. 1510, City of Mexico.
MISS ELIZABETH J, LETSON,

Buffalo Society of Natural Science^

Buffalo, N. Y.
MR EDWARD LINDSEY,*

Warren, Pa.
MR REAMER LING,

St. Johns, Arizona.
MR HENRY LINK.

R. F. D. 3, Waterloo, Indiana.
MR WALTER S. LOGAN,*

27 William St., New York Qty.
MR M. C. LONG,*

Missouri ave. and Main St., Kansaa City,

Missouri.
REV. DR JAMES WILLIAM LOWBER,

Austin, Texas.
DR CARL LUMHOLTZ,*

16 West 9th St., New York City.
MR D. WILLARD LYON,

Y. M. C. A., IS B, Peking Road, Shang-
hai, China.
DR J. II. McCORMICK,

The Stanton, Washington. D. C.
MR STANLEY McCORMICK,*

7 Monroe St., Chicago, Ills.
MR GEORGE GRANT MACCURDY,*

Yale University Museum, New Haven,

Connecticut.
DR J. B. >tcGEE,*

X405 Woodland ave., Cleveland, Ohio.
DR W J McGEE,*

X90X Baltimore St., Washington, D. C
MR J. D. McGUIRE,*

X834 1 6th St., Washington, D. C.
PROF. JOHN J. McNULTY,

17 Lexington ave., New York City.
MISS EVA MANNING,

X330 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

i8i

DR F. W. BiARLOW,*

joo Highland sL, STractiae, New York.
REV. J. D. MARMOR,

X638 Madison ave.. New York City.
MISS MYRA B. MARTIN,*

27 WiUiam at. New York Oty.
DR OTIS T. MASON/

U. S. National Muaeum, Waahington,

D. C.
MR ALBERT MATTHEWS,*

X4S Beacon sL, Boston, Maas.
DR JOHN C. MERRIAM,

University of California, San Fran'

dsco, Cal.
DR MERTON L. MILLER,*

Ethnological Survey, Manila, P. L
MR OWEN W. MILLS,

Millbury, Mass.
MR W. C. MILLS,*

State University, Columbus, Ohio.
MR E. J. MOLERA,*

606 Clay St, San Francisco, California.
PROF. WILL S. MONROE,

State Normal School, Westfield, Mass.
MR JAMES MOONEY,*

Bureau of American Ethnology, Waah-

ington, D. C.
MR GEORGE F. MOORE,

X825 Park Row Building, New York City.
MR WARREN K. MOOREHEAD,*

Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass.
DR. T. F. MOSES,*

Worcester Lane, Waltham, Mass.
MR L. F. MOTT,*

17 Lexington avc, New York City.

fllTjOHN MURDOCH,*

Public Library, Boston, Mass.
MR WILLIAM NELSON,*

152 Market st, Paterson, N. J.
DR C. F. NEWCOMBE,

X05 Niagara St., Victoria, B. C.
DR W. W. NEWELL,

Cambridge, Mass.
MISS GRACE NICHOLSON,

46 North Los Robles ave., Pasadena, CaL
DR R. J. NUNN,*

119 York St., Savannah, Georgia.
MRS ZELIA NUTTALL,*

Casa Alvarado, Coyoac4n, D. F., Mexico.
MR C. L. OWEN,*

Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, 111.
MISS MARY A. OWEN,*

306 North 9th st., St. Joseph, Mo.
MR VICTOR H. PALTSITS,

Lenox Library, New York City.
DR WILLIAM F. PARKS,

X027 Goodfellow ave., St Louis, Mo.
MR H. H. PARSONS,*

84 Griswold st, Detroit Michigan.

DR CHARLES PEABODY,*

X97 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass.
MRS LUCY E. PEABODY,*

1430 Corona st, Denver, Colorado.
PROF. J. E. PEARCE,*

High School, Austin, Texas.
MR HAROLD PEIRCE,*

^^% Drexel Building, Philadelphia, Pa.
MR GEORGE H. PEPPER,

American Museum of Natural ffistory.

New York City.
PROF. G. H. PERKINS,*

Burlington, Vermont
DR C A. PETERSON,*

P. O. Box 980, St Louis, Missouri.
DR W. A. PHILLIPS,

17 IX Hinman ave., Evanston, 111.
DR H. PITTIER DE fAbREGA,*

San Jos6, Costa Rica.
MR A. PRATT Ja,*

26 Bunnell st, Bridgeport Connecticut
PROF. J. DYNELEY PRINCE,*

Columbia University, New York Gty.
DR T. MITCHELL PRUDDEN,*

x6o West 59th st. New York City.
PROF. F. W. PUTNAM,*

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.
DR S. H. QUINT,

Ixtlan, Del Rio, Territorio del Tepxc,

Mexico.
DR ADOLPH C. REICHARD,

Oberlindau 78, Frankfurt, a/M., Ger-
many.
MR E. W. RICKER,*

P. O. Box 5083, Boston, Massachusetts.
MR R. H. RILEY,*

1 8th ave. and 84th st, Brooklyn, N. Y.
DR S. A. ROBINSON,*

Covesville, Va.
DR FRANCISCO M. RODRIGUEZ,

Museo Nacional, City of Mexico, Mexico.
MR WILLIAM E. SAFFORD,

Department of Agriculture, Waahington,

D. C.
PROF. MARSHALL H. SAVILLE,

American Museum of Natural History,

New York City.
MR SIDNEY B. SCHUYLER.

705 Market st., St Louis, Mo.
COL. H. L. SCOTT, U. S. A.,*

Manila, Philippine Islands.
MISS S. A. SCULL,*

401 Water st., Smethport Pennsylvania.
MRS MARIANNA P. SEAMAN,*

1424 Eleventh st, N. W., Washington,

D. C.
MR A. E. SHELDON,

Lincoln, Neb.
MR S. C. SIMMS,*

Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, 111.

l82

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[M. s., 7, 1905

DR C E. SLOCUM/

Defiance Ohio.
MR HARLAN I. SMITH,

American Museum of Natural Hiitory,

New York City.
MR FRANK G. SPECK,

Hackensack, N. J.
DR EDWARD ANTHONY SPITZKA.

ft^ East 73d St, New York City.
DR FREDERICK STARR/

Chicago University, Chicago, Illinois.

MR VILHJALMUR ST^FANSSON,

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.
DR KARL VON DEN STEINEN,

Hardenbergstr. 24, Charlottenburg, Ber-
lin, Germany.
DR ROLAND STEINER,*

Grovetown, Georgia.
DR JAMES F. STEVENS,*

1 136 O St., Lincoln, Nebraska.
PROF. WILLIAM G. SUMNER,

240 Edwards St., New Haven, Conn.
DR JOHN R. SWANTON,*

Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash-
ington, D. C.
MR BENJAMIN THAW,*

Moorewood Place, Pittsburg, Pa.
DR ALTON H. THOMPSON,*

730 Kansas ave., Topeka, Kansas.
PROF. E. L. THORNDIKE,*

Columbia University, New York City.
MR WILLIAM WALLACE TOOKER,*

Sag Harbor, New York.
DR A. M. TOZZER.*

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.
DR MAX UHLE,

Afiiliated Colleges, San Francisco, Cal.
MR H. H. VAIL,*

American Book Co., Washington Square,

New York City.
ELIZABETH J. VAN BEUREN,

21 West 14th St, New York City.
MISS GEORGIE VAN BRUNT,

20 East 46th St., New York City.

DR T. WAYLAND VAUGHAN,*

U. S. National Museum, Washingtoii,

D. C
REV. S. P. VERNER,*

Tryon, N. C.
MR A. C. VROMAN,*

Pasadena, California.
HON. R. E.-M. GREGORIE D£ WALLANT^

Legadon de Russia, 4a Bucareli* 18339

City of Mexico.
MR ATREUS WANNER,

Yoric, Pennsylvania.
MISS H. NEWELL WARDLE,*

Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadel-
phia, Pennsylvania.
PROF. H. C. WARREN,*

Princeton, New Jersey.
REV. ANSELM WEBER, O.F.M.,

St. Michaels, Arizona.
MR F. S. WEBSTER,*

Carnegie Musetmi, Pittsburg, Pa.
MR GEORGE A. WEST,

Hisrhland Boulevard, Milwaukee, Wis.
DR M. F. WHEATLAND,*

84 John st, Newport, Rhode Island.
JUDGE JAMES WICKERSHAM,*

Tacoma, Washington.
DR HARRIS H. WILDER,

Smith College, Northampton, Mass.
MR C. C. WILLOUGHBY,*

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.
PROF. N. H. WINCHELL,

University of Minnesota, Minneapolis

Minnesota.
DR CLARK WISSLER,

528 West 123d st, New York City.
DR DEAN C. WORCESTER,*

Manila, Philippine Islands.
MR CHRISTOPHER WREN,

Centre st., Plymouth, Pennsylvania.
PROF. GEORGE FREDERICK WRIGHT,

Oberlin, Ohio.

DECEASED MEMBERS

GUSTAV BRt/HL.*
M. A. CLANCY.*
WILLIAM E. DODGE.*
GEORGE J. ENGELMANN.'

JOHN H. HINTON.*
WASHINGTON MATTHEWS.*
J. W. POWELL.*
FRANK RUSSELL.*

Vv,

\OlV).

MCRUSTED OBJECT! FROM PUEBLO BOHITO, NEW MEXICO

American Anthropologist

NEW SERIES

Vol. 7 April-June, 1905 No. 2

CEREMONIAL OBJECTS AND ORNAMENTS FROM
PUEBLO BONITO, NEW MEXICO

By GEORGE H. PEPPER

INTRODUCTION

In northwestern New Mexico there is a group of ruined pueblos
that stretch for miles along the fertile valleys and mesa tops.
The Chaco caiion proper contains the major portion of these ruins,
one of the greatest of which in point of interest is Pueblo Bonito.
The writer visited and explored parts of this ruin in the summer of
1896, and the investigations were continued thereafter for several
years. This work, which was made possible by Mr B. T. B. Hyde
and Mr F. E. Hyde, Jr, of New York city, was planned by Prof.
F. W. Putnam, and the material collected is now in the American
Museum of Natural History.

Pueblo Bonito is near the western end of the canon and may be
reached by driving 65 miles northward from Thoreau, a station on
the Santa Fe Pacific railroad, near Gallup, New Mexico. It was
one of the homes of an ancient sedentary people who grouped their
houses into great many-celled structures and surrounded them with
a strong defensive wall, thereby making the town a fortress as well
as a place of habitation. Pueblo Bonito, like the other ancient
settlements in the canon, is now in ruins, and many of the rooms
are completely covered with debris and drifted sand. The building
as a unit measures more than 500 feet in length ; the lesser axis is
somewhat more than 300 feet. It is semicircular in form, the
rounded portion enclosing the structure on the east, north, and
west, while the southern side was protected by a straight wall of
heavy masonry. The stones used in the building were taken from

AM. ANTM., N. S., 7— 13 ^83

1 84 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

the adjacent sandstone cliffs, the work of quarrying being greatly
facilitated by the natural cleavage.

The age of Pueblo Bonito is still in doubt, but nothing was
found during its excavation to show that its former occupants ever
had intercourse with the Spaniards. The first mention of the
pueblo was made by Josiah Gregg,^ in 1844. Since that time it
has been visited by soldiers and travelers, and several descriptions
of it have been written. Gen. James H. Simpson * and Mr William
H. Jackson ^ made careful studies of the ruin and published accounts
in 1850 and 1878, respectively.

POSITION OF ROOM 38

During the season of 1896 we were enabled to uncover a series
of rooms extending along the outer wall of the northern part of the
ruin. The major portion of this first year's operations was confined
to the north central and northwestern parts of the pueblo, although
a sufficient number of rooms were opened in other portions to fur-
nish data concerning the style of masonry of the upper series and
also of that of the underlying ones. The results of these excava-
tions governed to a large extent the plans for the work of the suc-
ceeding season. Owing to the great size of the ruin, little could be
accomplished in one season of field work ; it was therefore a ques-
tion of obtaining a representative collection of objects, together with
sufficient data concerning the older portions of the pueblo to enable
us to gain an idea of the duration of the period of occupancy.

The first work in 1897 was the continuation of excavations in a
row of rooms constituting the third series of the northern or curved
part of the building. The debris was removed from the western
extension of this series, and some very interesting specimens were
found on the floors. One of the first rooms to receive attention
during this season was that designated No. 38 in the field notes.
Its position may be seen in the accompanying illustration (plate
xviii).

1 Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies^ I, 284-85, 1844.

*J. H. Simpson, Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa />, New
Mexico f to the Navajo Country ^ Washington, 1 850.

3Wm. H. Jackson, Ruins of the Chaco Caflon, Examined in iSjj; Tenth Rep.
Hayden Survey, pt. Ill, Washington, 1878.

PEPPER] CEREMONIAL OBJECTS FROM PUEBLO BONJTO 185

Room 38 was generally rectangular ; its north and south walls
were curved, but not to an appreciable extent. The room was filled
with debris consisting of sandstone slabs from the fallen walls, de-
caying ceiling beams, and the adobe floors of upper rooms with
whatever objects were on them when they gradually weakened and
finally collapsed. On this account many objects of scientific inter-
est were broken or scattered through the debris.

THE PLATFORM CONTAINING CEREMONIAL OBJECTS

The work in room 38 brought to light an interesting collection
of material, the greater part of which was of a ceremonial character,
or at least might have been used in sacred observances.

The eastern end of the room was excavated to a depth of sev-
eral feet and the work was then carried westward. Nothing of par-
ticular interest was found in the upper layers, but the removal of
the stones and the fallen beams was still in progress when a plat-
form was uncovered. The first evidence of this structure was a
peculiar projecting wall, six inches thick and extending in a north-
westerly direction. It was attached to the south wall and had been
used as a support for a beam that entered the north wall at a point
opposite. The western support of the platform was upheld by
posts, but these and the poles that had formed its upper surface
were no longer in position ; they had been crushed by the weigh
of the debris and, when uncovered, were greatly decayed.

CEREMONIAL OBJECTS IN SITU

One of our Navaho laborers was excavating in the western part
of the room and had reached the point where the fallen masonry
ended, when he encountered the first evidence of a ceremonial de-
posit. At the end of a horizontal stroke we noticed that the Indian
had broken an object of bone, and investigation showed that it was
inlaid with turquoise and jet. The extremities of the bone had
been shattered, but fortunately the mosaic itself had not been in-
jured.

The utmost care was necessary in uncovering this specimen and
the objects that surrounded it. When the brush and stylus had
removed the sand from about the bone, it proved to be of the so-

1 86 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

called scraper form. It had been completely covered with drift-
sand and was lying with the blade pointing toward the west.
Directly south of and almost touching this scraper was another of
similar shape and size. The first one was lying with the rounded
portion upward, whereas this rested upon its convex surface. It
was observed that the second scraper had also been inlaid, but
owing to the fact that the inlaid surface was downward, there was
no support for the tesserae and most of them had fallen out.

For convenience the field numbers will here be used in referring
to the scrapers and the objects found with them. The first scraper
will be known as No. 9 and its companion as No. 10. In plate xix
these mosaic pieces are shown in situ with the smaller specimens
grouped a little to the north of them. The first object uncovered
near the scrapers was a pendant of turquoise (No. 11); it was two
inches east of and opposite the central portion of No. 10. The
next specimen, also a turquoise pendant (No. 12), was found an
inch west of No. 10, in the angle formed by the two scrapers.
Both of these pendants were at the level of the lower surface of the
scrapers. A depth of several inches was reached before the next
object was found ; but the remaining specimens will be considered
according to the arbitrary numbering of the field notes instead of
allowing their depth to govern the sequence.

No. I is a bird form, made of decomposed turquoise ; it was
found below the level of the scrapers and is in good condition.
No. 2 is also a bird form ; it was three inches below the level of
No. 9, and was lying on its left side, the head pointing toward the
north. No. 3, a turquoise pendant, was found near No. 2. No. 4
is the third bird form that was uncovered ; it was resting in a
natural position, with the head pointing southward, at a depth of an
inch and a half lower than the scrapers. No. 5 is another turquoise
bird ; it was found six inches below No. 9, and was lying with its
head toward the northeast. No. 6 is the tail portion only of a bird
of turquoise and was found four and a half inches below the level
of No. 9. Several fragments of the same bird were found in the
surrounding sand. Nos. 7 and 8 are beads made of jet ; they were
found six inches below the scrapers. As the four succeeding num-
bers, the scrapers and pendants, have been noted, and as they will

PEPPER] CEREMONIAL OBJECTS FROM PUEBLO BONITO 1 87

be treated more in detail when the esthetic aspect of the specimens
is considered, No. 13, which is a large slab of jet perforated for
suspension, will now be referred to. This specimen was found only
half an inch northwest of No. 4, and the largest fragment was on
the same level. Specimens 11, 12, and 13 are not shown in the
photograph. Of the remaining objects, Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6 are
in situ ; Nos. i, 7, and 8 were removed in the work of uncovering
the other specimens, but were replaced within an inch of their
original positions.

THE INLAID SCRAPERS

Bone implements of the type represented in the accompanying
photograph (plate xix) are found throughout the ancient Pueblo
region of the Southwest. They are known by several names, the
most usual of which is " bone scraper," and this term will here be
employed. They are generally made from the humeri of deer, elk,
or antelope, and are found of all sizes. The average is about six
inches, but they range from two to eight inches in length, and of
relative width.

Pueblo Bonito has furnished a large number of specimens of
this particular type of implement, and from its occurrence throughout
the pueblo it would seem to have been an object of general use.
The refuse heaps, and the rooms that had been abandoned to be-
come receptacles for the sweepings from the houses, contributed
a good share of these implements in the collection. Almost all of
them showed use and many were broken.

The bone scrapers from Pueblo Bonito were rarely decorated ;
but when ornamentation occurred, it was generally in the form of
incised designs, such as cross-hatching, meanders, and animal
forms. There is but one specimen similar to the incrusted ones
which we are about to consider. It was found in a fragmentary
condition in Room 170, but there are evidences that it had been
prepared for the reception of an inlay similar to that shown in the
colored frontispiece. This specimen is shown in figure 3.

The inlaid scraper as represented by the colored plate is slightly
reduced in size. It is the distal or elbow end of the humerus of
one of the large ungulates, the animal being either a large black-
tail deer or a small elk. In preparing the bone for the reception

l88 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST (N. S., 7, 1905

of the inlay, the usual method was no doubt employed. A groove
was cut with a stone knife in one side of the humerus, and the cut
extended until it encircled the bone. This process was continued
lintil the bone could be broken apart. The cutting away of the
under side was the next step. This was accomplished by grinding,
and the final touches to the edges were given with a polishing stone.
In scrapers designed for every-day use, no further work was done ;
but as this particular specimen was intended for an especial use, the
maker next turned attention to the handle end. The condyles in
their natural state protrude to such an extent that the symmetry of

Fig. 3. — Scraper prepued foi inlaying. (Natural size.)

the object is affected, hence these were ground until perfectly
rounded, and presented, as viewed transversely, a cylindrical aspect,
due to the careful rounding of the under parts of the side condyles.
The entire surface of the epiphysis was ground, reducing its size
considerably.

In preparing for the work of incrustation, a broad band was cut
in the convex surface of the bone, extending from edge to edge of the
flattened part. This groove was 2 cm. 4.5 mm. in width, and was
worked to such depth as would cause the tesserje to correspond
with the general surface of the bone. The sides of the cut were
trued and the groove was then ready for the inlay.

Piiion gum seems to have been the medium for seating the
small pieces of stone and shell. A layer of this material was spread
upon the bottom of the cut, and upon this foundation the mosaic
pattern was developed. In the scraper under consideration fifty-six
pieces were used in the work ; of these, twenty were elongate pieces
of jet ; there were sixteen pieces of turquoise of the same shape,
ten pyramidal pieces of turquoise, and ten pieces of red gum.

PBPPKR] CEREMOmAL OBJECTS FROM PUEBLO BONITO ^ 189

pointed, as were the turquoise pieces last named, and made to
match these inlays, thereby forming a flat finish at the end of the
band. When the inlaying was completed, the surface of the mosaic,
as well as that of the bone, was polished.

In examining the design and execution of this implement one
cannot fail to observe that its maker had an excellent appreciation
of decorative art. The jet and turquoise bands are placed system-
atically, while the colors are alternated either for ceremonial sym-
bolism or for artistic effect. These inlaid bands are composed of
carefully shaped pieces, being not only rectangulated but concavo-
convexed in order that they may conform to the rounded surface of
the bone. There are live such bands, three of jet and two of tur-
quoise, and these are bordered by a serrated line of turquoise com-
posed of a series of pyramidal pieces, each so accurately pointed
by grinding that they gpve a beautiful finish to the highly decorative
band. The corresponding inlays of red gum are in strong contrast

Fig. 4. — BoDc sciaper ( No. 10) shoiring

to the pointed pieces of turquoise, and impart a richness in finish
that is almost unique in aboriginal American handiwork. The care
with which the inlays were adjusted is worthy of note. The bone
is but 2 cm. 7 mm. in width, and many of the sets are quite
elongate, but they were embedded in the gum in such a way that
their edges match perfectly, while the contour of the bone is care-
fully preserved.

The second scraper. No. 10 (figure 4), is practically a duplicate
of the one just described. When found, five of the tessera, three
of turquoise and two of jet, were in place. From their position and
general arrangement it would seem that the design had been in the
form of a half-meander or an interlocking fret. Beneath the scraper

192 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST \JA, s., 7, 1905

The frog figure accompanying the buckle in the illustration is
carved from a piece of jet The body of the animal is beautifully
rounded, and the legs, which stand out in relief, their bend faith-
fully portrayed, and the toes represented by means of deep grooves,
are very well formed. The mouth has the full rounded shape seen
also in frog-shaped pottery vessels from the Chaco ; and the eyes,
consisting of two large pieces of turquoise, firmly set and highly
polished, stand boldly out in a manner characteristic of the frog
even in conventionalized Indian art. Across the neck there is a
broad inlaid band of turquoise, consisting of seven tesserae that con-
form to the general level of the jet. One of the triangular sets that
formed the ends of the band is missing.

The body of the frog has been polished, but it is now crackled
to some extent, and on the under surface there is evidence of the
action of fire ; enough of the original polish remains, however, to
convey a good idea of what the appearance of the object must have
been when it was new.

The body of the frog is i cm. 7.5 mm. thick, 8 cm. 1.5 mm.
long, and 6 cm. 5 mm. wide. The width, including the legs, is 7
cm. 1.5 mm. The balls of turquoise that form the eyes are 8.5
mm. in diameter and 3 mm. in height. The object was drilled for
suspension, the holes being on the under part directly beneath the
inlaid band. The incision made to receive the turquoise pieces
forming the band was cut just deep enough to allow them to sink
to the level of the surface, save at the ends where it was cut through
to the opposite side. At these points the openings were triangular,
and in cutting them through a separation was formed between the
feet and the body, the parts being joined again at the point where
the head and the toes meet.

The frog or the toad is a symbol of water among the Pueblo
people of to-day, and there are numerous evidences tending to show
that the same water symbol was employed by the ancient inhabi-
tants to as great an extent as by their descendants. In Pueblo
Bonito and in nearby villages it has been found in the form of pot-
tery vessels, as well as carved from pure turquoise and scratched
on stone slabs. Tadpole figures, which are also water symbols,
are likewise represented in turquoise and pottery.

PiPPtt] CEREMONIAL OBJECTS FROM PUEBLO BONITO

193

JET PENDANT, BEADS, AND BUTTONS

The latest jet pendant known to have been found in the South-
west was recovered from the same deposit. It is in a fragmentary
condition, but enough pieces were recovered to give a general idea
of its size and appearance when complete (figure 5). It is 9 cm.
2 mm. long, 6 cm. 6 mm. wide, and 1 cm. i mm. thick. The
comers are rounded and it is of uniform thickness. The fragments
were scattered through the debris, but the largest piece was lying
half an inch northwest of and at the
same level as specimen No. 4. This
pendant was also drilled for suspen-
sion, the perforation being made
through the edge as shown in the
illustration, thus leaving the front sur-
face unbroken. In view of the fact
that the jet frog and the buckle are
in a perfect state of preservation, so
far as their completeness is concerned,
it is difficult to account for the crack-
ing and splitting of this pendant.
From its present appearance and from
the scattered fragments it would seem
that it was broken or was in a very
fragile condition when left on the
platform.

Pendants of this shape are not uncommon in the Pueblo area,
but the specimen under consideration is exceptionally large. The
material from which the latter was cut was used by the ancient
Pueblos in making small objects of jewelry, but it was not the
practice to employ large pieces even in fashioning ceremonial
objects. This pendant was probably used as a breast ornament,
either alone or in connection with the necklace of jet and shell
beads found near it.

Beads of different sizes were scattered through the sand in
which the lai^er objects were lying. In removing scraper No. 10,
the depression in the handle end was found to be filled with sand,
imbedded in which were eighty small jet beads, 2 mm. in diameter

F[G. J. — Jet pendant repaired.
(Tiro-lhirds natural «ze. )

194 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

and averaging 1.5 mm. in thickness. In the debris surrounding
the scrapers 3 1 3 beads of the same material and of the same size
and shape were found. Associated with these beads were 46 that
measured 3 mm. in diameter, but in other respects they were iden-
tical to the smaller ones. With these jet beads there were 19 white
ones, made of stone and shell, and of the same size and shape as
the others.

In plate xix two black objects (No. 7, 8) are shown in the fore-
ground ; these are the jet buttons mentioned in the general descrip-
tion of the contents of the deposit. In form they are oblate sphe-
roidal. No. 7 averages i cm. 5 mm. in diameter, and No. 8 is only
I mm. larger. The former is almost free from flaw, whereas its
companion has a broad check line spanning the upper part. Both
are perforated on the flat side, and they may have been used as
garment ornaments or as pendants. A third button, or perforated
ball of jet, was obtained from an Indian who had worked in this
room, and had probably been stolen with the other objects above
mentioned.

THE TURQUOISE BIRDS

Of the five bird forms found in Room 38, four were perfect and
the fifth was represented by several fragments, the largest being the
tail end (plate xx, b\ These birds are cut from decomposed tur-
quoise, and in color are pale bluish green. There is practically no
variation in the eight specimens of the type found in Pueblo Bonito.
The material from which the birds are carved is so soft that it can be
cut with a knife. The figures were probably roughed out with one
of the many forms of stone implements, and then ground to the
desired shape with sandstone grinders. On the surface of some of
the birds may be seen fine lines which, under a glass of low power,
have the appearance of file scratches ; they are nevertheless the
marking made by the sandstone polishers. Lines of this character
are in evidence on many of the stone implements found in this re-
gion, and are especially noticeable on objects of wood.

Over the surface of each of these five turquoise specimens there
is a dull red patina. There are evidences of the matrix in some
pieces, but the surface color seems to be due to soil discoloration.
In the other three bird forms found in this ruin by the Navaho

•■••■••

TURQUOISE PENDANTS 'SLIQHTLV REDUCED)

PEPPER] CEREMONIAL OBJECTS FROM PUEBLO BONITO 1 95

workmen, there are indications of this discoloration, but the greater
part of it had been removed by carding the objects about in their
medicine bags or in using them as pendants on their necklaces.
The head, tail, and wings of the birds are indicated in each instance.
The variety represented is doubtless a water fowl, probably the
duck, the poise of the head and the general angle of the body sug-
gesting the appearance of a duck when resting on water. This
form of bird seems to have been a favorite one with the sedentary
people of the Southwest. From Pueblo Bonito alone it is carved
from red hematite and stone, and in some Chaco ruins it has been
found carved from pure turquoise, shell, and jet. In southeastern
Utah, in the Grand Gulch region, some of the large basketry
meal trays have a line of these bird figures as a decorative element ;
and in one of them the design is associated with the butterfly.^
The largest bird (No. 2) is 2 cm. 7 mm. long, and 2 cm. i mm.
wide. The smallest (No. i) is i cm. 7 mm. long, and i cm. 3
mm. wide. These measurements do not include the projecting
beaks, which vary in size in the different pieces, all of them being
proportionate to the size of the body. The tails and wings are
carved in relief, and all the specimens have lateral perforations
below the front or shoulder portion of the wings. The position of
the holes causes a top-heaviness when the birds hang free, but
against the body they maintain the proper angle, hanging with the
head upward.

TURQUOISE PENDANTS AND BEADS

There were fifteen turquoise pendants associated with the larger
objects herein described (plate xx, a). Two of these are quite
large, but the others are of medium size. The largest, No. 3, may
be seen near the turquoise bird No. 2 (plate xix), on a slight eleva-
tion northeast of the scrapers. It is 3 cm. 4 mm. long, with a width
of 2 cm. at the top and 2 cm. 5 mm. at the bottom, tapering gradu-
ally to the rounded base. In color it is delicate blue. The polished
surface shows an interlacing of matrix lines, and the back, with the
exception of a very small space in the upper right-hand corner, is
a layer of brown trachyte — the rock in which the turquoise is
found. The pendant has a thickness of 5 mm.; the edges have been

' Geo. H. Pepper, The Ancient Basket Makers of Southeastern Utahy pp. 13, 15.

196 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

smoothed and polished, and there is a perforation in the upper part.
The drilling in this specimen, which is at an angle, with the larger
opening on the turquoise side, is the most irregular that has been
found in the turquoise work from Pueblo Bonito. The most re-
markable feature of the specimen is its color, which is very light as
compared with the other specimens from this room, whose prevail-
ing shades range from dark blue to dull olive green. The light
blue seen in the turquoise of commerce is seldom found.

Of the remaining fourteen pendants the largest is 3 cm. i mm.
long, and the smallest 9 mm. They vary in shape and thickness,
but are typical of the forms found in the various rooms of Pueblo
Bonito, as indeed throughout this entire culture area. Other objects
of turquoise were 106 flat circular beads and one small tessera.
The beads ranged from 3 mm. to 6 mm. in diameter, and averaged
1.5 mm. in thickness.

In removing the small material, a peculiar ball-shaped object
was brought to light. It seemed to be composed of fine brown
meal, but mixed with it were minute particles of turquoise, shell,
and jet. It had been retained in some perishable material that had
entirely disappeared, but the rounded form was well defined. The
ball, which was a little more than an inch in diameter, fell apart
when it was taken up, but the material which composed it was pre-
served. In examining the contents, five small jet beads were found,
also three fragments of jet beads of the larger size. The grindings
preserved in this specimen were undoubtedly from the ceremonial
objects that have been described. The practice of caring for waste
material in the manufacture of ceremonial paraphernalia is well
known among the modem tribes of the Southwest. Such refuse,
as a rule, is deposited in accordance with ritualistic laws, but in this
case, owing to the fact that the material was precious, it was no
doubt kept for use in connection with other secret ** medicines ** in
pieces of folded skin or in buckskin bags.

CONCLUSIONS

The ceremonial implements and ornaments that have been con-
sidered are extraordinary only as evidence of the development of an
art known to most of the ancient Pueblo dwellers. Incrustation of

PEPPER] CEREMONIAL OBJECTS FROM PUEBLO BONITO 1 97

sacred ornaments or other objects by the ancient sedentary people
of the Southwest has been known for a number of years. From
the Gila region in southern Arizona there are several such speci-
mens in the Hemenway collection of the Peabody Museum at Cam-
bridge, Mass. Private collections in New Mexico and Arizona also
contain objects of jet and shell ornamented with turquoise, and Dr
Fewkes obtained one, in the form of a frog, during his excavation
of the Chaves Pass ruins in Arizona. Of this specimen Dr Fewkes
says : " The most beautiful ornament or fetish of shell incrusted
with turquoise was found at the smaller of the two ruins at Chaves
Pass. It was a specimen of Pectuncubis giganteus covered with
gum, in which were inlaid rows of turquoise nicely fitted together
in the form of a frog or toad. As an example of mosaic work, this
object is the only veritable mosaic known to me from ruins in the
Southwest."

The researches of Fewkes, Cushing, Hough, and other students
have demonstrated that large incrusted objects are seldom found.
Pueblo Bonito has furnished the major portion of known examples
from the Southwest. Future investigations in this ruin and others
of the Chaco group should add materially to our knowledge of the
esthetic side of primitive Pueblo life.

American Museum of Natural History,
New York City.

NOTES ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF JEMEZ VALLEY,

NEW MEXICO

By W. H. HOLMES

During the summer of 1889 I had the good fortune to accom-
pany a field party of the United States Geological Survey, under
the immediate direction of Major J. W. Powell, to northern central
New Mexico, and was able to make somewhat extended studies
among the antiquities of the Jemez valley. The Jcmez river is
tributary to the Rio Grande on the west, and its two branches, the
San Diego and the Guadalupe, descend from the Jemez mountains
through canons of considerable depth, coming together as they
emerge from the canons 25 miles above the junction with the Rio
Grande at Bernalillo. In 1875 I had studied the andent ruins of
southern Colorado and northwestern New Mexico, and had carried
my investigations as far to the southeast as the valley of the Rio
Chama, which drains the northern slope of the Jemez mountains.
The work of 1889 therefore enabled me in a measure to com-
plete a chain of observations connecting the ancient remains of
San Juan valley with those of the region now occupied by the
Pueblo tribes, and to reach at least tentative conclusions concerning
the relations of the people and culture of the extreme northern por-
tions of the Pueblo province with those of the middle and south.

The publication of these notes was delayed in the hope that I
might be able to visit the region again and complete my studies,
and they are now prepared for publication because of the desirability
of placing them on record for convenience of reference in connection
with the preparation of measures for the preservation of antiquities
by the departments of the Government having control of the
public lands.

In the lower Jemez valley there are three inhabited pueblos,

Jemez, Sia, and Santa Ana, and there are perhaps as many as

twenty or thirty deserted sites, situated mostly in the upper valleys,

some of which must have been villages of considerable importance.

198

ANTIQUITIES OF JEMEZ VALLEY

All are of the usual pueblo type, differing somewhat from the more
northern villages of like situation, but typical of the middle region,
to which they belong.

The early days of Spanish occupancy of the Jemez country,
1 540 to 1700, witnessed many stirring events of conquest, revolt and

200 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

reconquest, and numerous interesting details culled from the Spanish
chronicles are given by Bandelier in his Final Report, The Jemez
pueblos were first visited by the Spaniards under Francisco de Barrio-
nuevo in 1541. Oiiate, in 1598, saw eight villages, and others
were mentioned to him. Bandelier says that at the time of his visits
in 1880-85 ^he Jemez gave him the names of seventeen of the old
pueblos. He believes that the numerous small villages were
gradually consolidated into two, and finally into one, the present
pueblo.^

Ancient dwelling sites, — About half a mile below the village of
Jemez (see map, figure 6) are two anciently inhabited sites that show
no distinctly marked architectural remains, but the ground is strewn
with various minor relics. No specimen was found that suggested
Spanish influence, and all varieties could be duplicated from the
more northern sites where Spanish influence was never felt All
other sites visited in the valley exhibit in different degrees traces of
modem Pueblo influence if not of the presence of the Spaniard.
Fragments of coiled ware and of the delicate white pottery with
decorations in black were plentiful, and bits of obsidian and agate
and small implements of these materials were found. One of the sites
is on the low east bank of the creek near the water's edge, and the
other on the western side nearly opposite. Similar traces marking
other ancient sites arc found in various parts of the valley, and
probably represent the exclusively prehistoric occupancy.

Ruined pueblo three miles west of Jemez, — On a partially iso-
lated bit of mesa about three miles west of Jemez is a considerable
ruin, which does not bear evidence, however, of long continued
occupancy. The summit of the mesa is without trees and almost
without soil, and water must have been obtained from far below.
The walls of the ruin are well defined, and stand in places five or
six feet in height; but they are formed of rough, loosely laid
stones, and are extremely thin and unstable. They could not have
been high at any time, as there is a marked absence of debris, and
the dearth of pottery and kitchen refuse would seem to stamp the
place as a temporary or emergency abode. The site is favorable

1 A. F. Bandelier, in Papers of the Archaological Institute of America^ Amer. ser.,
IV, Final Report y part II, 1 892, p. 208.

HOLMES] ANTIQUITIES OF JEMEZ VALLEY 20I

for defense, and there are traces of defensive walls along the margin
of the summit The buildings are irregular In plan and comprise
three groups, the full length of the groups being about 450 feet
and the width 350 feet.' A sketch plan is given in figure 7. The
pottery of this site Is partly archaic, while traces of later Pueblo

r'-i C- J ""*^

Fig. 7. — Sketch plan of ruined pueblo three miles west of Jemez.

work are common, and the presence of bits of porcelain would
seem to indicate post -Spanish occupancy. Fragments of metates
and mullers of usual type occur, as well as numerous minor relics
of obsidian, agate, and other varieties of stone. There appears to
be no definite historic reference to this site.

Vallecito Viejo pueblo. — Two unimportant ruined structures
occur three and a half miles northeast of Jemez pueblo, on a bluff
overlooking Vallecito creek (figure 8). They are rather unpreten-
tious piles, and by their advanced state of decay would seem to have
been long deserted. There are no positive indications of occu-
pancy by post- Spanish inhabitants, although a few pieces of pottery
are apparently allied to the later Pueblo forms. Few relics of any
kind were observed. Fragments of the archaic varieties of pottery
occur, and the usual forms of stone implements. The lower ruin,
A, about 1 50 feet above the creek level, is squarish in outline, and

given in this paper are all mere estimates, and the otietitstiotit

202 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

is about 175 by 180 feet in extent. It encloses a court in which
a shallow circular depression occurs. The ridges of debris are
four or five feet in heigli^ and two or three rooms in width. The
upper structure, B, is about 1 50 by 200 feet in extent, and embod-
ies two courts. The walls are very much reduced.

Ruins of Patokwa {San Juan de Jemez). — Two ruined pueblos,
extremely interesting on account of their connection with the events
of the Spanish conquest, are found at the confluence of the two
main branches of Jemez creek, six miles above the present Jemez

2 T: a 5, ;j

J. -f -s, j# «

'^•*«-«-^ % \\ (11

Fig. 8. — Sketch plan of ruined pueblo on Vallecito creek.

pueblo. One is on a low mesa point between the two streams, and
the other occupies the end of the great mesa several hundred
feet above. The lower site (figure 8, a) is one that would naturally
be selected for residence by primitive peoples, and may well have
been a principal pueblo of the valley in pre-Spanish times. One
portion of the ruin is a large mound of debris from which the larger
stones have been removed. This represents the prehistoric town.
The other portion is in a much better state of preservation, and
consists of lines of fallen house rows surrounding two great courts.
That this structure is of late date is clearly indicated, not only by
its state of preservation but by the presence at one corner of the
ruins of a Catholic church. I had time for only a hasty review of
these ruins, but found nearly all the usual varieties of artifacts of
the valley — shallow metates, flattish mullers of cellular basalt,
arrowpoints of obsidian and agate, and pottery of archaic as well as
of later Pueblo times, the latter including a black polished ware,
mica-finished ware, coarse reddish ollas with figures in black and
red paint, and bowls with thickened upright rims and rude glazed
decorations.

holmes]

ANTIQUITIES OF JEMEZ VALLEY

203

Ruins of Astialakwa, — An interesting group of ruined buil-
dings is situated on the high and almost inaccessible promontory, a
mesa remnant, overlooking the ruin at the confluence of the east
and west branches of Jemez creek, just described. The ruins stand
a short distance back from the front of the promontory and near
the brink of the cliffs on the \yest side (figure 8, b). The walls are
of unhewn stone, and bear evidence of hurried and apparently
incomplete construction, there being a notable absence of debris of
any kind. Traces of mortar occur in the walls, and a little plaster
still remains on the interior surfaces. The walls are in no place
more than five or six feet in height. The buildings are in a num-

FiG. 9. — Sketch plan of ruined pueblos of Patokwa (San Juan de Jemez), A, and

Astialakwa, B.

ber of groups, as indicated roughly in the sketch. There are few
traces of household refuse on the almost naked rock surface of the
site, but remnants of mortars and muUers of the usual type, as well
as of pottery of several varieties, were found — the white ware with
decorations in black, of the ancient type ; numerous pieces of bowls
and pots which show designs in greenish glaze ; plain dark and
gray cooking pots ; and red and black decorated ware of modem
type. There were also fragments of some large metates. There
can be little doubt that this village was built at the period of
Spanish encroachment by the people of the villages below as a
place of refuge and defense, and it was here, according to historical

204 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

accounts, that they were defeated by the Spaniards and compelled
to descend to the lowlands.

When Otermin made his unsuccessful campaign into New Mexico in
the fall and winter of 1681, the Jemez retreated to the mesas. They
soon returned, however, to retire again to the heights, — possibly upon
the approach of Don Domingo Gironza Petriz de Cruzate in 1688. In
1692 Vargas found them in a large pueblo on the top of one of the mesas,
and he succeeded after long parleyings in entering their village. The
people displayed marked hostility, however, and it required all the tact
and courage of the Spanish commander to prevent an outbreak while he
was there. He succeeded in conciliating them at last, as well as the
Queres of Santo Domingo, who were in their company, and one hundred
and seventeen children were baptized on the spot. The Jemez gave the
usual promises to behave well in the future, while firmly determined, as
the sequel proved, to resist the Spaniards to the utmost. (Bandelier,
Final Report, p. 212.)

Diego de Vargas visited the Jemez on their mesa a second time, on
November 26, 1693.

Vargas, as soon as he reached the friendly Pueblos of Santa Ana and
Cia, held a council with the leading men of both villages, and then
marched with his force, said to have numbered one hundred and twenty
Spaniards and some auxiliary natives, for the mesas above the San Diego
Cafion. He left Cia at eight o'clock at night, on the 23d of July, and
at a distance of four leagues, near the junction of the two streams, divided
his men into two bodies. One of these, consisting of twenty-five Spanish
soldiers under command of Eusebio de Vargas and the Indian allies, was
to enter the gorge of San Diego and climb the mesa on a dizzy trail, so
as to reach the rear of the highest plateau, while the main body, led by
Vargas himself, ascended from the southwest. The Spanish commander
had ascertained that the Jemez had evacuated their village on the mesa,
and retired to a still higher location north of it. The operations were
completely successful, and the Indians were taken between two fires ; but
they offered a desperate resistance. The total number killed on this
occasion amounted to eighty-four, five of whom perished in the flames,
and seven threw themselves down the cliff's rather than surrender. Vargas
remained on the mesas until the 8th of August, removing gradually the
considerable stores found in the villages, and the prisoners, who numbered
three hundred and sixty-one. Then setting fire to both villages, he with-
drew to San Diego, and thence to Santa F6. During his stay on the

HOLMES] ANTIQUITIES OF JEMEZ VALLEY 205

mesas he discovered a third pueblo, recently built there by the people of
Santo Domingo, who had joined the Jemez tribe upon the approach of
the Spaniards. That village is said to have been situated three leagues
farther north, so that, within a distance of about twelve miles from the
southern extremity, three pueblos had been constructed between 1688
and 1694, all of which were abandoned after the latter year. (^Ibid,^
pp. 213-214.)

It is an interesting fact that along the margins of the precipice
are traces of defensive works built of stone.

Ruins of Giusewa {San Diego de Jemez). — A ruined pueblo of
considerable importance is situated at Jemez Hot Springs, twelve
miles above Jemez pueblo. At present the chief feature of interest
on this site is the ruin of a Spanish church, with its heavy walls
and fortress-like tower. It has been constructed of materials derived
from the immediate vicinity. The tower and upper parts are of the
impure friable limestones of the promontory against which the
foundations are built. The lower end of the church and the walled
enclosure extend down to the border of the arroyo, and the latter
has been built of heterogeneous materials. The adobe mortar has
been made from the debris of ancient house sites and is full of frag-
ments of pottery, obsidian chips, and charcoal. A careful examina-
tion developed the fact that the pottery contained in the mortar is
chiefly of the white ware with black decorations ; but there are also
some black, slightly polished pieces, and much plain gray ware.
A few fragments of coiled vases were also found. Sherds of glazed
pottery were observed in the vicinity, but none were included in
the walls of the buildings — and this is negative evidence, at least,
that this ware was not made here in pre-Spanish times. Its presence
about the ruin indicates that it was in use, however, during Spanish
occupancy.

At the lower end of the ruin a road has been cut through the
razed walls of the ancient village, and excavations have been made
by householders here and there. In the course of this work many
interesting things had been discovered, and some had been pre-
served by a local physician, Dr J. M. Shields. When the old
houses were excavated many skeletons were found scattered about
the floors, and numerous pieces of pottery, flutes of bone, and

206 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

domestic utensils were recovered. The pottery in these houses is
mostly of the white variety with black decorations, the forms being
of usual types. An iron knife occurred in the same connection.
In one section examined I found all kinds of pottery to a depth of
five feet. This site has been so much disturbed by cultivation and
by building, in recent times, that the outlines of the old structures
cannot be traced. Bandelier says that this pueblo "formed several
hollow quadrangles at least two stories high. It contained about
eight hundred inhabitants. The church is a solid edifice, the walls
of which are erect to the height of ten or fifteen feet, and in places
nearly eight feet thick. It is not as large as the one at Pecos, and
behind it, connected with the choir by a passage, rises an octagonal
tower, manifestly erected for safety and defense. Nothing is left of
the so-called * convent ' but foundations. The eastern houses of the
pueblo nearly touch the western walls of the church, and from this
structure the village and a portion of the valley could be overlooked,
and the sides of the mesas easily scanned. Ginsewa [Giusewa] is
an historical pueblo. It first appears under the name of Guimzique
in 1626. It seems that it was abandoned in 1622, on account of
the persistent hostility of the Navajos, who had succeeded in scat-
tering the Jemez tribes. In 1627 Fray Martin de Arvide obtained
permission from his superior, the custodian Fray Alonzo de Bena-
vides, to attempt to gather the tribe again in its old home. The
efforts of the monk were successful, and the Jemez Indians settled
in two of their former pueblos — at Ginsewa and at Amoxiumqua.**^
Ruins of Afftoxiufuqua, — On the high mesa overlooking Jemez
Hot Springs on the west are the remains of another large and ancient
pueblo, which is reached by a tedious and very precipitous trail.
The ruin, a sketch plan of which is given in figure 10, stands in an open
space in the forest, about a quarter of a mile from the brink of the
canon, and from its walls a glimpse can be had of the lower valley
of Jemez creek. It is larger than any of the ruins in the valley
below, and appears to represent two periods of occupancy, an ancient
or pre-Spanish one, and a more modem one, probably of the Span-
ish period, the later village having been built upon the ruins of the
earlier. Bandelier states^ that Amoxiumqua was abandoned

"^ Final Report y pp. 204-205.
«Ibid., p. 208.

«]

ANTIQVfTIES OF JEMEZ VALLEY

207

previous to 1680. In the accompanying sketch plan (figure !0)the
old town, which is a mere heap of debris and quite limited in extent,
isiatUcated by a stippled or dotted surface. The newer construction
coimsts of a series of connected ridges, two or three rooms in width
and from a few feet to eight or ten feet in height. Some of the
room interiors are exposed and still retain the coatings of plaster,
and the ceilings are of logs with trans-
verse layers of brush or splinters to ^ -■;^
support the earthen covering. The
stones of the walls, which have been
derived from the cliffs in the vicinity,
are rather even in size, and have been
in cases slightly dressed on the outer
sur&ce. The length of the ruin from
northeast to southwest is about 350
yards, and the greatest width is some
200 yards. The rows of ruined buil-
dings have a width of from 20 to 30
feet. Seven circular kiva-Iike dcpres-
soiks are associated with the ruin.
Six of these are approximately 20
feet in diameter, and the sixth, a part
of the encircling wall of which is in-
tact, is 32 feet in diameter. On the side opposite the caiion is a
large depression, 1 50 feet in diameter and five or six feet deep,
which contains a pool of water, and was undoubtedly used as a
reser\'oir. The potsherds are very -numerous on this site, and
cover the ground for many hundreds of feet around the ruin,
extending far down the slope into the timber on the south and
west. In the older ruin none but the archaic varieties were ob-
served, and these predominate over the entire site. They include
the coiled ware, the white ware with decorations in black, thin black
ware, and red ware. The white archaic ware comprises nine-tenths
of the fragments, and is uniform in nearly every respect w-ith the
prevailing variety of the San Juan valley. The more recent vari-
eties include, especially, the glazed ware, which is uniform in char-
acter with that from many other sites of the general region, Metates

10. — Sketch plan of the Tuiaed
pueblo of Amoxiumqui.

208 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

and mullers of usual form were observed, and arrowpoints and other
flaked objects of obsidian and agate are common. A few scraper-
like forms were collected.

Ruined pueblo on the plateau three miles west of Jemez springs, —
Another ruined pueblo of large size and comparatively well preserved
is situated in an open space in the forest on the summit of a spur of
the plateau overlooking the canon of the first northern tributary
of the west fork of Jemez creek and some two miles west of the
great ruin (Amoxiumqua) overlooking Jemez Hot Springs. This
ruin was seen from the opposite side of the canon, but lack of time
forbade an attempt to visit it.

Ruined pueblo /j miles above Jemes pueblo, — A ruin of more
than usual interest is situated on the west bank of San Diego creek,
about 1 5 miles above Jemez pueblo. At the base of the low ter-
race on which this ruin stands, and between its base and the creek,
the Survey camp was established. Two ravines rising close together
in the plateau, face to the west, separate as they approach the creek
bed, leaving a somewhat triangular terrace remnant with gently
sloping surface, on which the ruin is situated. This terrace at the
lower margin is about 50 feet in height and 1 50 yards long, and is
perhaps 100 yards deep to the base of the steep slope on the west.
The ruin includes one principal centrally-placed group of structures
and four or five inferior structures, as indicated on the ground plan
(figure 11). The central group. A, consists of two wings of unequal
length and from 30 to 60 feet in width, connected at the upper end
by a transverse group of razed chambers. The length of the longer
wing is about 320 feet, and of the other about 1 50 feet. The mass
of debris indicates the outline of the buildings with perfect clearness
and is in places 10 feet in height. The chambers were numerous
and irregular in arrangement, but the state of the ruin is such as to
make the details of the plan difficult to trace. At the upper end of
the intramural space is a kiva depression 20 feet in diameter and
two or three feet deep ; and at the lower end, near the edge of the
terrace and next the wall of the longer wing, is another of like
diameter and about four feet in depth. On the opposite side,
against the wall of the shorter wing, is a stone heap some 10 feet
in diameter and a few feet in height. North of the longer wing of

ES]

ANTIQUITIES OF JEMEZ VALLEY

209

the central structure, 40 feet distant, and extending along the north-
em margin of the terrace, is a ruin, B, some 30 feet wide and 150
feet in length, and in places six feet in height, presenting characters
in the main identical with those of the central structure. In the
space between the two clusters is a third circular depression, cor-
responding in size with those previously mentioned.

Higher up the sloping terrace on the northern margin is a small
ruin mass, C, very much reduced. On the south, separated from

the comer of the shorter wing of the main building by a space
about 10 feet in width, is a fourth ruin mass, D, about 40 feet in
width by 120 feet in length, the lower end of which extends well
down to the margin of the terrace. Its features correspond closely
with those of the other structures. South of this again, and 20
feet away on the narrow point of the terrace, are the remains of a
minor structure, enclosing a kiva depression 30 feet in diameter
and about 4 feet in depth ; and below this, again, is another circular

2IO AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

depression 36 feet in diameter and five feet in depth, with which no
ruins are connected. Still lower down and at the extreme point of
the terrace, 80 feet from the depression just described, is a small
ruin mass about 1 2 feet square and of no considerable height.

An interesting feature of this pueblo is the occurrence of three
or four refuse middens, lying on the slope of the terrace near the
walls of the buildings. These consist of blackish earth with many
impurities, including bones of animals, fragments of pottery, and
various implements of stone. On these heaps were growing dwar-
fish wild potato plants, the tubers, although ripe, not being more than
half an inch in diameter. This ruin presents every appearance of
antiquity, and, so far as observed, contains no definite trace of the
presence of the white man. The fallen roof timbers, which still
remain among the debris in some of the chambers, had been cut
with primitive tools. The pottery, of which many fragments were
collected, is varied and interesting, the several types apparently
grading one into the other. There are bits of plain black polished
ware, much like the modem domestic black ware of the Rio Grande
pueblos ; many fragments of small bowls, with enlarged, thickened,
or flaring rims, and rude designs in brown, greenish, and blackish
glaze.^ Other specimens have incurved rims and somewhat red-
dish designs ; pieces also of orange and red ware were found, and
of the typical white ware with black decoration, the bowls being
ornamented both inside and out. There are also handled vessels,
mugs and bowls, the handles being simple loops vertically placed ;
also bowls with wide mouths, and a large percentage of pots that
appear to have been used over the fire.

The stone implements collected include a black polished dis-
coidal stone, apparently of hematite, about an inch in diameter and
an eighth of an inch in thickness, and handsome polished axes of
mottled actinolite rock. Thousands of flakes of black obsidian
occur a few miles farther up the canon and on the slopes of Pelado
mountain. Numerous arrowpoints of white quartz and of white
and red agate were collected.

Upper pueblo ruin. — About a mile above the Survey camp and
16 miles above Jemez pueblo, occupying a low sloping terrace on

I This ware is especially referred to by Bandelier, Final Report ^ p. 185.

ES]

ANTIQUITIES OF JEMEZ VALLEY

—Sketch plan

L ncd pueblo

the west side of the valley and 30 or 40 yards from the creek, is a
small pueblo group, of usual type (figure 1 2). It is about 40 feet
above the creek bed, and covers a space some 50 yards long facing
the stream, and 50 yards deep reaching back to the steeper ground.
The low crumbling walls of small irregular stones mdicate a
squarish structure of numerous rooms including an open space or
court, in which are two circu-
lar depressions, probably the
remains of kivas. A third
depression occurs in the midst
of the ruined walls on the
north side.

The pottery on this site
is wholly, or mainly at least,
of the archaic varieties, in-
cluding the coiled ware and
the white ware with decora-
tions in black. The stone m C5 a
implements collected include a grooved ax of usual Pueblo type.

Scattered stone lodges. — A unique feature of the antiquities of
Jemez valley are the ruins of small stone houses that are encoun-
tered by the explorer at every turn in the tributary valleys, on the
steep slopes of the plateaus, and scattered over the upper surfaces
of the wooded tablelands. In the foothills they are seen sometimes
occupying very precipitous sites, and in riding through the deep
forests of the uplands they may be counted by the score. They
consist generally of a single room, rarely of two or more rooms,
and the dimensions of the apartments seldom exceed ten or twelve
feet. The walls are thin and loosely laid up, and to-day are rarely
more than three or four feet in height, the dearth of debris indicat-
ing that they could not have been more than one story in height
at any time. A few potsherds of the white ware with black decor-
ation are about all that could be found in the way of artifacts around
these structures. The presence of this ware, however, is good evidence
of the considerable antiquity of the work. These houses occur in
considerable numbers in the valley of the San Diego near the great
bend, twenty miles above Jemez pueblo ; in the vicinity of the

212 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

warm springs a few miles above the bend ; on the plateau east of
Jemez springs ; and along the terrace-like projections of the west-
em slope of the canon wall. The use of these small structures
can only be surmised. They were hardly permanent abodes for
families, but seem rather to have been designed for some temporary
purpose, as lodges for watchers, hunters, herders (if within the
Spanish period), shrines, or places of resort on special occasions
connected with religious observances. Some of these structures,
as well as the more important ruins, are located on the accompany-
ing map (figure 6).

Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington, D. C.

THE SHASTA-ACHOMAWI : A NEW LINGUISTIC
STOCK, WITH FOUR NEW DIALECTS

By ROLAND B. DIXON

Until quite recently, the extent of the area in northern California
and southern Oregon formerly occupied by Indians of the Shasta,
or Sastean, stock has been regarded as definitely determined. The
area was supposed to be limited to the region along Klamath river
from the mouth of Scott river up as far as Bogus creek, including
the watershed of the two largest southern tributaries of the Klamath
in this portion of its course — the Scott and Shasta rivers. The
stock was also supposed to have extended northward across the
Siskiyou mountains into Oregon, but how far this extension pene-
trated beyond the mountains was rather uncertain. There were in
addition vague statements as to the early occupancy by the Shasta
of the extreme upper course of Salmon river.

In working with this stock in 19CX), and again in 1902,^ more
definite information was procured by the writer in regard to the
Oregonian extension of the stock. It appears that the Shasta
formerly extended northward up the valleys of Cottonwood and
Jenny creeks, and occupied the entire valley of Stewart river to its
mouth. From here they controlled the area along Rogue river,
above the mouth of the Stewart, to Little Butte creek, as well as
the basin of the latter stream which heads near the base of Mt
Pitt. In addition to obtaining the above particulars, vague rumors
were heard of an earlier extension of the stock both to the south
into the Sacramento-McCloud drainage area, and to the west
toward the Salmon. It was not, however, till the season of 1903
that, acting on the suggestions made by Dr A. L. Kroeber and
Dr P. E. Goddard, of the University of California, who had been
carrying on work among the Hupa and neighboring tribes, I went
to the Forks of Salmon in search of what Dr Goddard had thought

^ In connection with the Huntington Expedition of the American Museum of Natural
History, New York.

213

2 1 4 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

might be a slightly variant Shasta dialect. This supposed new
dialect proved on more careful investigation to be not essentially dif-
ferent from the Shasta as spoken on Klamath river, but a casual
remark by one of my informants, as to " the old people's talk,"
leading to further questioning, resulted in finding that there had
formerly been a small tribe at the Forks of Salmon whose language
was distinct from any in the vicinity. Unfortunately the last person
known to have spoken the language had died two years previous
to my visit, and for a time it appeared hopeless to attempt to
obtain any material to determine it affinities. By good fortune,
however, the two women who were my informants were able, with
much difficulty, in the course of several days, to recollect some
seventy- five words and short phrases, which they remembered to
have heard their father (a mixed blood of the Shasta and the local
tribe) use many years before.

The tribe, according to my informants, was known by the name
of Konoml'hu, and occupied the region immediately about the
Forks of Salmon, extending for seven miles up the South fork, and
five miles up the North fork. The language, as shown by the
scanty material obtainable, is in the main entirely distinct from that
of any stock in the region, comparisons with Shasta, Karok, Chi-
mariko, and Hupa failing to show any agreement except in the
case of one or two words, which are practically identical with Shasta.
On the other hand, the general phonetic character of the language
is entirely in accord with the Shasta, as well as is also what might
be called its " feeling." The two tribes had apparently very close
cultural connections, and claimed to be distantly related. A possi-
ble agreement also of one or more verbal stems seems not unlikely,
so that for the present, at least, it seems justifiable to regard the new
language as probably a very divergent member of the Shasta stock.

Further investigations suggested by this discovery led to the
finding of what seems to be a second new dialect in this region,
spoken by the rumored Shasta occupants of the upper Salmon. It
seems certain that the upper courses of the two forks of Salmon
river above the Konoml'hu were controlled by a small branch of the
stock, speaking a language markedly divergent from the Shasta
proper, and that this portion of the stock extended even over the

DIXON] THE SHASTA'ACHOMA WI STOCK 2 1 5

divide, onto the head of New river. On the whole, this dialect or
language is much closer to Shasta proper than is the Konomi'hu,
and in some particulars both new dialects or languages agree among
themselves. They seem to be sufficiently unlike, however, to war-
rant their being considered separate dialects.

Although the earlier hints of a greater westward extension of
the stock were thus substantiated, no evidence had yet been found
of the rumored Sacramento-McCloud tribe and dialect. In 1902
and again in 1903 a number of clues were followed up, only to
result in disappointment. Finally, near the close of last season's
work (1904) further continued search led to the finding of the long
anticipated dialect. From an old woman, living on the upper Sac-
ramento, information was obtained sufficient to show that a small
tribe or body of Indians known as the Okwa'nuchu had formerly
occupied the head of Sacramento river down as far as Salt creek,
and the upper portion of the McCloud as far down as Squaw creek,
together with the valley of the latter stream. The language spoken
by the Okwa'nuchu, from the rather scanty material obtained, shows
clearly that it is a dialect of the Shasta, but like the New River
dialect, while a considerable number of words are nearly or quite
identical with Shasta equivalents, there are a large number of forms
which show no resemblance at all, either to Shasta or to any other
stock language in the region. Contrary, however, to the other new
dialects, the general phonetic character of the Okwa'nuchu differs
quite a little in some points from the Shasta, particularly in its fond-
ness for nasals.

The finding of these markedly variant Shasta dialects brings
into prominence once more the question of the possible relationship
between the languages of the Shasta and the Achoma'wi, or so-called
Pit River Indians. Several years ago Gatschet suggested such a
relationship as possible, but did not attempt, from lack of material,
to demonstrate it. From the Achoma'wi linguistic material collected
by the writer in 1900 and 1903, it seems clear that this relationship
is to be regarded as certain, although the detailed analysis of the
Achoma'wi is not yet complete. The first result of the investiga-
tion, however, is the discovery that the Achoma'wi is not the single
language it hitherto has been supposed to be, but in reality consists

AM. ANTH., N. S.. 7-Z5

2l6

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

of two markedly divergent languages. The one of these is spoken
by the Achoma'wi proper, the other by the Atsugg'wi, or Hat Creek
Indians, who occupy the valley of Hat creek, together with Bumey
and Dixie valleys. Of the words of the two vocabularies only
about one-third are common to both, if indeed the proportion is not
smaller, and many of these show considerable, although regular,
phonetic changes. Structurally the two languages are similar in
the main, but differ radically so far as regards the actual prefixes or
suffixes employed. The two languages, while unquestionably re-
lated are yet strikingly unlike.

A comparison of these two languages, the Achoma'wi and the
Atsuge'wi, with the Shasta and its dialects, shows clearly that the
three are related, although divergent members of a single stock. A
considerable number of close lexical correspondences exist, not only
between the Achoma'wi, Atsuga'wi, and Shasta proper, but between
the former two and Konomi'hu, the New River dialect, and Okwa'-
nuchu. The following brief table will illustrate some of the
more important of these agreements.

Shasta.

KONOMIHU.

Nkw Rivkr.

Okwanuchu.

ACHOMAWI

Atsuckwi.

Eye

kV'oi

kr^oi

■ • •

• • •

oifyi

Head

in'nux (hair) Wna

kin'nux

in^nux

lax

na'xa

Teeth

i^tsau

• • •

ki^'tsau

itcung'wi

i'tsa

rtsau

Ear

i^sak

• • «

• • •

is'sawak

yisat

• • •

Jaw

tsa'wak

• • •

tsoi'was

• • •

Blood

a'xta

• • •

axta'

axdi'

• ■ •

Liver

dfci

• ■ •

• • •

• • ■

• • •

dfsi

Urine

icuk'wi

• • ■

• • •

disoq'

wissuq'

Man

kis^apuhiyH

g^Hc

• • •

kus'wiwahau

Indian

awadik'wa

• • •

■ • •

• • •

aoti'

Water

at^sa

• « •

go' ats'

at^sa

atssi'

Coals

xok

• • ■

• m •

hauk

• • •

Salmon

kieEr^

• • •

kit^tun

ifu'ri

■ • •

d^nni

Grizzly-

bear atss^

qamqdftsinf

au . . .

atc^Ucihi

• • ■

Cedar

na'ho

kin^axo

• • •

nat'op

Wood

dfwa

m • •

ga^au'

• ■ •

a'hawi

Spear

arawdUsu

• • •

lafsu

nd^su

Two

xdk'wa

■ • •

• • •

haq

hd'ki

Three

xat'ski

• • •

tsas^di

• • •

Eat

• • •

tamd^hawi

• • •

d'mma

A preliminary grammatical comparison shows equally impor-
tant points of agreement. For lack of grammatical material from

DIXON]

THE SHASTA-ACHOMAWI STOCK

217

the Konomi'hQ, New River, and Okwa'nuchu, only Shasta, Atsu-
ge'wi, and Achoma'wi are shown.

Shasta.

Achomftwi.

Atsugewi

Subjective suffix (nominal)

-ka

-ga

Instrumental " **

-ta

-a

Indep. form 2<* pers. pronoun.

mat

mi-

mt-

Plural pronominal suffix.

•yawEr

• •

'Wir

Poss. pronominal suffix.

-mu

•mu

m m

Subjective pron. suffix (verbal)

-s

In view, therefore, of the considerable agreement between these
different languages, not only in vocabulary but in important gram-
matical elements, it seems justifiable to regard them all as members
of a single stock. The choice of a name for the new group is a
matter of some difficulty, but on the whole the compound term
Shasta- Achomawi seems the most satisfactory, as, in spite of its
length, it has the advantage of exactly describing the group.

Harvard University,

Cambridge, Massachusetts.

TWO ANCIENT MEXICAN ATLATLS
By D. I. BUSHNELL, Jr.

About three years ago there came to light in Florence, Italy,
two Mexican atlatls, true gems of ancient Aztec art. They were
fortunately obtained by Professor Mantegazza and are now pre-
served in the Museo Nazionale d'Antropologia ed Etnologia del R.
Istituto di Studi Superiori, in Florence.

The specimens are probably the finest existing examples of the
throwing-sticks of the ancient Mexicans. From the high degree of
skill shown in the design and execution of the carving, it is evident
they were ceremonial or sacred objects and not intended for actual
use. Moreover, the carved surfaces of both specimens were origi-
nally covered with a thin layer of yellow gold, the greater portion of
which still adheres, although on the higher, more exposed parts of
the relief, it has been rubbed or worn away. The wood of which
they are made is very heavy, fine-grained, and of reddish black hue.

In the following brief description I shall refer to the specimens
as A and B.

Specimen A (plate xxi) is the larger of the two, the dimen-
sions being :

Length 605 mm.

{at upper end 37 mm.

at end of carving 30 mm.

at lower end 22 mm.

Length of carved surface 355 mm.

Length of hook 65 mm.

Length of groove 540 mm.

base of hook 7 mm.

lower end 5 mm.

Width of groove <

The decoration on the back of this specimen represents human

figures and various symbols carved in low relief, but distinct and

sharp in outline. As will be seen by referring to the illustration,

218

ANCIENT MEXICAN A

BUSHNELL] TJVO ANCIENT MEXICAN A TLA TLS 2 1 9

the decoration is rather uniform and well balanced ; the larger and
more prominent figures extend down the median line, while the
lesser are placed on either side. In this respect it differs essentially
from the other specimen, as a comparison of the plates will show.

On the front a narrow line of carving extends along each side of
the groove, beginning at the upper end and terminating at a point
opposite the end of the carved surface on the back. The groove
and hook are without decoration, but are covered with a layer of
gold.

Specimen B (plate xxii) is the shorter of the two and is the
finest example of the ancient Mexican atlatl or spear-thrower known
to exist. Its dimensions are :

Length 575 mm.

{at upper end 35 mm.

at end of carving 27 mm.

at lower end 25 mm.

Length of carved surface 378 mm.

Length of hook 55 mm.

Length of grooves 520 mm.

,.-.,, - f at base of hook 10 mm.

Width of grooves < , ,

( at lower end 6 mm.

The peculiarity of this unique specimen is that it has two
grooves on the front surface, instead of the single groove, extend-
ing from the hooks to the lower end. If this atlatl was ever actually
used, which appears to be doubtful, it was evidently intended to

a b

Fig. 13. — Sections of the two atlatls at the ends of the carved surfaces. (Exact size.)

hurl two arrows or spears simultaneously, thus increasing its effec-
tiveness as a weapon.

The complicated decoration on the back, in which are introduced
representations of human figures, various symbols, and animal

220 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

designs, IS carved in high, bold relief, extending from 3 mm. to
5 mm. above the surface or background, on which is represented a
symbolic design in very low relief, the whole being covered with
gold. The carving on the back is divided by two transverse ridges
into three distinct sections of unequal size. In each of the end sec-
tions are represented two human figures facing inward. In the
central section, which includes about four-fifths of the entire carved
surface, the decoration is more intricate and confused, and will
require one well versed in Aztec lore to decipher the various
figures and symbols portrayed.

The front of this atlatl, as above stated, has t^'o grooves, thus
constituting a new type, of which this is the only known specimen.
The three ridges between which extend the two grooves are of equal
size, being about 3 mm. high and 4 mm. wide at the bottom. The
bottoms of the grooves are flat and are decorated with a simple
design of incised lines. The decoration begins at the ends of the
hooks and extends as far as the end of the carved surface on the
back. The designs in the two grooves are different. The hooks
at the upper end of the grooves are carved in low relief, a human
figure, standing and facing inward, being represented on each.

It is to be regretted that the history of these two most interest-
ing objects is not known, but it is evident they have been in Flor-
ence for several centuries. They probably belonged to the collec-
tion sent by Cortes to Charles V of Spain and by him presented to
Pope Clement VII, himself a Medici.

The atlatl in the Kircheriana Museum in Rome ^ is similar to
the Florence specimens, being richly carved and covered with gold.
Possibly the three belonged at one time to the same collection.
The Italian museums are certainly fortunate in possessing the three
most valuable and interesting examples of the ancient Mexican
spear-thrower known to exist.

* This specimen was described, but not figured, by Mrs Zelia Nuttall in her paper
**The Atlatl or Spear-thrower '* published in 1891 by the Peabody Museum as No. 3 of
Vol. I of its ArcJucological and Ethnological Papers. The dimensions of this specimen,
according to Mrs Nuttall, which I quote for comparison, are : Length, 558 mm. ; width
of upper end, 37 mm. ; of lower end, 19 mm.

BUSHNELL] TIVO ANCIENT MEXICAN A TLA TLS 22 1

A specimen in the British Museum ^ is decorated with carving
covered with gold on the back only, the front being entirely plain.
In one respect, however, this is the most perfect of the four ; the
finger-loops still remain bound on near the lower end. But there
is nothing to indicate that similar loops were originally attached to
the three specimens in the Italian museums.

The atlatl in Berlin belongs to a type different from those to
which I have referred.

1 The late Dr Hjalmar Stolpe described and Bgured this specimen in colors in
Internationales Archives fUr Ethnographies vol. HI, 1890, p. 234. The length of the
specimen is given as 506 mm. ; width of upper end, 33 mm. ; of the lower end, 23 mm.

Florence, Italy,
Aprils igo^.

SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS
By WILLIAM R. GERARD

To the April-June, 1904, number of the American Anthro-
pologist I contributed an article on " The Tapehanek Dialect of
Virginia/* a subject which I had had under study for several years and
which concerned a peculiar Virginia speech that, in its phonetics,
was almost identical with the dialects of the Cree group or division
of the Algonquian language. In a notice of that article, in the
October-December, 1904, number of this journal, Mr William
Wallace Tooker expresses, in regard to the meaning of a certain num-
ber of the words mentioned therein, opinions that differ very widely
from those which I hold, and which I perhaps too briefly stated.
It seems proper, therefore, that I should again go over as much of
the ground as the space accorded me will permit, in order to explain
more fully the reasons for the statements that I made and which
have been called in question by Mr Tooker, whose ideas in regard
to the manner in which Algonquian phrase-words are constructed
are extremely novel and differ very materially from those which I
have gained by a quarter of a century's study of the dialects of
this linguistic family, radically, grammatically, comparatively, and
especially from the view point of its laws of letter-change, and
are certainly far removed from those of the ancient framers of the
language. I shall state at the outset that after a careful examina-
tion of Mr Tooker's article, which is remarkable, among other
things, for the positiveness of its assertions, unmodified by an
occasional qualification of *' perhaps " or ''possibly," and which
call to mind the Abnaki saying that nekeinat ghclusin^ I see no
reason whatever for changing a single one of the views of a philo-
logical nature that were expressed in my former article.

Wiiiatik. — Mr Tooker, following Dr Trumbull, believes that
this name stands for waen-ohke, and means the * going-around
place.* There are three objections to this view, any one of which
would be fatal. In the first place, the name was not that of a

'»'>'»

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 223

promontory, but of a piece of land of which the southern extremity
terminated in a low meadow point on James river ^ ("Careless
Point," as Captain Archer named it). In the second, the prepo-
sition waeenUf * round about,' belongs to the dialects of Massa-
chusetts, none of which was spoken on James river.* In the third,
waeenu ohkeit (that is, ohke with the \ tpositive preposition, as Al-
gonquian grammar requires in such a case) means ' round about
the land,' * earth,' or 'country,' not * going-around place,' and could
not be used as a name for a locality. The place was doubtless
named from the presence there of a conspicuous specimen of windi,
or sassafras, a tree which in favorable situations attains a great
height.

Appamatuck, — By a slip of the pen, I stated that this name was
given to several places situated in the vicinity of a river-bend. Al-
though the name is applicable to any decided curve in a tidal river,
there is no evidence that it was given to any other in Virginia than
the very wide one which James river makes previous to the influx
of the Appomattox at City Point. It was a locality on this bend
that the first explorers of the river knew as the '* Country of Apa-
matica." This word, spelled also Apainatecohy stands for Apdmd-
Uku^ or better, ApdffUtiku, and means * river-bend.' It was the
designation of a tract of land on which stood an Indian village of
the same name on the site (according to Jefferson) of Bermuda
Hundred, in Chesterfield county. The word in a verbal form is
dpdmitikwe, meaning the * river makes a bend,' * turns about,' and
is cognate with Ojibwe dbdmltlgweia^ in which the suflftx ia is that
of an impersonal verb. The root dpdm^ dbdm, * to turn around,' is
found in the dialects of Cree, Ojibwe, Abnaki, and Massachusetts,
and probably in those of all other Algonquian groups. The suflftx
'Ukwe = Nipissing -tlkweia^ = Ojibwe -tlgweia^ = Cree -tlkweiaWy
means '(tidal) river.'

Prof. Scheie Devere (Amencam'sms, p. 63) tells his readers that
the name is " from Apomatox, the Indian for Tobacco-plant
Country " ! Mr Tooker, inspired by a picture of a mulberry tree.

* ** . . . a sharpe point, which is parte of Winauk : ** — Archer.
' ''The analysis of a geographical name must be sought in the language spoken by
the name-givers." — Trumbull in ColL Conn. Hist. Soc.y 11, p. 50.

{

224 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

with an Indian "queen" sitting on a mat beneath it, derives the
name from appu^ 'he (or she) sits,' 'abides,' * remains,' * rests,' and
'tneiuc or -fnatuck, * a tree,' and imagines that, by hyphenating
these two words, he converts the intransitive verb apu into a par-
ticipial adjective and gives the compound the meaning of ' resting
tree*! In support of his "etymology," he offers, as cognates,
"Cree apiw-mistick (Lacombe), appti-mistick (Howse)." It is
hardly necessary to say that these two scholarly men, Pere La-
combe and Mr Howse, never hyphenated these two words, as
might seem to be the case from the enumeration of Mr Tooker's
so-called " cognates."

Chickahominy. — The fact that the three last syllables of this word
constitute those that form the name of a well-known food product
has led to the erroneous conclusion that the two words are in some
way connected, and also to the delusion that the suffix in each of
them stands for the inseparable substantival -min^ meaning ' fruit,'
* seed,' or * grain,' and sometimes used specifically to designate a
grain of Indian corn. Such was the idea of Professor Devere, who
derived the name from the impossible word checahaminend, to
which he ascribed the meaning of 'land of much grain.' Mr
Tooker also seeing in the word some reference to Indian com, and
laboring under the mistaken belief that it was the name of a people
and not of a place, offers in explanation of it a word of so novel
construction that I shall pause for a moment to analyze it. This
word, to which he attributes the meaning of * coarse-pounded com
people,' is chick-aham-min-anough. In his explanation of this com-
pound,^ he tells us that the element -aham is a " special affix or
verb" {sic), which implies that he "beats or batters" the object
viin after the manner of the root-word or prefix chick. In the
eastern Algonquian dialects the intransitive verbal suffix -ham and
the corresponding transitive -havien, denote forcible action, and,
when combined with roots meaning ' to hit,' or ' strike,' form intran-
sitive and transitive verbs that assert, respectively, that the sub-
ject 'pounds ' or ' brays,' or 'pounds it' or ' brays it' (something
inanimate). Since -ham is an intransitive suffix, and intransitive
verbs do not govern objectives, it is difficult to see why Mr Tooker

' Algonquian Series, IX.

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 22$

should select an object for his intransitive verb and why he should
suffix it to the latter, for even had his verb a transitive form, the
object could not be affixed to it, but would have to consist of a
substantive standing apart In order to indicate the manner in^
which the object is brayed, he selects the adjective kiichi, which he
uses in the sense of * coarse,' a meaning which it could not possibly
have. This adjective denotes, primarily, superiority or preeminence,
and, when employed in the sense of ' large,' or ' great,' signifies
that the thing qualified is large or great as compared with some
object of the same class or similar to it. From its peculiar mean-
ing it could not be used as a root for a verb expressing forcible
action. Having abbreviated this adjective to chi^ Mr Tooker finds
that he needs a ^ in his word and thereupon boldly affixes this
letter to the adjective and thereby forms a root ^ of entirely different
meaning. Of the suffix anoughy of the meaning of which I have to
confess my ignorance, Mr Tooker regards the terminal y in the
word Chickahominy as a ** softened " form. It will be seen from
this brief analysis that the combination under consideration does
not constitute a word, but is simply a collocation of vowels and
consonants.

In the eastern Algonquian dialects, verbs having the inanimate
active transitive form of the class ending in -min * had the peculi-
arity that they could be used as passive participial adjectives, ' and,
from this sense, could pass to that of substantives.

The Indians of Virginia (like those of the three Americas, from
Maine as far south as to Peru) made a very nutritious food prepara-
tion by parching Indian com and reducing it to a fine powder,
which they called rokihdminy * softened.' This word is cognate
with Abnaki nuk*hdmSn, used as a designation for flour, and with
Lenape lok'hdfn^n, used as a name for bran or shorts. In Stra-
chey's time (1610-13), this word had undergone no alteration; but
later on, it became, in the pronunciation of English-speaking people,
rockahominie (Beverly, 1705), rockahomine (Lawson, 1709), rocka-

^ KUchikf * to be speckled,* 'spotted,* 'dappled.*

* This suffix has been spelled with all the short vowels of the alphabet : -mSn^
mdftf min, mln, mUn.

'For example: Natick, HsowitaMtin, *he names it,' iisawit&miin (pass, adj.)
'named' ; v/HsaJkA^mtin, *he writes it,* wHsiikhilmtln (pass, adj.) 'written.*

226 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

hominy (Byrd, 1728). Again, the natives of Virginia, by boiling
the acorns of the basket and live oaks {Quercus michauxii and Q.
virens) in water, extracted therefrom an oil which they called mdnd-
hdmin^ * removed from,' * skimmed from/ In the pronunciation of
the settlers this word soon became fnoftohominy. The Virginians
also made a food product by coarsely cracking Indian com, win-
nowing away the chaff, and sifting out the flour, and, to it, as well
as to the porridge prepared from it, applied the name of usikute-
hemin, meaning * crushed by pounding * (from //, prosthetic vowel ;
siku, a root meaning * to crush * ; /^, a particle denoting that the
action expressed in the root is done with a blow or stroke ; and
hem^n, a verbal suffix denoting, in the transitive form of the verb,
instrumental action upon an inanimate object). Strachey appears
to have been acquainted with this word only in such corrupted
forms as tisketehamuu, uskatahomen, and usketehamun. The Eng-
lish colonists soon became very familiar with this Indian food prod-
uct, but, finding its aboriginal name altogether too cumbersome for
current use, contracted the already corrupted word to its verbal
suffix, homen, hamun, homin, etc., and, rounding off this disjunctum
membrum with a vowel, formed such terms as homeni, fiamuni,
homini, etc. The very first mention, in print, of this abbreviated
word IS found in the form of liomini in Smith's Tn^e Travels^ Ad-
ventures and Obser-cations, p. 43 (1630). Thus originated a term
concerning the source and meaning of which there has been, up to
the very present (the writing of these lines), more speculation than
about any other Indian word that has entered the English language.
A few miles above the mouth of a tributary of James river was
situated the town ^ of a " lustie and daring people " (independent of
Powhatan) on a tract of land called Tsldkihdm^ii ^ (or, in the spell-
ing of the period, Chicohomin, Chickahatnan, Chickahamin), meaning
' scraped,* ' swept,' and implying a clearing. Smith, who was the
first to visit this town (on the morning of November 10, 1607),

* The exact location of this town, which must have been of some importance, is not
known, since it does not appear on Smith's map ; but we know from the Trttf Relation
that it was situated between the mouth of the river and the town of Manascosick, which
lay at a point 10 or 12 miles upstream.

* Thb verb is found in every Algonquian dialect from Maine to Virginia. It is from
the root tshik (i) *to scrape* ; (2) *to sweep.'

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 22/

made its name known in the form of Chickahamania, a spelling in
which the Latin toponymic suffix -ia was an addition of his own,
just as was the same suffix in such Indian names as Tanxitania and
Shakaconia. The various writers of the period changed Smith's
expletive syllables to e, a, ie, and y^ the latter of which prevailed.*
Thus originated the name Chickahominy, a word which, like rocka^
hominy and monohomifiy, has preserved its root and taken on a par-
agogic syllable, while hominy^ with its expletive syllable, is simply
the corrupted suffix of a verb which has suffered the apheresis of
its root {sikUy * to crush *).

Pamatmkee, — This was the general name for a tract of land in
what is now King William county, beginning at the confluence of
what are called the Pamunkey and Mattapony rivers, and, accord-
ing to Smith's description, was characterized by numerous high hills
composed of sand — probably drift-sand and hence sloping. Speak-
ing of the religious observances of the Powhatans, Smith says that
** their principall Temple or place of superstition is at Vttamussack^
at [that is, in] Pamaronker Mr Tooker, jumping at the conclusion
that these words form a compound, hyphenates them and, in a
former essay,* thus proceeds to analyze them : W, he tells us,
means ' at,' or * in.' It really did have that meaning in some of the
dialects of Massachusetts, to which the use of it was confined, and
none of which was ever spoken on the Pamunkey. Mussa^ he says,
means 'woods.' The Virginia word mussi designated a 'log' or
* billet of wood,' not wood or woods in the sense of a collection of
trees. To the terminal -ack Mr Tooker ascribes the meaning of
' place,' probably having in view the word aki^ ' land,' * country,'
'earth.' The second element of his compound, Pamaunkee, Mr
Tooker states to be a " form of a verb to hide [pamukque, Eliot)."

Uttamussack (= tdmtsack, with prosthetic 72), which Mr Tooker

^ The practice of adding a syllable to the suffix of passive adjectives of this class was
not confined to the people of the South, for we find an example of it in the North. The
Lenape Indians of New Jersey called the thin-shelled nut of the shag-bark hickory ( Carya
alba) J sikuskandamifif meaning * crushed with the teeth.* Among the many corruptions
which this word underwent in the vicinity of New York City was that of cuskatominy.

* Utamussac was at the head of the second northerly bend of the Pamunkey, west of
the fork, and was the site of a place put down on Jefferson's map as Quinlan.

^ Algonquian Series ^ ix.

228 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

has SO carefully analyzed, was the Virginia name for a knife/ a
sharp edged piece of flint or quartzite, generally of triangular shape.
The word is an apocopated form of tdm^sdkd?t, meaning, literally,
a * sharp-edged cutting utensil/ Uttamasack was probably the
name of an Indian " workshop," where these implements were manu-
factured. The word may be an abbreviation of tdmHakdnikdn,
meaning * place where knives are made.'

Never having seen in Eliot's translation of the Bible, or in any
of his writings, such a word as pavmkque, meaning ' to hide,' my
curiosity led me to look it up. Upon examining the Natick Dic-
tionary^ I found therein the inanimate passive verbal adjective
assampamukquodt^ which Eliot uses in the sense of * hiding place,'
although the meaning of the word is almost directly the reverse,
viz., 'it is seen in a certain manner,' *it appears so.' * The word is
formed from the adverb of manner, as, * so,' * in such a way,* and
the inanimate passive adjective (w)ompafnukquodt, 'it is seen.'
Eliot (as well as Cotton) was in the habit of irregularly and unnec-
essarily * forming another adjective from this class by rejecting the
termination -at and substituting e (= i) therefor. His new word
in the present case was assompamukque. Here, then, we find the
origin of Mr Tooker's patnukque, which, as will be observed, con-
sists of /, the characteristic of the root womp, * to see ' or * be
seen,' and the formative syllables amukque. To the above-men-
tioned remarkable compound its author ascribes the meaning of ' a
place of secrecy in the woods ' !

As I have already stated, pamaunkfe ( ^pafna^'h) means ' slop-
ing hill,' or * rising upland,' from pdm {p^m, plm, pum, according
to dialect), ' sloping,' ' slanting,' * oblique,' and -a^'ki, ' hill,'
'mountain,' or 'highland'; == Ojibwe -dki, 'hill' or 'mountain,'
in such words as nissdki, ' at the bottom of a hill,' ogiddki, ' on a
hill,' awassdkiy ' beyond the hill.' The particle dk, c^k, (tg, denot-

1 In Smith's Tocabulary we find '' Pamesacks, Kniues," where the terminal x is a sign
of the English plural, and the inital P an error of the press for T, Strachey writes the
word damassac.

* Blunders of this kind are not infrequent in Eliot's writings.

'Unnecessarily, because the new adjective had precisely the same meaning (that of
a passive participial adjective) for the reason that the kw (ku) of the suffix is a particle
characteristic of the passive voice.

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 229

ing ' height * or ' elevation,* is used in several Algonquian dialects ;
e. g. : Abnaki pimttkke, the * high land slopes/ pni^kd^ku^ * sandy
hill/ (tbagwd^ki^ * under shelter of a hill/ nissd^lare^ ' he goes to
the bottom of a hill/ usa^'kuk, * on a hill *; Natick sdk(tkwdt, a
height (lit. * it is very high ') ; Lenape mand^gihleu (corrupt, to
Monongahela), ' it (earth) separates from (man) the hill {(tfg) and
slides quickly {-i/t/fuy an impersonal adjective verb used substan-
tively as a designation for a landslide. But why multiply examples,
when the meaning of the word under consideration is so clear ?

Wirawokomdko, — Mr Tooker says that this word is " easy of
identification" (interpretation), and yet, instead of at once interpret-
ing it for himself, goes back nearly three hundred years (after
stopping for a moment with Trumbull in order to get the latter's
opinion) and consults Strachey, who gives him the information,
which, without examination, he unhesitatingly accepts, that the
word '*by interpretacion signifies Kinge's house." What little
Strachey knew about the language of the Indians with whom he
came into contact was merely that which he gained by ear. He
knew that the first two syllables of the word under consideration
were found in the name for "king," and jumped to the conclusion
that the shorter word was incorporated in the longer, whereas the
only thing that the two vocables have in common is the root.
The name Wirowokomdko was applied to a tract of land "vpon
salt water, in bredth two myles" (Smith), and not to Powhatan's
house, the breadth of which must have fallen short of that figure
by 10,540 feet at the very least estimate. As I have before stated,
wirowokomdko means "fertile land." It is cognate with Natick
winudkomuky which Cotton interprets *fat ground,* and is from
the root wiro, = Natick tuinu^ = Naskapi welu, = Montagnais weru,
= Prairie Cree weyo (and, in Old and Modem Lenape, by change
of characteristic, tmrd, wUd^ = Old and Modem Abnaki wUol), ' to
be rich,' * fecund,' * prolific,* ^ and (of land) * fertile * or ' productive.'

The name for a native ruler among the Virginians, variously
written wirbans^ weroance^ werowance, and wyroaunce^ means *he

I It is in this sense that it is found in the Natick and Lenape name for the grape,
winomin and wilam^ * prolific fruit.'

230 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

is rich/ or, more accurately, 'he lives (or exists) in affluence.*^
The suffix -ans, -artce, -aunce, is a contraction (due to the shifting of
the accent forward to ^, the characteristic of the root) of -^"/ *s, for
'(fiis, for -a^tisu^ = Ojibwe -atlsiy = Cree -dtlsiu, an animate ver-
bal adjective suffix denoting a manner of being, of existence, or
of behavior, and also character.

Aiiowhy a * ball.* — Mr Tooker thinks that I deserve great credit
"in a measure," for my remarks on this word, but that I did •* not
go far enough into the subject to show the exact status of the radical.
The word did not signify * a ball,' * a round thing ' : " Had I gone
a little farther into the subject, I might have stated that the Nas-
kapi (Cree) form of the root is tuu, whence the substantive tuudn^
defined in that dialect as a * ball,' ' globe,' or * any round object.'
Still, I did not say, or even intimate, that the root means * to be
round.'

My statement that the root is found in the formative of words re-
lating to the game of lacrosse started Mr Tooker on a line of profound
philological inquiry that led to a remarkable result. Finding that,
in Ojibwe, the name for ' ball-play * is pagaadozuewin, he at once
came to the conclusion, on the doctrine of resemblances, that the
" equivalent of the Powhatan term is more fully displayed in the
[Narragansett] word pauochdutaivwin, * a Bable [= a bauble] to
play with.' " Erroneously dividing this word, he confidently states
that the latter is from pdtiochdu * to play,' and autow, *a bauble.'
Pauochdu, however, does not mean ' to play,* but 'he (or she) plays,'
or * dances.' Now, it is quite evident that if antow were a substan-
tive, it could not be suffixed to a verb, either intransitive or transi-
tive. The fact of the matter is simply this : in Narragansett, -tcnv-
win (written also by Roger Williams -touwin, -teouwin, and -teonin)
is an inanimate active transitive verbal suffix. The intransitive verb

1 The Pequot-Mohegan name, also, for a chief was wQy&wa' ghu^ * he is rich *
(lives in affiuence ; = Caniba wiraiuighu).

' In the writing of Indian words, the failure to note the sound of f or d when pre-
ceded by a long or nasalized vowel was a common practice in colonial times. Thus,
Eliot writes aunchentukau for a^fshlmukeu ; puthonchtt for fntta'^tshu^ etc. A similar eli-
sion of / sometimes occurred in English words as written by some of the early visitors to
this country. Thus, Hariot, who wrote wiroans^ Smith, werowance^ and Strachey,
weroanctf respectively, wrote inhabitans, inhabitaunce, and inhabitance for the English
word inhabitants.

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 23 1

pauochau means, as above stated, * he (or she) plays/ or ' dances/
and the transitive verb pauochduiowwin means ' he (or she) plays
(or dances) with it ' ; hence, passively (according to Narragansett
grammar), * what is played with,* say a bauble, or ' what is danced
with,* say some object held in the hand. In like manner we have
monaskunem (intransitive) ' he weeds,' and monaskunemautowwin
(transitive) *he weeds with it'; hence, passively,' what is weeded
with,' i. e., a hoe (not a bauble !).

It will be seen from this that there is the same etymological
connection between the Ojibwe and Narragansett words above cited
as there is between the English word ball^ a ' sphere,' and ball, a

* dance,* that is to say, none whatever.

Attaangwassuwk (Strachey) = dtdl^kwusdk, a 'star.' — In com-
menting on this word, Mr Tooker observes that Mr Gerard believes
it *'to be a plural form, but his mistake is evident when we compare
the name with its cognates, for the long {sic) form is seemingly
attaang, * a star,' + -wassuwk (= Natick wohsumuk, * bright' or ' shin-
ing,' Lenape zvaseleu, ' bright '), hence ' a shining star ' or ' he ap-
pears shining'"! It would require but the most elementary
knowledge of Algonquian grammar to know that an adjective used
attributively cannot be suffixed to the noun which it qualifies. To
express the idea that a * star shines * or ' is bright,' ' shining,* ' bril-
liant/ or ' sparkling,' requires the use of a predicative verbal adjec-
tive that affirms or predicates of the star that it has the property of
brilliancy, brightness, or luminosity ; as, for example, Cree wdsisuw
atakw, * the star shines ' (lit. ' is brilliant * or ' shining *) ; Ojibwe
wdsseriagoshka andng, * the star shines ' (lit. ' is brilliant,' ' bright,'

* shining *).

The Algonquian names for star (that is to say, those that are
cognates of the one under consideration) are divided into two classes,
one embracing primitive and the other diminutive terms — diminutive
in form, but not necessarily so in sense, since the Algonquian dimin-
utive suffix sometimes denotes regard, endearment, or affection.
The characteristic k or g of these names is always accompanied with
w, or, in dialects in which that letter is not pronounced, o. This
letter may be lost in the pronunciation of the simple form of the
word, but always makes its appearance when the latter takes a suffix

AM. ANTH., H. S., 7— 16

232 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

beginning with a vowel. In fact, it is a part of the characteristic.
In the word under consideration the primitive form is at(tkw ; us is
a diminutive ; and -ak is an animate plural suffix.

AtemuSy * dog.' — Mr Tooker says that he agrees with Trumbull,
who considered the forms attm, an urn, arum^ alum, ayim, etc, as
derivatives from distinct elements, i. e., " those words which have
the / in * certain positions/ like the Powhatan attemaus, Cree atim^
Abn. atiiy Pequot ahteah, indicate that the word is related to the
Natick verb adchu, ' he hunts,' while those with the form anum^
alum, or arufu are from the verb annumau, * he holds [it] with his
mouth.' " It is evident from these remarks and others of like char-
acter made elsewhere in Mr Tooker's article, that phonetics play no
part with him in the study of linguistics. A very slight acquain-
tance with the laws of Algonquian letter-changes, most of which are
invariable, would show that the names for dog given in my study
1. I of the subject are cognate words ; and, moreover, are radical. Dr

jii Trumbull never made the remarkable statement that Cree atim

'' ■ (dim. atimus) and Abnaki atie were related words ; but what he did

say was that atie and its Pequot cognate were related to adchu, 'he
hunts.' There is no more etymological connection between aim
and atie than there is between the English words hound and hunt^
rj I or ear and hear, or between Cree atim, = Ojibwe aniin *= Caniba

arem (primitive form), * dog,' and Cree atim, = Ojibwe anim, =■
i' Caniba arem, ' to turn the back upon.' In explanation of the Massa-

(! chusetts word anum, Dr Trumbull suggested the transitive verb

i: . annumaii, to which he ascribed the meaning of * he holds it (some

j, animate object) with the mouth.' There are several objections to

this view : (i) the word used by Trumbull in this sense really means,
as Eliot employs it, * he helps him'; (2) active transitive verbs
are never used by the Algonquians in the nomenclature of animals;
(3) Natick afium and its cognates are radical words, the character-
istic of which is accompanied with zu (or 0 in some western and
northern dialects) which, although it may be lost in pronunciation,
always makes its appearance when the word takes a suffix begin-
ning with a vowel (a diminutive or plural).^

1 Speaking of the sound of this letter, which, when it accompanies the characteristic
of a root, of\en distinguishes from each other roots and radical words of an otherwise

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 233

Mr Tooker remarks that Mr Gerard writes : "Another Lenape
word for dog ... is mowekaneu} * he eats bones.' " **0n the con-
trary," confidently asserts the commentator, " the word signifies ' he
cries or howls in the dark ' *' ! In support of this extraordinary ety-
mology, the only explanation that he offers is the mere mention of
the Natick verb mail, * he cries,* * weeps/ As to how such a verb
could take a suffix kaneu to give it the meaning of ' he cries in the
dark,* we, like the dog during his weeping, are all ** in the dark."
I do not think it probable that it ever occurred to an Algonquian to
speak of the weeping of a dog. The Algonquian verb meaning ' he
howls ' is onomatopoetic, and, in one of its forms, resembles the
English word : Naskapi (Cree) ///«, = Natick unu^ = Ojibwe ono^
= Prairie Cree oyuw, etc. (compare Latin ululat, ' he howls,* Greek
lilao), ' he howls,* and German er heult, ' he howls *).

It is perhaps known to every student of Algonquian (if it is not,
it ought to be ) that one of the commonest methods of forming verbs
is by the incorporation of substantives or of semi-radicals represent-
ing substantives. Moweu means ' he (or she) eats animate food,' or
food which is classed among animate objects. In Lenape, by incor-
porating kan^ ' bone,* we have mawekdneu, * he eats bones * ; in
Caniba, by incorporating the semi-radical -(triaghw^ meaning
' snow,* we have inowct' riaghwe , * he eats snow * ; in Cree, by in-
corporating kuity ' snow,* taken as animate, we have mowdkuneu^ ' he
eats snow * ; in Narragansett, by incorporating the word diiokw,
* deer,' we have modttokweUy * he eats deer,* and, by changing the
intransitive to a verbal adjective suffix, we have moattbkwus, ' deer-
eater,* a name for the black wolf, called also deer-wolf." All this is
simple, and of so very elementary a character that it did not occur
to me to furnish an analysis of the word mowekdneu in my article.*

identical form, but of very] different meaning, Dr A. S. Gatschet, in speaking of the
Abnakis, says : **The Indians who are in daily intercourse with white people are apt to-
lose this queer sound [something like hu in the French word //«iV] altogether from their
colloquial language, but the more aboriginal an Indian remains the more frequently it
will be heard when he converses in his vernacular."

1 This word is written phonetically vioekaneu by Zeisberger, but more correctly as
above by Cummings, in Schoolcraft's ** Indian Tribes."

*'* These . . . are called Z>r<rr Wolfsy because they are accustomed to prey upon
Deer.'''* — Josselyn, New Englands Rarities, p. 15.

'To those who are entering on the study of Algonquian, or to those who have

234 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Cuttoundj ^ ktihtju, — This, positively states Mr Tookcr, "like
many of the sounds uttered by animals ... is of onomatopoetic
origin; hence to attribute its derivation to a verb signifying 'to
make a noise/ or * to speak,' is a mistake, and to make cawcawwas-
sough, *a captain,' . . . a derivative from * bark of a dog* is equally
erroneous." It is equally erroneous to impute to me any such
puerile statements as those just mentioned. All that I said was
that kiitu^ju was a doublet of karusu, a statement which would be
as incomprehensible to a person who was not thoroughly familiar
with the primitive and derivative meaning of Algonquian roots,^ and
with the regular letter changes which they undergo in passing from
one group of dialects to another, as would be, for example, to a
person ignorant of " Grimm's law," the statement that the two
English words glory and slave, of so dissimilar appearance, are
cognates. KuHTju is not an onomatopoetic word for the simple
reason that it is not from an onomatopoetic root. Its root is kutti,
= Cree kltu or klto, and this, by regular letter change, == the roots :
Virginia karu, = Peoria karo, = Ojibwe g'dno, = Natick ki^nu, =
Caniba kiru, = Penobscot kelu, etc. In order to make it plain how
it comes about that kiitu^ju and kdrtisu are precisely the same word
in a different dialectic dress would require the use of more space

never been able to grasp the principles of Algonquian word-building, which are invari-
able, very simple, and easily understood, I would recommend the study of a very
scholarly paper on Some Principles of Algonquian Word-formation contributed by Dr
William Jones to No. 3, vol. vi, of this journal.

1 Had Mr Tooker a more accurate acquaintance with this very important subject, he
would have refrained from making the rash statement (p. 685) that there is no Abnaki
root kal, 'fine,* 'beautiful,' 'good,* He will find it in Passamaquoddy and Penobscot
if he looks for it. I am somewhat doubtful (on account of the vowel) as to whether the
Lenape root kor, kol, ' fine * (as in korapeichen,, * fine stream * ) has any connection ex-
cept that of sense. But we find kalawil^ 'beautiful head,* in the IValum Olum. Again,
for the same reason, Mr Tooker would not have been quite so positive in his assertion
(p. 686) about the Cree root tQp. There are just four Algonquian roots of this form,
differing in their initial letter according to dialect. One means * to alternate,' 'recipro-
cate,* etc.; another 'to suspend' or 'be suspended from'; a third 'to string' or 'to
thread*; and a fourth 'to fix one thing to the end of another.' To each of these roots
corresponds a Cree root t&p. The Ojibwe and Cree adverbs nhiQb and eydbitch^ 'again,'
mentioned by Mr Tooker, have, of course, no connection whatever with these roots. The
"fictitious root"! (p. 686), Niantic and Pequot-Mohegan ^'rt"/ is found in the word
ya^pihSnik, Dr Trumbull was the first to call attention to the fact that y consonant
in these dialects corresponds (as in Prairie Cree) to the r and / of other dialects.

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 235

than I could reasonably ask for, since questions of grammar as well
as of phonetics are involved.

Captain Smith, in his True Relation^ states that the Chicka-
hominies were governed by their priests assisted by their cawcaw-
wassoughes. This word is an error of the press for cawcawrrussough^
= kdkarusu (** cockarouse *'), * he speaks at some length,' ' he
expatiates,' iterative form of kdriisu, *he speaks,' 'talks.' This
was originally the name of an adviser — one who gave his views
(usually in the form of a harangue, among the Indians), when, at a
council held by the wirdancCy affairs of ** state " were under discus-
sion. In course of time, the name lost its connotive character and
became simply denotive of a good hunter or of a man who was
noted for performing brave or daring deeds.^ In the early history
of Virginia (i8th century), the name *' cockarouse " was adopted in
English as a term for a person of consequence.^

It was upon the above-mentioned misspelled word that Dr
Trumbull (who curiously did not observe the typographical blunder)
based his word caucaudsu, to which he ascribed the meaning of ' he
incites,' * encourages,' etc., and which he offered as the origin of
the English word " caucus." The root from which Trumbull's word
was formed, I have never been able to find.

Cutsenepo = crenepo, * woman.' — Had Mr Tooker more carefully
read what I had to say about these words, and had taken the pains to
study them, and had adopted the caution of Trumbull, who was never
too proud to say " I do not know," it would have saved him much
trouble and prevented him from putting into print some very remark-
able crudities. I stated very plainly that the two words above cited
were nicknames, which is quite a different thing from saying that
they were names for woman {fnulier). We know very well that
the Virginians, like all other Algonquians, had a name for woman,
properly so called, and that it was apparently Iskweu or dskweu, and,
when suffixed to the personal name of a female, was apocopated to
'Iske, Proceeding upon the assumption that crenepo was really the

* *' Thus a Fish finding it self intangled, wou'd flounce and often pull him under Water,
and then that Man was counted a Cockarouse, or brave fellow that wou'd not let go." —
Beverly, Hist, of Virginia, Book ir, p. 33 (1705).

•**Cockerouse is a Man of Quality." — Cooke, The Sot-weed Factor, p. 15 (1708).

236 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Virginia name for woman {tnulier), Mr Tooker is led into some very
curious speculations as to the meaning of the word, which becomes
so obvious after the root is known, as to need not a particle of
guesswork ; and, in fact, to use Mr Tooker's words, ** is compara-
tively simple." Oblivious to the fact that the word has an initial c,
and that in the analysis of an Algonquian word it is absolutely nec-
essary that every letter and every syllable shall be accounted for,
Mr Tooker says that crenepo ** is surely [!] the Lenape (New Swe-
den, Campanius) renappi \j=rinapc\ 'man'; Abnaki arenanbe
[== drina^'be'] ' homme.' '* " Strachey's cuchenepo or cutsenepo** he
proceeds to state, "has the same suffix, ncpo (= Natick neepoh, *he
stands erect *), a generic for man occurring in all Algonquian dia-
lects " ! This is astounding. In what Algonquian dialect or dia-
lects, I would ask, does neepOy either disjunctively or as a suffix,
mean ' man.' Is it possible that Mr Tooker supposes that, in the
Lenape and Abnaki words which he cites, there is a nappi and
nanbe meaning * man ' ? The suffix -dpi and -a^be in these words
is generic for 'man,' but the prefix rCn and drCn means 'true,'
' genuine,' ' natural.'

Coming back to crenepo, the word is, as I have already ex-
plained, from the dissyllabic root kiri^' n (contracted to krin^ owing
to the short vowel of the first syllable and the accentuation of the
second), * to carry,' = Lenape giWti (old Lenape giri'n), = Penob-
scot ghiU^n, = Natick k^nuhiy = Pequot-Mohegan ktnu'n ; with
the intransitive verbal suffix -pen, denoting, in this form, in nearly
all Algonquian dialects, action with, by, in, or upon water. The
contraction of the suffix to po was doubtless due to the Indians
themselves, and not to the whites, since Rev. Mr Anthony (a full-
blood Delaware Indian) states that the Minsis also pronounce the
syllables -eu of verbal suffixes as long 0, To repeat my former
statement, which no one with an accurate knowledge of the princi-
ples of Algonquian word-formation, and the elements of the word
before him, would, for a moment, venture to question, the word
means ' she carries water.' Such a word, as a nickname, was not
ill-chosen, since in a warm climate like that of Vii^nia, where a
considerable quantity of water must have been needed to allay the
thirst induced by heat, in addition to that required for culinary and

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 237

Other domestic purposes, and where gourds were employed in lieu
of pails and pitchers, the woman must have been observed many
times during the day going to and coming from the water source.

This was one of the things that attracted the attention of John
White (artist of Raleigh's second expedition to Virginia in 1585),
who devotes one of the plates illustrating de Bry's edition of
Hariot's New found land of Virginia to a woman in her role of
water-carrier, and who is represented in the act of coming from a
body of water in the background and carrying in her left hand a
gourd which the artist states is "filled with sweet liquid," that is,
fresh water.

The word cutsenepo (= kuU'n^po, with an assibilated /) is a cog-
nate of crenepOf although Mr Tooker prefers to go north and derive
it from the Narragansett kutchinnu, a ' middle-aged man,' * + neepoh,
' he stands ' ! Aside from the fact that no Algonquian dialect is so
poverty-stricken as to necessitate the transfer of the name for a
middle-aged man to a woman,* and to the fact that the Virginians
knew nothing about the Narragansett dialect, no compound word
can be formed in Algonquian by combining a substantive with the
verb with which it agrees. The two words must stand separate
and apart as in English.^ That is a question of grammar of so ele-
mentary a character that it ought not to be necessary for me to
direct attention to it.

Hickory, — Mr Tooker states that the derivation of this word
*' has long been known.** " Long ** is not precisely the correct word
to use, since it was but nine years ago that I made the history and
meaning of the word known, for the first time, in a journal now out
of print* Since this publication was not devoted to linguistics, I
simply gave the etymology of the word, which I now embrace the

"^ Kutchinnuy * superior man,' i. e., superior by reason of age.

' The name for an elderly or old woman, corresponding to kutchinnu, was kut-
chisquOf 'superior woman.'

'Mr Tooker need not have gone outside of Strachey's vocabulary for a word resem-
bling cutsenepOy since he might have found therein the word cushenepOy *he (or she)
has finished sleeping.' It is found in the phrase mummascushenepo {= ni mas cush-
fnepo)j * I have been asleep.'

* Garden and Forest^ IX, p. 263 (1896). See also the Athenaum^ No. 3591
(1896), in which the article is quoted by Prof. Walter W. Skeat of Cambridge Univer-
sity.

238 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

opportunity of explaining from the view point of grammar. Pdkd-
lukdre, meaning *it is brayed/ is an inanimate passive adjective
(which, like all Algonquian impersonal verbal adjectives, can be
used substantively, as it is in the present case) of which the ani-
mate or personal form is pdkdhikdsu. Adjectives of this class are
formed from the inanimate indefinite of active verbs (in the present
case pdkdhikeu^ * he (or she) brays,' something inanimate under-
stood) by the addition of the suffix -drc (Powhatan),^ -ddc (Ojibwe),
'die (Nipissing), -dteii (Cree), for the inanimate passive adjective, and
of 'dsu^ = 'dso (Ojibwe and Nipissing), -dstnu (Cree) for the animate
or personal form.

It is probably due to the fact that I did not enter into the above
grammatical details that Mr Tooker thought that there might be
some " conjecture,*' something ** quite erroneous" about it, and so,
after making a philological foray upon Massachusetts and Lenape
dictionaries, obtains material for two different combinations in ex-
planation of the Virginia word, which is practically self-explanatory.
These are "Natick poqua-hogkSnie [and] Lenape poqui-hackeney^''
to which are ascribed the meaning of ' (that which is) made from
broken or pounded shells ' ! These two productions are perhaps
offered merely tentatively with the privilege of withdrawal in
the future, should they not strike the fancy of philologists. The
first of these remarkable vocables is composed of the root pokw,
* to break,' and hogkSnie, ' made of skins ' (see Naiick Dictionary,
p. 103) and the second of the same root and the Lenape word
hakcy (with an epenthetic ;/), the human or animal ' body.'

Tapahanackc — Rapahanocke (Smith). — Before attempting to in-
terpret these names, Mr Tooker favors us with the admission that
they are dialectic forms of the same word. Precisely, and it was this
very fact, which had never before been suspected, that it was one of
the objects of my former article to point out and prove by a presen-
tation of the few remaining fragments of the speech of a Virginia

I While in«kin|{ « copy of my forinvr article for the press, I accidently omitted a
couple of liiimorthr f(Kit tuitc* on {MiKr 317. which stated thnt the /in a few suffixes ending
la the lettrrii -f/r. tt% iru, did not undrrK«> the change of that letter to r, but that a curious

ption lo ihli rule (mil rule 5 of the text) was found in the word pakahik&ri. The
•• WCfptioti " In thi» CAir really *< provi-M the rule " (rule 5 of the text).

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 239

people who could not pronounce the letter r ; but, in his attempt to
explain the origin and meaning of these words, Mr Tooker is obliged
to take considerable liberty with historical facts in order to adapt
them to his etymologies. To explain the name Rapahanock, a
Lenape word of which the meaning is obvious, and which was dupli-
cated in the name of a river on the east side of Chesapeake bay,
Mr Tooker prefers to relegate this to the background for the
moment and to devote his entire attention to its doublet. This, he
told us in a former essay,^ stood for Toppahanough, meaning, as he
said, * encampment people.* Such a view was, of course, unten-
able, for the simple reason that there is no Algonquian root top
meaning ' to encamp/ and no word anmigh, meaning * people,* and
even if there were such a word, it could not be suffixed directly to
a verbal root. Since putting this etymology on record, its author
has changed his opinion, and would now account for the name by
the syllabic combination toppa-dn-ock, meaning, as he thinks, * the
country of exceeding plenty,' and which he analyzes thus : toppa^
'enough* 'sufficient,' 'plenty,' + the verbal root an, 'more than,'
'exceeding,' 'surpassing,' + ock, 'country,' 'land.' To such a
" word," were it permissible so to call it, several serious objections
may be urged, any one of which would prove its undoing. In the
first place, the Algonquian root meaning * enough,' ' plenty,' is tip,
teb, deb (French close c)^ and not top^ which is a radical of very
different meaning. In the second place, there is no Algonquian root
^//, meaning ' to exceed,' 'surpass,' or 'excel,' and, even if there
were, it could not occupy the secondary position accorded to it by
Mr Tooker in the combination which he offers, since Algonquian
words are not constructed through an assemblage of primordial
radicals. The root meaning 'to excel,' 'surpass,* 'exceed,' 'go
beyond,' is a dissyllabic one having the form of: Natick, Mohegan,
and Ojibwe dniu = Lenape dlbti, = Quiripi drbu, = Prairie Cree
dyiu, = Wood Cree dihiu, etc. No dissyllabic radical, of course,
can be split in two. The root : Natick and Narragansett dn = old

' Algonquian Series, IX.

* Tdb in Narragansett, and /<?/ in Mohegan, which changes ^, 3, and t2 to ^ ; but
these two dialects were foreign to Virginia.

'7<7/, * to be immature ' ; (of com) * to be in the milk.'

240 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

and modern Lenape, and old and modem Abnaki ^r, a/, = Cree
aty means *to be or to become rotten,' 'putrescent,* 'corrupt* In
the Natick Dictionary {^. 9), this monosyllabic root is confounded
with the dissyllabic one above mentioned. The termination -ock,
* country,* ' land,* in Mr Tooker*s combination presumably stands
for -aki, and this would have given the original word the form of
Tapahanaki, The root tep under no circumstances (except through
a typographical blunder in print) could become rep, and so, of
course, there could be no such word ^srepahanock ; and tapahanock
and rapahanock could not be cognates, as Mr Tooker admits that
they are.

Since I have discussed this subject with sufficient thoroughness
and given the meaning of the words in my former article, I shall
not occupy space with a reiteration of the statements contained
therein. Under the same root with these two stream-names, I
placed tapantaniy the Tapahanek name for deer, and its doublet
rapantdm, meaning ' he chews again,' * once more.* Mr Tooker
confidently asserts that "these two words have quite a different
meaning, for the termination -antam ... is a characteristic forma-
tive expressing a disposition of the mind [!] and was of common
use both in Powhatan and Natick." "In the Powhatan it occurs
also in tsepaantamen, ' to kiss,' i. e., ' to be separately-minded ' [!] ;
. . . naajitam, 'a wolf,' . . . i. e., 'he grieves,' 'he is sorrow-
minded,' referring to his ' mournful howling ' ; hence uttapaantam
and rapaantam, when applied to deer and to venison, indicated food
that ' enough-minded,' i. e., ' satisfied ' or ' contented them,' and
not that which ' he chews once again ' " ! To use one of Mr
Tooker's phrases, all this "presents some curious ideas in specu-
lative analysis." - .

In the dialects of the Algonquian language, the action of the
mind is expressed in verbs by a particle placed before an animate
and an inanimate suffix, which has precisely the same form as that
which denotes the action of the mouth, but which, of course, has a
different meaning. In the N-dialects this particle is e?t,^ in the
R-dialects rr, in the L-dialects el, in Prairie Cree ey, and in Wood

1 Eliot writes this particle an, the acute accent denoting that the vowel has its long
English sound. In Narragansett and Mohegan it is -dn, and in Fox -an.

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 24 1

Crce eih. Since what is called ** Powhatan " was an R-dialect, it is
obvious that a word meaning *he is enough-minded/ 'satisfied/
would have had the form of teper^fiddm, not that of tepdntdniy in
which the suffix -^ntdtn denotes the action of the mouth on an
inanimate object (understood, since the suffix is intransitive). As
there could be no root rep corresponding to tep^ it follows that
there could be no word reperi^nddm^ and, according to Mr Tooker's
fanciful etymology, there could, therefore, have been but one name
for the deer, whereas we know that there were two, and that these
were doublets.

The same confusion of ideas in regard to verbal suffixes leads
Mr Tooker to assign to the word tsepaantamen, * to kiss,' the mean-
ing of ' to be separately-minded,' although it is supposable that two
persons who indulge in the act of osculation have one mind in
common, and, for the time being, at least, " two hearts that beat as
one." Algonquian verbs expressing the act of kissing are formed
with suffixes denoting the action of the mouth, not of the mind.
The Virginia word cited above means ' he (or she) parts the mouth
on it ' (some inanimate object). The animate transitive form would
have been tsepamawdr, * she parts the mouth on him,' or * he parts
the mouth on her.' In naantam, the name for wolf, we have still
another suffix,^ which denotes this time the action of the ear.
Ndntdm = Ojibwe nonddm, = Natick nuidm^ * he hears ' (any kind
of noise) ; the name referring to the animal's well known acuteness
of ear, which is found also in other members of the dog family.

Coiacohanauke = Kaidkuhdnik, — In his remarks on this word,
Mr Tooker is pleased to say that my interpretation of it is an ex-
ample of" curious speculation," and then proceeds to substitute some
guesswork of the wildest sort for a statement which has at least in its
favor the merit of plausibility. If the name is correctly spelled by
Strachey, the word can have no meaning except the one that I
assigned to it, i. e., *gull creek.' There would have been nothing
strange about such a name, since we find in our own geographical
nomenclature the name of this natatorial bird, which seeks its food
(moUusks and fishes) in streams and lakes often far inland. The

1 -tmueu in the animate transitive form, -idmen in the inanimate transitive, and -tdm
in the intransitive.

242 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

same name in common was formerly (as at present) applied to two
streams at some distance apart, which Smith calls the " two rivers
of Qiiiyoughcohanocker Strachey seems to intimate that this
spelling is incorrect ; and that is probably the case, since no
meaning can be extracted from the prefix Quiyoughco, unless
we suppose that Smith used such spelling in the belief that
the first part of the word, as he heard it, was a corruption of
the root found in the name for a priest. This is possible, since he
relates a story, a mixture of fact and fiction, to the effect that the
Tapehaneks annually held a sacrifice of children which was pre-
sided over by a quiyoughcosu^ or priest, appointed for the purpose.
Fifteen children, between the ages of 10 and 15, after having been
painted white, were passed between two files of men armed with
bastinadoes, each child being led by a guard who protected it from
the blows aimed at it by receiving them upon his own naked body.
After this, some of the children were killed in a wild revelry of
the would-be bastinadoers in which the latter " tore down trees [!],
branches and boughs with such violence that they rent the [children's]
body.'* The cadavers were then thrown in a heap in a valley,
while the survivors were kept in the wilderness nine months and
were finally made priests and conjurors. The practice on which
this story was based was one that was observed also by the In-
dians on the north side of the James (and also by those of Mas-
sachusetts), and was a species of "hazing" to which young
men were submitted in order to prepare them for entrance into
public life. This practice, which came to be known to the inhabi-
tants of Virginia as ** huskanawing," ^ consisted in selecting a cer-
tain number of promising young men who had reached the age of
virility, sending them into the woods under guard, enclosing them
in a hut, withholding food from them, and dosing them with wisa-
kan (= *it is bitter'), an infusion of the roots of the spreading dog-
bane (j\pocy7ium androscemifolimpi), a drug having emetic properties

^ This word which is now admitted into our dictionaries as a verb and substantive, is
from Powhatan uskinmvcu, 'he has a new body' (from uski^ *new,* naw, *body,* and
tUf * has he ' ), said of a youth who had reached the age of puberty. The same idea is
expressed in the Natick word woskitomp^ *man* (t'/V), from woskitu^ * new-bom,* and
'omp^ * male ' ; the idea of the Massachusetts Indians having been that alter a youth
(nunkompf * agile male *) had reached the age of virility he had been created anew.

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 243

of about two-thirds the strength of the offidnal ipecac. The effect
of this treatment was to make the subjects of it delirious and to
cause them temporarily to forget everything that had passed in
their life. Thus, says Beverly, they unlived their former life and
began as men (prepared to perform the function of priest, cockarouse,
etc.), by forgetting that they had ever been boys.

Mr Tooker, after deriving the name of a priest from a supposed
word quiyaughqu, having the imaginary meaning of * boy,* -f the
adjective suck, * black * or * dark-colored,* which, of course, could
not be suffixed to the substantive which it qualifies, proceeds to
say that " the qiiiyoughqu-osucks, to use the best notation, were there-
fore * the lesser priests,* or * black-boyes,* ^ who were taught or
chosen to be such ; hence Quiyoughqu-ohan-ock, * the place or country
where the lesser priests or boys were beaten or initiated into the
mysteries of the cult [!], a compound of quiyoughqu -f the verb
\sic\ 'Ohan, * to beat,' or • to strike,* together with the locative ock,
* place * or * country.* ** From this it appears that the suffix -hanock
in another stream-name does not, after all, really mean, as we were
told, ' exceeding * or * surpassing country,* but * beating country,'
and that -ock does not stand for aki, 'land,' 'country,* but is a loca-
tive suffix, which would, in that event, mean * at,* * in,' or * on.'
Here we have, indeed, "speculation** run wild.' In what Algon-
quian dialect, I would ask, is there any semi-radical -Jian^ capable
of entering into composition with the meaning of * beating * ? In
what Algonquian dialect is there to be found any word quiyoughqu,
or any term resembling it, meaning * boy ' ?

As to the meaning of the Powhatan name for a priest, variously

* Mr Tooker, in a footnote, says that ** Smith (p. 373) on the margin has : * Their
solemn Sacrifices of Children which they call Black-boyes.* This I regard as a free trans-
lation of the word Quiyoughquosuky Smith's word "black," however, is merely a mis-
print for blaek ; modem bleak (Anglo-Saxon blaecj biac), meaning * pale,* *wan,*
'pallid.* The ** boyes " were so called by Smith, of course, because they were painted
white.

* Since there were two Quiottghcohanockst there must, therefore, have been two
"beating places.'* This was certainly pretty hard on the Tapehanek "black boys."

'In answer to this question, Mr Tooker, in a footnote, explains it as **a verb [«V]
that appears in several Powhatan names in varying forms, such as ^'Rok-oha-mittj {>arched
com ground small.' ** Of this word I have given the meaning under the name Chicka-
hominy.

'244 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

spelled quiyoughcosough^ quiyougficosuck, quiyoughquosicke, qui-
oquascake, I shall offer a suggestion, which may be taken for
what it is worth. The first vowel i of the root doubtless had its
long English sound, and we should therefore write it at ; the ough ^
=1 «, and this, in one spelling, is replaced by 0 ; the characteristic,
ky of the root is accompanied with w or o. From these data we
have the root kwaiukw, or kwaiokw, which is possibly the Pow-
hatan form of the Ojibwe root gwaiukw or gwaiakw ( = Prairie
Cree kwaiaskw, = Wood Cree kwaiuskw\ 'straight,' 'straight-
forward,' 'upright,' 'just,' 'true,* etc. From this root we should
have the animate verbal adjective kwaiukosii or kwaiokosu, ' he is
straight,' 'just,* 'true,' 'perfect,' ' without guile,* etc. The name
was applied also by the Powhatans to any one of the petty gods
whom they worshipped. In Natick the root sampw, ' straight,' was
used by Eliot with similar derivative meanings : ' upright,* ' right,'
'righteous,' 'just.' In Lenape, also, the root schachachg^ 'straight,'
is employed in the senses of ' upright,' * right,' ' righteous,' 'true,'
'just,' 'correct,' etc. If my surmise in regard to the meaning of
the root whence the name of a Virginia priest was derived is cor-
rect. Smith's Quiyoughcolianok would mean ' straight stream ' ; but,
inasmuch as neither of the creeks so called is straight, the proba-
bility is that the name given by Strachey is the correct one.

Massawomek, — My intimation that this word was a mispronun-
ciation by the English settlers of MacJiewomik was unfortunate,
since the two names are merely dialectic forms of the same term.

A picturesque valley of the Susquehanna, in Luzerne county,
Pa., is bordered on each side by a broad plain or flat, about twenty
miles in length, which was formerly the domain of several Lenape
clans, by whom it was called by a name meaning ' great flat ' or
' plain,' which in the guttural Minsi dialect was ATchewomi}

1 The combination ough was an orthopeic device used by Smith and other early Eng-
lish writers in Virginia to represent the peculiar pronunciation of u in Algonquian.

• This word with the addition of the postpositive preposition, making APchnvomink,
'at (or on) the great plain,' gave rise, through corruption, to the name Wyoming,
which was rendered famous by Campbell (1809) in his once widely read poem entitled
Gertrude of Wyoming , whence the application of the name to so many places (and finally
to a state) in the United States. The Iroquois name for this flat was Skahentowaney
'great meadow (or plain),' a term which was applied also to extensive meadows in
other localities, and became corrupted to ''Shenandoah."

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 245

These Algonquians were conquered and "put in petticoats" by the
Minquas, a powerful and warlike Iroquoian people, who settled
upon the land of the vanquished and lived there previous to and
at the advent of the Europeans. It was certainly these belligerent
Minquas, and not people of the same linguistic stock from the Great
Lakes (as Smith supposed) that occasionally organized war parties
and paddled down the Susquehanna into Chesapeake bay in their
bark canoes (with which all the Iroquois were provided), and struck
terror into the hearts of the natives of the tidewater region of Vir-
ginia. The word Mdsiwcnnik means ' people of the great plain ' ;
from nias^ * great/ wofPti, * plain ' or ' flat/ and k, the characteristic
of the animate plural suflix.

Mr Tooker says he translates "it * those who travel by boat/
massoW'Omekey There could be no such Algonquian word formed
to have that meaning. The Powhatan word to render the English
phrase * those who travel by boat/ would have been meshurhdnkik.
It was nothing surprising to the Virginians that their enemies should
travel by boat, since that was precisely the way in which they them-
selves traveled when they went by water.

Vttasantasough = Utdsantdsu. — I deeply regret that I made any
reference to this word, since I have never been able to work out its
meaning. The origin of the terminal -antasu is plain enough ; that
is simply an adjective suffix derived from the intransitive verbal suf-
fix -antam, which, according to the root used with it, might denote
the action of wearing clothing, eating, accompanying, etc. The
meaning of the. root tas (Pamptico tosJi) is problematical. A root
used in one dialect often dies out in others and is replaced therein
by one of a different form having practically the same meaning.
No root tds that would form a verb with the suffix -anatm can now
be found in any other dialect. Mr Tooker, taking as his model the
Narragansett word cejiantowash (miswritten for ininmitoivash, imp.
2d sing, of ininantoweti) * speak thou Indian ! ' forms a combination
k' uttass-antowash, to which he ascribes the meaning of * he speaks a
strange language.' Such a word, if I may so call it, would have
seemed fully as strange to the Powhatans as did the foreigners who
suddenly appeared among them. In the first place, there is no
Algonquian root ktitUxss, meaning * to be strange ' ; and, in the

246 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

second, if the suflfix represents -antozveu denoting the action of speak-
ing in the manner designated by the root, it would have here, as in
the Narragansett word just cited, the form of the 2d pers. sing, of
the imperative mood. The meaning of the word utdsantdsu will
never be known, and it is therefore useless to make frivolous guesses
in regard to it.

Mr Tooker*s etymons of the names for *' paint '' and " bark dish "
may be disposed of in a few words. The idea that the first syllable
in the name for paint is an adjective root meaning * fine,' * pretty,*
* handsome,* is very absurd, as well as quite antiquated. If such
were the case, the root vowel, when the word takes an adjective
prefix or enters into composition, would be preserved ; but, instead
of this, the first vowel of the word disappears under such circum-
stances, thus showing that it is merely expletive. Again, the cog-
nate Lenape names, in addition to wuldman, are dldmdn and wdld-
man, and the Prairie Cree name is wiyamdn — words in which^ in
Lenape, neither dl nor wdl, and, in Cree, neither wi nor wiy means
'fine,' 'pretty,' 'handsome.' Finally, the comparative study and
analysis of the word which I presented in my former article,
and in which I stripped it of its expletive prefix and its forma-
tive and laid bare its root, gives all that we can ever expect to know
in regard to a term the actual meaning of which, like that of the
name of the kettle, spoon, bark dish, and some other primitive uten-
sils, has long been lost to the Indians themselves.

The fact that the names for a bark dish are, as I have already
fully explained (Amer, Anthropologist , vi, p. 328, f n.), derived
from a verb would suffice to show to any one having even but a
slight acquaintance with Algonquian grammar that -dgdn is the
formative of a verbal noun, and not a generic substantival suffix
which can be used to form a word in combination with an adjective
or with a substantive used attributively. Verbs in -dkeu or -dgcii,
and, consequently, substantives in -dgdn can be formed only from
intransitive verbs or animate adjectives, and never directly from a
root. The Algonquian root meaning ' to be concave ' or * hollow '
is not, as Mr Tooker seems to imagine, wur^ wu7i, ol, on, etc., but :
Caniba wctr, Penobscot and Lenape wdl, Natick zvbn (wdti),
Ojibwe wdn, Prairie Cree wdy. Wood Cree wdth, etc. From this

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 247

root is formed the Caniba name for a plate, ivd^rade, meaning * it is
concave.' In the same dialect, the name for a bark dish is uroH'gdn,
a word which, like all its cognates, is derived from an intransitive
verb formed from a root of which the meaning is lost.

**From the same element*' [/. ^., the supposed root found in
the name for a bark dish] , says Mr Tooker, is derived the " Narra-
gansett tvunnauanounuck, a * shallop,' . . . from wunnau, * a shallow
vessel,' and -anounau, *to carry,' + -uk^ 'that which.' "

In this Narragansett word, the generic substantival suffix
'Ounuck (= unuk^ written also -onuk, = Natick onag-, = Caniba
'Urdk, = Lenape -oldk, = Ojibwe -ondg, = Cree -otdk) means * boat '
or * canoe.* The signification of the substantive prefix wunnauan^
used attributively, has not been^ ascertained ; but what may be
stated as absolutely certain is that wunnau does not mean ' hollow
(wan) vessel,* and that anounau does not mean * to carry.'

Paqwantewun =» pdkwa^tehun, — In this word Mr Tooker sees
lurking the Narragansett name for an * apron,* viz., autawhun,
** Hence,** he says, '* paqwantewun = Narr. pahk-autawhun, ' a clean
apron' " ! To use Mr Tooker's language, the Narragansett word
shows simply one of those accidental similarities that sometimes
occur in words belonging to remote dialects, **for there is no
etymological connection between the two names," — none whatever.
The root and grammatical structure of the words differ in Mo, Mr
Tooker's grammatical explanation of the structure of the Narragan-
sett name for "apron,** I am sorry to say, I cannot grasp: **The
particle un is the nominative of the impersonal verb, when the object
for which it stands is expressed by the verb, i. e., antawhiin^ *it
hides.* '*

Bagivanchybasson ( = pdkwa^'tshlpisun), says Mr Tooker, is the
same name as Natick puttukwobbesin ( = putukwdbistin\ = Abnaki
p^Ugwdbisun^ "from pnttuckqiii-au , * it girdles,* and mobee, *hip* '* !
It would certainly be difficult (except, perhaps, to a myope) to see
any resemblance between the roots pdkw and putukiv or p^t^gw^
the first meaning to * wind about * or * be wound about,* and the
second * to be round.* The meaning of the Natick and Abnaki
words above cited is simply ' round tie * or * band * (-bisun). The
semi-radical *mobee, * hip,* does not enter into the composition of

AM. ANTH.y N. S., 7-I7

248 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

the word. The bb in the Natick word simply represents a gemina-
tion of the consonant b belonging to the suffix. Girdles are worn
around the waist, not around the hips. The Nipissings call the
waist by the same name as the sash or girdle that encircles it

Finally, Mr Tooker directs his attention to the word wintuc,
wintuccum (= wlntuk, wlntukuw), ghoul, regarding which he posi-
tively asserts that ** neither Strachey nor the copyist made a mis-
take, for this word means a ' fool,' and not a * ghoul.* ** Was it no
mistake of a copyist, then, that in Strachey's vocabulary the pro-
nomial adjective cuttak^ * another,* is given as the name for an * otter,'
that pussequembun {^ pusikivibun\ * he rose,' is given as the name
for a * rose,* that meisutterask, a * cove,' is given as the name for an

* owl ' ? In support of his assertion that the Virginia word means

* fool,' Mr Tooker offers *' wintuccum = Mass. ween-tuhkekufiy * he is
head-heavy,' * he is a fool.' " -

Inasmuch as the Natick word ween is the name for * marrow,'
not * head,' and as tuhkekwun is a verbal adjective meaning ' it is
heavy,* Mr Tooker*s ** cognate " would be written in two separate
words, ween tuhkekwun^ and assert that * marrow is heavy.' As
another " cognate," he gives Lenape wil-tak^ * head-heavy,' * a
fool,' * a sot,' * a drunkard ' ; a combination entirely original with
him, in which wil means * head,' and tak is simply a product of the
imagination, since there is no Lenape adjective root tak ^ meaning
' heavy.' A compound consisting of a substantive connected by a
hyphen with a mere root, and a suppositional root at that, is cer-
tainly a philological curiosity.

In closing this article, I cannot refrain from warmly commend-
ing >Ir Tooker for the able, conscientious, and fearless manner in
which he performed the task (doubtless painful and onerous) of
pointing out and correcting the mistakes which he found skulking
**in nearly every paragraph" of my former communication. In
dragging forth some of these mistakes to the light and submitting

»Thc Lenape name for *'lead," given in Brinton and Anthony's Lenape- English
Dictionary 2iS takachsuny and quoted in the Natick Dictionary (p. 163) and there in-
terpreted * heavy stone,' is miswritten for wtakachsun^ *soft stone' (i. e., metal). The
Natick root tA'kihtv^ = Abnaki tfkikw (not on record in lenape), meaning *to be
heavy,' is dissyllabic.

GERARD] SOME VIRGINIA INDIAN WORDS 249

them to so intelligent an examination, I think he has done but
right ; for I hold it to be the bounden duty of every person who
has the interest of the reading public sincerely at heart, and who
feels himself sufficiently well equipped to assume the functions of
critic, promptly to call attention to and correct any glaring errors
that he may observe in print, to the end that the evils resulting from
the dissemination of false teachings may, in a measure at least, be
attenuated.

TRADITIONS OF PRECOLUMBIAN LANDINGS ON
THE WESTERN COAST OF SOUTH AMERICA

By ADOLPH F. BANDELIER

The origin of the people inhabiting the New World was one of
the first problems that busied European minds as soon as it became
realized that America was an independent continent. How could
man have reached this land, that was so widely separated from the
rest of the known world? In reality this question was not a new
one, for it had been asked in regard to every distant island found
inhabited by animals and plants as well as by man. Solutions
had been proposed long prior to the fifteenth century — the-
ories in harmony with the state of knowledge and with the re-
ligious fervor of the period. Among others, Saint Augustine, in
the fifth century, speculated on the problem of how quadrupeds,
such as beasts of prey, that are of no use to man, came to live on
distant isles (i).* I wish to lay stress on these precolumbian
speculations, for when the origin of the American Indian became
the subject of investigation, the autochthonous theory was as freely
discussed as any other. But the general trend of opinion in the
sixteenth centur>' was in favor of the belief that the ''aborigines"
of America were not in reality aboriginal, but that at some more or
less remote period they had migrated from other sections of the
globe. Many were the theories proposed in regard to the regions
whence these migrations might have come ; but this is not the place
to discuss their relative merits.

The belief in an extra- American origin of the Indians has direct
bearing on the value of Indian traditions, as recorded by Europeans
who were under the influence of that conjecture, for it naturally led
Spanish investigators, for example, to interpret any tale that might
be construed in favor of the assumption that man came to America
from the outside world. I am by no means favoring the hypoth-

* See the notes at the close of the article.

250

BANDELIER] TRADITIONS OF PRECOLUMBIAN LANDINGS 25 I

esis of an independent creation or evolution of the Indian on
this continent. All I desire to call attention to is the danger of
early Indian lore having been colored, by those who gathered it,
so as to support a favorite theory. Such coloring is a serious ob-
stacle to the critical use of aboriginal American lore supposed to
embody historical information.

Among Indian myths that appear to touch on an extra-Amer-
ican descent of the natives in the western parts of South America,
we must discriminate between (i) allusions to the appearance of
strange individuals or groups of individuals, long before the epoch
of Columbus but while the land was already peopled ; (2) tales men-
tioning a primitive settlement of parts of South America from other
parts of the globe ; and (3) stories of landings on the western coast
of the southern continent.

The tale of Tonapa (sometimes identified with Viracocha), in
the interior of Peru and Bolivia, has already been discussed by me,
so far as the scanty material and its nature permitted (2). The
Tonapa story, in its later version by Calancha, begins in Brazil.
It tells of the wanderings of two white men, at a time quite remote,
but still after the beginning of our era. These white travelers are
reputed to have landed on the Brazilian shore, whence they pushed
inland, preaching to and teaching the natives after the manner of
Christian apostles or missionaries. They are accredited with ac-
complishing the portentous journey through southern Brazil, Para-
guay, and northern Argentina into western Bolivia, where, near the
shores of Lake Titicaca, one of them suffered death at the hands of
the natives, while the other pursued his way to the Pacific and there
disappeared. This version, however, dates from the middle of the
seventeenth century (3), and extends the scope of the original
Tonapa or Viracocha lore obtained in southern Peru and in Bolivia.
It bears the stamp not merely of confirmation, but of explanation
and adaptation to Christian legends about apostolic labors in remote
corners of the earth. The early, hence more authentic, versions of
the Tonapa and Viracocha story, heard not later than sixteen years
after the arrival of Pizarro, and probably even within a decade of
that event, either represent the origin of that mysterious individ-
ual from Lake Titicaca (not necessarily from the island of that

252 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

name) or make him appear on the Bolivian plateau from the south
and to direct his steps toward the north where, on the shores
of Ecuador, he disappears, together with his companions, on the
waters of the ocean. In the heart of Peru a similar tradition was
found among the Indians at an early date, and while these tales
must be accepted cum grano salis, they may have had their nucleus
in original recollections that already had become veiled and dis-
torted prior to the sixteenth century.

The traditions of central western Peru differ partly from the
tales of Tonapa-Viracocha in that they also mention a settlement of
strangers. The report of the Augustines on their investigations
among the Indians of Huamachuco between 1552 and 1561, states
that most of the settlers perished and that the few survivors were
driven out of the country. But this part of the story appears to
be distinct from the tale of white "teachers" of the Tonapa legend,
and to refer to another set of individuals (4). The term *' culture-
heroes" has been introduced into American ethnology for such
personages. In this case their labors would have left few, if any,
cultural traces.

Almost parallel with the Tonapa and Viracocha lore is the myth
of Bochica or Nemquetheba (Nemtherequeteba), also called Zuhe,
among the Muysca or Chibcha Indians of Colombia. The four
names apply, according to Piedrahita, to one individual. Fray
Pedro Simon, who wrote somewhat earlier, discriminates between
Bochica and Nemtherequeteba. Piedrahita asserts that, according
to Chibcha tradition, Bochica "came" to the plateau of Bogota —
whence, he does not state. He describes him as with a long beard
and wearing long garments, as having walked with bare feet and
gone about preaching and teaching the Indians a better mode of
life. At Sogamoso, in the Colombian highlands, Bochica lived two
thousand years, and died there after performing many miracles,
among which the opening of the cleft at Tequendama is most con-
spicuous. There is a certain analogy between this personage and
Tonapa or Viracocha. In Peru, as is well known, the Indians called
and still call the whites Vtracochas, Piedrahita asserts that the sur-
name Zuhe, given to Bochica, was used by the Chibcha to desig-
nate the first Europeans they saw (6).

254 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Santa Elena a landing of ** giants/' What Oliva says of the fate of
these giants appears to have been taken almost literally from Cieza
and Zarate. To this I shall refer later. After the reputed destruc-
tion of the intruders by fire from heaven, the settlers on the coast
continued to extend their excursions with more or less success :
some went in the direction of Chile and the straits of Magellan, and
were not heard of again ; others settled at various points on the
Peruvian shore ; still others penetrated inland and reached Lake
Titicaca and the Cuzco region. It is noteworthy that these reputed
settlers from the coast found the interior already inhabited and the
shrine on Titicaca island in full operation (ii).

Assuming, for the present, that Oliva reported primitive, hence
genuine, Indian lore, the following appear to be the essential points
of his tales :

(i) The earliest landing in Venezuela, therefore in northeastern
South America.

(2) A gradual spread over the northern sections to the west-
ward as far as the coast of Ecuador.

(3) Coast voyages thence to the south as far as the southern
extremity of the continent.

(4) After the settlement on the western coast had been effected
and some of these voyages were in progress, there took place a
landing, from parts unknown, of strange people who were destroyed
by some cataclysm and left no impression beyond some remains and
recollections of their appearance.

(5) A gradual spread from the coast to the eastward into sec-
tions that were already peopled.

The first part of this story recalls Colombiaji traditions, while
the landing of the so-called giants is a local tale heard by the Span-
iards on the shores of Ecuador at a very early day. The coast
voyages also, as I shall show, were mentioned by Spanish sources
half a century prior to Oliva's time.

Oliva acknowledges another source of information — "original
papers " given to him by a Dr Bartolome Cervantes, of Charcas,
Bolivia (12). Under any circumstance all his knowledge is derived
at second hand. It bears the stamp of compilation from various
sides, as well as the impress of adaptation to the favorite belief in

BANDELIER] TRADITIONS OF PRECOL UAIBIAN LANDINGS 255

the peopling of America from the old world. Parts of his material,
so far as based on local tales, may contain a nucleus of primitive
Indian recollection, but it is manifestly woven into a general story
highly colored by European ideas.

Among Indian lore collected soon after the conquest, and there-
fore presumably genuine, there are traces of the drifting of tribes
into the interior of Peru from the western coast. On this point
Cieza states :

**They also relate what I have written in my first part, that on the
Island of Titicaca, in former centuries, there were white men, bearded
like ourselves, and that, sallying from the valley of Coquimbo, a captain
whose name was Cari, he came to where now is Chucuito, whence, after
making a few more settlements, he passed with his people over to the
island and made such war on the people of which I speak that he killed
all of them." (13)

If the word ** Coquimbo " is correctly rendered from the origi-
nal text, and not one of the clerical mistakes that so frequently crept
into copies of old manuscripts, then Cari and his men came from
the coast of northern Chile. But, as in the case of those who, ac-
cording to Oliva, would have reached Lake Titicaca from the Peru-
vian coast, they found the shores and islands of that lake already
inhabited. Concerning the white men exterminated by Cari, Cieza
fails to state whence they came, but he assures us that he heard the
tale from an Indian who may have been well versed in ancient lore.

Montesinos, a contemporary of Simon, Oliva, Calancha, and
Piedrahita, treats of the peopling of America in a general way, mak-
ing the earliest settlers appear from every quarter of the globe,
hence also from the South sea. In his own words :

* * At that time, which as far as I have been able to ascertain was six
hundred years after the deluge, all these provinces filled up with people.
Many people came from the direction of Chile, others by the Andes,
others by the mainland and the South sea, so that its coasts became settled
from the island of Santa Elena and Puerto Viejo to Chile ; this can be
gathered from the poetry and ancient songs of the Indians,*' etc. (14)

Salcamayhua, an Indian writer of the same period, bases, as he
claims, on original lore preserved by the Indians of '* Orcasuyo,
between Canas and Canchis of Collasuyo," the traditions which he
says he heard from his father and other old men. He relates :

256 AMERICAN ANTHR OPOL O GIST [n. s. , 7, 1 905

*' They say that, in the time of Purunpachay all the nations of Tahuan-
tinsuyo came from the direction of above Potossi in three or four armies
ready for war, and so they came settling, occupying the places, every band
remaining on unoccupied lands." (15)

This hints at a movement of tribes from south to north, in upper
Peru and Bolivia. How far the tales are genuine, that is, wholly pre-
columbian, is not yet easy to ascertain. Salcamayhua makes most
fervent protestations of Christianity, so fervent, indeed, that there
arises a suspicion of the infiltration of many European elements in
his version of native lore. It is particularly marked in what he re-
lates of the person, travels, and deeds of Tonapa (16). And he
merely mentions some migrations to the interior of the continent,
without stating whence the settlers originally came.

Pedro de Cieza remarks in a general way : " In Peru the Indians
speak of nothing else than that the ones came from one part [direc-
tion] and the others from another." (17)

Similar to the stories preserved by the Augustine missionaries,
in the sixteenth century, are tales recorded by Miguel Cabello Bal-
boa in his " Antarctic Miscellany " concluded in 1 586. But he also
furnishes a long story to the effect that South America, or at least
the coast of Chile, was peopled originally by pirates from the East
Indies. To Balboa I shall return later, having yet to refer to some
traditions found in the interior of Peru, likewise in the second half
of the sixteenth century and recorded in the year that Balboa finished
his work, hence they are either a coincidence or Balboa obtained
them from the same source or was told of them by the authorities
of Guamanga, who wrote the report on the " Repartimiento de los
Rucanas Antamarcas,'* dated January 27, 1586. This report con-
tains the following statement :

''The old Indians say that they have notice from their forefathers,
by hearsay, that in very remote times, before the Incas ruled them, there
came to this country people whom they called Viracochas, not many of
them ; and that the Indians followed them, listening to their speech, and
now the Indians say they were Saints. * *

I call attention to the last phrase — that now the Indians call
these people " Saints." (18)

Returning to Miguel Cabello Balboa, it is noted, as before stated.

BANDELIER ] TRADITIONS OF PRECOL UMBIAN LANDINGS 2 $7

that he attributes the settlement of southern Chile to pirates from
the East Indies, whom he calls Nayres, He traces the career of
these people over nearly the whole eastern world, making a part of
them finally land near the southern extremity of America. Accord-
ing to Balboa they were ** the origin and trunk of the Indians of
Chile, from whom also descend the Chiriguanaes, or (rather) Chili-
ganaes. By these were made those strange fortifications that in
Ayavira and Tiaguanaco (and in other parts of this section of the
world) are seen,'* etc. After the " Nayres '* had ** conquered the
austral regions, they penetrated inland and were never afterward
heard from. Their intrusion in these our Indies is conjecture, for
the reason that old Indians state they have it from ancient traditions
of their forefathers, who told them that from that part of the world
there came these pestiferous tyrants [the Nayres], and those of
Chile say the same, pointing out that they came from this side of
the straits which we call of Magellan.'* (19)

While the eagerness displayed by Balboa to defend a favorite
theory renders his statements liable to suspicion, it is worthy of
investigation whether the tales are genuine or not, but I have not
at my command the material necessary. While in Peru Balboa
joined the order of the Jesuits and was a contemporary of Acosta
and of the Dominican Fray Gregorio Garcia (20). Neither of these,
in their classical works on America, makes any mention of his story,
a lack manifestly due to their being unacquainted with the " Miscel-
lany," only a part of which, to this time, has appeared in print as a
French translation by Henri Temaux-Compans.

But Cabello Balboa does not confine himself to ancient lore of
a general character ; he also has preserved what bears every mark
of being a genuine local tradition of Indians from the northern Peru-
vian coast. According to him, the aborigines of the villages of
Motupe and Lambayeque said that " in times very remote, so remote
that they cannot count them, there came from the upper parts of
this Piru, with a great fleet of rafts, a mighty warrior, of great valor
and many qualities, called Naymlap, and he had with him a number
of concubines, the principal of whom they say was called Cetemi ;
and with him and in his company he brought many followers whom
he led as captain and leader. This chief Naymlap, with his entire

2S8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

retinue, landed and disembarked at the mouth of a river (now called
Faquisllanga, where they abandoned their rafts and penetrated
inland." (21)

This indicates a coastwise expedition, possibly from some point
on the shores of Ecuador, as far as the vicinity of Chiclayo and
Lambayeque. It recalls the coast voyages told of by Oliva, and
seems to confirm them. There is no apparent connection, however,
between the sources of Balboa (who alludes to direct Indian informa-
tion from tradition) and those mentioned by Oliva ; nor is it said
that the people led by Naymlap were of extra- American issue.

When Pizarro first visited the coast of Ecuador and the north-
western extremity of Peru, he sent the pilot Bartolome Ruiz with
one of his frail craft to explore the southern coast for two months.
Ruiz coasted as far as southern Ecuador and perhaps to the latitude
of the Peruvian boundary, although it is not possible to determine
the southern limit accurately. While on this voyage he captured a
craft, carrying about twenty men, which he describes as follows :

** This vessel which I say he took, appeared to be of as many as thirty
tons ; it was made after the manner and [with] a keel of canes as thick
as posts, bound together by ropes of a kind they call eneguen [henequen] ,
which is like flax, and the upper parts [bulwarks] of other canes more
slender, bound with the same ropes, where they placed their persons and
the merchandize together, as the hold was with water. It had its masts
and spars of very handsome wood and sails of cotton of the same descrip-
tion, like those of our ships ; and very good fishing tools of the same
eneguen mentioned that is like flax, and for anchors stones after the man-
ner of barbers* grinding-stones. ' ' (22)

After the return of Ruiz, Pizarro set out himself, and at Tacamez
[Atacames] was met by fourteen large craft manned by Indians.
"Balsas" (rafts) are frequently mentioned (23). A complete de-
scription of one of these large vessels is given by Father Bemabe
Cobo. Although of the first half of the seventeenth century, hence
a full century after the conquest, it agrees well with the indications
previously quoted.

**The largest balsas used by the Peruvian Indians that live close to
forests, like those of the ports of Payta [in Peru] , Manta, and Guayaquil
[in Ecuador] , are composed of seven, nine, or more timbers of paio de

BANDEUER] TRADITIONS OF PRECOLUMBIAN LANDINGS 259

balsa^ in this manner : that they tie them one to the other lengthwise
with bejucos [lianas or creepers] or ropes, over others crosswise. The
one in the middle is longer at the prow than the others, which become
smaller in proportion as they recede on the sides ; the middle one is long-
est at the prow, so that at the prow they are like the fingers of an extended
hand, whereas at the stern they are equal. On these they build a plat-
form of boards so that the people and cloth that go in it may not get wet
from the water entering through the joints of the timbers. They navigate
on the sea with sail and oars, and some are so large as easily to accomo-
date fifty men.'* (24)

An earlier description is that by the Licentiate Salazar de Villa-
sante, dating from about 1 574. It refers only to the balsas used on
the Rio Guayas without sails, but with as many as seven oars on
each side, or fourteen oarsmen in all (25).

Oviedo never visited Peru, but gathered much information from
Spaniards who had been with Pizarro at the beginning of the con-
quest. He speaks of the large rafts used by the Indians of the
southern coast of Ecuador, saying that they carried on the sea as
many as three horses. His description agrees very well with the
preceding, mentioning sails and the oarsmen on the sides. South
of Payta the craft, according to him, were made of reeds (26).

With such craft the short distance separating the mainland from
the island of Puna, for instance, could .easily be traversed. Long
voyages along the coast were also possible. Of attempts to venture
far into the open sea, I find as yet no traces.

The Jesuit Joseph de Acosta mentions canoes of seal -skin in which
the Indians from lea and Arica (the latter now pertaining to northern
Chile) made long voyages ** to some islands far away in the west,"
and he adds : " Hence there is no lack of indications that the South
sea was navigated before the Spaniards [came]." (27) The islands
visited by the Indians of lea may have been the Chincha isles, to
which the journey can be made from the port of Pisco in a compar-
atively short time. That these guano deposits were frequently
touched by Indians in precolumbian times is well established. The
islands that were reached from Arica are a matter of conjecture, but
I should be quite loath to accept the vague statement of Acosta
as a basis for assuming that the tales apply to voyages as far as
Easter island or other distant Pacific groups. Distance is very

26o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

elastic in the mind of the Indian, and as no direction is given the
trips may as well have been along the coast as to the west Besides,
the seal-skin craft mentioned could hardly have withstood wind and
wave for many days beyond reach of succor. Cobo describes these
craft as follows :

** They make them of two skins of seals, filled with air, which they
tie together like the two fagots of which are made those of grass. Only
one Indian goes in each, and he goes fishing in the sea as far from shore
as in any of the others. But as these rafts are wont to collapse in the
water, in order to prevent their sinking each Indian carries a hollow reed,
and out on the sea he from time to time unties and blows them up again,
like air-bags. They are as light and swift in the water as the substance
with which they are filled, which is air. No sails are used, as little as
with those of reeds ; only oars, as in the latter.*' (28)

The only traditional record of a landing on the western coast of
South America is that of the " giants," near Punta Santa Elena in
Ecuador. According to Zarate, it was known to the Spaniards
prior to 1543, but not credited until the discovery of large fossil
bones in that year furnished, in the light of knowledge of the
times, an apparent confirmation. The finding of fossil remains of
unusual size was not altogether accidental. The captain Juan de
Olmos, lieutenant governor at Puerto Viejo in the year aforesaid,
hearing of " all these things, caused excavations to be made in that
valley, where they found such large ribs and other bones that, if the
skulls had not appeared at the same time, it would not have been
credible they were of human persons. . . . Teeth then found were
sent to different parts of Peru ; they were three fingers broad and
four in length." Although these remains were found beneath the
surface, it is possible that some skull had previously been seen by
the Indians who founded thereon an ** observation myth" (29).
On the other hand, the tale may probably be a distorted reminis-
cence of some precolumbian occurrence on the coast of Ecquador.

It is not likely that the earliest Spanish discoverers of Peru had
already heard of the tradition. Oviedo surely would have men-
tioned it, as he carefully recorded everything that came to his notice
at the time. He conversed with Diego de Almagro on the return
of the latter to Panama from the first expedition in 1527; in 1534
he questioned several of the returning members of Pizarro's corps,

BANDELIKR] TRADITIONS OF PRECOLUMBIAN LANDINGS 26 1

on the island of Santo Domingo, and in 1536 conversed with Pedro
de Alvarado. Had any of these mentioned the ** giants," Oviedo
would not have failed to note it in his voluminous work. It is
therefore likely that the Spaniards first heard of the tradition between
1536 and 1543 (30).

The earliest reports on the " giants " are by Cieza and 21arate,
printed in 1553 and 1555, respectively. The former says :

* * The natives tell, from what they heard through their forefathers,
who heard and had it from far back, that there came by sea in rafts of
reeds after the manner of large boats, some men who were so tall that from
the knee down they were as big as the full length of an ordinary fair-sized
man, and the limbs were in prop>ortion to their bodies, so misshapen that
it was monstrous to look at their heads, as large as they were, and with
the hair that came down to the shoulders. The eyes they give to under-
stand were of the size of small plates. They affirm that they had no
beards and that some were clad in skins of animals, while others came as
nature made them, and there were no women along. Arriving at this
point, and after making on it their settlement in the form of a village
(even at the present day the sites of the houses are known), they did not
find water, and in order to supply the need thereof, made some deep
wells, a work that is certainly worthy of remembrance, performed by as
strong men as it is presumed they were, judging from their size. And
they dug these wells in the live rock until they found water, and after-
ward lined them with stone to the mouth, in such manner that they will
last for many ages, in which [wells] there is always good and savory
water, and always so cold that it is a great pleasure to drink it. Having
thus established themselves, these tall men or giants, and having these
wells or cisterns out of which they drank, they ate and wasted all the food
they could find in the land, for each one of them consumed more than
fifty of the natives of the country, and as the supply was not sufficient for
them, they killed much fish in the sea by means of their nets and con-
trivances which, it stands to reason, they must have had. The natives
abhorred them, for they killed their women in making use of them, and
the men they killed for other reasons. The Indians did not feel strong
enough to kill these new people that had come to take their country and
domain, although great meetings were held to confer about it ; but they
dare not attack them. After a few years, the giants being still in the
country, and having no women, and those of the Indians not suiting their
great size, or because it may have been by advice and inducement of the

262 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

demon, they resorted to the unnatural vice of sodomy, which they com-
mitted openly in public, with no fear of God and little shame of them-
selves.** (31)

Then followed the punishment of which I shall treat at length
in a subsequent paper — an angel appeared in a mass of fire from
heaven and killed them all. Cieza is fully convinced of the truth
of the story and refers to the large fossil bones in evidence, showing
that he obtained his data after 1 543.

Agustin de Zarate differs but little from Cieza in his main state-
ments, except that he does not mention their landing on the coast

(32).

After these two primitive sources, the tale was often repeated,
with slight variations (33). I shall refer to only a part of one of
the later versions, contained in an anonymous description of the
" government '* of Guayaquil, dating from about the year 1605,
apparently an official document by one who was intimately ac-
quainted with the district. It says :

**They drink water out of wells, especially of one they call of the
Giants which, according to the sayings of the ancient Indians, lived in
that country, not as original inhabitants, but from other parts. ' '

The fossil remains of large size are also alluded to : ** They are
chiefly preserved in the deposits of pitch, of which there are few."

(34)

It thus seems that the tale of the landing of so-called giants on
the coast of southern Ecuador is a genuine Indian tradition from a
period antedating the sixteenth century. It appears also that it
refers to people entirely distinct from the American natives ; but we
are at a loss to find even an inkling as to whence these people may
have come.

Under these circumstances it is at least premature to attempt
conjectures as to the part of the globe whence the so-called giants
came. If their original home lay beyond the American continent,
some of the island groups of the South sea might be considered as
affording the answer. How far the craft in use by the islanders
might have enabled such long voyages, and in what manner oceanic
currents and winds might have favored or impeded them, are sub-
jects for investigation on the islands themselves.

BANDEUER] TRADITIONS OF PRECOLUMBIAN LANDINGS 263

It is possible that the strange beings came from some point on
the western coast of America, although the marked difference in
appearance between them and the coast Indians of Ecuador would
rather indicate an extra-American ofigin.

The large stature attributed to the intruders should not be taken
too literally. During the course of many ages traditional person-
ages easily assume exaggerated proportions. The Indians of Ecua-
dor and Peru are of low stature, comparatively speaking, and any-
one above their average height becomes, in their eyes, first a tall,
later a very tall man. If to unusual size, hostile demeanor is added,
after a lapse of time aboriginal lore converts him into a monster,
morally and physically, and it is in some such sense that the term
"giant** should be understood — a being with superior physical
power and destructive tendencies. As for the manner in which the
"giants" came to be exterminated, it may be said that, while the
natural phenomenon described in connection with their destruction
seems to indicate the fall of a meteorite of unusual size, the possibility
of some volcanic disturbance should not be excluded.

Notes

1. De Civitate Deiy cap. 7, lib. xvi.

2. The Cross of Carabuco, American Anthropologist ^ vi, No. 5, 1904.

3. Corbnica moralizada del Or den de San Agustin en el Ferv, vol. i,
1638, lib, II, cap. II, III, IV ; also cap. x on Viracocha.

4. Having frequently quoted, in previous papers, the sources to which
I must refer, I abridge titles in order to save space and to avoid repeti-
tion. The report of the Augustines is in vol. iii of the Documentos inid-
itos de Indias under the title **Relacion de la Religion y de los Ritos del
Peru,** etc. The passage is found on p. 22 : ** Pues finge el demonio, y
los indios io tenian muy creido, que Ataguju envi6 a el mundo desde el
cielo a este Guamansuri, y este vino a el mundo a la provincia de Guam-
achuco, que de alll se habia de comenzar, y cuando vino hallo en €\ cris-
tianos, que en lengua de Guamachuco se Uaman Guachemines, y ^1 andaba
muy pobre entre ellos. Y los guachemines le hacian trabajar y hacer sus
chacaras : tenian estos guachemines una hermana,que llamaban Cantaguan^
la cual tenian muy encerrada que no la veia nadie ; y un dia fueron los
hermanos fuera, y entonces Guamansuri fu^ a ella y con halagos y enga-
fios la hubo y empreflo. Y como los hermanos guachemines la vieron
prefiada y supieron el negocio, y que Guamansuri habia sido el estrupador
y agresor, prendieronle y quemaronle y hici^ron le polvos ; y dicen los
indios que los polvos se subieron al cielo y que se qued6 alia con Ata-
guju ; y por esta causa por entonces no hobo la erecion de los indios y a

AM. ANTH., N. S , 7—18

264 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

ella pusieron d muy buen recabdo. ' ' This bears a suspiciously Christian
tinge, (p. 23) : ** Y entonces dice quel fuerte mancebo mat6 a los gua-
chemines, y a algunos que quedaron ech61es de la tierra. * ' The story of
the followers of Viracocha, or Tonapa, is entirely different. Com-
pare Juan de Betanzos, Suma y Narracian de los Incas^ cap. 11, p. 8.
From the report of the Augustines it would seem that the " Guache-
mines** inhabited the country before the Indians, for Catequil, who
was the son of Cantaguan, killed the so-called Christians : '^ Enton-
ces subi6se al cielo y dix61e a Ataguju : ' ya la tierra estd libre y los
guachemines muertos y echados de la tierra, agora te ruego que se
crien indios que la habiten y labren.* *' Thereupon Ataguju (to whom
creation is attributed) directed Catequil to go to a height between Lima
and Truxillo, ** y que fuesen d el dicho cerro y cavasen con taquillas 6
azadas de plata y oro y de alii sacaria los indios y de alii se multiplicarian
y se multiplicaron todos ; y asi se hizo y que de alii sali6 su principio. ' '
Hence the ** Guachemines * ' occupied the region before the Indians, Their
identification with * ' Christians * ' is certainly posterior to the conquest
and invented by the Indians to explain and excuse, to a certain extent,
their opposition to the Christian faith. This results plainly from p. 24 :
" Lo segundo es que dicen los indios, que porque los indios mataron los
guachemines y los echaron, agora los cristianos son sus enemigos y les hacen
tanto mal y los roban y toman sus mujeres y haciendas ; y por esto ellos
son nuestros enemigos, y el demon io, porque mataron los guachemines a
Guamansuri, quiere mal a los cristianos y los teme, y no querria que en
cosa recibiesen la ley de los cristianos, y no hay que dubdar sin6 que es
grande el 6dio que nos han tenido. ' * The traditions about * ' white men ' *
from the vicinity of Ayacucho, and the tales connected with the ruins of
the Rio Vinaque, will be treated farther on. They bear some analogy
to the Huamachuco stories.

5. Lucas Fernandez de Piedrahita, Historia general de las Conqinstas
del Nvevo Reyno de Granada (1688, lib. i, cap. iii, p. 17) : *'Tenian
alguna noticia del diluvio, y de la creacion del mundo ; pero con tanto
adicion de disparates, que fuera indecencia reducirlos a la pluma : y comu-
nicados en esta materia referian, y lo hazen al presente por tradicion de
vnos en otros, que en los passados siglos aport6 a aquellas regiones vn
hombre estrangero, a quien llaman vnos Nemquetheba, otros Bochica, y
otros Zuh6, y algunos dizen, que no fue solo el estrangero, sino tres,que
en diferentes tiempos entraron predicando ; pero lo mas comun, y reci-
bido entre ellos es, que fue vno solo con los tres epitetos referidos.
Este tal, dizen, que tenia la barba muy crecida hasta la cintura, los cabe-
llos recogidos con vna cinta como tren^a puesta a la manera, que los an-
tiguos Fariseos vsaban los Philacterios, 6 Coronas con que se rodeaban
las cabezas. . . . Andaba este hombre con las plantas desnudas, y traia
vna Almalafa puesta, cuyas puntas juntaba con vn nudo sobre el ombro ;
de donde afiaden aver tomado el trage, el vso del cabello, y de andar
descal^os'* (p. 18). He preached to the Indians and, ** del Bochica
refieren en particular muchos beneficios, que los hizo, como son dezir,
que por inundaciones del rio Funzha en que intervino el arte de Huy-

BANDELiER] TRADITIONS OF PRECOLUMB IAN LANDINGS 26$

thica, etc." The miracle of Tenquendama follows (p. 19) : " Vltima-
mente afirman del Bochica, que muri6 en Sogamoso despues de su predi-
cacioD ; y que aviendo vivido alii retirado veinte vezes cinco veintes de
afios, que por su cuenta hazen dos mil, fue trasladado al cielo. " . . . "EI
averle dado entre otros el epiteto de Zuh6, que es el mismo, que dieron
despues a los primeros hombres blancos, que vieron en las conquistas."
On the heels of Bochica there appeared a very beautiful woman who,
however, was as bad as Bochica was good, and whom the latter, accord-
ing to some, converted into an owl, or into the moon according to others
(p. 18). This woman is sometimes called Huythdca, again Chia and
Yubecayguaya. To her evil arts the inundation of the Rio Funzha is
attributed. I have elsewhere called attention to the difficulty of deter-
mining whether these traditions, as told in the seventeenth century,
existed as early as 1536, when the first contact of the Chibchas with the
whites took place. The writings of the conqueror Quesada, finished in
1539, preserved in manuscript in the national historical archives of
Spain, can alone throw light on this question. The title of this precious
document is Epitome del Nuevo Reino de Granada, See Jimenez de la Es-
pada, Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias, vol. i, p. xliv, ** Antecedentes.^^

6. Noticias historiales de las Conquistas de Tierrafirme en las Indias
occidentales (MS. in the Lenox branch of N. Y. Public Library; pt. 11,
noticia iv, cap. 3, p. 261): **Aq' ayuda mucho una tradicion cer-
tissima q* tienen todos los de este reyno, de haver uivido en el veinte
hedades v cuentan en cada edad 70 afios, un hombre no conocido de nadie
ya mayor en afios y cargado de canas, el cabello y barva larga hasta la
cintura cogida la cabellera con vna cinta. . . . Dicen q* vino por la
parte del Leste q' son los llanos q* llaman continuados de Venezuela, y
entr6 a este reyno por el pueblo de Pasca al sur de esta Ciudad de S**
F^." . . . (p. 262) : ** Desde alii vino al pueblo de Boza donde se le
muri6 vn Camello q* traia, cuyos guesos procuraron conservar los natu-
rales, pues aun hallaron algunos los Espafloles en aquel pueblo quando
entraron, entre los quales dicen q* fu^ la costilla q*" adoraban en la laguna
llamada Bozassio : los Indios de Boza y Suacha, a este pusieron dos 6
tres nombres segun la variedad de las lenguas q* havia por donde pasaba."
On p. 265 he describes the wanderings of that man over the highlands of
Bogata, preaching.

7. Noticias historiales y MS. pt. 11, not. rv, cap. iv, p. 266.

8. Piedrahita, Historia general de las Conqvistas^ p. 17. Simon,
Noticias historiales (pt. 11, not. iv, cap. iv, p. 264) says of Bochica : "El
Bochica era Dios mas universal y aun casi Sefior de este otro. * *

9. According to Enrique Torres Saldamando {Los antiguos Jesuitas
del Peru, Lima, 1882, p. 107), Oliva was a Neapolitan and came to
Lima in 1597, where he was consecrated and sent to Juli, on the shores
of Lake Titicaca. He remained in Bolivia a number of years, chiefly at
Chuquisaca (Sucre) and Potosi. In 1636 he was rector of the college of
Jesuits a*t Callao. He died at Lima in 1642. His book, Historia del
Peru y Varones insignes en Santidad de la Compaflia de Jesus ^ was
approved in 1631, the year of its completion.

266 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

10. Historia del Ferv^ 1719 (p. 5). He says of his Indian informant
" pero mejor d mi ver hace relation dellos el quipocamayo y cacique
llamado Catari viejo antiguo del valle de Cochabamba y hijo de los qui-
pocamayos coronistas de los Reies Incas por que aunque admite, ' ' etc.

11. Historia del Pen^ (pp. 23-37). It would take too much space
to quote the whole. He says, among other things : * * Aportaron a Caracas,
donde poblaron y hi^ieron alto : y de donde despues el tiempo adelante
se fueron estendiendo en las demas tierras y prouin^ias de Peru. Destos
primeros pobladores passaron algunos a las partes de Sumpa, que es aquel
paraje que aora los Espafioles Uaman la punta de sancta Helena que esta
en dos grados." He goes on to tell of several expeditions from Santa
Elena to various parts of South America, including Brazil and Paraguay.
After the ''giants'* had been exterminated, voyages were made farther
down the coast as well as into the interior. The stories are confused,
and there is such a mixture of pretended lore from Ecuador and from
Peru that it presents an exceedingly suspicious appearance. Finally (p.
32), he causes Manco Capac to be bom on the island of Pund, near Guay-
aquil, whence he coasted with his people as far as Lima, " y Manco
con la gente que le sigui6 ap>orto acia la costa de Rimac. ' ' On account
of a severe storm and earthquake Manco continued his voyage down the
coast and went inland to the Collao. He found the Titicaca region
already inhabited. All this does not read like genuine Indian folklore.

12. Historia del Peru (lib. i, cap. 2, p. 23): " Y enel tiempo que
estoy escribiendo esta vinieron a mis manos unos papeles originales, que
roe dio el doctor Bartholome Ceruantes, racionero de la Sancta yglesia
de los Charcas en que halle con puntualidad lo que muchos alios a e
deseado saber. ' '

13. Segunda Parte de la Crbnica del Peru ^ cap. iv, p. 4.

14. Memorias antiguas historiales y politicas del Peru^ ?• 3-

15. Relacion de Antiguedades deste Reyno del Piru^ p. 234 : " Dizen
que en tiempo de Purunpacha todas las naciones de Tauantinsuyo benieron
de hazia arriba de Potossi tres 6 quatro exercitos en forma de guerra, y
assi los venieron poblando, tomando los lugares, quedandose cada vno de
los compafiias en los lugares baldios. * '

16. Compare pp. 236 to 240, and his profession of faith, p. 234.

17. Primera parte de la Crbnica del Peru ^ p. 453.

18. Descripcion de la Tier r a del Repartimiento de los Rue anas Anta-
marcas de la Corona real, Jurisdicion de la ciudad de Guanianga^ 1586,
in Relaciones geogrdficas de IndiaSy vol. i, p. 210: "Respdndese
al capitulo veinte y uno, que junto al pueblo de La Vera Cruz de
Cauana esta un pueblo derribado, al parecer, antiquisima cosa. Tiene
paredes de piedra labrada, aunque la obra tosca ; las portadas de las
casas, algunas de ellas algo mas de dos varas en alto, y los lumbrales
labrados de piedras muy grandes ; y hay seftales de calles.*' It may be
that these edifices are those mentioned by Cieza (Primera parte de la
Cronica, p. 434, cap. lxxxvii) as on the Rio Vinaque, "adonde estan
unos grandes y muy antiquisimos edificios, que cierto, segun estan gasta-
dos y arruinados, debe de haber pasado por ellos muchas edades. Pregun-

BANDELiER] TRADITIONS OF PRECOLUMBIAN LANDINGS 267

tando d los Indios comarcanos quien hizo aquella antigualla, responden
que otras gentes barbadas y blancas como nosotros, los cuales, muchos
tiempo antes que los ingas reinasen, dicen que vinieron d estas partes y
hicieron alii su morada. * * If the ruins on the Vinaque are the same as
those near Cauana, then the Spaniards must have heard the tradition
shortly after the conquest,

19. Primera parte de la Misceidnea Antdrctica (MS. in the Lenox
branch of the New York Pubic Library, fol. 257). The *' Nayres *' were
originally from Malabar, I am informed by Dr Berthold Laufer, the distin-
guished student of eastern Asiatic anthropology. According to Cabello
Balboa these Nayres, in the course of their depredations, came from Asia
to Chile and " fueron el origen, y cepa de los Yndios de Chile, de quien
tambien descienden los Chiriguanaes (6 mejor diciendo) Chiliganaes de
estos fueron fabricadas aquellas fortalezas estrafias que en Ayavira, y Tia-
guanaco ( y en otras partes de este pedazo de mundo) se an visto, ' ' etc. (cap.
19, fol. 257). '* Se metieron en a tierra austral, y de alii jamas se tuvo
nueva y noticia de ellos La entrada que ellos afiide [?] en las n™* Yndias
es congetura por las razones que los Yndios antiguos dan para tenerla por
las antiguas tradiciones de sus mayores que les decian que de acia aquella
parte del Mundo avian venido estos pestilentes tiranos, y la misma razon
dan los de Chile sefialando su venida de acia el estrecho aquien llamamos
de Magallanes. * * This passage is confused. In the first place, Balboa
says that nothing was known or learned about the ** Nayres " after they
had once penetrated inland, yet he attributes to them the construction of
the ancient edifices near Ayaviri (probably the remains of Pucard are
meant) and Tiahuanaco. Again, he intimates that the Nayres were the
original inhabitants and settlers, whereas he also states that the Indians
of Chile spoke of them as ruthless invaders. All this shows that he has
arranged, but not objectively rendered, the traditions claimed by him to be
original and primitive. What might possibly be gathered from his state-
ments is that there existed in his time, among the Indians of Chile, lore,
perhaps ancient, relative to landings on the southern Chilean coast of
people coming ft^om the direction of Asia. This is said with every proper
reserve.

20. The manuscript of Balboa, in all likelihood, was not known to
Barcia, the editor of Garcia*s Origen de los Indios^ 1729. In cap. xxiii,
p. 247, Garcia treats of the possibility of an East Indian origin of the In-
dians of southern Chile, but he quotes as authorities Hugo Grotius {Diss,
I de Origin Amer, ) and Hornius (^De Originibus Americanis Libri qua-
tuory 1652, lib. I, fol, 55, 56), which indicates that the quotation is by
Barcia, as the first edition bears date 1607.

21. Misceidnea, etc., (MS., pt. in, cap. 17, fol. 509): "Que en
tiempos muy antiguos que no saben numerarlos vino de la parte suprema
de este Piru con gran fiota de Balsas vn padre de Campafias, hombre de
mucho valor y calidad llamado Naymlap, y consigo traia muchas concu-
binas, mas la muger principal dicese averse llamado Ceterni, trujo en su
compafiia muchas gentes que ansi como a Capitan y caudillo le venian
siguiendo. ... [p. 511 0 ^^^^ Sefior Naymlap con todo su repuesto

268 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

vino i aportar y tomar tieria d la boca de vn Rio (aora llamado Faquis-
llanga) y auiendo alii desamparado sus balsas se entraron la tierra adentro. ' '

22. Relacion de los primeros descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y
Diego de Almagro (in Doc, para la Historia de Espafla, vol. v, p. 196).
This document states (p. 193) that Pizarro and Almagro left on their
expedition in 1525. He was at Panama again in 1528. — Informacion
hecha en Panamd d pedimento de Garcia de/arin, Aug. 3, 1528 {Doc,
para la Hist, de Espaha, vol. xxvi, p. 259). If the craft captured by
Ruiz was ''de cabida de hasta treinta toueles," it was not much smaller
than the smallest vessels of Pizarro. Relacion de los primeros descubri-
mientos (p. 193) : Partieron en el afio de 25 con dos navios de cuarenta
y setenta toneles y un bergantin pequefio. ' *

23. Relacion de los Descubrimientos (p. 198): '* Salieron d losdichos
navios catorce canoas grandes con muchos indios.*' — Pedro Pizarro, Re-
lacion del descubrimiento y conquista de los reinos del Peru (Doc, para la
Hist, de Espafla, v, 215).

24. Historia del Nuevo Mundo (iv, 221): *' Las mayores balsas que
usan los indios peruanos que habitan cerca de montaiias, como los de los
puertos de Payta, Manta y Guayaquil, son compuestas de siete, nueve 6
mas maderos de palo de balsa, por este orden : que los atan a lo largo
unos con otros con bejucos 6 cuerdas sobre otros atravesados ; el de enme-
dio es por la proa mas largo que los otros ; los cuales van siendo mas
cortos unos que otros cuanto mas se apartan d los lados ; de suerte que
vienen i quedar en la proa con la figura y proporci6n que guardan los
dedos de la mano extendida, puesto que por la popa son iguales ; encima
hacen tablados, para que no se moje la gente y ropa que va en ellas con
el agua que les entra por las junturas de los leflos. Navegan por la mar
d vela y remo, y son algunas tan grandes, que caben holgadamente cin-
cuenta hombres. * '

25. Relacion general de las poblaciones espaflolas del Peru {Rel, geo-
grdf, de IndiaSy i, 13): '* Por este rio arriba hasta el Desembarcadero
que hay diez y nueve leguas, se va en unas que llaman balsas ; en lugar
de barcos, y son como palos grandes atados uno con otro, ni mas ni
m^nos que la escalera de una carreta, digo como una carreta quitadas las
ruedas, salvo que van los palos juntos ; el de en medio es mas largo y es
la proa de la balsa, en la cabeza del cual va siempre gobemando un indio,
y a los lados van cada tres, 6 cada dos 6 cada cinco indios, segun son las
balsas y la carga que lie van ; porque algunos son de siete palos, y de aqui
no suben : van lianas por el agua, que algunas veces las bafia el agua, y
los regalados y gente de respeto hacen poner unas tablas sobre unos palos
atravesados, y alii van echados. Otras veces hacen poner a los lados
unas estacas y atravesados palos como las varas de carreta, por si llevan
nifios no caigan en el agua ; y ansi subi yo con mi muger y hijos ; y por
el sol hacen un dejadillo de paja, de manera que cuando esta balsa va
ansi, parice una choza de pastores.'* These rafts recall the *' callapas '*
in use on the confluence of the Amazon in eastern Bolivia, which, how-
ever, are usually tvi'O rafts attached at the sides and each with its
platform.

BANDEUER] TRADITIONS OF PRECOLUMBIAN LANDINGS 269

26. Historia general y natural de Indias (vol. iv, lib. XLVi, cap. xvii,
p. 3 2 3 ) : " Son hechas de unos palos gordos k. livianos tablados como vigas,
^ otros atravesadosy en que van atados, ^ sus barbacoas enmedio, h sus
velas latinas, ^ remeros por los lados con sus nahes. ' '

27. Historia natural y moral de las Indias (ed. of 1608, lib. i, cap.
19, p. 68) : *' Tambien cuentan los Indios de Yea, y los de Arica, que solian
antiguamente nauegar a vnas Islas al Poniente muy lexos, y la nauegacion
era en vnos cueros de lobo Marino hinchados. De manera que no faltan
indiciosy de que se aya navegado la mar del Sur, antes q* viniessen
Espafioles por ella. ' *

28. Hist, del Nuevo Mundo (iv, 220) : " Hdcenlas de dos cueros de
Lobos Marinos llenos de aire, los cuales atan uno con otro al modo de los
dos haces de que se hacen las de Enea. En cada una va solo un indio, y
entran a pescar en la mar tanto trecho como en las otras. Mas porque
estas balsas suelen aflojarse en el agua y descrecer, para que no se hundan,
lleva cada indio un cafiuto, y enmedio de la mar se pone de cuando en
cuando a desatarlas y rehenchirlas a soplos, como si fueran pelotas de
viento. Son tan livianas y ligeras en el agua, como la materia de que
son compuestas, que es aire ; nunca se les pone velas, como ni a las de
Enea, y s61o se navega en ellas i remo, como en las primeras.^'

29. Agustin de Zarate, Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista de la
Provincia del Peru (In Vedia, vol. 11, cap. v, p. 464) : '* Y con todo
esto, nunca se di6 entero cr^dito d lo que los indios decian cerca de estos
gigantes, hasta que siendo teniente de gobemador en Puerto-Viejo
el capitan Juan de Olmos, natural de Trujillo, en el alio de 543, y
oyendo todas estas cosas, hizo cavar en aquel valle, donde hallaron tan
grandes costillas y otros huesos, que si no parescieran juntas las cabezas,
no era creible ser de personas humanas ; y asi, hecha la averiguacion y
vistas las sefiales de los rayos en las pefias, se tuvo por cierto lo que los
indios decian ; y se enviaron a diversas partes del PerCi algunos dientes
de los que alii se hallaron, que tenia cada uno tres dedos de ancho y
cuatro de largo.*' The fact that the lieutenant-governor caused excava-
tions to be made leads to the inference that the Indians suggested to him
that the remains of the ** giants '* were buried. In the Descripcion de la
gobemacion de Guayaquil {Doc, de Indias ^ ix, 273) it is stated that the
bones are specially found in the deposits of asphalt near Santa Elena,
which are well known ; hence it is not impossible that the Indians may
have seen one or more of the skulls on the surface. That the remains
are those of mastodons is made likely by the great resemblance that they
bear to human crania of enormous size, as Prof. H. F. Osborne, of the
American Museum of Natural History, has kindly shown to me.

30. Historia general y natural (vol. iv, lib. XLVii, p 257; also pp.
146, 213, etc.). Since he mentions (p. 219) the asphalt deposits, he
would have spoken of the ** giants *' had he known of the tale.

31. Primera parte del Crbnica del Peru (Vedia, 11, cap. Lii,
p. 405). The translation is not as literal as might be desired, yet
it conveys Cieza's meaning, I hope, with sufficient adherence to his
style.

270 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

32. Historia del descubrimienio etc. (Vedia, 11, cap. v, p. 465):
" No declaran de qu6 parte vinieron.*' He further says : *' Vieron los
espafioles en Puerto-Viejo dos figuras de bulto destos gigantes, una de
hombre y otra de mujer. ' * It is in the vicinity of Santa Elena and Puerto
Viejo that the carved stone seats have been found, representing human
figures on all fours. Examples may be seen in several museums of this
and other countries. The fact, mentioned by Zarate, that one of the
carvings represented a woman, might militate against his assumption that
it was intended to depict the mythical giants, since the latter had no
women with them.

33. I would only mention Gregorio Garcia, Origen de los IndioSy
1729 (lib. I, cap. IV, p. 35) : '* Dicen, que aquellos Gigantes vinieron
por mar.** Oliva, Historia del Peru (p. 25) : "Ay tradicion que estos
gigantes llegaron alii por mar en balsas. * *

34. Descripcion de la gobemacion de Guayaquil (vol. ix, p. 275) :
"Colonchillo esta poblado en el puerto de la punta de Santa Elena,
veinte y cinco leguas de Guayaquil y siete de Colonche, que es de donde
se proveen de las cosas que les faltan ; la tierra es est^ril y sin aguas ;
beben de po^os, especialmente de uno que llaman de los Gigantes, que
segun relacion de los indios viejos, los hubo en aquella tierra, no nacidos
en ella, sino venidos de otras partes."

A KEKCHI WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY*

By ROBERT BURKITT

You said that you would like to see a copy, which I had, of an
old Indian will. I have the pleasure of sending it. I am afraid
you will find it rather stupid. The will was brought to my notice
four or five years ago, in Coban, by a German investigator — Mr
Chas. Sapper, who wished me to see what I could make of it ; there
were difficulties, both of reading and of interpretation. The will
had been found in Carcha, Mr Sapper said, and sent to the Berlin
Museum ; when, or by whom, I do not now remember. Of that
original he had obtained a tracing, and the tracing was what I saw.
I told him what little I could, at the time, and I took a copy.

On looking over it to send to you last year, it was plain to me
that the text would be of little or no use without something in the
way of elucidation ; and a number of words remained to be identi-
fied. This delayed me. Sometimes it was a question of decipher-
ing the writing ; sometimes the recovery of a word nearly out of
use and unknown to most Indians ; sometimes immediate verifica-
tion would have required a particular journey. I have not made
out everything, as you will see, but I have done a good deal ; more,
perhaps, than the thing deserves.

The will is the will of a dying widow. What she bequeathes
are articles of clothing, a grinding stone, a couple of mattocks, etc.,
some Indian com, a field of peppers, and a garden. Part goes to
the church, to pay for masses. The rest is divided between two
Indians. The instrument is witnessed by town officers and others,
and signed by the Spanish scribe in the presence of the testatrix
and of at least one of the legatees. The place is not mentioned,
but it was either Chamelco or Carcha. The date is the 3d of De-
cember, 1583.

^ This paper, originally a letter of Mr Burkitt's, b presented practically in the form
in which it was received. — Editor.

271

272 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

The handwriting is of the round order, small and crabbed, with
frequent idiosyncrasies. For instance, the sequence tz is con-
stantly so written as to look like a capital B, Yet the main is
legible. Uncertain characters are few, and those few I have at-
tempted to imitate in the copy.

The disposition of the words, syllables, and letters is much as
my copy represents. Words are misunited ; and words are broken
apart, often, apparently, at haphazard. The tale of syllables is
usually complete. Much of the will, however, is in the style of
notes jotted down from speech ; and not mere syllables, but words,
and even phrases, are probably missing.

The punctuation is rude, and sometimes obscure. Periods are
separated by dashes, but not always. Little or no use is made of
capital letters. Only one or two periods begin with a capital, and
a few of the proper names.

There are uses in spelling to be noticed :

(i) The letters b and v are used indifferently, not only for the
sound of b^ as is still common in Spanish, but also for the sound of w
or of gw. Alguacil is spelled * alvacil ' ; the Indian gwan is both
' ban ' and ' van ' ; Vi and gwi are alike spelled * vi ' ; and so on.

(2) The right sound of // is written // ; but sometimes the letter
is silent, as in modem Spanish ; and again it often stands for the
guttural y. Awabej, for instance, is written * hauabeh ' ; and jtin is
sometimes *hun.* The Cajabon manuscript,^ too, uses // for j
constantly.

(3) There is no attempt, at this early date, to distinguish the
sound of k from that other palatal which I write q ; they and their
modifications, ^ and 5, are alike written c (or qu, as Spanish ortho-
graphy may require). So with / and // etc. In fact the only
improvement on the alphabet of present-day Spanish is the Cata-
lonian use of x for the consonant which in English we write sh.

(4) When that consonant, however, is the possessive prefix, it
is not written x, but 7; a custom which may still be found in
Cajabon. Thus, oxib (three) the will spells correctly ; while xhaq
{its price) is * y tzac,' with y for x,

1 The Cajab6n manuscript referred to here and elsewhere in this article is in posses-
sion of Charles P. Bowditch, Esq., of Boston, Mass. See Amer, Anthropologist^ 1902,
IV, p. 456.

BURKiTT] A kekchI will of the sixteenth centur y 273

In other cases y is either for the vowel /, as in Spanish, or for
the Indian consonant y (English dy^ nearly).

(5) Z has the sound oi s ; in these colonies z never has had any
other sound.

(6) Contractions are frequent, especially by omission of «, as
the custom was. And contraction is usually indicated by a super-
script vinculum or similar mark.

Some other pecularities and aberrations of spelling will be seen
in reading.

In the following text of the will the large type represents the
original. The interlinear is the same thing made plain ; that is, the
Indian is deciphered in my phonetic alphabet, each word apart and
without abbreviation. The Spanish words that occur are dis-
tinguished in the interlinear by italics. I have supplied some marks
of punctuation in the interlinear, but the language itself is in no
way varied. Those parts of the text which I cannot make out with
certainty are shown in the interlinear by dots. I shall speak of
them in detail ; and for the sake of reference I have numbered the

lines.

1. testamento rech M-

Testamento retx Mathalena

2. rixq^l d! hematez camenac

rizaqil . . . Hemandex kamenaq.

3. cey cabay Dios hauabeh Dios caholbeh Dios fpu sancto

S€ zkabS, i Dios awabej, Dios kajolbej, Dios Espiritu santo

4. ta in tic quib vi in testamento retal rahom in chol y chum in chol

ta in tikib b! in testamento retal rajom in txol, xtxum in txol,

5. chirixc le vech chirixc chic vi in canabahem nac quin

txi rixk le gwetx, txi rizk txik b! in kanabahem naq in

6. chi came = hun pot hu ca caib y miifa chi uxc

txi kamq. Jun p(tot, jun kfl, kflib i misa txi uxq

7. chinbehen — hun uec hoob y tosto on que oxib y

tx' in behen. Jun . . . , Sob i toston o'n ke, oxib i

8. mifla chi uxc chinbehe chi rixc ruquin ar chielc

misa txi uxq tx' in behen txi rixk ; rukin ... txi elq

9. y cantela ru quineb p! hoob an chal y misfa nan tzama

i candela ; rukin ib pe dob antxal i misa na 'n tsama.

274 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

10. ma xic an chal ce rochoch y Dios le hal ruqn

. . . zik antxal s€ rotxotx i Dios le hal nikin

11. hu ach capupul hu hacha caib mifTa matiuma

jun ... ... jun . . . k&ib misa . . .

12. chirixc hu bech cha ^ah . . 9*u y bailom cha a yah

txi rixk juD gwetz txan . . . Juan x ... txan a yaj.

13. hkiohl hunyocote chich chi re cha a luis Cal racah

Gwan arwin jun yokotS txitx txi retxan a Luis Q&al, . . .

14. vacunac chacayah hunyocote chich chi re cha

... , txank a yaj. Jun yokotS txitx txi retxan

15. JQ yat vi hovi y chac raby bahilom nac ocamc chaayah

Juan Yat bT, jOgwI xtxaqrab x ... naq o kamk, txan a yaj.

16. hun acha ca pupul chi re cha luis Cal cha ayah

Jun txi retxan Luis Q&al, txan a yaj.

17. Balthafar ^a«*illi^ ju chic cha c precarabi chac

Balthasar . . . Jun txik txank ... , txank

18. ayah Vcmno ju ah quinam xiyab neb

a yaj. . . . Jun aj kinam xiyab ' . .eb

19. chi quehec hQ acha ca pupul chi quehec rech cha ayah

txi keheq jun ... ... txi keheq retx, txan a yaj.

20. hunca xa chi re cha vi jii yat vany <jerosohil chaayah

Jun caja txi retxan hlJuanYvX^ gwan x-ctrrojo-Wf txan a yaj.

21. hQ caxa mahi y ce rosohil chi re cha luis Cal cha ayah

Jun cajay majl x-cerrojo-W^ txi retxan Luis Q&al, txan a yaj.

22. huntepic chi re chanluis cal cha ayah

Jun tep ik txi retxan Luis QSaI, txan a yaj.

23. hunpat in pot van chicaz ruqui ju y[obUteniied]z laheb y tomin

Jun ... in p5ot gwan txi kas nikin Juan Yats, lajeeb i tumin

24. chicacao bahxa tac cal rahlaq^ y bahilO ixcabha ^V^ hu

txi kakaw, gwaqxaq taq kal rajlankil, ... ... Jun

V [erased] ach

gwakatx

25. o cacruq^n gafpar tQ uccal chin to hac vi chac acal chic

o kamk nikin Caspar Tun, gwuq kal tx' in toj &q bT, txank ; ox kal txik,

26. y tzac tzi hotuc achal chi cacao ox petet chic in noc

xtsaq tsl; dtuk antxal txi kakaw. Ox petet txik in noq,

burkitt] a KEKCHl WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 2/5

27. vena quin

y quirac chin qe

naq in txi kiraq tx' in kem

in choch

in txotx

camicas I tul

gwey

28. havt le

A ut le

vauib I

gwawim ; granadillas^ tul,

mac

&q,

cha

txan

ayah

ayaj.

p* cheb echanc ruquin anchal

p€ tx' eb etxanq rukin antxal

o I pata, I turazno | coyou tern

o, pata, duraznOf koyow, tern.

30. Com vech chi ru ch y dios ruquin in bahilom camenac

Kamk gwetx txi nitx i Dios^ rukin in ... kamenaq,

31. cha ayah chi ruch eb mathalena chi ruch eb ah valebc

txan a yaj [above struck out] Mathalena ; txi rutx €h aj-gwalebj

32. atts regi tores y cana vinaql y ratin ayah chiruch

• • • f regidores, xkanagwinaqil i ratin a yaj, txi rutx

33. luis Cal Cana vinac ex quin tziba y ratin <;e martes

Luis QSal. Kanagwinaq ix k'in tsiba i ratin si martts,

chi 9a oxib y y be y po te ciempre mil y qui ni entos y

35.

txi s& oxib i xbe

ocheta y tres anbs

ochenta y tres aHos,

i po diciembre^ mil y quinientos y

oni£rftji4or

or ceo 'ma.'jof
fo»r»o

Gonzalo

. . . Inis

Oxib regidor.

Merez . . .

de Guzman

. . . alguacil mayor.

• • •

Lorenzo mayor-

Juan MendeZy

domo.

aj-tsib.

Lines i and 2, which I have placed as a heading, are scribbled
on the back of the original.

Testamento . . . kamenaq, ' Testament of Mathalena [Magda-
lena], wife of Hernandez, deceased.'

di herndtes. The first word must be short for something Span-
ish, d not being an Indian sound. In adopting Spanish words,

2/6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Indians turn d into /; so the surname Hernandez is written with a
/ to imitate Indian pronunciation.

3, Se xkaba . . . Santo, * In the name of God the Father, God
the Son, and God the Holy Ghost'

cey cabay. In neither case does the final y belong to the word
to which it is joined ; the first represents the possessive prefix x, to
be joined to kaba ; the second is the proclitic i. See remarks (4)
on the spelling.

Dios, Indians say ' Tiox^ ; and it is commonly supposed that
Tiox is a corruption of Dios. This may be doubted. The same
word sometimes means * pupil ' (of the eye). Tiox also appears in
the vocable bantiox (* thanks '), and is the base of tioxi{^ be thankful
for '). If the Greeks had conquered Mexico, it is likely they would
have supposed the Aztec Tecotl to be a corruption of fleic.

fpu sancto. Where the original uses a long j, I copy it. The
half-Latin spelling of these words, and, farther on, the constant
spelling of * tnissa * for misa, might be taken to signify that the scribe
had learned his letters among clerics. The Indian for * God the
Spirit' is Tiox Musiqbej {Jmtisiq, 'breath of).

4, 5, 6, ta in tikib , , . txi kamq^ * I begin, then, my testa-
ment, the record of my heart's wish, my heart's desire, respecting
what is mine, respecting too what I have to leave when I die.'

4, ta in. So also in the Cajabon MS. Modem speech would
elide the a^ making fin.

retal rajom in Ixol. An Indian rendering of the previous
Spanish word, a practice frequent in the old compositions called
' parlamentos.'

5, 6. in txi kamq. This arrangement is now seldom heard, the
txi being fully assimilated to an index of tense, and put first : tx' in
kamq.

In the spelling nac quin, of the original, the qu is merely a false
repetition of the final palatal of naq. Cf. tic quib for tikib^ lipe 4.

6, 7. Jun pooty . , . tx' in behen, * A shirt, and a grinding-
stone [are to pay for] two masses to be performed on my behalf.'
Poot is the short, loose shirt, without sleeves, which is the upper
garment of the women. It is of white cotton among these Indians,
and frequently embroidered with colors.

BURKiTT] A kekchI will of the sixteenth centur y 277

7, 8. Jun \uuq f\ , dob ... txi rixk. * A [skirt ?] — five
tostones I gave [for it] — [is to pay for] three masses to be
performed for me afterward.'

uec. Such appears to be the spelling, but no such word is
known. It has been proposed to read gwex (trousers) ; but I can-
not think the last letter a miswritten x; besides the price, five
tostones, would be too much. Tostbn was the old half-dollar. I
think the word must be uuq, 'skirt.' Among these Indians the
skirt is a dark blue. It may be very voluminous. A well-off
woman wears as much as ten yards.

8, 9. ru%in . . . candela, * Therewith candles are to go ' ;
i. e., with the masses. This at least is one rendering, and perhaps
the best. It supposes that the word which seems to be written ar
is meant for the third personal pronoun an, enclitic to rukin,

cantela for candela. See note on herndtez, line 2. An Indian
word for candle is Htsuuj, though not much used in that sense.

9, ru^in eb pe dob . . . hama. * So, with them, I ask for five
additional masses.' That is, with the first two masses and the
subsequent three she gets the total of five ; * additional,' I suppose
is meant, to the regular office of the dead.

pe. This particle occurs again, on line 28 ; and both times it is
so written as to look like an abbreviation, which it is not. I have
rendered pe here by the introductory * so.' Better, perhaps, would
be our * you see ' : ' With them, you see, I ask for five,' etc. These
particles pe and Hi (especially pe) are out of place in a prepared
statement or monologue ; they belong to conversation. The use
of them is evidence that the will was not a prepared statement, but
pieced together on the spot with fragments of talk ; and not very
coherently pieced, either, as further reading shows. Throughout
this paragraph (lines 7-9) the punctuation, and in some degree the
sense, have been matter of dispute. I have given what seems to
me the most natural.

ID, II) 12. These three lines present such a disposition of
doubtful or unrecognizable words that hardly the drift of the mean-
ing can be guessed. In the original, these lines are in a handwriting
which is notably different from that of the rest, and some have sup-
posed a different writer.

2/8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

10. ma xik. There is a particle of negation, ma ; but no such
construction as ma xik. The least unlikely guess I can offer is that
ma should be read na, the present-tense index, which makes things
intelligible as far as hal : Na xik antxal . , , le hal^ ' The com also
goes to the house of God * ; i. e., to the church, doubtless to pay
for the masses mentioned in the next line. The proceeding would
be nothing unusual.

ruqn^ short for writing ruqiiin, as again on line 25, where the
abbreviation mark is written. The context of rukin is as doubtful
as everything else here. I should incline to put a pause after hal^
and perhaps translate ruki7i by ' therewith,' referring to the com as
a means of payment This is one of the places where it is easy to
suspect something missing, with the scribe's attention divided be-
tween his ear and his pen.

11. ach capupuL This mysterious phrase is the great crux
of the will. It occurs again on line 16, and again on line 19;
but with slight variations : acha instead of ach^ and ca separated
from pupuL ca might be qa (our) ; but more likely is kA (two).
pupul has all the appearance of a noun formed on a base pup,
like lukul from luk, tupul from tup, etc.; but my inquiries and
those of others have failed to elicit any pup or pupul from the
speech of the day. Possibly the word might be recovered from
the Cajabon MS. One Indian thought the word should be tupul,
in the sense of ' piece,' ' portion ; ' but the spelling is plainly pupul,
thrice over.

As for ach, or cu:ha, to most readers it immediately suggests
the Spanish hacha. But if an * axe ' was meant, why say it in
Spanish? Indians always use their own word, mdl, and so does
everybody, talking Indian. Another suggestion is that the word is
still the Spanish hacha, but in the sense of 'torch,' or 'great
candle,' used in church processions, etc., and perhaps to be used in
the kdib misa, ' two masses,' which are now in question. But then
this meaning is not suitable to the context in lines 16 and 19. The
only thing in Indian, I know of, that ach could be, is the root atx,
found in atxab, ' slacken,' ' let go ' ; but there is no help in this.

hu hacha. Last letter probably a, though it looks more like ;/
in the original. These words may be a repetition of the ////;/ ach.

BURKITT] A KEKCHf WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 2/9

or hun acha, already discussed. But the initial h, of hacha, may be
for j\ and we might read jun jatx a kaib tnisa^ * a half of the two
masses.' Jatx, 'fraction/ especially 'half; a, the. This would
suggest that elsewhere the word acA should be Aach, i. ^,,jatx\ and
we should understand the meaning to be that the com, above men-
tioned, and the other articles farther on (lines i6, 19) are to be ap-
portioned between the two beneficiaries.

ma tiuma. Such appear to be the letters. No meaning. The
context seems to indicate a verb. We might therefore suppose ma
to be na, as in the case of ma xik on line 10. As for tiuma, perhaps
a final n is suppressed without mark, as happens elsewhere ; we
should then have the ending -man, of the gerundive ; and so finally
evolve something like na tiwman, ' it is to be eaten ' {tnv, * bite,*
* eat '). But the meaning * eat ' does not fit, unless it referred to the
com, and in that case the word would not be tiw, but ^ux,

12. txi rixk Jun gwetx, * after one for me ' ; meaning, apparently,
' after one mass for me.' But the translation might be varied, putting
a pause after rixk.

cAd yah. The first letter of the second word looks like an r with
an accidental * tail ' ; or it may be a misshapen y. If y^ then the
word is yaj\ * sick ' ; and we must assume the omission of the article
' a' Xo complete the oft-recurring phrase txan ayaj\ 'says the sick
(one),' meaning, of course, the testatrix. If this reading is accepted,
then yaj ends the sentence. The two dots which follow are evi-
dently intentional, and may be meant to mark a period, though no
other period is so marked.

^U y bailom. The first letter cannot be a capital G, but is a
capital I or J, begun with a flourish. Both Juan and jun are else-
where contracted to ju. Here the word is doubtless Juan, the
christian name of the person termed bailom.

The latter word, with the spelling baAilom, occurs three times
again. From line 1 5 it is seen that baAilom denoted a person, de-
ceased, whose directions about some property are confirmed by the
testatrix. And from line 30 it is plain that her baAilom was one
whose memory she cherished. We know from the outset that she
is the relict of one Hernandez. The conclusion is natural that
ba{ft)ilom somehow represents the word belom, * husband.' I can-

AM. AMTH., H. S., 7. — 19

280 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

not believe that bahUom has been transmuted into belotn since the
time of the will. The change would be too great, and without a
known parallel. All I can suggest is that bahUom may have been
a collateral variant of the word, but confined to local use and now
obsolete.

txan a yaj\ * says the sick (woman).' Here the strange hand-
writing ceases, and I put a period. On the whole, the thing
seems to mean that two more masses are to be said, for the woman,
perhaps, or for her late husband John (Hernandez) ; and paid for
in com.

13. ^wan arwin . . . a Luis Qda/, * There is here an iron
mattock, to be owned by Lewis Caal.'

bdo) In, Here ba = ban = gwan. See remarks (i and 6) on
the spelling. The will writes no accents, and the mark which looks
like one is an abbreviation-mark tilted up ; hence bi = bin ; but no
Indian word at all suitable ends in -bin. The b must then be read
«/, or £^ ; the hieroglyphic which looks like the Greek omega must
somehow represent the letters or ; hence, finally, arwin or argwin^
an obsolescent variant of of in,

retxan. The usual form now would be retxa,

a Luis Qdal, The use of the semi-demonstrative a shows that
Lewis Caal was actually present ; as in fact is stated further on
(line 33).

13, 14. racah vacunac, * son of my eldest son.' At least, this
is the best interpretation offered. It supposes that racah is meant
for reqaj^ ' substitute of,' frequently used in the sense of ' son of,'
indicating in all likelihood that the father is dead. As for vacunac,
it appears that in Pokomchi there is a word guacunac, meaning
* my-eldest-son ' ; and the word was perhaps current at the time,
in whatever part of the Kekchi country the will was written. There
is no such word now in Kekchi.

The use of certain forms {se for sa^ fu^n for ji^in, jetx for fe)
indicate that the will was written either in Carcha or in the neigh-
boring village of Chamelco ; more likely the latter. The Chamelco
district, which is not large, lies between Carcha and the Xukaneb
mountains, next to the Pokom country. The church is the oldest
in these parts, and has a chime of bells said to be the gift of no less

BURKITT] A KEKCHJ WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 28 1

a person than the emperor Charles V. A fantastic effigy of the
Austrian eagles is still apparent on the wall. As the emperor
abdicated in 1556, the church would have been built at least 27
years before the writing of the will. There is therefore nothing
wonderful in finding an old Indian woman the ** widow " of a Span-
ish colonist, and the Indians already baptized with christian names.
14, 15. Junyokote . . . txan ayaj. ' One iron mattock John Yat
is to own, as was the command of her [husband ?] when he died,
quoth the sick (woman).' The Indian txaji^ like the English
* quoth,' is supposed to report a speaker's own terms. Hence, if
ba/ulotn means ' husband,' we should expect * in bahilotn* ' my hus-
band,' as we do find in line 30. But both here and on lines 12 and
24 we find y ba(K)Uom, * her husband ' (the^ being for the possessive
prefix X, of the 3rd person). This confusion of 'her' and *my'
may be an oversight on the part of the scribe ; yet it is an over-
sight which could not occur in speech, and the scribe makes the
blunder, it seems, only in connection with bahilom.

16. txi retxan . . . a yaj\ * let Lewis Caal have it, says the sick ; '
' it ' being whatever is meant by /tun acha ca pupul (see note on line
u).

17. Here follows the signature of one Balthasar, whose sur-
name appears as ^a** • Hi^, ending with what seems to be a j/

scratched out, and es written above it. The initial letter is like a
d, Greek fashion. There is no such surname in Indian ; nor in
Casdlian either, that I know of. It has a Valentian or Catalonian
look.

Below this name are the letters emno^ preceded by what looks
like the arithmetical sign of square root. This hieroglyphic I take
to be a capital T, and the whole an abbreviation of TesHtnonio^ which
in old Spanish was sometimes used to mean testigo (* witness ').
A line is drawn about signature and all. It is evident from the
space occupied that the thing was not squeezed in afterward, but
written then and there, before the document went further. The
witness perhaps could not wait, and signed his name at the stage
then reached ; an irregularity quite in keeping with the style of the
instrument.

282 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Jun txik, txanky ' Another, says (she).'

precarabi. Mere gibberish ; .yet the spelling seems clear, pr
is not an Indian sequence of consonants. There must be some-
thing wrong, or something missing. The sentence ends at once,
with the repetition of txank a yaj\ * says the sick.'

18. Jun of kinam xiyab^ * a single kinam (-wood) comb.' This
does not fit the following plural, eb : eb txi 'keheq, * let them be
given.'

neb^ I read eb, I cannot understand the initial », unless it be a
miswritten A, silent, eb txi "kekeq^ modem style tx' eb ^eheq ; cf. in
txi kamqy line 5.

19. hu acha ca pupul. See notes on lines 1 1 and 1 6.

txi %eheq retx, txan a yaj\ *be it given to him, says the sick.'
To whom ? Again the legatee's name is omitted. Both on this
line and the preceding it is evident the sentences are mangled.

20. Jun caja . . . yaj, • One box let John Yat possess, that has
a lock, says the sick (woman).'

coxa = caja. X and 7 were used alike in Castilian. The mod-
em guttural j was hardly known in Castile before the end of the
XVIth century, and was not general in the colonies till the end of
the XVIIth. To the Indians a box was evidently a foreign contri-
vance. To this day the word they use is a corruption of caja or of
cajbn,

ge rosohil, A corruption of the Span, cerrojo, with the addition
of the Indian "appropriating" termination, -//. As an index to the
scribe's proficiency, note that the c has a needless cedilla ; as again
on line 33.

21. Jun caja, tnajl . . . yaj, * One box, no lock to it, let Luis
Caal possess, says the sick.'

maji. Modern style would say mdka, Maji, nowadays, means
* not yet,' excepting in one or two expressions, like Txan naq niaji ?
' Why not ' ? The Cajabon manuscript also uses majl as a simple
negative, without connotation of time.

22. Jun tep , . . yaj. ' A chile field, let Lewis Caal have it,
says the sick (one).'

Lines 23-27 are parenthetical ; they enumerate certain assets,
but make no bequests. It will be seen that these lines are sepa-

BURKiTT] A KEKCHl WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 283

rated from the rest by a couple of scratches, or dashes, reaching
into the margin.

23. Jun pat in poot . . . yah, ' One pat of shirting of mine
is on debt with John Yats/ as we should say, * on credit ' ; he owes
her for the stuff. The woman, as we see further on, was a weaver.
With the Indians, weaving is a business of women ; sewing and tail-
oring a business of men, even to the embroidering of womens' shirts
(poot). John Yats may have been the tailor.

pat. All that is clear is that this was some unit, in speaking of
shirt-cloth. Some have wished to read pac, and render ' a cut of
shirting,' etc. But the spelling pat is plain. There is a fossil word
pat, whose proper meaning is uncertain, the word occurring only in
the vocable j'unpat, ox jumpat, *a moment,' 'quickly,' etc.

Yah, In the original, the surname begins with Y and ends with
with z, the middle of the word being obliterated. There would be
room for about two letters ; and Yah (or, as the scribe would spell
it, Yatz) is the only surname that fits.

23, 24. lajeeb . . . rajlankil ; [worth] 'ten silver (pieces) in
cacao, reckoning them eight score each.' The shirt-cloth, in other
words, is valued at ten pieces-of-eight ; the piece-of-eight, or silver
dollar, being reckoned, in cacao, as equal to eight score seeds.
The real was therefore worth a score. Cacao must have been
scarce or silver plenty. A few years ago, before silver money dis-
appeared, the rate was two score for a real^ and old men tell of its
being even four score.

gwaqxaq. In the original, written bahxa / ^ = gw ; the // is
due to mistaking q ior j ; and the final palatal is missing — slurred
over by effect of the following /, of taq,

rajlankil ; written rahldq* ; the second contraction-mark tilted
up, as on lines 13 and 25.

y bahild, i. e., xbahilom (see remarks on bahilom, lines 12 and
15). No connection is traceable between this and what goes
before. As for the following ixcabha, all I can say is that it does
not contain xkabd (his, her, its, name), nor xkab (* secondly '), nor
anything else that might be fancied beginning with the possessive
prefix X, as the scribe jinvariably writes^ for that x.

The next thing on this line (24) is an unintelligible sign which

284 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

has some likeness to capital upsilon, standing on what is perhaps
one of the usual dashes marking a period.

24, 25. Jun gwdkatx . . . txank, 'A turkey of mine which
died at Caspar Tun's, seven score Til pay [for it], said he* —
meaning seven score of cacao. It is common to lend birds for
breeding.

gwakatx. In the original, begins with v (= gw) and ends with
ach^ the intervening letters being obliterated ; there would be room
for two.

gwuq %al. The original writes uccal^ which most readers took
for tikal (* earthen pot '), but an earthen pot would be no adequate
payment for a turkey ; besides there is no determining word, such
as jun (a, one), before uccal. Others have read 0 ial (five score),
turning the u into 0. There can be no doubt about the truth of my
reading ; the u means gwu ; — g^ as usual, is not recognized before
the sound of w. The sequence wu is not Spanish, and a Spaniard
is very apt to reduce it, in writing, to a mere u. gwuq Hal also
accounts for the cc of uccal. And last, but not least, the meaning
* seven score ' makes sense of the remainder.

25, 26. ox Hal . . . kakaw. * Three score more, price of dog —
200 additional of cacao.' The Caspar Tun debt, of 7 score and 3
score, makes 200 of cacao, additional to that owed by John Yats.

ox Hal, In the original, the initial hieroglyphic, which is said to
resemble the algebraic sign of variation, must be a sort of mono-
gram of ox.

xisaq hi. Dogs and puppies, even the most wretched curs,
have a price, and are not given away by Indians, but sold.

26, 27. Ox petet ... a yaj, * Three spindles (-full) more of
cotton I have, (which) in case that I get well I mean to weave, says
the sick (one).* — The ruling passion strong in death.

gwey, represented in the original by ve,

naq, like the English 'that,' is here superfluous.

in txi Hiraq. Modern style, tx* in Hiraq. Cf. in txi kamq
(lines 5, 6), and eb txi Heheq (line 19). There can be little doubt
that the y of the original represents txi in the present instance.
There was frequent confusion of the letters y, i, and x.

28, 29. A ut . . . tern. * And as for my land, why, let them

BURKiTT] A KEKCHI WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 285

possess [it ?] , together also with my plantation ; granadUlas, plan-
tains, alligator-pears, guavas, peaches, koyaws, tents,*

* le in^ modern /' in^ eliding the vowel of the article.

pe^ * why ' or * well/ etc. See note on pi, line 9.

etxanq. If there is nothing wrong with this word, it would be
proper to supply retx, answering here to the English * it' Here
again, as in line 19, the instrument omits to name the beneficiaries ;
doubtless John Yat and Lewis Caal.

gwawitn. Written vauib. Final b and tn are easily confounded.

camicas. Corruption of granadUlas, a fruit I know only under
its Spanish name. — turazno, t for d. — koyow, tern ; I have no Euro-
pean names for them. — The names, except the last two, are sep-
arated in the original by vertical scratches, meant as commas.

30-33. Kamk gwetx . . . Luis Qdaly * I am about to die before
God, with my dead [husband ?] , says the sick (one) Magdalen ; in
presence of their worships [attesting?], regidores, witnesses to the
words of the sick, in presence of Luis Caal.'

Kamk, written Com, Final k not distinguished from the follow-
ing g\ o ^ miswritten a.

bahUom, See under lines 12 and 15.

31. chi ruch eb is scratched out, the first time, to put in the
woman's name. — ah valebc ; the final c should bey. For a contrary
mistake see line 24.

32. atts. A person acquainted with law papers of the period
might know what this meant. I suppose it is an abbreviation for
atestados, or something similar. Cf atto and att, after two of the
signatures below.

regitares : / for d. But the imitation of Indian goes only part
way ; the plural ending should be struck off, as it is in ' oxib regi-
dor farther on. Regidor means a sort of town officer, like inspector
of roads, or of police, of public works, etc.

xkanagwinaqil. See kanagwinag, next line. For the scribe's
abbreviation of the last syllable, cf. rixaqil, line 2, and rajlajikil,
line 24.

txi rutx Luis Qdal, I connect this with what goes before it, and
so end the sentence. This punctuation makes as good sense as
any, and seems to be authorized by the capital C of the next word.

286 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

As the Other legatee, John Yat, is not mentioned here, it is probable
he was not present.

33, 35. Kanagwinaq ex . . , afios, * Ye are witnesses, I have
written her words on Tuesday, upon the third of the month Decem-
ber, a thousand and five hundred and eighty three years.'

Kanagwinaq, The original, Cafia vinac^ was long a puzzle.
Some Indians proposed kanajenaq (• remaining ') ; others qajenaq
(* departed *) ; and what not. I discovered the word, under the
form canaguenac^ in reading an old composition which also gave
the translation * testigo' The word is nearly obsolete. It was only
lately that I found an Indian who knew it — a man from Cajabon.
There is a similar word for * witness ' in the Kiche-chi.

se martes, I have not examined whether the day of the week
agrees or not with the rest of the date.

txi sd. After txi, the sa must be accented ; and the fact of its
being written with a shows that it was accented. Otherwise the
word becomes s'e^ in the style of the will ; and also in the style of
Carcha and Chamelco to the present day.

i xbe i po. Modem style would reduce this to either i be i po
(in Cajabon), or ;ri^^ // /^ (Coban) ; literally, 'the moon's course.'

diciembre, written * te ciempre' These Indians had a native
almanac, with twenty months in the year ; and the names of them
are still to be found in medicine-talk.

mil y quinicntos, etc. All this might as well have been Indian.

The signature which comes first is Gonzalo Meres, The next I
guess to be In^s de Guzman, In the original, the part ifies is
underlined ; as for tecuzma I suppose the / and the c to be meant
as Indian imitations of d and g, respectively, as happens elsewhere ;
and final n is often dropped ; so I arrive at * de Guzman.* The
part * do dom ' I cannot make out, though it looks as if it might
somehow involve * Dofla,'

As for atto and att, see note on atts^ line 32.

The third group contains one Indian word, oxib (three). The
di before alguazil, is likely the same as the di before Hernandez^ in
line 2, q. v. * lorSco ' must be read Lorenzo ; the c should have a
cedilla ; cf. the Portuguese spelling Lotire^igo, This Lorenzo
(* majordomo ' of the cabildo, most likely) seems to have signed for

BURKiTT] A kekchI will of the sixteenth century 287

the three regidores and for the alguacil mayor. All the signatures,
of course, are adorned with those flourishes, however clumsy,
which these people consider to be as essential as the name.

Last of all, at the bottom, is the name Juan M6ndez^ so I read
it ; aj'isib, * scribe.*

I have supposed throughout that the reader is not new to the
language. Be that as it may, there will be interest, and perhaps
help for him, in the following short glossary. It embraces all the
Indian of the will that has been read with confidence — the Indian
of the interlinear. Meanings are given with the least amount of
grammar ; and no secondary meanings of a word are mentioned
unless they conduce to the text.

It is well to say, that many words as they occur in speech, or in
the will, begin with gw, with r, or with x ; and yet will not be found
here under those headings. When that happens, those sounds are
merely inflexional prefixes ; and removing them, let the reader look
for what remains. Thus, not finding gwawint^ or rotxotx^ or xisaq,
let him look for azvim, otxotx, isaq. See gwj^ r/, and x/, which I
have entered, for explanation's sake, as if they were separable words,
like the prefix in.

No regular derivatives will be entered independently ; they will
be noticed each under the entry of its principal part ; although the
latter may not be used in the will. So Jajlankil will be found
under ajla, ^ajolbej under l^ajol, oxib under ox.

Various forms, as jajlankil^ {^(ijol^ j^abd, jixaqily will be found
with a line drawn before them ; which signifies, that owing to the
nature of their meaning, they can be used, in general, only with a
possessive prefix. I sometimes speak of them as * appropriating '
forms. — Certain English words may be followed by (v.) ; which
means that they are to be taken as verbs, not as nouns.

Accent will not be written, unless in a few cases : to distinguish,
for instance, the tonic sd, belly, etc., from the proclitic sd, in. By
accent I mean capacity for stress. The Indian syllable of accent is
always the last — often, of course, the only syllable. For effects
of accent, an enclitic word is the last syllable to its principal ; a
proclitic, a first syllable.

288

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

a, proclitic ; one of the two defi-
nite articles (the other being li or
le), the^ this^ thaty unemphatic ; Fr.
ce. See note on line 13.

a, prepositive ; particle of intro-
duction ; may sometimes be ren-
dered by buty as for, line 28.

aj-y prefix of correlative person,
frequently agent, aj-tsib, he of
writings; seetsib.

ajy particle postpositive to nu-
meral expressions, in the sense of
onlyy just, etc.: jun aj. Just one
. , . , a single . . ., line 18.

ajy ajok| etc., wish, desire (v.).
/ajom^appropriating subve. , (one^s)
wish, wish {pfY rajom in txfA^ my
hearfs wish, line 4.

ajgwalebj, person of worship or
authority, headman, etc.

ajla, ajlanky etc., count, reckon.
/ajlankily appropriating instrumen-
tal, count {of), reckoning {of),
line 24.

akatX| turkey.

antxaly postpositive, also, withal,
besides, in cuidition, etc.

aq, enclitic ; energizing or dram-
atizing particle, without English
equivalent. Attached to verbs, as in
lines 25 (toj&q) and 27 (kem &q),
its effect is to put the action, as it
were, in sight.

arwin, or argwin, obsolescent,
the usual word now being either
arin (in Coban), or ahi, here.

&tin, word, speech.

/ftwa, or leigweijfather {of), but
only in figurative senses. [Not con-
nected, apparently, with the ordi-

nary gwa, father.] awabej, or ag-
wabej, ditto, undetermined, /iM^r,
ruler, governor of a country, etc.

awim [irregular, of root aw,
sow ; cf ajom and aj] , that is sown
or planted, crops, plantation. Span.
siembrcu.

be^ pcUh, rocui, course.

/behen (in Cobin /been or /b€n),
top {of). Chiefly in prepositional
phrases, following sa or tzi: tzi
/behen, * on top of, ^ in more or less
figurative senses ; over, above ; on
behalf of \ cf. drip with gen. tx' in
t>ehen| over me, on my behalf, line 7.

bi| postpositive particle of re-
sponse, real or constructive, indi-
cating assent or corroboration.
May sometimes be rendered by
' why yes, ' ^ tobe sure, * ' then, ' etc. ,
or oftener perhaps by the Span.
'pues.' ta in tikib bi . ., I begin
' then ' . . . , line 4. Attempts at
direct translation, however, are apt
to be clumsy or trivial. See p€.

eb| proclitic and enclitic; pro-
noun indicative of the 3d pers. pi. :
they, them; but often to be ren-
dered by merely pluralizing some
word in the translation.

el| elk, elq, etc., go out, come
out, Sp. salir.

etal| sign, token, record.

/6tx (in Coban /e), primitively,
mouth of', (2) that is of, for, or
to; {one's) *have\' the translation
is usually effected by a possessive
pronoun ; or by a preposition, of,
for, to, followed by a noun or pro-
noun : gwetZy mine ; of me, to me.

BURKITT] A KEKCHi WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 289

far me : retx his {hers^ itSy theirs)]
for him, for . , ,, etc.

etxa [etx + formative vowel a] ,
etxank, etzanq, etc., oum, possess:
tzi retxa, /ef him possess (if) ; in
the will, tzi retzaoi with n-aug-
ment. See note, line 13.

exy proclitic and enclitic ; indic-
ative pronoun, 2nd pers. pL, ye.

gw/, possessive prefix, ist person
sing., to names beginning with a
vowel ; my, etc. ; see in. gwawim,
my plantation, see awim. gwetz,
my ^ have,^ mine, see /etx. jtin
gwakatZi ' one my turkey,^ i. e., a
turkey of mine,

gwan, predicate of passive being,
as yo is of active being ; existing, in
being, present, situated somewhere
or somehow. Translation usually
involves some part of the verb be :
gwan arwin jtin yokotC, {there) is
here a mattock, line 1 3. But gwan
often disappears in translation ; e. g.
when followed by a noun with a pos-
sessive prefix: gwan x-cerrojo-il,
having a lock, with a lock, line 20 ;
more literally, ^ {there) is its lock,'

This predicate gwan is not to be
confused, grammatically, with the
verb gwan, gwank, gwanq, accom-
panied by indices of tense.

gwaqxaq, eight.

gwey, if, in case.

gwiiq^ seven.

haly Indian com in the ear.

iy proclitic ; an early * construc-
tive ' demonstrative, similar to the
definite article, but now disused,
excepting in the Cajab6n style or in

certain traditional phrases. Where
it occurs in the will, modem style
would either drop it altogether as
superfluous, or replace it by a more
specialized form — U^ the ; or txi,
q. V. :iDio8sliDio8;ixbeipOa
xbe li po ; kaib i misa » kaib txi
misa {two * of masses).

iky chile (peppers).

in, proclitic ; denoting possession
by the ist pers. sing.; my, of mine :
in &oly my heart, line 3. When
attached to a verb, however, the
possessive prefix is no longer trans-
lated explicitly, but by means of the
respective English pronoun: ta
in tikiby / shall begin {it) ; more
literally, (//) will be * my begin,'
line 4. Before names which be-
gin with a vowel, in is replaced by
the prefix gw/, q. v. ; see also 'n.

in (identical in form, though not
in meaning, with the preceding
word ; cf. the Sp. mi, which means
both my and me), proclitic and
enclitic pronoun, ist pers. sing., /,
me : in txi kamq, line 5 ; in txi
kiraqi line 27.

/ixaqil [irregular appropriating
of ixq, woman"], wife {of).

/ixk (more commonly /ix), skin
{of), exterior {of) ; txi /ixk,
' at skin of, * hence outside, behind,
about, respecting, etc. : txi rixk
le gwetx, respecting what I have,
line 5.

jogwi, likewise ; as also ; as.

jun, one ; a, an.

k% for the aorist index, ki, before
any proclitic beginning with a vowel.

290

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

ka, grinding'Stone (for grinding
com).

kki kiiib| /z^/^.

/kabiiy /lam^ (0/) ; sake {of^,

/kajoly offspring {of), son' {of),
kajolbej, ditto undetermined, son^
offspring, Cf. /awa and awabej.

kakaW| cacao,

£al| J^^r^ ; OX kaly Mr^^ J^<7r^.

kaniy kamky kamq, etc., die:
kamk gwetz ( * dying is mine ' ) , /
am about to die, line 30 ; kame-
naq^ dead,

kanaby kanabank, etc., leave
(v.); middle irreg., kana, etc.
kanabahem (or kanabaem), ir-
reg. appropriating of kanab^ that
one has to leave, e. g. , to one's heirs.

kanagwinaq, that assures, wit-
ness; kanagwinaqily ditto, appro-
priating, witness (to). See note,
line 33.

kaS| debt,

ke, keoky etc. , give ; put ; pas-
sive, ke€, etc., with q-augment
Seeq. keheq for keeq, with in-
trusive h, style of Carcha.

kem, kemok, etc., weave,

kiy proclitic, index of aorist tense.
See k'. Occasionally Indian uses
the aorist where English prefers the
perfect, as in line 33.

kinam, a certain tree, and its
wood, of which combs are made.

kira, kirak, kiraq (independent
neuter, though formed like an irreg.
middle of the reduplicating conjuga-
tion, cf. \uJl!Bi)ygetweiiy convalesce,

koyow, a fruit-tree, much like the
alligator-pear.

laje, lajeeby ten,

le, proclitic, the. This variant of
11 is now confined, so far as I know,
to Cajab6n style. The Indian def.
art. may of course disappear in Eng-
lish : le gwetz, what is mine.
Span, lo mio, line 5 ; le In tzotx,
my land, ^ the land I have,^ Ital.
ii mio terreno, line 28.

maji| not yet ; not. See note,
line 21.

*n, in Carcha style, for the pos-
sessive in, by elision of its vowel
afler the tense indices na and o.
Thus na 'n «= na in ; 0 'n s 0
in.

na, proclitic, index of present
tense.

naq, proclitic, when (the con-
junctive adverb), that (conjunc-
tion, not the relative or demonstra-
tive pronoun), as: naq in txi
kamq, when I die, as I die, line 5.

noq, cotton,

0, (style of Carcha or Chamelco,
and somewhat old-fashioned for x)
proclitic, index of perfect tense.
Indian, like French, uses the per-
fect incessantly, where English
would usually have the aorist : naq
0 kamk, Fr. iorsqu'ii est mort, but
English, when he died, line 15.

0, alligator-pear. Span, aguacate.

0, ooh^five,

Otuk, tiao hundred, [The word
is a compound of 0 and tuk, as is
proved by interposition of taq : 0-
taq-tuk, 200 each. The 0 is prob-
ably five; but of the part tuk there
is no certain explanation ; it has no

BURKITT] A KEKCHI WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 29 1

meaning alone, and occurs only as
above.]

OtzotXi dwelling house, lodge.

OXy oziby three : OX kal, j score ;
oxib i misa, 3 masses, line 7 ; ox
petety J spindlefuls (of cotton),
line 26, not oxib petet, because
here petet is taken as a mere unit of
reckoning, like kal, the real object
in mind being the cotton. In
other words, the use of ox, and
not oxib| implies the translation of
petet by * spindleful,' not spindle.
Similar remarks would apply to 0
and <x>by ka and kaib, laje and la-
jceb, q. V.

pata, guava,

p€, particle (either postpositive
or prepositive) indicating surprise ;
which, however, may be purely con-
structive. It may sometimes be
rendered by such expressions as
'Dear me!' 'But/' 'See/'
' There now/' ' Why/' 'So,' etc.
But these are clumsy and vague.
p€, like bl, is best rendered by suit-
able inflexion of the voice ; or by
a corresponding gesture; with bl,
a confirmatory nod or toss of the
head ; with pC, perhaps, raising the
eyebrows. See bi, and note to line

petet| spindle; spindle fuL

po, moon; lunar month, loosely,
month,

poot, Indian woman's 'shirt' ;
cotton 'shirting' for making it.
See note on pdot, line 6.

Qaal| an Indian surname, one of
the commonest.

r/, possessive prefix, of the 3rd
person; Span. j«(j); Eng. his^
her, its, their, as the case may be.
rixaqily his wife (see /ixaqil),
ratlBi her words (see &tin).

The possessor's name follows, if
mentioned : rixaqil 11 gwinq, the
man's wife ; ratin a yaj, words of
the sick one, the sick one' s words,
line 32 ; and direct translation of
the prefix has to be abandoned. So
in many other cases : txl keheq retx
{be it given, 'his have,' i. e.), be it
given to him, line 19. See /etx,
/ixky /iiiin.

When the prefix is attached to
the stem-form of a verb, the In-
dian ' possessor ' turns up in trans-
lation as the ' subject ' of the
verb: txl retxa(n) a Luis O&al,
let Lewis Caal possess it (Indian
idea : be it Lewis CaaPs 'possess'),
Cf. under In.

Before a consonant, r is trans-
muted into Xy q. v. The change is
merely euphonic.

/sa, belly {of) ; hence, inside
{of)',\j±si (for txl xsa), on {its)
inside ' , within {it) ; upon (a certain
day, line 34) . In modem style the
full phrase, txl sa, is used only
when emphatic, or final (cf. the Fr.
dedans) ; when the name of the
thing follows, txl sa, is cut down to
sH alone (Fr. dans) ; thus the noun
sH becomes a preposition ; and it
can bear no emphasis. For this
unaccented sa the style of Carcha,
and of the will, employs the variant
s6, q. V.

292

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

sC (in Cobin, 8&) proclitic (cf.
Gr. Iv), in; at^ otiy etc. If the
meaning of the preposition is
to be emphasized, tzl 8^ must be
used instead. See /8&.

ta, proclitic, index of future
tense. The Indian 'future/ how-
ever, has a variety of uses out of
keeping with the English tense of
that name ; on line 4, < ta in tikib '
is better rendered by an Eng. ' pres-
ent ' : / begifiy I am beginning.

taq, atonic interpositive particle,
signifying that the numeral with
which it is combined is to be taken
in a distributive sense. The trans-
lation, usually, involves such words
as ' apiece\ ' each \ ' every\'gwBX\r
zaq taq Ibd, eight score each^ line
24.

tern, a certain tree, planted in
gardens for shade.

tfip, body^ lot (of anything);
precinct^ field,

tikib| tikibanky etc., begin.
Middle, tikia, etc.

toj, tojoky eiz., pay (v.).

ts&ma, ts&manky etc., begy ask
for.

tsaq^ price, worth.

tsl, dog.

tsib, * scripture * — writing or
drawing, aj-tsib, writer, draughts-
man; scribe, especially scrivener.
See aj-.

tsiba^ tsibanky etc., write ; neu-
ter, tsibaki etc.

tul, plantain.

tumin, silver ; silverpiece ; money.

Tun, an Indian surname.

tx % for tzly before any proclitic
beginning with a vowel.

txan, or with k-augment, tzank,
answers the purpose of our ^ says\
* said\ * quoth '; and like them, it
immediately follows the language it
reports. — Notwithstanding this ap-
parent congruence of txan and
' says ', yet tzan is not a verb, and
does not of itself mean say. Its
initial meaning, as examples in
another syntax would show, is what
like ; how ; or as.

txaqrabi commandment, orders.

tzly proclitic, at, to; on; etc.
Txi /behen, txl /Izk, tzi /sk, tzi
/utz ; see /behen, etc. The closest
parallel to these expressions, and
often a convenient translation of
them, is found in those words of ours
which are formed with the prefixes
be-, a-, or with-] as behind, before ;
within, without; ahead, astern; etc.
These prefixes are the just counter-
part of tzl ; not merely in situation,
and in want of accent (for they
cannot be emphasized); but also in
meaning, being a mixture of at and
to.

tzi answers to /Vi, ox of, in expres-
sions like 5tuk ... tzi kakaw,
200 in cacao, line 26.

The uses of tzi are multiferious ;
in a way which might be explained
as elliptical, tzi has come to be con-
strued like an index of tense, taking
the same verbal forms with it as the
future index ta. The effect of this
tzi may often be rendered by the
Span. * present subjunctive ', or by

BURKITT] A KEKCHl' WILL OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTUR Y 293

some sort of 'imperative/ or other
future expression of purpose or ex-
pectation, to which, as it were, the
mind is stretched : txl uxq, (Sp. )
que se hagan, line 6 ; tzi £eheqi be
it given f let it be given^ it is to be
given J etc., line 19 ; . . . noq
. . . tx'inkeniy . . . cotton , . .
/or me to weave, or which I mean
to weave, line 27 ; naq in tzl
kamq (s naq tz'in kamq), as I
{look to) die, line 6. This td
may be termed the index of ' eth-
ical ' future, or ' future of in-
terest.* The difference between
this txl and ta may sometimes be
ignored.

tjdk, postpositive, more, else,
other, besides, too, etc. : jun tJdk,
another, line 17.

^^tx metal, especially iron,

/txOl heart ; figuratively, heart,
breast; mind.

tzotZy earth, land.

/tzum (obsolescent), desire,
fancy, whim {of),

/tt&n (in Cobdn /ikin), with;
at (so and so' s), Fr. chez) together
with ; etc. : vaSdn^ with {him, it,
etc.), therewith; rukin Caspar
Tun, with Caspar Tun, at Caspar

Tun^s, line 25. Though translated
by prepositions, /uldn, like 86, is
by rights a noun.

ut, sometimes postpositive (cf.
Latin que) ; particle of continua-
tion, generally translatable by ' and. '

/titz (in Cob^, and generally,
/u), face {of), front {of), txi
/utx, in front of, before, in pres-
ence of; etc.

tix, uxky tixq, be done, be exe-
cuted, take place.

x/, for r/, q. v., before a conso-
nant : 8^ xkab&i in his name, line
3 ; xtzum in txol ( ' its desire my
heart^), my hearfs desire, line 4.

zik, go. — The final k is not a
palatal augment, but part of the
stem, zik is irregular in having no
imperative of its own ; and is not
used in past tenses.

xiyab, comb. — The verb is quite
different : t^, tCok.

yaj, sick.

Y&t| an Indian surname, nearly
as common as Q&al.

Yat8, another Indian surname.

yokotC [' wooden crook */ yoko8|
crooked; tC, obsolete variant of
txC, wood'\, mattock (for hoeing
com, etc.).

It is 320 years since the writing of the will; and considering
the bad penmanship, the vacillating spelling, stupid abbreviations,
omissions, want of punctuation, and what not, the wonder is not
that parts of the document should be obscure, but that so much of
it should be clear. Not counting repetitions, the known words
established in it, surnames and all, are about 112 Kekchi and 36
Spanish. Inspection of the dubious words, or groups of letters,
shows that some 10 or 11 of them may be set down to Kekchi,

294 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

and 4 or 5 to Spanish. The proportions are small, and favorable,
if anything, to the Indian.

It has been affirmed that barbarian languages are unstable ; and
even change so fast that a boy and his grandfather may hardly under-
stand each other. The merit of the will is its violent testimony
to the contrary. If "Juan Mendez, scribe," had been a better
scribe, there would be little but the date to show that his Indian
was not written yesterday.

Senahu, Guatemala, 1904.

EXCAVATION OF INDIAN GRAVES IN WESTERN

MASSACHUSETTS

By HARRIS HAWTHORNE WILDER

During the previous autumn (Oct-Nov., 1904) excavations of
Indian burial-sites were made in two places along the east bank of
Connecticut river, one under the auspices of Smith College, the
other by Amherst As both were successful in finding well-pre-
served skeletons, a brief account of the results may be of interest,
especially since little seems to have been recorded concerning the
mortuary customs of the Indians of this locality.

The Smith College excavations were carried on between Oct. i
and I S at North Hadley, on the spot indicated by the accompanying
map (figure 14). The northwestern portion of the town, including
the branch road running northward, is situated on a level sandy
plain, the bottom of the post-glacial " Hadley lake," and this for-
mation is prolonged into the bend of the river where it forms a rec-
tangular field, the burial site. About this the land slopes down
abruptly to the lower level of the present river-meadows. Almost
continuous with the northwest curve of this is a rectangular knoll
300 to 400 feet across, which is probably not a farther continuation
of the lake-bottom plateau, but a sand dune, or drumlin. Local
tradition locates here an Indian settlement, and although this knoll
has been under cultivation for years and is now covered with a crop
of clover, we were able to pick up on the surface several potsherds
and a broken quartz arrowpoint, confirmatory indications of the
truth of the tradition. At the present time the river lies at some
little distance from both the village and the burial sites, except on
the north, but as the bed of the river at this place has been the
scene of repeated changes, as is evidenced by the traces of several
ox-bows to the west, it is probable that at the time of the Indian
occupancy the water came to the foot of the terraces, thus enclosing
the knoll and the plateau on three sides, and giving the site an
exceptional location, with an open prospect both up and down the

AM. ANTH., N S., 7— 90 295

296

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [h. s., 1, 1905

Fig. 14. — Map of North Hadley, Mui., showing site of aboriginal Tillage and butial-

wiLDBR] EXCA VA TION OF INDIAN GRA VES 297

river. It had long been known that there was an aboriginal burial
site somewhere in this vicinity, but the exact locality had become
lost, and was rediscovered the previous spring (1904) by the chance
plowing up of some bones near the northern edge of the rectangular
field. The northwest comer of this field was almost immediately
excavated by a representative of the Peabody Museum of Harvard
University, who found there the skeletons of two adults and a child
of six or seven years. The right to dig in the remainder of the field
was then granted by Mr L. P. Bullard, its owner, to the Smith
College authorities, who located a claim along the northern side,
adjacent to that of the Peabody Museum, but postponed the actual
excavation until after the summer vacation.

The burial site, where these excavations were made, is now a
cultivated field, planted with tobacco. The field is covered with a
brown surface loam, 14 to 16 inches thick on a level, below which
lies a compact yellow sand of unknown depth. The skeletons oc-
curred in this latter formation, their highest parts not more than 4
to 6 inches below its surface, or 18 to 22 inches from the top. As
the color contrast between the brown surface loam and the yellow
sand is a marked one, and as the top soil is very mellow from long
cultivation, it was possible to scrape the loam into heaps with a two-
horse road scraper, leaving about an inch over the sand, and then
dig over the territory thus uncovered with spades. Although the
depth thus reached was sufficient to disclose the skeletons, the chief
reliance was placed upon the mixture of the two colors of earth
which necessarily occurred over each grave, a point which could be
easily determined by watching the cuts made by the sharp spades.
In each case the mixed earth formed an approximately circular area
about three feet in diameter, the more superficial portion strewn with
pieces of charcoal much mixed up by the years of cultivation to
which the field had been subjected.

In this way a fairly large area was thoroughly searched, result-
ing in the discovery of two skeletons in good preservation. In five
or six other instances there were uncovered the characteristic areas
of mixed earth with pieces of charcoal, but with no trace of either
bones or teeth, although in every such case the earth was excavated
to a considerable depth, and careful search made. Whether these

298 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

spots indicated graves from which all traces of the human remains
had disappeared, or had been caused by the uprooting of ancient
trees, we have been unable to decide, as their exact similarity to the
actual graves points to the one conclusion while the entire absence
of remains suggests the other.

The first of the skeletons found is shown in the accompanying
photograph (plate xxiii, 2). The sand, at the time of the excavation,
was moist from recent rains, and held the bones well in place, and
the skeleton was prepared for the photograph by removing the sand
from above bit by bit, allowing the bones to remain absolutely undis-
turbed. The only bones which had been moved before the photo-
graph was taken were the tarsal and other bones of the feet, which
are seen lying upon a piece of burlap at the right of the figure, and
the right tibia and patella, which became accidentally loosened
during the removal of the sand, but were exactly replaced in their
former position. In taking the photograph the camera was placed
at the edge of the excavation, standing perhaps a foot above the
highest level of the bones, and was pointed almost directly down-
ward, so that the photograph must be held nearly horizontally to
reproduce the exact relationship.

It is shown by this that there had been some change in the orig-
inal position of the bones prior to the excavation, due probably to
such various causes as the action of water, earthworms, and the
growth of roots. Thus the bones of the hands had wandered from
their original position and were found at various depths in the vicin-
ity of the head, some not being recovered at all. The bones of one
entire finger were firmly imbedded in the earth that filled the cran-
ial cavity and came to light when the skull was cleaned in the lab-
oratory several days later. This dislocation of parts, especially of
the smaller bones, which must have occurred long after burial, leads
one to be cautious in drawing sweeping conclusions concerning the
original disposal of the limbs when in the flesh, although the reten-
tion of the natural relationships of the larger bones assures us that
the shifting of position of the limbs as a whole could have been but
slight, as for example, a possible dropping of the knees from a more
upright original position. It is thus sufficiently clear that the body
was buried with its arms and legs folded up, the hands about the

wiLDEK] EXCA VA TION OF INDIAN GRA VES 299

head, and the knees close to the body. This is the Hockerstellung
of German archeologists, and may be interpreted as an intentional
symbolism, referring to a second birth, the position being similar to
that of the child in the womb. The skeleton was headed almost
due east, as shown by a compass, the face being to the north. The
body lay upon its right side. A later examination of the pelvis
showed that the skeleton was undoubtedly that of a man, and the
sutures of the skull indicated that he was probably between 20 and
30 years of age. The length and breadth measurements of the skull,
182 X 135.5 mm., give a cephalic index of 74.45.

The excavation of the second skeleton was not quite as success-
ful, owing in part to a somewhat deeper burial and in part to the
&ct that the bones were smaller and more fragile. This skeleton
was that of a small aged person, with a lower jaw of the extreme
senile type, and showing but two stubs of teeth, besides two other
alveoli nearly filled ^-ith bone substance. The general position was
similar to the first, that is, it was doubled up with the knees close
to the chest, but it seems to have been cast into the grave with but
little care, as the face was directed downward. It lay upon its left
side, with the head directed nearly to the south.

No implements or utensils of any kind were found in connection
with these skeletons, but the field has yielded an abundance of arrow-
points for many years, and it is at present plentifully bestre\*Ti with
flint flakes. Baking stones, reddened by heat and often cracked or
split, were found here and there in the soil, especially in the ucinit}-
of the spots of disturbed earth ; these were rendered conspicuous
from the feet that the soil, owing to its formation, is naturally with-
out stones of any kind.

The Amherst College excavations were conducted a few weeks

later by Dr Edward Hitchcock. These were also on the east bank

of the Connecticut, but about six miles farther south by the road, or

double that distance along the windings of the river, at a well-known

locality between Hadley and South Hadlcy. where skeletons and

utensils have been obtained in the past. The spot is known locally

as " Indian Hill," the name being applied to a low ridge of sand, the

longer axis of which runs approximately east and west, at right angics

to the river bank. Its southern slope is abrupt, but its norther^.

WILDER] EXCA VA TION OF INDIAN GRA VES 299

The excavation of the second skeleton was not quite as success-
ful, owing in part to a somewhat deeper burial and in part to the
fact that the bones were smaller and more fragile. This skeleton
was that of a small aged person, with a lower jaw of the extreme
senile type, and showing but two stubs of teeth, besides two other
alveoli nearly filled with bone substance. The general position was
similar to the first, that is, it was doubled up with the knees close
to the chest, but it seems to have been cast into the grave with but
little care, as the face was directed downward. It lay upon its left
side, with the head directed nearly to the south.

No implements or utensils of any kind were found in connection
with these skeletons, but the field has yielded an abundance of arrow-
points for many years, and it is at present plentifully bestrewn with
flint flakes. Baking stones, reddened by heat and oflen cracked or
split, were found here and there in the soil, especially in the vicinity
of the spots of disturbed earth ; these were rendered conspicuous
from the fact that the soil, owing to its formation, is naturally with-
out stones of any kind.

The Amherst College excavations were conducted a few weeks
later by Dr Edward Hitchcock. These were also on the east bank
of the Connecticut, but about six miles farther south by the road, or
double that distance along the windings of the river, at a well-known
locality between Hadley and South Hadley, where skeletons and
utensils have been obtained in the past. The spot is known locally
as '* Indian Hill," the name being applied to a low ridge of sand, the
longer axis of which runs approximately east and west, at right angles
to the river bank. Its southern slope is abrupt, but its northern

300 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

dips gradually into the surrounding level. The east bank of the
river at this place is apt to be undermined by the action of the spring
freshets, and it is reported locally that this action once disclosed a
skeleton which was seen protruding from the cut section of the bank.
In the spring of 1900 the washout included the highway, which ran
near the river bank at this place, necessitating the construction of a
new highway some distance farther east ; and in the cut which was
made through the ridge for this purpose parts of five skeletons were
found at that time, together with a number of stone implements,
variously interpreted as hoes, hatchets, and gouges. It thus seems
probable that the entire ridge was used by the Indians for burial
purposes, and as little of the ground has been dug over it is to be
expected that the ridge still contains considerable material. The
ground is unbroken and covered with sod, and no excavation on a
large scale has ever been attempted. In the course of the present
investigation two finds were made, both upon the east side of the
new cut One of these was that of a child of twelve, the other a
double grave containing two adults, lying side by side, with their
limbs entwined. This find is of so unusual a nature that a photo-
graph of it, given me by Dr Hitchcock, is here reproduced (plate

XXIII, i).

As will be seen, the photograph was taken in strong sunlight,

and with the camera pointed almost directly downward, as in the

other case. The skeletons lay with their heads to the south and

facing west No utensils or charcoal were found in connection with

either grave, although, as stated above, many stone implements were

discovered with the bones found four years ago in excavating the

cut for the highway, the edge of which was but eight feet from the

double grave. The relation of these implements to the skeletons

does not seem to have been recorded.
Smith College,

Northampton. Mass.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE CHINGALEE TRIBE,

NORTHERN AUSTRALIA

By R. H. MATHEWS

In 1900 I contributed to the Anthropological Society of Wash-
ington an article entitled " The Wombya Organization of the Aus-
tralian Aborigines," ^ accompanied with a map showing the geo-
graphic limits of the territory within which it prevails. The
WomhyB. or Wombaia type of organization is distinguished by the
tribe being divided into eight sections, which intermarry one with
the other in conformity with certain laws. This type is in force in
the northwest comer of Queensland, the northern comer of West
Australia, and over the greater part of the Northem Territory.

Since presenting the article referred to, I have made further
investigations respecting the laws of intermarriage, and have thought
it right to report the result of my work for the information of the
ethnologists of America and Europe. The Chingalee tribe will
again be taken as our example and a table used to illustrate the
intermarrying divisions. The names in this table are the same as
those given in the table accompanying my former article, excepting
that I have omitted the termination 'in/ah, which is common to
nearly all of them, in order that they may occupy less space.

I have also found it convenient to alter somewhat the arrange-
ment of the sections constituting the two phratries, A and B, each
phratry comprising four sections. The table shows the husband,
wife, son, and daughter belonging to each of the eight divisions, on
the same line across the page.

If we take the first name in the table it will serve as an illustra-
tion of all the rest. Chimitcha's tabular or direct wife is Nungalee,
which we shall call No. I. He can, in certain cases marry, Nala,
which we have denominated his altemative wife, or No. II. Or he
can, subject to prescribed restrictions, take a Nana as his wife, which

^ American Anthropologist^ N. s., n, pp. 494-501, with map.

301

302

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

we shall distinguish as No. III. Moreover, Chimitcha may occa-
sionally espouse a Namitcha maiden, whom we shall set down as

No. IV.

Table I

\TR\

r HUSBAND

r Chimitcha

WIFE

Nungalee

SON

Taralee

DAUGHTER

Naralee

Chuna

Nala

Tungaree

Nungaree

Chula

Nana

Chemara

Nemara

Chungalee
' Chemara

Namitcha
Naralee

Champachina
Chula

Nampatchina
Nala

Champachina

Nungaree

Chungalee

Nungalee

Tungaree
Taralee

Nampachina
Nemara

Chuna
Chimitcha

Nana
Namitcha

No. I is the normal or usual wife of Chimitcha, and is the one
most generally married. No. II is the next most frequently allotted
wife. Nos. Ill and IV are not of such common occurrence, although
quite in accordance with the aboriginal law.

Again, Chuna marries Nala as his tabular wife, or No. I ; he
takes Nungalee as his alternative spouse, or No. II ; he mates with
Namitcha as No. Ill ; and he can marry a Nana woman as No. IV.

Similarly, Chula and Chungalee can marry either of the women
opposite their respective names in Table I as their No. I and No.
II wives. Or they can take a Nala or a Nungalee as their No. Ill
and No. IV wives. It is evident, therefore, that any man of
Phratry A can marry any one of the four women mentioned in that
portion of the table, subject to the modifications stated above.

Everything that has been said respecting the people in Phratry
A applies to the marriages of the men and women in Phratry B^
mutatis mutandis.

In all cases the section name of the progeny is determined
through the mother. If Chimitcha marry Nungalee, his children are
Taralee and Naralee ; if he take a Nala, they are Tungaree and
Nungaree ; if he choose a Nana, they are Chemara and Nemara ;
and if he be allotted a Namitcha, his children will be Champachina
and Nampachina.

Space will not permit the use of genealogical tables and expla-
nations for exhibiting how intermarriages are regulated, hence this

MATHEWS] SOCIOLOGY OF THE CHINGALEE TRIBE

303

matter must be passed for the present By means of trustworthy
correspondents residing in the territory of the Chingalee tribe, I
have been trjang for some years to ascertain definitely how the to-
tems descend — whether through the men or through the women ;
but I am not yet satisfied. In describing the organization of kin-
dred tribes in adjacent districts, Spencer and Gillen have endeavored
to show that descent is through the men, but I am equally dissatis-
fied with their conclusions.

One of my most valued and careful correspondents has sent me
the following tabulated list of sixteen members of the Chingalee
tribe, in which, at my request, he has given me the English name,
together with the section and totem, of each individual ; the totem of
his or her father ; the totem of his or her mother, and the totem of

the offspring.

Table II

Individual (man and

woman).

Totem of

Individoal't

Father.

Toiem of

Individual's

Mother.

Totem of

X^Oa

Name

Section

Totem

AIiaiTKlUKl ■

Offspring.

Charlie
Lucy (wife)

Chuna
Nala

Black striped

snake
Native bee

Black Striped

snake
Streculia

Fish
Native bee

) Black
V striped
j snake

2
2a

Harry
Nora

Chuna
Nala

Earthworm
Iguana

Nut-grass
Black striped
snake

E^uthworm
Iguana

V Iguana

3
3«

Jacob
Daisy

Chuna
Nana

Sleepy-lizard
Sulky-snake

Sleepy-lizard
Sulky snake

Wallaby
Dog

\ No
j children

4
4^

Old Dad
His wife

Chuna
Nana

Sleepy-lizard
Stone knife

Wallaby
Dog

1 Sleepy-
/ lizard

Toby
Belle

Tungaree
Nemara

Water snake
Honey and
kangaroo

Iguana
Bandicoot

Ground honey
Tree honey

>- Water snake

6
6a

Rowley
His wife

Chula
Nana

Kangaroo
Honey

Kangaroo
Streculia

Bandicoot
Honey

V Kangaroo

7
7«

Palmer
His wife

Chula
Nana

Honey
Kangaroo

Honey
Water snake

Nut-grass
Kangaroo

V Honey

8
%a

Jack
Mary

Chula
Nungalee

Iguana
Streculia and
Wallaby

Streculia
Wallaby

Iguana
Streculia

V Streculia

In the above table, Nos. i , 2, 6, and 7 are married to the normal
or ** direct " wives, whom we previously distinguished as No. I.

304 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

No. 5 in the table has an "alternative" or No. II wife. No. 8 is
married to a No. Ill woman, which may be called " rare." Nos.
3 and 4 are united to " exceptional " or No. IV wives.

According to Table II the children of Nos. i, 4, 5, 6, and 7
have the same totem as the father. Nos. 2 and 8 take the totem of
the mother. Again, on examination of the totems in the fourth,
iifUi, and sixth columns, it is seen that some of them follow the
father, some the mother, and some follow neither parent. Other
individuals have two totems.

In other instances not included in this table, I have discovered
that even among the offspring of the same parents there is consider-
able irregularity — some of the children having one totem and some
another. I am inclined to think, however, that if one could prepare
genealogies showing tw6 or three generations, taking into account
all the ramifications caused by the marriages I have numbered I, II,
III, and IV, the laws of descent might be found more regular than
at present appears.

It may be stated that I am the only student up to the present
who has reported the marriages herein referred to as No. Ill and
No. IV among the Wombya or any kindred tribe ; and no author
has before attempted to arrange the sections composing the phratries
as they now appear in Table I. The present article is necessarily
very brief, but it is believed that it will result in shedding new light
on the social organization of Australian tribes and enable investi-
gators to start anew.

Parramatta,

New South Wales.

THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM— V

By WILLIAM EDWIN SAFFORD

IX. — Verbal Directive and Locative Particles

1. Magi, or mage. — This particle, which corresponds to mai
of the Sawaiori languages, is used to express motion toward the
speaker; as Chule mAgi i hdnont^ bring hither the water; tnauudai
hoc magi ? were you carried hither ? (did you ride hither ?). It is
interesting to note that whereas in Polynesia the particle men is used
also as a preposition ' from ' {nud^hea^ Hawaiian, from where), this
is not the case in the Chamorro language {gine-mano^ from where),
in which it is used only as a directive particle having the sense con-
veyed by hither (German h€r\ It is possible that the verb maila,
to come, is connected in some way with the particle tnagi^ but I
have been unable to trace the connection.

2. Goatu, or guato. — This particle corresponds to atu of the
Sawaiori languages ; it is used to express motion away from the
speaker (German hin) ; as chule guato / hanom^ take hence the water.
Guato gi manchagb na tano^ forth to distant lands. It is not used
as a preposition, but is simply a verbal directive. From it is formed
a verb gudguato^ to go to (German hingehen),

3. Directive Particles Absent from Philippine Dialects. —
So far as I have been able to learn, these particles are absent from
the dialects of the Philippines. They are essentially Polynesian,
playing a far greater part in the eastern Pacific groups than in
Guam. In Samoan we have au mai, bring hither; az/atu, take
hence ; o mai ia te a' My come hither unto me ; o atu ia losefa, go
hence unto Joseph. In Hawaiian we have, e awe mai, bring hither ;
e awe aku, take hence ; e hele mai, come hither ; e helo aku, go
away. I have found nothing corresponding to this in the Philippine
dialects, but the identity of the Polynesian and Guam directives is
certain.

4. Nae, or nai. — In addition to the above particles, which indi-

305

306 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

cate the direction toward which ox from which an action tends, there
is another particle very much used in the Chamorro, indicating the
place or time at which the action of the verb is performed. This
may be called a locative particle. It corresponds to the English at
or on (French i, German an), in the adverbial phrases, at what
place, at what time, on Monday, at evening. Its use does not ac-
cord, however, with the rules of English grammar, since it is used
with adverbs of place and time ; as mano nae gaege, where at is he ?
ngaian nae mato hao ? when at did you come ? pago nae, at now —
phrases which become proper in our language when changed to, * at
what place is he ? at what time did you come ? at present' This
particle is applied even to Spanish words which have found their
way into the Chamorro, as este nae, here, at this place ; nunka nae,
never, at no time. It is also combined with the adverbial conjunc-
tions an, gin, when or where, used to join a subordinate to a principal
clause in complex sentences, forming anae, ginae, etc.

X. — Adverbs

I. Adverbs of Place and Motion. — The common adverbs
of place and motion are in reality abbreviations of phrases composed
of the demonstrative pronouns preceded by the preposition gi, ^ or
to. They correspond with the demonstratives very much as the
French adverbs id, la (here, there) correspond with the demon-
stratives celui'ci, celui4a (this, that), although in Guam it is the
demonstrative which is the primitive word and the adverb the
derivative. Thus we have :

guinl| here, from gi yini, at this (place) ;
guenaOi there, ixora gi yenao, at that (place) ;
guihCi yonder, from gi yuhe, at yon (place) ;

From the names of directions are derived adverbs preceded by
iya, or by the prefix san-, the latter of which has the effect of
modifying the radical vowel as in the case of the article L

Primitive word With Iya With San

huld^ up iya hulo, on top sanhilo, above

papd, down iya papd, at the bottom sanpdpd, below

halotn, in iya halom, inside sanhdlom, inward

huyong, out iya huyongy outside sanhiyongy outward

safford]

THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM

307

Primitive word

tate^ after
lago^ north
haya^ south
katatif east
luchafif west

With

santitCy on the rear
sanl&gOy on the north
sanhdya, on the south
sank&tatiy on the east
sanlichany on the west

gi i&gO'kOy on my north ;
gi hctya-moy on thy south ;
gi kdtan-Ha on his east ;
gi lichan-tay on our west ;
entaloy among, between;

With iya
iya tatCy behind
iya lagOy in the north
iya hayay in the south
iya kataUy in the east
iya luchatiy in the west

In indicating the direction of an action the above words are pre-
ceded by the prepositions falag, toward ; gine, from, as —

falaghuldy upward ; ginehuldy from above ; falagluchaUy to the west.
falagpapdy downward ; ginipapdy from below ; ginikatariy from the east.

The use of the possessive suffixes with these adverbs has already
been noticed,^ as —

gi hiid-mame ; on our upper side, above us ;
gi pdpd'tniyoy on our lower side, below us ;
gi menan-nihay on their front, before them ;
gi tdten-fUhay in their rear, behind them.
gi tntalo-miyoy in your midst, among you.

Adverbs used with locative and directive particles :

mano nae, mano nai, where ? at what place ? where at ?

enao nae, there, at that place ;

ajni naCi ayo nai, yonder, at yonder place ;

guaha naCi at any place, anywhere ; somewhere ;

taya nae, at no place, nowhere ;

este * nae, at this place, here.

este magi, guini magi, in this direction, hither ;

este magi nae, at this place, to this place (toward me);

guenao guato, in that direction, thither ;

enao guato nae, in that place (away from here);

ajru guato nae, ayo guatu nai, in yonder place (away from here);

todohft nae, in every place, at all times ; '

iya guiya nae, with it, therein.

Suffix -naion, or -naehon. — This suffix often has the force of
the adverb * away ' ; as Mnfakvas^on i guina/ia-fno gi fantaguon-mo,
thou-dividedst-^ra/tfj/ thy property among thy children.*

^ Am. Anthr.y vol. V, p. 512 ; p. 29 of the reprint.

• Este^ adopted from the Spanish, is gradually superseding the Chamorro iif 1, this.

• From Spanish todoy every, all, and the Chamorro A<3, indeed, really.
*See Verbal Suffixes, Am, Anthr., vol. vi, p. 113 ; p. 6$ of reprint.

308 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

2. Adverbs of Time and Succession :

pdgo^ now, today ; pagd na haane^ this day ;

pdgohdy pdgogohdf right now, only today, just now ;

naya, formerly, in olden times ;

hagas^ formerly, once on a time; as hagas magalahe hao^ formerly
you were governor.

Idmona^ presently, later (literally, more ahead) ;

monhayariy monhan^ already (before a past act) ; ^

agupay tomorrow;

agupahdf repeatedly, day after day ;

inagpaHaj day after tomorrow ;

nigady yesterday ;

inigabHaj i halacha, day before yesterday ;

tafiafy early ;

taloancy late, tardy, tardily (when spoken in the morning);

poeHge, puefige^ late, tardy, tardily (when spoken in the afternoon) ;

am-anty behind-hand, tardy, a long time ;

ti am-amy not long ; a short time ;

ti am-arnhdy quite a short time ;

seso^ sesuy frequently, often ;

lachay onct ] fahaguay twice; fafatUy three times, etc., are now
obsolete.

taplungy frequently;

ikaiagy ekdkaiagf rarely, seldom ;

halagy rarely, seldom;

taloy again, once more (French, encore) ;

// talOy not again, nevermore : ti hu-isao talOy I will not sin again ;

fininanay firstly, in the first place ;

/ mina-doSy secondly, in the second place,* etc.

With Locative Particle nae, or nai :

figalan nae ? when ? at what time ?

ayo nae, ajru nai, at that time ;

pagO nae, now, at this time ;

taya nae, tat nae, never, at no time.

guaha naCi at some time, at times, at any time.

Adopted from the Spanish :
siemprey siemprehdy always, ever;

* Sec vol. VI, p. 510 ; p. 80 of reprint.

' From the Chamorro minay and the Spanish dosy two.

SAFFORD]. THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 309

nunka nae, never ;
kddaratOf frequently, many times ;

kadadia^ tolosdiasy every day, daily ; kadadia hu-gdgagao si Vuus, I
beg God daily ;

yes/a, fradia, already;

fradia, (in a reply, like Spanish todavia)^ not yet ;

untirOf unabtSy un biahe^ once ; dos beses^ dos biahes twice.

untirohd, dereptnte^ suddenly, all at once.

atrasdo, tardy, behind-hand.

entbnseSf then ; antes^ before, already ; despues^ afterward.

3. Adverbs of Manner and Quality. — To express the manner
or quality of an action the Chamorros use either a prefix to the
verb or adjective, an illustrative adverb like taiguini (thus), or a
phrase formed by the preposition kalang (like) and an object ; or
they may use an adjective or denominative verb to describe an
action, placing the verb indicating the action in the infinitive form.
Thus, * The crow flies swiftly ' is rendered Sahyao gumupo i dga,
which is literally * Swift to fly is the crow,' or, in better English,
* The crow is swift in flying.' In the same way nearly all derivative
adverbs ending in English in -iy (Spanish -mente, French -meftt,)
may be used as adjectives or denominative verbs.

Adverbial Prefixes :
well, g6f-, g6f-, g6s-;
ill, chat- (from the Malayan jahat^ ill).
Nearly, almost, on the point of, katna-, k6-.
Easily, readily, liable to, prone to, gus^-.

It is interesting to note that the formation of many words in
Chamorro can readily be traced to the use of some of these parti-
cles prefixed to verbs. Thus from gof, well, and /«, see, we have
the verb goflii^ or as it is usually written gufliiy ' to love,' literally,
'to see well.' From this, by the interposition of the particle in
before the radical vowel (which has the effect of modifying it to / ),
we have the noun love, giniflii. By prefixing the particle a-, which
has a reciprocal sense, we have aguflii, friend, friends being those
who look well, or kindly, at one another. In the same way a great
many words are plainly traced to the prefix chat, ill or bad, and Hi,
to see ; chatlii, to hate, literally, * to look ill ' at some one ; and from

3 1 0 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

it are formed chinatlU, hatred, and other derivatives. In a similar
way from halom^ in, and the prefixes gef and chat are formed the
"wor^s gefhinalom, generous ( * kind-interior ' ), and chathinalom^ mean
(* bad-interior '). The possibility of tracing many words to their origi-
nal sources is an interesting feature of the Chamorro langruage,
showing clearly that the words were formed by the Chamorros
themselves, who use them in their primitive sense. This is a sharp
contrast to our use in English of such words as benevolent, mal-
evolent, benediction, malediction, benefactor, malefactor, the signifi-
cance of the component parts of which are seldom brought to the
mind of the speaker.

Comparison. — In answering the question * How ? ' the Chamor-
ros have a series of adverbs formed by the prepositional prefix tai^
like, and the adverbs of place here, there, yonder, forming words
which are all rendered by the English * thus ' —

haf taimano ? how (literally, what-like-which) ?
taigttiniy thus, like this (here) ;
taigenao, thus, like that (there) ;
taiguihCy thus, like that (yonder) ;
taiguineh&i just like this.

Examples : Umafatinas i pinto-mo gi tano taiguihe i Langit.
Thy will shall be done on earth like (yonder) in Heaven.

4. Adverbs of Measure and Degree. — The measure or
degree of an action or quality are usually expressed by prefixes, as
has been shown in treating of the verb and the adjective. The
most common of these prefixes are :

sen-, very, most ; taotaohdy truly human ;

sesen-,^ exceedingly; magahethd, quite true;

ch^-i equally ; Id-, more, a little more ;

achd-| equally ; chat-, incompletely, imperfectly ;

'hd (suffix), truly quite ; pindt-, excessively, too greatly ;

-fia (suffix J, more.

Among the independent adverbs of this character are :

^Sen and sesen are in all probability identical with the Nahuatl cen (i^») and cecen
(zezen)f introduced in early times by priests or soldiers from Mexico. Thus we have
in Nahuatl kualli, good ; zen kualli^ very good ; %nen kualli^ exceedingly good.

SAFFORD] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 3II

megce, or megai^ greatly, much ; kdtnahdy nearly, almost ;
dtdidiy or dtdidiy a little ; mampos^ excessively, too much ;

achat guay equally ; taloy more (repetition) ;

nahongy sufficiently, enough ; lokuCy besides, also ;

paloy the rest, the remainder.

Adopted from the Spanish are : mas, more ; menoSy less ; dema-
sido, too much.

5. Adverbs of Modality:

magahety truly, certainly ; siftay possibly ;

magahethdy very truly, quite certainly ; siHahdy quite possibly ;

sen- (prefix), truly; tisifiay impossibly;

buentey perhaps, //, not;

huguatiy doubtfully ; sentiy not at all ;

enao-mindy therefore ; gin siftay if possible.

6. Affirmation and Negation :

hunggatiy yes; ahiy no;

hiioy yes ; senahiy no indeed ;

hikudy I don't know ; tisifiay it is impossible ;

siflay it may be so ; chamo / (precative) do not !

magahety it is true ; timagahety it is not true ;

mandagCy it is false ; semnandagCy it is quite false ;

tayay nothing ; sentayahdy absolutely nothing at all.

Interrogatives. — Several of the interrogatives used by the
ancient Chamorros have become obsolete ; among them fiay how
many,^ used in asking questions of time, as * how many days ? '
fafia, how many, in asking questions as to the number of living
things ; and fiiyaiy how many, in asking questions as to measure-
ments, as * how many fathoms, or arm-lengths ? ' In the same way
fahafay how many times, is no longer used. These words have
been supplanted by kuantoSy how many ; and kuantos bcseSy kuantos
bialteSy kuantos tiros, how many times, how many trips, how many
shots, adopted from the Spanish. The Spanish porquiy 'why,' is
also used.

In many cases the interrogative is followed by the locate parti-
cle 7iae (or nai^ :

1 Identical with the Samoan fia, Tongan fihuy New Zealand hiay how many. See
Am. Anthr,y vol. v, p. 526; reprint, p. 43.

AM. ANTM., N. S., 7 — 21.

I I

3 1 2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

ngaian nae ? when ? at what time ?

mano nae ? where ? at which place ?

mano ? whither ? to which place ?

guafia ? is it true that ?

ada, peradventure ; as ada ti mauieg} is it peradventure not good ?

haf a ? why ? what for ? Porki^ why (from Span, porqui) is now used.

haftaimano ? haf ataimano ? how ? what like ?

XL — Prepositions

1. Classes of Prepositions. — The Chamorro has a few primi-
tive prepositions, some of which are used independently, others as
prefixes, and others as suffixes. Like other languages it contains
many compound prepositions indicating time, place, or order, com-
posed of a noun and one or two prepositions ; as, * on top of,' ' inside

I ' of,' * at the front of.'

2. Gi. — This preposition is the most frequent of all. It has vari-
ous shades of meaning, being used like the Latin ad (to) followed

i . by the accusative ; or in some cases like the Latin apud or in (at)

followed by the ablative, and like the English at (German an) in
what may be called the locative. When it is followed by the
definite article /, it combines with it, remaining unchanged. When

j : followed by the locative article iya, it forms the combination giya.

When followed by the article si^ used before the names of persons,
it is dropped, and the latter becomes as,

i tasty the sea ; gi tasi^ to the sea, by the sea.

/ tdnoy the earth ; gi tdno, on the earth.

iangity heaven, sky ; gi langity in heaven.

lamasuy table ; gi lamasa^ at the table.

iya hitay our house (Fr. chez nous) ; giya hitay at our house, with

us, in our keeping.

iya HagadHay Agafia ; giy^ Hagadtiay at or to Agafia.

si Huany John ; as Huany to or with John.

3. Nu. — This preposition is also very much used, and its use
is sometimes difficult for a foreigner to understand. It may be
translated 'with,' 'from,' 'by,' 'in,' or 'of,' and is used in many
cases where in Latin the noun would be put in the ablative without
a preposition. In constructions where, according to the usual Eng-

1 ■

■

t
}

safford] the CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 313

lish form, the verb would have a direct and indirect object, corres-
ponding to the dative case of the person and the accusative of the
thing (* He gave grain to the Athenians '), the usage of the Chamorro
language corresponds to the Latin accusative of person and the
ablative of thing ; as, Athenienses fruinento doncnit^ * he presented
the Athenians with grain.' Examples :

Nae-ham pdgo nu / agon-mamey Give us today our bread, lit. , * Pre-
sent us this day with our bread. '

Puta i chandiha nu / sisi^ Cut the watermelon with the knife.

Nafanlibre-ham nu / tailaye^ Deliver-us from evil.

Maddlalag hao nu i famaguon^ You were pursued by the boys.

Hachahlao i kahet nu / akaguefia^ He caught the orange with his left.

Nalie-yo nu / lachi-ho^ Convince me (cause me to see) of my error.

Hafahague yd nu i paki-Hdy He threatened me with his gun.

Hafanague yd si Pali nu / gramatikay The priest instructed me in
grammar.

TisiHayd maUfa nu hamyo, I cannot be forgetful of you.

In English the usual forms of these expressions would be : Give
us our bread, Show me my error, The priest taught me grammar,
etc.

4. Yan. — The primitive signification of this word is that of
the conjunction *and.* It is, however, used as a preposition, signi-
fying with, together with, in company with. In the Chamorro the
use of this preposition is not nearly so common as in European
languages. Thus, Go with him, is rendered: Hanao enhamyo. Go
ye two ; or Ddlalag gui. Follow him. With whom did you come
hither? is rendered: Hayi gachochong'-mo magi} or. Who (was)
your companioning hither ? I will go with father : Si tata gacliong-
ho kumanaoy or. Father (is) my companion to go (in going).

5. Gine, or gini. — This signifies 'from.' Unlike the corres-
ponding preposition in the Polynesian dialects, it is quite distinct
from the directive particle (jnagi). It is often used as a prefix, as
Gim-mano hao} From- where (art) thou ? — forming a verb which is
conjugated like an intransitive ; thus, the plural of the preceding
compound is Ma?i^m'fnano hamyo ? From-where (are) ye ? Gini-
Hagat yo, from-Agat (am) I, is conjugated like a verb, *to-come-
from-Agat,* taking forms which correspond to the progressive, * I

3 1 4 AMERICAN ANTHR OPOL O CIS T [n. s. , 7, 1905

am-come-from-Agating,' etc. This preposition can however be used
independently ; as, Gini / maHaina-ta as Adan yan Eva^ From our
parents Adam and Eve ; Ha-nahuyong gini / taya i liion yan i tiliian^
He-made-come-out from the nothing the visible and the invisible.

6. Falagy malag. — This corresponds in usage with the preced-
ing, but has the opposite significance. With a noun or an adverb
denoting direction it forms a compound verb, as Falag-tate! (Go)
to the rear ! Malag-tate i patgofi, the boy went to the rear. Falag
is used in the imperative, and malag in the present and past tenses
of the indicative mode. In the same way we have :

falag'tnonay toward the front, to the front, forward ;
falag'katatiy toward the east, to the east, eastward ;
faiag'luchan, toward the west, to the west, westward ;
falag-halomtanoy toward the inland, to the forest (Samoan tut a),
faiag-tasiy toward the sea, to the sea, seaward (Samoan i tai),^

7. lyon. — This may be considered as a phrase signifying 'prop-
erty of,' * pertaining to,* or * belonging to,' formed from the noun iyo,
property, or attribute, and the ligation n, ' of* It has already been
shown, under Possessives, how independent possessive pronouns are
formed from this root ; as, iyo-ko, my or mine (property -of-me) ; iyon-
mamc, our or ours (property-of-us). In the same way we have
iyon langit, belonging to heaven, celestial ; iyo7i tano, belonging to
earth, terrestrial ; iyon tataho, belonging to my father, etc.

8. G e, or gai. — This may be considered as a preposition signi-
fying ' with,* although it is usually employed as a prefix to a noun
and is translated as a verb, to have. Thus, gdi-salape si Huan^
may be translated either John has money, or with-money (is) John ;
gai-salape na taotao, may be rendered * moneyed man *; gdi-gima hao^
thou hast a home, or with-a-home-art thou ; gdi-payo yd, with-an-
umbrella-am I, or I have an umbrella.

9. Tae, or tai. — This is the opposite of gdi, indicating non-
possession, and may be regarded as a preposition, * without.* Thus,
tdi'Salape si Huan, may be translated, John has no money, or with-
out-money is John, or moneyless is John. In the same way we

^ The Chamorros do not use the expressions * landward * (f uta) and * seaward * (t
tai) to the same extent as the Samoans and other Polynesians. They usually designate
boundaries, directions, sides of the house, etc., by the points of the compass.

SAFFORD] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 31$

have tdi'tutulwn, without beginning ; tdi-hinekog, without end, end-
less, infinite ; tdi-c/Ui, without limit, boundless ; tdi-minapot, without
difficulty, easy ; tdi-aflao i lake, without fear is the man, fearless is
the man.

10. Mi and e. — These may be considered prepositional prefixes,
mi signifying ' full of,' abounding in, and e signifying lacking in, scant
of, poor in ; as, mi-salape, abounding in money, rich ; tm-hito, full
of lice ; e-hinaso^ lacking in understanding, scant of brains.

11. Elalalig. — This is an independent preposition signifying
' like,' like unto ; as kalaHg giiaho, like me ; kalahg patgon, like a
child.

1 2. Tai. — This prefix, when used with demonstratives, may be
considered a preposition, * like,* as taiguini, like this, thus, so ;
taiguenao, like that ; taiguihe, like yonder. Tumafigis-hao taiguihe i
palo, thou didst weep like the rest yonder (like yonder the others).

13. Compound Prepositions. — The following compound prepo-
sitions are closely connected with corresponding adverbs of place
and direction. They are formed from roots which may be consid-
ered nouns :

fona^ mona, front ; gimena, in front of, opposite to, before.

tate, rear ; gitdte, in rear of, back of, behind.

hiilo, top ; gihilo, on top of, above, upon.

papa, bottom ; gipdpd, underneath, below, under.

halom, inside, interior ; gihdlom, inside of, within, in.
huyong, outside, exterior ; gihiyo7ig, outside of, without, out of.
entalo, midst, middle ; gi-entalo, in the midst of, between, among.
agapa, right hand ; £^'^g<^P<^, on the right side of, on the

right.
akagiie, lefl ; gi-akague, on the lefl side of, on the left of.

lagOy north ; gUdgo, on the north of, north of, north

from.
haya, south ; gihdya, on the south of, south of, south

from.
katan, east ; gikatan, on the east of, east of, east from.

luchan, west ; gilichan, on the west of, west of, west from.

14. Prepositional Suffixes. — In expressing an action which
is directed to or for some one or something, instead of an indepen-

3l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

dent preposition, a suffix is used, which combines enclidcally with
the verb in somewhat the same way as the Latin prefix ad (at) is
combined with mirari (to wonder) to form admirari, from which we
derive our verb 'to admire/ These suffixes, as we have already
seen in connection with the verb, are -e, -ye, -ge. Examples :

told, to spit ; told^, to spit at

tunog, to lower ; tunogt si JLuis, lower for Louis.

tcdag, to look ; talagty to look at, to look toward.

iayuyui, to pray ; tayttyutt yd si Yuus, pray for me to God.

sangan, to say ; sarigant, to say to (some one).

adingan, to speak ; adingatity to speak to, to address.

chule, chuli, to carry ; ckuliye yd, chulie yd, carry for me.

sausau, to wipe off; sausauge si nana i lamasa wipe off for

mother the table.

15. Prepositions Adopted from the Spanish. — On account
of a misunderstanding of the above forms and constructions of a
similar nature the early missionaries introduced into the Chamorro
the prepositions pot {por), for ; and para, to, for, in order to. They
also introduced the Spanish prepositions antes de, despues de (after),
fuera de (beyond), contra (against), and many others. In the cate-
chism written for the natives such expressions as the following are
common :

para hamyo, for ye ;

para utaka, in order to get ;

para undhanao, in order to remove (cause to go) ;

pot i tinayuyut, by the mediation, by the praying ;

pot i minaaftao nu sasalagtian, through the fear of hell ;

con todo i tninalagofla, with all his-will.

para uasii todo i tnanmagas yan i mandikiki na isao, in order to
pardon all the great and small sins.

XII. — Conjunctions

I . Classes of Conjunctions. — In Chamorro there are certain
words which may be regarded as pure conjunctions ; others may be
regarded as conjunctive phrases formed by joining certain preposi-
tions to demonstratives, while others now in use have been adopted
from the Spanish.

SAFFORD] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 317

2. Original Conjunctions. — The original conjunctions are :
ya, and (joining clauses); laO| but;

yan, and (joining words); sa, for, because;

pat, or ; gin, if;

na, that (with present or past) ; kao, whether ;

nu, that (with future); an, if, when ;

lii, nevertheless ; y*ui, if, provided that.

3. Compound Conjunctions. — These are formed by affixing the
preposition mina (on account of) to the demonstratives, or the loca-
tive particle nae (or nai^ to simple conjunctions, assuming an
adverbial sense and joining a subordinate to a principal clause
in a complex sentence :

enao-minft, therefore, on that account ;

ayu-minft, therefore, on yonder account ;

este-minft,* therefore, on this account ;

annae or anae, where, when ; as Matae gi kiluus anae hachuda i
hagd-Hay He died on the cross, where he shed his blood. Anae matae i
asagua-mo . . . when thy wife died. . .

ginnae, ginae, when, if (German wenn),

yagin, if, provided that ; as Yagin / taotao haguguflii si Yuus . . .
if man loves God when a man loves God.

4. Conjunctive Phrases adopted from the Spanish. — In
certain cases where the Chamorro had no exact expression to cor-
respond with a Spanish idiom, the early missionaries introduced the
Spanish idiom itself; as the correlative asikomo {asi comd), as . . .
so ; masea, maskesea {mas que sea), although ; kontoke {con todo
que), notwithstanding ; mientras ke, while, during the time that ;
antes ke, before the time that ; despues ke, after the time that ;
para ke, in order that, so that ; pot ke {porque) because that.'

Sometimes there is a combination of Spanish and Chamorro
forms, as in such sentences as ** As pants the hart for cooling streams,
so longs my soul for thee," the initial as of which would be rendered

1 Este is adopted from the Spanish ; it has almost entirely superseded the original
ini of the Chamorro.

2 The necessity for the use of the letter k instead of the Spanish c and qu has already
been explained in speaking of the changes taking place in the vowels of such words as
kolaty fence ; i kelat, the fence (from the Spanish corral )f which would have to change
the initial letter c to qu before e if the Spanish system of orthography were followed.

3l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

by the Spanish asikomo, and the correlative so by the Chamorro
taiguenao or taiguihCy signifying * thus.* The expression * so as
not/ is rendered in Chamorro para umunga.

5. Interrogatives. — In case of the use of a question in a sub-
ordinate clause the interrogative adverb is used ; as Nihe talii haf a-
taimano uta-nafatdibre i anti-ia, Come let-us-see how we-shall-
make-free our-souls.

6. Connective Particles. — The ligations na and -n have
already been explained in treating of the adjective and the noun.*

XIII. — Interjections

1. True Interjections. — These are used as exclamations, de-
noting strong emotion. Some of them have evidently been adopted
from the Spanish :

Dl, Behold ! Look !

Difth&i Just look ! Only look !

Heiy Hoe, Hello ! Oh !

Uhu (without opening the lips), Ah !

Ae (pain, or shock), Ouch !

Nihe, Nihi (exhortation), Come! (Lat. veniU,)

Ptif (aversion). Ugh !

He, Hu, Pu (contempt). Pshaw !

2. Imperatives used as Interjections :

Lily Liftht, Look ! Just look !

Gus6, Hurry ! Be quick !

Sahyao, Hurry ! Go quickly !

Falago, Hurry ! Go ! Run !

L&ttanao, Begone ! Get out ! Go away !

P&kak&i Silence ! Hush ! Hold your tongue !

Adahe I Beware ! Be careful ! Look out !

Cho (to animals) Whoa ! Stop !

3. From the Spanish. — Expressions containing the names
Yujis (Dios), Hcsus, Maria, are not held to be profane in Cha-
morro. As in the Spanish, they are frequently used, and on the
slightest provocation :

^ Am, Anthr.y vol. v, p. 519; reprint p. 36.

SAFFORD] THE CHAMORRO LANGUAGE OF GUAM 319

Yuus-maasei Thanks !

Hesus (joy, admiration ), How beautiful ! How strange !

Hesus ke (contempt). What a miserable . . . !

Asaena (wonder) , Lord ! Good gracious !

Ohal& (desire), I hope so ! Would to God !

Ai de mi (sorrow), Alas for me ! Poor me !

4. Vocative suffix . — After nouns in the vocative case the
suffix lac is used ; as Tata-lao, O father ! Francisco4ao^ O St.
Francis !

BOOK REVIEWS

The Chukchee. I — Material Culture. By Waldemar Bogoras.
Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup
North Pacific Expedition, Vol. VII. Leyden : E. J. Brill. 1904.
4**, 280 pp., maps, plates, and figures.

The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, the funds for which were pro-
vided by Mr Morris K. Jesup, President of the American Museum of
Natural History, New York, and which was organized and carried out
under the direction of Prof. Franz Boas, had for its prime object, by a
careful and thorough study of the primitive tribes still surviving on the
northern coasts of the Pacific ocean, the elucidation of the great problem
of racial, linguistic, and cultural connections between the two continents
in primeval times.

The results of that great undertaking are now steadily being pub-
lished. So far, thirteen comprehensive issues on the archeology, linguis-
tics, and ethnology of the tribes of the coast of North America, richly
illustrated, have appeared. Now we have a new, comprehensive volume
on the most important tribe of extreme northeastern Siberia — the so-
called Chukchee. This volume is by Mr W. Bogoras, the well-known
ethnologist^ who during many years has made extensive linguistic and
anthropological studies among this tribe and its neighbors ; and it is to
his close studies that we are indebted for the discovery that the Chukchee,
the Koryak, and the Kamchadal are of the same linguistic stock. For
the solution of the problem of the Jesup Expedition, the close investiga-
tion of the Chukchee is of the highest value.

The Chukchee belong to that mysterious group of North Asiatic
tribes (including the Gilyak, Yukaghir, Cott, Yenisei Ostiak, and Aino)
which have been called paleoasiatic by L. Schrenck, and whose enig-
matic trait is the complete isolation of their languages among themselves
as well as from the great linguistic stocks of Asia. The isolated character
of the Chukchee, moreover, as is shown by Mr Bogoras through his ex-
tensive measurements (of about two hundred persons) and observations,
is not limited to their language. Like the Aino, the Chukchee are enig-
matic from an anthropological point of view. Though having amalga-
mated for many centuries with the Mongolian tribes, they present features
strikingly different from the Mongolian type.

320

BOOK REVIEWS 321

" Their eyes are straight, and frequently as large as those of Caucas-
ians, and XhQ plica occurs but rarely among them. Their hair is often wavy
or even curly. . . . Fifteen percent of the Chukchee of the Pacific
coast have dark-brown or even light-brown hair, and beards are more
frequently seen among them than among the Lamut or the Yakut.*'

Their folklore, which has little in common even with that of the
Koryak — their immediate neighbors and a closely related tribe — af-
fords additional significant testimony as to their isolated position.

To this enigmatic people Mr Bogoras is to devote four large volumes,
treating of their material culture, religion, mythology, and social organi-
zation, besides their linguistics, which forms a separate series. The
volume now before us takes up the material culture only (trade, reindeer
and dog breeding, hunting, fishing, war, habitation, food, manufactures,
clothing, games, etc.), giving an exhaustive and highly scientific treat-
ment of these topics.

The rule of modern ethnology — to describe every ethnographical
fact or object with the minute objectivity of the naturalist, not neglecting
even the smallest detail, but considering each as important — has been
observed by the author in the strictest manner. At the same time he has
been able to give to his objective descriptions an animated and life-like
setting by numerous comparisons and enlivening details which reflect
views of the Chukchee themselves. These he was able to present, owing
to his intimate acquaintance with the language and the habits of thought
of the tribe described, as well as owing to his comprehensive under-
standing of the general problems of ethnology. We must await the
continuation of this work before drawing all the interesting inferences
suggested by the present volume ; but it already presents, besides an ex-
haustive picture of the material life of the tribe described, a great store
of facts highly suggestive for a comparison with similar cultures of other
primitive tribes, as well as for general ethnological conclusions.

From the first point of view, the chapters devoted to reindeer breed-
ing and driving, the most characteristic feature of the arctic regions of
northern Europe and Siberia, are of great interest. As far as we know,
this is the first attempt at so detailed a description of reindeer-breeding,
and it were well if it were followed by similar descriptions of the peculiar
form of breeding among other arctic tribes. The absence, or at least the
fragmentary character, of such information, is as yet the main obstacle
to a solution of the question as to the origin and gradual spread of the
domestication of the reindeer. How important such exhaustive inquiries
are, can be seen by the difficulties experienced by Mr Bogoras himself
in discussing the question.

322 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

The vast body of data brought forward by the author, including tra-
ditions and survivals in modem life, suggest that, among the Chukchee,
dog-breeding preceded reindeer-breeding, the latter being probably bor-
rowed from theTungus, the reindeer people /ar^jcr^//i?«^^/ but, strangely
enough, the reindeer-race of the Chukchee, as it seems to Mr B(>goras,
is quite different from that of the Lamut, the one of all the Tungus tribes
nearest allied to the Chukchee. However, this question is still an open
one, because, in the present state of our information about racial differences
of the reindeer among all the arctic tribes of Asia, it is impossible to decide
whether the physical differences are due to original racial differences or
to mere differences in the methods of breeding or using the animals. For
instance, the original, and even now the most usual, form of reindeer
locomotion among the Tungus tribes was by riding with the saddle
fastened on the neck ; the Chukchee drive on sledges. For so slender
an animal, and one with so little endurance as the reindeer, such differ-
ent forms of treatment are factors that, in the reviewer's opinion, are
capable of producing, in the long-run, physical differences that can easily
appear as differences of race. Moreover, as far as the present writer's
experience goes, the Tungus at the present time continue to increase their
herds by capturing wild animals and taming them \ but it is not so with
the Chukchee, and this is not an unimportant cause for producing physi-
cal differences independent of original descent. As it is, the fiind of
information about the Chukchee manner of reindeer-breeding is a valu-
able contribution to this question.

Dog-breeding is treated by Mr Bogoras on a still larger scale. Close
investigation and comparison of the methods of dog breeding and driving
among the different peoples of Siberia have given the author an oppor*
tunity not only of making an analysis of dog-driving instructive in itself,
but also of deducing interesting inferences as to the great cultural influ-
ences in early times among the most distant tribes of the North Pacific-
The profusion of minute details presented by the author in this chapter,
although perhaps a little tiresome for the lay reader, are of great value to
the ethnologist. Everywhere we find old methods preserved among tribes
that for centuries have lost all communication (compare the sledges of
the Chukchee and Kamchadal), and instructive survivals that suggest ideas
of relationship between tribes separated by many thousands of miles, and
seemingly without any communication (compare, for instance, the custon*
of the Chukchee of putting the corpse, at a funeral, in a riding position,
astride, and the usual manner of riding of the Gilyak).

With the same acuteness of observation and detail as to nunutise,

BOOK REVIEWS 323

the author treats the other departments of material culture, making his
work a storehouse of facts highly suggestive for comparison and deduction,
to which the last volume of the publication of the Expedition, entitled
'* Summary and Final Results,'* will be devoted.

Of peculiar interest to the ethnologist are the chapters devoted to
ornament, decorations, hair-dressing, and tattooing. Without any attempt
at theorizing, the author simply presents facts, and the facts show that all
these phenomena are of religious origin. He says: "The tonsure and
fringe are resorted to whenever it is thought necessary, for superstitious
reasons, to change one's appearance ; for instance, for protecting one's
self from the spirits of contagious diseases, or by a murderer to conceal
his identity from the revengeful soul of his victim" (page 253).

'' Childless women tattoo on both cheeks two lines, etc., and this is
considered as one of the charms against sterility. . . . Tattoo-marks on
men are intended as charms against spirits" (pages 254, 256).

'^Chukchee men and women embellish their persons with various
adornments of rudest fashion, most of which are regarded as protecting
charms or amulets. Most prominent among these are necklaces. Some
of those who have been baptized add to them a brass crucifix. . . .
Middle-aged men often wear a kind of head-band. It is made of a narrow
strip of leather adorned at intervals with a few large beads. These orna-
ments are also amulets. In olden times the attachments consisted of
small blocks of wood representing protecting spirits, called * wooden
manikins. ' ^ Similar manikins are also on the breast-bands of the
women. . . . Many men wear also ear-ornaments, generally by order of
the sh ans. . . . Single beads on long leather strings are sewed to the
clothe, serving at the same time both as charm and as ornament. ' '

Tb ornamental designs represent also, as far as could be learned from
the natives, figures of religious origin, as the sun, stars, mountains, rivers,
and so on ; and the same designs are to be found tattooed on the body.

Attention should be called to the two introductory chapters, contain-
ing a discussion of the general characteristics of the tribe ; their habitat,
climate, statistics, anthropological peculiarities, and lastly some consider-
ations of former migrations, drawn from linguistic and folkloristic data,
all of which lead to the curious conclusion of a southern origin of the
Chukchee. One tradition, that about the boa-constrictor, deserves par-
ticular attention, as all kinds of snakes are wholly absent from the modem

^ '' See p. 258. This is a remarkable fact, because wooden manikins are very com-
mon all over northern Asia. See my paper on the Inau, in the Transactions of the Rus-
sian Anthrop. Soc., 1905."

324 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

habitat of the Chukchee. Strange to say, a similar tradition was found
by the present writer among the Orochee, thousands of miles distant from
the Chukchee, on the coast of the Tatar strait.

The volume is richly illustrated with maps, numerous text illustra-
tions, and plates, all bearing on and elucidating the minute descriptions
of the text.

Before closing I will take the liberty of correcting a slight error due
to misinterpretation of one of Schrenck's plates. In the chapter on dog-
breeding, the author gives a design of a Chukchee dog-harness,^ a so-
called one-band "oblique" harness, saying that "this form of harness
was introduced from the south," and adding that " it is in use among the
Amur tribes, as may be seen from the description and drawings by
Schrenck (II, plate xxvi, figs. 3, 4, 5)." As a matter of fact the regular
dog-harness of the Amur tribes, that of the Gilyak, is quite different, its
peculiar feature being the absence of the back-band, the dogs pulling by
the neck. This is clearly seen from the description in the text, as well as
in Schrenck* s plate (figs. 2, 3) quoted by the author. He has evidently
been misled by figs. 4 and 5. The upper band, which he took for a
back-band, really serves for holding a head-decoration for the dog, used
on solemn occasions.

Speaking of the senses of the Chukchee, the author says that *' taboo
against bringing into the sleeping-room any objects connected with the
hearths and households of other families is founded chiefly upon their
unfamiliar odor," referring to a case of a woman having fallen sick
when seeing an old Chukchee wooden case brought by the author from
another place. She declared that "an unfamiliar odor given off by the
case made her feel giddy and sick " (page 39). I would not try to ex-
plain the individual case cited by the author, but I think thai taboos
connected with the family or clan fires and hearths need not be explained
in such an unusual way. It would be more rational to suppose that the
" sickness " of the woman in the alleged case was but a nervous fit asso-
ciated with the fear of violating a taboo, and that it also was an effect of
the taboo, not its cause. Indeed, we know many cases where men have
suddenly died after having violated a taboo. L. Sternberg.

Conferencias del Museo NacionaL Seed on de Etnologia, Num. i. Los
Popolocas, Por el Profesor Dr N. Le6x. Mexico : Imprenta de
Museo Nacional. 1905. 8**, 28 pp.
This lecture, delivered at the Mexican National Museum by Dr 1 .e6n,

r^sum^s part of the information obtained by him during his visit among

' See page 108, fig. 25, a.

BOOK REVIEWS 32$

the Popolocas in i904-'o5 (the detailed monograph will appear in the
Annals of the Museum). After a historical introduction and some notice
of the confusion concerning the use and interpretation of the term popo-
locay which Brinton once proposed to bar from the ethnic vocabulary, the
author sketches briefly the ethnology of this linguistic stock, whose pre-
columbian habitat was the southern part of the Tlaxcaltecan territory.
To-day the area of the Popoloca tongue embraces Azingo and Mezontla
in the state of Puebla, and several places in Oaxaca. In Guerrero the
Popolocas are almost extinct, and such of them as are said to exist in
Vera Cruz speak Mixe. The Pupulucas of Guatemala are of Cakchi-
quel lineage, and those of Nicaragua of Lenca stock : with both of these
the Mexican Popolocas have been wrongly affined by various writers.
Remnants of ancient idolatry flourish among them and witchcraft is very
prevalent. Indeed, the Catholic priest is to them " no more than a wiz-
ard endowed with a certain power, less, however, than that of their own. * *
Endogamy is practised and the religious rites of the Catholic church are
added to by many old heathen ceremonies. Snakes are much venerated.
The influence of woman in society is great, and her word and counsel con-
trol all actions. The vocabulary of some 2,000 words obtained by Dr
Le6n enabled him, by comparison with Mixtec and Chuchona, to prove
the relationship of these tongues. The physical characters of these
three peoples point also to identity of race. The so-called *' Mixtec
eye '* (as the author proposes to term a phenomenon which is " neither
the * Mongolian eye ' nor the teratological epicanthus ' * ) occurs in all
individuals of pure blood among the Popolocas, Mixtecs, and Chucones.
The archeological remains in the Popoloca country corroborate these
conclusions: **The Popolocas, Chuchones, and Mixtecas belong to the
same ethnic family.'* Alexander F. Chamberlain.

La Coleccion Boggiani de Tipos indlgenas de Sudamerica Central, Pub-
licada por Robert Lehmann-Nitsche, Dr phil. et med. Buenos
Aires, 1904. Casa Editora de R. Rosauer, Rivadavia 571. Suple-
mento. Buenos Aires: 1904.

As the accompanying brief catalogue in Spanish and German ex-
plains, this collection of 100 photographs (the Supplement adds 14
more) of men, women, and children, of various Indian tribes of central
South America, is the posthumous work of Guido Boggiani, the ethnologist,
who fell a victim to some of the savages of the Gran Chaco a year or
two ago. The reproductions, excellently done, are on cards, rather
larger than postals, with titles in Spanish only ; the catalogue gives the

326 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

German translations, however. The tribes represented are : Sanapani,
i; Angait6y 3; Lengua^'s; belonging to the Maskoi stock. Caduveo
(Mbaya)y 15; Toba, i ; Payagua, 6; of the Guaicurti stock. Boior6,
4. Chamacoco, 79. This makes altogether a most valuable album for
the ethnologist in easily usable form covering considerable variety of
aboriginal life and activity, and is a welcome addition to the eye-
data of distant Indian tribes. Among the most interesting pictures are
a Sanapani Indian with tame parrots, No. i ; a Mbayi with bow and
arrow. No. 13 ; Indian holding a snake, Nos. 42-43 ; Indian with
labret. No. 50 ; Indian woman carrying infant in net, Nos. 87 and 89 ; a
group of children, Nos. 3Sa and 35B. There are a number of fine
pictures of old men. Tattooing is well represented in Nos. 16-19, *'"
24, 77-81, 85, 86, 93, 94; and those who argue for a connection between
these South American Indians and the Polynesians may find some conso-
lation in the resemblances suggested by the tattooed aborigines of the
Chaco in comparison with Maori chiefs, etc. Dr Lehmann-Nitsche has
both performed a pious deed and benefited anthropology by editing this
collection. Alexander F. Chamberlain.

Zeitschrift fur Demographie und Statistik der Juden. Berlin. 4®.

Under this title a new monthly, devoted to the anthropology and
statistics of the Jews, made its appearance at the commencement of the
present year. It is edited by Dr Arthur Ruppin, under the auspices of
the Bureau for Statistics of the Jews in Berlin. Within the compass of
sixteen small quarto pages, of which each number is composed, a large
amount of readable matter and interesting information is compressed,
and, although it has to do with the anthropological, sociological, and
economic features of a special people, the tone and tenor of the journal
are entirely objective, sine ira et studio^ neither polemical nor apologetic.

The table of contents of the first two numbers will convey an idea of
the richness and variety of the subject-matter. Thus, the January num-
ber contains (i) under the heading * * Abhandlungen * ' : Contribution
to the Physical Anthropology of the Jews, by Prof. F. v. I^uschan ; Mar-
riages between Jews and Christians in Copenhagen during 1 880-1 903,
by Julius Salomon ; Criminality among Christians and Jews in Germany
during 1899-1902, by Dr A. Ruppin. (2) Under the heading **Sta-
tistisches Archiv** : Changes in the Local Distribution of the Jews in
Germany since 187 1 ; The Jewish Population of WUrttenberg ; Mixed
Marriages in Hamburg ; Education in Prussia j The Number of Foreigners
in the Kingdom of Saxony ; Statistics of Vocations in Austria on the

CHAMBERLAIN] PERIODICAL LITERATURE 327

Basis of the Census of 1900 ; Mixed Marriages in Buda-Pesth ; The Jews
in Italy according to the Census of 1901 ; Immigration into the United
States ; The Jews in British India. In the February issue appear : ( i )
The Conception of the Jews of their being a Chosen People and its Bio-
logical Significance, by Curt Michaelis ; The Pan-Jewish Labor Union
in Russia, Poland, and Lithuania, by Esther Schneerson ; (2; Age Sta-
tistics of Christians and Jews in Hamburg ; Criminality among the Jews
in the Netherlands; Cities in Germany with more than 1,000 Jewish
Inhabitants; Results of the Census of 1900 in Serbia; The Jews of the
Oasis Mzab ; The Vernacular of the Jews in Austria ; Census of 1901 in
New South Wales ; The Jewish Colonies in India.

L M. Casanowicz.

Romanische MeisfererzdhUr^ unter Mitwirkung . . . Herausgegeben von
Dr Friedrich S. Krauss. I Band. Die Hundert alien Erzdh-
lungen, Deutsch von Jakob Ulrich. Leipzig: Deutsche Ver-
lagsactiengesellschaft, 1905. 8^, i~l, 1-141 pp.

This volume by Professor Ulrich, of Ziirich, is the first of a proposed
series of "Romanic Master Raconteurs," put into German under the
editorial supervision of Dr Krauss of Vienna, aided by some twenty
collaborators from among the leading literary critics of the principal
German university towns. It is dedicated to Ancona, of " Cento
Novelle Antiche," from which it takes its name. The series, to consist
of a number of small volumes to appear at the rate of six or eight per
year, is intended to embody all that has endured as worth preserving of
the countless short tales, midway between folklore and epic, that passed
current among the Romanic nations, particularly France and Italy, in
the Medieval period down to about the close of the Xlllth century.
Many of these were of Hindu, Arab, or other Oriental origin, brought
back by returning Crusaders and adapted to European ideas by knights
and minnesingers. They are of all sorts, from Bible parables and
miracle stories to the originals on which our best-known humorists have
built their reputations. In construction they are all built on the same
model — short, simple, and direct, as was necessary to appeal to illiterate
auditors, who wished to be amused or lightly instructed, without too long
a strain on their intellects. They are the prose counterpart of the
ancient ballad, and the delight which the work affords to one brought up
in the European tradition is akin to that with which in mature age we turn
over the pages of the old fourth reader of our childhood. Each volume
contains a critical introduction by the translator, with an appendix of
literary and historical notes for each story. James Moonev.

PERIODICAL LITERATURE
Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain

[Note. — Authors, especially those whose articles appear id jonnials uid other
serials oot eotirel]' devoted to anthropology, will greatly aid this departiDeDt of the
American AnlArofiilogist by seadiog direct to Dr A. F. Chamberlain, Clark University,
Worcester, Massachusetts, U. S. A., reprints or copies of such studies as they may desire
to hare noticed in these pages. — Editor.]

GENERAL

Andri LBfiTre. (R. de 1' £c. d'Anthr.
de Paris, 1904, XIV, 383-96, portrait. )
Memorial addresses by MM. D'Echerac,
Thuli*. Deniker, Delbet, Hen-*, on the
life, character, aod woiks of the dis-
tinguished Freoch anthropologist. His
chief publicHtioQs were on Religion and
mythologies, Man through the ages,
Myths and religioni, Races and lan-
guages, Slavs and Teutons, Ancient Italy,
etc. By his will he left to the ^le
d'Anthropoloeie " my head — face, cra-
nium and brain, — and more, if useful."

Balfmu (H, ) The relationship of mu-
scums to the study of anthropology. (J.
Anth. Inst.,Lond., 1904, xxxiv, 10-10.)
Argues for individuatiialion, varitty, and

tBoflrah

1 type I

have larger beads and are darker- haired
ihna the reformatory and industrial
school boys. London -bom boys are
oftener darker-eyed, darker- haired, and
dolichocephalic.
Bloat (A.) Questions de technique c^pfa-
alomitrique d'apris M. Bertillon. (An-
nte Psychol., Paris, 1903 [1904], x,
139-40- ) From measurement oi 104
subjects it was found that in 38 there
was no diifereoce in length of head
when measured from the glabella and
from tfae root of the nose ; io 29 the
first diameter was less, in 37 greater.
The individual differences are greater
with the greater excess of the gUbcllar

fast disappearing. Great Britain needs
a National Museum and " Folk- Mu-
seum," and special muEcums lo illustrate
special subjects (environment, etc.)

Baschi (A.) Intomo ai presunti ritratti
di Andrea de Sarin. (A. p. I'Antrop.,
Firenie, 1904, XXXlv, 301-13, pi.).
Discusses from an anatomical point of
view the six portraits of Andrea del
Sarto, alleged 10 be in existence. From
his physiognomic analysis Dr B. con-
cludes that the portraits in question rep- I
resent at least three different individuals ; .
which is Andrea is still doubtful. |

Beddoa (J.) The somatology of eight I
hundred boys in training for the Royal .
Navy. (J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1904, |
xxxiv, 92-99. ) Details of color obser- j
vatioDS of Soo boys 1 6-1 7 years of age,
and head -measurements of 300 compared <
with E6 reformatory school and 123 ,
other boys of like ages. The navy boys [

Bl£al(M.) Andr«Ulirre. (Rdel'^c
d' Anthr. de Paris, 1905, xv, i-3.)
Brief appreciation of life and works.
Among other literary efforts, Leftvre,
the anthropologist, published two vol-
umes of poems pantheistic in sentiment
and classic in style and form. He was
also the author of a translation of Ln-

DBlTame(J.) La vie sociale. (R. Philos.,
Paris, 1904, Lviii, 583-601.) The au-
thor does not accept the theory that social
phenomena are a mere prelongaHon of
biological phenomena. Many compar-
isons of this order are superficial and ex-
terior. Human changes are due to in-
dividual minds, but science alone cannot
create civiliialion. Moral ideas, indi-
vidual eneigies escaping scientific for-
mula are also necessary.

Duff (R. A.) Proverbial morality. (Int
J. Ethics, Phila., 1904, xiv, 172-9.)
From a consideration of proverbs or
maxims concerning human conduct, etc,
D. concludes tbat ■' if the ideal of con-

CHilMBERLAIN]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

329

duct which most popular maxims present
is not of very high type, it is at least a
many-sided and self-corrective one."
For most of the popular maxims another
one of opposite import exists. The an-
tagonbms, uncertainties, and contradic-
tions of life are well expressed.

Oiuffrida-Russeri (V.) Le ossificazioni
di spazi suturali e i parietali divisi.
(Mon. Zool. Ital., Firenze, 1904, xv,
172-8, 4 fgs. ) Treats of ossifications of
sutural spaces in relation to divided
parietals. G. holds that inter-central
membranous spaces can independently
ossify. Divided parietals may be real
and pseudo, one part of the so-called
** divided parietal '' being really an inde-
pendent ossification in the sutural space.

— — II canale infrasquamoso di Gruber e
altre particolarit^ roorfologiche nella
regione temporale, canale interstiziale
e processo ensiforme. (Ibid., 298-
303* I fg«) Describes the occurrence
of Gruber's canal in two European
(Roman Apulian) male skulls out of
1,300 examined. It did not occur once
in 400 Papuan skulls, and the only
other example was in an infantile Peru-
vian skull. The occurrence of the ensi-
form process is noted in four Peruvian
skulls. In the Italian skulls when it oc-
curs (ra. I : 350) it is not so typical.

Gli pweudo-parietali tripartiti del

Frasseto. (Ibid., 1905, xvi, 64-70.)
Critique of article by Frassetto in same
periodical for Dec., 1904. G. considers
that the cases of 2^ja and Fusari, Ranke,
and the Egyptian skull of the Paris Mu-
seum cited by F., can be interpreted
otherwise than as divided parietals, and
attributes to him '*an extraordinary facil-
ity for seeing divided parietals." The
theory of the ossification of the periparie-
tal sutural spaces is advocated by G.

L'indice tibio-femorale e I'indice

radio-omerale (A. di Anat. edi Embr.,
Firenze, 1904, ill, 546-65.) The con-
clusions of this interesting paper are that,
contrary to the opinion of Tarufli, macro-
somia (gianthood) does not alter the re-
spective proportions of femur and tibia ;
nor does microsomia (pygmism) alter
them according to any fixed law.
The radio-humeral index is higher in
male, and not in females (as Calori
maintained ) ; the greater development
of the humerus in giants, relatively to
the radius, is not proved. Taruffi's
*< law ", that low stature is accompanied

by an augmentation of radial length, is
disproved. The great majority of the
lower races have high anti-brachial in-
dices, independent of stature.

—— Un cranio acrocefalico. (A.d. Soc.
Rom. di Antrop., 1905, xi, extr., pp.
1-17, 2 fgs.) Describes with measure-
ments an acrocephalic skull belonging to
an individual ca, 8 years of age, and dis-
cusses the general subject (views of Top>
inard and Hanotte, — for the latter aero-
cephaly and oxycephaly are synony-
mous). The precocious closure of a
great part of the coronal and of the an-
terior part of the sagittal suture is the
cause of the excessive reaction causing
the peculiar form of the skull, its prog-
nathism, etc. The capacity *is 1,330
ccm., the cephalic index 96.7. The par-
ietal bosses are asymmetrical.

Partecipazione della donna al pro-

gresso. (Riv. Pop., Napoli, 1904, estr.,
10 pp. ) Discusses rdle of women in
human progress in ancient and modem
times. In the Homeric age and corre-
sponding epochs elsewhere woman repre-
sented a progressive element ; man was
priest and warrior and conservative.
Woman's conservatism to-day is retro-
gression ; she has been mechanized by
religion, etc., and civilization has lost
infinitely much. Woman must be
allowed again to infuse into human cul-
ture her grace and gentleness, by acquir-
ing a clearer intellect and a deeper sin>
cerity. Woman ceases to study before
she is twenty ; what would man do if he
were in like status? Matrimony and
child-birth are, after all, episodes, not
all of life.

de la Grasserie (R. ) De 1' expression de
I'id^e de la sexuality dans le langage.
(R. Philos., Paris, 1904, LVIII, 225-
46. ) Author holds that sexual gender is
the slowest and latest of several strata to
appear. Gender appeared long before
sexuality was recognized in thb category ;
biotic and logistic preceded sexual
gender.

Greenwood (M.) A first study of the
weight, variability, and correlation of the
human viscera, with special reference to
the healthy and diseased heart. (Bio-
metrika, Cambr., 1904, ill, 63-83.)
Gives statistics of weight, variability,
correlation, etc., of heart, liver, spleen,
and kidneys, based on 1,382 cases from
general hospital population and from 358
to 413 cases of healthy hearts. Sp>ecial

330

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

diseases and general want of health both
tend to increase variability and reduce
correlation. Heart-kidney correlation is
highest. In health heart-weight in-
creases with age, but the healthy hear-
is much smaller than the heart in diseaset
The weight of the average healthy hear,
has been underestimated.

de Helguero ( F. ) Determinazione della
grandezza e della forma degli organismi
in somatometria. (A. d. Soc. Rom. di
Antrop., 1905, XI, 17-26.) Emphasizes
importance and distinction of size (mass)
and form of organisms. Stature seems
to be the best index of size, all organ-
isms being reduced to a common stature
of 1000 units, and the somatic coefficient
being determined. The value of the
relation between brain-weight and body-
weight is somewhat doubtful. In woman
the brain-weight is, relative to the body-
mass, greater than in man. Indices are
not generally independent of the abso-
lute masses of organism.

Hellmich (H.) Der Gdtze'sche Bdsch-
ungsmesser. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904,
XXXVI, 885-90, 3 fgs.) Gives results
of practical experience with the Gdtze
scarp-measure. See American Anthro-
pologist, 1904, N. s., VI, 554.

Hery6 (G.) Le journal de voyage de
Relian. (R. d. 1' fee. d' Anthr. de Paris,
1904, XIV, 415-22.) Gives extracts on
maritime superstitions (use of powdered
shark brain as medicine), the Hottentots
(*< their language resembles more the
cry of a turkey than the voice of man " ),
manners of the Europeans at Batavia in
Java (they keep slave mistresses, selling
them when tired), the Chinese in Java
(a << Chinese question" existed then as
now), poisoning by female slaves
abandoned by their European paramours,
the Chinese of Canton (industries, reli-
gion, medicine, etc. ), the orangutang
(called "a wild man'*), etc. from a Ms.
of the 1 8th century (1754) by a ship's
surgeon named Relian, of Geneva.

ten Kate (H.) Die blauen Geburtsflecke.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii,
53-8. ) Discusses the occurrence of
** blue birth-marks " (Mongolian spots)
in Asia, particularly Japan and China,
Indonesia (they are not unknown among
the Papuans), America (Mayas, Bra-
zilian Indians, etc. ), whites of Europe,
etc. Dr ten Kate concludes that the
evidence in hand indicates that these
"blue spots" are an isomorphism (in

the sense of Lehmann-Nitsche), and
** occur with different intensity and fre-
quency in all human races." Folk-lore
in Japan attributes them to coitus during
pregnancy; in parts of China to '*tbe
slap of a fairy," the mark of the king of
the lower world, etc.; in Java to the
** lick " of dwarf-like spirits, the lick of
a snake, etc.

Lamieri ( Vittoria ) Folk-lore et pedagogia.
(R. di Psicol. Appl., Bologna, 1905, i,
26-31.) Author describes a game of
proverbs introduced by her into the
school for the feeble-minded at Bologna
and the good results therefrom.

Lapicque (L. ) Sur I'emploi d'une toise
horizontale en campagne ; experience
faite dans le Sud de I'lnde. (Bull. Soc
d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 337-
40. ) Describes a measure for taking the
length (height) lying, etc., of human
subjects, used by the author in southern
India. The principle of the apparatus
was suggested by Papillault. L. finds
the difference between the height stand-
ing and the length lying to be about
2 cm.

Lejeune (C. ) La communion. (Ibid.,
404-11.) Discusses various theories
(Lefivre, Reinach, Maury) concerning
the origin of communion as practised by
the Christian churches, etc. For L. the
Catholic ceremony is a survival from the
cannibalism of remote ages — anthropo-
theophagy. The author looks upon
Catholicism as the greatest danger of
the future.

YOn Lendenfeld ( R. ) Bemerkungen ttber
die Bedeutung der Riickbildung fiir die
Anpassung. (A. f. Rassen- u. Ges.-
Biol., Berlin, 1904, I, 793-7.) Dis-
cusses the significance of regression for
adaptation. Regression of unused parts
is not retrogression but progression, for
it increases the regression of the whole
organism. To get rid of the superfluous
is an advantage, — to accomplish the
most, with the least expenditure. Nega-
tive variation leads to the regression of
what is unused, superfluous, unpro-
ductive.

MacDougall (R.) The significance of the
human hand in the evolution of mind.
(Amer. J. Psych., Worcester, 1905,
XVI, 232-42. ) General discussion. M.
holds that there is *'an intimate connec-
tion between the features of the hand
and the soul of man," that its individu-

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

331

ality is "no less characteristic than that
of the human face/' and that "in its
features and capabilities is symbolized all
that man has achieved in his long up-
ward march from the primeval ooze.'*

Mahoadaau (P. G. ) Poudre de crftne.
(R. de r6c. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904,
XIV, 332. ) Note on a recii>e of powder
made from the skull of one who has died
a violent death, given in a botanical and

?harmaceutical dictionary published in
'aris in 17 16.

Kann (R. ) Facial expression. (Intern.
Quart., N. Y., 1905, xi, 148-62.)
General discussion. Education and inher-
itance constantly increase the differences
between adults. The infantile and adult
faces among civilized peoples are farther
apart than among savages. Aristocratic
and socially-selected classes have greater
social expressiveness. The contrasts
between the faces of men and women are
greater among civilized than among sav-
age peoples.

Kanouyrier (L. ) L' individuality de T an-
thropologic. (R. de rfec. d* Anthr. de
Paris, 1904, XIV, 397-410.) Address
at St Louis Exposition, September 23,
1904. General discussion of the indi-
vidualization of anthropology as a dis-
tinct science. Anthropology is con-
cerned with anatomical, physiological,
psychological, and sociological differ-
ences, and the connection of these with
one another is not to be forgotten. The
practical organization of the science is of
great importance. The theoretic recog-
nition of its individuality in the minds
of all anthropologists dominates all other
questions.

Mantegazza (P. ) Primee linee di psicolo-
gia positiva. (A. p. 1' Anthr., Firenze,
1904, XXXIV, 143-82, 193-241.) Sec-
tions xxv-xxxii, treating of inferior
intelligences, psychic processes in hu-
man societies, pathology of thought,
higher forms of human endowment,
memory, imagination and fancy, speech
and gesture in races of man, ethical
character of human thought (every
thought of weak brains is low), etc.
Memory increases with hierarchy of
races. In biology and psychology 1 00
= 100 is of more importance than 2 = 2.
Invita Minerva applies to muscular
effort.

MinakoY (P. A.) O pos£d£nii volos.
(Russk. Antrop. Zhum., Moskva, 1903,

NO. 2, 1-12, 2 pi. ) Treats of the grow-
ing gray of the hair. M. opposes Met-
chnikov's pigmentophagi theory — the
pigmentophagi are really pigmentophors
of Riehl, Kdlliker, etc.

de Mortillet (A.) Les tumulus. (R. de
1* fee. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv,
247-62, 6 fgs. ) Treats of names, num-
ber (exceeds 3000 in France — infinitely
more have been destroyed without re-
cord) ; classification (true tumuli or torn-
belles ; pseudo-tumuli : mottes^ buttes^
etc. ) ; buttes due to mineral exploitation ;
murgers or more or less modem funeral
cairns, also callied pierriers ; tombelles
or sepulchral tumuli of earth (barrows);
neolithic tumuli, etc. De M. holds that,
except those buried directly in the
ground, all dolmens were covered by
tumuli.

MottfL. F.) The Round Table. (Pubs.
Moa. Lang. Assoc. Amer., 1905,
XX, 231-64.) Treats chiefly of the
Arthurian " Round Table " as a courtly
festival celebrated on some great feast
day. Author seeks to show that "all
the known features of Arthur's Round
Table are found in primitive agricultural
celebrations," the basis being Celtic
folk-custom.

Nioolle (C.) Reproduction exp6rimentale
de la Idpre chez le singe. (C.-R. Acad,
d. Sci., Paris, 1905, CXL, 539-42.)
Describes the inoculation of a female
Macacus sinensis with leprosy from a
human being. Other related experi-
ments are in progress at the Pasteur
Institute.

Poarl (R. ) A notable advance in the
theory of correlation. (Science, N. Y.,
*905» N» s., XXI, 32-5.) Calls atten-
tion to the importance of Pearson's
recent memoir On the theory of contin-
gency and its relation to association and
normal correlation (London, 1 904, pp.
1-35) in widening the range of prob-
lems and material which can be effiect-
ively handled by biometric methods.

Pi^trement (C. A.) Les races che valines
dans les temps et dans I'espace. ( Bull.
Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s, v,
412-36.) Discussion and critique of
Zaborowski's recent article Le cheval
domestique en Europe et les Protaryens
(C.-R. Ass. frang. A. d. Sci., 1903,
845-62.) Z. is in error in applying
the term large ( grand ) to the Asiatic
race of Sanson and to the Assyrian

332

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

horses and those of the Parthenon. Nor
were the horses bestridden by Cesar's
Teutons so small as Z. thinks. There
is no evidence that any race of horses
has grown larger before the 19th cen-
tury (at this epoch, improvements of
the soil and climate and domestication
with better and more abundant food
have combined to improve the breed).
P. thinks that the [>eninsular Arabs of
the time of Mahomet already possessed
what might be called a breed of
horses.

Pittaluga ( Rosetta) Su un caso di ossa
wormiane etmo-lacrimali e del palato
duro. (A. d. Soc. Rom. di Antrop.,
1905, XI, 52-5, 2 figs.) Treats of two
small ethmo-lacrimal wormian bones and
two large wormian bones in the hard
palate of a female skull (from Siena)
belonging to a person not more than 15
years of age. Facial asymmetry and
dental anomalies were also present.
Rachitic influence is suggested.

Preuss (T. ) Der Ursprung der Religion
und Kunst. I. Der Zauber in Kdrper-
ofihungen. (Globus, Bmschwg, 1904,

Lxxxvi, 321-7, 355-63, 375-9, 388-92,
10 figs. ) Treats of the ** magic ' ' of the
bodily openings in connection with the
origin of religion and art : Magic song
of animals (^. ^^ grasshopper as bringer
of heat, — animals thus become deities),
magic of defecation (among Aztecs, etc.,
excreta and urine in rites and cere-
monies), magic of cohabitation (Peru-
vian and Mexican ceremonies for the
"renewing" of nature, sexual orgies of
gods and men), magic of breath (breath-
ing into mouth of woman as necessary as
as injectio seminis for completion of
child), magic of animal dances (men
imitate animals and increase power) —
these are matters of magic, not mere
representations of scenes and ideas ( this
occurs after the dances have become
secular, or at a higher stage of develop-
ment). The conception of a magic
power or orenda in the whole of man
was preceded by the idea of the
"magic" of separate portions of the
body and of fixed acts. Personal magic
began with the belief that out of the
openings of the body came magic powers
and magic stuff — out of the nose breath ;
out of the mouth breath, voice, spittle,
and other excreta out of the anus, penis,
and genital organs. The magic of man
is the origin of religion and of art.

R. (J.) Bin Oberkiefer ;mit flberzflhligen
Zfthnen. (Corr.-Bl. d. deutschen Ges.
f. Anthr., Mttnchen, 1905, xxxv, 57,
I fig.) The supernumerary teeth grew
after the wisdom teeth in the twentieth
year.

Rhumbler (L.) Klaatsch's und Schoeten-
sacks Theorien iiber Abstanmiung und
Urheimat des Menschengeschlechts. (A.
f. Rassen- u. Ges.- Biol., Berlin, 1904,
79S-808.) Critical discussion of Kla-
atsch's theory of the separation of the
human stock branch and the anthropoid-
stock branch at the period of ^e mam-
mal, or ^t primatoidy pre-simian ances-
try of man, and the argument of Schoeten-
sack that Australia was the scene of the
origin of mankind, — here the natural
environment was especially favorable to
the development of such a being. R.
considers both hypotheses untenable.
The discovery of fossil human remains,
etc., in Australia must occur before
Schoetensack's theory can have a status.

Salmon (P.) Influence du sexe sur le
dessin. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris,
1904, \^ s, V, 332-7.) Dr S. holds
that drawing is homosexual and of the
corresponding sex, — it is easier for a
girl to draw a woman, for a boy to draw
a man. The personal equation is large
even in famous artists. There are
"natural drawings" and "influenced
drawings." The esthetic sense hardly
appears, even with education, before the
thirteenth year. There exists in man
an innate tendency to draw. Drawing
is precocious in the race and in the indi-
vidual.

Shaler (N. S. ) Earth and man: an
economic forecast. (Intern. Quart., N.
Y., 1905, X, 227-39.) According to
S., " the genus homo is one of those ex-
ceptional groups, of which there are
many, which have a peculiar capacity for
withstanding those influences which bring
about the death of organic groups."
Man's intellectual quality exempts him
from calamities and accidents of extinc-
tion and "he is not to pmss from the
earth in all foreseeable time, but is to
master it and himself for ages of far-
reaching endeavor."

Slaughter (J. W.) Music and religion:
a psychological rivalry. (Intern. J.
Ethics, Phila., 1905, xv, 352-61.)
According to the author, " music ana
religion are rivals for the same claims in

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

333

hnman nature, and so long as music oc-
cupies its present place in the general
consciousness, we can look for no wide-
spread revival in religion."

Stoops (J. D. ) Three stages in individual
development (Ibid., 1904, xiv, 81-
90.^ Author seeks to show that in the
individual, and correspondingly also in
society, there exist three developmental
stages : organization ; negative, exclusive
self^consciousness ; reorganization be-
tween growing sense of self and deeper
life.

Stratx (C. H.) Das Kind als Erzieher.
(Vrtljhrs. f. Kdrp. Erzhg., Wien, 1905,
I, 17-22, I fg. ) We should not only
educate children but we ought also to
let them educate us — especially in the
light of mens sana in corpore sano.
The child must not be deprived of its
natural and healthy instinct tor nakedness
and its expression.

Stravch {Hf') Ueber eine Methode far-
biger Konservierung frischer Leichen-
teile fUr die Zwecke der somatischen
Anthropologic. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,

1904, XXXVI, 671-5.) Gives author's
experience with the Littlejohn wet
method of preserving fresh parts of the
body, which he highly approves. A
woman's head has been preserved by
this method since Nov., 1903. The
realism of the specimens is remarkable.

Stfickelberg (E. A.) Ueber Pergament-
bilder. (Schwz. A. f. Volksk., Ziirich,

1905, VIII, 1-15, 4 pi., 5 fg.) Treats
of the so-called ** parchment pictures,"
of which the author has seen some
10,000 (at the Second International
Congress of the History of Religions at
B&le), or memorial pictures for pilgrims
and devotees, of saints, etc. The pic-
tures themselves, their origin, use, etc.,
are discussed, also the inscriptions on
them. Their flourishing period was the
time of the barok and rococo style and
they were made in monasteries, etc., as
e. g., at Einsiedeln. These A^/tj^/i are
still sometimes presented to children or
put into coffins, or hung on chamber
walls.

Symington (J.) John Grattan's crani-
ometer and craniometric methods. (J.
Anat. and Phys., Lond., 1904, xxxviii,
259-74, 2 pi.) Describes, from G.'s
article in the 67f/^r Journal of Arche-
ology for 1853, an apparatus for tracing
on paper the curves of skulls, the
methods used, etc.

Tenchini (L.) Di un canale perforante
arterioso ( infra-parietate) nella volta
cranica dell' uomoadulto. (Mon. Zool.
Ital., Firenze, 1904, xv, loi-io, i fg. )
This phenomenon of arrest occurred
three times in 430 skulls of criminals
and in 120 normal skulls investigated by
the author.

Terman (L. M. ) A study in precocity
and prematuration. ( Amer. J. of Psych. ,
Worcester, 1905, xvi, 145-83. ) Treats
of infancy, education and prematuration,
over -pressure, criminal and religious
and sexual precocity, precocity and un-
balance, nervousness, etc. There are
race-precocity, individual precocity, and
'* prematuration " (the result of outside
influences).

ToYO (C. ) Le forme del cranio nello svi-
luppo fetale. (A. d. Soc. Rom. di
Antrop., 1905, XI, 27-44.) Gives
results of examination by Sergi's method
of 86 Piedmontese fetal skulls (second
month 3, third 4, fourth 5, fifth ii,
sixth 9, seventh 7, eighth 5, ninth 1 1,
term 31). Of these skulls 37 were
pentagonoid, 22 ellipsoid, 20 ovoid.
Before the seventh month 96.9 % are
ellipsoid-ovoid, after that period 74.5 %
pentagonoid. Normally, therefore, the
fetal skull assumes from the seventh
month of intra-uterine life a pentagonal
form ; before this comes a distinct period
with an ellipsoid -ovoid form. The pen-
tagonal form in adult skull is probably a
fetal residuum. Cephalic indices are
given.

VolkOY (Th.) Variations squelettiques
du pied chez les primates et dans les
races humaines. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr.
de Paris, 1903, \'« s., iv, 632-708 ;
1904, v, 1-50, 201-331, 57 fgs., 172
tables.) Detailed and valuable mono-
graph based on the study of some 200
human subjects (43 Amerinds), 57 an-
thropoids, monkeys, etc., and 24 other
animals. The European foot is the
result of the very slow and gradual
transformation of the foot of a climbing
ancestor, the transitory forms of which
still occur in the flat foot of the fetus
and of modem savages. The arch of
the foot is the most essential anthropo-
logical character, and the index of curve,
or relation between the height and the
length of the foot, is an important datum.
Very important also are the foot of the
new-bom and the so-called supemumer-
ary bones. In the Hylobates and the

334

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

gorilla in part occur the beginnings of
adaptation to the upright position and
bipedal progression.

Vram (U. G. ) L'indice alveolare inferiore.
(A. d. Soc. Rom. di Antr., 1905, xi,
49-51.) Gives the results of measure-
ments of the prognathism of the jaw in
34 Bolognese (males 17), 13 Fuegians
(males 8l, and 6 Milanese skulls, accord-
ing to the relation of the intergonial-
alveolar line to the intergonial pogonon
(TOrOk). An index below 103 indicates
a prognathic chin, above 103 a prog-
nathic alveolus and a retreating chin.
Here the relation of two linear measure-
ments is substituted for the measuration
of an angle.

Un quarto molare in un cranio di un

Cercocebus. (Ibid., 47-48, i fg. )
Brief description of a fourth molar in
the skull of a macaque from Sumatra,
— very small, as was the fourth molar in
a human skull recorded by V.

Waldeyer (H.) Os tibiale externum
Pfitzner. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904,
XXXVI, 881-2.) Brief note on four
cases of this variation, one on both
sides.

WMtelaw (C. E.) The origin and de-
velopment of the H ighland di rk. ( Trans.
Glasgow Archeol. Soc., 1905, N. s., v,
32-42, 3 pi.). Author distinguishes
four types, developed from the form of
** the simple dagger knife in use over
western Europe from the 14th to the
1 6th centuries inclusive." As a distinc-
tive weapon the Highland dirk does not
seem to exist earlier than the 17th cen-
tury, although at that time the ** univer-
sal type " of dagger knife was then in
use. W. believes that ** the existence
of Celtic ornament on weapons of the
17th and i8th centuries was a revival
rather than a survival."

Wilder (H. H.) Duplicate twins and
double monsters. (Amer. J. Anat., N.
Y., 1904, III, 387-472, II fgs., 2 pi.)
Treats of multiple births and their rela-
tionship to composite monsters, intra-
uterine relationships in twin gestations,
triplets and other multiple births, dupli-
cates among lower animals, relation of
duplicate twins to double monsters, clas-
sified list of double monsters (diploplagi,
autosite and parasite), origin of compo-
site monsters (recent theories, etc.),
configuration of the friction-skin ( palms
and soles) in twins and triplets, physical
measurements of duplicate twins (four

sets). Good bibliography (pp. 465-
472). Among the conclusions reached
in this valuable monograph are these :
Twins are either duplicate (invariably
of same sex — <<the result of the total
separation of the first two blastomeres
of a single egg) or fraternal (of same or
different sex — << resulting firom the si-
multaneous ripening and consequent fer-
tilization of two separate eggs " ). Da-
plicate twins usually ''resemble each
other to the point of confusion" ; fra-
ternal twins may or may not resemble
each other. Symmetrical double mon-
sters (diploplagi) are closely related to
duplicate twins ; unequal double mon-
sters (autosite and parasite) are due to
"the secondary fusion of two embr3ros."
Twins show greater differences fipom
each other in the soft than in the skeletal
parts.

EUROPE

Abercrombie (J.) A method of arrang-
ing British bronze-age ceramics in chron-
ological order. (Trans. Glasgow Arch-
eol. Soc., 1905, N. s., V, 54-60.) Author
argues that *'the beaker is the oldest
bronze-age type in Britain, and came
from the continent." Paper appeared
in full in J. Anthr, Inst.^ London,
1903, XXXII, 373-97. See American
Anthropologist^ *903> N. s., V, 560.

Adler (B.) Die deutsche Kolonie Rie-
bensdorf im Gouvemement Woronesh.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 21-
27» 37-44> 15 fgs-. plan.) Interesting
account of the German colony of Rie-
bensdorf in the Government of Voronej
(founded in the latter part of the 1 8th
century by immigrants from Sulzfeld,
near Heilbronn) and its people. The
language is Swabian with a few Little
Russian loan-words. The colony orig-
inally numbered 209 souls ; the popula-
tion in 1902 was 1,192, practically sta-
tionary since 1881. The people have
retained their Protestantism, thrift, and
industry. Agriculture and cattle-breed-
ing are the bases of material culture.
Government interference (law of 1871)
gave the colony a blow from which it
never recovered.

Ammon (O.) Die Bewohner der Halli-
gen. (A. f. Rassen- u. Ges.-Biol., Ber-
lin, 1904, I, 84-98.) Critical r^sum^
and discussion of Waldenburg's recent
work Das isocephaU blonde RassentU-
mtnt unter Hallif^riesen und jUdiscken
Taubstummen (Berlin, 1 902, pp. 46).

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

335

W. attributed the frequent occurrence of
isocephaly to hereditary taint in both
cases. A. explains the condition of af-
fairs in the Frisian islands by references
to his theory of the emigration of the
dolichocephals.

Anderson ( L- F. ) The Anglo-Saxon scop.
(Univ. of Toronto Stud., Philol. Ser.,
^903» If ^-45* ) Author concludes that
*' professional singers existed among the
Anglo-Saxons as well as among the other
Germanic races of the 6th, 7th and 9th
centuries.** The scop was warrior, poet,
sage, teacher, historian.

Bardon (L.) et Bovyssonie (J. et A.)
Monographic de la grotte de Noailles,
Corr^ze. (R. de I'fec. d'Anthr. de
Paris, 1904, XIV, 283-94, 8 fgs. ) De-
scribes the **Cher Serre " grotto near
Noailles, condition and contents, — arch-
eological strata, flints, piercers and bor-
ers, nuclei and flakers, etc. The "new
type** of borer was common here. The
fauna and implements of the cave attach
it to the Solutrean-Magdalenian epoch.
There are analogies with Brassempouy
and Sordes especially. One carving was
found. The number of non-retouched
flints was great. !

Bartels (P.) Ueber Schftdel der Steinzeit
und der friihen Bronzezeit aus der Um-
gegend von Wurms a. Rhein. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 891-7,
2 flgs. ) Gives account of examination
of some 50 skulls in the Paulusmuseum,
from the stone age and the early bronze
age in the neighborhood of Wurms.
Two bronze-age types and two stone-age
types are distinguished.

Baudouin (M.) Presentations des docu-
ments relatifs aux coutumes des Ma-
ralchens du pays de Mont, Vendue.
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v«
s.» V, 390.) Notes on two series of
photographs representing various phases
of "maraichinage,'* a **maralchin**
wedding, "raaralchin** dances, etc.
See American Anthropologist ^ 1905, N.
S., VII, 140.

Borobro y Dias (P.) Les colonies sco-
laires ou colonies de vacances & Saragosse,
Espagne. (Int. Arch. f. Schulhyg.,
Leipzig, 1905, I, 101-4. ) Gives anthro-
pometric data, weight, height, chest-
girth, strength of hand, etc., of 20 boys
belonging to a "vacation colony** from
Saragossa, aged 7-13 years.

Brecht (Z>r) Ueber die Eolithen von
Biere. ( Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi,
750-2.^ Brief notes in addition to Dr
Hahne s account of the discovery of
"eoliths** at Biere, Saxony. The
original flnder seems to have been
August Rebe, a teacher.

Bruce (J.) Report and investigations upon
the Langbank pile-dwelling. (Trans.
Glasgow Archeol. Soc., 1905, N. s., v,
43-8, 4 pi. ) Treats briefly position and
construction, objects of shale (one show-
ing human face), shell, stone, bone (a
highly ornamented comb) and horn,
bronze fibula, etc.

Bryce (T. H. ) Report on animal bones
from Langbank pile dwelling. (Ibid.,
49-51, 2 pi.) Bones of oxen (chiefly),
deer, pig, goat, sheep were found. The
remains correspond with those found at
other Scotch pile dwellings. The ox is
the Bos albifrons or Celtic short-horn,
the pre- Roman domestic spedes. One
sheep presents characters not found in
any existing variety.

On certain points in Scottish ethnol-
ogy. (Scott. Hist. Rev., Glasgow,
1905, II, 275-86 II figs.) Treats of
chambered cairns, their contents and
human remains Author holds that
when the east of Scotland was occupied
by an Eur- Asian (Ripley*s "Alpine**)
people, the west was inhabited by an
Iberian tribe whose customs and culture
have certain characteristic features. The
Eur-Asians brought with them the
beaker^ — i\ie/ood vessel was apparently
native. There took place " a degenera-
tion in situ of the Iberian before the
Eur- Asian t3rpe of custom and culture.**

Brydall ( R. ) Notes of incised and sculp-
tured stones at ( i ) Luss ; ( 2 ) Inch
Cailleach, Loch Lomond ; and ^3) at
Glendaruel in Argyleshire. (Trans.
Glasgow Archeol. Soc., 1905, N. s., v,
23-31, 7 pi. ) Describes the stone effigy
of St Kessog(?) at Luss found in a
cairn, and a "hog-backed** stone and
other relics from the churchyard ; cross-
stones from Inch Cailleach ; and several
carved stones from the churchyard of
Kilmodan, district of Glendaruel.

Inscribed mottoes, etc., on arms

and armor. (Ibid., 1-22.) Gives
numerous inscriptions from Scandinavian,
Old English, French, Scotch, German,
Spanish, and Oriental weapons, armor,
powder-flasks, etc. Such inscriptions

336

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7i 1905

consist of magic themes, weapon-names,
sacred words, monograms and devices,
patriotic sentiments, historical references,
political mottos and legends, famous
names, marks, names and monograms of
makers and places of manufacture. The
inscribing of swords and knives (Corsica,
Sicily) is not yet extinct.

Capitan (A.) L'homme et lemammouth
k r^poquequatemaire sur I'emplacement
de la rue de Rennes. (C.-R. Acad. d.
Sci., Paris, 1905, CXL, 168-9.) From
examination of the region in question the
conclusion is reached that " at the period
of the deposition of the lower Quaternary
gravels, man, elephant, rhinoceros lived
in the valley of the Seine, on the very
site of the modem dty of Paris."

Capitan (A. ), Breuil (PAbbi), ^/ Ampou-
lange (M. ) Une nouvelle grotte pr6-
historique k parois gravies. (R. de 1'
fee. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 320-5,
4 fgs. ) Describes grotto of Gr^ze in
Dordogne discovered in 1904 (the
eleventh so far known), its contents,
engravings, etc. The Gr^ze grotto seems
to put an end to questions as to the au-
thenticity of these mural pictures, since
the sand and clay accumulation had long
covered them up and indeed preserved
the few now existing — the cave was
once full of such mural engravings of
bisons, horses, deer, etc. Their rudeness
also indicates their antiquity. The bison
figure, though profile, has both horns
represented. Flints and bones were also
found.

Capitan (A.), Breuil f/'-4/^<5<»),^/Peyrony
( M. ) Une nouvelle grotte ^ parois
grav6es, LaCal6vie, Dordogne. (Ibid.,
379-81, 2 fgs.) Brief account of the
grotto with decorated walls at La Cal^vie
(the figures are of horses) in the Dor-
dogne. The engravings belong to the
same series as do those of the other
caves in this region, particularly the
figures of Pair non Pair.

Deecke (W. ) Zur Eolithenfrage auf RU-
gen und Bomholm. (Mitt. d. Naturw.
Ver. zu Greifswald, 1905, xxxvi, i-ii.)
On geological grounds the author con-
cludes that the so-called eoliths on the
islands of Riigen and Bomholm are post-
glacial.

Deniker (J. ) Les Bulgares et les Mac^-
doniens. Note compl^mentaire k la
communication du Dr Wateff. (Bull.
Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, \'« s., v,

459-66, map.) Discnsses the distribu-
tion of the cephalic index in Balgmria
and Macedonia, according to the investi-
gations of WatefT, Pittai^ etc In the
region north of the Balkans brachy-
cephaly predominates, in the south doli-
chocephaly. Western Rumelia is espe-
cially dolichocephalic The indices for
women follow about the same coarse as
for men. In the discussion M. Atgier
attributed the brachycephaly of the
north to a Celto-Slav and the dolicho-
cephaly of the south to an " Ibero-
Pelasgic" element.

Finn ( Hr, ) Ueber neuere Ausgrabungen
in Skandinavien. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,
1904, XXXVI, 668-70.) Notes on a
bridge of the early stone age near N&st-
ved on the island of Seeland, a find (ca,
400 A. D. ) of various metal objects from
Finnestorp, Westgotland, urn-graves
(8th cent. a. d. ) at Alsten near Stock-
holm, a chisel and two axes of stone of
the Lapp stone age (** Arctic** stone
age) from Lillsund in Swedish Norr-
land, and the richly carved Viking ship
of TSnsberg — a ** national treasure.'*

Funde (Die) im Maglemose und ihre
Zeitliche pr&historische Stellung. (Glo-
bus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 363-4.)
R^sum^s Sarauw's account in the Aar-
boger for Nordisk Oldkyndighid^ ^^Z*
of the important discovery at Magel-
mose on the west coast of the island of
Seeland of a large number of stone im-
plements, tools of bone and horn, etc,
indicating a ''station" belonging to the
earliest neolithic period, or p)erhaps the
period of transition between the paleo-
lithic and the neolithic p)eriods.

Giglioli ( E. H. ) Pietre adoperate per la
pesca. (A. p. I'Antrop., Firenze, 1904,
xxxiv, 315--6.) Brief account of the
mogigy or net-stones, in use on the Italian
lakes, identical with those of the Ameri-
can Indians, Pacific islanders, etc.

Giuff rida-Ruggeri ( V. ) Terzo contributo
all' antropologia fisica dei Siculi eneo-
lithici Grotto della Chiusilla, alle Ma-
donie presso Isnello circ. di Cefald. ( A.
d. Soc. Rom. di Antr., 1905, xi, 58-
103, I pi., 4 fgs.) Gives detailed de-
scription, with tables, of the measure-
ments of 12 skulls, 9 femurs, 16 tibia, 8
humeri, 5 radii, several sacrums and a
number of fragmentary bones, etc., from
the burial grotto of Chiusilla. The pot-
tery and other industrial remains are now
in the Failla-Tedaldi collection. The

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

337

prevailing cnmial form is the cuneate
ellipnoid. The average capacity of 14
skulls is 1477.6 ccm., the cephalic form
for 13 male skulls is dolicho-mesato ce-
phalic. The estimated stature for males
is 1,686 mm., for females 1,590. These
rather tall eneolithic people may be the
ancestors of the tall Sicilian element of
to-day, related to the race of Cro-Mag-
non, the "Berbers,** and the "littoral
type *' of Deniker, all one and the same
thing. Apparently a tall type has ex-
isted in Sicily since eneolithic times.

Goldstein ( F. ) Die Malthusische Theorie
und die Bevdlkerung Deutschlands.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii,
46-50.) Author considers "social over-
population** the menace, not "Malthu-
sian over-population** — the first has
been present in Germany for some time
and is becoming more and more oppress-
ive. Not lack of food but excess of
work, overfilling of occupations, is the
real trouble.

GorganoYic-Kramberger ( K. ) Der pali-
olische Mensch una seine Zeitgenossen
aus dem Diluvium von Krapina in Kro-
atien. ( Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien,

1904, XXXIV, 187-99, 3 pi., 9 fgs.)
Supplementary pap>er. Describes re-
mains found by Dr G.-K.'s assistant,
S. Ostermann, in 1902. The finds in-
clude some 400 bones of animals, the
lower jaw of a seven-year-old child,
some teeth of children and adults (in all
32), a few skull fragments (one showing
a marked tuber parietale)^ and portions
of humeri and claviculae of two typ>es.
The author finds two varieties of men
(the presence of the second due to some
irruption of a foreign horde) of the same
old diluvial species Homo primigcnitis to
be represented at Krapina.

Gustafsons (G.) Ueber das Schiff von
Tdnsberg. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904,
XXXVI, 670-1.) Brief description of
the highly ornamented Viking ship found
near TSnsberg, Norway. It is orna-
mented with animal figures in the Norse
style, in relief. The boat was used as a
grave.

Halbfass (/^^. ) Der Einflusz des Gen'
fersees auf die Bevdlkerungsverteilung in
seiner Umgebung. (Globus, Bmschwg.,

1905, LXXXVII, 34.) Brief r6sum6 of
the section in Prof. A. Forel's Le L^man
treating of the influence of the Lake of
Geneva on the distribution of population.

The riparian zone has great attractive
power, — ^the lake is a source of food,
and land-attacks are more easily repelled.
Other factors, geographic, climatic and
meteorologic, have also been at work to
favor this zone against country behind it.

Handschin (C. H.) Das Sprichwort bei
Hans Sachs. I. Teil: Verzeichnis der
SprichwOrtem. (Bull. Univ. Wise,
Phil. Lit. ser., 1904, Iii, 1-153.) Lists
alphabetically under key-words the prov-
erbs and cognate expressions in Hans
Sachs. Rare in the art-epic of Knight-
hood-times ( in Iwein only 42 ; in Par-
zival, 37 ; in the Wigalois 60), proverbs
abound in the folk-poetry of the 1 6th
century.

Handtmann (E.^ Brettchenweberei. (Z.
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 748,
749. ) Brief notes on weaving-bcMU-ds
lately or now in use in various places in
northern Germany.

Heennaiice (T. W.) Excavations in Cor-
inth in 1904. Preliminary report. (J.
Amer. Arch., Norwood, Mass., I904f
II s., VIII, 433-41, 2 pi., I fig.) De-
scribes the new stoa near the old temple
of Apollo, and certain pieces of sculp-
ture, etc., found.

Hery6 ( G. ) Les Alsaciens sous le rapport
moral et intellectuel. (R. de I'^c.
d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 295-
319.) First part of ethnological study.
Among the marked characteristics of the
Alsatians are good-nature, honesty, and
industry, but they are lacking in vivacity
and initiative, considerably addicted to
drunkenness, brave, gay, with a good
humor. Their habits and customs are
patriarchal, simple, and conservative,
with much survival of superstition and
popular rites and ideas which have af-
fected the Christianity of the country.
" Reversions '* have been common
through the ages and sectarian spirit has
been fierce.

La colonic allemande du Klingenthal.

(Ibid., 331-332. ) R^sum^s the account
of this German colony (founded in 1830,
by reason of the manufacture of side-
arms ) in Alsace given by P. A. Helmer
in the Retme d^ Alsace for 1903.

Le Morvan en 1794. (Ibid., 1905,

XV, 35-6.) Gives extracts on the
"lourds paysans du Morvan*^ their
habits and customs, from a book of recol-
lections, etc., of the revolutionary com-

338

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

mitteesof I793~95> published at Paris in
1830, by M. G. Audiger.

Hovtaay (F. ) Trois nouveaux polissoirs.
(Ibid.. 1904, XIV, 326-30, 2 figs.)
Describes rocks used for polishing stone
implements, as the holes and ** pits'*
indicate at Chissay in Loir-et-Cher, and
La CrimailUre, Monthon-sur-Cher.
Many similar "polishers" have doubt-
less disappeared, leaving but few to
represent prehistoric times.

Kaindl ( R. ) Neuere Arbeiten zur Vdlk-
erkunde, Vdlkerbeschreibung und Volks-
kunde von Galizien, Russisch-Polen und
der Ukraine. (Globus, Bmschwg.,
1904, Lxxxvi, 315-18, 330-3. 4 fgs.)
Notes the recent (1902-03) literature
on the prehistory, ethnology, ethnog-
raphy, folk-lore, etc., of Galicia, Rus-
sian Poland, and the Ukraine, contained
in the publications of the Cracow Acad-
emy of Sciences, the folk-lore journal
Ludf issued by the Lemberg society,
the Tchevtchensko society of Lemberg,
etc., among which are included very
important works by Fedorowski on the
White Russians ; Kolessa on Galician-
Ruthenian folk-songs ; Gnatiuk on Gali-
cian-Ruthenian folk-tales (2 vols.);
Franko on old Russian folk-tales, etc.
R^sum^s are also given of recent works
by Majewski, Ketrynski, Niederle, Tal-
ko-Hryncewicz, etc., on Slavic ethnology,
Olszewski on the ethnology and history
of the heart, Windakiewicz on the
ancient Polish folk-drama, etc. Suchie-
wicz's work on the Huzuls is also note-
worthy.

Koroley (S. A. ) Astrachanskie Kalmyki.
(Russk. Antrop. Zhum., Moskva, 1903,
No. I, 22-47, 4 fgs., 3 diagr.). Gives
results of observation and measurement
of 200 Kalmucks of both sexes and
various ages. K. compmres the Kal-
mucks with their Asiatic relatives the
Torgots, — the effect of the European
environment of ca. 130 years is seen,
but the basal race characters remain.
Of 93 males between the ages of 21 and
65 years, 56.99 % had a stature between
1576 and 1675 mm. The average ceph-
alic index of 96 males of like ages was
81.08.

Larson (L. M. ) The king's household
in England before the Norman conquest.
(Bull. Univ. Wise., Hist, ser., 1904, I,
55-204.) A good, well -documented
account, with index, of the old English
court, its constitution, officials, etc

Lissauer (A.) Erster Bericht Uber die
T&tigkeit der von der Deutschen an-
thropologischen Gesellschaft gew&hlten
Kommission flir pr&historische Typen-
karten. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904,
XXXVI, 537-607, 62 fgs., 3 maps.)
This valuable first report of the com-
mittee of the German Anthropological
Society on prehistoric type-maps presents
distribution maps of flat and rimmed
bronze axes, oar and disk head needles,
and wheel head needles, for the German
empire, with indications where speci-
mens are now preserved and references
to literature. The rimmed bronze axe
has the following varieties : Armorican
type, North German, South German,
Siucon, ''nicked," long-stemmed. East
Baltic. Transition forms are very num-
erous. L. wishes to ban the word Celt
and use only Axt (axe). The Armori-
can type is the simplest, the East Bal-
tic very limited in occurrence. The oar
needle has 4, the disk needle 2 types, —
there is also an East Baltic type of the
disk needle with flat ribbon -spiral head.
Of the wheel needle there are 4 tyi>es
(earless. Upper Rhenish with one eye.
Central German with two and four ears,
Hanoverian with three ears). L. op-
poses the idea that the wheel needles
were developed from the disk needles.
Long after the bronze age, in the
Roman imperial period, the use of wheel
needles appears again in Livonia, etc.

MehlU (C. ) Die neuen Ausgrabungen
im neolithischen Dorfe Wallbdhl bei
Neustadt a d. H. und ihre Bedeutung
fiir die Kulturgeschichte. (Globus,
Bmschwg, 1905, LXXXVI I, 128-34, 27
fgs.) Describes the important recent
neolithic finds at Wallbdhl in 1904,
seeming to indicate the existence of a
village (22 huts have been noted), a
new fact for Bavaria and the Palatinate.
The most interesting objects are ceramic
objects, amulets, idols, beads, flints, etc.
This find establishes a settled population
in this region at ca, 2000 B. c, with
trade relations with western Switzerland,
northern Italy, the Danube country, and
the shores of the /Egean. Curious is
the m on a pottery- fragment.

Meier ( S. ) Volkstiimliches aus dem Frei-
und Kelleramt. (Schwz. A. f. Vlksk.,
Zurich, 1905, VIII, 32-51.) This fifth
section treats of folklore and folk -cus-
tom connected with the various saints*
days, etc., of the year (St. Martin's, St.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

339

Nicholas*, Christmas with its choral sing-
ing, St. John's, St. Silvester's and its
songs of which specimens are given, New
Year, The Three Kings and the star
songs, St. Anthony's Week, Candlemas,
St. Blasius', St. Agatha's, « dirty
Thursday," Lent).

Meianer {Dr) Ueber Danewerk und
Hedeby Ein Riickblick auf vormittelal-
terliche Befestigungen. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 675-97.) Dis-
cusses the pre-medieval fortifications,
Danewerke, etc., about Hedeby near
Schleswig, which once guarded the ap-
proach to the Jutish peninsula ( Krumm-
wall, Danewerk, Hohburg, Osterwall,
attributed to the Danish King Godfrey,
ca, 808 A. D. ).

Melville (R. D.) The use and form of
judicial torture in England and Scotland.
(Scott. Hist. Rev., Glasgow, 1905, 11,
225-48, 28 fgs. ) Treats briefly of thumb-
screws, **pilniewinkies," the rack,
branks, stocks, jougs, anklets, heads-
man's axe, repentance stool, '*the
maiden," etc. In Scotland, contrary to
legal theory (not practice) in England,
judicial torture seems to have been
lawful.

Montessori (Maria). Sui caratteri antro-
pometrici in relazione alle gerarchie in-
telletuali dei fanciulli nelle scuoli. (A.
per I'Antrop., Firenze, 1904, xxxiv,
243-97. ) Detailed results of measure-
ments, (weight, height, finger-reach,
chest-girth, cranial, facial) of 105 pupils
( as to intellectual development : mediocre
30, worse 40, better 35) in the ele-
mentary schools of Rome. The meas-
urements for each individual are given in
the tables also the same details for 23
best pupils and 23 backward pupils. The
more intelligent pupils were found to
have a greater development of the head
and better of the face. The two classes
( more and less intelligent) as determined
by the teachers showed chiefly physiolog-
ical differences, which tended to vanish
(accentuating the cranial differences in
favor of the more intelligent) when Dr
M. arranged the two series. Better de-
velopment of head would seem to pre-
vail among the well-to-do and the more
intelligent. One problem has to do
with the intelligence, another with nu-
trition.

Nerong (O. C. ) Haus- und Viehmarken
auf der Insel Fdhr. (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1904, Lxxxvi, 353-5, 3 fgs. ) Describes

house and cattle marks on the island of
Fdhr, belonging to the 17th and i8th cen-
uries — their age is ca. 400-500 or 600
years. There are also duck-marks (boring
the web-skin, etc.). The cattle are
marked by snipping the ears. The
house-marks are used on all sorts of uten-
sils, tools, etc. House-marks were some-
times engraved on seals.

Ochsner (J.) VolkstUmliches aus Einsie-
deln und Umgebung. (Schwz. A. f.
Vlksk., Zurich, 1904, viii, 296-315.)
Gives from MS. of Jakob Ochsner ( 1798-
1871) ca. 1867-1871 items of folk-lore
and folk-custom from the region of Ein-
siedeln, concerning spirits and gnomes,
animals, insects, plants, witches, zusam-
menschdlUn (a sort of cAarivari),
** Kindlestein," exorcism, EUister fire,
etc.

Oesten (G.) Ueber die bisherigen Ar-
beiten der Rethra-Kommission. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 758-64, 3
fgs. ) Gives account of recent excava-
tions in the Liep>e region. Author finds
evidence of Slav settlement.

Oliphant (J.) The mariage de conve-
nance in France. (Intern. J. Ethics,
Phila., 1905, XV, 189-98.) The mar-
iage de convenance is an historical con-
vention and has an ex post facto defence,
outlined here. It is materialistic in or-
igin and effect The convent-education
of girls enabled it to continue, but free
intercourse of young people has not yet
that completeness which will abolish it.

Ottolenghi (S.) La nuova *'cartella bio-
grafica dei pregiudicati " adottata nell'
amministrazione di P. S. (A. d. Soc.
Rom. di Antrop., 1905, xi, 104-29.)
Reproduces, with explanatory notes and
instructions for observers, the "bio-
graphic record" for prisoners adopted
by the police authorities of the Italian
government in 1899. and since amended
or rather remade by Professor O. in 1 902
and adopted by the Government in Jan.
1904 for all Italy.

Pellandini ( V. ) Usi e costumi di Bedano,
Ticino. (Scnwz. A. f. Volksk., ZUrich,
1904, VIII, 241-67.) Treats of region
and localities, parish and church, indus-
try, professions, trades, etc., folk foods
and drinks, religious festivals and usages,
carnival customs, "stable evenings,"
baptism, and christening, weddings, per-
sonal nicknames, language (glossary of
Bedano dialect, pp. 258-67). Bedano

340

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

(population 332) was a century ago the
cradle of artists of no mean sort and
even now its fame for learned men is not
at all extinct.

Pemice (£.) Ueber die Gr&ber in Thu-
row bei Ziissow. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,
1904, xxxxvi, 752-8, 4 fgs.) De-
scribes stone graves at Thurow and con-
tents, urn-burial, pottery fragments, gold
spiral, bronze needle, etc

Pittard (£. ) De la survivance d*un type
crftnien n^groide dans les populations
anciennes et contemporaines de P Europe.
(A. d. Sciences phys. et nat., Gendve,
1904, XVII, 625-39.) From examina-
tion of 47 skulls from the ossuary (early
medieval) at Sierre in the canton of
Valais, P. discovered two female skulls
(indexes 71.05, 76.84) resembling the
Grimaldi type, and pronouncedly ne-
groid. P. believes that the representa-
tives of this Quaternary tjrpe were not
confined to southern France.

Pndor (H. ) Nordische Reise. (Mitt d.
k. k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1905,
XLVIII, 133-72.) Treats of Stockholm
(architecture, painting, museums, etc.),
St Petersburg (social phenomena, street-
life, markets, etc.), Moscow (architec-
ture), Finland (architectural renais-
sance, the Finnish question, art and
artists, Runeberg, Vallgren, Edelfelt,
Gallen with his Aino-mythos, J&inefelt,
Sibelius, composer of music), etc.

Reich (E.) The present state of Europe.
(Intern. Quart., N. Y., 1905, x, 211-
26. ) Treats of the cyclone of imperial-
ism and its innominate anti-cyclone, etc.
British imperialism is ** need-bom,"
German, ** brain -bom,'* Russian, the
expansion of space, not force. The
price of Spanish imperialism was bigotry.
French lumiirnsm is skin-deep. Amid
all these war is imminent.

Roberts (P. ) The Sclavs. (Intem. Quart.,
N. Y., 1904, X, 32-45.) General discus-
sion of history, race, and recent progress.
The author, who spells the name * * Sclav, ' *
speaks of '<the coming of the Sclav to
Europe," adopting outgrown ethnological
theories. On the average, he ** is as good
an anima) as the average member of any
European people." Socially and indus-
trially, but not physically or intellectually,
he occupies a lower place. Ethno-senti-
mental motives are factors in Russian
progress. Another Peter the Great may
make a reality of Panslavism.

Report of committee appointed by the
Society, at the request of Mr Bruce, to
cooperate with him in the excavation of
a pile structure at Langbank in October,
1902. (Trans. Glasgow Archeol. Soc,
1905, N. s., V, 52-3, pi. ) Corroborates
Mr Bruce' s details.

Schenk ( A. ) Les squelettes pt^historiques
de Chamblandes, Suisse. (R. de I'Ec.
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 335-78,
15 figs.) Describes, with details of
cranial measurements especially, the hu-
man remains (29 skeletons in all, of
which a number were not in condition to
examine carefully) found in the << cubic
graves " of Chamblandes, near Lausanne,
in 1901. One female skull is treated at
length ( 349-354 ) • The average cephalic
index is 74-94; the estimated brain-
weight raises the Chamblandes people
above those of modem ** lower races"
and tends to approach that of the Euro-
peans of to-day, although they were
of small stature. Three chief cranial
tjrpes (Herv6's Baumes-Chaudes, prob-
ably the descendant of the Magdalenian
paleolithic race of Laugerie-Chancelade ;
the Grimaldi type of Vemeau, of negroid
nature ; a neolithic dolichocephalic t3rpe
of northern origin, — two skulls only) are
recognized. The other remains (flints,
omaments, axes, etc.), indicate the first
part of the age of polished stone as the peri-
od of sepulture, and complicated funeral
ceremonies were probably in vogue. S.
considers that the remains at Cham-
blandes prove that Switzerland was in-
habited at the end of the paleolithic and
beginning of the neolithic age by the
ancient prehistoric races of northem and
western Europe.

Schmidt (H.) Troja-Mykene— Ungam.
Arch&ologische Parallelen. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 608-56, 34 figs.)
Discusses archeological parallels in the
prehistoric culture of Troy, Mycenae, and
Hungary. Bodily omaments (buckles,
spirals, etc.), the culture of the Thraci,
the neolithic culture of the Danubian
and Balkan countries ( Lengyel, Tordos,
etc.), — painted ceramics in particular.

' S. holds that the evidence justifies the
belief that certain ceramic and orna-
mental forms were carried by migrating
tribes from central Europe to the yEgean
culture-area, and that Thracian peoples
had their share in the development of the
narrower Mycenaean culture.

CHilMBERLAIN]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

341

Schmit ( £. ) Investigation d' un puits fbn^-
raire de I'^poque n^olithique (p^riode
camao6enne) \ Pocancy, Marne. (Bull.
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s., v,
466-9. ) Brief account of a burial pit of
die Cunacean epoch and its contents
(several skeletons discovered some 15
years ago ; two amulets of serpentine,
etc.). M. Schmit, with Manouvrier,
points out the importance of a scientific
investigation of dolmens, etc., previously
explored in non-scientific fiiishion.

Schneider (K. ) Die Entwaldung Istriens.
( Globus, Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 297-
9. ) Sketches the history of the defores-
tation of Istria, from early times to the
present. The remains found in the pre-
historic ** stations ' ' indicate forests where
none are now. Neither the Romans nor
the Venetians, but the inhabitants of the
peninsula are to be credited with most of
the destruction.

Schoener (J. G.) Die Kolonization SQd-
west-Finnlands durch Schweden. (Mitt.
- d. k. k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1905,
XLViii, 173-4.) R6sum6s the views as
to the Swedish colonization of Finland
contained in Wiklund's recent work A'ar
kommo Svenskame till Finland ? ( Up-
sala, 7901). Montelius holds that the
Swedes have inhabited Finland for some
4000 years, while the Finns came there
only aiter the beginning of the Christian
era. Archeologic and linguistic data
alike indicate the presence of the Swedes
in Finland ca. 2000 B. c.

Stasi (P. £.) e RegalU (E.) Grotta
Romanelli (C!astro, Terra d' Otranto)
stazione con faune interglaciali calde e di
steppa. Nota preventiva. (A. per T-
Antrop., Firenze, 1904, xxxiv, 17-81,
4 pi. ) Detailed account of grotto with
interglacial (warm epoch and step[>e
period) animal remains, among them an
Asiatic member of the Equidti — all in-
troduced into the cave by hunters. In
the early part of this epoch man pos-
sessed, besides fire, a lithic industry no
longer primitive, later a stage corre-
sponding to a part of the Solutrean.
During the subsequent glacial period,
and since, the cave seems to have been
visited by man.

▼. Stenin fP.) Der Geist der Getreide-
darre una sein Namensfest bei den Gross-
russen. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904,
LXXXVI, 366.) R^sum^s Balofs ac-
count in the Shivopisnaia Rossiia of the
owinny or protective deity of the grain-

driers among the Great Russians and the
celebration of his name-feast.

Tarbell (F. B.) Some present problems
in the history of Greek sculpture.
(Amer. J. Arch., Norwood, Mass.,
1904, II s., VIII, 442-459.) Discusses
ideal history, rdle of copies in recon-
struction of history of Greek sculpture,
variation in the works of a single master,
etc.

V. Ein altnordisches Freilichtmuseum.
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1904, lxxxvi,
296-7. ) Brief account of the open-air
museum for Norwegian archeologic and
ethnographic antiquities recently estab-
lished in the little town of Lillehammer
in the heart of Norway, — the Majhau-
gen^ as it is called. Here the objects
are preserved in the very houses them-
selves ; art and architecture are genuine
and real.

Restaurierung der hanseatischen

Ringmauer in Wisby. (Ibid., 379-80. )
Brief account of the restoration, now
completed, by the Swedish government,
of the famous ring wall of Wisby, one

- of the most important remains of Hanse-
atic architecture and fortification in the
North.

Voroblev (V. V.) Astrachanskie Kal-
myki. ( Russk. Antrop. Zhur., Moskva,
1903, No. I, 1-22.) General descrip-
tion of the physical characteristics of the
Astrakan Kalmucks based on the author's
observations of 75 individuals. The
chief anthropometric data concerning
these 75 are compared (p. 12) with
those obtained by Metchnikov, Koll-
mann, Deniker, Erkert, Ivanovski, etc.
Vorobiev's average stature, 1642.2 mm.,
is higher than that of the others. The
limbs of the Kalmucks show the effect of
nomadic horse-life. The average cep-
halic index is 83.05. The Mongolian
characters are especially marked in the
young.

Waagen (L.) Fahrten und Wanderun-
gen der nordlichen Adria. (Mitt. d.
k.k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1905, XLViii,
3-30. ) Treats of the islands of Veglia
(with the kolo dance and bugarija or
hero-songs), Cherso (with the tomb of
St. Gaudentnis, who banished all poison-
ous snakes] and Arbe, whose cathedral
contains St Christopher's head.

Wateff (S.) Contribution ^ I'itude an-
thropologique des Bulgares. ( Bull. Soc.
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 437-

342

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

58, 7 ^.) Rinunii (be results of an-
thropome^k obiervaCions on 36,493
soldieii (age 19-35), 319,841 school-
childicn (age 6-10), several hundred
other Bulgarian) of all ages, 500 braiiu
of Bulgaiiaus of all ages, and 1,330
crania, a few of which belong lo the I3tb
century. Height, color of eyn, hair and
■kin, meAsuieinents of head and face, and
weight of brain are conadered. The
Bulgarians are piedominantly (50 per
cent.) bninet, only 5 per cent, being
blonds ; have an BTerage stature of
166.5 '^'^- 'i" "'"^ (women 156.7) ; are
laii^ly (77 pet ceoL) mesocephalic ;
have an average brain -weight of 138S gr.
(or men and 1260 for women. The
heaviest brains come from the Macedon-
ians, (he lowest average from the
■outhem Bulgarians. The male country
people have heavier brains than the
Drban population. The heaviest male
brain (1S50 gr.) belonged to a peasant,
as did also the heaviest female brain
(•440 gf)

WlbllDK ( C. ) DrottninghSgen i Helsing-
boi^. [Ymer, Stckhlm., 1904, xxiv,
359-aSo, 13 ^) Deicribes a prehis.
tone tumului at Helsingborg and con-
tents ( Rint objects, potsherds, pitted and
"cup" stones.

Wilwr (L.) Ui^eschichtliche Neger in
Europa. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, I
LXxxvlI, 45-6.) Rtsumis daU as to '
the existence in Europe in prehistoric I
times of a negroid race. The earliest
evidence was the skull from the Maas
Valley described by Spring in 1S55.
Since then the finds in Monaco ( Doute),
on Lake Geneva (Schenk), in Armorica
(Vemeau, Hervft), etc., have strength-
ened (he case, and now little doubt
exists, according to W., of the former
presence of negro-like peoples in south-
western Europe.

Zaboiowald (S.) L'sutocthonisme des
Slaves en Europe, Ses premiers difen-
seurs. (R. I'Ec. d'Antbr. de Paris,
1905, XV, 3-17.) Treats of the various
theories as to the European origin of the
Slavs, from the andent Russian Chronic
of Nestor down to ethnologists, etc.,
of the iSth and 19th centuries — Suro,
wiecki, Schafarik, I^lewel, Malte-Brun,
Wilser. Saraokvasov, etc. Z. upholds
the European origin, — probably in the
Danubian region.
Zlndel-Krelasig (A.) Die Knabengesell-
schaft von Sargans. (Schwz. A. f.

Gives the 15 articles of organiaatiiin oL
the Knabengeiellschaf) or youth's soci-
ety, of Sargans in 1833. ^nAmtrUan
AHlhropologiit, 1905, N. S., Vti, 141.
ZQiidMT (G.) u. Keliittard (M.) Aller-
hand Aberglauben aus dem Kantoo
Bern. (Ibid., 367-81.) Gives 160
items of popular superstilians, etc,
from the Canton of Bern concerning
children, domestic animals and indus-
tries, clothing, dreams, folk-inedidne,
marriage, death, sickness, bewitching,
ghosts, etc.

AFRICA

BAgt* (S. ) The circumcision ceremony
among the Naivasha Masai. (J. Anthr.
Inst., Lotid., 1904, 167-9.) Describes
briefly the E-unolo feast, the boy's feait,
the operation of circumcision after these ;
also the circumcision of girls. The
E-HHolo lasts for 3 months, the other fbc
two days. For gitis the operator is a
female (usually the mother), (or boys •
member of the Andoro-tribe, who are
cattle -slayers. No uncircumdsed youth
can have connection with a drcimicised
woman, but may with an uncircumdied
girl.

BMUch ( Ein ) beim Bangalah&npUiiig
Katchnngo. (Mitt. d. k. Ic geogr.
Ges. in Wien, 1905, XLvm, 103-7.)
Reproduces from the Nal. Ztifung- s
description of the Bangala, a little risited
tribe of central Africa, who are said to
be still cannibals. The chief and hit
surroundings, are discussed.

Blyden (E. W.) The Koran in Africa.
(J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 1905, iv, 157-
71.) Treats of the influence of the
Koran, the Arabic language, and the
feast of Ramadhan, in negro Africa.
The African Muslims object to being
called Muhammedans and pay less re-
gard to tradition than to the words of
(he sacred teat. Their chief objections
to Christianity are : Its desocialiiing in-
fluence (breaking up (amily ties, disinte-
grating communities), its priesthood
caste, its countenance of the liquor traific
and liquor drinking. In many respects
the Muslim facts are best and acts of
Christian missionaries and their country-
men, not preachings, are necessary. The
Koran (chap. 31 is said to re(er to a
negro) and the Muslims have 00 negro-

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

343

Crawford (D.) African shibboleths. A
new check in philology. (Ibid., 232-
7.) Among these are Arab w for v
(e. g. Luban), Vemba / (Luban v),
Rugaruga g for ^, Luapula c for ch^ etc.
The Arab, *« willy-nilly, is a disturbing
feature both in African lands and African
languages. " He has << marked indelibly
his Semitic phonology on the musical
Bantu tongues.'* The blend of the east
coast is Arab in mouth and African in
mind. The Luban makes fun of it in a
little song.

CummiiiB ( S. L. ) Sub-tribes of the Bahr-
el-Ghazal Dinkas. (J. Anthr. Insti
Lond., 1904, XXXIV, 149-66, I pi., 3
fgs. ) Notes on customs, occupations
and pursuits; legal, ethical, and reli-
gious ideas ; superstition (witchcraft,
hostile magic) ; arts and designs (clay
models of cattle ) ; music and song ( Eng-
lish versions of four given), etc., of the
Dinkas and Golo, with a few notes on
the Jur. Among the Dinka a ceremony
of speech obtains. The Dinkas are bet-
ter spearmen and cattle-herds than hun-
ters ; possession of cattle is the great
ambition, and tending them the chief
occupation. Force of public opinion
regulates conduct. The Dinkas have a
good map-making sense.

Darker (G. F. ) Niger delta natives, with
special reference to maintaining and in-
creasing the population of southern
Nigeria. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 1905,
IV, 206-26, 2 pi., 3 maps.) After in-
troductory remarks on the decrease of
primitive peoples, author discusses the
population of southern Nigeria as di-
vided into three classes, according to
hygienic zones : Waterside peoples —
people of the mangrove swamps (the
''islands" are ideal places for keeping
slaves ; each is a little town, with a
"chief**) ; inland peoples near the
coast — people of the bush (producers
of oil and nuts) ; inland peoples proper
near to Africa civilization ; grass and
forest men (hardier type, with iron in-
dustry and cotton cloth). Diseases are
discussed, also native hygiene, with
proposals for health improvement. In
two appendices (pp. 220-6), ** Negroes
in the United States '* and ** Negroes in
the West Indies'* are considered.

David (J.) Weitere Mitteilungen tiber
das Okapi. (Globus, Brnschwg, 1904,
Lxxxvi, 385-6.) Gives some of the
native names of this animal, notes on its

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7-93

distribution, knowledge of the pygmies,
etc.

Deyrolle (— ) Les haouanet de Tunisie.
(Bull. Soc.d* Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v«s.,
V, 395-404* 3 fgs. ) Treats of the sepul-
chral chambers known as haouanet
("shops") from their resemblance to
the shops of the Suks of the Barbary
coast. Of 188 existing in Tunis, the
author has visited 138, of which 94 were
discovered by him. Variations in form,
etc., ornamentation, sculptures, engrav-
ii^gs, paintings (ornamental, symbolical,
animal) are briefly described. The
sculptures recall the South Algerian rock
carvings, etc. The haouanet themselves
find analogues in Sicily and in the arti-
ficial grottoes of Mame.

Fairclough (T. L. ) Notes on the Basuto,
their history, country, etc. (J. Afric.
Soc., Lond., 1905, IV, 194-205, 4 pi.)
Treats of the early history of the Basuto,
who intruded on the Bushmen, their first
chiefs, wars, etc. ; names of mountains
and rivers ; rain-making ; guilds and in-
itiation schools for boys and girls ; bur-
ial customs, salutations, etc. A famine-
origin of cannibalism is suggested (p.
197). In the rain-making of 1885 more
than 10,000 people took part in the
Leribe district alone. Left-handed na-
tives are rare. The native population of
Basutoland increased from about 218,500
in 1891 to 347»73i »" ^904-

Fies ( K. ) Der Hostamm in Deutsch-To-
go. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1905, Lxxxvi,
13-17, 2 fgs. ) Treats of history and mi-
gration of the Ho(Eewe) people, their
wars with Ashanti, their attachment to
the Germans of Togo, etc. Religion
(heaven and earth are husband and
wife), chiefdom and 'government (king,
judges, male assembly of those above fif-
teen years of age) are briefly considered.

van Gennep (A.) Ueber das T&touieren
in Nordafrika. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,
1904, XXX VI, 749-50. ) Adds to article
of Trager (see Amer. Anthr op,, 1904,
N. S., VI, 732) facts concerning tattoo-
ing among the Khumir, a mountain-
people of Tunis. Words for tattooing
are discussed. The cross here is not of
Christian origin.

GigUoli (E. H.) II sale-moneta dell'
Etiopia. (A. per I'Antrop., Firenze,
1904, XXXIV, 183-7.) Describes the
*' salt-money" of Ethiopia, obtained
from Ar6h, in the territory of the Taltal,

344

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

its use and how it is obtained. There
are four varieties — ganfur^ Umedign^
amoliif txAfescesc,

Hvgnet ( J. ) La valeur physique g^nerale
des indigenes Sahariens. (R. de TEc.
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, xiv, 263-82,
II fgs.) R^sum^s data as to constitu-
tion, temperament, stature, chest-girths,
acuity of vision, vaccination, intelligence
of 119 men from various parts of the
south and extreme south of the Algerian
Sahara, examined as to aptitude for
military service and all Arabs by races,
with ethnographic notes. More than
half were rejected. The average stature
was 1.68 m. The chest-girth of the
nomad shepherds exceeded that of. the
nomad hunters. There was one my-
opic. The Saharians are more intelli-
gent than the people of the Tell.

Contribution 2l I'^tude sociologique

des femmes Sahariennes. (Ibid., 411-
14. ^ Brief notes on Arab, Berber, Tua-
reg, Mzab, and other women of the
Saharian tribes. The absence of the
men from the family tent for days leads
to a certain freedom on the part of
the women, grudgingly given by jealous
husbands and often cruelly avenged.
Daughters are property and disposed of
as such. Virginity is often relative ( the
Tuaregs practise inHbulation). Famous
are the Ulad Nallox Saharian prostitutes,
who had their representatives in antiquity.

Hvtter (F.) Aug. Chevalier's Forsch-
ungs expedition von Ubangi durch das
Stromgebiet des Schari nach dem
Tsadsee. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1904,
Lxxxvi, 299-302. ) R^sum^s the re-
sults of Chevalier's Tchad expedition,
with a few notes on the natives (Gulla-
Homer). In German Bomu an old Sd
settlement was discovered, with traces of
another almost extinct people.

Johnston (A.) French policy in Mada-
gascar. (J. Afric. Soc., 1904, IV, 78-
81.) Brief notes on statistics and facts
relating to the French colony contained
in Gen. Galli^ni's eighth annual report
(1903). The authorities are endeavor-
ing to reduce the mortality of new-bom
infants and women in child-birth. A
children' s^/^ has been instituted. The
European population is slowly increasing.

Kirk (J. W. C. ) The Yibirs and Midgdns
of Somaliland, their traditions and dia-
lects. (Ibid., 91-108.) Treats of
present condition, tribal names, activities,

of these two outcast peoples, who spedk
Somali, but also have each their pnvmte
dialect kept secret from other tribes;
traditions concerning Mohammed Hanif,
the ancestors of the Yibirs language,
specimens of word-formation and brief
lists of words are given. (The dialects
are based on Somali, and one Midgin
said <<his language was invented by his
ancestors in the jungle as a secret code " ).

Lederbogen ( W. ) Duala fables. ( Ibid. ,
56-77. ) Gives English text (translated
from German of author by Miss M.
Huber) of 14 fables from the Doala erf*
the Cameroons.

Malerei (Die) in Abessinien. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1904, LXXXVI, 237-329,
6 fgs. ) R^sum^s Dr C. Keller's article
Ueber Maler und Malerei in Abessinien
in the Jahresbericht d. Geogr.-Ethnogr.
Ges. in Ziirich for 1903-04. Abyssinian
painting is of Christian Byzantine origin
and the best specimens are in the
churches. To-day European influences
are making themselves felt in many ways.

Manonyrier ( L. ) ^/ Capitan ( A. ^ l&tude
anthropologique et arch^ologique de
I'fegypte d'aprds le recent livre de M.
Chantre. ( R. de 1' Ec. d' Anthr. de Pkris,
1905, XV, 18-30, 9 fgs.) R^sum^s the
anthropological (Manouvrier) and arch-
eological (Capitan) data in Chantre's
Recherches anthropologiques dans
r Afrique orientaU. Egypte ( Lyon, 1 904 )
relating to the ancient and modem
Egyptians. Chantre concludes that
Egypt represents an autochthonous Lib-
yan culture, on which foreign inroads
have made little or no durable impres-
sion. The Egyptians are morphologic-
ally one with the Bedja, Berbers, etc.
In the Egyptian regions neolithic "sta-
tions" are abundant, megaliths rare.

Melnhof (C.) Ueber M. Merker's
"Masai." (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904,
XXXVI, 735-44. ) Critique of Merker's
Die Masai (Berlin, 1904)* Meinhof
discusses and rejects Merker's theory
that the Masai and the Israelites were
once one people and that the Masai
legends are older than those of the latter
as contained in the Bible. The Masai
are rather a Hamitic i>eople.

Nathan ( M. ) The Gold Coast at the end
of the seventeenth century under the
Danes and Dutch. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond.,
1904-5, IV, 1-32.) Translation (pp.
10-32) from a description of the country

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

345

of Guinea by Eric Tylleman, published
at Copenhagen in 1697, with introduc-
tion by author. Treats of the towns
and forts on the Gold Coast, the kingdom
of Acara, the gold on the Gold Coast,
etc.

— Historical chart of the Gold Coast,

compiled fram various sources. (Ibid.,
33-43. ) Enumerates dates and events,
1426-1900. Gives list of governors of
the Gold Coast, Kings of Ashanti, etc.

Plehn ( A. ) Beobachtungen in Kamerun.
Ueber die Anschauungen und Gebr^uche
einiger Negerst&mme. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 713-28, 4 fgs.)
Treats of the secret societies of the
Dualla, etc. (Kongolo, Tambimbe,
Mbomako or stilt- walkers, Bajongs —
slave society — Mungi, Djingo), goblins
( Ediimo, an evil earth-spirit ; Ekelle-
kette, a tormenting sprite, etc.), magic
and '* medicine," charms, soul -lore, an-
thropophagy (human sacrifice is not so
widespread on the Gulf of Guinea as
cannibalism). Remarks by Hr Stand-
inger are appended.

Renner (W. ) Native poison. West Af-
rica. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond., 1904-5,
IV, 109-11.^ Treats of the effects of
eating food (fish ) poisoned by means of
the ground fruit of Chailletia toxicaria,
locally known in Sierra Leone as
'* broken back," from its inducing
paralysis of the lower limbs in animals
— a species of ratsbane . It is used by the
Timnes and Mendis to poison wells and
streams.

Rnete ( S. ) Die Schlafkrankheit im Kon-
gogebiet. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxvii, 17-18.) R^sum^s recent re-
port of the expedition of the Liverpool
School for Tropical Medicine. The
tsetse-fly is regarded as the carrier of
infection in sleeping-sickness.

Schfitze (W. ) Die Handelszonen des
Sambesi. ( Ibid., 5-12, 7 fgs.) Treats of
development of watershed oif Zambesi,
policy of Portuguese, British, etc.

Schweinfurth (H. G.) Ueber steinzeit-
liche Forschungen in Oberagypten. (Z.
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 766-
830, 49 fgs., I pi.) Third contribution
to study of stone age in the neighbor-
hood of Thebes. Describes 58 types of
eoliths (natural pebbles, flakes natural
and intentional) of various uses, and
compares them with European series.
The great majority of these eoliths cor-

respond to the most primitive type of
Reutel.

Seiner (F.) Ueber die Ursachen des sUd-
westafrikanischen Aufstandes. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1905, LXXXVII, 1-5.) The
author, who was in the Herero country
in 1903, attributes the uprising of the
natives to the '* civilization" of the pro-
tectorate, the increase of the German
power, the rinderpest of 1897 and its
consequences, the actions of the traders,
and the reservation question.

T. (H. R. ) The opening up of British
East Africa. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond.,
1904, IV, 44-55. ) Treats of chief duties
and action of officials. The strength of
the district officer <Mies in the support of
the authority of tribal chiefs and in their
realization of the extent of the respon-
sibility." The hut tax is of very recent
introduction into East Africa and Uganda.

Tate ( H. R. ) Notes on the Kikuyu and
Kamba tribes of British East Africa.
(J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1904, xxxiv,
130-48, 4 pi. , I fg. ) Treats of physical
type, clothing, personal ornaments, lan-
guage ( vocabularies of 300 words each,
compared with Swahili and Teita) . The
Akikuyu are hard-working, thrifty and
moral, with an assured future ; also ex-
traordinarily prolific. The Akamba are
primarily agriculturists, but not so
thorough or neat as the Akikuyn. The
languages of both are Bantu.

TepowA (A.) Notes on the (Nembe)
Brass language. (J. Afric. Soc., Lond.,
1904-5, IV, 1 17-133.) Grammatical
notes, vocabulary of some 550 words
and 30 easy sentences. In Nembe
pleasure is ** sweet-mind" (diodi/i);
yesterday, * * passed to-morrow ' * ( bbgdtibe
bai) ; family **one or a belly" (gbdri-
furo). There are four articles.

Wallis ( B. ) The * ' poro * ' of the Mendi.
(Ibid., 1905, IV, 183-89.) Brief ac-
count of >^^poro (law, or " one word " ),
^^ the governing and ruling power of the
natives, embodying everything or any-
thing good or bad in the country, that re-
quires framing into order, keeping secret
among the masses, guarding as public
property, and making into law. It is
confined to boys and men and has a
course of special training and prepara-
tion. There are civil and religious
"arms," — the former for special pur-
poses. There are a /<7r<7-house and a
poro-^* devil." The author sees some

348

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

Buddhist and traveler, is represented in
a group with deities and men.

Xacdoiuld (D. B.) The moral educa-
tion of the young among Muslims. (Int.
J. Ethics, Phila., 1905, xv, 286-304.)
Gives Moslem view from the Koran and
the Ihy& of al-Ghazzall (d. A. D. iiii),
"a man of the intellectual rank of Au-
gustine." The order of education is:
Mechanical imitation and practice ; habit,
intellectual acceptance and devotion.
The Arabian Nights is also referred to
as valuable.

Niehns (H. ) Das Ramfestspiel Nordin-
diens. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxvii, 58-61, 7 fgs.) Describes the
yearly lo-day festival of Ram (hero of
the Ramayana) as celebrated at Ghazi-
pur on the Ganges, at an expense of
2,000 rupees. The representation con-
sists entirely of ]>antomimes with the
reading of the texts of the Ramayana.
No stage is used and the scene is changed
almost daily. The action follows the
Ramayana.

Sakholda fTh.) Presentation d'objects
ethnographiques de la Giorgie. ( Bull.
Soc. d*Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s, v.,
370-3f 3 ^g^O Notes on a calabash
vase, an implement for softening skin-
thongs, a distaflfand bobbin-ring, a bean-
crusher, wooden vases and other dishes,
sort of snow-shoe, a bee-smoker, a New
Year's offering or tchitchilaqui^ two
stone amulets, one suspended over a
door to protect against the evil eye, the
other worn by a wife to cure her hus-
band's sickness.

Seklemian (A. G. ) The Armenian alpha-
bet. (Armenia, Boston, 1904-5, I, No.
6, 39-45.) Historical account of the
"invention" by Mesrob (b. 361 A. D. )
of this alphabet. Before this the Arme-
nian had used the Phenician alphabet,
and, much earlier, cuneiform writing.
Mesrob, who was assisted by the cali-
grapher Rophanus, made his alphabet
read from left to ri^ht.

INDONESIA, AUSTRALASIA,
POLYNESIA

Bouchal ( L. ) A. Henry Savage Landor' s
Reisen auf den Philippinen. (Mitt. d.
k.k. geogr. Ges. in Wien, 1905, XLViii,
31-51.) Critical r^sum^ of Landor' s
The Gems of the East (2 vols., I^nd.,
1904 ), with references to the chief litera- |

ture of the subject The breritj of
Lander's journey causes one to ask
whether he himself could ha^e made
some of the detailed observatioiis re-
corded. Only the averages of the an-
thropological measurements are gireo
by L.

Chinesen (Die) auf Java. (Ibid., 93-4*)
The Chmese in Java number 265,000
with strong yearly increase ; are no mere
servants, but capitalists, promoten,
business men, traders, land-exploiten,
speculators. The Japanese term the
Chinese "swine," but the latter rise in
spite of all opposition and are now in-
dispensable. They learn in a few weeks
what does not come to a Malay in his
whole life-time. They can be relied oo,
too.

GigUoli ( E. H. ) Lo'scudo pubico e I'as-
tuccio penico degli indigeni del sod e
sud-ovest del la Nuova Guinea. (A. per
I'Antrop., Firenze, 1904, xxxiv, 317-
18.) Describes briefly the "polw
shield," made of the CymMum melt
and known as /orda or vedere ert^ in ose
in parts of southern and southwestern
Guinea. The lorda is often omamentaL
Besides the << pubic shield," a pOB
cover is also sometimes used.

Di alcuni strigili litici e spedalment

di uno bellissimo dei Landak di Borneo.
(Ibid., 319-20.) Brief account of
** skin-scrapers" (used after a bath)
from Hawaii, — called there fokah
hiai-kua^ — and from the Landak, »
tribe of land-dyaks in Borneo. The
latter is an elegant and artistic instm-
ment, putting to shame a modem EoR'
lish scraper of pumice.

Howitt (A. W.) and Sicbert (0^
Legends of the Dieri and kindred tribes
of central Australia. (J. Anthr. Ibs^j
Lond., 1904, XXXIV, 100-29, I fr)
Gives English texts of the origin of the
M Urdus and the Kana, how the Mora-
Murd Pariuilpa perfected mankind, M«J'
dra-Mankana (Belly hind-beforc), K*°'
ri-pariwilpa-ulu (Two Milky Ways)»
Malku-malku-ulu (Two Invisible Bene-
factors), Yuri-ulu (Two living onesji
The Wanderings of the Yuri-nlu, A
Circumcision legend. The Pinunalkaff
(Big Giri and Little Giri), TbePira«»
Wapiya Legend, The Antietya and the
Ngarduetya ( Hunter and nardoo)^ Dar*
ana Legend, Kakakudana and the origu^
of the Mound springs, the Mardu legend.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

349

Joly (P. R.) Notes sur les Nouvellcs-
H^brides. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de
Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 356-69, 3 fgs.)
Brief notes on the natives of Erromango,
Anatom, Tanna, Vat^, Api, Mallicollo
(especially, pp. 357-65), Ambrym,
rentecost, Aurora, Aoba, Espiritu-
Santo. The New Hebridians are Mel-
anesian (Papuan and Melanesian people)
with a Polynesian element, in some
regions recent and still clearly notice-
able, and, perhaps, Negrito traces.
The natives of Api are famed for their
skill in vegetable poisons. Those of
Mallicollo live in '*a mixture of fero-
cious savagery and joyous childishness."
They fear not only the dead but also
the living, shamans. Impotent old men
and the helplessly sick are put to death.
Caste-systems exist for both men and
women. The fragments of old pottery
at Olal on the coast of Ambryn are prob-
ably exotic, since except in northern
Espiritu-Santo no pottery is now made
in the New Hebrides. Dances are
common, lasting often for hours. Three
races are discernible in Espiritu Santo.

Xathews (R. H.) Language of the
Wuddyawtlrru tribe, Victoria. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 729-34.)
Brief sketch of grammar, with vocabulary
of 150 words. This language has a
trial number. M. says that the native
texts given by R. B. Smith in his
Aborigines of Victoria^ II, 48-40, are
« mere ungrammatical jargon."

AMERICA

Azara (F. de) Geografia fisica y esffrrica
de las Provincias del Paraguay, y mis-
iones Guaranies. (An. d. Mus. Nac.
de Montevideo, Secc. Hist.-Filos., 1904,
I, i-cxxxii, 1-478, 10 maps, 5 plans, 3
pi.). Azara' s description of Paraguay
from MS. of 1790 in the National Li-
brary, with bibliography (pages liii-lx)
introduction (Ixiii-cxxxii), containing
valuable ethnographic and linguistic
matter, and notes by R. R. Schuller.
The "descripcion general" includes
( 353-427 ) notes on the Payagu^,
Mbayis, Guanas, Lenguas, Tupis, Guay-
anas, Caingu&s, Guaranis, and other In-
dian tribes. Also items concerning ne-
groes, mulattos, etc. The linguistic
matter by Schuller includes a compara-
tive vocabulary of the Guaycurd family,
also one of the **Nu-Aruak." The
tribal names are discussed in detail by S.

Bleyer {Dr) Ueber die wilden Wald-
indianer Santa Catharinas : die *<Schok-
16ng." (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904,
XXXVI, 830-44, 5 fgs.) Treats briefly
of physical appearance, dwellings, dances,
food (preponderatingly animal ; fond of
honey), basketry, ornament, weaving,
wood-carving, flute, weapons, hunting
and capture of animals, bow and arrow,
relations with whites, Shokl^ng skull,
kidnapping, diseases (syphilis and lep-
rosy unknown ), death and burial. They
live in small hordes, have ho hammocks,
do not smoke, have no plantations.

Bamham (J. H.) The coming of the
Mississagas. (Ont. Hist. Soc., Pap &
Rec, Toronto, 1905, vi, 7-1 1.) Re-
cords on the authority of Chief Paudash,
grandson of Cheneebeesh (d. 1869, age
104), <<the solenm tradition of the
Mississagas respecting their present place
of settlement in Ontario and the migra-
tion which led them thither." The
Mississagas are incorrectly said to be
<* Shawnees," and to them is attributed
the Otonabee serpent mound — a struc-
ture said by Boyle to be *<most undoubt-
edly the work of ,a people who occupied
the soil long before the coming of the
Mississagas."

Dr Herrmann Meyers deutsche Ackerbau-
Kolonieen in aQdbrasilien. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 346-9, 4 fgs. )
Brief account of the German colonies in
the heart of Rio Grande do Sul, founded
in 1897 ^y ^^ Meyer, after his firs
Xingt^ expedition.

Dn Bols (W. E. B.) The development
of a people. (Int. J. Ethics, Phila.

1 904, XIV, 292-3 II.) Discusses history
of negro under slavery, etc. Argues for
public and industrial schools. Dr D.
believes in the efficacy of "group lead-
ership."

Ehrenreich (P.) Bericht aber den 14.
Amerikanistenkongress in Stuttjiart. (Z.
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvi, 862-66.)
Brief r6sum6 of proceedings and papers
read.

Fehlinger (H.) Die Neger der Verein-
igten Staaten. (Globus, Bmschwg.,

1905, Lxxxvii, 62-64.) Discusses the
figures and facts of the census of 1900 in
relation to the present condition and fu-
ture prospects of the negro in the U. S.
Two marked tendencies exist, a migra-
tion North and West, and a massing in
ceitain parts of the South. F. does 00

3 so

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

agree with the idea ( Ward and others)
of an ultimate amalgamation of whites
and blacks.

Ftwkes (J. W.) Porto Rican stone col-
lars and tripointed idols. (Smithson.
Misc. Coll., Quart., Washington, 1904,
II, 163-86, 8 pi., I fg. ) Discusses the
forms and tjrpes of these relics, the the-
ories as to their origin, use, etc. ; based
on the author's investigations in Porto
Rico, 1902-03, and comparisons with
other material. These stone "collars'*
are practically confined to Porto Rico,
and they do not occur in the shell heaps.
The <* tripointed idol ** is equally Porto
Rican. Dr F. considers most suggest-
ive the theory of J. J. Acosta that
<* these stone collars were united with
the tripointed stones to form a serpent
idol."

Flom (G. T.) The Scandinavian factor
in the American population. (Iowa J.
Hist, and Pol., Iowa City, 1905, III,
57-91, map.) Based on census statis-
tics of 1900. Treats of causes of emi-
gration from Scandinavia, growth and
distribution of Scandinavian population
in the U. S., and of the three nationali-
ties (Norwegians, Swedes, Danes) in
state, city, country. About 70 per cent,
reside in the northwestern states.

FOratemann (E.) Liegen die Tonalmatl
der Mayahandschriften in bestimmten
Jahren? (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1 904,
XXXVI, 659-67.) Discusses the ques-
tion whether the tonalamatl fall in fixed
years. ( F. uses as material iSS /ona/a-
mat/ in the Codex Madridensis and 60
in the first part of the Codex Dresdensis).
Of the 1888 in the Madrid Codex 44 fall
on the day aAau (17), of those in Dres-
den Codex 13 on the same day. The
settlement of the fixation of the tonala-
matl and the order of succession would
be a real progress in Mayan epigraphy.

Vergleichung der Dresdener Maya-

handschrift mit der Madrider. (Ibid.,
369-70.) Notes 17 points of compari-
son between the Dresden and Madrid
Codices.

Ganong (W. F.) Upon aboriginal picto-
graphs from New Brunswick. (Bull.
Nat. Hist. Soc. New Brunswick, 1904,
175-8, I pi.) Only four real or sup-
posed aboriginal pictographs so far re-
ported from N. B. Gesner's pictures on
wood (now disappeared), the St. George
medallion of 1863 ( probably not Indian ),

the Passamaqoody in the N. 6. Unirer-
sity Museum ( markings are of gladil
origin, not Indian), and the OroiDOCto
sandstone boulder (of natural origm).
The *< pictograph " described and 6^ircd
by Prof G. from French Lake may also
have received its markings from nature
and not from man.

Gardiner (H. F.) Ontario onomatology
and British biography. (Ont. Hist.
Soc., Pap. and Proc., Toronto, 1905, vi,
37-47* ) Treats of * * old country stoiks
suggested by Canadian place-names."

Gerend (A.) Potsherds fram Lake Mkhi-
gan shore sites in Wisconsin. (Wist
Archeol., Madison, 1904, iv, 1-19, 6
pi. ) Treats briefly of 57 pottery frag-
ments from Sand Ridge, Ozaukee, New
Amsterdam, Sheboygan, Two Rivers,
Brown co. The pottery is usually W>-
ric-marked. From some sites were ob-
tained "a small number of miniatore
rounded vessels, evidently moulded od
the thumb," and probably toys. Tbe
Sheboygan pottery varies distinctly in
character and ornamentation from that
of the other sites.

and Brown (C. E.) Additions to

the list of Wisconsin aboriginal pottery.
( Ibid. , 1 9-2 1 . ) Brief notes on speci-
mens 18-24, the first of these beiog
** the largest known example of Wiscon-
sin aboriginal earthenware." Na »
seems to represent a turtle.

Goddard (P. E. ) Life and cultnre of the
Hupa. ( Univ. of Calif. Publ, Anwj.
Arch. & Ethn., Berkeley, 1904, l, 1-80.
30 pi. , map. ) This valuable monograph
adds abundantly to and corrects thedati
in Powers and Ray- Mason. Tbe topics
treated are : Environment, history, J^'
lages, houses, dress, food, occupatioos
of men, occupations of women, measures,
social customs, social organiatwo.
amusements, war, diseases and their
cures, burial customs, religion. *°J
Hupa have no migration myth *^
believe their ancestors originated i« "'^**
They have **an undercurrent of deep

religious feeling.'*

Hupa texts. (Ibid., 89-368.) This

valuable collection, "offered prini»fl'y
as a basis for the study of the Hop*
language,'* gives Indian text, interline^
translation and free English version ot
14 myths and tales, and 27 stori« r^
lating to dances and feasts, **medicioe
formulae, etc. These texU contain «»•

C31AMBEKIJUN]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

portant fblk-loric, socio1<^ical and phil-
olc^cal material about a people of the
Athapascan slock, who differ notably in
many poioli from their congeners. See
Ameriian Anthropologist, 1904, N. s.,
VI, 7ia-i6.

Juiim(C.C.) Theoriginor "Napanee." ,
(Ont. Hist. Soc., Pap. & Rec, Toronto, |
1905, VI, 47-9.) Author argaes ihaC |
the town.nome Napante ii derived not
from the Mississaga word for "flour"
(nmu-pito-nay, aa often written) but
Trom the earlier river-name Apanec after-
ward applied lo the settlement. The |
diflerence in accent does not exist, how' 1
ever,aSiVftilriH^f rcallyrepreseDts French
lifaHn..

Kilror (Margaret C.) Local historical
placeiin Essex county. (Ibid., 54-65.)
Contains some notes on the Jesuit mis-
sions among the Hurons. |

KolODi* (Die) San Bernardino in Para- ,
guay. (Mitt. d. k. k. Geogr. Ges. in '
Wien, 1905, XLViTi, 107-9.) Briefac-
coont, reproduced from the Hamburgtr I
Nathruhltn, of the flourishing GennaD .
colonyofS. Bernardino, founded 10 years j
■go on Lake Ipacarai in Paraguay. The '

has

: of

several races. The Germ

majority, but the jtft politico is a Para-

Kiaeb«T (A. L.) Basketry designs of the
Indians of northwestern California.

(Univ.of Calif. Publ., Amer. Atch. and
Ethn., Berkeley, 1905, it, 105-64, 7 pi.,
335 fgs, ) Treats of the specially de-
Telopwl canislral art of the linguistically
distinct but culturally related Yurok,
Karok, and Hnpa, giving the results of
the author's extensive investigations in
1900-01. The native names of the
designs are recorded, — and "many of
the words are not names of animals or
objects, but geometrical or descriptive
terms not translatable by the Indians."
Only slight tribal differences are noted, —
the Karok, r.f., favor more red, vertical
outlines, etc. The Yurok work is per-
haps finest. The so-called "artistic
poverty " of the Porno can apply only to
design names. Dr K. finds that there
" is no deep or inherent relationship be-
tween the designs of California basketry
and their names " ; and symbolism is non-
existent. The design names are "free
from attempts at picture writing or the
expression of religions ideas." The
designs are primarily decorative.

lAtdUUa ( R. E. ) Notes on the physical

characters of the Araucanos. { J. Anlhr.
Inst,, Land., 1904, XXXiV, 170-80, I
p]., 3 fgs.) Gives measurements of 31
skulls (6 female) studied by author,
compared with 20 by Guevara and 7 by
Medina. The average index isCueveta
7S.9, Medina 7S.5, Latcham male 79.6,
female 80. i — the race being sub-brachy-
cephalic (range 70-88). Artificial de-
formation seems unknown. During ex-
ertion these Indians have a marked,
disagreeable ditn-odor. Physically they
are inferior to Europeans and half-breeds.
Stature (300 individuals) averages for
males 1630-1635, and for females 1430-
1440 mm. (great difference due to early
marriage and hard wotIc). Large fami-
lies are rare.

Lebmaon-HitsclM ( R. ) Attpatagon-
ische, angeblich syphilitische Knochen
aus dem Museum lu La PlaU. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1904, xxxvl, 854-63, 4
fgs. ) Discusses the osseous material sug-
gestive of syphilitic disease in the L<
Plata Museum, examined by L.-N. and
by Stegmann — skulls, long bones, etc.
The case for syphilis is not proved, ac-
cording lo the author. If syphilis Is of
American origin the locus is Central
America, not Patagonia.

Sammlung Boggiani von Indianer-

typen aus dem zentralen SUdamerika.
(Ibid., 882-5.) Brief account of the
Boggiani collection of photographs of
Indian types.

tlaMSer (A.) Schadel eines SchokUng
aus Santa Catharina, Brasilien. (Ibid.,
844-7, 5 fg'-) Describes a male skull
(40-60 years) of dolichocephalic type.

SchSdel eines Bugre aus Blumenau,

Santa Catharina, Brasilien. (Ibid.,
848-51.) Describes a skull of a Bugre
killed in 1S53, — now in the musenm of
the society. The chief measurements
are given in comparison with those of the
Shoklfng skull. The cephalic indices
are respectively 77.3 and 73.3.

Lnco (L. O.) Chile contemporaneo.
(An. de la Univ., Santiago, 1904, cxiv,
19-96, 157-338, 483-SS1-) Contains
brief sections on the Araocanian Indians,
the Peruvian (Incauc) conquest, the
ethnic elements of the population, the
Spanish conquest, etc.
HarquM (A.) Sobre os primitiioa estab-
elecimentos na Guyana Ingleia. ( Bol.
Soc. de Geogr. de Lisboa, 1904, 358-

352

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s.,7, 1905

64. ) Notes, translated from English, on
the early history of European settlement
in Guiana, the El Dorado myth, etc.

Martili (C. W.) The Brst Indian land
grant in Maiden. (Ont. Hist. Soc.,
Pap. and Rec., Toronto, 1905, vi,
II-14.) Describes document signed in
1783 by the Ottawa chiefs Kenitchenine,
Necanigo, Negig, Rognash, Chemenin-
tona, Assogawso, and Okilhavanan.

Meerwarth (H. ) Eine zoologische For-
schungsreise nach dem Rio Acari im
Staate Pari, Brasilien. (Globus, Bm-
schwg., 1904, Lxxxvi, 289-96, 309-15,
12 fgs., map. ) Describes journey made
in 1899, with notes on the Turyu&ra
Indians, their boats, huts, etc. The
Turuyuira are nominally Catholic and
monogamous. They cultivate manioc,
cotton, and a few fruits. The women
make fine hammocks. Many of the
names of animals are onomatopoeic.
At pages 294-5 is given a brief list
of personal names of men and women.
Shooting fish with the bow and arrow
is in vogue and much skill shown.

de Mortillet (A.) Grottes 2l peintures
de TAm^rique du Sud. (R. d. V^z.
d*Anthr. de Paris, 1905, xv, 31-35, 9
fgs. ) R^sum^s the article of Ambrosetti,
published in 1895, on Las grutas pin-
tados y ios petroglyfos de la provincia
de Salta^ treating the Gruta pintada and
other caves with paintings in the Argen-
tinean province of Salta and the same
author's Cuatro pictografias de la region
Calchaqui (1903).

Ton Nordenslddld ( E. Freih. ) Ueber die
Sitte der heutigen Aymara und Quichua
Indianer, den Toten Beigaben in die
Gr&ber zu legen. (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1905, Lxxxvii, 27-28.) Describes the
offering of gifts to the dead by the Ay-
mara and Quichua (who are much more
conservative than the Tacana tribes) of
the Bolivian- Peruvian border, and re-
tain, even under Christian influence,
many old customs in relation to burial,
etc. Precolumbian graves are opened
and European articles put in sometimes.
One way of presenting things to the dead
is to gather together the articles used by
him and bum them on a nearby spot.
The Indians excavate chulpas to get the
skulls to **make weather" with.

OliTier (S.) The white man's burden at
home. (Intern. Quart., N. Y., 1905,
XI, 6-23. ) Discusses the negro question
in Jamaica. The negro < Ms now indis-

putably the equal of the white in cate-
gories in which loo years ago he would
have appeared naturally his inferior.*'
Negrophobia (instinctive race prejudice)
is a source of danger. In the British
West Indies <* assaults by black or col-
ored men on white women or children
are practically unknown.'* The aathcMr
was long in the colonial service.

Pelzer (L.) The negro and slavery in
early Iowa. (Iowa J. Hist, and Pol.,
Iowa City, 1904, li, 471-84.) Histor-
ical sketch ; not anthropological.

Thompson (E. H.) Archeological re-
searches in Yucatan. (Mem. Peab.
Mus., Cambridge, 1904, ill, 1-20, 9 pL,
1 1 fgs. ). Describes caves of Oxkutzkab
(results of exploration same as previ-
ously at Loltun), ruins of Xul (some
<* monkey- like" figures, a usual type of
pottery), Tzuli (traces of paintings on
walls), Chacmulttm (five buildings still
standing) where vandalism has been
rife — kd'tuneSf or mills for grinding
com, are made from the casing of the
walls. Mr T. thinks that "these great
structures afford the evidence of evolu-
tion from the native thatched hut similar
to the nd of to-day." The colored
paintings are quite remarkable.

Vignaud (H. ) La maison d'Albe et les
archives colombiennes. (J. Soc. d.
Am^ric. d. Paris, 1904, N. s., i, 273-
287. ) Discusses the fate of the papers
of Columbus in the possession of the
house of Alba, — three collections were
published by the Duchess of Berwick and
Alba in 1891-1902. Other valuable
documents may be in the possession of
her descendants. In an appendix V.
considers the rdle of Ferdinand Colum-
bus in the production of the documents
attributed to Toscanelli.

Virchow ( H. ) Sechs Photos von Wcst-
grdnl&ndem. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,
1 904, XXXVI, 862.) Note on photos
of West Greenland mixed-bloods from
Ivigtut — young women prefer to have
children by Europeans.

Wake ( C. S. ) Legends of the American
Indians. (Am. Antiq., Chicago, 1 904,
XXVI, 23-28.) Author considers the
real value of these stories to lie in the
fact that, *' making due allowance for
modem changes, they will probably give
us a tme notion of the present native
inhabitants of North America, possibly
several thousands of years ago." As

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

353

showing this the facts as to domestic and
social life, food, clothing, social rela-
tions, activities, government, character,
beliefs, etc., are briefly considered. Mr
W. thinks '< it is possible that the In-
dians of North America and the buffalo
appeared on this continent together."

American origins. ( Ibid. , 105-1 15.)

Discusses the Mexican <* merchant's
staff*," trade-deities, astronomic ideas,
pillar-stones, etc., use of copper, Votan
and QuetzalcoatJ, etc., as proving Asiatic
origin of American Indian culture. Mr
Wake concludes that "early American
culture was derived from the Asiatic
stock to which the early Babylonians,
who probably originated in central Asia,
belonged, or from the Phenicians, who
appear to have been intermediaries be-
tween Asia and the Western World."

Nihancan, the white man. (Ibid.,

225-23 1 . ) Treats of Nihancan ( creator,
death-giver, deceiver, sensual being,
fool, ingrate, etc.), a chief figure in the
Arapaho traditions as recorded by Dr
Kroeber. The term white man (Nihan-
can has now this meaning) may have
reference to the complexion of the new-

comers. In certain elements of Arapaho
mythology Mr W. sees evidence of ** a
culture area which included the greater
part of Asia as well as North America."

Ward (D. J. H.) The problem of the
mounds. (Iowa J. Hist, and Pol., Iowa
City, 1905, III, 20-40.) Discusses hb-
tory of problem and investigation, kinds
of prehistoric works ( earthworks, refuse
heaps, house sites, hut rings, stone works
— cairns, enclosures, box-shaped graves,
cliff houses — excavations, canals and
ditches, pits, garden beds, fire-hearths,
trails, mines), material of the mounds,
current investigations elsewhere, num-
ber, size and contents of mounds (Illi-
nois has 5,000 within a radius of 50
miles of the mouth of the Illinois river) ;
When did the mound-builders live?
what the mounds intimate, need of legis-
lative action, methods of investigation.
Dr W. argues that ** if the mounds
were built by Indians, that is, by the
ancestors of the present existing tribes,
they must have degenerated before the
Europeans arrived." And he wonders
<*if the cave men are young as com-
pared with the mound builder in
America."

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA

The American Anthropological Association will meet in San Fran-
cisco, California^ August 29th to 3isty 1905.

Members of the Association and all others interested in anthropology
are cordially invited to be present at this meeting. Papers relating to
ethnology, archeology, prehistoric man, physical anthropology, linguis-
tics, and general anthropology will be read. Members and prospective
members are invited to present titles of communications.

The meeting will be followed by an excursion of the Association to
the Lewis and Clark Centennial Exposition at Portland. Arrangements
will be made for the members of the Association while in San Francisco
to visit the great educational institutions of the Pacific coast, the Uni-
versity of California and Leland Stanford Junior University, and for
excursions to other points of interest. The Museum of the Department
of Anthropology of the University of California at the Affiliated Colleges
in San Francisco, which has recently been installed but which is not yet
open to the public, will be the headquarters of the Association and will
be made fully accessible to those in attendance.

This will be the first meeting of the American Anthropological Asso-
ciation to be held west of the Missouri river, and the first meeting de-
voted to anthropology, archeology, or ethnology ever held on the Pacific
coast by any body of national organization. It is unlikely that another
anthropological meeting of similar scope can be held on the western side
of the continent for a number of years to come, so that by the selection of
San Francisco as the place of meeting an unusual opportunity is presented
to anthropologists and to those interested in anthropology not only on
the Pacific coast of America but in all countries adjacent to the Pacific
ocean. The special rates given by the transcontinental railroads to
Portland via San Francisco afford an exceptional opportunity for the
archeologists and ethnologists of the eastern parts of the country to
visit the Pacific coast. From points east of Chicago, St Ix)uis, and
New Orleans, the railroad rate will be a little more than one fare for the
round trip. Tickets will be sold on July 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 24, 25,
26, August 5 to 16 inclusive and 28, 29, 30, 31, and will have a final
return limit of 90 days, but in no case later than November 30 of this
year. These tickets will be good going and returning via same route east

354

ANTHROPOL OGIC MISCELLANEA 355

of the above-named cities ; but west of them, tickets will be good going
via any regular direct route, and returning via same or any other regular
direct route (the Canadian Pacific being included in choice of routes).
Stop-over privileges are allowed in the East at Philadelphia, Baltimore,
Washington, and Niagara Falls ; in the West, at Yellowstone Park, at
Cheyenne, Denver, Colorado Springs, and Pueblo, and any point west
thereof. For rates from points west of the Mississippi, and for further
particulars, members are requested to communicate with their nearest
station agent.

All communications relating to the meeting, including titles of papers
and applications for membership, and in regard to hotels, should be ad-
dressed to Dr A. L. Kroeber, Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco.

The Association committee on program and arrangements are :
President F. W. Putnam, chairman ; A. L. Kroeber, secretary ; George
Grant MacCurdy, Franz Boas, E. J. Molera, George H. Pepper, F. W.
Hodge.

Several amendments to the Constitution of the Association, proposed
and approved at the Philadelphia session of 1904, are to be voted
on at the meeting. These are as follows :

Article V, Section i, second and third lines : Change a number of
councilors to be determined annually to twenty-four councilors.

Section 2, third and fourth lines : Change a number of councilors to
be determined by the council to six councilors.

Section 3 : Add to the end of the section : Five shall constitute a
quorum.

Section 7 : Strike out at the end of the section : of whom not more
than one shall be a member of the council,

AR'ncLE VII, Section i : Strike oiit entirely.

Section 2 : Omit from first sentence : whose chairmen shall be mem-
bers of the executive committee.

Fifteenth International Congress of Americanists. — Pursuant to
the action taken at the Fourteenth International Congress of American-
ists, held at Stuttgart in August, 1904, the Committee of Organization
announce that the sessions of the Fifteenth Congress will be held at Que-
bec, Canada, from Monday, September lo, to Saturday, September 15,
1906. The Committee urge that all persons interested in the work of
the Congress (the scope of which includes everything pertaining to the
history, ethnology, and archeology of the New World) become affiliated
as members or associates of the Fifteenth Session at the earliest practicable

356 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

date, and that titles of papers to be presented in person or otherwise be
sent to the General Secretary as soon as possible.

The fee for Members is three dollars ($3.00). Members have the
privilege of voting, of taking part in the deliberations of the Congress,
and of receiving its publications.

The fee for Associates is one dollar ($1.00). Associates may attend
the meetings, but they do not have the right of participating in the discus-
sions nor of receiving the publications gratuitously.

The sessions of the Congress will be held in the halls of the majestic
Parliament Buildings, and ample facilities will be provided should it be
deemed necessary to hold sectional meetings. Plans are already in prep-
aration for excursions following the meetings, and there is no doubt that,
with such a wealth of historical association as Quebec p>ossesses, those
who attend the Congress will derive great pleasure and profit.

The Committee of Organization consists of the following : President :
Dr Robert Bell, Director of the Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa.
Vice-president: Mgr J.-C. K. Laflamme, Dean of the Faculty of Arts,
Laval University, Quebec ; The Honorable R. A. Pine, Minister of Edu-
cation for Ontario ; Dr David Boyle, of the Department of Education,
Toronto. General Secretary : Dr N. E. Dionne, Librarian of the Legis-
lative Assembly, Quebec. Treasurer : M Alp. Gagnon, of the E^epart-
ment of Public Works, Quebec.

The Patron of the Congress is His Excellency Lord Grey, G. C. M.
G., Governor General of Canada ; the Honorary President is His Honor
Sir L. -A. Jette, Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec.

Congr^s Pr^historique de France. — The first session of the Congr^s
Pr^historique de France, under the presidency of M. femile Riviere, as-
sistant director of the laboratory of the College de France, will be held
at P^rigueux (Dordogne), from September 26 to October i, inclusive.
The first three days of the session will be devoted to the presentation
of communications and scientific discussion, and to visits to museums,
monuments, etc. ; on the other three days excursions will be made to
archeological sites, notably Eyzies, Madaleine, Liveyre, and Moustier.
There are two classes of members — original and associate. The former,
whose dues are twelve francs, are entitled to all the privileges of the Con-
gress and will receive the reports ; the associate members subscribe six
francs and participate only in the receptions, visits, and excursions.
Americans interested in the subject are invited to become original mem-
bers. The secretary is M. Marcel Baudouin, rue Linne, 21, Paris; the
treasurer, M. Giraux, avenue Victor-Hugo, 9 bis, a Saint-Mand^ (Seine),
France.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 357

The Congrds International d'Ezpansion £conomique Mondiale will
be held at Mons, Belgium, toward the close of September, under the
patronage of His Majesty the King of Belgium. Among the questions
to come before the Congress that will prove of interest to anthropologists
is the following, which forms a section of an announcement sent out by
Dr Cyr van Everbergh, directeur g6n6ral de Tenseignement superieur (8,
rue de la Loi, Brussels) :

** What are, in new countries ^ the best methods of making ethnologic and
sociologic observations with the view of obtaining scientific knowledge of the
social status and of the manners and customs of the natives^ and of raising
them to a higher civilization ? ' '

It is hoped that our American anthrop>ologists whose lines of research
have been such as to enable them to render valuable information on this
question, so far as it pertains to the American Indians and to the aborig-
ines of some of our insular possessions, may give the Congress the benefit
of their views.

The Jews of Mzab. — In the February number of the Zeitschrift fur
Demographic und Statistik der Juden, which is issued by the Bureau fiir
die Statistik der Juden under the editorship of Dr Arthur Ruppin in
Berlin, is found an interesting notice on the Jews of Mzab, of whom the
French anthropologist, M. Huguet, made during 1897-99 a study and
gave an account in the Bulletins et M6moires de la Socidtd d* Anthro-
pologie de Paris (V serie, tome in, 1902).

Mzab is an oasis, situated in southern Algiers, about latitude 33° N.,
longitude 4° E. , on the edge of the Sahara. It is inhabited by a Berber
tribe of about 30,000 souls and since 1850 has been under French suprem-
acy. By the census of 1896 there were 841 Jews living in Ghardaia,
the capital of the oasis, and 34 in the city of Guerrara. Tradition places
the immigration of Jews to the oasis in the 14th century. The Jews live
in separate streets, but are not distinguished in their attire from the
natives, excepting for the frontlocks (^peoth). The women are pretty,
strong, and marked by a certain grace, while the men are of a less pre-
possessing type.

They marry very early ; not infrequently children are betrothed at
the age of 4 to 5 years and married when they reach 13 or 14 years.
Owing, no doubt, largely to these premature marriages, the mortality
among children is enormous. Some marriages are blessed with 15 to 25
children, but only a third or a fourth of them survive to maturity.

Of the ceremonies attending a wedding it may be mentioned that on
the wedding day the head of the bride is wrapped in a cloth into the

358 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

folds of which candles are inserted and lighted. She is then carried, with
bare feet (girls are not allowed to wear foot-gear before marriage), upon
the skin of a wild sheep {tnoufton) to the house of the bridegroom. The
marriage is consummated at once, while the guests are feasting in the
house, and if the bride is not found chaste she may be divorced. The
usual amount of dowry set by the groom on the bride is from 25 to 500
francs ($5 to jioo). Divorce is easily and frequently obtained. It is
not rare that men marry four or five times. All this, as also the fact that
the women are rarely possessed even of the most elementary education,
in contrast to the zeal for knowledge and learning of the men, would
point to a low condition of women among these Jews.

When a woman approaches childbirth she is transferred from the
house of the husband to that of her parents, where a hole is dug in a
comer and filled with hot ashes, over which a sheet is spread. On this
cinereal couch the woman is placed to await the birth, the ashes being
renewed as oflen as they grow cold. Usually the mother is able after one
week to return to her household duties. The infant is nourished by the
mother from two to two and a half years. In case of twins of different
sex being bom, the boy is nourished by the mother, while the girl is
reared on goat milk.

Of religious observances peculiar to the Jews of Mzab it should be
mentioned that, besides the rite of bar-mitzwah which, as elsewhere, takes
place at the close of the thirteenth year of a boy, at the age of three years
he is "introduced into religion** — whatever that may mean — by a
special ceremony, called el Kestaby and is then an ouziry while at the age
of four years another ceremony raises him to the dignity of a soltan. The
Feast of Weeks {Shabuotk) is celebrated by them three days instead of
two : the third in commemoration of the ** conquest of Ghardaia by the
Jews.'* Otherwise they do not differ in their beliefs and rituals from
other Jews in the East. I. M. Casanowicz.

Columbia University Courses in Anthropology. — The following
courses in Anthropology for 1905-06 have been announced by Columbia
University. Those numbered from 101-200 inclusive are for graduates
and specially prepared undergraduates. Courses above 200 are for grad-
uate students. All the courses except 107-108 are open to women ; and
all the courses are open to auditors, who must secure the written consent
of the instructor.

I o I - 1 02 — Anthropology, general introductory course — Lectures,
essays, and discussions. Professor Livingston Farrand. Two hours
weekly. In the first half of this course a description of human races and of

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 359

their distribution is given. The physical characters of the earliest human
remains and their relations to present forms are discussed, and the t3rpes
of languages and their geographical distribution are described. In the
second half of the year there is a discussion of the mental development
of primitive man, which is followed by a description of t)rpes of primitive
culture, and an inquiry into the origin and development of particular
phases of culture. Open to Juniors.

103-104 — Prehistoric archeology — Lectures, essays, and discussions.
Professor Marshall H. Saville and Dr Berkey. Two hours weekly. In
the first part of this course the geological basis of prehistoric arche-
ology is discussed, while in the second part the questions of prehis-
toric archeology are taken up in detail. The collections of the Geo-
logical Department and of the American Museum of Natural History are
utilized for illustrating this course. Open to Juniors.

105-106 — General ethnography — Lectures, essays, and discussions.
Dr Clark Wissler. Two hours weekly. In this course the ethnology of
primitive tribes is described, in geographical order, a summary of the cul-
tural types of America, Asia, Australia, the Pacific islands, and of Africa
being given. The collections in the American Museum of Natural His-
tory will be utilized for illustrating this course. Open to Juniors.

107-108 — Ethnology — Primitive culture — Lectiu-es, papers, and
discussions. Professor Farrand. Two hours weekly. This course con-
sists of a more detailed treatment of the questions involved in primitive
culture, such as the origin and development of mythology, morality and
religion, education, art, social customs, etc. Students are expected to
have taken Anthropology 101-102 or 105-106, or to give satisfactory
evidence of previous work before being admitted to this course.

109-110 — Ethnography of America and Siberia — Lectures and dis-
cussions. Professor Franz Boas. Two hours weekly. This course con-
sists of a detailed description of the questions involved in the distribution
of tribes, types languages, and customs of America and Siberia. The
collections in the American Museum of Natural History will be utilized
for illustrating this course. Prerequisite, 101-102 or 105-106, or equiv-
alent reading.

[i 1 1 -1 1 2 — Ethnography of Africa, Australia, and the islands of the
Pacific ocean. Dr Wissler. Not given in ipoj-od.']

113-114 — Ethnography of China — Language, literature, govern-
ment, and social customs of China. Professor Hirth.

115-116 — Mexican archeology — Lectures, essays, and discussions.
Professor Saville. In this course the archeology of Mexico and the ad-

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—34

360 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

joining regions to the south will be discussed. The collections in the
American Museum of Natural History will be utilized for illustrating
this course. Prerequisite, 1 01 -102, 103-104, or 105-106, or equivalent
reading.

1 1 7- 1 1 8 — American languages — Lectures and discussions. Profes-
sor Boas. Two hours weekly. Selected languages representing different
types will be discussed. Indian myths will be translated in connection
with grammatical interpretation. The course extends over two years,
allowing time for the consideration of representative types of North
American languages.

1 19-120 — Morphology with special reference to physical anthropol-
ogy. Professor Huntington.

121 — The statistical study of variation, introductory course — Lec-
tures, essays, and discussions. Dr Wissler. Two hours weekly and three
hours' laboratory work ; first half year. This course is intended as an
introduction to the study of variation for students of anthropology,
psychology, and biology. The characteristic features of variability and
the methods of treatment are discussed. This course is open to Seniors.

122 — The statistical study of variation, advanced course — Lectures,
essays, discussions, and laboratory work. Professor Boas and Dr Wissler.
Two hours weekly and three hours' laboratory work ; second half-year.
Continuation of course 121 for students who wish to prepare for research
work in the statistical study of variation.

123 — The statistical treatment of anatomical and physiological data.
Professor Boas. Two hours weekly ; first half-year. This course is in-
tended primarily for medical students. The methods of treating vital
statistics and anatomical, physiological, and pathological statistics form
the main subject of the course.

201-202 — Seminar in ethnology, two hours weekly. Professor Boas.
Prerequisite, 105-106 and 107-108, or equivalent reading.

203-204 — Research work in anthropology. Professors Boas, Far-
rand, and Saville. Daily.

Head Deformation Among the Klamath. — The Klamath Indians,
together with a number of other tribes of the Columbia river region, still
practise artificial head deformation of the variety kno^vn as ** flat head,"
consisting of the flattening of the frontal region of the infant while on the
cradle-board. The desired effect is produced by applying to the forehead
of the child continuous pressure by means of a pad, or of a small padded
plank. Rev. J. Kirk, an educated Klamath, who himself exhibited this

■ n« cndic (Cat. no. 6s.'jaie, Am
AND CORA CRADLE

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 36 1

variety of head deformation, recently visited the National Museum, where
he was measured and photographed. From him it was learned that the
Klamath regard a long head /'. e.y anon-deformed head, with derision.
They say it is slave-like, that their slaves had such, and that a man with
such a head is not fit to be a great man in the tribe. Deformed heads are
called ''good heads." The flattening, which is practised to this day, is
produced chiefly by means of a bag of seeds, usually of the water-lily, tied
over the forehead of the infant, the ends of the bandage that hold the
bag in place being fastened to the baby-board. Water-lily seeds are
among the principal native foods of the tribe. Sometimes other seeds
are used, but they are always of some edible variety. So far as known,
the process of deforming the head of the child has no deleterious effect.

A. Hrdlicka.

Maricopa Weaving. — While visiting the Maricopa Indians of
southern Arizona in 1902, and again in 1905, the writer was fortunate
enough to see and collect two rare examples of Maricopa native weaving.
These specimens, which now form part of the Hyde collection in the
American Museum of Natural History, New York, consist of long, narrow
bands that were used to fasten the baby on its cradle-board. They are
made from cotton or wool yam purchased from the dealers, are mostly
white, grayish, bluish, or red in color, and are woven in simple geometric
patterns. Both the women and the men formerly wove these bands,
but the practice is now nearly abandoned. According to information ob-
tained from an old Maricopa, about forty years ago the people of his
tribe still planted native cotton, with which the men wove large decorated
blankets. The informant made several of these himself in his youth, but he
is now the only survivor of those acquainted with the art. The speci-
mens obtained are illustrated in plate xxiv, i. A. Hrdlicka.

A Cora Cradle. — Among the Cora tribe of the territory of Tepic,
Mexico, an interesting form of swinging cradle is used. This region is
infested with scorpions, the sting of which is dangerous to infants, and
on this account the Cora make a shallow net of vegetal fiber which is
stretched on an oval frame and suspended, usually by four cords, from a
reata of ixtle, or maguey fiber, fastened lo a rafter of the dwelling.

The accompanying illustration (plate xxiv, 2) shows one of these
cradles, collected by the writer for the Hyde Expedition in 1902, and now
in the American Museum of Natural History, New York. Several deer
hoofs, that serve as rattles, dangle from the apex of the cords that sustain
the cradle.

j63 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Similar nets, but more rounded and smaller, suspended from pegs in
the walls or from the roof, are used by the Cora as convenient receptacles
for various articles, particularly food. A. Hrdlicra.

Jacob Vradenberg Broweti well known through his researches in
early history and archeology, especially of Minnesota and Kansas, died at
St Cloud, Minnesota, June i . Mr Brower was bom on a farm at York,
Michigan, January 21, 1844, moving to Long Prairie, Todd county,
Minnesota, when only thirteen years of age. He received a common
school education, enlisted in the volunteer cavalry in 1862, and entered
the United States volunteer navy two years later. He was honored with
several federal and state appointments, among the latter that of Itasca
State Park Commissioner from 1891 to 1895. For this office Mr
Brower was especially well fitted by reason of an intimate knowledge of the
country gained by his exploration, in 1889, ^^ ^^^ sources of the Missis-
sippi. While engaged in his Itasca work, Mr Brower, in 1894-95, dis-
covered an ancient village site and several mounds at the lake. In 1896
he traced the source of Missouri river, and in 1897-98 conducted
archeological explorations in central and eastern Kansas that resulted in
the important rediscovery of the ancient province of Quivira, visited by
Francisco Vasquez Coronado in 154 1. In 1900 he located 1,125 abori-
ginal mounds at Mille Lac, Minnesota, and was engaged in gathering
material in the western part of the state, with the view of preparing a
volume on the early history of the Sioux in Minnesota, when stricken
with paralysis on May 26, near Fergus Falls. Mr Brower was an inde-
fatigable worker, as his voluminous productions attest; and he was
undaunted in the face of what to most men would prove a source of dis-
couragement, as a serious fire which utterly destroyed the results of years
of research but which spurred him to renewed vigor would indicate. In
later years he became a firm believer in the immediate publication of
results, so that from 1893 scarcely a year passed without the production
of a beautiful volume, issued chiefly at the expense of his private means.
He was for years chairman of the museum committee of the Minnesota
Historical Society, and during a decade contributed to its collections
more than 100,000 specimens. The most important of his published
writings are: The Mississippi River and its Source (1893), Prehistoric
Man at the Headwaters of the Mississippi River (1895), The Missouri
River and its Utmost Source (1896), Quivira (1898), Harahey (1899),
Mille Lac (1900), Kathio (1901), Minnesota: Discovery and its Area
— 1541-1665 (1903), Kansas : Monumental Perpetuation of its Earliest
History, 1541-1896 (1903), Itasca State Park, an Illustrated History

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 363

(1905). Mr Brower was one of the organizers of the Quiviia Historical
Society and had been its president from the beginning.

Minnesota Historical Society. — The general interest in American
archeology, especially among our historical societies, is nowhere better
exemplified than at St Paul, where the Minnesota Historical Society,
established in 1849, in the year that Minnesota became a territory, has
for some years been accumulating a collection of archeological objects.
This society, whose excellent work is wisely appreciated by the State at
large, which annually appropriates j 15,000 toward its expenses, main-
tains a museum, an important part of which is its department of arche-
ology, containing a collection the extent of which is probably not known
by many archeologists beyond the limits of the State. The late J. V.
Brower, chairman of the Museum Committee of the Society, has alone
added to its collections more than 100,000 specimens of stone imple-
ments and weapons, flakes from their manufacture, bone and copper
ornaments, pottery, etc. , partly from the Indians and partly from their
ancient mounds throughout Minnesota and a large part of the territory
westward to the Rocky mountains and southward to Kansas. The an-
nouncement has recently been made by Mr Warren Upham, secretary
and librarian of the society, that Rev. Edward C. Mitchell, of St Paul, has
expressed his intention of depositing in the museum the greater part of his
collection, including many thousands of specimens of aboriginal imple-
ments, weapons, ornaments, and pottery. Within the last few months
the society has moved into new quarters that are provided for it in
the splendid capitol now practically completed, where it will suitably
display its archeological collections and arrange its library as pecuniary
means are afforded. The importance of the work that the Minnesota
Historical Society is doing should be fully encouraged by granting the
funds necessary for enabling it to become more and more a part of the
educational system of the state.

M. JuLiEN GiRARD DE RiALLE, minister plenipotentiary from France
to Chile, died recently at Santander, Chile, aged sixty-four years. M.
Rialle was well known in France for his anthropologic studies. He was
at one time charged with a mission to Syria ; in 1870 he was sent to
Germany, and after serving as prefect of the Basses- Alpes in 1871-73,
entered the ministry of foreign affairs as sub-director of archives in 1880
and as director in 1882.

^MiLE VouGA, known through his excavations in the bed of the
Zihl that resulted in the discovery of four pile-dwellings connected with

364 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

the banks by a bridge, died at Champ Bougin, near Neufchitel, Switzer-
land, September 11, 1904, aged 67 years. The results of Vouga's inter-
esting researches are described in his work Les Ileivites a la Tint.

In recognition of his services to science generally and to the cause
of ethnology in particular, the Emperor of Russia has appointed Mr Morris
K. Jesup, president of the American Museum of Natural History and
patron of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, a Knight of the Imperial
Order of St Stanislaus of the first class.

Adrien Arcelin, who recently died at Saint-Sorlin, near Macon,
France, in his sixty-sixth year, was well known to European archeologists
through his discovery and exploration of the beds of Solutr^ and the dis-
covery in 1869 of the first fiint chips known in Egypt, a find that was at
first discredited by Egyptologists.

ANDRfe LEFfevRE, professor in the fecole d'Anthropologie de Paris,
died recently, aged 71 years. In 1880 Dr Lef^vre became assistant pro-
fessor in the school, and in 1890 succeeded Hovelacque as professor of
ethnography and linguistics. He served as president of the Soci^t^
d'Anthropologie in 1896.

Dr Franz Boas has resigned the curatorship of the Department of
Anthropology of the American Museum of Natural History, but will con-
tinue the publication of the results of the researches that he has under-
taken for the Museum.

Dr Albert Ernest Jenks, Director of the Ethnological Survey for
the Philippine Islands, has been compelled, owing to ill health, to
relinquish his duties temporarily, and will spend several months in the
United States.

Dr Ales Hrdlicka, of the United States National Museum, has
been elected a corresponding member of the Soci6t6 d* Anthropologic
de Paris and of the Royal Bohemian Association of Sciences of Prague.

The degree of Doctor of Science has been conferred by Columbia
University on William T. Brigham, Director of the Bishop Museum of
Polynesian Ethnology and Natural History at Honolulu.

M. LfeON Lejeal, of the College de France, opened in December
last his course on Mexican antiquities, established through the generosity
of the Due de Loubat.

Dr George A. Dorsev, of the Field Columbian Museum, has been
elected a corresponding member of the Soci6t6 d' Anthropologic de Paris.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 365

Mr David I. Bushnell, Jr, whose article on Mexican atlatls appears
in this issue, has been elected a correspondent of the Society Italiana
d'Antropologia.

Ernest d'Acy, who was the first to demonstrate the unity of the
Acheulian and Chellean finds in France, died at Paris, January i, aged
78 years.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF

WASHINGTON

Meeting of December 13, 1904

The 367th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, December i, 1904,
the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, in the chair, and 75 members and guests
present.

Dr B. Rosalie Slaughter addressed the Society on The Buried
Cities of CeyloHy illustrating with lantern slides some of the more striking
finds of recent explorations, sketching the architectural features of several
great topes, and closing with an account of the Singhalese migration and
conquest.

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, in continuation of the postponed symposium,
What is a Cianf {American Anthropologist y vi. No. 5, 1904), discussed
The Iroquois Clan, Mr Hewitt showed that among these people the
social and political structure is based on actual and theoretical blood
relationship ; that consanguinity constitutes citizenship in the tribe, and
that citizenship confers certain essential social, religious, and political
rights, at the same time imposing certain duties and obligations. Theo-
retical consanguinity is that produced by the institution of adoption,
which by a fiction of law transforms the blood of an alien into that of an
Iroquois. The clan of the Iroquois is constituted of one or more con-
sanguineous groups of offspring tracing descent through a female ancestor
and through females only ; these groups are called Ohwachiras by the
Iroquois. Where there are several Ohwachiras constituting a clan, they
regard one another as sisters. Hence it is evident that the clan is con-
stituted of groups of persons regarded as actually or theoretically con-
sanguineous. From a survey of its essential characteristics and the
nature of the con.stitutive elements, Mr Hewitt stated that he would
define an Iroquois clan as a permanent body of kindred, actually and
theoretically consanguineous and socially and politically organized, who
trace descent through the female line only.

Dr I. M. Casanowicz discussed The Clan Among the Semites ^^^^l
that fragmentary relics of the primitive system may be traced among the
advanced Semites of Syria, Mesopotamia, Canaan, and Phenicia. The
phrase ** tribes of Israel " is familiar from the English Bible. The tribe
{shebetox matteh^ properly * rod,* ' staff,* 1. ^., a group led or ruled over

366

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF WASHINGTON 367

by a chief with a staff or scepter) was a confederation of septs or clans
{mishpahah, rendered in the English Bible by "family**), and there
were again aggregations of households or homesteads {beth-aby properly,
' father* s house * ). Members of one and the same mishpahah or clan are
designated as brothers or as being of the same " bone and flesh,'* which
would indicate that the bond of union was mainly blood-kinship. It
would also seem that a common worship was from time to time the rally-
ing point for the members of a tribe (I Samuel, xx, 6). It may in
general be assumed that the primitive social system of the Hebrews and
the other Semitic people was in its principles and purposes essentially
similar to that of the nomadic Arabs who retained the tribal constitution
longer than the other Semitic races. As late as the time of Mohammed,
Arabian society was composed of a multitude of local groups, held
together within themselves by a traditional sentiment of unity and by the
recognition and exercise of certain mutual obligations and social duties
and rights. These groups formed the social and political units of society.
Larger combinations of several groups were not unknown, but they were
comparatively unstable and tended to resolve themselves again into their
elements. The chief duties of the members of such a group were to act
together in war and blood-feuds, and to protect one another by blood-
revenge. A kindred group was marked off from any other by the fact
that within it there was no blood-feud. The unifying force was blood-
kinship on the father's side, and the Arabian genealogists consider these
groups as the result of the expansion and branching out of the patriarchal
family, formed by subdivision of an original stock, on the system of kin-
ship through male descent. But there are numerous indications that the
fundamental doctrine of unity of blood as the principle that binds men
into a permanent social unity, must have sprung up in groups that were
not patriarchal families but were formed under the system of mother-
kinship. Thus, for instance, down to the time of Mohammed, bars to
marriage among the Arabs were constituted by female kinship only. In
fact, fatherhood did not necessarily imply procreation. However that
may be, the key to all the primitive divisions and aggregations among the
Arabs and their Semitic kindred lies in the action and reaction of two
principles : that a union of an absolute and permanent kind can be based
only on the bond of blood, and that the purpose of such a union is to
unite men for offense and defense. There was no hard and fast line of
demarkation between clans and tribes among the Semites. They were
fluid organizations, subject to integration and disintegration by combina-
tion and subdivision, by accession and secession.

{

368 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

Meeting of January s, 1905

The 368th meeting was held January 3d, 1905. This being the
annual meeting the reports of the General Secretary, Treasurer, and
Curator were read. Owing to the continued ill-health of the Treasurer,
Mr P. B. Pierce, he presented his resignation. The Society, after
thanking Mr Pierce for his long, faithful, and efficient service, elected as
Treasurer Mr George C. Maynard. An amendment to the By-laws,
changing the date of the annual meeting to the last meeting in May, was
adopted.

Meeting of January 17, 1905

The 369th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, January 17th, 1905,
the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, in the chair, and 2 2 members and guests
present. Dr Walter Hough described Recent Field Work in Arizona
and New Mexico^ conducted by him for the U. S. National Museum. The
region visited lies in western New Mexico and eastern Arizona, on the
northern affluents of Gila river. Excavations were made in rectangular
stone pueblos near Luna, New Mexico, and in cliff-houses and ceremo-
nial caves of the region, yielding a collection and a body of data regard-
ing the distribution of Pueblo tribes.

Dr Mitchell Carroll addressed the Society on The Archaic Sculp-
tures in the Acropolis Museum at Athens, Many lantern views of these
sculptures were presented, accompanied with a discussion of the features
showing development from the ruder attempts to the finished productions
of the great classic schools.

Meeting of January 31, 1905

The 370th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, January 31st, 1905,
the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, in the chair, and 31 members and guests
present.

A paper by Dr George Bird Grinnell on Some Cheyenne Plant
Medicines was read. This paper is published in the American Anthro-
pologist, vol. VII, pp. 37-43> 1905-

In his Official Report of a Journey Across the Island of Mindanao,
Col J. G. Harbord, U. S. A., modestly recounted what was an important
exploration in a region which had never before been traveled by a white
man, and seldom by men of any race. Though the journey across Min-
danao occupied only fifteen days, it was attended with privations and
sickness. The expedition left Baganga on the east coast, traversed diffi-
cult mountains to Compostela and down Agusan river in dugouts to Butan

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF WASHINGTON 368A

on the west coast. The people encountered were mixed Visayans on
the coast and the Mandayas and Manobos of the interior, who live in
the basin of the Agusan. The paper was read by Dr E. A. Meams,
U. S. A. , who accompanied Colonel Harbord on this journey.

Dr J. B. Nichols presented a paper on The Sex Composition of
Human Families. The article appears in the American Anthropologist ^
vol. VII, pp. 24-36, 1905.

Meeting of February 141 1905

The 371st meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, February 14, 1905,
the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, in the chair, and 60 members and guests
present. In opening the meeting the President stated that on this day
the Society had completed its twenty-sixth year.

Dr I. H. Lamb presented a paper on The Origin of St Valentine* s
Day. This day, the speaker remarked, seems to be associated with the
name of a Christian martyr in the reign of the Emperor Claudius, about
270 A.D. His name occurs in church literature, and his feast day, Feb-
ruary 14, was substituted for the day of the feast of the Lupercal, Febru-
ary 15, in the evolution of the early church from heathen to Christian
forms and ceremonies. From the Lupercal is probably derived the cus-
tom of making gifts and of presenting favors and especially love tokens
on St Valentine's Day. Many early writers describe the various ob-
servances of St Valentine's as resembling a game of forfeits, the " forfeit * *
being paid to relieve the obligation which the chance of being drawn
placed upon the one drawn. Pepys' Diary gives illustrations of this cus-
tom. The chance seemed binding unless relieved by a gift or forfeit.
The literature concerning the Saint's day shows that it was popularly
supposed that even the birds on that day selected their mates.

Prof Edgar L. Hewett presented a communication on The Arche-
ology of Pajarito Park^ New Mexico^ illustrated with lantern slides. Pro-
fessor Hewett' s paper is published in vol. vi, pp. 629-659, of the Amer-
ican Anthropologist,

Meeting of February 28, 1905

The 372d meeting was held February 28, 1905, the President, Dr
D. S. Lamb, in the chair. The evening was devoted to a symposium on
the Origin of Aboriginal Floridian Culture.

Mr James Mooney discussed the Ethnography of Florida, stating
that the name Florida, as originally applied by the Spaniards, included
the whole coast and hinterland from Chesapeake bay about to Panuco river

{

368b AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

in Mexico. The state received its present limitation, embracing an am
of nearly 60,000 square miles, on coming into possession of the United
States in 182 1. For a period of more than three centuries, with the
exception of the twenty years from 1763 to 1783, it was a Spanish colony,
and as a consequence most of its history must be gathered from Spanish
sources. The Indian history may be divided into two periods, viz., the
ancient and the modem, the separating event being the destruction of the
missions and the invasion of the northern tribes about the year 1700.
Before this invasion the area of the present state was occupied by some
fifteen tribes. It had been hastily assumed on insufficient evidence that
all of these belonged either to the Muskhogean stock along the northern
border or to the Timuquanan stock in the west of the peninsula. The
fact is, that we have as yet no linguistic authority for extending the Timu-
quanan boundary beyond the middle of the peninsula, and the rest of the
area must for the present remain uncolored upon the linguistic map.
There is, however, strong probability that the language of the Caloosa,
the most important of these southern tribes, may yet be recovered from
the Spanish mission archives. The most interesting point in this con-
nection is the fact, brought out by the paper, of the existence of an Ara-
wakan colony from Cuba somewhere upon the southwestern coast of
Florida, within the territory of the Caloosa. Their ancestors had landed
in Florida in search of the same mythic fountain of youth of which Ponce
de Leon heard from the islanders and had been forcibly detained by the
Caloosa chief, who colonized them in a settlement, where for a longtime
afterward they still preserved their separate identity. The chain of Ara-
wakan extension is thus established from the Paraguay river of southern
South America, up through Brazil, Guiana, and the Antilles to the main-
land of North America. It was also shown that a regular communication
existed between the tribes of Florida and those of the Antilles during the
early Indian period, and that the so-called "Caribbean influence" dis-
cussed by archeologists was more properly Arawakan.

Dr Cyrus Thomas discussed Foreign Influence in Prehistoric Florida^
giving a critical review of the account of expeditions previous to 1513
in search of a mythical "River Jordan," which may have introduced
Antillean natives (Carib and Arawak) to the peninsula. The conclusion
reached by Dr Thomas is that the weight of evidence is against the refer-
ence of historical accounts of Antillean migration to periods before the
discovery.

Mr W. H. Holmes discussed Traces of Exotic Influences m the
Art of Florida^ reaching the conclusion that archeological evidences

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF WASHINGTON 368c

show that, leaving the question of peoples aside, there is proof in the
artifacts that Antillean culture was transplanted to the mainland to a
slight extent.

Mr J. D. McGuiRE gave a synopsis of The Explorations of Mr
Clarence B, Moore in Florida^ presenting the results of these important
investigations which show traces of Antillean influence.

Meeting of March 14, 1905

The 373d meeting was held March 14, 1905, President Lamb in the
chair and 29 members present.

Rev. Dr James S. Lemon addressed the Society on The Samaritan
Passover of 1904^ sketching the location, village, history, and customs
of this rapidly waning people, now numbering only 160. Dr Lemon,
who was present at the Passover celebration of 1904, described minutely
the ceremonies on Mount Gerazim, which are held every year on the
14th day of the month Nisan.

Mr a. E. Sheldon's paper on Ancient Indian Fire-places in South
Dakota Bad-lands was read by Mr J. D. McGuire. This paper is
printed in the American Anthropologist y vol. vii. No. i, 1905.

Meeting of March 28, 1905

The 374th meeting was held on the above date. President Lamb in
the chair and 53 members and guests present.

The General Secretary called attention to primitive textiles of feath-
ers, buffalo hair, and basketry recently received at the U. S. National
Museum from Cafion de Chelly, Arizona.

Mr H. W. Henshaw spoke of Popular Fallacies Respecting the
North American Indians^ reviewing the erroneous ideas prevailing re-
garding this race. The paper is printed in full in the American Anthro-
pologist ^ vol. VII, No. I, 1905.

Dr I. M. Casanowicz exhibited an original Grgeco- Roman portrait
of the ist century B.C. to the 3d century a.d., from the collection of
Theodor Graf of Vienna, found in a Ptolemaic cemetery in Egypt. This
portrait is now exhibited in the U. S. National Museum.

Miss Natalie Curtis gave a pleasing and instructive rendering of
songs from various Indian tribes.

Mr W. E. Safford presented a paper on Fruits and Vegetables of
the Ancient Peruvians as Represented in the Pottery from their Graves ^
illustrated by specimens. Vessels in the form of ears of maize, potatoes,
peanuts, etc., were shown, and the absence of the banana from such
representations was commented on.

368d AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Meeting of April iz, 1905

The 375th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, President Lamb in
the chair and 48 members and guests present.

Dr George A. Curriden spoke on Indian Beadwork, exhibiting
specimens of bead embroidery and weaving from various Indian tribes.

Dr Swan M. Burnett addressed the Society on Emerson's Place in
Modern Thought and Opinion, This paper, which is of high literary
quality, embodied the opinion that the influence of Emerson is still
potent.

Dr James S. Lemon, owing to the limited time remaining, gave
merely an abstract of his paper on The Instinctive Idea of Immortality^
stating that the idea exists with all peoples and is the real basis of friend-
ship. In the discussion Mr J. N. B. Hewitt stated that American Indians
entertain this idea, and Mr Mooney said that among the Indians growth is
regarded as normal and death as abnormal, and that the latter is brought
about by a malevolent spirit or an enemy. The Indian draws no dis-
tinction between animate and inanimate objects, believing all to possess
life.

Meeting of April 25, 1905

At the 376th meeting President Lamb was in the chair and 29 mem-
bers and guests were present.

Dr Ales Hrdlicka gave an account of his Recent Expedition to the
Southwest, The tribes visited on this expedition were the Apache of
San Carlos reservation, the Pima, and the Mescaleros. The object
of the expedition, which was financed by the Bureau of American
Ethnology, was to supplement the speaker's anthropological studies made
on five previous trips for the Hyde Expedition under the auspices of the
American Museum of Natural History. The Apache possess but few
remnants of their native organization ; they still recognize numerous
bands, and a few of these have still a recognized chief ; but tribal coher-
ence is lost. Of all the Indians in the Southwest, the various Apache
branches, including the Mescaleros, are among the most common-sense
people, and all are rapidly advancing in civilization. Dr Hrdlicka de-
scribed also the archeologic remains in San Carlos valley, an account of
which will appear in the next number of the Anthropologist,

The principal attention on the expedition was directed toward the
physical and physiological study of Indian children, of whom about 1,400
were examined. An additional inquiry was also made into the pathology
and medicine of the people, and numerous medicinal and food plants were

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF WASHINGTON 368E

collected. It was found that in all the tribes visited there are two
classes of individuals who treat the sick : one consists of elder people,
principally old women, who administer medicines, mainly vegetal, in
much the same manner as is done by old women among the whites ; the
other class consists of medicine men, and a few medicine women, who in
their treatment employ prayers and incantations chiefly. Most of these
also use some form of deception and must be classed as charlatans. Among
the Mescaleros alone it was found that ordinary medication has reached
the stage in which several remedies are combined into a single decoction
or application. Among all the Indians visited, scarification is in use ;
the Pima and Maricopa use actual cautery, the Maricopa employ massage,
the Mescaleros peculiar sweat-baths for the cure of rheumatism, etc.
Details are reserved for future communication.

Mr FRANas La Flesche read a paper on The Medicine Man. Mr
La Flesche said that it is not generally credited by the white race that
the tribes of this continent did not differ from the other peoples of the
earth in their efforts to understand the meaning of life in all its variety of
forms and the relation of these forms to the great mysterious power that
animates all life. It is true, however, that the natives of this land had
given these themes much thought and had formulated their ideas concern-
ing them long before the European set foot upon this soil. The lack of
intelligence as to this fact has been due in part to the absence of a written
literature among the tribes within the area of the United States, while
such records as did exist have suffered grave misapprehension and mis-
treatment on the part of observers. Most of the missionaries who have
labored among the Indians did not stop to inquire if the people had any
idea of a power that made and controlled all things. They seem to have
taken for granted that savages were not capable, by their own effort, of
conceiving the thought of such a power. It was not possible therefore
for the white people to gain, through the medium of these teachers, any
definite knowledge of the real thoughts of the Indian concerning the
Supreme Being. The Indian has not fared much better at the hands of
those who have undertaken to study him as an object of ethnological
interest. The myths, the rituals, and the legends of the race have
frequently been recorded in such manner as to obscure their true mean-
ing and to make them to appear childish or as foolish. This in large
measure has been due to linguistic difficulties.

The Indians who lived within the borders of this country knew no
written literature : the record of their religious conceptions was kept by
means of rites, ceremonies, and symbols. Among many of the tribes (as,

368f AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

for example, the Omaha) , these S3rmbols were embodied in the organiza-
tion of the tribe itself and in the ceremonies connected with the avocations
of the people. The burden of memorizing and transmitting with accu-
racy, from one generation to another, the rites and ceremonies common to
the tribe, was divided among men selected from each of the clans. This
responsibility was not placed on these men without a careful consideration
of each man's qualifications and fitness to be so entrusted, for the reason
that the recognition of the Great Spirit as a ruler, and the observation of
the prescribed manner of worshiping him, was believed to be essential to
the continued existence of the people as an organized body, that is, as a
tribe.

Four requisites were demanded of the one who was to deal with the
mysteries enshrined in the rites and ceremonies of the tribe : ( i ) The
most important of these was their cognition of the sanctity of human
life. The man who was to mediate between the people and Wa-kon-da
must stand before his tribesmen and the Great Spirit with hands unstained
with the blood of his fellow man. (2) He must be a man whose words
never deviate from the path of truth, for the Great Spirit manifests the
value placed upon truth, in the regular and orderly movements of the
heavenly bodies, and in the ever-recurring day and night, summer and
winter. (3) He must be slow to anger, for the patience of the Great
Spirit is shown in his forbearance with man's waywardness. (4) He
must be deliberate and prudent of speech, lest by haste he should profane
his trust through thoughtless utterance. These were the prophets and
priests — the men who are termed in the Indian languages as **men of
mystery" and by Europeans as "medicine men." The entire life of
the medicine man, both public and private, was devoted to his calling :
his solitary fasts were frequent and his mind was apt to be occupied in
contemplating the supernatural ; his public duties were many and often
onerous ; his services were needed when children were dedicated to the
Great Spirit ; he must conduct the installation of chiefs ; when dangers
threatened, he must call these leaders to the council of war ; and he was
the one to confer military honors on the warrior ; the appointment of
officers to enforce order during the tribal buffalo hunt was his duty ; and
he it was who must designate the time for the planting of the maize.

There was another kind of medicine man, very different in character.
He held no office of public trust, for he lacked one of the essential quali-
fications for such responsibility, and that was truthfulness : he continually
wandered in thought, word, and deed from the straight path of truth.
He was shrewd, crafty, and devoid of scruple. The intelligent classes

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF WASHINGTON 368G

within the tribe held him in contempt, while the ignorant of the com-
munity feared him. His bold pretentions enabled him to carry on suc-
cessfully his profession of deception upon the simple-minded. These
tricksters were much in evidence in the tribes, and they never failed to
impress the stranger who traveled and wrote books.

The tribal religious rites were invariably observed either annually or
at the beginning of a season. To go through the forms at any other time
would be a sacrilege, so the medicine man who officiated on these occa-
sions never had the opportunity to become known to the stranger, as
had the sorcerer, who could go through his incantations whenever and
wherever inducement might offer. It can therefore be readily under-
stood how this character became prominent in the literature of the white
race, and how his clever inventions were believed to represent the
religious beliefs of the Indians.

Dr Robert Stein addressed the Society on Tlie Proposed International
Phonetic Conference^ sketching the history of the movement and stating
that the need of reform is shown by the fact that there are seven different
dictionaries with as many keys to pronounciation. It is felt, Dr Stein
stated, that the reform must progress slowly and that the logical first step
is to teach phonetic spelling to children. Dr Stein believes that the pro-
posed conference may create an alphabet that dictionaries will recognize.

Meeting of Hay 9, 1905

The annual address of the President, Dr D. S. Lamb, was given
under the auspices of the Washington Academy of Sciences at the Cosmos
Club on the above date. The subject was The Story of the Anthropolog-
ical Society of Washington, After a patient search among the records
Dr Lamb was able to bring together much interesting historical and sta-
tistical data showing the creditable work the Anthropological Society has
accomplished in the 26 years of its existence. The address will be pub-
lished later.

Meeting of May 23, 1905

The 377th meeting was held at the Cosmos Club, and in the absence
of President Lamb, Vice-president W. H. Holmes took the chair. The
Society proceeded to the election of officers for the ensuing year, with the
following result :

President, Dr George M. Kober; Vice-presidents : (A. Somatology)
Dr A. Hrdlicka, (B. Psychology) Dr Frank Baker, (C. Esthetology)
Prof W. H. Holmes, (D. Technology) Dr J. Walter Fewkes, (E. Soci-
ology) Mr James Mooney, (F. Philology) Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, (G.

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—25

368h AMERICA X ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Sophiology) Dr Lester F. Ward ; General Secretary, Dr Walter Hough ;
Secretary to the Board of Managers, Mr J. D. McGuire ; Treasurer^ Mr
George C. Maynard ; Curator, Mrs Marianna P. Seaman ; Councilors :
Weston Flint, F. W. Hodge, John R. Swanton, I. M. Casanowicz, Paul
E. Beckwith, C. Hart Merriam.

Walter Hough,
General Secretary,

American Anthropologist

NEW SERIES

Vol. 7, No. 2 April-June, 1905 Supplement

ESSAY ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR

LANGUAGE^

By WALDEMAR JOCHELSON
Contents

PAGB.

1. Preface 369

2. Phonology 372

The Parts of Speech 375

3. The Noun 375

4. The Adjective 384

5. Numerals 385

6. The Pronoun 388

7. The Verb 391

8. The Gerund or Verbal Adverb 406

9. The Adverb 407

10. The Post-positions 409

11. Concluding Remarks 41a

12. Appendix 413

A tale of what the Ancient Yukaghir did with their dead shamans 413

A free translation of the text 415

A grammatical analysis of the text 416

PREFACE

I took up the study of the two dialects of the Yukaghir lan-
guage in 1895-97 during my participation in the Yakut Expe-
dition, fitted out by the Russian Imperial Geographical Society,
and continued it on the North Pacific Expedition (from 1900 to
1902), provided for by Mr. Morris K. Jesup, President of the
American Museum of Natural History in New York. My
work on the Jesup North Pacific Expedition was part of a
general systematic investigation of the tribes inhabiting the
coast of the North Pacific Ocean. The full results of these
studies will be published later in the Memoirs of the Ameri-
can Museum of Natural History.

1 Reprinted from the Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences and herein
published by the American Ethnological Society.

AM. ANTH., N. S., ^ — X s 369

370 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

All that was previously known of the Yukaghir language
consisted of records of a few hundred words and sentences
collected incidentally by various travelers and Russian officials,
particularly by Baron v. Maydell (1870), and worked up by
the late Professor A. Schiefner in three articles which appeared
in the publications of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St.
Petersburg.^

Owing to the meagreness of the linguistic material, the con-
clusions of Professor Schiefner could not be very far reaching.
Besides, incorrect records and inexact translations of phrases
collected by incidental explorers led to wrong conclusions.

However, it can be inferred, even from these articles, that
the Yukaghir language stands isolated from the Siberian lan-
guages of the so-called Ural-Altaic group ; and for that reason
it has attracted the attention of linguists.

Since the time of Baron v. Maydell's travels (1868-70), the
Yukaghir language has been considered extinct, for the only
reason that Baron v. Maydell collected his **Sprachproben"
records among the Russianized Yukaghir, on the Anadyr
River, from an old woman who still remembered her own lan-
guage to a certain extent.

But my own investigations have shown that there are still
two independent Yukaghir dialects spoken by nearly seven
hundred people. But the days of the Yukaghir language are
really counted, owing to the gradual dying-out of the people
who speak it. Even in the short interval between the two ex-
peditions in which I participated, some Yukaghir families, on
the middle course and on the mouth of the Omolon river, who
conserved their language became extinct.

The two dialects of the Yukaghir language may be called, —
one, the Kolyma ; the other, the Tundra dialect. The former

1 **Obcr die Sprache dcr Jukagiren" (Bull. Hist, PhiL, XVI, 1859, pp. 241-
253; MiL asiat.f III, pp. 595-612). "Beitrage zur Kentniss der jukagirischen
Sprache*' (Bull,^ XVI, 1871, pp. 373-399; M^L asiat.^ VI, pp. 409-446).
**t)ber Baron v. Maydell's jukagirische Sprachproben " {Bull.y XVII, 1871, pp.
86-103 ; Mil. asiat.y VI, pp. 600-626). These articles served the philologist Fr.
Miiller as a basis for an outline of the Yukaghir language in his work ** Grundriss
der Sprachwissenschaft," Bd. II, Abth. I, pp. 124-133, Wien, 1882.

jocHKL$ONj GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 37 1

was in vogue in the region of the Kolyma River and in the val-
leys along its tributaries ; the latter on the northern tundra, be-
tween the lower parts of the Kolyma and Lena Rivers. At the
present time the Kolyma dialect is confined to the region along
the Yassachna and Korkodon Rivers ; and the Tundra dialect
to the tundra between the Large Chukchee and the Alaseya
Rivers.*

Besides, the Chuvantzy language, which is now completely
extinct, and which was spoken in former time to the east of the
Kolyma River, also used to be, according to all collected data,
a dialect of the Yukaghir language.

The territory where the two former dialects are spoken is in-
dicated upon the accompanying map.

I mastered the Yukaghir language sufficiently to obtain full
command of their grammatical forms, and not only to take ac-
curate records of the texts, but also to converse freely in it.

The linguistic material on the Yukaghir dialects collected by
me is composed of a hundred and fifty texts, a dictionary con-
taining nine thousand words, in which many words from the
texts have not yet been entered, and vast phraseological material
for a complete grammatical outline of the two dialects.'

The present article is an abridged grammatical sketch of the
Yukaghir language. The space at my disposal does not allow
me to introduce the peculiarities of the Tundra dialect, and the
article is thus mainly a brief sketch of the Kolyma dialect. It
may be noted that the phonetical and morphological peculiarities
of the Tundra dialect are rather insignificant, but that it has ab-

1 A considerable part of the Yukaghir who used to speak this language has died
•out ; a part, at the mouth of the Omolon River, on the lower course of the Kolyma
and on the banks of both the Large Anui and the Dry Anui Rivers has become
Russianized ; another part, on the tundra between the Indigirka and Vana Rivers,
has been assimilated by the Tungus ; and still another, on the tundra between the
Yana and Lena Rivers, has adopted the Yakut language. (See linguistic map. )

' Up to the present time a hundred texts have been published by the Imperial
Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg, under the title, *' Materials for the Study of
the Yukaghir Language and Folk- Lore, collected in the Kolyma District, Part I,
St. Petersburg, 1900"; and an article containing a grammatical analysis of one text,
in the Bulletin de P Acadimie Impiriale des Sciences de St. Pitersbourgy 1898, Sep-
lembre, T. IX, No. 2.

372 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

sorbed a considerable quantity of Tungus stems, which in their
further development have been, however, subjected to the laws
of the Yukaghir grammar.

PHONOLOGY

Following is a description of the phonetic elements of the
Yukaghir language :

«, e^ /, ^, «, have their continental sounds (short).

a^ ^, I, ^, n, are long vowels.

To avoid the introduction of unnecessary marks, I do not
annotate here the obscure vowels separately. It may be said
only, that all short vowels are obscure when preceding a spi-
rant or », or following a spirant.

The series of diphthongs is as follows :

cd^ eiy oiy ui
i>, iu, uo^ eo
au, eu, ou

Their pronunciation is as in German.

Triphthongs are not frequent.

y as in year.

/ as in German.

/ as in English all.

/' has a spirant added.

r as in French.

m as in English.

n as in English.

fl is pronounced at the end of the word as ng in beings and
in the middle as ng in the German word Enge.

vr palatized m (similar to my),

IV palatized n (similar to ny\

b and / are pronounced with aspiration, owing to which these
consonants are intermediate between b and Vy and p and /•
There is no v or / in the Yukaghir language. The Tundra
dialect, however, has a sound that corresponds to the English
w. When placed between two vowels, b approaches very nearly
the sound of v.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIK LANGUAGE 373

^, / as in English.
d like dr.

g like g in good.

// as in English.

/r as in English.

/*, k^ have a spirant added. They are placed at the end of a
word, if the following word does not commence with a vowel.
The same applies to /'.

//-/ before / is pronounced soft, by pressing the tip of the
tongue to the front part of the palate. / and / blend into one
sound.

tn are blended into one nasal sound.

g velar g.

c like the English slu

it is equal to ty ; but old men pronounce it so that it sounds
more like ch in chance, while with women and children it sounds
closer to c in the German word Ceder. This seems to be a trace
of the difference between the pronunciation of men and women,
just as it exists in the Chukchee language. At the end of the
word, ^ is pronounced by women almost like s,

J \s dy ; but old men pronounce it more like j in the word
joy, while women and children pronounce it like dz. If it oc-
curs between two vowels, one of which has a long sound,/ is
pronounced like the French j in jour.

X like ch in the German Bach,

X* like ch in the German ich, at the end of the word.

The language bears but faint traces of an original harmony of
sounds, which is little observed at present. It may be described
as follows : o in the stem does not tolerate ^ or rt: in the suffix.
In the former case, e of the suffix is changed into o ; in the
latter, o of the stem changes into a. For example :

Stem Suffix

coro'pio- (man) go (locative) at present a\^o ustd coro^ moge 1 S. SS

corc^mo- lox* (Def. Nominative) at present dihousQdcoro'mo-lek* 12

fw^/gv- (middle) dogo (locative accompanied at pres- also used mo'igo-dege \ and

ent by a possessive element. ) 32.

374 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

m</do to sit.

madd' to begin the act of sitting, sit down, instead of nu/dod^
in which case o and a combine into one long a (see § 92).

^ is a weak vowel, and g and k^ when preceding or following
it, change respectively into the corresponding sounds g and jr,
as may be seen from the examples, e and a are strong vowels.

Not all consonants can begin words. The Yukaghir avoid :

1. Clusters of two consonants at the beginning of a word.
When pronouncing Russian words beginning with two con-
sonants, the Yukaghir will either drop the first (for example,
Russian word statu! xa^ ** old woman," is pronounced by the
Yukaghir teri/ke), or they will precede the word by the vowel
/ (for example, the Russian word sta'riy, *' old," is transformed
into i'cteret),

2. r at the beginning of a word.

3. The occurrence of ^, g, g^j, and rf, either at the beginning
or the end of a word. In such cases, these letters change into
the corresponding surds p, k, r, and /.

The first syllable is usually accented in the Yukaghir lan-
guage. This is an almost invariable rule with dissyllables.
There are very few exceptions to this rule ; for example, aju'
("word"), eme'i (** mother"), UUe* ("earth"), and some post-
positions, likeyo/a' ("after"), yVV ("self"), a/a' ("near").

Trisyllables are usually accented on the second syllable ;
but so far I have been unable to establish a rule. This would
require a comparative study of a large number of words, which
will be made in the elaboration of the dictionary.

Tetrasyllables or polysyllables are mostly accented on the
first syllable ; but many of them acquire an additional accent,
which is usually put on the possessive element of the suffix.
I have marked the additional accent by means of a grave
accent (').

Very few words are accented on the third syllable, as, for
instance, pqjerxo' (" day ") ; but I heard some people pronounce
po'jerxo.

In adding suffixes to dissyllables, the accent passes to the
second syllable: mihno ("house"), numo'ge (c. loc), but also

»>

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 375

nu'tnoHin (c. dat.). Trisyllables, when accented on the second
syllable, usually retain the accent on the same syllable, car(/mo
(" man "), coro'mogi (poss. suf.) ; but in some cases the accent
is transferred to the first syllable, kude'de (** to kill '*), ku'dedelle
(•'having killed").

The verbal prefixes always take the principal accent :
ne'-kudide (" kill each other "), (/Ukudide (" would kill '').

THE PARTS OF SPEECH

The Noun

§ I . Case-Suffixes. — Relations between objects are expressed
by means of suffixes only. I distinguish between case-suffixes
and other post-positions (see § 123) also serving to indicate re-
lations between objects, for the reason that the case-suffixes
have already lost their distinct sense, and, with the exception
of the casus comitativus suffix (see § 123), they cannot consti-
tute a basis for other word formations.

§ 2. Case-suffixes are joined to the following classes of nouns :

§3. (i) To nouns proper, that is, to such words as indicate
only objects.

§4. (2) To verbal nouns. As will be seen below, a con-
siderable part of verbal, that is, predicative, forms, may be used
as nouns (see §§ 80, 82, 112, 113), and form any element of the
sentence. Only when used as a modifier does the verbal noun
remain unchanged (see § 80). In all other cases the case-suf-
fixes are joined to it just as to nouns proper.

§ 5. (3) To personal pronouns, absolute possessive pronouns,
and other pronouns used as substantives (see §§ 54, 55, 56, 57).
Sometimes case-suffixes are joined to pronouns used as adjec-
tives (see § 56).

§ 6. (4) Most post-positions that are joined to nouns as case-
suffixes and substitute prepositions (see § 1 24).

§ 7. Possessive Suffixes. — The possessive suffixes found in
the Ural-Altaic as well as in the Eskimo dialects (in which the
same possessive suffixes are joined to noun and verbal bases)
are in the Yukaghir language altogether absent in verbs and in

3/6

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

nouns for the purpose of indicating the first and second persons.
Only to express ownership of a third person is a possessive
suffix joined to nouns.

§ 8. The following comparative table illustrates the use of
the possessive suffixes in nouns in the Yakut (one of the Ur2Ll-
Altaic languages) and the Yukaghir languages.

41 •

Yakut

Min

BisigT

Esigi'

Kiml^r

aha'-

aha'"

aha'-

aha-

hi't

ta'

la'r

Met

Mit

Tet

Tit

Tu'del

TUtd

Yukaghir.

t2«

eli^e
eii'e
eii'e
eiie
eife-
edt^e-

C/3

My father
Our father
Thy father
Your father
His father
Their father an'
their Others

§ 9. Instead of the possessive suffix -^gi, another form may
used for the expression of the idea of the relation of ownersh
between objects. For instance :

1. Met eiHe nunu/'gi

2. Met eii* e-nu* ma

1. Met eiti!e'd'&*U'gi

2. Met eii'e-d-aie

my father house his, or
my father's house,
my father reindeer his, or
my father's reindeer.

The second form is similar to the Saxon form of the genitiw^
case in the English language (my father's house, my father
reindeer) ; but it is not the suffix of the genitive case that
meet with here. Only for the sake of euphony is d (or n) pi-^ ^
between the final vowel of the first word and that of the initi
in the second word.

§ 10. The possessive suffix is used after the third person of ^
personal pronoun,

> See §§ 54, 55

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE m

tu'del^ numcf'gi he house his (see § 8) , « his house

tftel*^ numcf'gi they house their = their house,

but not after a possessive pronoun in the third person,

Tu'de (see § 55) nu'mo his house.

tUte (see § 55) nu*mo their house.

§ 1 1. In oblique cases the inflexion expressing the possessive
element for the third person is introduced between the base and
the case-suffix (see §12).

§ 1 2. The following table of case-suffixes may be thus com-
piled :

Suflixes.

Case.

Indefinite.

Definite.

With the Possessive Element
for the Third Person.

Nominative

Base

X, leky fox or

k',

jcS lek', lox'

defiin

Dative

fUn

Locative

ge or go

dege or dogo

Vialis

gen or gon

— \ degen or dogon

Ablative

get* or got*

— j deget*^ or dogot*^

Accusative

e, /e, io

Xy lek, fox or , gi or gefe, gofoy degefe

k',

X*, fek', fox'

Instrumental

le or lo

— dele or dolo

Comitative

— den-e

Comparative I

gete, goto

— degete or dogoto

Comparative II

tite

Temporal

§ 13. The definite suffixes of the nominative and accusative,
though performing the function of the definite article of European
languages, do not exactly correspond to them in sense. They
are used as a reply to the questions Who or what ? Whom or
what ? if the question relates to the object, and not to the action.
The abbreviated form k and x is used when the noun has a
modifier ; for instance :

Ki'ntek' kelul'?

Cordmo-lok' keflul'
Omo'ie coro'mo-x' keflul'

JV/io came ?

The or a man came.

The or a good man came.

3/8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 190^

§ 14. It seems to me that the inflection le or lo is nothing but
the case of the verb to be {le),

Coro'mo-lok^ ktfiul* The or a man is (who) came.

See §§82, 83 with regard to the form kelul*.
§ 1 5. Suffix ^in of the dative indicates :

1 . A movement in some direction, and is used in reply to*
the question Whither ? or To whom ?

Nu'mo'fiin xonk^ To the house or home go.

Tu'del^ unu'-nin ko*bei He to the river went.

Met*^ kefnme-fiin xo*nje I to a friend went.

2. An aim, and is used after the question What for ?

Met c^je-fiin kobefiteye I for water shall go.

3. Limit.

Tu*del^ li*gemufiin ^ o*moi mc^doi He until his old age well livedo

§ 16. Suffix ge or go of the locative is used after the ques-
tions Where ? At whose house ? On whom ? On what ?

Met*^ numo'-ge modo'ye I at home sit.

Met eiHe Iva*n-ge mddoi My father at Ivan's lives.

In some cases the locative answers also the question Whither?
and expresses motion into an object, while the dative mostly in-
dicates motion toivard an object.

Met'' nu'mofiin kie'ie I to the house came.

Met^ numd'ge cduye I into the house went.

§ 1 7. The vialis gen ^ or gon has apparently been formed from
the locative ge. This case indicates motion on the surface^

^ lt\(^tmufiift =z lygtl (old age) -\- de (possessive clement) -\- fiin (suf. of the
dative case). Often /-</«? changes into mu.

*In the grammatical analysis of the text in my article in the Bulletin de r Acad-
imie ItupiriaU des Sciences de Si. PHersbourg (1898, Septembre, T. IX, No. 2, p.
173), I considered this case suffix as an instrumental case ; but my further study of the
language in the Jesup Expedition has convinced me that I was wrong in my former
definition of this case. To avoid misunderstanding, I consider it necessary to point
it out here.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 379

across, or through an object, and also ways and means of getting
something.

1 . Met d^Ji-gen kitfie I on water came (on a boat or

raft).

2. Tu'dei* ti'di'd-afii'l-genyu'odei He through the smoke opening

(chimney) was looking.

3. Tu*del^ nu'meJigeU yu'o-gen He his axe under belt put.

moru!cem,

4. Met^ ttftul (y nmun-i</ bil-gen I you over the Kolyma tundra

ka'udet* shall drive.

5. Met* iu'go-degen kobefiteye I along his road shall go.

6. Met ir'kin di'ex efime-gen

min'me I one reindeer in exchange took.

§ 18. Suffix get or got of the ablative indicates motion from
or out of an object, and has apparently been derived from the
locative by the addition of /.

Tu'del num</get u^koi He out of the house went.

Met eiVe-get kie'ie I from the father came.

The ablative is also used for the purpose of expressing the
degrees of comparison of adjectives (see §41).

§ 19. The definite form of the accusative is the same as the
definite nominative (see §§ 13, 14). This form remains un-
changed after all the three persons. If used as a direct object,
it is put between the subject and the transitive verb, in which
case the latter is conjugated in the definite conjugation (see § 82).

1. Met eiVe corc^ molok yu* omle My father a man saw.

2. Met elUe omo'ie coro'mox yu'omle My father a good man saw.

§ 20. The indefinite form of the accusative, serving as a direct
object when the subject is in the first or second person, is equal
to the indefinite nominative ; that is, the base of the noun. It
is only when the subject is in the third person that a special e,
le, or lo is joined to the direct object following it.

Met* coro'mo yu'o I a man saw.

Tet c^ie yu'omik* Thou a reindeer sawest.

Tu'del* cor</mO'lo yu'om He a man saw.

Met eiVe cCie-le yu'om My father a reindeer saw.

38o

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

§ 21. It is to be observed that the third person, as a rule,
plays a peculiar part in this language. To point out one of
these peculiarities : the transitive verb to give is expressed by
one word {kei, " to give ") when the indirect object is in the first
or second person, and by an entirely different word {tafdi^ "to
give ") if the object is in the third person ; for instance :

1. Met* teftin efye kei

2. Tet* me' tin if ye kefimik*

3. EtVe meftin efyele kefim

4. Tu'del* teftin efyele keim

and

1. Met' tu'din e'ye ta'di

2. Tet' tu'din e'ye tadVmik'

3. Tudel' tu'din e'yele ta'dim

4. Mit anVje met eiVefiin efyeie

ta'dim

I thee a bow gave.
Thou me a bow gavest.
Father me a bow gave.
He you a bow gave.

I him a bow gave.
Thou him a bow gavest.
He him a bow gave.
Our chief to my father a bow
gave.

§ 22. In the same manner, it is only to express ownership of
a third person that the object has a possessive element, which
is expressed by gi in the nominative ; gi, ge^ or dege in the ac-
cusative; and de in all other oblique cases. The possessive
element is placed between the base and the case-suffix (see

§12).

nu*mO'fiin To the house ;
numd-ge In the house ;

nu'mo-dehin To his house.
nu'mo'dege In his house.

§ 23. It is very likely that de is an abbreviation of the posses-
sive pronoun tu'de (see § SS) ** his."

§ 24. The element de indicates that an object in the oblique
case belongs either to the subject if it is in the third person, to
the direct object if it is in the third person, or to some third
person ; for instance :

1 . Met eii*e nn'mo-de-get u'kol

2. Tet' viit ani'je nu' mo- dege

me'tul* nugte'mik^

My father of his house came
out.

Thou our chief in his house me
wilt find, /. e. , thou wilt find
me in our chiefs house.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 38 1

3. Tu'dei' me^tkele fu'em^ met* He called me, I into his house

nu'modege cc^uye went.

§ 25. The inflection ge of the accusative is used in a word
constituting a direct object of the subject in the third person, if
the direct object belongs to the first or second person, or to the
subject proper.

Examples without the element ge :

1. Met*^ tet* mofgo min' I thy cap took.

2. 7>/' met* mc^go mi'n-mik* Thou my cap tookest.

3. Tu'dei* mdgO'lo mVjum He a cap took.

Examples with the element ge :

1 . Tu'del* met* mo'go-gele mVjum He took my cap.

2. Eii'e tet* m&go-gele mi'/um Father took thy cap.

3. Eii'e tu*de mdgo-gele mi*jum Father his cap took.

§ 26. The inflection dege^ or deu in its abbreviated form, is
introduced to indicate that the direct object belongs not to the
subject, but to some third person.

Met eii *e ydndodege^ met iaia My father when he slept ( in his

mdgodegele (or mdgodeuie) mHjum sleep) my elder brother his

(/. ^., father's) cap took.

§ 27. The suffix of the instrumental case, /r, signifies an
instrument or a means. Though the indefinite accusative has
the same suffix, le, the two seem to be of a different origin.
The instrumental suffix Ic is used indifferently, no matter what
person the subject may be.

1. Met* ti'pe-le xa'rte I with a spade dig.

2. Tet d'ie-ie^ kie'iek* Thou earnest on reindeer.

§ 28. The suffix of the comitative case ive, is used in place
of the preposition ivith.

Met eH*e-fve kie'ie I with father came.

Tu^del ettre-dene mddoi He with his father lives.

^ A^ 'e-U is, properly speaking, in the singular number ; but in such cases the
singular is frequently used instead of the plural.

382

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

§ 29. The suffix of the comparative I case gete, signifies
" as compared with " ; for instance :

Met ei^e-gete tu*dd*^ ic^moi

With my father compared he i:
big (/. e,, bigger).

§ 30. The suffix of the comparative II case, ti'te, means
like ; for example :

Tu^del^ met eH^e-tH tee! rie cord mox^ He like my father is a poor-
man.

§ 31. Temporalis me or mo changes a noun into an adverb
of time :

Pojerxd day ;

pojerxd -mo in

the daytime.

Ogdye to-morrow ;

dgoyel'tne in the morning.

Yu'ole evening ;

yu'oie-me in the evening.

§ 32. Complete Table (

DF Declension of a Noun

Case.

Indefinite
Suffixes.

Definite Suffixes.

With a Possessive
Element

Nominative

Emtf i-mother

Emeik^; Emeilek^

Emdigi

Dative

EmdifUn

EmdidefUn

Locative

Emtfige

Emdidege

Vialis

Emtfigen

Emdidegen

Ablative

Eme'iget*

Eme'ideget*

Accusative

Eme'ile

Emeik^; Emeilek*. Emdigi ; Em^i-

gele; EmdideuU

{^EmdidegeU)

Instrumental

Emdile

Emdidele

Comitative

Erne' in- e

Emdiden-e

Comparative I

Eme'igete

—

Emdidegete

Comparative II

Emdi-ti'te

Temporalis

§ 33. Plural Number. — The plural is formed by the addition
of pe or /«/*. It is very difficult to define by a general rule
when one of these forms should be used. Most nouns receive
the addition, now of one, now of the other, of these two forms.
For instance, coro'mo (man) may be coro'mo-pe and cor</ mo-pub
in the plural. Generally pe is preferred after a consonant and

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 383

a long vowel, — polu't-pe (old men), — and put after a short
vowel, — e'mje'pul* (younger brothers or sisters, or both).

§ 34. The plain suffix pc, or the double one pepul^ is joined
to the following words in plural :

Singular. Plural.

koi boy, fellow, young man koipe and koipepul^

pat young woman pa!ipe and paHpepul*'

ke'nme friend kenne'pe * and kenne' pepul*'

tdo child uc^rpe ' and uifrpepul^

K'aipe and pa'ipe are used as if they were in the singular.
They say, for instance, i'rkin pai and i'rkin pa'ipe^ one young
woman.

§ 35. It is quite likely that pe is a suffix of the now extinct
-dual number. For example, eti'e-pe (fathers) means either
father and mother together {i, e,, parents) or the father and his
elder brother ; * while eci'e-put means many fathers. I have
not found any more traces to confirm my supposition. With
regard to the above-mentioned double suffixes for the expres-
sion of plurality, I have noticed that, when these words are
preceded by a numeral which does not exceed 5, one suffix is
joined to them, and, if it exceeds 5, a double suffix is added ; for
instance :

yan pa*i'pe three young women, and

ma' Igiyan pa'i-pepul^ six young women.

§ 36. The element expressing plurality is placed in the nomi-
native and all oblique cases, between the base and the other
suffixes. A'de-pul'^in, to the reindeer (plural), and dce-ptd-de-
ftin, to his reindeer (plural). We have thus the following
order: Base -|- clement of plurality 4- possessive element 4-
case-suffix.

§ 37. Very often the element pe, when preceding another
suffix, drops the e\ for instance, a'ce-p-ki (his reindeer), instead
of a'ce-pe-gi, g changing into k when preceded by /.

I m followed by/ changes into n,

' r is put between the diphthong and / for euphony.

'The elder brother of the father is called comd^cU, that is, the big father.

384 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

§ 38. The Yukaghir language has no grammatical distinc-
tion of gender. With reference to people, if there are no
special names to indicate sex — as, for instance, eci'e (father)
and emeH (mother), po'luV (old man, husband), teri'ke (old
woman, wife) — the words koi, koyo'jc^ or a'dit (fellow, man),
or pai, payo^je, or ma!rxil' (woman, girl) are prefixed for that
purpose.

Koydje-d-e! mje younger brother {emje = younger

Pay oh'd'i^ mj€ younger sister brother, or sister)

A' duo (insteaid of A' di'/'u'o) son ^ K•l/^^

Ma'rxi'd'Uo daughter v ^ =* )

To indicate the sex of animals, nouns are preceded by
(/nceftofe^ for the male, and mo'iHoJe^ for the female.

(y nieflofe-caxa! le male fox ; md ifiofe-caxa* le female fox

The male of the wild reindeer is called simply (/nde^ ordntie,
and that of the elk, pie'je. The female of the wild reindeer is
i'rogoje^ and that of the elk, n'oye.

§ 39. The suffix for the augmentative form of nouns is tdgty
and for the diminutive, di^e, Nu'mo-tige (large house), nu'mo-
die (small house).

The Adjective

§ 40. The adjective has no special form. Instead of it, par-
ticiples and other verbal forms (see §§ 80, 84) are used. All
forms taking the place of adjectives are used as modifiers, put
before the modified word, and do not undergo any changes.

Omdie cordmox good man.

h'tneye-d- tgdyi * long thong.

§ 41. Degrees of comparison.

I. The comparative degree is formed by means of the abla*
tive of one of the nouns compared and a verbal form in the
third person ; for instance :

* Generator or provider.

2 Keeper.

^ r/ is inserted for euphony.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 385

Met eh'e-get' tu'del' lUgei,

my father from he is old ; that
is, he is older than my father.

2. The superlative is formed by means of the ablative of one
of the nouns compared preceded by the pronoun du'mut* (all).

Cumut odu'peget^ * tu'del' Wgei^ all the Yukaghir from he is

old ; that is the oldest.

Numerals
§ 42. The following are the principal cardinal numbers :

Independent.

1. Irki*ei

2. A'taxloi

3. Ya'loi

4. YaHoxloi (three and

one)

5. Tn'gan'boi

6. MaHgiyaloi^ (two times

three)

7. Furki'oi (one above, one

more)

8. Ma* Igiyiloxloi^ (two

times four)

9. KuniWkiUJeoi (ten, one

missing)
10. Ku'nel'

Used as Modifiers.
Frkin coro^mox (one man).

A'taxun " two men.

Yan " three "

Ye'iokun
Fn-gawbofe

MaHgiyan

Furki'yin

** four "
it five *'

SIX

seven

Mdlgiyelokun ** eight **

Kuni* rkiUjeoje " nine "
Kuni'yin ** ten **

§ 43. Judging from the above list of numerals, one might
draw the conclusion that the Yukaghir system of numeration
is not quinary, as it is with the Chukchee, Eskimo, and most of
the Indians, but tertiary. But it should be pointed out, on the
other hand, that in-'ganboi (five), as it seems to me, contains
the word xa!tvbo (palm, wrist, i, e,, five fingers) since x pre-
ceded by 7V changes into its corresponding consonant g; in

> Instead of odu^lpeget*^ from odul*^ Yukaghir.

^ Ma'lgi or Malgil*^ means joint. N'e^malgii* (all the joints together) means a

• • •

year. Ma^lgiyahij malgiyeloxloi, mean joint-three, joint-four, 1. >., each one con-
tains three or four.

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7 — a S.

386 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [w. s., 7, 1905

equals wi or we (together). And if this be so, the Yukaghir
system of numeration has two bases. Unfortunately, I have
been unable so far to discover the meaning of the word
ku'nel* (10).

§ 44. All the rest of the tens are composed by multiplying
10 {ku'nel') by the number of tens which precede the ten. Thus,
twenty = a' taxun-ku' nel* (two tens), sixty = ma' Igiyan-ku' nef
(six tens), etc.

Units are put after the tens with the addition of the post-
position budi' (on top, over and above) ; for instance :

II. Kuni'rkibudU = ku* nel-irkin-budi (ten, one over).

34. Ya'nkunelyHokunbudi (three tens, four over).

76. Purk^ yinku^ nelmalgiya* nbudU (seven tens and six on top).

§ 45. The independent cardinals are verbal forms in the third
person, positive form, singular, present-preterite tense, indefinite
conjugation of intransitive verbs (see § 7S). They may be in-
flected like verbs, but not like nouns. For instance, to the
question, " How many ? " you reply, ** Yalai (*' three") ; but to
the question, " How many men ? " the answer is, ** Yan cart/-
tnox"'' ("three men").

The plural ^ number, present-preterite tense, will be :

Mit ya* loyeili we three are, or we three have been.

tit ya* loyemet^ you three are, or you three have been.
ti* tel ya! lofii they three are

(three of them), or they three have been.

The future tense, plural :

Mit yaHoteili we three shall be.

tit ya* loteyemet^ you three will be.

tt* tel ya* loHitei they three will be.

§ 46. Cardinal modifiers used as adjectives remain unchanged,
only the words modified by them undergo case-inflections.

§ 47. There are no Yukaghir words for numbers above a hun-
dred. They used to say ku'nel'-kuhiel* (ten tens) for hundred :

1 It is plain that there can be no singular.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 387

but now they say iito^x (the Russian std). The Russian word
for thousand {t/sya^d) has also been adopted by them ; but they
pronounce it ti'cete,

§48. Ordinal Numbers

Independent.

As Modifiers or Attributive.

Theist

a^Hnume^

a'Hnume'le coro'mox* (ma

•' 2d

a'taxlecki

a'taxlecte *

" 3d

yc^lmecki

yaHtnecte '

** 4th

yaHaxUcki

yaHaxlecte *

" 5th

fn-ganbecki

i'fi'gan'becte *

" 6th

ma'lgiydlmecki

•

ma* Igiydlmecte '

'• 7th

purkHyecki

•

purki^yecte '

" 8th

ma' Igiydlexlecki

ma! IgiydlexUcte '

" 9th

kunfrkiU/eocki

kunH rkiUjeocte *

" loth

kumfUcki

kuneHecte *

" nth

kufWrkibudicki

kunfrkibudicte *

" 20th

a^taxun-kunilecki

a'taxunkunilecte '

" 22d

ku* nel'dtaoculbudieki

ku* neldtaxulbudicte *

etc.

§ 49. Ordinal numbers are derived from the cardinals partly
by means of verbal suffixes. C* is the suffix which changes a
transitive verb into a causative (see § 97) ; it (instead of ^*, since
g" preceded by c changes into k) is the possessive suffix of the
nominative case (see § 9) ; and U (in place of de, d changing
into / after c) is the suffix of the conditional mode (see § 87).

§ 50. Distributive numerals :

a'taxlonut^ by two Hn^gan-bonut^ by five, etc.

Nu is the suffix of the iterative form of the verb (see § 103,)
/ is the suffix of the verbal adverb (see § 115).
§ 51. Iterative numerals :

IrkVje once

ataxli'Je twice

ydii'Je thrice, etc.

§52. Fractions. Ont-YidXi = Eimunde, The rest are com-

^aHnume means ''at Hrst, in the beginning " ; aHnumflej ** initial, first." This
is the only ordinal nomber that b not formed from a cardinal.

388 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

posed of the attributive ordinals with the addition of the pos-
sessive suffix gi; for instance :

Yalmectegi^^ ^.

§ 53. Collective numerals:

ataxiot* two together yalot* three together yaloxiot* four together, etc.

Pronouns

§ 54. Personal pronouns : met*, I ; tet, thou ; tu'del\ he ; mif,
we ; /!/*, you ; ti'tel*, they. The gender is not indicated in the
third person. The compound personal pronouns are formed by
annexing the post-position ejHe (self) to the personal pronouns :
Met-eji'e (myself), iet-eji'e tud-eji'e, etc.

§ 55. Possessive modifying pronouns for the first and second
persons are the same as the personal, for instance, Met eH'e (my
father); while the third is tu'de in the singular and ti'te in the
plural. The possessive modifying pronouns do not change.
The following are the absolute possessive pronouns :

me'ile mine te'lle thine Tu'dele his, hers

mPl/e ours tTlie yours tfteie theirs

Absolute possessive pronouns assume case-suffixes.

§ 56. Demonstrative pronouns : 7}*^, this ; and tail, that.
These two pronouns are used only as modifiers before nouns,
and remain unchanged in most cases. After verbal nouns end-
ing in /* (see § 84) taft is joined as a post-position, and the case-
suffixes are joined to it, while the verbal noun remains un-
changed. For instance, yu'ol-tafiy that one who saw ; li'gel^tafi,
that old one. Tafi rather corresponds here to the relative pro-
nouns which, who.

Tu'bon (this) and To! bun (that) are mostly independent pro-
nouns, like the German dcrjcnige, and assume case-affixes. But
in some cases they are used as modifiers, and are declined nev-
ertheless (see the text).

§ 57. Interrogative pronouns :

kin who, le^tne what, xa'mun how many (much) and nu'mun which.
Kin and ie'me are declined.

JOCHILSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 389

§ 58. Indefinite pronouns :

yeny ye!nUk^^ ye^nbon another iu'mu^ h^mut^ all

file some, certain t/nmun every

Of these pronouns, ye'nbon and i'Ue (if not used as modifiers)
are declined.

(/nmun is used as a post-position; core/ mo-onmun, man
every.

§ 59. There are no relative pronouns. Verbal nouns ending
in ban (see §112) are used instead of them (see also § 56).

§ 60. The table on following page illustrates the declension of
personal and other pronouns.

§61. With the exception of a few phonetic peculiarities, the
case-suffixes of pronouns are the same as those of nouns.

Me' tin is used instead of me't^tn, since n cannot follow t,

Me'tn'e, in place of me'tn-e, since / and n blend into one nasal

sound, In,

Tub(/dek\ instead of Tub</nlek\ etc.

Special attention should be called to the accusative indefinite
of the personal pronouns, first and second persons, singular as
well as plural number. The accusative indefinite of these pro-
nouns has a special suffix for the direct object following a sub-
ject in the first and second person. In nouns, this form is identi-
cal with the nominative indefinite (see § 20). For example :

Met' te^tul' kudifdef I thee shall kill.

7>/' me'tul* ka!udetmik' ? thou me wilt conduct ?

but

Tu'del' me'tkele ka'udem he me conducted.

§62. The possessive absolute pronouns, Me' tie, etc., assume
the suffix of plurality, ////', which in oblique cases is put between
the case-suffix and the base :

MHilepul^ ours Mi^ tle-pul-hin to ours.

§ 63. Tu'bon, To! bun. Tan, kin, le^me, yehibon, n'ilgi,
x(/dimei', assume the suffix pe or pul* for the plural :

390

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

5j 1 1 ^^^4j ^

s» ' «5 '^ ^ ^ •5 <:

\» \, \, X X X \»

i ^ s s s s s

^. ^. ^. •^. •^. •^. ^. ^. ^. i{. 5{. ^. ^.

to § 60)

fi^ fl^ d^ H^ H^ (t^ (t^ d^

1 1 1^1

4i«

•^ « ^ ? ? 0 ^

•^ "^ -^ -^ It*

•J
Q

^ ^ ^ •IJ'-I'^ ■I'

5 ^ ^ ^ « ^ ^ 5

5 555

U
•J

S :ii :ii :i; :ii :ij :i; :i;

••^ ^ v» \> \5 -Sk \>

S ^ S S

no a> '^ •
. c «5 rj

S! S 0 0

Nom. indef.

'* def.
Dative
locative
Vialis
Ablative
Accusative

indefinite

■s

•§

• PW

•«

•8

c«

•^

•••

•«

• pi

.^"

• v4

•^

»rm

V
^

>— "^

•^

• ^

•0

^— ^

•>^

^^^

,>•

•^

pi*

^*-^

"V*

•<;

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 39I

Tabu'n-pe ke!lfU Those came.

Ki^n-pe-gef kelmef f From whom (you) came?

Ke^ lul-tdH'pe fl k^fd Arrived those here are, or those

that arrived are here.

Tafi is one of the forms that are used as substitutes for relative
pronouns (see § 56).

The Verb

§ 64. While almost all the noun-bases are derivatives of ver-
bal forms, the bases of verbs are in most cases disyllabic or
monosyllabic roots, frequently consisting of one vowel. For
instance, d expresses the conception of "doing"; /?, that of
being bom ; 0, to draw, to get from the bottom. But nouns
can, in their turn, become verbs again by means of the suffixes
te (for transitive verbs) and de (for intransitive verbs). For ex-
ample : &ji (from o^ to drawn, and o'je^ to drink), water ; i^'te^
to supply some one with water ; nu'mOy a house ; numo'-de, to
be with a house.

§ 65. While the nominative indefinite always constitutes the
base of a noun, that of verbs does not always coincide with one
and the same form. The first person, singular, present-preterite,
indefinite conjugation, is the base of transitive verbs, while that
of the intransitive coincides with the third person, singular, of the
negative form, present -preterite, indefinite conjugation (see § 75>
table of conjugations).

§ 66. Verbs have only two tenses, the present-preterite or
perfect and the future or imperfect. The action may be either
completed or yet to be completed. The performance of an
action consists of a continual succession of moments, every one
of which appears in a given moment with reference to the act-
ing person, either as past or future.*

Met* kudefde I have killed, and I kill.

Met' kude'det' I shall kill.

* The present-preterite is also to be found in the Gilyak language ( L. J. Stem-
berg, Material for the Study of the Gilyak Language and Folk- Lore [Bull, of the
Imp. Academy of Sciences, Vol. VIII, No. 4, p. 422, November 1900, St. Peters-
burg]).

392 AMERICAN ANTHROPOL OGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Mode

§ 67. The following modes may be enumerated : imperative
indicative, optative, conjunctive, conditional, supine, perfective,
potential, evidential, inchoative.

§ 68. The Yukaghir language has no infinitive mode. It is
replaced by the supine. But when naming an action for illus-
tration, I translate the English infinitive by giving the base of
the Yukaghir verb (see § 65).

§ 69. Before proceeding to explain the formation of voices
and other derivative forms, which are so numerous in the Yuka-
ghir language, and which are called " aspects " in the Slav
languages, or as the well-known Russian philologist, NekrassofT,
calls them " degrees of action," I shall point out how the ver-
bal bases are being inflected according to modes, since all verb
bases, no matter of what voice or degree of action, are inflected
in the same manner with reference to mode.

§ 70. Every verb has two forms of conjugation, the definite
and the indefinite.

§ 71. The indefinite has three forms in the indicative mode, a
positive, a negative, and an interrogative.

§ 72. The imperative mode has two forms, a positive and a
negative.

§ 73. The forms of the imperative mode are the same for
transitive and for intransitive verbs.

§ 74. The indicative mode has different forms for transitive
and for intransitive verbs.

§ 75. The following tables illustrate the indefinite conjuncti^^o
of transitive and intransitive verbs.

jocHKLSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 393

o
o

•

,JI<

•v'

•••

•

/-N

^ 1>

«{

0 ^

►

to 4^

*S3

» (to
mew

•

4-»

>-^

•^

•«-»

•SC^

\*j:3

•^-i<

•

4-»

N»^

•

•s

•

4-#

v-x

>*«

•>4

V \)

:<>« .^

- Si

««

•

:ii:^

*i>

1 1

.^ .^
•^ ^

•^•^

1 ,

««5 ««5

1 1

.«.«

fc t

^ ^

••• **.♦

«>• •«

S §

S S

*• S>

^•^

^ii

1 •

<: <:

<:<:

•sJ. *Sc

I I

4e «(

\» "S» >• ••* «K» 'C
2* \) J!t 2» ••». 'ill

IS 5

M W to M N to , M

N to

•«

•S»

M w to

1$ «

xBinSais 'i^ni^ -j^inSais 'i^inj^

•uuoj 9ai;tso^

•UUOjJ 9ApBS9J^

•^

•*»

•*:•

«
•^

•^

:ii

*?o

•$

•§

>•
^

•?«

•}<>

• • •

M w to

• • •

M N «0

•j^inSais 'iBini^

UUOJ 3AqiS0^

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

:^i.

, i.

:?s.

^^?«

■««

.■?.■?.■>

**■?

>>4

■5^^

■li

.■?*s

-a-ii;

-; -5 ■.

■^■5>;

■i-i-a

» '5 3

^i a

-'I

^ s.

o «.

til

"a ■^■5

lis

VJ1

■51 1

H *i H

"Cs "i

H >1 «

HUH

~-¥

'i:

. i

?l*

?.?...

«?.*

■«■?■*

■?^^

■«■?.«

SiSii

^5:5!

Jii5_

^^^

JtS*

■Ji-iJ-ii

■jl

li^

tl.

?i?

iil

■«-s-^

■«-«-S

^%%

Ill

■S-«-J

■s-4-4

^^^

^%%

34l

%^%

%^^

■1

4^^

■4-i-4

^^^

•a^.5

-84-8

? s

■f.'^v

■? -1 ?

e K c

.1.

ill

>>5

■i^ii

Vil

rri

;J.-i,S.

L«.,' .«

i|g

888 -i^-i

"i'i'^

188

888

•jl

■|l«

1"^l

? E

ssS

^S'*?

■5-fl

cii: Ji:

i:<;i:

■i^i:

ifed;

<:=:«:

M ti ^

- n M - » .^

-^ « " 1 - « "

M « M

-jeinaais -IBJnij : -jBinSnis ■JBJnid jtinSnis -[Tunid |

■ULIOJ SApiSOJ

uuoj

AfjESaN

■imoj

Soijaiut 1

JOCHSUON] GRAMMAR OF THE YVKAGHJR LANGUAGE 395

••» •♦• •*» .1 ••» •%»

■^a>i 3 a a

:-3

-«

S ^ ^ Sk. ^ *•**

^ ^ ^ ♦• ^ ^

;t a ;t ;t ;t a

•^

?» V

<» '«5 <

H h h

^ <( IS

h H H

•1^ «

5 ?s^ ^ ^"^ ^

K « <(
H H H

*V» »N* '•5 »C* *V*

•s^

> *V» >» *V» 2

^ .^» ^ .^» >

^ «w 0> •'^^ •>»

•v» "s* "N*

%» %» V

•4

**»» •s* •s* "s* "s* "s*

►
•a

s -^

•§

•^
^
^

5
•^
^

»
-^

•i

•-ft
I

5
•«

•i

^-5 6

•I

&>•« >

:;, «5i «5{ 'Si -St iS

^11 III

•« • • • • «

S S S ^ S S

'Si

•ft

•^

;l -S ^

<^ ^ »»:

> > *?

• • • • • •

■1

<»

UUOJ 9APbS9^

si 5

•^ d^ (4^

«. "s

I I I ^ •

• • • • •

l!t St l!t U ^

'v* >•* •% '5 ''-

i s s s s s

> -ii

. >5 T > .

M N to M N f<^

'UUOJ 9ApBS0JJ3^III

396 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

§ 76. The following remarks should be added to the above
tables.

§ TJ, The Yukaghir language has the transitive verb A (to
have), which is absent in the Ural-Altaic languages.

§ 78. Intransitive verbs whose base ends with a short vowel
assume the suffixes je, jek\ etc., in the present-preterite, and
ce^ iteky etc., in the future tense ; with a long vowel or a
diphthong they assume the suffixes ce^ cek\ etc., in the present-
preterite, and teye^ teyek\ etc., in the future ; while those ending
in a consonant have the suffixes j€,Jek\ etc., or ce, cek\ etc., for
the former, and teye, teyek\ etc., for the latter tense.

§ 79. The negative conjugation of transitive verbs corre-
sponds to the positive conjugation (with the exception of the
negative prefix el) of intransitive verbs.

§ 80. All forms of the indefinite conjugation are actual pred-
icate forms. It is only the first person, singular number, present
preterite, of intransitive verbs that may be used as a modifier
when put before a noun. It thus takes the place of adjective
forms, which are absent in the Yukaghir language (see § 40).
For instance :

1. Met* lefye I am, or I live.

2. Le?ye ioro'mox* Living, existing man.

1 . Met ebrbeye I am black.

2. EbUbeye xar A black skin.

§ 81. The interrogative form is used only when it does not
refer to the verb itself. For instance :

Mit e^ye a'tei ? Will we make a bow ?

atei is the positive form, but in the expressions,

Mit* xanUn e?ye atu'ok* ? When will we make a bow ?
Mit* xa'mlol e!ye atu'ok* ? How many bows will we make I

the verb is used in the interrogative form.

jochelson] grammar OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 397

§82. Definite Conjugation

Transitive.
Present-Preterite.

I. kudf^de-me

-me

'tneU oxkude^de-mU

met'
'fUmeU

Future.

1. kude'de-tme

2. " -tme

3. " 'tmele

1. " 'tul'

2. " -temet'

3. ** -nitemle

" -^//^/'

§ 83. In the definite conjugation, the predicate is used when
the subject is in the definite nominative case, or the direct object
in the definite accusative. For instance :

I. Met' lodcf-ye and 2. Meftek' It/dol'

I. Met' hd&'teye and 2. Me?tek' lodo'tel'

I played.
I shall play.

I. Tet' kude^demik' and 2. Te^tek' kude'de-me Thou hast killed.
I. Tet' kud^detmik' and 2. Te'tek' kude^det-me Thou wilt kill.
3. Met d^ie kude'de and 4. Met aHelek' kude*-

deme I killed a reindeer.

The examples (i) may be used to answer the question, Who
did^ or will do, a certain thing? while (2) are used in reply to
the question, Who did or will do a certain thing ? (3) answers
the question, What I did? and (4) answers the question. What
I killed?

• § 84. When the form of the first person, singular number,
present-preterite, definite conjugation, precedes a noun, it as-
sumes the meaning of a participle.

398 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

kud^deme car(/mox* The man that has been killing.

lodol adi'lek* The youth that has been playing.

§ 85. The optative mode expresses, by means of the suffixes
u'ol or miebiy a desire to do a ceitain thing. Both transitive
and intransitive verbs may have this mode. It is conjugated in
all forms and in both tenses. The suffixes u'ol^ and tn^ebi are
put either between the base and the other verbal suffixes, or be-
tween the latter and the first person, present-preterite, of the
definite conjugation (see § 82).

dl'U^ol* (trans, v.) to desire to do (the base is d),

m(/d'Uol* (intrans. v.) to desire to sit (the base is mo^do

but o is dropped).

m€t aluol* I desire to do.

met* fm/duol/e I wish to sit.

met el-d!luolje I don't wish to sit.

met dl'uoltt* I shall wish to do.

met* mc^duolteye I shall wish to sit.

u'ol expresses only the desire, but not the possibility of doing ;
while mi'ebi expresses both ideas. For instance :

1. met* lehd'Uol-fe I desire to cat, I am himgry.

2. met* leHde-miebi'/e I wish to eat (having food).

§ 86. The conjunctive mood is expressed by means of the
prefix ot :

Met a! nil ai of leu I (once) more fish would eat.

Tet iaHafiin of-xo'njek thou to the elder brother shouldst

go.

§ 87. The conditional mood has several forms. The follow-
ing are all the forms of the verb a (to do) :

1234 5 6

met -d'-de a' -hide a'-lelde d'-lel^ide d'l-gene or d'-lelgene
tet - *'
tudel - **
mit - **

tit - **
tit el - **

* * a 'gene

** d'-deune or d!'leldeune

** d'-lukene or d'^lelukene

((

d'Hideune or a' -leltlideune

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 399

Forms 1-4 are used when the principal and subordinate
clauses have one and the same person as subject, while 5, 6,
are used when different person are subjects of the two clauses.
Besides, forms 3, 4, and 6 require that the verb in the prin-
cipal clause shall also be in the conjunctive mood. For
instance :

1. Met a! -de keit* I, if make, shall give.

2. Met i^ 'Hide keit' "

3. Met W'lelde met </tkei I, if made, would give.

4. Met d^ -lelfUde met & tkei "

5. Met Of (gene, tet mink^ I, if make, thou take.

6. Mitd!'lelukene^cfmniof' we, if made, people would take.

mi'n'fiam

Forms 5 and 6 are also used with the suffix tel^ of the future
tense. For instance :

*^ Metul el'tle^'tel'ginet el-ki/ude-tel-gine, metu(/rpe

me not if wilt scold not if wilt beat my children

meV'tVte ydulellelgene^ te^tin ke^lteye, * * *
me like if wilt love to thee will go.

''If thou wilt not scold me, wilt not beat me, my children, like
me, wilt love, to thee I will go. ' '

It should be noted in this example that the verbs i'le *' scold ''

and k</ude **beat" are in form 5, and yc/uletle "love," in form
6, but without the element of the future tense. The verb kelteye
(base, kel^ (I will go) is in the future tense, indicative mode, and
not in the conjunctive (/t-kelteye^ thus corresponding to the first
two forms.

§ 88. The supine is formed by means of the suffix din.

Met Id do-din kiede I (in order to) play have come.

This suffix is apparently the dative of nouns. Very often
deflin, the suffix of the dative case, together with the possessive
element, are abbreviated into diti. For instance, erne' i-deHin (to
his mother) may be shortened into eme'i-din. On the other

1 Jochelson, Yukaghir Materiab, etc., text No. 69, pp. 170, 171, lines 46, 47.
Thus a widow replied to a man that was courting her.

4CX) AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

hand, the dative of verbal nouns is used instead of the above
form of supine. Instead of saying as in the above example, the
following expression might be used, Met lo'dol-nin kie'de. In
this way, the form which corresponds to the Latin supine is
rather a substantive than a verbal form.

§ 89. Perfective I called the mode which expresses an ab-
solute certainty that the action will take place. It is formed
by means of the suffix mon\ which is put between the verbal
suffix and the base.

Transitive. Intransitive.

1. Metd!'mcfl 3. Met* kobe^i-mofi-ye

2. Titel d'-mofi-Ham 4. Titel* kobeH-mofi-fU

1. I am able to do, or shall do, without fail.

2. They are able to do, or will do, without fail.

3. I can go away, I shall certainly go away.

4. They can go away, they will certainly go away.

§ 90. The potential mood is formed by means of the prefix
tno'li^ and expresses hope or fear that a certain action will take
place. For instance :

Met* mc^li'idu I may cut off, and lest I cut off.

Met* nu/ii-ei-ii/uye I nearly cut off.

§ 91. The evidential mood is formed by means of the suffix
lel\ which is a verbal noun (see § 83) from the verb le (to be,
exist, live). The evidential mode is used when something is
told, not from the experience of the narrator, but (i) from hear-
say, (2) as a supposition, (3) as a conclusion drawn from certain
traces that the action had taken place, (4) as a dream, and (5)
as reminiscences of events which had occurred in the early
childhood of the narrator, and of which he had learned subse-

Transitive. Intransitive.

Met 'd!'lel* u'-iei-Je

Tet 'a'-lel'tnik* u'-Iel-Jek*

Tudel-a! 'lel-um ' u'-lel-i

1 The third person, indicative mode is H-m^^ but in this case u is introduced after
the consonant /.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 4OI

quently. Transitive, as well as intransitive, verbs have this
mode. Let us take the verbs & (do) and it (be bom).

Mit 'd'-lel'i U'-lel'jHli

Tit -d^-lei-met' u' -iel-Jfyemei'

Tftei -a'-iel'flam u'-lel-fii

Met eii'e tiH nu!moU dm My father this house made (the

narrator saw).

Met eiVe tiH nu'moie aHelum My father this house made (it is

apparent).

Met eiVe tiH nu'mole d'telum. My father this house made, they
m(/nHi say.

Met yend(/fey met eiHe tiH numoie I dreamed that my father this
dUeium house built.

Tolo'u median pogV-kl'i A wild reindeer just now ran by

(would be said, should fresh
traces of reindeer-hoofs be ex-
amined on the ground).

** I was bom *' would be translated, met U'lelje (and not ll'fe\
since no one can be a witness of his own birth.

§ 92. The inchoative mood is formed by means of the aux-
iliary verb d (to do), which is put between the base and the
suffix. Of course the end vowel of the base is frequently
dropped in this case, d changes into e after /.

pa!nde to cook pandd' to start cooking.

d^fe to drink ojd' to begin to drink.

mo' do to sit madd' to sit down (begin to sit),

o^rpo to hang a'rpd to begin to hang.

pdgi to run (of animals) po'gid to start running.

See pp. 1 01, 102 with reference to o changing into a in the
verbs mo' do and o^rpo,

Tudet pa'ndd'i (intrans.), he began cooking. Tudel d'jile
d'jd-m (trans.), he water started to drink.

§ 93. By adding the suffix yei to the stem of the verb, an
action is expressed for the completion of which it is required to
go somewhere. Yet, used separately, is a verb whose meaning
is to **rush one's self" "to throw one's self."

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7. — 3S

402 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Ic^do-yei to go somewhere, to start off somewhere to play.
kude^de-yei to go somewhere to kill.

It follows the general rules of conjugation of transitive and
intransitive verbs.

§ 94. The supine, by means of the auxiliary verb le (to be),
expresses the readiness, or the intention to do something, and
corresponds to the Latin conjugatio periphrastica,

keldifi'le to be getting ready to come, to be ready, to intend to come.
TPtel ani'le leu* din-lefli they fish are getting ready to eat.

Voices

The following voices are formed from transitive and intransi-
tive verbs.

§ 95. The reflexive voice is formed from a transitive verb by
means of the personal pronoun met^ which is prefixed to the
verb. In the Slav languages the reflexive voice is formed in the
same manner; but the pronoun "self" is used by the latter
as a suffix. For instance :

Met^ niiU'kudt^ deye I myself kill.

TeV me^ t'kude deyek' Thou thyself killest.

Tudel' m^t'kude!dei He himself kills,' or killed.

These verbs are conjugated like intransitive verbs.

§ 96. The passive voice is formed from transitive verbs by
means of the suffix <?, which is usually blended, together with
the final vowel of the base, into a long 0, For instance :

Kud^do instead of kude'de-o.

Verbs in the passive voice are conjugated like intransitive
verbs. For instance :

Tu'dei^ kerefken-e kude'dd-i He is killed by a Koryak.

1 It is interesting to note that, in the Tundra dialect, the preBx-pronoun of the
reflexive changes by persons, as in the Romano-Germanic languages :

Met* met-bunje I kill myself.

iet* M-bun-Jek* Thou killest thyself.

tudel* iur-bun-i He kills, or killed, himself.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 403

§ 97. The causative voice is formed, by means of the suffix
c^ from transitive as well as intransitive verbs ; but the latter
are, in such cases, changed into transitive verbs :

kude'de-c to cause to kill.

mc^do-c to make to sit.

There is another suffix for the formation of the causative
voice ; namely, ctile ; but the difference between the two is not
quite clear to me as yet. I hope that closer study of the texts
will make the difference clear.

§ 98. The reciprocal voice is formed by means of the prefix
n'€ (in nouns, it constitutes the suffix of the comitative case).
This voice follows the rules of conjugation of intransitive verbs.
For instance :

TVtel ne'kudideni They killed each other.

§ 99. The cooperative voice is formed by means of the suffix
Je or ji. For instance :

kud/Je To kill together.

ktideje is equivalent to kudedeje. The second syllable de is
blended together withy> into one syllable.

Aspects or Degrees of Action

§ 100. Derivative verbs indicating degrees of action are
formed by means of suffixes, except those in § 107.

§101. The suffix I indicates singleness of action, that a cer-
tain action was performed only once and within a short period
of time :

pa!nde to cook pa'ndei to cook once.

§ 102. The suffix H expresses an action in diminutive form,
limits the volume of it :

pa!nde'H to cook a little.

§ 103. The suffix nil expresses the iterative form of the

action :

panda! -nu to cook several times.

404 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 190$

In this case, the final vowel of the base turns into a long
sound.

§ 104. The suffix nunu (a reduplication of nti) expresses the
iterative form in an intense degree :

panda-nunu to be always cooking (with interruptions) .

§ 105. The suffix^' expresses the durative form, indicating
continuity of action, or its reiteration within certain periods of
time :

panda' -yi to cook long.

Met d^ie ku'deii I killed many reindeer one after another.

ku'deH is equivalent to kude'de-yi. The e is dropped in de^
and dy is J (see phonology),/ changes into c{ty).

§ 106. Any two of the enumerated suffixes for the expres-
sion of degrees of action may be combined, thus forming the
following :

1. inu the repetition of a single action.

2. inunu " *' " *'

3. iinu the repetition of a diminutive form, diminutive-iterative.

4. ^inunu " " " " *' "

5. yinu durative-iterative.

6. y inunu

ti li

§ 107. The prefix me expresses an action not quite conq>leted
but in the process of completion, or recently completed, or
about to be completed :

Met die me'-kude'de I have just been killing, or I am killing a

reindeer.
Met* me'-loddteye I am going to play, I will play, right now

(soon).

§ 108. The order in which the suffixes expressing the differ-
ent derivative conceptions are arranged after the verb-base is as
follows : base + voice + degree of action -f mode + verbal suffix
of person and tense :

Tu'del ac-nu' 'lel'Um He apparently caused to do . . . several

times.

JOCHKLSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 4OS

§ 109. Before proceeding to describe the participial forms, I
wish to draw attention to the ease with which nouns become
verbs, outside of the cases mentioned above (see § 64).

§ 1 10. Every noun in the comitative forms, by dropping e of
its suffix we^ a base of an intransitive verb expressing the
ownership of something. For instance :

aie-n^'e with reindeer.

a^ien- to have reindeer.

Met dieri'-Je I have reindeer, or a reindeer.

met u</rpen''Je I have children.

Tu'dei eiCen-i he has a father.

§ 1 1 1. Every base of a noun may be turned into an intransi-
tive verb by adding to the particle Ho (be) as a suffix, which has
no meaning when it stands alone. For instance :

Eh'e-Ho be a father.

Met eHe-fiO'je I am a father, I have been a father.

Met eii* e-fiO'teye I shall be a father.

Verbal Nouns

§ 112. The particle bon, being suffixed to various verbal
forms, composes verbal nouns, which are used sometimes as the
name of the subject (like our participles), or as a name of an
action ; but if the verb is transitive, the verbal noun may also
signify the object which receives the action expressed by the
verb. From the base dje (to drink), we may derive the follow-
ing verbal nouns :

Present-Preterite.
d^jeyebon c^Jemebon c^Jemelebon o'Jelbon

Future.
df jet ey ebon ojetmebon ojetmeiebon ojetelbon.

Bon combines also with the form lei* of the evidential mode.

Examples.

I. Tu* del i' biiile c^jemelebodek*^ He the milk who drank, or it is just

the one that drank the milk.

406 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

d^Jetnelebbdek^ is the definite nominative case of tfjemeleban —
One who drank.

2. Met ^jelbon d^Jik* my (by me) drunk water, the water

(that I am drinking) dnmk
by me.

3. Met dfelbon my beverage, or the beverage that
Met d^Jeyebon used to be mine.

Met cfjemebon

4. Ofe-nu-meiebongele (accus. ) That which is used to drink (he)

tUx'anin el mUji has never taken.

5. Metek S^jeteyebodek^ I am the one that will drink.

The suffix bon is used as an independent word, pan (a word
cannot begin with b\ In olden times this word used to indicate
the name of a deity embracing all nature, the universe. Pan
indicates sa^nething that is unknown. All household goods
taken as a whole are spoken oi dc& po^npe.

§ 1 13. The suffix uo or uol* (from uo, *' child **), when joined
to verbal forms, expresses the result of an action. For instance :

x(/n-uo or x(/n'Uol* {ixom xoriy "walk"), walking, a trace from

walking, also a trail.
c^je-l'uol* (/is introduced between the two the process of drinking,
vowels ; oje is the basis of the verb also the trace left from
** drink*') drinking, e, g,, the

water left in the glass
after drinking.

§ 114. With regard to verbal forms serving as adjective
modifiers, see §§ 80, 84, no.

The Gerund or Verbal Adverb

§ 1 15. The suffix /, together with the verbal base, forms the
verbal adverb, which expresses an action taking place simul-
taneously with that indicated by the predicate :

Met* m<ydo-t dyi I while sitting was shooting.

Met anil legu-t^ corii'e I while eating fish was writing.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 407

It seems to me that the suffix / is that of the ablative without
the local element ^^ (§ 12):

M(/iiO't* sitting, or from sitting.

§ 116. The suffix Ue with the verbal base expresses an ac-
tion preceding the one expressed by the predicate, lie is ap-
parently nothing but the instrumentative case le (see § 12); but
I always heard a sound of double / in verbal adverbs. This
form is in most cases combined with the possessive element de
or do (see § 12):

Met e^ye d-delle nu!mo-yekli*n I, a bow having made, went hunt-

xdnje ing.

MeV modd'-delle tndgo Hgdd I, having sat down, a cap began to

sew.

§ 1 1 7. If the verbal adverb expresses an action of another
person (not of the subject), but taking place simultaneously with
the action of the subject, it is then derived from the forms of
the definite conjugation (see § 82) together with locative suf-
fixes. The suffix ge is used for the first and second person,
singular number ; dege, for the third person, both numbers ; and
luke^ for the first and second person, plural number. For in-
stance :

Met yu'ol'ge while I looked.

Tetyu'ol'ge while thou looked.

Tu*del yu*0'dege while he looked.

Mit yu'oluke while we looked.

Tit yuoluke while you looked.

TV tel yu' ohi'dege while they looked.

Mit yu'oluke tu'dei ani'le Vgdem while we looked (in our looking),

he was fishing.

TUtel ai yd ndohide^ ge mit dnil while they were still asleep we were

I'dgei catching fish.

The Adverb
§ 1 18. The following are some of the adverbs of time :

xanrn when. ti'ne lately.

xani'nde sometimes. dugo'n soon.

4o8

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

ajdtif early.

iudd* long ago.

a long.

x&nlumey x&llume immediately.

fi'e'xantn never.

xa^dii already.

a'Hnume at first.

ke?yot^ at first.
keyefn previously.
druk^ (suddenly, the Russian
word vdrug) .

§ 1 19. Adverbs of place :

ta there, thither.

ti here.

xon where, whither.

xot where from, whence.

xo'dibonget* whence.

xcfnde eyerywhere, any^'here.

tav thence.

§ 1 20. Adverbs of manner :

</moi well.

domdn very.

n- a' dude enough, only.

ta'adaga enough.

tdif ta'iiie aflerwards, later on.

n^gajiye yesterday.

ogc^iye to-morrow.

ta'finugi then.

Hji now.

ai again, once more, anew.

To! hun-nH hifi'gielgc meanwhile, in

the mean time.
ni*Helije many times.
xa'mlije several times.

iHer elsewhere.

migUde hither.

tifiide this way.

cat* rude sideways.

pude outside.

n-aiin against, opposite.

/I/' hence, from here.

krjuon- easily, lightly.
nigefyot heavily.
i'rkin only.

§ 121. All adverbs directly precede the verb, and may be re-
garded as prefixes. Not all adverbs to be found in the lan-
guage have been enumerated here. Some adverbs are simply
roots, for instance, td, ti. Others are derived from these roots,
for instance, tat* tW (** thence," " hence "), which are the ablative
of td and ti. Others are formed from nouns and adverbs, as,
for instance, fr'acin (*' opposite *'), an abbreviation of w* acefiin
(dative of ivaJce, '* face '*); i'rkin (** only '*) is merely the numeral
one ; como'ti' ("very"), from domo, which is the basis of the in-
transitive verb to be large,

§ 122. The temporal case of nouns, mentioned under nouns,
is also to be added to the adverbs of time (§§ 12, 31).

jochklsonj grammar of the yukaghir language 409

Post-positions

§ 123. All post-positions, which take the place of preposi-
tions, might just as well be called '* case -post-positions," like the
suffixes enumerated in connection with the declension of nouns
(see §1). Post-positions differ from the latter in that they are
not used in connection with a possessive element, and that most
of them may take on case-suffixes. The latter circumstance is
not so characteristic, however, since «v, comitative case, is used
as a separate word, wdga (** together**), and the case-suffixes
get, gen, gete, are derivatives from the locative ge. As may be
seen from examples, post-positions are sometimes put after
oblique cases of nouns.

§ 1 24. The following are the post-positions.

yola\ yolafn after,

behind. Met-yola' after, behind me.

budi'e on top, upon,

on.
budHen on, over the

surface.
budHet^ from under

the surface.
al under. met-al under me.

at from under. Ubie^-n-at v!kol came out from under the ground.

alW near. nu'mo-d-a/a' near the house.

ca'ide across. unu'ilge-ca'ide across the river. //;///« (river)

ge is in the locative case.
yekU'e behind. nu' mon-yekli' e behind the house.

mekWe in front. u'nufi'meklfe at this side of the river.

letioT the sake, is a verbal adverb of the verb le (** be "), and is
put after the dative.

met eHi' efitn-iet^ kole'ie I for the sake of father came.

ele-lu'on without. E'U (the adverb of the denial no)

is put before the noun.
Ti'tel ef le-me! t'tu! on xdntii They without me went away.

§ 125. The Yukaghir language has no conjunctions; but
some pronouns in oblique cases are used instead. For instance,

* Tu'dei^ nu'tne-budt'ernddot he sits on the house.

4IO AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Tabu! ngef {2ikAzA\^ of ta'bun^ "that") replaces the illative
conjunction therefore.

Ta'ttnedetine ("and for this reason ") is the subjunctive mode
of the intransitive verb tatme (" to be such **).

The adverb cd (" again ") is sometimes used instead of our
conjunction and\

IVtelyafxteHi ai io'HdoHt They sang and danced.

Concluding Remarks

The morphological peculiarities of the language may be
summed up in the following main propositions.

Word-formation is accomplished mainly by means of suffixes ;
but prefixes are also used (almost exclusively in connection
with verbal forms). In this respect the language differs from
those of the Ural-Altaic group, which use suffixes only, and
approaches the American languages.

The possessive suffixes of nouns is but little developed (except
in the third person) ; the language thus differing from the Ural-
Altaic, as well as from the Eskimo dialects.

Sound harmony of vowels {a and o should not occur in the
same word), is little developed, and in this respect the language
resembles some of the Indian dialects, but differs absolutely from
the Ural-Altaic languages with their intricate system of vowel-
harmony. For instance, an important feature of the vowel-
harmony of the latter group of languages consists of the adap-
tation of the suffix vowels to the vowel of the root, which
never changes. The vowel of the first syllable thus governs
all the rest of the vowels, no matter what their number may be.
In the harmony of the Yukaghir language, the root-vowel fre-
quently adapts itself to the vowel of the suffix (see § 92).
Besides, in the plural forms of personal pronouns {met\ niit* ;
tet\ tit* ; ttide/*, titel*) an attempt may be noticed in the language
to derive new forms by means of changes of vowels within the
root (the method of Semitic languages) without any additions
from outside, a feature of which traces may be found in two
other so-called "isolated** Siberian languages, — that of the
Kott and the Ostyak from Yenisei.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF 7 HE YVKAGHIR LANGLAGE 4II

The difference in the conjugation of transitive and intransitive
verbs which we have in the Yukaghir language is a feature com-
mon to almost all American languages. The same may be said
of the capacity of bases of transitive verbs to change into
intransitive by means of suffixes and vice versa.

Suffixes of purely verbal forms are different from case-suf-
fixes, and they cannot be brought in connection with personal
pronouns.

A necessary element of plurality is constituted by the sound
/ ; while that of futurity by /. In the Chukchee and Eskimo
languages / constitutes the element of plurality, and in the
Koryak language it forms the element of the dual number.

Adjectives, being verbal forms, do not undergo any inflections.

There is no difference between animate and inanimate objects,
as is the case in some Indian dialects.

The feature known as ** polysynthesis " in American dialects,
and which consists of a combination of two or more uninflected
bases in one word, in which one of the bases expresses the
principal idea, and is put at the end of the word, while the other
bases figure as secondary definitive ideas, is also to be met with
in the Yukaghir language. For instance :

Met tu'de-e}i*e-m</dol^' koi -cu^oleji pundut*^
I he self sitting boy tale shall tell.

That is, I shall tell a tale of a boy who was sitting (living) all
alone.

In the expression :

tii* de-eji* e-mo' dol^ 'koi-iu' ohji

we have an actual synthesis. Without being inflected, all sec-
ondary bases are combined into one conception with the prin-
cipal base at* oleji'tale

Or : Ye^Iokufi' nc/ineye- bon -ku'dediye eort/ mo-Hot^ kude'y^
Four with legs something killing man -being have become.

1 See Yukaghir Materials, etc., Tale 12, p. 25.
«Ibid., Tale 25, p. 169.

412 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

That is, (I) have become a man that kills four-legged things
(animals).

Other examples may be cited in which the bases combining
into one word drop one or more syllables. For instance :

Co'mani (Coregonus leucichtys) is actually derived from Como'Je-
d-a'nil (**big fish") ; or Cofn&He (elder brother of the father,
uncle) is really Conu/fe-d'eci'e (big father).

It is true that there is no actual incorporation to be found in
the language ; neither pronouns nor nouns, when direct or in-
direct objects, are incorporated in the predicate ; but the nature
of the syntactical construction of the Yukaghir language is akin
to incorporation. The verb plays the main part in the sentence.
It is always placed at the end of the sentence, being preceded,
first by the subject with all its modifiers, then by the direct and
indirect objects with their modifiers, then by the adverbs. If
the subject is not accompanied by any modifiers, and it is known
from the sense of the story who the acting person is, then it is
usually dropped (see below, the text). The subject very often
does not assume the element of plurality, though there are
many acting persons, as long as the sense of plurality is ex-
pressed by the verb (see the text).

APPENDIX

A Tale of what the Ancient Yukaghir did with their

Dead Shamans

1234
(iu'oU'd-(/mnif aHmaky a'mdegency du'de

Ancient people the shaman's, when (he) died, flesh

5 67

l&ndoniiebidey ca'rxun-moii/Jek mdrotiimele^
to separate wishing gloves put on

n'oHe-n-abu^tek

masks

9 10 II

tm/roHimele lu'dud-u'tiik^ mt'n'fiimeU,

• • •

iron hooks took.

put on

14
n ' ^iaxaddidelle.

having caught

15 16

tt'te-idni diHyifiam.
to them drew.

12 13

TaMde, du'deule
Therewith flesh his

17 18

Tat' tanyit

Thus having drawn

19 20 21 22 23 24

idhnufiam. Nug</fte e^U-mefinufli, N'e*lbetHam^ tat' wutn^fit
cut. With hands not took. Tore off thus whole

25 26 27 28

kefnbunit* londoham, (yrponjirax d'HimeU^
entire width separated. Hangers made

29 30

pu^de a'fiam,
outside made

31 32 33 34

ta orpuWefiam ; pu'de^ yelofefUn

there hanged outside in the sun

35 36

kie'Ucfiam, Kie' lee telle

dried. Having dried

37 38 39 40 41

cor(/mon'ulpegt le'Hiteiy to! fide tuHgele xa'rteHitem,

relatives his if will be that flesh ynW divide.

42 43 44 45 46

(y nmedie-nu* mok a'tlimele. Ti'te pa'ilgele 0' nmedie-nu! mo

Of thin larch a house made. Their shares of thin larch house

413

414 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

47 43 49 SO SI

mo'lgod(/go caxaHecHam nHfier, Cord mon'ulpegi tobdkolok*

middle put (every one) separately. Relatives his dogs

52 S3 54 55 56 57

ku^deiifUmeU^ er'ie tobdkogde dU-ku*deiifli^ omdie tobdkox*'
killed bad dogs not killed good dogs

58 59 60 61 62

kt^deiihimeU. Tabu'ngeU tUte Pcti*lgc ponHyifiam,

killed. Those (dogs) to their shares put.

63 64 65 66 67

Tabu'de ke^nmeUlUi po'niHam, A'mundeule ta'bun-ydla'n
Those having added left. Bones his thereafter

68 69 70 71

xa'rtdfHam. Tabu'dek amu'ngi kidUctelle

to divide commenced. Those bones his having dried

72 73 74 75 76

tamifefiam, Tabu'de ydd-amu'ngele xdidefU, Tabu'ngeU
clothed. That his skull worshipped. For that

77 78 79 80 81 82

cdUk* cordmo-tite d'fiam, coromodeuU coromo-titelu'o aHam.
(of) wood manlike made trunk his manlike made.

85 Z6 87

nucdlecHam, Tabu'ngeU ma'gideuU
set on. For that jacket his

88 89 90 91 92 93

u'yaHamy mdgopedeule dfiam. TdHde n^drgele ceu*refiam^
made caps his made. That garb his embroidered,

94 95 96 97 93

dU-kid'du'on ceu'reham, Ti'fide n-a'dedeuU n'drek

all over embroidered. For this for his face clothes

99 100 loi 102 103 104

u^ydfiimeUy a'tifeduol^-pon^xobodek d'Htmele, a'Hadeule ai
made for eyes openings made mouth his also

ltd 'd-amu* ndeuU

His skull

thence

JOCHBLSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 415

105

106 107

108

109

dffiam.

Ti'ne coriren^ul^

ma'gideuU

pu'dedegen

made.

Former embroidered

jacket his

on it

III

112

yer</ ye-xar-magi' le

moru* cefiam

Ta'bun

of skins of

one year old reindeer jacket

put on.

That

113 114 115

pu'dedegen ndnn^ere yodu'taifiam.

upon (of it) (with) blanket of soft reindeer-skin wrapped.

116 117 118 119

TdlHle moddtoham, drfe moddtafiam.

Thereafter set (also placed) in the front comer placed.

120 121 122 123 124

Omdtebon Idnflide, loii'lge pddetehamy pu'dedegen
Good something if eat in fire burn over it (fire)

125 126 127 128 129 130

tabu'ngele td mdinunuham : TdHde md-legiteHam^ kdcnei
that there keep : That so fed at every

131 132 133 134 135

Idndel^e t&t d'Ham, Tabu'de xdin-eHi,

meal thus did. That (one) worshipped.

Told by the old Yukaghir Nicholas Samsonoff in the village
on the Korkodon River, October, 1 896.

Free Translation of the Text

Our ancient people, when a shaman died, used to separate
the flesh of the corpse from the bones. For that purpose they
put on gloves and masks. Then they took iron hooks, and,
having caught the flesh of the corpse, drew it to them and cut
it off". It was considered a sin to touch the corpse with bare
hands, or to look at it with uncovered face. Thus they sepa-
rated the flesh from the skeleton on its entire length. Then they
made drying-frames and hung the flesh on them outside, in the
sun to dry. After the flesh was dried, the relatives of the dead

4l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. S., 7, 1905

shaman divided it among themselves. Then they made a tent
of thin larch-trees, and each of them put his share in the middle
of the larch-tent separately. Then the relatives of the shaman
killed dogs as offerings. They did not kill bad dogs; they
killed only good ones. Then they added the killed dogs to
their portions of dried flesh. After that they left the tent with
the shaman's flesh and the dog-offerings.

Then they divided the bones of the corpse, and, after having
dried them, they clothed them. They worshipped the skull of
the shaman. They made a trunk of wood, and set on it the
skull. Then they made for it (for the idol) a jacket and caps
(two caps, — a winter and a summer one). They embroidered
the coat all over. For its face they made a mask, with open-
ings for eyes and mouth. Over the embroidered coat they put
a coat of fawn-skins ; and over that, a blanket of soft reindeer-
skin.

Then they placed the figure in the front comer of the house.
Whenever they were going to eat something good, they first
threw a piece of it into the fire, and held the figure over the
smoke. This they did at every meal ; and thus they fed the
figure, which they worshipped like a god.

Grammatical Analysis of the Text

1. Cu! ole-d'O* mni, Cii^o, adverb of time {long ago) ; hi'ole
(old times ) ; o'inni, a collective conception (people, men). It
was apparently formed from ^';;/(7 (tribe, clan, kin) and the suflfix
comitative n-i (instead of ive) (with the kin, with the entire
clan). Cu' olC'd'O' mni (people of times ancient). See § 9.

2. A (male. The base is alma (shaman) ; le is the suffix,
accusative indefinite. See §§ 12, 20.

3. A'mde-gene, Amde^ base of intransitive verb {die)\ gene
is the suffix of the conditional mode. See § 87.

4. Qide is used instead of ctigi. The base is cul (meat,
flesh) ; gi is the possessive suffix (see §§ 8, 9) ; / before gi is
usually dropped. The use of de instead of gi is apparently an
old form. It occurs in ancient tales and shaman's songs, but
not in ordinary conversation.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YVKAGHIR LANG V AGE 417

5. Lo' ndo-miebi' -de. Lo'ndo, base of transitive verb (sepa-
rate) ; miebi^ optative mode (see § 85) ; de^ suffix of the condi-
tional mode (see § 87). This verb has formally two direct ob-
jects — alma4e and hi'gi — instead of a'lma-cu'gi (the shaman's
flesh).

6. Ca'rxun-molo'jek (gloves), from ca!rxun (fingers) and
molo'je (mittens, mittens with fingers), k^ suffix of accusative
definite case. See §§12, 20.

7. Mdrofiimele, Mo'ro, base of transitive verb (put on);
aimele^ suffix of the third person, plural number, present pre-
terite, definite conjugation (see § 82). Ca'rxun-molo'Jek is in
the singular number, since in the Yukaghir language it is suffi-
cient if the idea of plurality is expressed in the predicate only.

8. N'a'ce-n-abu'tek* (mask), from n-a'ce (face), a'buf (cover) ;
k, suffix of the accusative definite (§ 12) ; « is inserted between
the two vowels. See § 9.

9. See 7.

10. Lu! dU'd'U' -nik* (iron hook). Ludul* (iron), /' is dropped ;
and n'ni (hook) ; k, suffix of the accusative definite ; d^ see § 9.

1 1. Mi' n'fiimele (took). Min\ base of transitive verb (take) ;
nimcle (see 7).

12. Tabu'de (therewith, with that; that is, with the hooks).
The base is Ta'bun (that). Tabu'de (inst. of tabu' tile), instru-
mental case (see § 60).

13. Cu'deule (flesh his ; that is, the shaman's). The base is
hd* (flesh),/* is dropped before d] deule^ degele^ accusative
definite with the possessive element (see § 26).

14. N'a'cexadmdelle (having caught). Na'cexada (catch)^
transitive verb ; /, the element indicating singleness of action
(see § 1 01); delle^ suffix of the verbal adverb, past tense (see

§116).

15. Ti'tC'lafliy to them, Ti'tc, instead of titet (they), /* being
dropped ; and laili, a post-position indicating direction toward
something.

16. Aci'yinam, from a'ci (to draw), base of transitive verb ;
yi durative (see § 105) ; Ham, third person, plural number, pres-
ent preterite, transitive verb, indefinite conjugation (see § 75).

AM. AITTH., H. S., ^ — 45.

41 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

17. Taf (thus, after, or thence) is formed from t& (there).
See § 1 19.

18. Ci'Hfit (having drawn, pulled). Gift (pull, draw), base of
transitive verb, it has apparently the same root as d'H (16) ; ji,
suffix co-operative (see § 99) ; /, suffix of present participle (see

§115).

19. C</finuham = d(/unufiam, from do'u, (cut) base of transi-
tive verb ; nu, suffix of the iterative form (see § 103) ; ^am (see 16).

20. Nugc/ne, Nu'gon (hand), base ; ^, instead of />, suffix of
the instrumental case. / is dropped after the final n ; in some
cases, the final n is changed into //, f. c. nug</de inst. of nug(/ne.

2 1 . Ele-meV nufii = ele moinufii, Moi (to hold), base of tran-
sitive verb ; nu^ suffix of the iterative form (see § 103) ; ele (or
el) . . . ^i, prefix and suffix of the negative conjugation (see

§§ 75, 79).

22. Ne'lietHam, Ne'lbet (to tear off, to sldn, to pull off the

skin), base of transitive verb ; nam (see 16).

23. Tat, See 17.

24. N'u'mJit{yf\io\t, entirely), gerund (see § 115), from nu'mde
or nu'tnje (be whole) ; nu'mjeye we^molgit^ a whole year (see

§ 80).

25. Ke'nbunif (entire width), gerund{ste §115), from ke'nbun.
(be wide) ; ke' nbuneye-d-u' nufi^ wide river.

26. Lohidoflam, Lo'ndo (separate, untie), base of transitive
verb; ^afn (see 16).

27. Orpo'njirax (hangers). X^ suffix of accusative definite
(see §§12, 20). This word is formed from the base of the in-
transitive verb, oWpo (hang) ; n is inserted //, suffix cooperative
(see § 99) and cal (tree), / having been dropped, and c changed
into r,

28. Anvnele, A (do), base of transitive verb ; fiimele (see 7)
is in agreement with the definite case (see 27). See §§ 82, 83.

29. Pu'de (outside), adverb.

30. A'fiam. A, see 28 ; nam, see 16.

31. Td (there), adverb (see § 1 19).

32. Orpu're-nam, Orpu're (hang), base of transitive verb;
nam, see 16.

jocHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 419

33. Pu!de, See 29.

34. Yelo'JC'fiin, Yelo'je (sun), base ; fiin (to the sun), suffix
dative (see § 1 5).

35. Kie' lee-Ham, KieHe (be dry), base of intransitive verb ;
^r, suffix of the causative voice (see § 97), kielec (make dry, force
to be dry) ; fiam^ see 16.

36. Kie'lec-telle. Kie'lec^ see 35, telle ^ delle {d after c
changes into /), see 14.

37. Coro' mon'ul-pe'gi. Caro'tPtowul' relative ; pe^ element of
plurality (see § 33) ; gi, possessive suffix (see §§7, 12).

38. Le'-flitei. Le (be), base of intransitive verb ; flitei, suffix
of the third person, plural number, future tense, indefinite con-
jugation of intransitive verbs (see § 75). The future tense is
sometimes used instead of the conditional mode.

39. TaU'de, instead of tafi-le. Tan, demonstrative pro-
noun ; de, suffix of accusative indefinite (see § 60).

40. tu!l'gele. Cul is the base ; gele, suffix of the accusative
with the possessive element (see §§ 12, 25).

41. Xa' rte-nitetn. Xa'rte (divide), base of transitive verb;
aitem suffix of the third person, plural number, future tense,
indefinite conjugation of transitive verbs (see § 75).

42. O* nmedie-nu! mok (a house made of young larch-trees ;
that is, a conical tent made of larch-tree rods). O'nmedie is
formed from on, a root expressing the conception of larch.
Larch-tree is called o'nra or onda ; that is, on (larch) and col
(tree), see 27 ; die is the suffix of a diminutive noun (see §39) ;
the meaning of the particle me is unknown to me. It is, at
any rate, hardly possible that we should have to do here with the
word o'nme (mind, memory, or opinion). Nu'mo (house) ; k
suffix of the accusative definite (see § 1 2).

43. A'-Himele, A (to do); nimele, see 7.

44. Ti^te, possessive pronoun (see § 55).

45. Pa'il-gele. Pail is from the Russian word pai (share) :
/ has apparently been added either to form a Yukaghir verbal
noun out of the Russian base, or in order to distinguish it from
the Yukaghir word pai (young woman) ; gele (see 40).

46. 0* nmedie-nu! mo. See 42.

420 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

47. MoHgO'dbgo (in its middle). M</lgo^ adverb ol place,
also used as a post-position ; dogo = dege, suffix of the locative
with the possessive element (see § 1 2).

48. Caxa' lec'fiafpt, Caxa'lec (assemble, gather, rally, collect),
base of transitive verb ; Ham, See 16.

49. Nifier (every, separately), from i^iler (separately) and ne
(together). See §§ 119, 123.

50. Cor(/ mofi'ulpegi. See 37.

51. Tob</ko-lok\ Tobo'ko, from the Russian soba'ka (dog).
Since there is no sound of s in the Yukaghir language, s is
changed into /, and both vowels a changed into o, according to
the rules of harmony (see Phonology). The ancient word for
dog, pu'bet is not used any more. The Tundra dialect still
retains two words for dog, — lameil (this word seems to be bor-
rowed from the Tungus) and xapwefl ; lok' = lek\ suffix of the
accusative definite (see § 12).

52. Ku' de-H-fiimele is formed from the base kude'de (to kill) ;
yif suffix of the durative form ; dc -f- yi = di (see § 105) ; flimele,
see 7.

53. E'rde (bad, poor), first person, singular number, present-
preterite (base e'rU' be bad), used as an adjective before a noun
(see §§37, 80).

54. Tobo'ko. See 5 1 ; gele, see 40.

55. E le-ku! deci'Hi, Ku'deci, see 52 ; e'le . . . fn\ form of the
third person, plural number, present preterite, negative conju-
gation of transitive verbs (see § § 75, 79).

56. Om(/ce, from (/ffio (be good), the base of the transitive
verb ; ^e, see 53.

57. tobo'ko, see 51 ; ;r', suffix of the incomplete indefinite
form of the accusative (see § 1 2).

58. Kti'deHnimele, See 52.

59. Tabu'ngele, Ta*bu7i (that), see §§ 56, 60; ge^e^ see 40.

60. Ti'te, See 44.

61. Pail, See 45 ; ge, suffix of the locative (see §§ 12, 16).

62. Pont-yi-flam, Po*ni (put), base of the transitive verb ;
yi^ see 16 and 52 ; nam (see 16).

63. Tabii'de, instead oi ta'bun (the base of the demonstrative

JOCHBLSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 42 1

pronoun that), and le^ suffix of the accusative definite (see § 60).

64. Ke'nmete-lle, Ke'nme (friend) changes, by means of the
suffix tey into a transitive verb, — to provide sotneone with a

friend^ a companion^ or fellow-traveler (see § 64) ; lle^ suffix of
the verbal adverb, past tense (see § 1 16, and compare with the
element de in 14).

65. Po'ni-Ham. See 62.

66. A'niun (the base, means bone); deule. See 13.

67. Ta'bun. See 63 ; yola'n (after, behind), post-position
see § 123).

68. Xa! rta^am ^ xa' rte (see 41) + Ay inchoative mood (see
§ 92); fiam. See 16.

69. Tabu'dek\ instead of tabunlek' (see 63, the accusative
definite (see § 60).

70. A'mun. See 66 ; gi, possessive suffix of the accusative.

71. Kie'lectelle, See 36.

72. Tami'te (to dress, dress up), base of transitive verb;
nam. See 16.

73. Tabu'de, See 63.

74. Yd' -d-amv! ngele (the head-bone ; that is, skull); yd
(head); d is inserted for euphony (see § 9); a'mun. See 66 ;
gele. See 40.

75. Xo'ide-ili, Xc^ide or xo'in-e is the base of the intransitive
verb to have a god or to be with a god^ from xoil' (god) and the
suffix de (see § 64) or 7ve (see § no); fii is the suffix of the in-
transitive verb (see § 75). It should be noted, that with the
intransitive verb xoHde a direct object in the accusative has been
used. It might have been the instrumentalis, tabu' de yd'd'am-
u'ngele ; that is. with this skull (see § 60) they were as with a
god (see 134, 135).

76. Tabuhtgele, See 59, in the sense of '* for that " ; that is,
for the skull.

T/. Cd'l-ek'. Ctll (tree) ; ek\ instead oilek' {I naving been run
into one with the / of the base), suffix of the accusative definite
(see § 12).

7%, Coro'mo (man); ti'te^ suffix of the comparative II (see § 1 2).

79. A'-ilavi, See 30. It should be pointed out that the

422 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

word a* -nam has two objects in the accusative. One (76) is in
the definite ; the other {yj\ the indefinite form.

80. Core/ mo (man and trunk, body), in this case it means
trunk ; deule = degele. See 1 3.

81. Caro^mO'tiielu'o. See 78. Core/ ma-tiU-l-uo figures here
as the suffix of the verbal noun, indicating the result of an ac-
tion (see § 113).

82. A'-flam, See 79.

83. Yo' -d-amun-deule. See 66 and 74.

84. Ta. See 3 1 .

85. Niice' lec-fiam. Nuce'Uc (set on); nam. See 16.

86. Tabu'ngele, See 59.

87. Mafgirdeule, from ma'gil' (coat, jacket), /' being dropped,
and deule = degele. See 13.

88. Uya'nam = u'i (work) ; a, inchoative mood (see 68) ;
nam. See 16.

89. Mo' go (cap) ; pe, element of plurality. Two caps used to

■

be made, — one for the summer, made of soft reindeer leather
and embroidered ; the other one, made of fur, was put on top.
ham. See 16.

90. A' -nam. See 30.

91. Ta'n-de = ta'n-le, the accusative indefinite (see § 60).

92. N'er (garb, things) ; gele. See 74.

93. 0//r^ (to embroider) ; nam. See 16.

94. Ele-kie'-hi^on^ e'le . . . r//'^;« (without), see § 1 24, and
ki'cil' (end), cit is dropped, and / is lengthened into a diph-
thong. Without end ; that is, entirely, all over, nothing was
left unembroidered on the garment.

95. Ceu'renam, See 93.

96. Ti'n-de = ti'n-le (this), the accusative indefinite (see § 60).

97. N'a'ce (face), see 8 ; deule, see 13.

98. N'er-ek, N-er, see 92 ; ek, suffix of the accusative, in-
stead of k, e being inserted after the final consonant of the base.
It seems to me that the accusative in 97, in its relation to n'er-ek,
is used in the sense of the Saxon form of the genitive case in
the English language.

99. UyCt' , see 88 ; nimele, see 7.

JOCHELSON] GRAMMAR OF THE YUKAGHIR LANGUAGE 423

100. A' fij€'d-u' ot = a'nje (eye) ; rf, the connecting particle ;
uol\ the suffix of a verbal noun expressing the result or trace
of an action (see § 113). A' nje-d-u* ot = place for eyes.

1 01. Po'ft'xo-bodek, instead of p(/n'xo-bonlek (see § 112),
P(/n'xo (to be bright, transparent), the base of the verb ; bon,
suffix of the verbal noun (see § 112); bodek, the accusative
definite (see § 112). Po'n'xo-bon (something bright, transparent).
Aaje-d'Uol-pon'xO'bon = eye-place, transparent = opening for
the eyes.

102. A'nimele (see 28).

103. A'na (mouth); deu/f {see 13).

104. -^1 (also). See § 118.

105. A'Ham, See 79.

106. Ti'nej adverb of time (see § 118).

107. Cori'len* (to be embroidered), base of the intransitive
verb; ul', suffix of the verbal noun, used as modifier (see §§
82, 84).

108. Ma'gideule. See 87.

109. Pu'de (in the yard, outside, or above, over, upon) ; see
29 ; degetiy the vialis with the possessive element (see § 1 7).

1 10. Yer(/ye (one-year-old reindeer fawn) ; xar (sldn) ; ma'gii
(jacket) ; e, suffix of the accusative.

111. Morude (dress, put on) ; Ham (see 16).

112. Ta'bun (see 1 2).

113. Pu'dedegen, See 109.

114. No'ji-n'er-e = no'ji (soft reindeer leather) ; n-er (clothes) ;
€y suffix of the accusative indefinite (see § 12).

115. Yodu'tai (wrap) ; Ham (see 16).

1 16. Ta'cUe (afterwards), adverb of time (see § 118).

117. Modo'to-Ham, Mo' do (to sit), intransitive verb ; to = te,
suffix turning intransitive verbs into transitive ; modo'-to (to seat,
to place) ; Ham. See 16.

118. O'rfe (in the middle), adverb of place (see § 119). They
call thus the place of honor in their house ; that is, the side
facing the entrance.

119. Modo'tofiam, See 117.

424 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. «., 7, 199$

120. Om(/(^e'bon (something good), verbal noun (sec § 112,
Omc^ce see 56).

121. Le'nfiidey from Idu (to eat), base of the tiiansitive verb ;
and fiidiy conditional mode (see § 87).

122. LotU*^ (fire) ; ge^ the locative (see § 12). '

123. Pe' de-te-ftam. Pe'de (to bum), base of the intransitive
verb ; te changes the verb into a transitive verb (to singe), see
1 17 ; nam. See 16.

124. Pu'dedegen, See 109. It is equivalent to "over it"
(the fire).

125. Tabuhtgele (it \ that is, the idol). See 59.

126. Ta. See 84.

127. Mc^ i-nunu-fiam. A?irf(hold, keep), base of the transitive
verb ; nunu^ suffix of the intensive-iterative (see § 104) ; fiam.
See 16.

128. Ta'nde. See 39.

129. Me-legt te-fiam. Me^ see § 107 ; legi'te (to feed), from
the transitive verb le'u (to eat) ; fiam, see 16.

130. Ka'cnei (every), from the Russian ka'shdfy. To use
the Yukaghir expression, it should be le' ftde-o* nmun (see § 57),
instead of ka'cnei le'^elge.

131. Le'adel'ge, Le'fide (to eat, in general), intransitive verb,
formed from the transitive verb le'u (eat) by means of the suf-
fix de (see § ^) ; /'is the suffix of the verbal noun (see §§ 82,
83) ; gty the locative (see § 12).

132. Tat. See 23.

133. A^'fiam. See 79.

134. Tabu'de. See 73 and 75.

135. Xo^freni, See 75.

* Mto • **

\ *■•

>»■•.«- tff.

• ■ M . •

>«

» s.

■ ».

'«Tr3».

" "■ I ■!■ . III.

■ I!

■•■V

■ l» .Ul-JlJ.*.."'! * t .

•4

■^■» ■ ««

^,-

V..-—

. \

t *, »

• w '

» V

...«. .— .^ ,..*-

• ) •

s »

- • . [

.;;»>*

American Anthropologist

NEW SERIES

Vol. 7 July-September, 1905 No. 3

THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM — EVIDENCES OF A RUDE
INDUSTRY ANTEDATING THE PALEOLITHIC

By GEORGE GRANT MACCURDY

Introduction

Nature's processes may be likened to photography. She fur-
nishes the sensitized film, and the finger of Time manipulates the
camera. It remains for man to develop and interpret the exposures.
The geological record is a film cartridge exposed and sealed again,
bound up with which are the beginnings of man's own record on the
earth. The process of development begins with the most recent
exposure and works backward.

For a long time we had a picture of man's neolithic record only.
In the early part of the last century, Boucher de Perthes, with the
help of Sir Joseph Prestwich and others, clipped off another section
of the film, which when developed revealed the long chapter of our
paleolithic history. It took a good while for some of us to accept
the interpretation put upon that picture. When finally and gener-
ally accepted, there was in many quarters a feeling of relief that we
had at last reached the end, or rather the beginning, of the series
of Father Time's snapshots at our primitive ancestors. Neverthe-
less, Jo some persistent investigators it seemed worth while to take
another pull at this enigmatical film. They appear to have been
rewarded by a bona fide negative ; but, to say the least, there is a
certain superficial indistinctness about it that has rendered the print
rather unsatisfactory to some minds. Recently the negative has
been so strengthened that we are now practically assured of a pic-
ture worthy of a frame, and a place on the walls of our prehistoric
gallery.

AM. ANTR., H. S., J—ag 4^5

426 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

In the order, then, of their taking, these three views may be
labeled : (i) Eolithic, (2) Paleolithic, and (3) Neolithic. Sir John
Lubbock, now Lord Avebury, furnished the names for the second
and third. The first was christened as late as 1892 by another
Englishman, Mr J. Allen Brown,* fellow of the Geological Society,
and an enthusiastic student of the prehistoric. Two years later
de Mortillet made use of the term "eolithic** for the first time
by him, in his Classification palethnologique^ but did not refer to
J. Allen Brown's article. The latter, in discussing the rude sped-
mens found on the North Downs by Mr Benjamin Harrison, sug-
gested that the term "eolithic" be applied to the "roughly hewn
pebbles and nodules and naturally broken stones showing work, with
thick, [ochreous patina, found on the plateaux of chalk and other dis-
tricts in beds unconnected with the present valley drainage.** The
de Mortillet classification was republished in 1900.' Leaving the
paleolithic to represent the early Quaternary, he applied the term
eolithic to all that has to do with the Tertiary. Dr Rutot of Brus-
sels, to whom we are indebted more than to any one else for our
knowledge of the eolithic period, and whose work will be discussed
at length in this paper, does not limit it chronologically to the
Tertiary. In his classification,* the early phases of the Quaternary,
those connected with the first grand extension of the glaciers, are
also eolithic, the well-known hache type (Chellean) of implement
not appearing until the second advance of the ice.

When Thomsen published his relative chronology for prehis-
toric times in 1836, the only stone age known was that which is
now called the neolithic period. Boucher de Perthes's first discov-
ery of paleoliths came just two years later ; but they were not
accepted until after (Sir) Joseph Prestwich*s visit to Abbeville in
1859. Eoliths have had a still longer and harder struggle for
recognition. When first reported in 1867, they at once attracted
considerable attention. After a lively discussion that lasted for

^On the continuity of the paleolithic and neolithic periods; Jour. Anthr, Inst.,
March 8, 1892 ; xxii, pp. 93-94. Brown died Sept. 24, 1903.

^ Bull. Soc. d^ anthr. de Paris ^ 1894, p. 616.

' Le prihisioriqufy 3® 6d.

*L'6tat actuel de la question de T antiquity de Thomme ; Bull. Soc. beige de giol., de
palion. etd'hydrol.y Bruxelles, 1903, xvii, p. 425.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 427

five or six years, the subject was relegated to the background. It
might have passed into oblivion had it not been for the researches
of Sir Joseph Prestwich in England, begun about fifteen years ago,
and for the more recent work of Rutot in Belgium. Some of the
details in its eventful history are worthy of record here.

Early Discoveries

The discovery in Pliocene deposits of incised bones first served
to awaken an interest in the question of Tertiary man, and led more
or less directly to the later discovery of flints thought to have been
chipped intentionally. In fact, Sir Charles Lyell would not formulate
an opinion as to the nature of the incisions on bone found by Des-
noyers ^ in the sand and gravel-pit of Saint-Prest, near Chartres,
because the deposits had yielded no stone implements. But not
long after (1867), the Abbe Bourgeois found in the same deposits
what he considered to be stone implements. These were obtained
at various depths in the high-level gravels (Pliocene) at Saint-Prest
and did not include the amygdaloid (Chellean) type generally sup-
posed at that time to represent the earliest industry in stone. The
associated fauna consisted of: Elephas meridionalis, Rhinoceros
etruscus (Falconer), Hippopotamus major (?), Equus amensis, Tro-
gontherium cuvieri, three species of Cervus and one of Bos.

The Abbe Bourgeois's researches were soon extended to the
Miocene at Thenay, and formed the subject of important communi-
cations to the International Anthropological Congresses of 1867 and
1872. At the latter, held in Brussels, a committee of fifteen was
appointed to report on the chipped flints from Thenay, submitted by
Bourgeois. Nine of the Committee — de Quatrefages, d'Omalius,
Cartailhac, Capellini, Worsaae, Valdemar Schmidt, de Vibraye,
Franks, and Engelhardt — pronounced in favor of certain speci-
mens ; five — Steenstrup, Virchow, Neyrinckx, Fraas, and Desor —
found no evidence of intentional shaping ; and one — Van Beneden
— was unable to decide. De Mortillet remained to the last a
champion of the Thenay specimens, some of which are preserved
in the Musee des Antiquites Nationales at Saint-Germain. On the

^ Note sur des indices materials de la coexistence de I'homme avec T Elephas meri-
dionalis, etc. ; C-R. Acad, des sciences^ Paris, 1863, p. 1073.

428 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

other hand, researches made by Professors Capitan and Mahoudeau
in 1 90 1 have led them to combat the existence of artifacts in the
deposit at Thenay. Rutot withholds judgment until further evi-
dence is forthcoming. At the Brussels Congress (1872), Carlos
Ribeiro presented a paper on fliipped flints from the Upper Miocene
and the Pliocene deposits near Lisbon, Portugal. Later, one of his
compatriots, Delgado, discovered similar specimens in the Upper
Miocene at Otta. But the consensus of opinion is that the pieces
from the valley of the Tagus and from Otta are not artifacts.

A better fate has been reserved for the discovery by J. B.
Rames, in 1877, of chipped flints in the Tertiary at Puy-Coumy *
near Aurillac (Cantal). The beds resting on Miocene basalt are
alluvial, and belong to the Upper Miocene. They contain the fol-
lowing fossils, as determined by Gaudry : Dinotherium giganteum.
Mastodon (angustidens or longi-nostris), Rhinoceros schleier-
macheri, Hipparion gracile, Tragoceros, and Gazella deperdita.
All the flints possess a brilliant black or dark yellow patina. The
retouches and marks of utilization are most convincing. After a
careful study of the pieces, de Mortillet, Cartailhac, Chantre, and
Capellini declared that if these flints had been found in Quaternary
deposits, no one would hesitate to regard them as having been
chipped intentionally. De Quatrefages was of the same opinion,
fresh confirmation of which is being received through the recent
researches of Capitan, Rutot, Courty, and others. Until the ques-
tion of the Thenay specimens is settled, those from Puy-Coumy
may be regarded as the oldest known artifacts, geologists being
agreed as to the age (Upper Miocene) of the deposit, and arche-
ologists as to the genuineness of the industry.

The Chalk Plateau

A tradesman or Ightham, Kent, Mr Benjamin Harrison, an
enthusiastic naturalist who had been collecting paleoliths from the
River drift of the neighborhood for years, extended his field of
search in 1885 to include the summit of that portion of the Chalk
plateau which lies between the valley of the Darent on the west and

1 Two other stations in the neighborhood of Puy-Coumy, but of less importance, are
Belbex and Puy-Boudieu.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 429

that of the Medway on the east. Here, at heights of from 400 to
600 feet above the sea, he discovered flints supposed to have been
fashioned by the hand of man.

In the next six years Harrison brought together a collection
numbering more than 1,000 specimens. In the meantime (1888)
his researches attracted the attention of Sir Joseph Prestwich, whose
country-seat was at Shoreham in the Darent valley near by. Thirty
years earlier, Prestwich had confirmed the accuracy of Boucher de
Perthes's discoveries in the valley of the Somme. He had now
found a second Boucher de Perthes nearer home. Harrison's dis-
coveries, however, did not have to do with paleoliths, but with the
industry of a much earlier date. Here the geological conditions
are entirely different. Harrison left the paleoliths and the Quater-
nary behind when he ascended to the North Downs. The speci-
mens he found there are uniformly and deeply stained to a warm,
ocherous brown color, precisely as are the natural flint fragments
associated with them, the coloring matter being the red clay in
which they are imbedded, and which is found in patches capping
the summits of the Chalk plateau. Associated with this red clay
is a southern drift, carried there from the still higher elevations to
the south, at a time when the chalk bridged the present fertile
valleys of the Weald (woodland), connecting the North Downs of
Kent with the South Downs of Sussex.

According to Prof. Rupert Jones, the implements are always
accompanied with chert and ragstone from the outcrop of Lower
Greensand on the side of the old Wealden range that once rose
2,000 to 3,000 feet over what are now Crowborough and other
Sussex hills. The red clay with flints, that stained the implements, '
is, on the contrary, of local origin and occurs over other areas as
well as those reached by the southern drift containing the rude
implements.

The southern drift on the summit of the plateau is older, then,
than the great chalk escarpment or the valleys of the Darent and
Medway, which drain the Wealden district and, on their way north-
ward to the Thames, cut the Chalk plateau into three sections.
The escarpment and the broad valleys of the present drainage
system are older than the gravel terraces occurring at various

430 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

levels in the valleys. But, according to Prestwich, all these ter-
races up to a height of about 340 feet above sea-level are of post-
glacial age and contain flint implements of the paleolithic type.
The paleoliths associated with bones of the Mammoth and woolly
rhinoceros found in the gravel-pits at Aylesford,^ only a few feet
above the present bed of the Medway, are later than those found in
the high-level valley terraces ; these in turn are subsequent to the
great denudation that swept away the chalk bridge spanning the
Weald and uniting the North and South Downs ; and finally, from
the very nature of things, this enormous denudation must have
taken place subsequent to the time when the southern drift was
carried northward and deposited with the red clay on the summit
of the North Downs, where patches of it still exist.

Other evidence conclusive of the great antiquity of the plateau
drift, as well as of the successive river drifts of the Thames valley,
may be furnished by a section (figure 1 5) extending from the Lower
Greensand hills, near Ightham, northward to the Thames at Milton
Street. Such a section would pass through the summit level of
Swanscombe hill, capped by Tertiary strata and forming an outlier
of the older drift. This hill with its spread of southern drift, though
not much more than 300 feet high, corresponds with the gradient
of the plateau if extended southward and upward till it reaches
West Yoke and Ash, where Harrison found some of his first speci-
mens. At Milton Street, north of Swanscombe hill, and near the
village of Swanscombe, the high-level river drift is met with at an
elevation 200 feet lower than the plateau drift on the summit of
Swanscombe hill. The Milton Street river drift is 100 feet above
the Thames, and contains flint implements of the well-known amyg-
daloid (Chellean) type ; while at a still lower level are brick-earths
and gravel in which, associated with Quaternary mammalian re-
mains, are found flint implements of a type later than those at
Milton Street. Hence, there are at least three distinct and succes-
sive steps from Ash down to the Thames : plateau drift with eoliths,
high-level river drift with paleoliths, and low-level river drift with
paleoliths of a more perfected type. These epochs do not include

1 1 found remains of both Mammoth and Rhinoceros in the pits at Aylesford. I also
obtained from one of the workmen a flint implement of the Acheulian type.

MACCUKDV]

THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM

the neolithic culture of the region, evidence
of which may be found on the surface at all
levels.

The section described does not cut the
Chalk plateau through its highest elevation,
which, at ntsey hill, west of the Darent val-
ley, is 864 feet above the sea. Even here,
De Barri Crawshay found a patch of red
Clay and southern drift, with implements of
the plateau type. This drill was trans-
ported across the chalk escarpment and
the chalk plain into the Thames valley
along lines independent of the present drain-
age ; the patches that now cap the highest
points marking what were then the valleys.

Prestwich thinks the southern drift may
be of later date than the locally derived
red clay with which it is so intimately asso-
ciated. Both are older than the northern
drift or bowlder-clay and newer than the
outcrop of Tertiary strata that caps the
chalk at Swanscombc hill. Prestwich calls :
them simply prc-glacial, Rutot places them i
in the Middle Pliocene. The geological
age of the plateau drift could be deter-
mined still more definitely were it not for
two missing links in the chain of evidence.
In the first place, the Tertiary series of de-
posits are not all present. The second
difficulty arises from the absence of organic -j
remains, the property of the infiltrating j
waters being such as to dissolve all cal- \
careous elements as completely as if they
were lumps of sugar. As soon, however,
as the high-level river terraces are reached, \
the older type of paleoliths are found in as-
sociation with a fauna in part now extinct.

I'S

432 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

The Shelly gravel-pit at Swanscombe is a good example. I am in-
debted to Mrs Stopes, wife of the late Henry Stopes, for some
excellent examples of early paleoliths from this pit which has fur-
nished remains of Elephas antiquus, Elephas primigenius, Corbicula
iluminalis, and many other species, living as well as extinct.

There is no doubt as to the great age (pre-gladal) of the plateau
deposit of red clay with flints and southern drift, even though the
fauna has not been preserved. There remain, however, two other
questions to be disposed of, namely : (i) Do the specimens found
by Harrison bear marks of use by man or of design in form ? — and
(2) Are they as old as the patches of clay and drift on the summit
of the plateau? Prestwich answers both these questions in the
affirmative.

Before formulating answers of my own or even accepting those
of another, I determined to study the problems involved at closer
range. Photographic reproductions and drawings of specimens
shaped into definite patterns may give one absolutely true impres-
sions of the originals. They are, on the other hand, far from satis-
factory in the case of the rudely-shaped eoliths. Therefore, I spent
a part of the summer of 1903 in Kent with Harrison himself and
with Mr Percival A. B. Martin of Chipstead, Sevenoaks, a trained
collector and disciple of Harrison. Before going to the field, I
made a careful study of the important series collected by both these
investigators, who placed themselves as well as their collections
unreservedly at my disposal. Mr Martin gave additional facilities
in the use of his automobile during my week's stay, thus rendering
it possible to accomplish much in a comparatively short time. We
made the ascent by the Vigo to the Chalk plateau, and visited many
of the best-known stations on the summit. Collections were made
at several of these places, especially at Fairseat and in Terry's Lodge
pit, opened the previous year by Messrs Harrison and Benton (of
Mailing) and at their joint expense.

My excursions in Kent were supplemented by visits to the col-
lections of the British Museum at Bloomsbury and South Kensing-
ton, as well as to the private collection of Mr W. J. Lewis Abbott
at St Leonard's-on-Sea. The eoliths in the British Museum,
Bloomsbury, were collected on the North Downs by Harrison.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 433

The larger and more characteristic collection at South Kensington
is the gift of Sir Joseph and Lady Prestwich, and includes the
specimens figfured in Prestwich's ** Collected Papers on some Con-
troverted Questions of Geology." These also for the greater part
were collected by Harrison.

Mr Abbott, of St Leonard's-on-Sea, was for many years a resident
of Sevenoaks and is perhaps as well acquainted with prehistoric Kent
as anyone. His collection is one of the most important, and his
technical knowledge of the problems involved in the art of chipping
flint is of the first order. I spent two days with him, including a
visit to the local Museum at Hastings in which he is much interested
and where a part of his collection has already been installed. To
him and to Messrs Harrison and Martin I am indebted for a num-
ber of valuable specimens as well as for information and guidance
in the field.

Returning now to the questions already propounded in the light
of what I saw in Kent, Sussex, and London, I feel impelled to ac-
cept the conclusions of Prestwich, namely, that many of these pla-
teau flints bear the impress of man's handiwork. The marks are
often the result of use alone and not of design. This is due partly
to the fact that the people of that time did not know how to obtain
the raw materials from the chalk, but depended entirely on picking
up from the drift natural flakes of approximately the shape and size
needed. A sharp edge was utilized once, twice, or until it became
dulled, and was then cast aside. The signs of use, though slight,
are unmistakable. If an angular piece did not admit of being com-
fortably grasped in the hand, the troublesome comers were removed.
Some pieces were used simply as hammer- or trimming-stones.
Perhaps a majority of the specimens show no special design in their
shape. Many, however, may be grouped according to more or less
definite patterns. Prestwich recognizes three such groups. The
first is rather numerous, including thin, flat fragments of flint or
natural flakes with chippings and notches along the margins, pro-
ducing at times rude points ; split flint pebbles of Tertiary age with
edges chipped to serve as scrapers ; and flints that, with a little
trimming, could be easily grasped in the hand and used as hammer-
stones. The second group is the largest of all and is characterized

434 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

by various types of scrapers. Two of these deserve special men-
tion, viz., the small crescent-shaped scrapers comparable to the
spoke-shave, and the double scrapers with an intervening point
separating the two scraping edges. The third group is small and
is represented by various fling-stones and drill-shaped implements.

In every case the eolith does not represent so much a precon-
ceived form of implement as a resultant of a given natural form
modified by certain marks of utilization, of adaptation, or by series
of retouches. The shape of a chosen flake was not wholly deter-
mined by the uses for which it was intended, but was limited largely
by the variety in Nature's supply of the raw material. The dis-
covery that knives and forks were the best substitutes for teeth and
fingers was not made in a single generation. It is safe, therefore,
to assume that it took the combined effort of generations of eolithic
experimenters to arrive at the idea of correlating a given form of
tool with a given use or series of uses. As long as any flake
served the purpose of the workman. Nature's supply sufficed. As
soon as it was learned that a certain form of implement served him
better in certain instances than any other form, he discovered that
it would not do to depend on the chance finding of specimens
suited to his growing needs. This led him of necessity to supple-
ment the natural supply, a lesson which was not learned until the
beginning of paleolithic times, as we shall soon see.

How very different are the valley implements ! Their makers
no longer depended on pebbles and angular fragments, but knew
how to extract the raw material direct from the chalk. With the
use of large, fresh, flint nodules, the art of chipping developed
rapidly. The establishment of local workshops followed as a logi-
cal consequence. Some of these workshops have been left undis-
turbed so as to make it possible to reconstruct large flint nodules
and cores from the numerous chips and implements strewn over a
paleolithic floor. Mr F. C. J. Spurrell ^ found such a workshop
at Crayford, Kent. The series he obtained there forms an inter-
esting exhibit at the Museum of Natural History, South Kensing-
ton. Similar discoveries have been made by Mr J. Allen Brown
at Acton, and by Mr Worthington G. Smith at Stoke Newington

1 Quar. Jour, Geol. Soc, 1880, xxxvi, 544.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 435

and Caddington. During the summer of 1900 it was my good
fortune to visit several of the clay pits about Caddington in com-
pany with Mr Smith and to see in one of the pits a typical paleo-
lithic floor.

Are the plateau implements as old as the drift with which they
are associated ? Might they not have been dropped on the surface
of the Downs in paleolithic or even in recent times ? Unpolished
neolithic implements may be met with on the surface at any level ;
but they differ in both form and condition from the specimens in
question. Their edges are often dulled, but never water- worn.
The originally dark surfaces have taken on a whitish luster and are
more or less plough-stained. The eoliths, on the contrary, are
uniformly stained on the natural as well as on the worked surfaces,
to a deep, ocherous brown color, and usually bear marks of drift
action.

The neoliths are confined to the surface, but are not limited
geographically. The eoliths are limited geographically, but, as we
shall see later, are not confined to surface finds. They are coex-
tensive with the old drift. But this drift is found in patches only,
much of it long since having been removed from the summit of the
Downs by denudation. If the patches that are left yield eoliths,
others must have been carried away along with the drift to the
valleys below, where one would expect to find them as derived
specimens. A few such examples have been obtained after careful
search. Figures i and 2, plate xxv, a, belong to this category.
I found them in a middle terrace gravel-pit near Famham, Surrey.
I also obtained two paleoliths of the usual type from the same pit.
The derived implement shown in figure I is a natural flint flake,
4.5 cm. in length. The slightly convex surface of fracture is
stained bluish white, and the rusty white crust is retained intact over
the outer surface. The chipping, which is confined to a single
lateral margin, was done with so much care that an overhanging
prominence of the external crust, which would be supposed to re-
ceive the first ill-directed blow, was left untouched. The prominence
might well have served both as a rest and as a protection for the
thumb. The specimen shown in figure 2 is likewise a natural flake.
It is weathered more deeply than the preceding. The piece is

436 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

triangular in shape. The chipping is confined to the longest mar-
gin, the blows being given from one direction and in the same
plane. Nowhere else is there evidence of even accidental blows.

Harrison's first plateau discoveries were made on the surface,
in shallow plough furrows or in trenches and roadside cuttings.
Their deep staining, however, led Prestwich to believe that the
specimens had been imbedded in a deposit beneath the surface.
An implement from a post-hole at Kingsdown, one from a hole dug
two feet deep for tree-planting at Parsonage farm, a third from two
or more feet beneath the surface in a bank of red clay at the side
of a pond, and a fourth at an equal depth in red clay at the Vigo
gap, served to strengthen Prestwich' s view.

In 1894 the British Association for the Advancement of Science
appointed a committee " to investigate the nature and probable age
of the high-level flint-drift in the face of the Chalk escarpment near
Ightham, which appears to be productive of flakes and other forms
of flint probably wrought by the hand of man." A grant was
placed at the disposal of this committee, which consisted of Sir
John Evans (chairman). Professor Prestwich, Prof H. G. Seeley,
and Mr Benjamin Harrison (secretary). Mr Pink, the owner of
Parsonage farm, Stanstead, had previously sunk a pit in the drift,
and had found plateau implements at a depth of six or seven feet.
Adjoining this, the committee's first pit was sunk through two and
a half feet of '* humus and drifted material, white flints, pebbles,
and many ochreous flints worn and worked " ; ^ three and a half
feet of " grey loam, with scattered small pebbles, and a few small,
worked, ochreous flints throughout"; and one foot of compact
gravel with many worked flints. A second pit was sunk near by
and revealed ** precisely similar conditions." The latter was sunk
to a depth of twenty-six feet, most of the way through Lower
Tertiary pebbles without reaching the Chalk. No implements
were found below a depth of eight feet.

Through the courtesy of Mr W. J. Lewis Abbott, the Yale Uni-
versity Museum possesses an eolith (plate xxv, b, fig. 2) that was
found in situ in the first pit sunk on Parsonage farm, Stanstead, the
year before work was begun by the British Association. It is a large

* British Association Report^ 1895, P* 349*

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 437

natural flake, the greatest diameter being 9.7 cm. The outer sur-
face retains the crust of the original nodule, the inner is stained yel-
lowish brown. In shape it resembles the feline foot, trimmed in the
region of the toes, the heel left untouched, and a deep notch near
the heel carefully worked. It might have been used as a hammer
or trimming-stone, and the crescent-shaped notch near the heel
could well serve as a spoke-shave. The specimen represented in
figure I of the same plate, also the gift of Mr Abbott, is from Fawk-
ham, some distance to the north of Stanstead. It is a natural flake
from the old flint drift, and is much more deeply weathered than the
one from the Stanstead pit. Eoliths of this general type may have
been used as strigils as illustrated by the Apoxyomenos statue in the
Vatican, or after the manner of the natives of Tierra del Fuego,
who will not easily part with their much-prized body-stones. In
this connection it should be mentioned that the illustrations accom-
panying this paper are of specimens from the collections made by
me during the summer of 1903. Some I found myself, others were
obtained from local collectors. All are now the property of the
Yale University Museum.

The eoliths figured in plate xxvi, a, were found at South Ash
by Mr Benjamin Harrison. Figure 2 is one of the largest eoliths
in the Yale collection, its greatest diagonal dimensions being 12 cm.
The inner, flat surface is stained to a deep, warm brown color which
spreads also over the trimmed edges, where it is only slightly less
pronounced in tone. The flake was, therefore, evidently not fresh
when first utilized. The working was all done in one direction, the
blows being aimed toward the outer crust. Chance chipping would
have reduced the somewhat prominent heel which, though angular,
serves admirably as a handhold. Figure i is a double scraper,
with an intervening point between the two scraping edges. The
base has been retouched enough to make it fit the hand more com-
fortably. The worked surfaces are covered with a mottled stain of
bluish gray and buff, while the flat surface of fracture has taken on
a warmer hue.

Mention has already been made of Terry's Lodge pit opened in
1902 by Messrs Harrison and Benton. On the occasion of our visit
to this pit, which is sunk to a depth of about five feet, very near the

438 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

face of the chalk escarpment at a point 700 feet above sea-level,
we were successful in finding, after an hour's digging, two speci-
mens ^ in situ that were evidently worked. Two worked {ueces
were also picked up from the heap of clay and gravel thrown out
when the pit was first opened. These are both illustrated in plate
XXV, A, figs. 3 and 4. They are natural flakes stained to a rich,
reddish brown color. The specimen represented by figure 3 is a
crescent-shaped scraper of the spoke-shave type, and may be classed
with Prestwich's second group referred to on page 434. Figure 4
is an example of the first group. It is roughly triangular in shape ;
the two margins which meet at the apex are both worked, but on
opposite sides. In other words, after chipping one of the margins,
instead of rotating the specimen until the adjacent margin was
brought into play, it was reversed. Pieces that show reversed
chipping would seem to possess special claim to consideration as
artifacts. One loves to think of Chance as being unhampered in
her actions. It would tend to upset one's habitual regard for her
strict impartiality to find her, for instance, not only bunching her
blows along a single margin of a flint flake, but also administering
them in a given plane and from a given direction. To go further
and demand that she should reverse the flake before beginning on
an adjacent margin would be to ignore all the rules of probability.

My experiences in the field, as may be inferred, served at every
point to strengthen my belief in Prestwich's conclusions ; namely,
that the plateau specimens bear marks of man's handiwork, and that
they sustain the same relation to the old southern drift as the valley
specimens do to the gravel terraces in which they are found. Prest-
wich's views are shared by practically all the many archeologists
who have made personal investigations in the field.

Kent is not the only county in which the eoliths occur. Mr
O. A. Shrubsole, of Reading, found them in Berkshire soon after
Harrison's first discoveries on the North Downs. They have also
been found under similar conditions by Martin on the South Downs

1 The best one of these, together with other plateau specimens, was used to illustrate
a paper read before Section H at the St Louis Meeting of the A. A. A. S., 1903-04. As
it disappeared, mysteriously, on that occasion, I conclude that it must have been con-
vincing to at least one member of the audience.

'ill

iiACx:URDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 439

at Beachy Head, near Eastbourne, Sussex ; by Blackmore, BuUen,
and others near Salisbury, Wilts ; and in Dorset ; also in Surrey,
Hampshire, the southern part of Essex, and Norfolk. For details
of the various discoveries, the reader is referred to the bibliography
accompanying this paper.

The deposits investigated by Shrubsole consist of pre-glacial
gravel beds, from five to ten feet in thickness, that cover ** the
summit of an elongated plateau stretching from Easthampstead,
Berks, to Ash Common, near Aldershot." They are composed of
the same southern drift that has furnished the implements found on
the North Downs, and had their origin in the heights that once rose
over what is now the Wealden district to the south and southwest.

The gravel-capped plateau rises to an average level of about 400
feet above the sea, and ** forms the highest ground between the
rivers Wey and Blackwater." The specimens described came chiefly
from Finchampstead, Easthampstead, and from near Bagshot. They
present precisely the same general aspect as do those from the North
Downs. Shrubsole believes them to be as old as or older than the
gravel beds. His opinion is based on their mineral condition, and
on the fact that he, himself, took them " from the gravel freshly
fallen from the face of the pits, or from the heaps of screened gravel
in the pits." It is pointed out that no artificial flakes and no im-
plements of the amygdaloid type have been found in these gravels
— a bit of negative evidence that gathers much weight when cor-
related with evidence of the same nature from other parts of the
country.^

The gravels rest upon what Shrubsole calls the Upper Bagshot.
But, according to Geikie,^ there is no marked separation between
the Upper and the Middle Bagshot series in the London basin.
They may be, therefore, of either Middle or Upper Eocene age.
The gravels capping them are newer ; probably Upper Pliocene,
since Prestwich was disposed to regard them as corresponding
broadly in time with the Chillesford and Forest-bed groups, and
these are Upper Pliocene.* If fluviatile, they ** would be the work
of a stream which for a long time has ceased to exist, since its bed

» Textbook of Geology ^ 4th ed., 1903, p. 1233.
«lbid., p. 1281.

440 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. S., 7, 1905

now occupies the summit of a hill-range, and on the sites of the
former hills are now river valleys."

Dr H. P. Blackmore's discovery at Dewlish, Dorset, of eoliths
associated with the remains of Elephas meridionalis was announced
to the Victoria Institute in 1900, through a letter to the Rev. R.
Ashington Bullen. The Blackmore Museum in Salisbury is of
special interest to Americans because it contains the famous Squier
and Davis collection of antiquities from the Mississippi valley, pur>
chased by Blackmore before its value was appreciated in this country.
The same museum now possesses an important collection of eoliths.
Many of these were found by Dr Blackmore in the Alderbury
gravels near Salisbury, he having taken them out of the gravels at
all levels, to a depth of fourteen feet, with his own hands. These
Alderbury gravels were classed as Southern Drift by Prestwich.
Like the deposits on the Kent plateau, they are not fossiliferous.
They rest upon the Bagshot sands, and " are at a much higher
level than the river drift, which furnishes both flint paleolithic im>
plements and a very good list of Pleistocene mammals and shells."

The Alderbury gravels are exploited largely for road-metalling ;
and for twenty years, at least, the pits have been searched in vain
for implements of the well-known paleolithic type. On the other
hand, specimens of this type are fairly plentiful in the river-drift
terraces of the neighborhood.

In his effort to establish the age of the eoliths by means of
paleontological evidence, Dr Blackmore had recourse to a patch of
gravel in Dorset, where his grandfather had found a molar of Ele-
phas meridionalis, as long ago as 1813 ; and where he, himself,
was present at the discovery, in 1887, of the remains of Elephas
meridionalis now in the Dorchester Museum.

Dr Blackmore, in describing his search for eoliths, writes :

" Being very anxious to fix the Pliocene age of these eoliths [mean-
ing those from near Salisbury] , rather more than a year ago I went down
to Dewlish, in Dorset, with the express purpose of carefully examining
the gravel which had furnished the remains of Elephas meridionalis, as
this was the one spot in the South of England which was regarded as a
patch of Pliocene gravel.

** The farmer, Mr. Kent, on whose land the elephant remains were

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 44 1

found, was fortunately known to me, and he furnished me with two
labourers. A trench was opened through the deposit of gravel, and there
was no difficulty in finding eoliths, stained like the gravel, at the same
level and associated with the elephant bones. This was to me most
satisfactory and conclusive. ' '

A recent letter to me from Mr Percival A. B. Martin describes
a new locality for eoliths about six miles west of Elastboume, as
follows :

" The plateau drift caps a hill that is about 600 feet above sea level,
and evidently belongs to the same spread of drift as that at Beachy Head,
which also was the bottom of a very ancient valley, the vestiges of which
are now preserved only on the very highest points of the district."

The Chalk cliffs at Beachy Head are familiar to every Channel
voyager. The Chalk suddenly disappears at Eastbourne and does
not reappear until one is opposite Dover, a distance of more than
50 miles. It is not generally known that the cliffs at Beachy Head
and Dover are the bases of a great anticlinal fold whose axis passes
from Dungeness in a westerly direction through Hampshire. The
crest of the fold, including not only the Chalk beds but also the
underlying strata of Upper Greensand, Gault, Lower Greensand,
and Weald, has disappeared. If, before it disappeared, the old
drift and eoliths were transported northward and left on the North
Downs, the same old drifl with eoliths must have been carried
southward and deposited on the South Downs. A line drawn from
Ash to Beachy Head would cut the axis of the fold at right angles.
Martin thought he ought to find the old drift with eoliths at Beachy
Head, and we have just seen how his search has been rewarded.

Both plateaus are but slender tongues from the great Chalk
plain of Dorset, Wiltshire, and Hampshire, the tip of one being at
Dover, that of the other at Beachy Head. Each will be explored
eventually throughout its extent The Chalk plain itself may be
relied on for localities other than those already discovered. The
Chalk is also continuous all the way from Dorset and Salisbury
Plain in a northeasterly direction to Cromer on the Norfolk coast.
At the southwestern extremity of this Chalk belt Dr Blackmore
found eoliths associated with the remains of Elephas meridionalis ;
at its northeastern extremity, Abbott found a like association in

AM. ANTH., N. S., J — 30

442 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

deposits of the same age. The results of the researches of Worth-
ington G. Smith at Caddington, near Dunstable, about midway be-
tween Dewlish and Cromer, are an indication of the possibilities of
the entire Chalk belt.

Mr W. J. Lewis Abbott's discovery, mentioned above, was
made while searching the Elephas deposits of the Cromer Forest
bed, to the west of East Runton. In the same level with Elephas
meridionalis, Abbott found several worked flints, two in situ ; others,
because of their peculiar staining, evidently from the same bed. I
saw these specimens, and with Abbott believe in their artificial
character. Rutot, of Brussels, to whom Abbott sent the specimens
for examination, is of the same opinion. An added interest at-
taches to the Forest bed implements in view of the recent researches
by Laville and Rutot in the Upper Pliocene deposits at Saint- Prest,
near Chartres, the station that came into prominence nearly forty
years ago through the discoveries of the Abbe Bourgeois.

Belgium

Reference has already been made to early discoveries bearing on
a pre-paleolithic industry in France and Portugal. In recent years
the theater of interest and action has centered in Belgium, owing
largely to the researches of Dr A. Rutot, of the Royal Museum of
Natural History, Brussels. Admirably fitted by special training in
engineering and geology, Rutot early took up the study of the
Belgian Quaternary. This work led naturally to the subject of
prehistoric anthropology (Quaternary and Pliocene), and to the
work of such men as Gabriel de Mortillet. But Rutot did not
believe in the new faith preached by de Mortillet, and in laying deep
and broad plans to compass its destruction, he was led gradually to
the conclusion that some at least of its tenets were true in the
main. The chief difficulty was that, being in advance of his time,
de Mortillet's work lacked the benefit of that constructive criticism
without which a founder's work is apt to prove faulty when the
time comes to add the superstructure. Rutot has endeavored to
retain the sound construction and to eliminate the faulty. The
foundations have been enlarged, and there has arisen a super-
structure embodying as nearly as possible the ideas that are likely

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 443

to survive. The chief cornerstones of the Rutot edifice are stratig-
raphy and paleontology.

It must not be inferred that Belgium had contributed nothing
toward a solution of the eolithic problem before Rutot* s time. The
name of Gustave Neyrinckx has already been mentioned in connec-
tion with the committee appointed by the International Congress
of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archeology (held at Brussels in
1872), to pass judgment on the Thenay specimens presented by the
Abbe Bourgeois. To Neyrinckx belongs the honor of being the
first discoverer of eoliths in Belgium ; but he did not live to see the
fruits of his discovery mature. The value of his pioneer work is
now recognized, and the specimens he found in the newly-made
railway cut at Mesvin, between Mons and Harmignies, in 1 868, are
now a highly-prized possession of the Royal Museum of Natural
History, Brussels. M. !^mile Delvaux next took up the work at
Mesvin, where he succeeded in determining stratigraphically a
pre-chellean industry to which he gave the name Mesvinian —
an epoch that Rutot later embodied in his system of prehistoric
chronology.

But the pre-chellean industry at Mesvin is Quaternary and not
Tertiary. This fact is of prime importance for several reasons.
The industry-bearing deposits of Puy-Coumy are accepted as
Upper Miocene. Those of the Chalk plateau are Middle Pliocene,
according to Rutot ; and those of Saint-Prest, the Cromer beds,
and Dewlish, are Upper Pliocene — all of Tertiary age. Further,
according to the de Mortillet chronology which appeared in 1894,
and again in 1900, all pre-chellean implements were classed as
Tertiary. The amygdaloid implement was supposed to date back
as far as the beginning of the Quaternary.; to be, in fact, the only
type of early Quaternary artifact — a supposition without founda-
tion, as has been abundantly proved by Rutot and his colleagues in
Belgium. The error arose from taking the river drift of Chelles as
a type station, and from lack of a systematic study of undisturbed
Quaternary deposits. In his exhaustive studies of scores of
Belgian stations, Rutot has supplied this deficiency. A correlation
of the data thus gathered has not only thrown a flood of light on
the work of earlier investigators, but has also illumined hitherto

444 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

untrodden fields, and points the way to a future full of promise to
the student of the prehistoric.

Turning from the Tertiary eoliths of France and England, let us
consider the Quaternary eoliths of Belgium. Rutot's search for
eoliths was much simplified by his early recognition of the two con-
ditions essential to their occurrence, viz.: (i) The presence in abun-
dance of utilizable raw material on the surface of the soil, either in
the outcropping of Cretaceous flint-bearing rocks, and the clays due
to the decomposition and dissolution of the chalk ; or in the valley
drift; and (2) Proximity to a water course. These conditions
obtained at the very beginning of the Quaternary in most of the
river valleys of Belgium.

These valleys are often marked by three terraces : the upper
terrace, about 90 meters above the present water-level, of Pliocene
age ; the middle terrace at an elevation of from 25 to 65 meters,
and the lower terrace a little above flood water-level, both of Qua-
ternary age. One would expect to find the first Quaternary indus-
try in the stony deposit {caiUouHs) that forms the base of the middle
terrace in regions not covered (and the regions in question were not)
by the Continental ice-sheet. This deposit marks the very close of
the Pliocene, but the flints contained in it were utilized at the begin-
ning of the Quaternary and before the superimposed beds were
formed.

The accompanying section (figure 16) of the valley of the Lys
south of Ypres shows the three terraces and the disposition of the
various Pliocene, Quaternary, and recent deposits. Eoliths were
found in deposit G. To the industry occurring in deposits of this
age, Rutot has given the name Reutelian, from the hamlet of Reu-
tel, to the east of Ypres, where a typical station on a large scale is
to be found. Morphologically, these earliest Quaternary imple-
ments resemble in every respect the more ancient Tertiary eoliths.
The name Reutelian, therefore, is to be understood as having a
stratigraphical significance only.

The Reutelian industry varies lithologically according to the
varying character of the material utilized. In West Flanders, for
example, nodules of grayish black flint coming from the Cretaceous
outcrops on the height of Artois were used exclusively. These

THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM

44S

nodules were easily transformed into anvil- and hammer-stones,
while natural flakes served as scrapers. There is no evidence that
nodules were purposely broken up to obtain artificial flakes, the
suj^ly of natural ones being quite plentiful at first.

Reutelian implements have been found not only in stmdgraphic
section, but also on the surface of the soil where denudation has
left the deposits in question exposed ; and this is especially true of
gently sloping hillsides facing the southwest, from which direction

Vestiges of a
Pliocene terrace

Fig. i6. — 5ectKm of the ralleji of th« Lys to the soath of \ pies, ihowiog the three
temces >iiil the disposition of the Pliocene, QDateroaiy, and recent deposits {tSva
Rntot). A, Recent alluTiom [sand, clay, pest). B, Marine ssndi of Flandriui age
(Upper Quatemaiy). C, Slralilied Hesbayan clays (Middle Quaternary). D, Cam-
pinian alluTJiun ; argillaceous sand and gravel irith fiuna of the Mammoth (Middle
Qoatemai?). E, Flinty layer it the top of the Moseao with milange of Mesrinian and
Chellean industries. F, Mosean alluriom (Lower Quaternary). G, Flinty layer form-
ing the base of the middle terrace (Reutelian industry). H, Vestiges of a Pliocene
tertace. L, Marine deposits ( Eocene ) .

come the prevailing winds and rain. So thoroughly has Rutot
mastered the problems at issue that it has been possible for him to
foretell the locality where a certain industry may be found, simply
by consulting his geological maps.

The geographic distribution of the Reutelian industry includes :
the valley of the Lys, particularly in West Flanders ; the region
about Harmignies, east of Mons ; both banks of the Haine and its
tributaries, from the French frontier to Morlanwelz ; the valley of
the Sarabre, 25 meters and upward above the river bed, especially

446 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

in the neighborhood of Landelies, also at Tamines, Florefie, and
finally at Salzinnes, near the confluence of the Sambre and the
Meuse ; the valley of the Meuse to the south (at Wepion) and cast
of Namur ; sparsely in Limburg, but over a large area ; and in the
extreme east, near Spa. The same industry has already been found
in France at Guise, valley of the Oise ; Bicetre, near Paris ; and
Saint-Prest near Chartres, valley of the Eure. Dr Hahne's recent
discoveries at Schonebeck, in the valley of the Elbe, seems to prove
the presence of Reutelian implements in Germany.

Industrial remains have also been found in the stony deposits
that form the base of the lower terrace in non-glaciated regions —
deposits synchronous with the retreat of the first Quaternary glacier,
while the Reutelian epoch corresponds with the advance of the same
glacier. The implements found at the base of the lower terrace do
not differ technologically from the Reutelian eoliths. The only
difference is in their stratigraphic relations. A good example of
their occurrence is to be found in the quarries of MaflBe, near Ath,
valley of the Dendre (figure 17) ; hence the name Mafflean suggested
by Rutot for this epoch. It has also been styled Reutelo-mesvin-
ian, a name suggested by its transitional position between the epoch
which precedes, and the one which follows, called the Mesvinian.

The geographic distribution of the MaflBean or Reutelo-mes-
vinian industry is not nearly so extended as that of the Reutelian.
It is confined to the lower valley terraces, and only to those that
contain utilizable material. The principal Reutelo-mesvinian stations
of Belgium are : Maffle, valley of the Dendre ; the environs of Binche,
valley of the Haine ; Quievrain, Baisieux, Audregnies, etc., valley
of the Hogneau ; the environs of Charleroi, Aiseau, Tamines, etc.,
valley of the Sambre ; Wommersom, valley of the Grande-Gecte,
and Saint-Symphorien, Spiennes, etc., valley of the Trouille.

The specimens figured in plate xxvii, a, are natural flakes of
phthanite, each provided with a sharp margin at right angles to the
opposite, tapering end, or natural handle. In both cases, the once
sharp margin has been dulled by use as a scraper. They are from
the base of the Mosean (Lower Quaternary) in the Exploitation
Hardenpont, at Saint-Symphorien, east of Mons, where the industry
is unmixed with that of any other epoch.

THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM

447

It is interesting to note that M. Cels was the first to call attention
to the existence of chipped flints at the base of a lower terrace, viz :
the works between Spienncs and Saint-Symphorien, known as the
Exploitation Helin, to which station we shall have occasion to refer
at length. This was in 1888, when the knowledge of Quaternary
geology, as well as of eoliths, was scarcely more than a blank ;
hence Cels' observations ' attracted little attention save opposition
from the geologists.

Fic. 17, — Section of the lower-tensce Qualeraary deposits b the quBxries *t Maffle,
near Ath, valley of the Deodre (aftet Rutot). A, Brick-eattb, jununil of ihe FlaDdriaa.
B, Slratilied, sandy clay, the so-caUed ergeron of the Flaodrian. C, Flinty layer at the
SiuDinit of Ibe Mosean, vith many utilized pieces of flint and phlhaoite (Mesvinian in-
dustry). D, Moseao fluvial sands with stooy layers (utiliied pieces of flint and phthan-
ite). E, Flinty layer, base of the Mosean ( Reuteto-mesvinian or MafHean industry).
F, Carboniferous limestone.

The Reutelo-mesvinian, as might be expected, is found at the
base of the lower terraces in France. La Fere, valley of the Oise, is a
typical station. The gravel pits in the lower terraces about Paris
(Billancourt, Chelles, Cergy, etc. ) have yielded specimens of this class,
mixed, however, with those of the succeeding Mesvinian and Chellean
epochs, the mixture being due to the disturbed character of the drift
deposits. The Mafflean industry occurs in its purity at Erith, valley
of the Thames. Here the immediately overlying stratified sands con-

' Bull. SffC. d'anihr. di Bruxtllts,

'I, 156.

448 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

tain remains of Elephas antiquus and freshwater- and land-shells,
including Corbicula fluminalis. Two stations in Germany also
deserve mention — one in the valley of the Elbe, the other at Tau-
bach, near Weimer.

In Belgium there is no trace of glacial action properly so called —
no moraines, no bowlder clay. All fhe Quaternary deposits of
Belgium, then, are either marine or fresh-water with the exception
of a single bed of probably eolian origin. Belgian Quaternary may
be easily divided into five series of deposits. Beginning with the
oldest, these are: (i) Mosean, (2) Campinian, (3) Hesbayan, (4)
Brabantian, (5) Flandrian.

The Mosean consists of a marine and a continental fades. The
fauna of the lower marine deposits closely resembles the present
marine fauna of the Belgium coast. The upper layers of the marine
fades have furnished remains of the Bison, Cervus, Elephas antiquus.
Rhinoceros merckii, and Hippopotamus major.

The Campinian deposits are fluvial gravels and sands with cross
stratification, localized in the bottom of valleys. They are often rich
in remains of Elphas primigenius. Rhinoceros tichorhinus, Equus
caballus, Ursus spelaeus, Felis spelaea, Megaceros hibemicus. Bison
europaeus, etc. — the so-called fauna of the Mammoth.

The Hesbayan stratified clays, 20 to 30 meters thick, and cov-
ering the greater part of Belgium, are never ossiferous. The only
fossils are : Helix hispida, Succinea oblonga, and Pupa muscorum,
none of which is characteristic of the Hesbayan.

Brabantian is a name new to geology, employed for the first time
by Rutot, and dating from the year 1900. The term represents
the period of desiccation following the deposition of the enormous
Hesbayan beds. It designates the pulverized, non-stratified clays,
eolian in character, and derived from the Hesbayan clay mantle.
These are found notably in Brabant, and are never fossiliferous.

The Flandrian, the last division, like the Mosean, has both a
marine and a continental facies. The fauna of the marine facies is
analogous to that now living on the coast of Belgium. Of the two
continental layers, the lower consists of stratified sands and clays
(ergeron), and the upper is composed of brick-earth. The fauna of
the continental deposits is confined to the lower layer (ergeron), and

MACCUUDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 449

consists solely of the shells already mentioned under the Hesbayan,
viz.: Helix hispida, Sucdnea oblonga, and Pupa muscorum.

All these Quaternary deposits have been carefully examined by
Rutot in a search for industrial remains. The Mosean beds are
divided into four layers : (i) Lower gravels, (2) Stratified sands and
gravels, (3) Loam, and (4) Upper gravels. The lower Mosean
gravels occur at the base of the middle terrace and also in the
lower terrace. In the middle terrace they contain the Reutelian
industry ; and in the lower terrace, the Reutelo-mesvinian. The
industry of the second layer, stratified sands and gravels, when
present, is Reutelo-mesvinian. The loam is generally destitute of
implements, while those of the upper Mosean gravels, by reason of
their stratigraphic position, are placed in a class by themselves, to
which is given the name Mesvinian — a term first employed by M.
Emile Delvaux to describe the rude implements found in the rail-
way cut at Mesvin, between Mons and Harmignies.

The Mesvinian industry, then, occurs in deposits that cover the
Mosean loam of the middle and lower terraces of valleys in non-
glaciated regions, and, according to Rutot, is synchronous with
the beginning of the first phase of the second Quaternary glacier.
This industry is still of the purely eolithic type, the only novel
feature being a notable increase in the percentage of flakes obtained
by artificial means — an increase due to the scarcity of natural
flakes in these particular deposits.

The geographic distribution of the Mesvinian is quite extensive.
In addition to the well-known stations at Mesvin, near Mons,
and the Exploitation Helin, at Spiennes, also near Mons, it occurs
in the middle terrace of the valley of the Lys and the lower terrace
of the valley of the Dendre. Many stations have been uncovered in
the valley of the Haine and its tributaries, at Quievrain, Saint-Sym-
phorien, and Haine-'Saint-Pierre, through recent activity in the
production of phosphate of lime. Two other localities worthy of
mention are in the valley of the Sambre — at Aiseau in the lower
terrace and at Salzinnes les-Namur in the upper terrace.

At least two Mesvinian stations are known in England — at
Erith, valley of the Thames, and at Chacely, near Tewkesbury,
valley of the Severn — each in a lower terrace. In France, the

450 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

same industry is to be found in the upper terrace at Saint-Prest and
Amiens; also at Chelles and Cergy. To these may be added
Germany's contribution from RixdorfT and from Britz and Rudes-
dorff, near Berlin. Rutot places also in this category the chipped
flints recently discovered by Dr G. Schweinfurth at Thebes.

The present valleys were begun during the Middle Pliocene.
They were cut deeper during the Upper Pliocene. With the
Lower Quaternary or Mosean, the cutting was localized between
the upper and middle terraces. The maximum erosion was reached
with the Campinian, or first phase of the Middle Quaternary. The
valleys were subsequently filled to the extent of 1 5 to 30 meters in
some instances. It is near the base of the Campinian that Rutot
has found what he considers to be the transition from the Mesvin-
ian to the Chellean — in other words, the transition from the
eolithic to the paleolithic period. This transition epoch, called by
Rutot the Mesvino-chellean, is important from the point of view
both of stratigraphy and technology, and represents the turn in the
tide of the affairs of primitive man. It means that the eolithic
period did not close with the Tertiary, as de Mortillet believed, but
that it continued on through the Lower into the Middle Quaternary,
as Rutot has proved.

A good example of the character of the evidence on which
Rutot's classification rests is to be had in the Exploitation Helin,
at Spiennes, near Mons. The industry-bearing Campinian beds
hitherto studied had been fused into one, in which were found
a melange of flint chips resembling eoliths, of flint nodules only
slightly shaped into rude amygdaloid forms, rude Chellean imple-
ments with base formed by reserving the nodular crust, as well as
the classical Chellean and Acheulian types. Were these all vari-
ous manifestations of one and the same industrial epoch ; or did
they represent the successive steps in a gradual industrial evolu-
tion ? The answer to this question depended on finding the layers
separated stratigraphically, a condition that was known to exist at
the old Exploitation Helin, phosphate works at present owned by
the Societe de Saint-Gobain.

By permission of the proprietors and authorization of the direc-
tor of the Royal Natural History Museum, Brussels, a thorough

uaccurdy]

THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM

451

investigation of the complete section was made in October, 1902,
under the personal direction of Dr Rutot. Beginning at the bot-
tom the section (figure 1 8) shows the following :

I BWOt-EAB^H

Fl Dtj li;er wilhoaC indiutry.

*" Fl nty lajer with Acbealian industry.
Fl nty layer with Cbelloui indiuliy.

F] nt; ]>;ei nith transitioa from Eolithic to
Pb eolithic (Strtpjui industcr).
«~ Fl ntf layer with MaviDian indostry.

V* Fl D ylayerwithKeatelO'inesviniaiiiiidustiy.

Dear Spiennes, sbowJDg tbe super-
of the valley of tbe Tnniille [after

F G 8 Section of tbe Eipio taboD He i
pas on of the Qua emsr; depo ti lowe errac
Ratot).

1. Stony deposit at the base of the Mosean resting on the Chalk and
containing a pure Reutelo-mesvinian industry (the Exploitation Helin is
in the lower terrace of the Trouille valley).

2. Fluvial days and sands, without industry.

3. Stony layer at the Eummit of the Mosean, with pure Mesvinian
industry.

4. Stratified fluvial sands that in neighboring pits have furnished
remains of the mammoth.

5. A thin, irregular, flinty layer with the transition industry, Mes-
vino-chellean.

6. Fluvial sands irregularly and obliquely stratified.

7. A horizontal flinty layer, with the well-known Chellean type of
implement.

8. Regularly stratified loam, with traces of vegetable earth at tbe top.

9. A very thin flinty layer, with typical Acheulian industry.

10. Hesbayan clays.

452 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

11. Thin flinty layer, without industry.

12. Stratified sands and clays (ergeron).

13. Brick earth.

It will be seen that all five divisions of the Quaternary, with the
exception of the Brabantian which is above the eolithic zone, are
represented in section at the Exploitation Helin. All of the Qua-
ternary eolithic epochs are likewise represented here with the excep-
tion of the oldest, the Reutelian.

But Rutot's attention was centered on the three separated indus-
try-bearing Campinian layers. Would they each furnish one of the
several elements composing the industry already found elsewhere in
disturbed Campinian deposits ? They did. The lowest of the three
(layer no. 5) contained not only eoliths of the Mesvinian type, but
also rude implements roughly amygdaloid in shape, selected flint
nodules only slightly chipped to a semblance of the hache type, or
the poniard. It thus answers all the requirements of an industry
of transition between that of the Mesvinian level (no. 3) and that of
layer number 7, where Rutot found the classical ^^ coup de poingy
In the uppermost of these three layers (no. 9) were specimens of
the amygdaloid and hache types, carefully chipped on both sides
until the margins presented almost a straight line as opposed to the
zigzag margin of the Chellean implement — in other words the so-
called Acheulian industry of M. d*Ault du Mesnil and the French
school.

These Campinian bands consist almost exclusively of blocks of
flint and artificial flint chips. They form what is known in England
as paleolithic floors. These floors had been so little disturbed that
both Rutot and M. E. de Munck were able to replace numerous
flakes on their respective cores, building up in this manner the
original flint nodules once more. All the edges of the flakes were as
sharp as they would be had the chipping been done only yesterday.

The importance of the discovery of a transition industry between
the eolithic period representing a low plane of mentality reflecting
practically no industrial development, and the paleolithic period,
signalized by a gradual evolution both mechanical and mental,
cannot well be overestimated. The data gathered at the Exploita-
tion Helin might not of themselves suffice to establish the existence

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 453

of a transition stage ; but when supplemented by the rich iinds along
the right bank of the Haine between Estinnes and Cronfestu, notably
at Strepy, Maurage, Trivieres, and Saint- Vaast, the cumulative evi-
dence is irresistible. The industry, in fact, is so abundant and char-
acteristic at Strepy as to justify Rutot's proposal of the name
Strepyan for the transition epoch, in place of the longer term Mes-
vino-chellean.

The Exploitation Helin, with its separated, industry-bearing,
Campinian layers, is the key to the passage from the eolithic to the
paleolithic period. It furnishes the solution of the problem of
the mixed industries occurring at various localities along the northern
shore of the Haine, particularly at Strepy. These localities, on the
other hand, have furnished the transition industry in far greater
quantities and variety of form. The gently sloping valley facing
the southwest being exposed to the prevailing winds and rain-
storms, the beds of clay have disappeared. The result is that two
of the flinty layers are fused into one. The probability of a mix-
ture of industries was suggested by the fact that two kinds of flint
were utilized : (i) small nodules of a green-coated brown flint, and
(2) flakes artificially removed from large nodules of beautiful black
flint. By placing in one group the artifacts of brown flint, and in
another those of black flint, Rutot discovered that he had by that
act separated two industries as perfectly as they had been separated
in the section at the Exploitation Helin. There were, for example,
no carefully fashioned implements of the Acheulian type among the
brown flints, and no rude Chellean implements among the black
flints.

The almost incredibly rich finds made at Strepy and neighbor-
ing localities have served to shed new light on the uses to which
the artifacts were put. The first unmistakable weapons are placed
by Rutot in the Strepyan (transition from the eolithic to the paleo-
lithic). The eoliths are tools and not weapons, with the possible
exception of the small fling-stones, and these were evidently not
weapons of defense, being used only in the chase.

The transition industry includes hammer-stones, scrapers, and
punches, all of which retain eolithic facies while undergoing a grad-
ual evolution in form. To these may be added an entirely new

454 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

series of implements more or less amygdaloid in shape, i. e., the
primitive Chellan ** coup de paingy

Rutot's ingenious theory as to the origin of the amygdaloid
type of implement is given here, because of its plausibility and be-
cause I had arrived, independently, at the same conclusion after a
careful study of the transition series belonging to the Yale Museum.
The primitive stage is the rather flat flint nodule, with more or less
rounded contours, such as would attract one in search of a ham-
mer-stone. With use, small chips would be detached from a sec-
tion of the contour. Some would be removed from one face, and
some from the other, as the aim veered to the right or to the left
as the case might be. This would result in an irregular, zigzag
edge for which uses might easily arise. By bringing an adjacent
section of the contour into play as a hanmier-stone, the zigzag edge
could be extended indefinitely. The specimens show that, in prac-
tice, it was wise to reserve the original handhold.

An excellent example to illustrate the hammer-stone origin of
the almond-shaped paleolithic may be seen in figure 2 of plate
xxviii, B. The implement, which comes from Bray, valley of the
Haine, is a flint nodule with smooth exterior. About one-half has
been reserved for the handle. The borders of the other half are
chipped and battered by hammer-like blows. The flakes removed
being blunt, the thickness of the nodule toward the center is not
reduced, and the worked edges are, in consequence, quite blunt.
From the accidental chipping of a hammer-stone in use to further
intentional chipping and retouching, with a view of rendering the
original nodule flatter and its edges straighter and sharper, is but a
step, and that step was taken as soon as its utility became evident.

The amygdaloid implement serves equally well as a hatchet or
a poniard, and is, therefore, an excellent all-round weapon. In the
meantime, a veritable poniard was in process of development. It
was evolved from the sub-cylindrical flint nodule. A few well-
directed blows at one extremity, and the poniard was ready for ser-
vice. Its greater length, better handhold, and sharper point ren-
dered it more effective for thrusting purposes than was the composite
amygdaloid implement. Of the two hundred or more rude, flint
poniards in the Brussels collection, some have very serviceable.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 455

natural guards, the maker having selected a nodule with an en-
largement at the proper place — a further step in the differentiation
between the hilt and blade.

Perhaps no better intermediate form between the amygdaloid
type and that of the poniard could be found than the two specimens
illustrated in plate xxix, a. They are enough alike to have been
made by the same workman. Figure i is from Milton Street, about
icx) feet above the Thames and near the base of Swanscombe hill
(figure 1 5). Figure 2 is from the Shelly gravel-pit at Swanscombe,
which is very near Milton Street and at approximately the same
level above the Thames. Both were given to me by Mrs Stopes,
whose husband, the late Henry Stopes, found them in 1900. Each
is simply a sub-cylindrical nodule, chipped at one end to a blade-
like, rather sharp, edge. The patina of the chipped surfaces is
especially rich and glossy. The specimen from Milton Street is
provided with a natural hilt that fits the hand perfectly and is more
suggestive of the poniard than of the strictly Chellean type.

The implement from the Shelly gravel-pit at Swanscombe has
no differentiated hilt, but the blade near the point is chipped so
thin as to make it admirably adapted for use as an instrument of
thrust. It was associated with a comparatively rich fauna, includ-
ing Elephas antiquus, Elephas primigenius and Corbicula fluminalis.

The mixed character of the fauna, as well as of the industry,
leads me to believe that the industry of the Shelly gravel-pit at
Swanscombe represents both the eolithic and the paleolithic.

The section of the pit that has yielded so many fossils and stone
implements is described by Mr Stopes as "stratified sands and
gravels, capped by a thin layer of tough clay." The Shelly bed is
10 feet thick, and rests upon the Chalk at a level of 78 feet above
the sea. In it were found the implements also ; but whether at a
single level or at various levels is not stated.

I have compared a list of the Shelly gravel-pit ^ fauna with
those furnished by Rutot for the deposits at Erith and Menche-
court, each in a lower terrace ; and that by Laville for Cergy, also
in a lower terrace, only 7 meters above the mean water-level of the
Oise. The results are as follows :

* Mrs Stopes in Report Brit. Assoc, for the Adv. of Science^ Soutbport, 1 903.

4S6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

Mammaua.
Cervus elephas, Swanscombe, Erith, Menchecourt.

Elephas antiquus, Swanscombe, Erith, Menchecourt, Cergy.

Elephas primigenius, Swanscombe, Erith, Menchecourt, Cergy.

Equus caballus, Swanscombe, Menchecourt,

Rhinoceros leptorhinus, Swanscombe, Cergy.*

Sus scrofa Swanscombe Menchecourt, Cergy.

MOLLUSCA.

Carychium minimum, Swanscombe, Cergy.

Helix nemoralis, Swanscombe, Cergy.

Limnaea auricularia, Swanscombe, Cergy.

Limnaea peregra, Swanscombe, Erith,

Limnaea palustris, Swanscombe, Erith,

Planorbis spirorbis, Swanscombe, Erith, Cergy.

Bithinia tentaculata, Swanscombe, Erith, Menchecourt, Cergy.

Valvata piscinalis, Swanscombe, Erith, Cergy.

Valvata cristata, Swanscombe, Erith,

Unio littoralis, Swanscombe, Erith,

Corbicula fluminalis, Swanscombe, Erith, Cergy.

Sphaericum comeum, Swanscombe, Erith,

Pisidium amnicum, Swanscombe, Erith, Cergy.

Out of 19 selected species from the Shelly gravel-pit at Swans-
combe, 13 are found at Erith, 6 at Menchecourt, and 12 at Cergy.
The species common to all four stations are : Elephas antiquus,
Elephas primigenius, and Bithinia tentaculata ; while those common
to Swanscombe, Erith, and Cergy, would increase this list by
Planorbis spirorbis, Valvata piscinalis, Corbicula fluminalis, and
Pisidium amnicum.

The fauna of Elephas antiquus is characteristic of eolithic
horizons ; that of Elephas primigenius is preeminently paleolithic
in its associations. Bithinia tentaculata and Corbicula fluminalis
have a wider range in point of time.

As regards the industrial remains, Mrs Stopes mentions imple-
ments of the Acheulian and Chellean types ; also discs, fling-stones,
scrapers, spoke-shaves, punches, etc., many of them with eolithic
facies.

Among the weapons of this transition epoch may be mentioned

1 Probably the same spedes.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 457

the casse-tetes formed of flint nodules, the natural shapes of which
lent themselves readily to such uses. The specimen from Bray
illustrated in plate xxix, b, is an example of this class. The only
breaks in the crust of the club-like flint nodule are the two on the
side and extremity of the club-end, respectively. At both these
places blunt edges have been produced by approximately direct
blows. The implement was held like a club to produce the chip-
ping at the side ; and like a pestle to produce that at the extremity.

It was my good fortune to spend eleven days with Rutot during
the latter part of July, 1903. Our time was divided equally be-
tween Rutot's collections in the Royal Museum of Natural History
and the field. The collection, numbering thousands of specimens,
was not yet on exhibition, the handsome and commodious new
wing of the Museum where it was to be placed not being finished.
The installation, however, in M. Rutot's office was such as to render
possible a thorough examination, not only of each piece but also
of large groups, for comparative study of the various geological
horizons.

The careful coordination of museum- and field-work was every-
where evident. Both had been truthfully reflected in Rutot's
numerous publications. The latter were already familiar to me,
and my object in visiting Belgium was not so much for verification
of a master's work as for guidance by that master. My host's first
words were : " Ilfaut etre guide ^ and my experiences for the next
ten days proved the truth of his assertion.

We first visited Binche, the headquarters of that veteran col-
lector, M. N. Dethise, and in the course of the day walked as far
north as Leval. In the railway cut at Ressaix-Trieu there is an
instructive section showing Lower Eocene sands with superimposed
Mosean, Hesbayan, and Flandrian deposits. The flinty layer at the
base of the Mosean yielded Reutelian implements, and that at
its summit both Mesvinian and Chellean implements. As may be
seen in the section (figure 19), these two implementiferous layers
merge into one where the Mosean fails, thus causing a melange
of industries.

Near the railway station at Leval, the surface of the fields slop-
ing toward the southwest are covered with flints left exposed

AM. ANTH. N. S., 7— 3X

458

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[K. s., 7, 1905

through denudation. Here we found an industry representing the
transition from the eolithic to the paleolithic. It is one of those
gently sloping surfaces facing the southwest, and thus receiving the
full benefit of the prevailing winds and rains. The intercalating
beds of clay having been washed away, the surface of the field is
covered with what has been aptly called tapis de sUex, resting on
an outcrop of Chalk. Here was found the rude poniard figured in
plate XXVIII, B, fig. I. It is a simple nodule of parti-colored flint,
with a white crust One extremity was roughly chipped to a
point. Two or three prominences had been removed from the
opposite end so as to make it fit the hand comfortably. A single
stroke served not only to remove a projection near the base, but
also to reduce the drcumference at this point, thus tending to

Fig. 19. — Section in the railway cat at Ressaix-Trieu (from a sketch made in the
field). !•', Flandrian (Upper Qaalemsry). H, Hesbayan (Middle Qualemary). Af,
Mosean (Lower Qqatemary), with Reqtelian iroplemenls at its base and MesTiniait
and Chellean implements at its summit. 7", Lower Eocene.

produce a guard. A sharp edge left by the removal of the flake
in question was reduced by means of many slight blows or re-
touches so as not to cut the hand.

We spent another day at Ecaussines-Carrieres, largely for the
purpose of becoming familiarized with the various Quaternary
deposits. Perhaps the best section exposed was that in the Thiar-
mont quarry (figure 20). It shows how the pockets in the old
eroded surface of the Carboniferous limestone are filled with Wealden
deposits, over which is spread the Mosean. Above the Mosean
come, in turn, the Hesbayan (Loess), the Brabantian, Flandrian,
and brick -earth. This section shows the contact of the Brabantian
clays on the one hand with the underlying Hesbayan mantle, and
on the other, with the superimposed Flandrian deposits. Rutot

maccubdy]

THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM

459

believes that the Brabantian (eolian) was not an epoch favorable to
human existence, and yet there is some evidence tending to show
that the Ebumean races penetrated Belgium at that time.

The most interesting excursion of the series was the one to
Harmignies, Spiennes, and the Exploitation Helin, near Spiennes,
which were reached by way of Mons. There are interesting sec-
tions in two railway cuts between Mons and Harmig^nies. The one
nearest Moas, the Mesvin cut, furnished the first eoliths to be found

llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllA

Fig. 30.' — Section of ThiannoDt quarry >t £cauisines- Canities, forming the loireT
^rrace of the Senneltc THlUy (from a sketch made in the field). A, BHck-eaith. B,
Stratified sandy clay ("crgeroo"), Flandrian. C, Thin flinty layer. D, Pulverulent^
DOQ-stratified clays of eolian origin, Brabantian. E, Stratifled clay, Hesbayan. F, Stony
layer. G, Fluvial sands, obliquely stratified, with intercalated teams of gravel, Mosean.
H, Stony layer with fragments of phthanite. K, Carboniferous limestone.

in Belgium, and gave its name to the Mesvinian epoch of the eolithic
period. In the other may still be seen the pits sunk in neolithic
times to obtain the fresh flint used in the manufacture of chipped
and polished implements.

From Harmignies we returned on foot along the railway, by
special permission. Leaving the railway at the crossing of the

460 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

highway which leads in a northwesterly direction to Mons, we soon
reached the level of a middle terrace, 25 and more meters above
the bed of the Trouille river. It was here that M. E. dc Munck
discovered recently a spread of eoliths belonging to the Reutelian
epoch.

As the surface slopes gently toward the southwest, the upper
layers of the terrace have disappeared, leaving the flinty layer at its
base exposed. This layer rests on the Chalk, the surface of which
was eroded during Mosean times. Between the sand-filled gullies
in the Chalk is found the spread of flints, many of them showing
unmistakable traces of utilization. The locality is especially noted
for polyhedral fling-stones and hammer-stones, the latter bearing
evidence of having seen much service.

After being told where to look, my search was rewarded. The
first find was a typical Reutelian hammer-stone (plate xxvi, b,
fig. 4), characteristic also of that particular locality, since it bore
marks of having been much used. It is a flint nodule that had
been but slightly altered by chance flaking before being utilized.
Only one of the old surfaces of fracture has been preserved. The
rest of the exterior either retains the original nodular crust or has
been modified by artificial chipping. One end and one margin are
thoroughly battered by use. The crest of the battered margin is
zigzag in its course, showing how the chips came off) first on one
side and then on the other, due to the uncertainty of landing a blow
true with a stone whose transverse diameter is less than half that
of the diameter in the same plane with the direction of the blow
that is dealt. The other end and margin show no evidence of
having given or received perpendicular blows. They were adapted
to the hand simply by the removal of a few flakes.

I found several other Reutelian implements before we left the
terrace above Harmignies. Only two of these are figured (plate
xxvi, B, figs. I and 2). Figure 2 is a very interesting specimen.
It is a natural flake with a little crust left on the outer surface.
The inner surface is weathered white and is in rather sharp contrast
with the fresher appearing worked margins. The heel and the
greater part of one margin are left untouched. The other margin
and the point are carefully retouched. For a part of the way the

MACCURDY] ^ THE EOLJTHIC PROBLEM 46 1

worked margin is chipped on both sides. Near the base, or heel,
a notch has been carefully retouched, on one side only, to form a
scraper of the spoke-shave type. Figure i is one of the polyhedral
fling-stones, which, like the oft-used hammer-stones, are character-
istic of the locality in question. It may be recalled that similar
stones were found on the Chalk plateau. A Reutelian scraper
(fig. 3) from Bois d'Epinois, valley of the Haine, near Binche, the
gift of Dr Rutot, is grouped with the Harmignies specimens for
convenience. It is a natural flake of flint, quadrangular in shape,
the only sharp margin of which, after being dulled by use, has
been retouched with a view to further utilization. The Yale
Museum is also indebted to Dr Rutot for a valuable series repre-
senting the various eolithic horizons as well as the transition to the
paleolithic.

Leaving the Reutelian station above Harmignies, we traversed
the famous Champs a cayoux and picked up a number of neolithic
implements, including nuclei and flakes. These are from the
ancient workshops that once covered an area of more than 120
acres. The locality first came into notice in 1840 through the re-
searches of M. Albert Tolliez. Twenty years later Tolliez dis-
covered that the fresh flint nodules, utilized in the manufacture of
implements, came from galleries in the Chalk, reached by means of
pits sunk through the Quaternary deposits and Tertiary sands.
The discovery was confirmed in 1867, when the new railway from
Mons to Charleroi, via Harmignies, was cut through the Champs
a cayous, laying bare no fewer than twenty-five of these pits.

Finished implements, as well as those in the rough, nuclei and
flakes, have found their way from the sites of these ancient work-
shops to museums in almost every land. The Yale Museum being
an exception, and the supply being not yet exhausted, our collect-
ing bags grew perceptibly heavier before we reached the village of
Spiennes and turned northward on our way across fields to the
Exploitation Helin, in the direction of Saint-Symphorien.

The section at the Exploitation Helin has been already described
(figure 18). Having become somewhat familiar with the aspect of
the Belgian series of Quaternary deposits by a study of sections in
various localities, notably at Ressaix and in the Thiarmont quarry

462 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

at ^caussines-carrieres, I was able to recognize the superimposed
beds in the pits of Helin without much assistance from Dr Rutot
Of the specimens illustrated in plates xxvii, b, and xxviii, a, some
were found by Dr Rutot and some by myself. All are from the
flinty layer at the top of the Mosean. The specimens in plate xxvii,
B, have been retouched, are slightly weathered, and show marks of
wear, in part, no doubt, from use, and in part, it may be, from natural
causes. Figure i of this plate shows a rather flat, artificial flake
with the original greenish crust intact over the outer surface. The
margins are carefully worked on both sides of the blunt, beak-like
apex. Figure 2 is likewise an artificial flake with prominent bulb
of percussion. The two margins that lead to the sharp projection
are retouched, but on opposite sides. This reverse working pro-
duces a point that might well have been used as a reamer. Figure

3 represents a type of implement common to the eolithic period,
but very rare in the paleolithic. It was used to retouch the dulled
edges of flint flakes ; hence the name retoiuhoir given to it by Rutot
The piece in question is a prismoid flint flake, the thinnest mar-
gin of which has been reduced in certain places by use. Figure

4 is an artificial flake that has retained the outer crust. The ap-
proximately straight edge is retouched from one side only and
along its entire length.

The specimens figured in plate xxviii, a, are all non-utilized
pieces. The surfaces of fracture are perfectly fresh, and the edges
and corners are neither retouched nor worn. Figures 1-2 are arti-
ficial flakes, and figure 3 is a core from which several flakes have
been artificially removed.

It is fitting to close with the Exploitation Helin for two reasons :
(i) It contains in undisturbed section all the Belgian Quaternary
deposits except one, and that one, the Brabantian, is above the
eolithic zone ; (2) In its superimposed beds have been found im-
plements representing every eolithic epoch with the exception of
the Reutelian, at the bottom of the Belgian series. It is, therefore,
of itself the best resume of the eolithic problem, being, as it is, an
epitome of the stratigraphic evidence on which the solution of the
question depends so largely. To complete the stratigraphic evi-
dence one has only to turn to the lowest beds of the middle ter-

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 463

races in such sections as that near Ypres, valley of the Lys, or at
Salzinnes les-Namur, valley of the Sambre.

But stratigraphy alone is of no avail unless the specimens them-
selves are recognized as artifacts. The arguments in favor of their
acceptance as such have been g^ven at length in discussing the
plateau specimens from England. If further evidence along this
line be required, the reader is referred to Rutot's papers entitled,
" Les actions naturelles possibles sont inaptes a produire des effets
semblables a la retouche intentionelle," ^ and "Sur la cause de
r ^clatement naturel du silex."^ Lack of space renders it impossi-
ble to enter here into the details of Rutot's experiments and argu-
ments, proving the inadequacy of the possible, natural, and acci-
dental causes that might be invoked as apt to produce the effect of
intentional working. The natural causes are: (i) Change of tem-
perature, (2) torrential action, (3) action of the waves of the sea,
and (4) the settling or sinking of the beds in question.

Prestwich had also given this subject much attention. His chief
reasons for believing that the plateau specimens could not have been
shaped by natural causes were : (i) That they admit of arrange-
ment into definite groups based on form ; (2) the parallelism of
the flakes struck off is the result of intention and not of accident ;
(3) many of the forms are suggestive of definite uses as tools and
implements ; (4) the character of the work is the same for those of
which the uses appear obscure. But the advocates of the artificial
nature of these specimens are not called on to find a use for every
type of implement. We are reminded by Abbott that if the only
boomerangs in existence were fossil boomerangs, it would take an
expert guesser to hit upon the use to which we happen to know
they are put. So certain was Prestwich in his exclusion of natural-
cause theories, particularly the effects of wave -action, that he offered
the two volumes of his Geology for half a dozen shore flints (not
derived) of any of the plateau types figured in plates v to ix, of his
" Collected Papers on some Controverted Questions of Geology."

Mr W. J. Lewis Abbott, himself an expert judge of precious and
semi-precious stones, has experimented much in the working of

'^ Bull, et mint, Soc, d^anthr. de BruxelUs, 1902, xx.
>Ibid., 1904, XXIII.

464 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

flint, and knows, as well as any one, the limitations imposed on
the range of effects produced by natural or accidental causes. One
of the implements he found in the Elephas deposits of the Cromer
beds showed " a well marked eraillure'' He has made " thousands
of experiments of fbdng flints and pitching round pebbles at them,
and thus removing flakes." He adds : " By special suspension ar*
rangements, I was able to administer any number of blows at any
particular spot with various degrees of force ; but I was never able
to produce this scar {eraillure) in any way in which it may be con-
ceived Nature worked." Another set of experiments included the
placing of flints, fixed and otherwise, at the bottom of a long, in-
clined trough and letting stones slide down upon them ; but " always
with a negative result." On the other hand, when he has "tried
to make a clean chop oflTa mineral," he was always "annoyed by a
characteristic kick, giving rise to the eraillure,*' Abbott explains that
when one wishes to deal a blow in a definite direction and in a given
spot, the concentration of muscular power to land the blow on
" that particular spot, and even to keep the hammer there," occa-
sions a secondary blow, produced by the voluntary muscular op-
position to the rebound. The Siime phenomenon results when one
attempts to drive a nail in an awkward place by a series of delib-
erate blows, each of which will be followed by a second, involun-
tary tap. It is this tap that removes the small flake from the bulb
of percussion and produces the well-known eraillure. This, Abbott
considers of more importance than the bulb of percussion itself, and
indubitable proof of an intentionally directed blow. The bulb of per-
cussion on one of the non-utilized artificial flakes (plate xxviii, a,
fig. 2) from the Mesvinian level in the Exploitation Helin is marked
by a characteristic eraillure.

The recognition of eoliths as artifacts, and the determination of
the geological horizons where they are found in situ, pave the way
to the development of systems of relative chronology and a special
terminology. I have referred already to the de Mortillet system
(page 426) which provided for an eolithic period. But I have endeav-
ored to show that priority in the use of that term belongs to Mr J.
Allen Brown — a fact in the history of the science worthy of empha-
sis, especially since the credit is generally given to de Mortillet.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 465

Rutot, for example, says:^ "Le mot servant a caracteriser Tidee,
si importante, de Texistence de toute une longue serie d'industries
primitives anterieures au Paleolithique est trouve depuis longtemps,
et c'est G. de Mortillet qui, croyons-nous, I'a proposer le premier,
c*est le mot eolithique.'* Another author has made the same mis-
take in an important work that appeared only this year. M. A.
Doigneau, whose book * I reviewed for the American Anthropologist?
says : " On accepta definitivement le nom de ifeolithique (aurore de
la pierre) deja precedement propose par G. de Mortillet, pour
designer Tepoque qui preceda celle de Chelles et pendant laquelle
naquit Tindustrie de la pierre." My statement (on page 426) of
J. Allen Brown's claims to priority was written before the two works
of Rutot and Doigneau, respectively, were published ; which is my
reason for emphasizing it here.

De Mortillet's provisions for an eolithic period were so meager
and uncertain that little except an historical significance attaches to
them now. It could hardly have been otherwise. The wonder is
that he built so well, working almost wholly in the dark and against
the dominant views of his time.

Rutot profited both by the successes and the failures of his fore-
runner. His system, which covers all the periods of the stone age,
is reproduced in extenso. Attention is directed particularly to the
part dealing with the eolithic period, which is preeminently his own
and which was built up gradually in the light of long and pains-
taking investigations. I have added the Dewlish industry to his
classification, associating it with that of the Cromer Forest-bed and
Saint-Prest. Archibald Geikie* is my authority for placing the
Dewlish gravels with the Cromer Forest-bed group. Both are
referred to the same horizon in the Upper Pliocene, and both are
estuarine and fresh-water deposits. Thus the synchronism between
the industrial remains found by Abbott near East Runton, Norfolk,
and those taken by Dr Blackmore from the Dewlish gravels, in
Dorset, is established.

1 Le pr^historique dans 1* Europe ceotrale. Extrait du C.-R. du Congr, cfarchkol, et
d^hist,^ Dinant, 1903, p. 244.

* Nos ancitres primitifsy Paris, 1905, p. 36.
'Vol. VII, 1905, p. 120.

* Text-book of Geology i 4th ed., 1903, p. 128 1.

466

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

TOUTUMU).

\ u

Relrckt.

Tirandisn ladusljy.

AdTBDce.

Retml.

i
r

Advance.

Retreal.

Moottcriu) Indtutij.

Achenlian Industrr,
Gtelleui IitduitTj.

du.liy{Strtpy. Belgium).

Retreat.

MMvinisD Ind. (:MesTin, Selgium).
Reutelo.mesvinisti t Maflle near

AdTBOCe.

Upper.

Middle
(Glndal.)

Reuleli»n Industry (Rentel.
Belgium).'

Industry

Ind.,Cromer F<m;s. Bed (Norfolk).

iDdustrrof Dewlisb (Donet).
Indnsiryof Sainl-Prest(F™i.ce).

of the Chalk Plaieiu (Engtamd).

Lower.

1 u

Upper.

Industry of Ptiy-Coarny(Fnuice).

Middle

Lower.

Upper.

Industry of Thensy? (France).

Middle
Lower.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 467

Rutot has more recently attempted to adapt a time-scale, based
on the measure of the advance and retreat of glaciers, to his system
of epochs. The values of that portion dealing with the divisions of
the eolithic period are as follows :

Reutelian epoch 25,000 years.

MafHean *' 12,500 "

Mesvinian " 12,500 "

Str^pyan '* (transition) 5,000

Paleolithic period 84,000

The above estimate would give 1 39,CXX) years as the duration

of the Quaternary, a figure not considered excessive in the light of

various estimates placed on the duration of the earlier geologic

periods.

Conclusions

A study of the Rutot classification renders needless anything
more than the briefest summary. We have endeavored to give the
problem a setting such as would bring into relief its nature and
import. While in reality the first of the stone-age periods, the
eolithic is the last to receive recognition.

To be readily acceptable, an idea must not run counter to prej-
udice. It must be stated with clearness and authority and at the
right time. The right time does not mean after there is no longer
prejudice. It means rather the moment that the originator of the
idea is able to find one, or, better, several advocates who can speak
with an authority equal to his own. In Law the truth is not
established by the mouth of one witness only. Similar safeguards
should protect a growing science.

The idea of a primitive industry antedating the Chellean was
proclaimed not only at a time when it ran counter to prejudice, but
also before it could be stated with clearness and authority. The
importance of the Abbe Bourgeois's discoveries at Thenay in 1867
are still open to question ; but the measure of his prophetic vision
finds abundant expression in present-day fulfilment. Bourgeois
supposed that he had found artifacts in the Oligocene. He may
have been mistaken. It did not matter much, so long as his
attempt inspired further effort. Rames came along later and did
find artifacts in the Upper Miocene at Puy-Courny. Before Rames

468 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

made known his discovery, Harrison had begun to find worked
flints on the North Downs of Kent ; so that the time to speak the
word of authority was to come with Rutot's lucid presentation of
the combined evidence, based on stratigraphy, paleontology, and
technology.

The importance, then, of verification cannot be too strongly
emphasized. But there are two kinds of verification : that which
is done by a third party and that which one does himself. Personal
verification is, naturally, the most convincing. To make this
supreme test before passing judgment on so important a question,
I spent considerable time both in Belgium and in the South of
England.

The question does not admit of profitable study in any other
way. My opinion, based on personal experience, is given simply
as such. It is that the existence of a primitive industry, antedating
what is commonly accepted as paleolithic, has been established.
This industry occurs as far back as the Upper Miocene and con-
tinues on through the Upper Tertiary into, and including, the Lower
Quaternary. The distinguishing characters of the industry remain
but little changed throughout the entire period, the subdivision of
the period into epochs being based on stratigraphy and not on
industrial characters. The requirements in the way of tools being
very simple and the supply of material in the way of natural flakes
and fragments of flint being very plentiful, the inventive powers of
the population remained dormant for ages. Hammer and knife
were the original tools. Both were picked up ready-made. A
sharp-edged, natural flake served for one, and a nodule or fragment
served for the other. When the edge of the flake became dulled
by use, the piece was either thrown away or the edge was retouched
for further use. If hammer or flake did not admit of being held
comfortably in the hand, the troublesome points or edges were
removed or reduced by chipping. The stock of tools increased
slowly with the slowly growing needs. As these multiplied, and
the natural supply of raw material diminished, the latter was supple-
mented by the manufacture of artificial flakes. When the lesson
of associating definite forms of implements with definite uses was
learned, special types arose, notably the amygdaloid implement and

MACx:uRDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 469

the poniard. Then came the transition from the eolithic to the
paleolithic, a stage that has been so thoroughly investigated by
Rutot.

Finally, in the preparation of this paper, I was enabled to settle
a question of priority by discovering that it was J. Allen Brown,
and not Gabriel de Mortillet, who first proposed the name " eolithic."

The appended bibliography is far more complete than any other
that has been prepared on this subject, the number of listed papers
and references reaching a total of 1 54. The only other serious
attempt at a bibliography was made by the Rev. R. Ashington
Bullen in 1903, and includes 51 titles.

Argument, evidence, demonstration, are mental stimuli, the
potency of which varies with the individual. That which serves to
convince one, may not have the slightest effect on another. If the
credulous are over-sensitive, the incredulous are certainly the oppo-
site. In neither case is the argument necessarily at fault.

To the minds incredulous on the subject of the reality of an
eolithic industry, my advice is : Do as Capitan, Klaatsch, Schwein-
furth, and others, including myself, have done. Examine the Rutot
series in Brussels, methodically collected and classified. Listen to
Rutot's own story supplemented by demonstration with specimens ;
then go with him to the field. No one could be more patient,
more obliging, more helpful. But you would probably lose sight
of these traits, momentarily at least, through the pervasive enthusi-
asm of their possessor and the force and logic of the demonstration.
One day in the field may suffice. It may require several. If not
convinced finally, you will be the first exception to the rule.

The subject, however, is not so simple as might be supposed.
Even exhaustive series of specimens, systematically arranged and
carefully labeled, are cold, dry, and lifeless until a living soul
breathes into them the breath of life. Rutot sent a very instructive
series to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St Louis.^ Un-
fortunately he was not there to interpret them. What impression
they made, even on those accustomed to study stone artifacts, re-
mains to be seen. It is a pleasure to be able to record that, at the

I A grand prize has been awarded to the Brussels Museum of Natural History for
the Rutot series. (See Amer, Anthropologist, 1905, vii, 161, "Classified Relics.")

470 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

close of the Exposition, the collection was sent as a pft to Prof.
F. W. Putnam of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University.

Only the other day a professor of anthropology in one of our
leading eastern universities asked me if I was acquainted with
Rutot's publications on the eolithic question. When answered in
the affirmative, he further inquired, *' Can you make anything out
of them ? I can't.*' I had to confess that they puzzled me also at
first ; but that having found Uie key, every difficulty had suddenly
disappeared. "And the key?" "The key is Rutot himself
and his environment," was my answer. ** Know him, cover with
him some, at least, of the ground that he has covered, and the
language he speaks will no longer sound strange and unfamiliar."

It is well and even natural that archeologists should become
absorbed in local problems. That is, in fact, why Rutot has suc-
ceeded in accomplishing so much. It is also well that workers in
one part of the world should know and appreciate what is being
done in other parts. It takes more than weavers to make a
garment. There are also cutters and fitters. A like division of
labor obtains among the prehistoric archeologists who should know
the figure that must be clothed before they attempt to cut a garment
that will fit.

If in the writing of this paper even one of several results is ac-
complished, I shall feel justified in the attempt, and well repaid for
the labor expended. While introducing to Americans certain
European authorities, it may also serve the role of interpreter, and
lead to a better understanding and appreciation of what is being
done on the other side of the Atlantic. Again, it may incite some
to follow the advice given above and to investigate for themselves a
problem the correct solution of which cannot fail to add materially
to our knowledge of humankind.

Vale University Museum,

New Haven, Connecticut.

maccurdy] the EOLITHIC PROBLEM 47 1

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Z867. Bourgeois, L Abbe, D^couverte d' instruments en silex dans le d6p6t

a Elephas meridionalis de Saint- Prest aux environs de Chartres. C-

R. Acad, des sciences, Paris, lxiv, 47.
Bourgeois, L Abbe, £tude sur des silex travaill^s trouv6s dans les

d6p6ts tertiaires de la commune de Thenay, pr^s Pontlevoy (Loir-et-

Cher). C'R. Congr. intern, d'anthr, etcT archeoi, prehs., Paris, p. 67.
Z87Z. RiBEiRO, Carlos, Descrip^ZLo de alguns silex e quartzites lascados en-

contrados nas camadas dos terrenos terciario e quatemario, etc.

Lisbon, 4°.
z87a. Bourgeois, L Abbe, Sur les silex consid6r6s comme portant les

marques d'un travail humain et d6couverts dans le terrain mioc^ne de

Thenay. C-R, Congr, intern, d'anthr, et d*archeoi, prehs,, Brux-

elles, p. 81.
Briart, a.. Cornet, F., et Houzeau de la Haie. Rapport sur les

d^couvertes g^ologiques et arch^ol. faites ^ Spiennes en 1867. 2« 6d. ,

Mons.
Cornet, F. L., et Briart, A. L'honmie de I'age du mammouth dans

la province de Hainaut. C-R, Congr. intern, d'anthr, et d'archeoi.

prehs,, Bruxelles, p. 250.
RiBEiRO, Carlos. Sur des silex taill6s, d6cou verts dans les terrains mio-

c^ne et pliocene du Portugal. Ibid., pp. 95, 100.
Z873. MoRTiLLET, G. DE. Sur I'homme tcrtiaire. Bull, soc, d'anthr, de Paris,

2« s6r., VIII, p. 671.
Z879. Mortillet, G. de. L'homme tertiaire a T exposition. Rev, d'anthr.,

2« s^r., II, p. 116.
z88o. RiBEiRO, Carlos. L'homme tertiaire en Portugal. C-R. Congr. in-
tern, d'anthr, et d'archeol, prehs., p. 81 (see also pp. 92 and 94).
ScHAAFHAUSEN, H. L'homme prehistorique. Ibid., p. 140.
z88z. Cartailhac, £mile. Note sur I'arch^ologie prehistorique en Portugal.

Bull, Sac. d'anthr. de Paris, y s6r., iv, p. 281.
Mortillet, G. et A. de. Mus6e prehistorique. Paris, C. Reinwald.

(2e6d., 1903. Paris, Schleicher Freres).
Nadaillac, Marquis de, Les premiers hommes et les temps pr6histor-

iques (see vol. 11 ; L* homme tertiaire). Paris.
Z883. Mortillet, G. de. Silex de Thenay. Bull. Soc, d'anthr. de Paris,

3« sir., VI, p. 852.
Mortillet, G. de. Le prehistorique, premiere partie. Paris : C.

Reinwald.
Z884. Morse, E. S. Man in the tertiaries (V'ice-presidential address, Section

H), Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Science, xxxiii, p. 579.

472 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

MoRTiLLET, G. DE. Lc pr^curscur de rhommc. Lhomme, i, p. 545.
Rames, J. B. G6ologie du Puy-Coumy. £clats de silex tortoniens du

basin d'Aurillac (Cantal). Mat p, V hist, prim, et nat de rkomtfu,

y s^r., I, p. 385.
X885. Arcelin, Adrien. Silex terdaires. Mat, p, V hist, prim, et nat, de

I'homme, y s^r., 11, p. 193.
MoRTiLLET, G. DE. Silex teitiaires intendonellement tallies. Ibid.,

252.
QuATREPAGES, A. DE. L'homme tertiaire. Thenay et les isles Anda-

mans. Ibid., p. 97.
z886. Delvaux, £. Excursion de la soci6t^ i Mesvin, ^ Spiennes et k Har-

mignies, le 5 Septembre, 1885. Buii, Soc, d'anthr, de Bruxeiies,

IV, p. 176.
RuTOT, A. Sur rigc des silex taill^s recueillis i Mesvin pr^s de Mons.

Ibid., p. 134.
Z887. Broeck, ]&. VAN DEN. Note sur le quatemaire mos6en. Bull, Soc,

d'anthr, de Bruxelles, v, p. 40.
Delvaux, £. Un mot au sujet des silex pr6sent^s par M. Rutot i la

s^nce du !«■ D6cembre, 1885. Ibid., p. 24.
Rutot, A. Quelques considerations au sujet des noms k donner aux

couches de la s6rie quatemaire. Ibid., p. 31.
z888. Cels, Alph. Essai d'une classification des instruments quatemaires

en silex et considerations pr^liminaires sur 1' existence de Thomme ^

r^poque tertiaire dans les environs de Spiennes. Bull, Soc, d'anthr,

de Bruxelles, vi, p. 1 56.
Delvaux, ife., et Houzeau de Lehaie (rapport). Sur T^tat des ter-
rains dans lesquels M. Cels a d6couvert des silex taill6s par rhomme

tertiaire en Belgique. Ibid., p. 188.
Delvaux, £. Age pal6olithique. Premiers essais d' utilisation des

silex 6clat6s. Les silex mesviniens. Ibid., p. 333.
Rutot, A. Sur les silex tailles, pr^tendument trouv6s dans le landen-

ien inferieur aux environs de Mons. Ibid., p. 414.
X889. Delgado, J. F. Nery. Les silex tertiaires d'Otta. C-R, Congr,

intern, d'anthr, et d'arch. prehs,, Paris, p. 529.
Mortillet a. de. Silex tertiaires, demonstration de leur taille inten-

tionelle. Ibid., p. 534.
Mourlon, Michel. Sur le gisement des silex tailles attribu^s i

I'homme tertiaire, aux environs de Mons. Bull, de r Acad, roy, de

Belgique ^y ser., xvii, p. 499.
Prestwich, Sir Joseph. On the occurrence of paleolithic flint imple-
ments in the neighborhood of Ightham, Kent, their distribution and

probable age. Quar. Jour, Geol, Soc.^ XLV, p. 270.
1890. Cels, Alph. Considerations compl^mentaires relatives aux silex mes-
viniens. Bull, Soc. d'anthr, de Bruxelles, viii, p. 51.

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 473

1891. Prestwich, Sir], On the age, formation and successive drift stages

of the valley of the Darent, etc. Quar. Jour, Geol. Soc, xlvii, p.
126.

1892. Brown, J. Allen. On the continuity of the paleolithic and neolithic

periods. Jour. Anthr, Inst,, xxii, p. 66 (first use of the term

"eolithic**).
Prestwich, Sir J. On the primitive characters of the flint implements

of the chalk plateau of Kent, with reference to the question of their

glacial or pre-glacial age (with Notes by Benj. Harrison and De Barri

Crawshay). Ibid., p. 246.
Z893. Bell, A. M. Remarks on the flint implements from the Chalk plateau

of Kent. Jour. Anthr. Inst., xxiil, p. 266.
Z894. Abbott, W. J. Lewis. Plateau man in Kent. Nat. Science ^ iv, p.

257.
Jones, T. Rupert. On the geology of the Plateau implements of

Kent. Ibid., v, p. 269.
MoRTiLLET, G. DE. Classification palethnologique. Bull. Soc,

d' anthr. de Paris, 4* s6r., v, p. 616. {St^?\so Le pre historique,

3« 6d., 19CX), p. 19.)
NOETLiNG, Fritz. On the occurrence of chipped (?) flints in the Upper

Miocene of Burma. Records Geol. Survey oj India, xxvii, pt. 3,

p. lOI.

Shrubsole, O. a. On flint implements of a primitive type from old
(pre-glacial) hill-gravels in Berkshire. London : Harrison & Sons
{Jour. Anthr. Inst., xxiv, p. 44).

Smith, Worthington G. Man the primeval savage, pp. 120, 174.
London : Edward Stanford.

1895. Harrison, Benjamin (Secretary). High-level flint-drift of the chalk.

Report of a committee, British Assoc. Report, p. 349.
Prestwich, Sir J. The greater antiquity of man. The Nineteenth

Century, xxxvii, p. 617.
Prestwich, Sir]. Nature and Art. Geol. Mag., 11, p. 375.
Prestwich, Sir]. Collected papers on some controverted questions

of geology. London : Macmillan.

1 896. Salter, A. E. Pebbly gravel from Goring Gap to the Norfolk coast.

Proc. Geol. Assoc, xiv, p. 389.

1897. Abbott, W. J. Lewis. Worked flints from the Cromer Forest Bed.

Nat. Science, x, p. 89.
Abbott, W. J. Lewis. History of the Weald. Trans. S. E. Union

Sci. Soc, p. 26.
Cuxnington, Wm. The authenticity of plateau man. Nat. Science,

XI, p. 327.
Haynes, Henry W. The tertiary man. Appendix to Wright's Man

and the Glacial Period. New York : Appleton.

AM. ANTH.. N. S., ^ — 32

474 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Hutchinson, Rev, H. N. Prehistoric man and beast, p. 23. New

York : Appleton.
Laing, S. Human origins, sixteenth thousand, chap. xi. London:

Chapman & Hall.
NoETLiNG, Fritz. On the discovery of chipped flint-flakes in the

pliocene of Burma. Nat, Science, x, p. 233.
RuTOT, A. Les origines du quaternaire de la Belgique. Bull. Soc,

beige de geol., de paleontol. et d' hydrol,, xi, m^moires.
RuTOT, A. Les conditions d' existence de Thomme et les traces de sa

presence au travers des temps quatemaires et des temps modemes en

Belgique. Bull, Soc. d'anthr, de Bruxelles, xvi, p. 24.
Thieullen, Ad. Les v^ritables instruments de I'age de la pierre.

Paris. 4°.

1898. Abbott, W. J. Lewis. The authenticity of plateau implements. Not.

Science, xii, p. in.
Bell, A. M. The tale of the flint. Longmans Mag,, xxxi, p. 214.
BuLLEN, Rev, R. AsHiNGTON, and Abbott, W. J. Lewis. The

authenticity of plateau implements. Nat. Science, xii, p. 106.
CuNNiNGTON, Wm. On some paleolithic implements from the plateau

gravels, and their evidence concerning "eohthic man." Quar.

Jour. Geol, Soc, Liv, p. 291.
Frames, M. £. On some stone implements found in a cave in Griqua-

land-East, Cape Colony. Jour, Anthr, Inst., n. s., i, 251.
Jones, T. Rupert. Exhibition of stone implements from Swaziland,

South Africa. Ibid., p. 48.
Kennard, a. Santer. The authenticity of plateau man ; a reply.

Nat. Science, xii, p. 27.
Laville, a. Le gisement chell6o-moust6rien a Corbicules de Cergy.

Bull. Soc. d' anthr. de Paris, 4* s6r., ix, p. 56.
Leith, G. On the caves, shell-mounds, and stone implements of South

Africa. Jour. Anthr. Inst., n. s., i, p. 258.
March, H. C. The twin problems of plateau flint implements and a

glaciation south of the Thames. Proc. Dorset Nat. Hist. Field

Club, XIX, p. 130.
Rudler, F. W. Presidential address. Jour, Anthr. Inst., n. s., i, p.

318.
Salter, A. E. Pebbly and other gravels in southern England. Proc,
Geol. Assoc, xv, p. 264.

1899. Bird, C. Plateau implements. South Rochester Naturalist, 11,"^, ^6^,
Harrison, B. Plateau implements. Trans. S. E, Union Sci, Soc, p.

12.
LoMAS, Joseph. On some flint implements found in the glacial depos-
its of Cheshire and North Wales. Proc, Liverpool Geol. Soc, viii, p.

334.

MACCURDYj THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 475

PuYDT, Marcel de. Notes et constatations relatives a des gisements de
silex tallies d^cou verts sur la territoire des communes de Haine-Saint-
Pierre, Ressaix, £pinois, etc., canton de Binche, province de Hai-
naut (Belgique). Bull. Soc, d'anthr. de Bruxelles, xvii, p. 98 (see
also BulL et mem, Soc, d'anthr, de Bruxelles, xix, m6m. no. i).

RuTOT, A. Sur I'age des gisements de silex taill6s d^cou verts sur les
territoires des communes de Haine-Saint-Pierre, Ressaix, £pinois,
etc., canton de Binche, province de Hainaut (Belgique). Ibid., p.
231.

RuTOT, A. Sur le creusement de la valine de la Lys. Bull, Soc,
beige de geol.t de paleontol, et d' hydroL, xiii, p. 94.

RuTOT, A. Comparison du quatemaire de Belgique au glaciaire de
r Europe centrale. Ibid. , p. 307.
xgoo. AvEBURY, Lord. Prehistoric times, 6th ed. (Barely mentioned.)

BuLLEN, Rev. R. AsHiNGTON. Eolithic implements. Trans, Victoria
Institute, June i8th.

BuLLEN, Rev. R. AsHiNGTON. The Prestwich collection of flint imple-
ments. Science Gossip, n. s., vi, p, 379.

MoRTiLLET, Gabriel et Adrien de. Le pr^historique. 3« 6d. (see
introduction and part i). Paris : Schleicher Fr^res.

MuNCK, £. DE. Sur une s6rie de silex recueillis dans le landenien re-
mani6 inf^rieur aux d6p6ts k silex mesviniens, acheul6ens et moust6r-
iens de 5^int-Symphorien. Bull, et mem. Soc. d'anthr. de Brux-
elles, XIX, p. Ixxviii.

RuTOT, A. Quelques considerations sur les conclusions stratigraphiques
i tirer de la presence de T Industrie humaine dans les graviers quater-
naires. Bull. Soc. beige de geol., de paleon. et d' hydroL, xiv.

RuTOT, A. Sur quelques observations faites dans les carri^res de Soi-
gnies. Bull, et mem. Soc. d'anthr. de Bruxelles, xviii, p. cxxix.

RuTOT, A. Sur la decouverte de nombreux instruments d' Industrie
reutelo-mesvinienne dans les carri^res de Maffles (pr^s d' Ath). Ibid. ,
p. cxxx.

RuTOT, A. Les industries pal^olithiques primitives. Note sur la
decouverte d'importants gisements de silex tallies dans les collines de
la Flandre occidentale. Comparaison de ces silex avec ceux du
Chalk-Plateau du Kent. Ibid., m^m. no. i.

RuTOT, A. Materiaux pour 1' etude du quatemaire et des industries
paieolithiques. Bull. Soc. beige degeol., de paleontol. etd'hydroL, xiv.

RuTOT, A. Sur I'aire de dispersion actuellement connue des peuplades
paieolithiques en Belgique. Bull, et mem. Soc. d'anthr. de Brux-
elles, XIX, p. xlvii.

RuTOT, A. Sur I'homme prequatemaire. Ibid., xix, mem. no. iii.

RuTOT, A. Sur la distribution des industries paieolithiques dans les
couches quatemaires de la Belgique. C.-R, Congr. intern, d'anthr,
etd'archeol, prehs., Paris, Douzi^me session, p. 79.

4/6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

RUTOT, A. Note sur la position stratigraphique de la Corbicula flumi-

nalis dans les couches quatemaires du bassin anglo-franco-belge.

Bull. Soc. beige de geoL, de paleon, et d'hydroL, xiv (m^moires).
RuTOT, A. Expose sommaire des r6sultats d' excursions entreprises

dans les ballasti^res des environs de Paris. Ibid., p. 324.
1 901. BuLLEN, Rev, R. AsHiNGTON. Eolithic implements. Jour, Victoria

Inst,, XXXIII, p. 191.
Capitan, L. L*homme quatemaire dans le bassin du Rh6ne. (D'apr^s

le livre d* Ernest Chantre.) Revue de T £col€ d'anthr, de Hxris,

XI, p. 398.
Chantre, Ernest. L'homme quatemaire dans la vall6e du Rb6ne.

£tude g^ologique et anthropologique. Ann, de V universite de Lyon,

Nouvelle s6r. , i, fasc. 4.
Darbyshire, R. B. On the implements from the Chalk plateau.

Mem, and Proc, Manchester Ut, and Philos, Soc, XLVi, pt. i.
Howorth, Sir H. H. The earliest traces of man. Geol. Mag., dec.

iv, VIII, p. 337.
Hull, E. Eolithic implements. Jour. Victoria Inst,, xxxiii, p. 414.
Laville, a. Coupe de la carri^re de Saint-Prest, silex tallies. Bull,

et mem. Soc, d'anthr, de Paris, 5* s^r., 11, p. 285.
Mahoudeau, p. H., et Capitan, L. La question de Thomme tertiaire

a Thenay. Rev. de r Acole d*anthr. de Paris, xi.
MuNCK, £mile de. Le quatemaire des plaines du Hainaut. L An-

thropologie, xii, p. 135.
Puydt, Marcel de. Au sujet de poignards de I'age de la pierre et

de quelque silex taill6s trouves a £pinois, Canton de Binche (Hainaut).

Bull, et mem. Soc. d'anthr. de Bruxelles, xix, m^m. no. i.
Puydt, Marcel de. Sur quelques d^couvertes de silex tallies et obser-

yations au sujet de pieces presentees trouvees a fepinois, Engis,

Genck, Eysden, Asch, etc. Ibid., m^m. no. ii.
RuTOT, A. Sur une preuve de 1' existence de l'homme sur la crete de

TArtois avant la fin du pliocene. Bull. Soc. beige de geol., de paleon.

et dWtydroL, xv, p. 29.
RuTOT, A. Sur la formation des champs ou tapis de silex ayant foumi

aux populations paleolithiques primitives la matiere premiere des in-
struments et outils constituant leurs industries. Ibid., p. 62.
RuTOT, A. Sur la position du cheileen dans la chronologie palcolithique.

Bull, et mem. Soc. d'anthr. de Bruxellcs, xix, p. clix.
WiLLETT, E. On a collection of paleolithic implements from Saver-

nake. Jour. Anthr. Inst., n. s., iv, p. 310.
190a. BuLLEN, Rev. R. AsHiNGTON. Eohthic implements, their use and

meaning. Proc. Holmesdale Nat. Hist. Club, p. 18.
Harrison, E. R. Eolithic flint instruments. South-eastern Naturalist,

p. 16.

BIACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 477

Laville, H. R^ponse i M. Rutot sur son 6tude g6ologique et anthro-

pologique du gisement de Cerg^. BulL et mem, Soc, d'anthr, de

Paris, 5« sen, iii, p. 742.
Read, Chas. H. A guide to the antiquities of the Stone age in the

department of British and mediaeval antiquities (British Museum.

Printed by order of the trustees), pp. 10, 25-28.
Reid, C. The geology of the country round Ringwood. Mem, GeoL

Surv,, p. 33.
Rutot, A. Les industries primitives. Defense des 6olithes. Les ac-
tions naturelles possibles sont inaptes i produire des effets semblables

k la retouche intentionelle. Buli. et mem, Soc. d^anthr, de Bruxelles,

XX, m6m. no. iii.
Rutot, A. £tude g^ologique et anthropologique du gisement de

Cergy (Seine-et-Oise). Ibid., m6m. no. iv.
Rutot, A. Sur les relations existant entre les calloutis quatemaires et

les couches entre lesquelles ils sont compris. Bull, Soc, beige de

geol,, de paleontol, et d* hydroL, xvi, p. 16.
Warren, S. H. On the value of mineral condition in determining

the relative age of stone implements. Geol. Mag., n. s., dec. iv,

IX, p. 97.
Thieullen, Ad. Le pr6chell6en Belgique. Bull, et tnem, Soc, d'an-

thr. de Paris, 5* s6r., iii, p. 756.
Z903. Bennett, F. J. Elolitluc implements at Belfast and Bloomsbury.

Geol. Mag,, n. s., dec. iv, x, p. 127.
Bracht, Eugen. Bericht iiber eine Reise nach den Fundstellen der.

*' Eolithen " in West Flandem vom 29 Mai bis 9 Juni, 1903. Zeit,

f. EthnoL, XXXV, p. 823.
BuLLEN, Rev, R. AsHiNGTON. Eoliths from south and south-west

England. Geol. Mag., n. s., dec. iv, x, p. 102.
Cels, Alphonse. Considerations r6trospectives ^ I'homme tertiaire de

Spiennes. Bull, et mem. Soc, d'anthr, de Bruxelles, xxii, m6m.

no. iv.
CoURTV, G. Sur les silex tertiaires du Puy-Coumy. Bull, et mem,

Soc. d'anthr. de Paris, 5* s^r., iv, p. 12.
Hahne, — . Diluviale silexe aus der Borde bei Magdeburg. Zeit, f,

EthnoL, XXXV, p. 494.
Jaekel, O. Feuerstein-Eolithe von Freyenstein in der Mark. Ibid.,

p. 830.
Klaatsch, H. Anthropologische und palaolitische Ergebnisse einer

Studienreise durch Deutschland, Belgien and Frankreich. Ibid.,

pp. 92, 487.
Klaatsch, H. Bericht iiber einen anthropologischen Streifzug nach

London und auf das Plateau von Siid-England. Ibid., p. 875.
Klaatsch, H. Das Problem der primitiven Silex artefacte. Corr,-

478 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

Blatt d, deutschen Ges, f, Anthr,, EthnoL u, Urgeschichte^ xxxiv,

pp. 102, 136.
Krause, Eduard. Bericht iiber die Konferenz zur genaueren Priifung

der in der Sitzung vom 2 1 Mars d. J. vorgeleten Feuersteinfunde.

Zeit, /. EthnoL, xxxv, p. 537.
RuTOT, A. Les cailloux de M. Thieullen. Bull, et mem, Soc.

d'anthr, de Bruxelles, xxi, in6m. no. iii.
RuTOT, A. Esquisse d' une comparaison des couches pliocenes et quater-

naires de la Belgique avec celles du sud-est de TAngleterre. BulL

Soc, beige de geoL, de paleontol, et d' hydroL, xvii, p. 57.
RuTOT, A. L*6tat actuel de la question de T antiquity de Thomme.

Ibid., p. 425.
RuTOT, A. Le pr^historique dans 1' Europe centrale. Coup d'oeil sur

r^tat des connaissances relatives aux industries de la pierre ^ 1' ex-
clusion du n6olithique en 1903. C-R. Congr, d'archeol, et d' hist,

Dinant.
RuTOT, A. Note pr61iminaire sur les nouvelles decouvertes faites aux

environs de Ressaix, pr^s Binche (Belgique). Bull et mem, Soc,

d'anthr, de Bruxelles, xxii.
RuTOT, A. Sur les gisements pal6olithiques de loess 6olien de 1' Autriche-

Hongrie. Ibid., m6m. no. vii.
RuTOT, A. Compte rendu des excursions de la session extraordinaire

de la Soc. beige de g6ol., de pal6on. et d'hydrol. dans le Hainaut et

aux environs de Bruxelles. Bull. Soc. beige de geol., de paleontol, et

d'hydrol., xvii, p. 383.
SCHWEINFURTH, G. Stein zeitliche Forschungen in Oberagypten.

Zeit.f. EthnoL, xxxv, p. 798.

1904. Ballet, Dr. D6couverte de silex taill^s pliocenes a Saint-Hilaire en

Ligni^res (Cher). Bull. Soc. preh. de France, i, p. 21.
LisSAUER, A. Die Sammlung der " tertiar-silex " des Hrn. Klaatsch.

Zeit. fur EthnoL, xxxvi, p. 299.
Olshausen, Otto. Ober einen Ausflug nach Dr. Hahnes diluvialen

Fundstatten bei Schbnebeck a E. Ibid., p. 477.
RuTOT, A. Essai d' Evaluation de la duree des temps quatemaires.

Bull. Soc. beige de geologic, de paleontol. et d' hydroL, xviii, p. 13.
RuTOT, A. Sur la cause de r6clatement naturel du silex. BulL et

mem. Soc. d'anthr. de Bruxelles, xxiii.
RuTOT, A. A propos du squelette humain de Galley-Hill (Kent).

Ibid.
ScHWEiNFURTH, G. Stein zcitliche Forschungen in Oberagypten. Zeit,

f, EthnoL, xxxvi, p. 766.
Windle, Bertram, C. A. Remains of the prehistoric age in Eng-
land, p. 40. London : Methuen & Co.

1905. Blackenhorn, D. Max. Ober die Steinzeit und die Feuersteinarte-

facte in Syrien-Palastina. Zeit. f. EthnoL, xxxvii, p. 447.

■x

"->

MACCURDY] THE EOLITHIC PROBLEM 479

Capitan, L. £tude anthropologique et arch^ologique de I'Eg^pte.

Revue de V Acole cT anthropologie de Paris, xv, p. 24.
Capitan, L. L' Homme, le Mammouth et le Rhinoceros i I'^poque

quatemaire dans Paris, sur 1* emplacement de la rue de Rennes.

Ibid., p. 66.
Deecke, W. Zur Eolithenfrage auf Rugen und Bomholm. Carres-

PondenZ'Blatt d. Deutschen Gesf, Anthr, , Ethnol, und Urgeschichte,

XXXVI, p. 26.
DoiGNEAU, A. Notes d'arch6ologie pr6historique. Nos ancetres primi-

tifs. Paris : Librarie C. Clavreuil.
Engerand, Georges. Six lemons de pr^histoire. Bruxelles, Veuve

Ferd. Larcier.
Favreau, Paul. Neue Funde aus dem Diluvium in der Umgegend

von Neuhaldensleben, insbesondere der Kiesgrube am Schlosspark

von Hundisburg. Zeit, f, Ethnol. , xxxvii, p. 275.

NOTES ON THE SAN CARLOS APACHE

By ALES HRDLICKA

INTRODUCTION

During my visit to the San Carlos Apache in 1900/ and especi-
ally while conducting researches into the physical anthropology of
this people during the earlier part of 1905,* I embraced the oppor-
tunity of making some collateral observations of an ethnologic and
archeologic nature. As the San Carlos people and the country
occupied by them are but little known to ethnologists, these notes
may prove of interest.

The San Carlos Apache occupy largely the rugged country
extending southwestward from the White mountains in Arizona,
between that part of Salt river known as Black river, and the Gila.
This section forms a part of the great White Mountain Apache
reservation. The principal settlements are in the valley of the
Gila, from the abandoned Fort Thomas to a few miles beyond San
Carlos agency, and in the valley of San Carlos creek or river.
The people are officially represented as consisting of the San Carlos,
Coyotero, and Ton to Apache, and in 1904 numbered 1,718 indi-
viduals. They subsist by agriculture or by working for the whites
on the railroad, and at mines, the agency, and the schools, while
the older members receive rations from the Indian Department.
The people in general are peaceable and are advancing toward
civilization ; they are common-sense and clever, and are less ham-
pered in their progress by aboriginal traditions, beliefs, and obser-
vances than other southwestern Indians, notably the Pueblos.
The Apache are also industrious, but are still as improvident as
Indians generally. Their morals suffer by the proximity of the
railroad and mining towns, and especially by lack of restraint on
the manufacture among them of /////// {tesvino, tistvui). This

* Under the auspices of the Hyde Expedition for the Ameucan Museum of Natural
History, New York.

' Expedition of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

480

HRDUCKA] NOTES ON THE SAN CARLOS APACHE 48 1

liquor, made by fermenting corn in a peculiar way,* is rendered
more intoxicating by the addition of roots, and sometimes by the
admixture of the vile whisky sold surreptitiously by the whites.
Abuse in the use of this drink is the cause of practically all dis-
order, violence, and degradation in the tribe.

The San Carlos Apache know not whence they came. Fifty
years ago many of them lived on upper Salt river ; some claim the
land they had there to this day, and would like to return. One of
the men said he heard from the elders that they formerly lived in
what is now the vicinity of Flagstaff, at the base of the San Fran-
cisco mountains, whence they went eastward, and finally came to
the Salt and Gila rivers.

Only traces of their tribal organization remain. Of the divi-
sions of the tribe known to whites as Coyoteros, Tontos, etc., the
Indians have little knowledge. No clans exist. The people were
divided into numerous small bands, known by some geographic
peculiarity of the sections claimed by them as their chief seats, and
each under a chief. Some of the chiefs were selected by reason of
their prowess in war. A number of the bands and chiefs are still
nominally recognized ; their names and location are as follows :

Bands among the San Carlos and nearest related Apache

1. Ce-ii-ki-dn, Tce-ce-ii-ki-dny* "projection of a mountain," "pro-

montory " ; live about Talklai ; chief, Cil-Cu-a-ni.

2. Tti-se-ke-ced-iany "two mountains (together)''; live about a
mile below Talklai ; chief, Antonio.

3. S-^iS'^e-ne, "rocky hill" ; live about Geronimo (a part of the
so-called Coyoteros); no chief.

4. Ce-yi-n, Ce-ytn, " cafion hollowed in rock " ; live about Geronimo
(a part of the Coyoteros); chief not known.

5. Tei-Hhy "red paint" (red vegetal dye, used in facial painting
and basketry); live in Cibicu valley; chief, Norman Cassido.

6. Ti'dn-a-ye, "bend over from a hill into a valley" ; live near
San Carlos ; no chief.

7. Kaz-na-ho-ti'ln^ "valley of willows" ; live between Talklai and
San Carlos; mixed; no chief known.

' See llrdiicka, Method of Preparing Tesvino among the White River Apaches ;
American Anthropologist y vi, 1904, pp. 1 90- 1.

*For key to pronunciation see American Anthropologist^ v, 1 903, p. 419.

482 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

8. Na-tah'tia'di'ti-ln^ "cross the river with mescal" ; some live at
White Mountain ; chief, .

9. Ha-gui-te-U^ "head of the valley** ; live above Talklai ; chief,
Talklai.

10. Ka-i-dn-din, "rows of trees'* ; live in the upper part of San
Carlos valley ; chief not known.

12. Ce-bi-nai'ti-ey "surrounded by rocks*' ; live 4 miles above San
Carlos, in San Carlos valley ; no chief.

12. Kai-ha-te-itiy "growing-up trees** (trees of a certain variety,
along the river); nothing definite is now known about this band.

13. ThU-dil'gO'iny "junction of two valleys'* (where a "wash"
joins the river); nothing definite known about it.

Of several of these bands only a few individuals survive, and
these are scattered or have joined other bands.

DWELLINGS

The usual dwelling of the San Carlos Apache is known as a
khuva, but it is also called by the borrowed term tipi. It is made, by
the women, of slender, freshly-cut poles and green branches or brush.
In ground-plan the khiiva is slightly oval, measuring 10 to 12 feet
in the longer and 8 to 9 feet in the shorter diameter. The struc-
ture is 9 to 10 feet high, and hemispherical to bluntly conical in
form. Occasionally at the entrance there is a small, straight or
curving extension which serves as a windbreak. The poles forming
the framework of the khiiva are generally of green willow from
which the bark has been peeled ; these are stuck in the ground, 2
or 2y2 feet apart, and the tops bent over and tied together with any-
thing handy. There are no forked supports and no regular cross-
ribs, but occasionally some of the sticks are bent and intertwined
with or laid obliquely upon the others. A slight opening is gener-
ally left between the saplings at the top for the escape of the smoke.

The erection of the dwelling, the women say, is easy enough ;
it takes but a single day. It is regarded as women's work, and
that is why they, and not the men, build it. When the superstruc-
ture is finished, the interior is excavated to the depth of 1 2 to 18
inches, and most of the earth piled against the base of the structure,
making it solid and keeping out water during rains. In winter the
khiiva is made smaller, in order that it may be warmer ; in summer

I, RecFnIly occupied brulliMaT'

HRDUCKA] NOTES ON THE SAN CARLOS APACHE 483

they build it larger, so as to give more shade and ventilation. In
rainy weather it is covered as much as possible with sheets of
canvas. No symbolism is connected with any part of the house,
and no ceremony attends the entering into a new dwelling ; in one
family, however, it was said that they always make a prayer when
going into a new khiiva, and in one of the dwellings I saw two eagle
feathers, undoubtedly a fetish, tied to one of the upright poles.

These simple Apache dwellings, except during heavy rain, are
comfortable and cheerful, and owing to the Cottonwood and willow
branches with which they are covered, are pleasantly fragrant. The
light is subdued, but may be easily increased by spreading the
branches. The doorways are always low, enabling ready closure
and insuring warmth, particularly at night. The doors usually face
the west, because the prevailing winds in this region are from the
east.

Although the khiiva is a light structure, it is sometimes occupied
for a considerable period. If an accident befalls it, as sometimes
happens through fire or flood, or if it becomes necessary to burn it
and its contents on account of the death of an occupant, or to
abandon it by reason of the removal of the family to another
locality, the loss is inconsiderable.

The dwellings are built generally in groups of three to six,
forming camps, which, according to the Indians, are occupied by
*' friends," i. e., related families. In a number of instances a family
lives in a khiiva near a plank house built by the Government, which
it prefers to use for storage purposes.

The San Carlos Apache have also a few quadrilateral dwellings
with nearly flat roofs, but these were most probably introduced by
the Yuma or the Mohave. There are likewise in San Carlos valley
the ruins of several recent stone dwellings, standing singly but built
much like the houses of the Pueblos. A similar structure, built
partly of stone and partly of brush, is still inhabited (plate xxx, 2).

According to chief Cil-cu-a-ni, his people, in his childhood
(about 50 years ago), built the same kind of khiivas as they do
to-day. They did not construct dwellings of stone or adobe until
after coming into more intimate contact with the whites.

The khiiva is also the customary dwelling of the White Moun-

484 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

tain Apache of Arizona. It is less common, especially in winter,
among the Mescaleros in New Mexico, many of whom live in
tents ; and it is never built by the Lipan, who formerly lived, they
say, only in tipis of buffalo hide. The Jicarillas, who also dwell
chiefly in tents, sometimes erect brush houses somewhat similar to
the khuva, but of different shape.

MANUFACTURED OBJECTS

In old objects of their own manufacture the San Carlos Apache
are very poor. All that could be found or learned of were a few
of the characteristic hemispherical caps, a few violins and flutes,
and some nicely decorated saddle-bags. Their utensils are almost
entirely those made by the whites, or are modifications of them.
An exception occasionally seen is a nicely made gourd ladle, or
spoon, the handle and border of which bear an incised decoration
in simple geometrical figures.

Basketry, — The women make a limited number of baskets of
several varieties. They weave a conical, household carry-all bas-
ket, called iha-tca, 2 to 2J^ feet high, decorated with one to four
bands i to ij4 inch broad, of simple geometric figures in black,
brown, reddish, or blue, parallel with the border. The coiled bor-
der is strengthened by the inclusion of a stout stick or, in more
recent time, of a heavy wire hoop. A buckskin fringe and border
are occasionally added as a further decoration. This basket is
carried on the back, a strap or string that is attached to one side
passing over the forehead, and is used chiefly for carrying wood.
Sometimes, in event of the death of its maker, it is placed on her
grave.

Another and more common type of basket is a nicely decorated,
more or less concave plaque, made almost entirely for sale. The
decoration is in black (catsclaw), sometimes in black and brown
(catsclaw and yucca), and the figure, as among other Apache, is
usually some modification of a star-like motive. The workmanship
in some of these flat baskets is excellent.

The third variety is the olla- or jar-shaped basket, with a
decoration of simple geometric pattern in black (catsclaw) and,
rarely, in brown (yucca). Some of these are of large size and

HRDUCKA] NOTES ON THE SAN CARLOS APACHE 485

command a high price ; one, 38 inches in height and very well
made, was sold during my last visit, by the woman who made it,
for fifty dollars. The plaque and olla are both of coil-work, the
carry-all is twined weaving.

The osiers used in the basketry are principally of the willow
(ka-jili) and the cottonwood {tes). The shoots are cut in winter
and made into bunches of 1 5 to 20 by the women ; these bunches
are eventually bent into broad rings, placed in a pot, and slightly
boiled in order that they may be easily peeled with the fingers,
occasionally aided by the teeth. They are then split with the
teeth, and the flat outer splints, placed in bunches of 30 or 40,
are washed thoroughly in cold water, dried in the sun, and stored for
future use. The brownish red yucca root, called bi-ka-ah-te^ is
used only occasionally in basketry. The catsclaw {ce-gol-sha-ha)
osiers are not boiled, but after having been soflened in water are
split in the same way as the willow sticks, and are likewise tied in
small bundles until needed.

The designs on the baskets, both those used and those kept for
sale, have no symbolic meaning ; they are intended merely for
decorative effect. A few of the basketry designs are identical with
those seen among the Pima. The red coloring is produced with
the H plant ; the rarer blue with the ordinary washing blue ; the
yellow, restricted to the buckskin fringes, with a vegetal dye or
an aniline color.

Basket-making is taught to a girl by her grandmother or
mother from the time she is five or six years of age. She is first
given young plants of the e-ka-ie co-le, a yucca (the spiny points of
which are chewed off in order that they may not hurt her), the
leaves of which she learns to interweave. The first style of basket
that a young girl learns to make is the tha-tca. Coiled basketry,
intended for sale, she does not learn to weave until quite grown.

The White Mountain Apache make basketry similar to that of
the San Carlos people ; among the Mescaleros and Jicarillas, how-
ever, while the decorative figures are related, the materials and
workmanship of the baskets are wholly different.

The old San Carlos women say they always made some deco-
rated baskets for use in the household; but the fine work with

486 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

human or animal figures, as well as several of the shapes, originated
with the demands of trade.

Two of the coiled plaques collected for the National Museum
were made, one in the writer's presence, by an old woman totally
blind. Both are well woven, are of pleasing shape, and are dec-
orated in simple geometric designs with martynia.

Baby-board, — The baby-board among the San Carlos Apache,
called pi-tca^ or pi-tcal, consists of an elliptical willow frame (me-Ua),
within which are fastened, close together, transverse ribs {ka'pa-ne\
whittled from a soft wood that grows along the streams. The hood
of the cradle {pi-tha-na-na, or pi-tca-na-nd) is made usually by
bending a number of reeds, placing them side by side, and fastening
them together in several rows with sinew. Occasionally the hood
is woven from fresh reeds or branches in much the same manner
as among the Walapai. The hood may be painted red with ci or
left uncolored.

The baby-board is generally finished the first or second day
after the birth of the child. In most instances it is entirely new,
but sometimes the frame of an old cradle is utilized. The first
cradle-board is approximately the size of the baby, but when the
child outgrows it the mother makes a larger one. Before the
baby is placed on the board the base is covered with fine cedar
bark, or grass, or pieces of old cloth, or even excelsior, over which
are placed several layers of old calico. Under the head of the child
are generally laid several folded pieces of calico, and to the hood
is attached a screen of muslin for the protection of the infant's face.
Being now placed on the cradle-board, the body and feet of the
child are covered with two or more layers of old but clean calico,
and then it is laced to the board. To facilitate the lacing there is
usually attached to the sides of the cradle-frame a strip of canvas
or, rarely, buckskin, with holes along the free border. These flaps
extend partly over the covering of the child, and being laced to-
gether, serve to hold it securely. The lacing is usually tight
enough to prevent free movement of the body. The child is laid
prone on its back, with its arms along the sides, thus leaving only
the head free. In this position the infant is constantly kept, except
during the three to five times that it requires attention in its wak-

HRDLICKA] NOTES ON THE SAN CARLOS APACHE 487

ing hours of the day, when it is unlaced, cleansed, and allowed
freedom for a while. As the child grows older and strong enough
to be held in a sitting position on the mother's lap, its intervals out
of the cradle become longer, and they increase again, except at night,
when the child is able to sit alone. The time for entirely discarding
the cradle approaches when the child begins to stand and walk ;
only exceptionally will a child of 1 5 to 1 8 months still be put in the
cradle a part of the day or night.

While laced on the cradle-board the child sleeps a large part of
the time ; if the lacing be loosened, it usually becomes restless until
laced up again. For this reason the infant is kept on the cradle-
board at night, for otherwise, the women say, it would disturb the
mother's sleep. While the child is sleeping, the cradle-board is
laid upon the ground and the front lap of the hood is dropped to
protect the face from flies and the light.

The pressure of the back of the head on the calico folds results,
in time, in cranial deformation know as occipital compression,
which is central or lateral according to whether the child habit-
ually rested its head at the back or on one side. It is remarkable
that among the older Apache, who were reared during the restless
times when the people were compelled to move frequently from
place to place, carrying the children with them, occipital deforma-
tion is much less common and less pronounced than among the
younger generation.

Pottery, — The San Carlos Apache made ordinary pottery until
about twenty years ago, since which time the industry has grad-
ually ceased. This consisted of undecorated cylindrical cooking
jars of medium size, with convex to nearly conical bases. The
material used in the manufacture of this pottery was river mud, to
which was added a decoction of Sphceralcea emoryi, called by them
i-sd-pith-az-ne-he, or i-ze-pith-az-ne-he^ which signifies ** medicine-
mix-in-making-jar." This plant was collected on the mesas, ground
up, roots and all, and boiled with a little water. The liquid was mixed
with the clayey mass, and also rubbed on the vessel, inside and
out, before burning ; this was supposed to make the ware tougher
and less pervious.

Musical Instruments. — The musical instruments of the San

488 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 190$

Carlos Apache are a flageolet and a peculiar one-string violin.
The former, made of cane, is usually 15 to 20 in. (38 to 50 cm.)
long, and decorated with geometric designs cut in the surface and
colored, chiefly in blue and red. Plate xxxi illustrates a good ex-
ample of these instruments, obtained from one of the Talklai police-
men, who knew well how to play it.

According to Mr E. H. Hawley, specialist in musical instru-
ments in the National Museum, this instrument is a primitive flag-
eolet. It is made of a straight piece of cane between five joints.
The two distal septa in each half (first and second, fourth and iifth)
have been removed, while the third, situated near the middle, re-
mains. The openings, each 5 mm. in diameter, are made in one
side, one above the other, immediately below and above the middle
partition, across which they are connected by a groove 4 mm. wide
and deep. A band of tanned deer-skin, 1.7 cm. broad, from which
a number of tassels hang as a decoration, is fitted about the body
of the flute, at the middle, and can be slid up and down within cer-
tain limits. This band, which is essential to the production of the
sound of the instrument, is so placed by the player that it covers
the opening above the middle septum and also the groove, leaving
the lower aperture to act as a sound hole ; it thus forms a whistle
of the tube, according to Mr Hawley. In the lower third of the
instrument, and in line with the central openings, are four finger-
holes, each 5 mm. in diameter, the centers of which are situated
9.7, 13.5, 16.4, and 18.3 cm. below the lower lip of the sound
hole. The most distal aperture is closed with a wooden plug.
All the openings, as well as the central groove, were pierced with a
red-hot iron. Of the decorations the most prominent is the mal-
tese cross, the symbol of a star. This flute is 48 cm. long and 2
cm. in average diameter.

The one-string violin is made of a piece of light, hollow wood,
preferably a stalk of the agave. The body is usually a cylinder, 5
to 6.5 cm. in diameter and 30 to 35 cm. long, both ends of which
are stopped with wooden disks. The string is of horse-hair, tight-
ened over a small wooden bridge. The bow consists of a small
arched reed, or stick, with a few strands of horse-hair. When
played, the violin is held in the left hand, which is kept semiflexed.

hrducka] notes on the SAN CARLOS APACHE 489

The tunes produced with this instrument by a good player are char-
acteristic and quite complex.

Besides the flageolet and single-string violin, a few of the
Apache also have a small violin like that of whites, and closely re-
sembling an instrument used among several of the Indian tribes in
Mexico. The Apache themselves regard this instrument as of
Mexican origin. The school girls and young women are fond of
the jews'-harp.

HABITS AND CUSTOMS

The San Carlos Apache, especially the younger element, pre-
serve but few of their ancient habits and customs. They have no
distinctive ceremonies or dances, not even such as are still observed
by their White Mountain relatives. The writer heard of a few medi-
dne-men and one medicine-woman who still have recourse to in-
cantations and fetishes, and are feared by the people at large.
Witchcraft and the efficacy of fetishes are believed in, but scarcely
more than among the lower classes of whites. A belief in spirits,
especially bad spirits, or cin-dis, exists, and number four, and to a
lesser extent eight, have more or less mystic significance. Of folk-
lore there are tales about the coyote, owl, badger, etc. The owl
is said to " talk good Apache." One that had been killed was
tied on a line near a settlement, possibly as a protection against
something. Two badgers that had been killed by the Apache
were hung by their tails in the brush along a road.

Numerous observations, of physiological or medical interest, on
the food and mode of life of this people are reserved for a more
comprehensive account, but a few brief statements on various cus-
toms will here be presented.

Hair Dressing, — The hair of the San Carlos women is trimmed
to the level of the shoulders. The girls and younger women comb
the front hair over the forehead and cut it in line with the eyebrows,
in the form of a "bang," while the remainder is allowed to fall
naturally at the sides and back.

Old women simply brush or comb the hair backward. The
hair of the men is always trimmed and permitted to hang at the
sides and back without " banging." Bandana handkerchiefs are used
as head-bands by some of the men.

AM. AlfTH. N. S. , 7—33

490 AMERICAS AXTHBOPOLOCIST [x. il, 7,

TaUcoing, — The custom of tattooa^ <&d not csdst among tbe
old San Carios peo^de, but it is now srxy comnion among die
yfAing, especially the school giris. The people say tbe habit was
leaiTicd from the Mohave settled near San Carlos. The tattooing
is done on the glabella, forehead, middle of the check, chin, and
back </ the hand. The giris either tattoo themselves or one another,
the materials employed being a needle or a cactus spine, and ink or
charcoal. The figures are good copies of those seen among tbe
Mohave, but their meaning is not known. If the figure somewhat
resembles a letter of the alphabet, the children will say that it rep-
resents that character. The>' also tattoo, particularly on their
hands, actual letters, and even names of sweethearts and relati\'es.

Record-keeping, — In one family a record of the age of the last
child was kept by the father, by marking on a paper the number
of '* moons " since the birth of the child. Each moon was indicated
by a cross, and a large dot was made for each tenth moon.

Mother-in-law Taboo. — The taboo concerning the mother-in-law
seems to be reciprocal. Should a young man persist in speaking to
his mother-in-law, the latter, with her family, might send him away
as •' no good," saying they " don't want such a son-in-law."

If she is to live with her married daughter, the mother builds
her hut near-by, but in such a way that the door faces another
direction, thus enabling the son-in-law, on coming out of his dwell-
ing, to avoid catching sight of her.

Puberty Feast. — Among most of the Apache a feast is celebrated
when a girl reaches puberty, but among the San Carlos people the
custom has apparently been abandoned.

Play of Children. — While visiting the dwellings of the people,
and the schools, the writer often observed groups of children at play,
but no highly specialized native children's games were seen. The
girls play more than the boys, and, except about the schools, play-
mates are restricted to children of the same family or to relatives.
The oldest child has charge of the group. Play of all kinds is
greatly enjoyed, tliough quarrels sometimes occur. On the whole
the manifestations of the Indian child at play differ little from those
of the white child, unless it be in the exercise by the former of
greater patience and perseverance.

hrducka] notes on THE SAN CARLOS APACHE ' 49 1

The boys play with bow and arrow, marbles, and ball, and at
running. Girls play hide and seek, and with pebbles, cans, and dolls ;
they also make dolls, cradles, and houses, and when a supply of
good mud is available, model tiny effigies of women, men, dolls,
horses with their riders, other animals, and various implements and
utensils. In these much ingenuity, deftness, and attention to detail
are exhibited.

If, while running about in the brush, a stranger approaches, the
girls, of whatever age, become quiet in an instant, and each drops
flat behind a bush or other object, hiding quietly and motionless
until the intruder has passed. If they find that he has seen them,
they scatter with all rapidity ; if one tries to catch them, they cry
out angrily ; and if actually caught, will fight with all their means
and strength.

The principal play of the girls is the building and furnishing of
miniature houses ; with sticks, leaves, grass, and twigs they con-
struct khuvas and shelters, often with remarkable faithfulness of
detail, placing in the former miniature furniture and finally domicil-
ing therein a doll-baby. About the schools (plate xxx, i) where
more girls congregate, entire villages, striking in their picturesque-
ness, are built daily.

Dolls are made by tying tufts of certain plants near the top,
or from rags. With pebbles the girls play ** jacks," much as white
children do.

With slight modification these details concerning the play of
children apply to all the Apache as well as to other southwestern
Indians.

Training of Children, — A boy among the San Carlos Apache
is taught by his father and grandfather the various things he is
supposed to know or to be able to do. This instruction begins as
soon as the boy can talk. The first thing he learns is to count.
When "big enough'* (without reference to his having reached
puberty), the boy goes out with his father, who teaches him to run
on flat ground, and then up and down hill. He is encouraged
to break branches from trees, so as to become strong; to jump
into cold water, that he may lose fear and learn to swim ; and is
taken out early in the morning and taught to race. The boy also

492 ' AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST \yK. s., 7, 1905

learns to cut wood, to farm, and to do many other things a knowl-
edge of which he will find necessary later in life ; but the prime ob-
ject of his training, which differs according to circumstances, is to
make him able, strong, and fearless.

The girl is trained by her mother, and especially by her g^nd-
mother. As with the boy, the training begins very early, practically
as soon as the child can understand and control its movements ;
but it is never systematic nor severe. The little one is made to rise
early in the morning and fetch water, and gradually she is taught
to aid in the household duties — in cooking and in the care of the
younger children. As before mentioned, when she is five or six
years of age she receives her first lesson in simple basketry ; but
the manufacture of decorated baskets and saddle-bags, and of bead-
work and clothing, she is not taught until womanhood approaches.

Burials, — The burials of the San Carlos Apache are never
found very near the habitations, and sometimes they are four or
five miles distant. The dead are placed in natural rock shelters in
the cliffs, in convenient rock crevices, on a rocky mountain side,
in the earth or talus at the base of a hill, or in nooks of small,
unfrequented canons.

Two of the canons near Talklai contain together more than
eighty burials. Graves of men, women, and children occur in the
same locality, though they are seldom close together, and some
are entirely isolated. When a burial is to be made on a hillside,
the talus and earth are removed until a platform large enough to
receive the body is formed. On this the remains are placed, and
over them is constructed a rude frame of rafters and brush, which
is covered with rocks, forming a heap 4 to 10 feet broad, 6 to 15
feet long, and 2^ to 4 feet high (plate xxxii, i). Earthen graves
usually are constructed in a similar manner, and are also partly
covered with stones. In a few years the framework of the grave
becomes decayed and falls in.

The body is taken to the place of burial by men on horses, or
in a wagon, usually early in the morning following the day or night
of death. No coffin is used, and nothing is placed beneath the
body, which is clothed as at the time of death. If the remains be
those of a man, they are also wrapped in a Navaho blanket and in

antVES OF SAN CARLOS APACHE

I :

HRDUCKA] NOTES ON THE SAN CARLOS APACHE 493

one or two woolen blankets or a quilt, and over all is placed a
covering of canvas or heavy cotton. A woman is also buried in
the garments with which she was clothed at the time of death,
accompanied with her beads, and the body is likewise wrapped with
blankets or cloth ; but there are not so many of these articles as in
the case of a man. When a child dies it is dressed in numerous
spare articles of its clothing and is abundantly covered. On the
grave of a man is usually found the shovel with which the grave
was dug, occasionally also an ax ; on a woman's grave, an ax and
sometimes a carrying basket ; on the grave of a little child, a cradle-
board ; and on or in the grave of a larger child several tin cups and
pans. No further attention is given to the grave or to the remains.
Tree burial, which occurs among the White Mountain Apache, is
not practised by the San Carlos people, and cremation is unknown.

ANTIQUITIES

With the exception of the portion that lies within San Carlos
valley, the San Carlos reservation is poor in antiquities, the country
not having been adapted to extensive sedentary settlement. No
petroglyphs were observed within the reservation, nor indeed in
much of the adjacent region of the White mountains.

In San Carlos valley and the neighboring flats of the Gila, arch-
eologic remains, consisting of ruined habitations and burial mounds,
are more numerous. The habitations were in small clusters and
larger villages. At least two villages of considerable size once
existed in San Carlos valley, the ruins of one of them being still
traceable within the grounds of the Indian school near Talklai.

The ruins of these habitations are marked on the surface by single
or double rows of stones and by low mounds of moderate extent.
The settlement near Talklai consisted of perhaps 200 houses. No
regularity is observable in the ground-plan of the village ; often
two or three dwellings are connected, but each such group faced
in a different direction. All the dwellings were apparently of one
story. The rooms were quadrilateral, some nearly square, and
averaged 8 by 10 feet in size. The walls were massive, reaching a
maximum of two feet in thickness. The masonry consisted of slabs
of unworked stone of varying size, laid vertically in adobe mortar.
The stones were obtained from the nearby river.

494 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

These dwellings, the floors of which are now 2 to 2J^ feet
beneath the surface, are completely filled with soil and debris. The
mounds represent clusters of such dwellings.

When dug into, the rooms of the houses were found generally
to contain a simple comer fireplace, near which potsherds were
usually unearthed. In some of the few cases in which excavation
was conducted, sherds of pottery were the only reward. In one
room, however, there was found on the floor about half of the skel-
eton, in a poor state of preservation, of a person of small stature.
At some distance from these bones and about a foot above the
level at which they were encountered, there was embedded in the
clay, in a vertical and apparently undisturbed position, a small jar
of coiled ware filled with earth and covered with a small slab of
stone. Another room yielded, in addition to a few potsherds, a
polished double-bladed ax.

Slight excavation conducted in the slope of one of the mounds
exposed several rooms, each of which contained pottery vessels and
one or more metates and manos. The pottery is chiefly mediocre,
and in some instances quite crude ; but there were also pieces of
better quality, neatly decorated in white, black, and several shades
of red. In two of the rooms a large jar was found partly filled with
calcined human bones ; both jars were covered, one with a smaller
jar, the other with a fragment of a bowl.

Several rooms in the Talklai ruin had previously been exca-
vated by teachers in the Indian school. In some of them were
found entire pieces of pottery, and in at least one room a jar con-
taining burned human bones. On the surface of the ruin, and in
the piles of stones that had been carted there from part of it that
had been converted into an orchard, the writer found several stone
axes ranging from crude to finely polished, a number of stone
pestles of similar workmanship, many grinders varying in shape
and size, and other stone objects, all of which are now in the
National Museum. A number of large, deep, broken mortars were
found in the debris. A striking feature of the excavations was the
great rarity of stone chips and the total absence of arrow and spear
points and knives, apparently indicating that the energies of the
people in implement making were directed largely toward those

HRDUCKA] NOTES ON THE SAN CARLOS APACHE 495

employed in domestic life. Some arrowpoints have been found on
the neighboring mesas by the teachers and children, but their origin
is uncertain.

From what was seen of the other ruins, they are identical in
character with those here described. Some have been dug into and
pottery containing burned human bones were found. At San Carlos,
on the Gila, a large jar of coiled ware, containing cremated human
bones and covered with a bowl, was found in digging by school
children, and at the time of my visit was in possession of Dr S. B.
Weeks, superintendent of the school.^ It may here be remarked
that a somewhat similar burial was unearthed early in the present
year at Sacaton, on the Gila, three days' journey southwestward
from San Carlos. These call to mind burials of a kindred nature
found by Mr F. H. Cushing in Salt river and Gila valleys for the
Hemenway Expedition, by Dr J. Walter Fewkes in the vicinity of
Solomonsville on the Gila for the Bureau of American Ethnology,
and a recent single find near Fort Apache. It points to a former
widespread custom, among the ancient inhabitants of this section, of
cremating their dead and burying the remains in jars, while at the
same time some non-cremated dead were buried in the rooms.

When questioned about the ruined habitations and the people
who abandoned them, the Apache profess total ignorance. They
say that when they first came into the country the ruins were just
as they are today. Their name for the old people is NaMh-ki-de,
which means '* ancient ones.'* The fact should not be overlooked,
however, that their traditions are meager. Many of the men who
would have preserved their lore were killed during their almost in-
cessant warfare, and the younger element know little beyond per-
sonal recollection.

U. S. National Museum,
Washington, D. C.

1 Several similar burials have since been discovered in this locality, and some of the
calcined bones and potsherds obtained have just been received from Dr Weeks by the
National Museum.

A PAWNEE PERSONAL MEDICINE SHRINE

By GEORGE A. DORSEY

The following narration by Shooter, one of the oldest of the
Kitkehaki tribe of Pawnee, is interesting from several points of
view, especially on account of the light it throws on the use of
personal " medicine '* shrines among the Pawnee.

** My father was born a poor boy while our people lived at the
bend of the Republican river. As he grew up he wandered about
trying to find some way to become prominent among the people.
He wandered away from the village until he came to a high bluff.
On the south side of the bluff was a deep ravine, with many cedars.
Now, he wandered about there until he came to a place in the middle
of the cedars, and there he saw a stone man, and about the man
there were many presents. My father filled his pipe and smoked
to the stone and asked help of him. He also placed some presents
in front of the stone man, then prayed to him for success. He went
off, and in a few days found a camp of the enemy. He captured
many ponies and took them home.

** A few days afterward he started out on the war path, taking
several young men with him. On the way he told them that they
must be poor in heart and must pray for success. When they
came to the ravine he told the others to stay behind, and he went
on by himself. He came to the place where the stone man was
and offered presents and smoked to him. After he had talked to
him he returned to the other young men. They continued their
journey and found the tipis of some enemies, which they attacked.
They killed many and took some scalps. They also captured many
ponies. They returned to their village victorious.

*' The people wondered why my father had such success in cap-
turing ponies and killing enemies. Oqe of his brothers begged him
to tell the secret of his success. He consented and told his brother
to come with him. They started to the ravine and soon came to
the place where the stone man was. About him they saw many

496

DORSEY] A PAWNEE MEDICINE SHRINE 497

presents of moccasins, leggings, and many other things. They made
presents to the stone man and gave him smoke from their pipe.
When they talked to the stone man they said : * We wish to touch
you. Do not be angry with us.* They touched the stone man and
found him to be made of iron-stone of a greenish color. They be-
lieved that the stone man was a god, that he had come from one of
the stars in the heavens. They kept the secret for a long time. The
brother went off and came to a camp of some other people, and in
the night they captured many ponies and took them home.

** There was one man in the tribe who did not seem to have
luck in anything that he undertook to do. When he joined a war
party, that party failed to capture any ponies. Everybody disliked
him. Finally he was rejected by war parties. At last he gave up
and was looked upon as a poor man. One day this poor man de-
termined to beg my father to tell him why he was so successful in
capturing so many ponies. One night he went to my father's lodge.
As he entered, my father greeted him with * Nawaf* and pointed to
a mat for him to sit upon. The poor man placed his hands upon
my father's head, passed them down to his arms, and said : * My
brother, I am poor. Take pity on me. Tell me what it is that
makes you so successful in capturing ponies.' My father said : * I
am glad to hear you say this. Go to your home. Have your
people make moccasins for you. This night you and I shall start
on a long journey, and I will show you the thing that makes me
successful.' The poor man thanked my father and went to his
lodge. He made preparations, then went to my father's lodge,
where he found my father smoking his pipe and waiting for him.
They started. For many days they walked toward the west, and
at last came to the ravine. My father said : * Now, my brother,
you are the third man who will know my secret. Where we are
going there rests an iron-stone man. Be sure to be poor in heart.
Talk to the stone and let all your wishes be known. Say that you
are poor, and keep nothing back.*

** When they came to the place where the stone man had always
stood, they saw that he was gone ; there was only a burnt place
where the stone had stood. My father said : * My brother, the
thing is gone, but it is a god. Fill your pipe and place some of the

498 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 7, 1905

tobacco upon the ground where he stood and speak to him. He is

a god ; he will hear your words.* The poor man, instead of filling

his pipe, went to the place and knelt down. He bowed his head to

the ground, then stood up, and said : * Heavens, why could you not

let this god remain until I should come ? He is gone, but where ?

I shall pray to this place where he once stood. His power must

remain upon the ground.' He knelt down to the ground and said :

' My Father, the big Meteor-star, I ask you to take pity on me. I

am poor. My people do not like me. They call me * the poor

man.* Now I call upon you to take away this poor spirit of mine

and put a new spirit in me. Make it for me so that I can capture

many ponies. Make me brave so that I can kill the enemy, and

once in a while let me take a scalp so that I may offer it to the gods.

Let me become a brave, then a chief.* The poor man arose, filled

his pipe, gave a few whiffs toward the heavens, then a few whiffs to

where the iron-stone man had sat. As he blew the whiffs, he said :

* Grant my wishes.* Then he emptied the ashes from his pipe upon

the ground, where the iron-stone man had sat. My father made his

offering, and they started off After a few days' journey they came

to a village. The two men captured several ponies, then they went

home.

** The poor man became a great warrior. When the village was

attacked by the enemy he killed many of the enemy and counted

coup. Finally he was recognized as a brave man. He was one of

a delegation of chiefs selected to go to Washington to make the

first treaty, and when the delegation returned from Washington he

wore upon his breast a medal of one of the presidents. When he

saw my father, he took the medal from his breast and placed it upon

him, saying : ' You shall be a chief, and I shall be only an errand

man for you,* — so grateful was he to my father because he had

helped him when he was in trouble."

Field Columbian Museum,
Chicago, Illinois.

DRESS AND ORNAMENTS OF THE NEW ENGLAND

INDIANS

By CHARLES C. WILLOUGHBY

HAIRDRESSING

The hair of the New England Indians was dressed in various
ways, the styles being determined in a measure by the age and
station of the individual. At the age of puberty the boys were
permitted to wear it long; previous to that period it was cut in
various ways. Some of them wore a long foretop, a long lock on
the crown, and one on each side of the head, the rest of the hair
being cut even with the scalp.* Among the Omaha the boys
belonging to different gentes had their hair cut in forms symbolic of
their particular gens.* It seems probable that a similar practice
was prevalent in New England. The men sometimes wore their
hair in a loose, disheveled manner,^ although generally, and especi-
ally among the better class, much care was observed in oiling and
dressing it. The young men and soldiers frequently wore it long
on one side, that of the opposite side being cut short.* The long
hair upon the left side was bound into a knot.*

Another method which seems to have been quite general was to
gather and tie the hair into a long round knot at the back of the
head, like " a horse's tail bound with a fillet." * In this knot or twist
feathers of the eagle or turkey were fastened.^ The front hair was
cut short or was shaved far up on the head, the long hair remaining
being combed and twisted in various ways and intertwined with

1 Wood, New England^ s Prospect^ p. 72.

* Alice C. Fletcher, A Study of the Omaha Tribe ^ Smithsonian Report, 1897, p. 582,
pi. n.

'John Ogilby, America : Being an Accurate Description of the New Worlds p. 15 1.

♦Wood, op. cit., p. 72.

'Morrill, Poem on New England ^ Mass. Hist Coll., ist series, vol. i, p. 131, repr.
1859.

'Wood, op. cit., p. 71.

' Cookings Hist. Collections^ Mass. Hist. Coll., 1st series, vol. i, p. 153.

499

-1

500 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

feathers,* as already noted. Higgeson mentions one lock being
longer than the rest ; * he probably refers to the scalp-lock. The hair
of the Mount Hope warriors was trimmed " comb fashion," ' that is
like a cockscomb, both sides of the head being shaved, leaving a
ridge of comparatively short, upright hair extending across the head
from front to back. The hair was sometimes gathered and tied in
two locks or rolls,* the common method among most modem
Indians who wear it long.

The beard was rarely allowed to grow,* but was removed as it
appeared. This custom was not universal, however, for Brereton *
noticed several Indians with black, thin beards in the party who
met Gosnold.

There is little information as to the methods of dressing
women's hair. Verrazano^ says they adorned their heads with
divers ornaments made of their own hair which hung down before
on each side of their breasts. Champlain ® saw a girl with her
hair very neatly dressed with a skin colored red and bordered on
the upper part with little shell beads. A portion of it hung down
behind, the rest being braided in various ways. Both sexes some-
times powdered their hair.*

TATTOOING

Tattooing seems to have been confined principally to the cheeks,
upon which totemic figures were made. Wood " writes that many
of the better class bore '* upon their cheeks certain pourtratures of
beasts, as bears, deares, mooses, wolves, etc., some of fowls, as of
eagles, hawkes, etc., which be not a superficial painting but a cer-
tain incision or else a raising of their skin by a small, sharp instru-
ment under which they conveigh a certain kind of black unchange-
able ink which makes the desired form apparent and permanent."

^Champlain, Voyages^ vol. II, p. 63 (Prince Society).

•Higgeson, Nnu England Plantation^ Mass. Hist. Coll., 1st series, vol. I, p. 123.

'Drake, History of Philif s War, p. 23.

*Ibid., p. 116.

* Champlain, op. cit., p. 85.

* Brereton, Account of Gosnold^ s Voyage, Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. viii.
T Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, liakluyt Society's reprint, p. 65.

*Op. cit., p. 85.

•Gookin, op. cit., p. 153. S. G. Drake, Tragedies of the Wilderness, p. 52.

»0Op. cit., p. 74.

wiLLOUGHBY] DRESS OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 50I

Johnson * notes a blue cross tattooed (" dyed very deep ") over the
cheek-bones of the women.

FACE PAINTING

Face painting was common with both sexes, and among the
men more especially when on war raids. Soot was commonly
used for black, and red earth or the powdered bark of the pine
tree for red.* These were the more common colors. White, yel-
low, and blue were also used. Waymouth * saw men with their
bodies painted black and their faces black or red, some having
stripes of excellent blue over their upper lip, nose, and chin. The
eyebrows were sometimes painted white.

The women painted their faces with various colors and in time of
mourning with black.* They " painted their faces in the hollow
of their ^y^s and nose with a shining black, out of which the tip of
their nose appears very deformed, and their cheek bones being of
a lighter swart black on which they have a blue cross dyed very
deep." *

CLOTHING

The breech-clout was worn by both sexes. It was made of the
skin of various animals, dressed with or without the hair. Cham-
plain saw the skin of the doe and seal used for this purpose.
Archer* speaks of seal skin, Waymouth^ of beaver skin, and
Brereton® of black tanned skin. Later a strip of European cloth a
yard and a half long was used in place of the skin of an animal. A
girdle of snake skin* or other material (Samoset's girdle was
fringed) served to support the breech -clout, which passed between
the legs of the wearer, its ends being joined to the belt or carried
up before and behind between the body and the girdle, over which

* Edward Johnson, A History of New England y Lx)ndon, 1654, p. 116,

* Roger Williams, Key into the Language of America ^ Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc., vol.
I, pp. 154, 160.

'Waymouth, Voyage to the Coast of Maine, Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. VIII,
pp. 136, 146.

^Gookin, op. cit., p. 153.

* Johnson, op. cit., p. 116.

•Archer, Account of Gosnold^ s Voyages, Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. viii, p. 73.
^Op. cit., p. 136.
*0p. cit., p. 88.
•Ogilby, op. cit, p. 152.

502 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

they hung like an apron, '' a flap before and a tail behind." It is
probable that the apron mentioned by Williams, Brereton, and other
writers was the broad end of the breech-clout hanging before. As
a rule the boys wore no breech-clout until ten or twelve years of
age, but the girls wore a " little apron " from their birth.* The
woman's breech-clout hung down a little longer behind than the
man's.'

Usually neither sex wore any other garment indoors,' and it was
not uncommon in earlier days for both sexes to appear out of doors
in this scanty dress. In Wood's time the women usually wore an
additional short garment of skins or of European cloth wrapped
like a blanket about their lions, reaching down to their knees, which
they never put off in the company of Europeans.

In addition to the breech-clout it was customary for the men,
and sometimes for the boys, to wear close-fitting leggings of tanned
deer skin.* These were worn for warmth in cold weather, on dress
occasions, and by hunters as a protection from brush and briers.
Their lower ends were fastened within the moccasins^ and their
upper extremities were secured by straps to the girdle, which was
sometimes ornamented with pendants or " set with forms of birds or
beasts." The leggings were ornamented with designs in yellow,
blue, and red.* The women also sometimes wore leggings.^

Moccasins were made usually of moose skin, this leather being
thick and durable. When moose skin could not be obtained, deer
skin was substituted. Beautiful moccasins of white dressed skin
embroidered with dyed moose hair were sometimes worn by the
women. Such moccasins were worn at dances® and on other
ceremonious occasions.

Mantles or robes were made of the skins of the moose, deer,
bear, beaver, otter, raccoon, fox, and squirrel, and were worn by

'Williams, op. cit., p. 106.
'Champlain, op. cit., p. 85.
'Williams, op. cit., p. 106.

*Waymouth, op. cit., pp. 136, 140. Mourt's ^f\^\\on^ Journal of the Pilgrims to
Plymouth ^ Cheaver's reprint, p. 59.

* Morton, Nnv English Canaan^ Prince Society's reprint, p. 142.

' John Josselyn, Tivo Voyages to New England^ Veazie reprint, p. 100.

"^ Morton, op. cit., p. 144.

•Mrs Rawlandson's Captivity in S. G. Drake's Tragedies of the Wilderness^ p. 5a.

wiLLOUGHBY] DRESS OF NE IV ENGLAND INDIANS 503

both sexes. Beautiful cloaks were manufactured of the iridescent
feathers of the wild turkey, •* woven with twine of their own mak-
ing," * so that nothing could be seen but feathers. These cloaks
were usually the work of the old men,* but sometimes were made
by the women for their children.'

When in the vicinity of Wellsfleet harbor, Massachusetts, Cham-
plain * saw robes woven of ** grass and hemp scarcely covering the *
body and coming down only to the thighs.'* These were probably
identical with the silkgrass mantles of the southern Algonquians
illustrated by John White in 1585.*

A single skin of the moose, deer, or bear served for a man's
robe. Moose skins were commonly dressed without the hair and
were made ** wondrous white." * Few examples of white-dressed
buckskin have been preserved. A pair of old Algonquian mocca-
sins of this material are in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge.
They are of a uniform milk white, and in texture resemble the finest
chamois skin. When used as a mantle the white-dressed moose
skin was ornamented near its edges with a border in color laid on
with size **in form like lace set on by a tailor, and some they stripe
in size with works of several fashions very curious according to the
several fantasies of the workmen wherein they strive to excel one
another." ^ Verrazano saw a similarly ornamented robe upon an
Indian whom he met in southern New England in 1524.® The
colors used were evidently red, blue, and yellow.^ The Nascapee
and Montagnais to the north of the St Lawrence at the present time
ornament the borders of their deer-skin robes and coats with elab-
orate ancient patterns in these colors, laid on with a size made of
fish roe, a pointed bone serving instead of a brush. Examples of
this modem work may be seen in the larger museums. Similar

^ Morton, op. cit., p. 142.
•Williams, op. cit., p. 107.
'Jossclyn, op. cit., p. 78.
*0p. cit., p. 85.

•For a reproduction of this drawing see Eggleston, Household History of the United
StateSf p. 70.

'Morton, op. cit., p. 142.
' Ibid.

•Op. cit., p. 65.
•Jossel3m, op. cit., p. 100.

504 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

designs in bead-work upon the borders of the cloth coats of the
Penobscot and Micmac chiefs are survivals of the ancient New
England decoration. These bead-work designs are also similar to
the painted designs of the north. Certain decorative motifs in these
borders are persistent throughout a large portion of the great Algon-
quian area.

Deer-skin mantles were dressed with or without the hair, and
a perfect tail greatly enhanced their value. In winter the hair was
worn innermost.* Those especially prepared for summer wear were
dressed usually without the hair. These garments were fastened
at the shoulders with leather. They were thrown over one or both
shoulders and brought usually under one arm.* When traveling
they were also secured at the waist with a belt. This belt was
sometimes hollow and served as a receptacle for parched com, the
usual food for a journey.^

The common method of wearing a mantle left one arm exposed.
In cold weather this arm was usually covered with a ** deepe furr'd
cat [lynx] skin like a long large muffe which hee shifts to that arm
which lieth most exposed to the winde.*' *

One of the Indians who, with Samoset, visited the Pilgrims,
wore a " wild cat's skin or such like on one arm, '* * not carried hang-
ing over the arm as some have supposed.

Nearly one hundred years previous to the arrival of the Pilgrims
Verrazano also saw skins of the bay lynx worn as arm coverings
by the Indians of southern New England.

Morrell, in his poem on New England, written in 1623, writes
that **an otter skin their right arms doth keep warm." Levett
evidently saw beaver skins used in pairs as detached sleeves.*
Waymouth says some of the mantles **had sleeves, most had none."
He does not make it clear, however, whether they were attached to
the mantle or formed separate articles of clothing. The Nascapce

* Levett, Voyages to the Coast of Maine, Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. viii
p. 178.

*Higgeson, op. cit., p. 123.
'Williams, op. cit., p. 33.
*\Vood, op. cit, p. 73.
*Mourt, op. cit., p. 59.
6 Op. cit., p. 170.

wiLLOUGHBY] DRESS OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 505

and Montagnais and the neighboring Kskimo wore coats fitted with
sleeves, and it is possible that the eastern Maine Indians may have
had such garments in prehistoric times, but there is hardly enough
evidence to warrant the assumption.

The men wore at the girdle a pouch of dressed skin containing
fire-making implements.* A pipe and tobacco were also carried in
the pouch, which was sometimes suspended from the neck.* The
women's robes were longer and fuller than those of the men. In-
stead of one deer or bear skin two were sewed at full length. These
garments were so long as to drag on the ground ** like a great
ladies train." ^ For want of better clothing the poorer classes
sometimes used grass or the leaves of trees.* This practice does
not seem to have been common. During the first trading expedi-
tion of the Pilgrims the Indian women sold their robes *' from their
backs, and tied boughs about them, but with great shamefastnesse.*' *

HEADDRESS

Eagle or turkey feathers were worn in the hair. A headdress
of upright feathers was also worn, which was probably similar to
those common among many modern tribes. It was like a coronet,*
broadwise like a fan^ or like a turkey-cock's train.®

A curious head ornament of colored deer hair was worn, similar
to those common among certain western tribes during the century
just past. The western examples are fastened to the scalp-lock
and cross the head from front to back, the dyed hair of which they
are made being longer in front and standing upright. Gookin*
describes those of New England as ** deer shuts made in the fashion
of a cock's comb dyed red and crossing their heads like a half
moon." Waymouth refers to them as a " kind of coronet . . .
made very cunningly of a substance like stiff hair colored red,

1 Brereton, op. cit., p. 91*
'Williams, op, cit., pp. 55, 108.
'Morton, op. cit., p. 144.
^Champlain, op. cit., p. 123.
*Mourt, op. cit., p. 91.
* Brereton, op. cit., p. 92.
^Mourt, op. cit., p. 59.
•Archer, op. cit., p. 75.
•Op. cit., p. 153.

AM. ANTU., N. S.. 7-34

506 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [^N. s., 7, 1905

broad and more than a handful in depth/* The skin of a black
hawk was highly prized as a headdress. White feathered bird
skins, a fox*s tail, or a rattlesnake skin were also used. Head-
bands decorated with wampum and other beads were not uncom-
mon.

ORNAMENTS IN GENERAL

Bracelets, necklaces, and head-bands were common, especially
among the women. Mrs Rawlandson saw a necklace of human
fingers.* Ear pendants of copper were worn at an early period.
Pendants in the form of birds, beasts, and fishes, carved from bone,
shell, and stone, were worn in the ears,^ also the brilliant skin of the
humming bird. Verrazano,' in 1524, saw many plates of wrought
copper. Archer saw a piece of copper a foot in length and half as
wide, used as a breast-plate. Brereton,^ in 1602, saw a " great store
of copper, some very red, some of a paler color [brass] . None of
them but have chains, earrings or collars of this metal. . . . Their
chains are many hollow pieces cemented together, each piece of the
bigness of one of our reeds, a finger in length, ten or twelve of
them together on a string which they wear about their necks.
Their collars they wear about their bodies like bandoliers, a hand-
ful broad, all hollow pieces like the other but somewhat shorter,
four hundred pieces in a collar, very fine and evenly set together.*"

From archeological data we learn that native copper ornaments
were used to a limited extent by the New England Indians, though
they were probably never common. European copper and brass
were acquired at a very early date and skilfully worked into tubular
beads and other ornaments. At the time of Gosnold*s voyage
(1602) ornaments of these metals were so common among the
southern New England natives that they offered to the explorers
their '* fairest collars and charms for a knife or such like trifle."
Beads, plates, and triangular arrowpoints of copper and brass simi-
lar to those seen by Brereton and other writers have been taken
from graves and village sites and may be seen in both public and
private collections.

*0p. cit., p. 48.
'Wood, op. cit., p. 74.
'Op. cit., p. 65.
*0p. cit., p. 91.

wiLLOUGHBY] DRESS OF NEW ENGLAND INDIANS 507

Both discoidal and tubular beads of shell were used in New
England at an early date, but they were probably rare and highly
prized in prehistoric days. Champlain saw shell beads used in em-
broidery and also as ornaments for the hair. Weymouth mentions
bracelets of little round white bone strung together on a leather
string. Bracelets of small shell beads were also found by the
Pilgrims on the skeleton of a child at Cape Cod.

The New England Indians could have found little difficulty in
making and perforating the discoidal beads with primitive tools.
Perforating the larger tubular beads must have been difficult, but not
beyond the ability of the primitive artisan.

There seems to be little evidence that the smaller tubular shell
beads of the variety generally known as wampum were made to any
extent by the New England Indians previous to the beginning of
the seventeenth century. After receiving awls from European
traders the Narragansetts and Pequots were able to produce it in
considerable quantity, and these tribes grew ** rich and potent *' by
its manufacture. Prior to 1627 there seems to have been very
little wampum among the New England tribes, its use being confined
to "ye sachems and some spetiall persons that wore a litle of it
for ornament." * This harmonizes with what we have already
learned of shell beads from the early explorers.

During the visit of the Dutch to Plymouth, in 1627, they sold
to the English 50"- worth of wampum to barter with the Indians
for furs and other commodities. It was two years before this
small quantity was disposed of. The demand, however, steadily in-
creased, and as it became known among the inland tribes the Eng-
lish could with difficulty obtain enough to supply the demand " for
many years together.*' ** Neither did the English of this planta-
tion, or any other in ye land, till now that they had knowledge of
it from ye Dutch so much as know what it was, much less yt it
was a comoditie of that worth and valew. But after it grue thus
to be a comoditie in these parts, these Indians fell into it allso and
to leame how to make it ; for ye Narigansets doe geather ye shells
of which y*^ make it from their shors. And it has now contin-
ued a current comoditie aboute this 20 years."* The purple por-

> Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation^ Boston, 1898, p. 282.
•Ibid., pp. 282-283.

S08 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s,, 7, 1905

tion of the quahog shell ( Venus mercenaria) was used for making
the colored variety of wampum.

Much of the later white wampum seems to have been made
from the white part of the same shell. The columella of the peri-
winkle was also used for making the white variety. The beads are
cylindrical and are perforated lengthwise. They average less than
one-fourth of an inch in length by about one-eighth of an inch in
thickness. The color of the dark variety varies from a uniform
purplish black to a light purple, interveined with white lines and
bars. The greater part of the wampum of Indian manufacture was
made by the Narragansetts. The Dutch and the Swedes of the
middle states from a very early date manufactured large quantities,
and as late as 1844 it was made and sold by them to the Indian
traders of the west. '

Besides its use as currency, wampum was woven into garters,
belts, bracelets, collars, ear pendants, neck ornaments, head bands,
etc. It was used for ornamenting bags, wallets, and various articles
of dress. The wampum belt, woven of purple and white beads in
symbolic figures, served as an inviolable and sacred pledge which
guaranteed messages, promises, and treaties.

Mrs Rawlandson * mentions an Indian woman who wore a
" kersey coat covered with girdles of wampum from the loins up-
ward. Her arms from her elbows to her hands were covered with
bracelets; there were handfuls of necklaces about her neck." One
of King Philip's belts, curiously wrought with *' black and white
wampum in various figures and flowers and pictures of many birds
and beasts,'* was nine inches broad and when hung about Captain
Church's shoulders reached to his ankles. Philip wore two other
belts, one with two flags upon the back which hung from his head,
the other with a star upon the end being hung from his breast,*
When Philip visited Boston he wore a coat and leggings set with
wampum " in pleasant wild works " and a broad belt of the same.*

Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology,
Cambridge, Mass.

* Beauchamp, IVampum and Shell Articles used by the New York Indians^ p. 333.
'•Op. cit., p. 52.
'Drake, op. cit., p. 142.
*Josselyn, op. cit., p. in.

THE SPLAYED OR SO-CALLED ''CASCO FOOT'' IN

THE FH^IPINO

By albert ERNEST JENKS

In the American Anthropologist for April-June, 1904, there
appears an article by Dr George A. Skinner under the title *' Casco
Foot in the Filipino.'* In connection therewith I wish to present a
few facts.

I have repeatedly seen the abnormal foot development in ques-
tion among all the unshod people whom I have visited in the islands,
and publish herewith ( plate xxxiii ) illustrations from various
groups of them which show the peculiarity. The photographs
were made before Dr Skinner's article was read, and only three,
the bottoms of feet a^ d, e, were taken to illustrate the abnor-
mal. The facts I present are mainly those that I had collected
before reading Dr Skinner's article. They were not gathered for
the purpose of refuting his thesis and conclusions, which are as
follow :

** The constant use of the toes in the work [that of propelling
the casco by throwing the human body forward with the weight
against a pole, resting its lower end on the river bed] leads to a
peculiar and very great development of the feet. . . . One
must consider that feet of this formation are an attempt on the part
of nature to adapt these people to their occupation " (that of poling
the casco) ; and, ** hence it appears to be an occupation develop-
ment and not hereditary."

There is an Igorot man in Bontoc pueblo, in the province of
Lepanto-Bontoc, Luzon, whose great toe on one foot is turned at
an obtuse angle from its normal position ; the extent of this ex-
treme splaying may be better understood by noting that the great
toes shown in the accompanying illustrations are turned simply at
acute angles from the normal. I quote from notes made in 1903,
in Bontoc pueblo, a town of mountain people :

509

5 lO AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

"Twenty percent of the adults have abnormal feet. The most com-
mon and the most striking abnormality is that known as fd-imng; it is an
intuming of the great toe. Fd-wing occurs in all stages, from the slight-
est spreading to that approximating forty-five degrees.^ It was found
widely scattered among the barefoot mountain tribes of northern Luzon.
The people say it is due to mountain climbing, and their explanation is
probably correct, as the great toe is used much as is a claw in securing a
footing on the slippery, steep trails during the rainy season. Fd-wkng
occurs quite as commonly with women as with men. This deformity oc-
curs in one or both feet, generally in both if at all. An enlargement of
the basal joint of the great toe, probably a bunion, is also comparatively
common. It is not improbable that it is often caused by stone bruises,
as such are of frequent occurrence ; they are sometimes very serious, dis-
abling a person many days at a time. ' '

This bunion deformity is shown in plate xxxiii, a.

Not one percent of the Bontoc people have ever seen the ocean,
or any water navigation, and none of the people of Lepanto-Bontoc
province, or, indeed, of any of the Igorot provinces, have any form
of water transportation ; so water transportation has in no way been
the cause of their splayed feet.

In March of the year 1903, during a residence among the Bon-
toc Igorot people, one of them, a servant of ours, received such an
injury to the basal joint of his great toe from a rock in the trail
that he was unable to stand on his feet for ten days. The inflamed
wound finally broke and considerable pus ran from it. The in-
jured man immediately moved from the town in which we were
then living, and I have not seen him since ; but he and others in
the town said that his great toe would probably be spread somewhat
from the others in a short time.

Some of the coastwise people say that the splaying of their feet
is frequently caused by tree-climbing — a reasonable explanation,
as they climb cocoanut trees by walking up them with their great
toes and the tips of one or two of their smaller toes thrust in small
notches cut in the trunk. The majority, however, maintain that
they have no knowledge of the cause of the intuming toes, except
that it is due to working. This refers to all kinds of work, but

* The case of extreme splaying menlione<l in the last paragraph had not been dis-
covered when this note was made.

THE SPLA YED FOOT IN THE FILIPINO

S'l

especially to their various forms of agriculture ; it means simply
that splaying is due to being much on one's bare feet while toiling.

Some people who rides horses, as, for instance, the Sulu Mores
of the Jolo archipelago and the Lanao Moros in the vicinity of Lake

Lanaoin Mindanao, have

stirrups which they
make in such a way that
the upright passes be-
tween the great toe and
the next, as shown in
figure 21. This peculiar
stirrup necessitates a
spreading of the great
toe from the others, and
in some cases doubtless
becomes the cause of
some of their abnormal
feet.

On reading Dr Skin-
ner's article 1 was inter-
ested to know more ac-
curately the elfect of the
casco on the feet of its
human propellers ; but
not being satisfied with

Fig. 31. — Moro wooden stiirap.

my own cursory investigation in one place, I sent two clerks —
Tagalog men of Manila — to study at the same hour the two most
important water-ways of Manila, namely the Pasig river and the
Binondo canal. Thirty-one cascos were examined, averaging six
bugadores, or human propellers, each, making a total of 1 86 men.
Of these there were only three whose toes were spread even as
much as shown in figure 22, b. Those similiar to the one shown
in f of the same figure were not counted, since they are so common
in Manila as to have been considered by the two observers not as
deformed but as natural feet.

Everywhere in Manila there are men and women with splayed
feet who have never worked on cascos. Three women in Manila,

512

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

Fig. 22. — <j, r, Feet of
Sakai men, Malay penin-
sula ; by Feet of Sakai
woman ; </, FeetofTagalog
man of Manila, P. I. (nor-
mal ) ; <r, Feet of Pampango
man of Pampango province,
Luzon (beginning to splay ;
it shows the slight change
from the normal, </).

whom I have just met on the street and with
whom I have spoken, have toes that turn in-
ward greatly, and none of them could give a
reason for the abnormality.

I do not believe that this peculiar foot is
hereditary. I have never seen it in children
under nine or ten years of age, and many
inquiries have failed to reveal babes or small
children with intuming toes.

Not only are splayed feet common in the
Philippines, but they seem to have been found
sufficiently common elsewhere in the Orient to
have been noted by men of science. I quote
Deniker^ to this effect :

** We cannot enlarge on the exterior charac-
ters : ... on the more or less diverging big toe
which is remarked among the majority of peoples
of India, Indo-China and the insular world de-
pendent on Asia, from Sumatra to Japan, * ' etc.

Figure 22, a, b, r, shows three pairs of feet
of the Sakai people of Malay peninsula — a
wild mountain people who partake of the
characteristics of the Negrito and the Malay.
Two are much splayed, while the other might
easily become so.*

From the foregoing facts it would appear
that splayed feet, similar to those observed
among the bugadores in the Philippines, are
found over a large part of the area covered by
men who possess to a greater or lesser degree
the blood of an ancestral Asiatic people who
may be called the Primitive Malayans. These

1 Deniker, The Races of Man^ London, 1900, pp. 94-

95.

^Journal Anthr. Inst, Gr. Brit, and Ireland^ vol.

xxxii, pp. 142-152, 1902; **Some Anthropological Results

of the Skeat Expedition to the Malay Peninsula," by Laurence

H. Duckworth.

Y
s

JENKS] THE SPLA YED FOOT IN THE FILIPINO 5 1 3

modem peoples occupy not simply the territory spoken of by Den-
iker, but they are also well spread over the Pacific area.

It appears from instances cited in this paper that the abnormality
may be due to a definite injury to the basal joint of the toes, but
is most often due to such constant activity as gradually and usually
unconsciously spreads or turns the toes inward. These facts
agree with Dr Skinner's conclusion that the splayed foot is not due
to heredity ; but they do not agree with his opinion that it is the
result of the particular occupation of poling the casco, and there is
no evidence to show that it is " an attempt on the part of nature to
adapt these people to their occupation/'

It is believed that there is a tendency among the various off-
spring of the Primitive Malayans toward splaying of the feet.
This is probably due to a weakness of the basal joints of the toes,
coupled with the fact that the toes are naturally in, or very near, a
straight line with the inside of the foot, rather than inclined toward
the outer side. The feet of Chinamen in the Philippine islands, who
do as much toiling, barefoot, as the Filipinos, do not appear to be
splayed. I fail to find any with the toes inturning at their bases ;
there are many with the great toe somewhat separated from the
others, but this spreading I believe is likely the result of unshod feet
that constantly bear the body of a hard-toiling pedestrian. Since the
natural position of Filipino toes is as stated, special habitual efforts,
such as walking up-hill, over rough or slipping ground, or with the
weight against a casco pole, or horse-back riding with Moro stirrups,'
would tend to produce the particular foot under discussion, provided
the tendency to weakness of the basal joints prevails. When we
see that this abnormality occurs commonly, though not hereditarily,
among men spread over such an extended area and following such
varied pursuits as those of mountain pedestrians, agricultural
laborers, coastwise tree-climbers, horsemen, and rivermen, the safest
conclusion to draw regarding its origin seems to be that it is the
result of various causes, most of which further or accentuate a
natural tendency, and that it is not the result of any one occupation,
that, for instance, of propelling the casco.

The Ethnological Survey for the Philippine Islands,
Manila, May 31, ^905-

IN MEMORIAM: WASHINGTON MATTHEWS

Washington Matthews, soldier, surgeon, anthropologist, poet,
was born in Killiney, county Dublin, Ireland, July 17, 1843, and
died in Washington, D. C, April 29, 1905, in his sixty-second year.

Killiney, the little village in which Dr Matthews first saw the
light, is one of the prettiest suburbs of Dublin, a few miles south
from the city, with the blue waters of the bay in front and the
blue mountains of Wicklow behind. It is locally noted for its
ancient ruined church, dating back to the sixth century, and for its
gray stoned cromlech, the " Druids' Judgment Seat," linking the
present to the dim prehistoric past. In a letter written shortly
before the end, he says of the old home place : *' In Ireland, resi-
dences with grounds around them usually have proper names, a
custom which, in America, prevails more in the south than in the
north. The house I was bom in, still standing ten years ago, was
named Glenalua (Glean n-a-luaighe), or * Valley of Lead.' There
was a lead mine near there in the ancient days. It was exhausted
years ago, but they still occasionally find small fragments of lead
ore when quarrying around Killiney."

Dr Nicholas Blayney Matthews, father of the subject of our
notice, was himself a leading physician and university graduate in
medicine. With that admiration for free government which makes
every Irishman half an American, he named the boy Washington.
While the child was still in infancy, the mother, formerly Miss
Anna Burke, died, and the father, finding the old walks lonely
without the companion of his love, closed up his affairs at Home
and came to America in 1847, bringing his two motherless boys
with him. After a short residence in Wisconsin, then a territory,
he returned with his children to Ireland, where they remained
about three years before coming out again to this country, this
time to settle in Dubuque, Iowa. Here the boy grew up, having
his first education in the common schools, and at seventeen began
the study of medicine under his father, with a course of lectures at
the medical department of the University of Iowa, from which he

514

IN MEMORIAM: WASHINGTON MATTHEWS 51$

received the degree of M.D., May 28, 1864, in his twenty-first
year.

The civil war being then in progress, Dr Matthews at once
volunteered for service, and was assigned to duty as acting assistant
surgeon at Rock Island, Illinois, looking after the Confederate
prisoners in the government hospital at that place. He remained
here until mustered out at the close of the war in May, 1865, when
he was immediately appointed to the regular army and received
an assignment as post surgeon at Fort Union, Montana. Here he
first came in close contact with Indians, whom thenceforth he made
a life study, at a time when they were still wild and unsubdued.

His subsequent assignments, as given in the army records, are
as follow: Post surgeon. Fort Berthold, N. D., 1865-66; in the
field with General Terry's expedition, Dakota, 1867; at Fort Ste-
venson, N. D., 1867-68; post surgeon. Fort Rice, N. D., 1869-
70; post surgeon, Fort Buford, N. D., 1870-72; post surgeon,
David's Island, New York harbor, November to December, 1872 ;
post surgeon, Willet's Point, New York harbor, December, 1872
to May, 1873; post surgeon. Fort Wood, New York harbor, to
June, 1873 ; post surgeon. Fort Sullivan, Maine, to November,
1873 ; post surgeon, David's Island. New York harbor, to Novem-
ber, 1874 ; at Fort Hamilton and Fort Wood, New York harbor,
April, 1875 ; ordered to Department of California, April 23, 1875 ;
Alcatraz island, San Francisco harbor, Cal., June, 1875 to April,
1876; post surgeon, Camp Independence, Cal., to July 10, 1877 >
in the field with expedition against Nez Perce Indians, July to Octo-
ber, 1877; ^^ ^he field with expedition against Bannock Indians,
1878; at Camp Bidwell, Cal., to June 30, 1880; ordered to the
Department of the Missouri, September 7, 1880; post surgeon.
Fort Wingate, N. Mex., October, 1880 to April, 1884; Army
Medical Museum, Washington City, 1884-90; Fort Wingate, N.
Mex. (second assignment), 1890-94; retired for disability con-
tracted in line of duty, September 29, 1895. He was commissioned
as assistant surgeon in 1868; as captain and assistant surgeon in
1871 ; and as major and surgeon in 1889.

On his first assignment to duty on the upper Missouri in 1865,
Dr Matthews at once became deeply interested in the native tribes

5l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

of that region and soon began the study of the allied Hidatsa
(Minitari), Arikara, and Mandan, in the vicinity of Fort Berthold,
with whom he remained in close touch for much of the next six
years. He brought to this study all the sympathetic enthusiasm
of a young man and the exact method of a trained scholar with
such good result that he mastered the Hidatsa language — we use
the word 7nastered With its full significance — so that, when under
the disheartening misfortune of the entire destruction of all his
manuscript notes and his library by the burning of his quarters at
Fort Buford in 1871, he was able to rewrite from his inner knowl-
edge the "Grammar and Dictionary of the Hidatsa" and the
** Hidatsa (Minnetaree) English Dictionary," which remain to-day
the monument and authority on this language. A second and ampli-
fied revision of these works was issued by the U. S. Geological
and Geographical Survey in 1877 under the title ''Ethnography
and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians." It was characterized at
the time by a competent authority as the most important memoir
on our aboriginal languages that had appeared since the great
Dakota dictionary of Riggs, twenty-six years before.

In 1877 ^^ Matthews married Miss Caroline Wotherspoon,
daughter of Dr A. S. Wotherspoon, U. S. Army. In the years
thenceforward, whether on the remote frontier or in eastern cities,
she was ever his closest companion, his most helpful and interested
assistant, his best inspiration, and his tender nurse at the end.

In 1880, at the suggestion of Major J. W. Powell, director of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, he was transferred to duty at Fort
Wingate, N. Mex., in the Navaho country, where he remained four
years, with a second assignment of four years more in 1890-94.
Here, a thousand miles removed from the distractions of civilization,
all his spare time and energy, apart from his duties as post surgeon,
were given to the study of the great Navaho tribe, at that period
uncontaminated heathens, as he himself has happily expressed it.
The greater part of this work, of which the first fruits were given to
the Bureau of American P2thnology, was entirely a labor of love,
at his own personal expense, involving the hiring and usually the
feeding of Indian informants and interpreters, with frequent horse-
back journeys over a difficult country to witness ceremonies,

IN MEMORIAM: WASHINGTON MATTHEWS 517

identify sites, or collect plants. The results were a marvelous
revelation. His ** Mountain Chant " and " Prayer of a Navaho
Shaman " awakened the scientific world to the possibilities of Indian
myth and ritual, and created an interest in the subject which has
never slackened. His technologic studies in the same field, as
embodied in his papers on Navaho weaving and silverwork, and
his botanic and medical studies, chiefly still in manuscript, are of
equal importance and alike bear the stamp of careful exactness.
The promise held out by his earlier papers has been amply fulfilled
by his later and larger works, ** Navaho Legends,'* published as a
memoir of the American Folk-Lore Society in 1897, and "The
Night Chant,'* published as a memoir of the American Museum of
Natural History in 1902.

Of his Navaho studies it has been well written : " The char-
acteristics of his work as an ethnologist are patience, thoroughness,
and safety. He does not imagine, but stops with what he knows,
and it is safe to be said that his work will stand practically final
for the specialty he undertook. Detail students may yet add to
our specific knowledge, for his pet tribe will last a long time, but
the last generic authority on the Navaho will be, as it is now,
Washington Matthews."

For a term of about six years, 1884- 1890, he was on duty at
the Army Medical Museum in Washington, during which period
he gave special attention to the study of craniology and anthro-
pometry, subjects at that time hardly considered by American
science. Within the same period also he made two important
investigating expeditions to the Southwest. The first of these was
undertaken in the fall of 1884, under the auspices of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, to the Navaho country, where by previous
arrangement with the priests he was privileged to witness the
whole secret rite of the Night Chant. The other, in 1887, was in
connection with archeologic investigations in the Salt river valley
of Arizona, under the auspices of the Hemenway Southwestern
Archeological Expedition. His medical and anatomic writings,
chiefly during this time, include a study of consumption among
Indians, several notable papers on methods of cranial measure-
ment, and a monograph on ** Human Bones of the Hemenway

5 1 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Collection/* published as a memoir of the National Academy of
Sciences in 1893. In the summer of 1886 he took an opportunity
to revisit the places of his childhood in the old land across the sea.
In the summer of 1888 he was one of the three physicians se-
lected to attend General Sheridan, lieutenant general of the army,
in his last illness. His associates were Dr Robert O'Reilly, now
surgeon general, and Dr H. C. Yarrow, both of Washington.

In 1892, while serving his second assignment at Fort Wingate,
he was stricken by the insidious disease which eventually caused
his death. Two years later, when it was evident that his day of
active service was past, he was recalled to Washington. On Sep-
tember 29, 189s, in accordance with the verdict of an examining
board, he was retired for disability.

The disease slowly progressed, but although for several years
before the end came he was an almost total physical wreck, unable
to go about alone, cut off from conversation, frequently suffering
intense agony, and with no hope of recovery, yet he kept his mind
clear and his heart brave and warm to the last, and some of his
best and most monumental work was produced during weeks of
pain when he was scarcely able to move without assistance. At
last the strength of what was once a magnificent frame was utterly
sapped. While writing at his desk he attempted to rise unaided,
but the effort was too great. He fell to the floor, sustaining such
injury that medical science was powerless to help, and his life
passed away a few weeks later. He was buried as a soldier at
Arlington where rest his oldtime friends and associates, Sheridan,
Mallery, Bourke, Coues, and Powell. He is survived by his wife,
by several relatives in Iowa, and by his father's sister in Ireland.

Dr Matthews took an active interest in scientific things and
was a member of the American Anthropological Association,
American Association for the Advancement of Science, American
Climatological Association, Association of American Anatomists,
Anthropological Society of Washington, Philosophical Society of
Washington, National Geographic Society, American Folk-Lore So-
ciety, Chicago Folk-Lore Society, and Torrey Botanical Club. He
served as vice-president of the Chicago Folk-Lore Society in 1894,
and as president of the American Folk-Lore Society in 1 896. In

IN MEMORIAM: WASHINGTON MATTHEWS 519

1888 he received the degree of LL.D. from his own university in
recognition of his philologic work. Besides a fluent knowledge
of Hidatsa and a good acquaintance with Navaho, he had at com-
mand both German and Spanish, while his English was always a
model of literary style. He was an expert botanist, a skilful mathe-
matician, and an artist of some ability in oil colors. Those familiar
with his Indian ritual interpretations and with his sometimes con-
cealed identity knew him for a poet even without the proof offered
by the following little gem written at Gloucester, Mass., a short
time before his death :

THE CONTRAST »

Dark days around the Gloucester moors

Have come again.
With winds that wail and mists that trail

O'er land and sea ;
But darker days are in my soul,

Sad is my lot,
Despair and pain are with me here —

Alice is not.

Bright days around the Gloucester moors

Are now with me ;
Clear is the sky and fair the land

And calm the sea.
The days within my soul are bright,

And life is dear ;
For, shining like the sun's own light,

Alice is here.

Dark days around the Gloucester moors

Have come again.
With northeast gales and slanting sails,

And drifting rain.
Sad are the echoes in my soul

As breakers' moan.
And like the rain my teardrops fall —

Alice is gone.

Dr Matthews was a prolific writer, and besides the more impor-
tant works already mentioned, was the author of a large number of
shorter papers, ethnologic, medical, and general, without counting

1 Printed by courtesy of Mr Charles F. Lummis, editor of Out West^ Los Angeles,
Cal., in which magazine (May, 1905) the verses, together with the accompanying recent
portrait of Dr Matthews, first appeared.

520 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

numerous reviews and notes in the journals in which he was most
interested. He left a large body of undigested manuscript material,
relating chiefly to the Navaho, Modoc, and Paiute, which is now
in possession of the University of California.

The world knows and will increasingly appreciate the scholar,
but only those who were near to him can understand the rare
personality of the man. Physically, mentally, and morally, Wash-
ington Matthews was of the highest type of manhood. Of fine
physique and soldierly bearing, with a strong and well-modulated
voice, carrying perhaps just a little roll to make it all the more
musical, he was one to attract the attention of any audience and
hold it to the close. His thought was always well ordered, and the
expression so gracefully chosen that each word fitted to its purpose
as perfectly as the pieces of an Italian mosaic. By a faculty of
mingled sympathy and command he won the confidence of the
Indian and the knowledge of his secrets, while by virtue of that
spiritual vision which was his Keltic inheritance, he was able to
look into the soul of primitive things and interpret their meaning as
few others have done. He had a deep sense of the physician's
mission in the relief of human suffering. With a modesty that
shrank from publicity and despised notoriety, he was without jeal-
ousy and rejoiced always in the successful reputation of others.
One of his last utterances in life was an expression of pleasure at a
merited testimonial to a fellow worker. Of sensitive honor and
high courage, he was at ail times immediate and unsparing in de-
nunciation of anything that savored of cowardice or dishonesty.
His humor was keen, without the sting of sarcasm, and so spon-
taneous that even his serious discourse was often lightened by the
play of fancy.

And now, though the golden bowl be broken, not yet shall the
silver cord be loosed that held us in affection to one of whom it
can be said in full measure —

** His life was gentle, and the elements
So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world, * This was a man ! ' '*

J. M.

IN ME MORI A M: WASHING TON MA TTHE WS

521

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WASHINGTON MATTHEWS

1. Grammar and dictionary of the lan-

guage of the Hidatsa (Minnetarees,
Grosventres of the Missouri). With
an introductory sketch of the tribe.
(Shea^ 5 Am. Linguistics^ ser. II, no.
I, N. Y., 1873; "V, 158 p.)

2. Hidatsa (Minnetaree) English dic-

tionary. {Shears Am. Linguistics,
ser. II, no. 2, p. 149-169, N. Y.,

1874.)

3. Ethnography and philology of the Hi-

datsa Indians. (U. S. Geol. and
Geog. Surv.f Misc. Pub. no. 7,
Wash., 1877; 239 p., 80.)

4. The pagan martyrs. [Anonjrmous

poem.] ( Accompanies The Tenacity
of Indian Customs, by Sylvester
Baxter, in Am. Architect, no. 356,
Bost., Oct. 21, 1882.)

5. Navajo silversmiths. (Second Ann.

Rep. Bur. Ethnol.y p. 167-178,
pi. 16-20, Wash., 1883.)

6. A part of the Navajo mythology.

{^Am. Antiquarian, vol. v, p. 207-
224, Chicago, Apr. 1883.)

7. Navajo weavers. ( Third Ann. Rep.

Bur. Ethnol.f p. 371-391, pi. 24-
38, Wash., 1884.)

8. A night with the Navajos. By Zay

Elini. {^Forest and Stream, vol.
XXIII, p. 282-283, N. Y., Nov. 6,
1884.)

9. Mythological dry- painting of the

Navajos. [Abstract.] ( Trans.
Anthr. Soc. Wash., vol. Ill, p.
139-140, Wash., 1885.)

10. The cubature of the skull. [Abstract.]

(Ibid., p. 1 71-172.)

11. Mythic dry-paintings of the Navajos.

(Am. Naturalist, vol. XIX, p. 93 1 -
939, Phila., Oct. 1885.)

12. The origin of the Utcs. A Navajo

myth. (Am. Antiquarian, vo\.\\\,
p. 271-274, Chicago, Sept. 1885.)

13. On composite photography as applied

to craniology, by J. S. Billings ; and
on measuring the cubic capacity ot
skulls, by Washington Matthews.
Read April 22, 1885. (Mem, Nat.
Acad. Sci., vol. HI, pt 2, 13th
mem., p. 103-116, 19 pi., Wash.,
1886.)

14. On a new craniophore for use in mak-

ing composite photographs of skulls.
By John S. Billings and Washing-
ton Matthews. Read Nov. 12, 1885.
(Ibid., vol. Ill, pt. 2, 14th mem.,
p. 117-119, 4 pi.. Wash., 1886.)

15. Apparatus for tracing orthogonal pro-

jections of the skull in the U. S.
Army Medical Museum. ( J. Anat,
and Physiol., vol. XXI, p. 43-45 »
I pi., Edinb., 1886.)

16. An apparatus for determining the angle

of torsion of the humerus. (Ibid.,

p. 536-538. )

17. Navajo names for plants. (Am. Nat-

uralist, vol. XX, p. 767-777, Phila.,
Sept. 1886.)

18. Some deities and demons of the Nav-

ajos. (Ibid., p. 841-850, Oct.
1886.)

19. The mountain chant : A Navajo cere-

mony. (Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur.
Ethnol., p. 379-467, pl- 10-18,
Wash., 1887.)

20. The study of consumption among the

Indians. (N. Y. Med. J., July 30,
1887.)

21. The prayer of a Navajo shaman.

(Am. Anthropol., vol. I, p. I49-
170, Wash., Apr. 1888.)

22. A further contribution to the study of

consumption among the Indians.
( Trans. Am, Climatol. Ass*n,
[Washington meeting. Sept 18-20,
1888], p. 136-155, Phila., 1888.)

AM. AMTH.y N. S., 7-35

522

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s,, 7, 1905

23. Two Mandan chiefe. {Am, Anti-

^uariaUf toI. x, p. 269-272, 2 pi.,
Chicago, Sept. 1888.)

24. Navajo gambling songs. (Am, An-

thropol,^ vol. II, p. I-19, Wash.,
Jan. 1889.)

25. Noqoilpi, the gambler : a Navajo

myth. (J, Am, Folk- Lore, vol. Ii,
p. 89-94, Bost. and N. Y., Apr.-
June, 1889.)

26. The Inca bone and kindred formations

among the ancient Arizonians. (Am,
AnthropoL, vol. ii, p. 337-345»
Wash., Oct 1889.)

27. The gentile system of the Navajo In-

dians. (J, Am, Folk- Lore, vol.
Ill, p. 89-110, Bost and N. Y.,
Apr. -June, 1890.)

28. The Catlin collection of Indian paint-

ings. (Rfp' U, S, Nat, Mus, i8go,
p. 593-610, pi. 130-140, Wash.,
1892.)

29. Meaning of the word ''Arikara.''

(Am, Anthropol,, vol. v, p. 35-36,
Wash., Jan. 1892.)

30. A study in butts and tips. (Ibid,, p.

345-350, Oct 1892. )

31. Human bones of the Hemenway col-

lection in the U. S. Army Medical
Museum. (Mem, Nat, Acad, Set'.,
vol. VI, 7th mem., p. 139-286, 57
pi., Wash., 1893.)

32. Navajo dye stuffs. (Smithson. Rep.

i8gi, p. 613-615, Wash., 1893.)

33. The basket drum. (Am, AnthropoL,

vol. VII, p. 202-208, Wash., Apr.
1894.)

34. Some illustrations of the connection

between myth and ceremony.
(Mem. Int. Cong. AnthropoL, p.
246-251, Chicago, 1894.)

35. Songs of sequence of the Navajos.

(J. Am. Folk- Lore, vol. vil, p. 185-
194, Bost. and N. Y., July-Sept.
1894.)

36. Mt Taylor. (Am, Antiquarian^ voL

xvii, p. 294, Chicago, 1895. )

37. A vigil of the gods — a Navmjo cere-

mony. (Am, AnthropoL, vol. ix,
p. 50-57, Wash., Feb. 1896.)

38. Songs of the Navajos. (Land of

Sunshine, vol. v, p. 197-201, I pi.,
Los Angeles, Oct. 1896.)

39. In memoriam : John Gregory Boorke.

(Science, N. Y., Dec. 4, 1896.)

40. Navaho legends. (Alem, Am, Folk-

lore Soc, vol. y, Bost and N. Y.,
1897 ; viii, 299 p., map, 7 pi., 8^. )

41. The study of ceremony. (J, Am,

Folk-Lore, vol. X, p. 259-263,
Bost and N. Y., Oct-Dec. 1897.)

42. Ichthyophobia. (Ibid., vol. XI, p.

105-112, Apr. -June, 1898.)

43. Use of rubber bags in gauging cranial

capacity. {Am, Anthropol., vol.

XI, p. 171-176, Wash., June 1S98.)

44. Serpent worship among the Navajos.

(Land 0/ Sunshine, vol. IX, p. 228-
235, Los Angeles, Oct. 1898.)

45. Some sacred objects of the Navajo

rites. (Archives Int, Folk- Lore
Ass^n, World's Col. Expos., p. 227-
247, 5 pi., Chicago, 1898.)

46. The study of ethics among the lower

races, (y. Am. Folk-Lore, vol.

XII, p. 1-9, Bost. and N. Y., Jan.-
Mar. 1899.)

47. Seeking the lost Adam [mine].

(Land 0/ .Sunshine, vol. x, p. 113-
125, Los Angeles, Feb. 1899.)

48. The cities of the dead. (Ibid,, vol.

XII, p. 213-221, Mar. 1890.)

49. A two-faced Navaho blanket. (Am,

Anthropol., n. s., vol. ll, p. 638-
642, I pi., N. v., Oct-Dec. 1900.)

50. Navaho night chant, (y. Am. Folk-

Lore, vol. XV, p. 12-19, 2 pi.,
Bost. and N. Y., Jan.-Mar. 1901.)

51. The treatment of ailing gods. (Ibid,,

p. 20-23.)

m MEMO RI AM: WASHING TON MA TTHE WS

523

52. A Naraho initiation. (Land of Sun-

sAine, toI. XV, 353-356, Los An-
geles, Nov. 1901.)

53. The earth lodge in art {Am. An-

thropoL^ n. s., vol. IV, p. I-J2, 10
pi., N. Y., Jan. -Mar. 1902.)

54. Myths of gestation and parturition.

(yjiV/., p. 737-742, Oct-Dec.
1902.)

55. The night chant, a Navaho ceremony.

(Mem. Am. Mus Nat Hist, An-
thropology, vol. V ; N. Y., 1902,
xvi, 332 pp. I 8pl0

56. Was willow bark smoked by Indians ?

{Ibid,^ vol. V, p. 170, Lancaster,
Pa., Jan. -Mar. 1903. )

57. The Navaho yellow dye. {Ibid,, vol.

VI, p. 194, Jan.-Mar. 1904. )

58. The contrast [In verse.] {Out

fVest, vol. XXII, p. 304-305, Los
Angeles, May, 1905.)

59. [Various articles on Indian manners

and customs and on the Navaho
tribe, in the Handbook of the In-
dians^ in press for the Bureau of
American Ethnology.]

SOME MORE ABOUT VIRGINIA NAMES
By WILLIAM WALLACE TOOKER

In regard to Mr William R. Gerard's last article, in the Amer-
ican Anthropologist for April-June, 1905, written in answer to
mine in the issue for October-December, 1904, I here reiterate the
statements in my former essay. I cannot, owing to the limited space
at my disposal in this final word, heed all his allegations and mis-
takes, so will call attention to only a few, which will give some
indication of the character of the remainder.

In the first name, Winauk, discussed by Mr Gerard, he makes
eight blunders: (i) In rejecting Trumbull's derivation. (2) Both
Smith and Archer call it Point Wynauk, or Weanocke, as a rule
rather than the contrary. (3) Archer never called it ** Careless
point." (4) Careless point was on the opposite side of the river.
(5) He does not quote Archer correctly, who says (Smith, p. li) :
" We crossed over the water to a sharpe point, which is a parte of
Winauk [i. e., under that jurisdiction] on Salisbury syde (this I
call careless point).*' ** Salisbury side " was the south side of James
river, while Wynauk was on the north or ** Popham side." (6) His
remarks as to dialect and the quotation from Trumbull in the foot-
note are erroneous, as if the Powhatan and Massachusett did not
belong to the same language. (7) Weafi-ohke can be used without
the preposition -ut or -//, as many place-names show. (8) No In-
dian would have called the place Winach, ' sassafras ' or * sweet
wood,' without a locative of some sort, as Algonquian nomencla-
ture requires.

Chickahominy, — Mr Gerard cannot find a single reference to a
town called " TshikihdnUny ^ The verb could not be used in this
form as a place name, because it does not imply a fixed location.
It would be as appropriate to apply to a place the English verb ** to

^ Manosquosick was the first town on the river visited by Smith, but not named on
his map, for Afeyascosic of the map is not the same town. The proof of this is very
positive.

524

TOOKBR] SOME MORE ABOUT VIRGINIA NAMES 525

sweep.*' My notes, made more than ten years ago, when I wrote
the results of my study of " Chickahominy," show that I rejected
this verb, along with others, in a better application, viz., TscfUk-
ham-aney-os, ' they sweep the path,' which I thought at the time
might allude to their warlike habits when on a trail, for the words
** lustie and daring people" were applied to the Indians of the river
collectively, not to the inhabitants of any one town.*

Werowacomaco. — Mr Gerard greatly confuses the derivation of
this name. He does not accept Strachey's * and Trumbull's inter-
pretation, ' a king's house,' but says it means * fertile land,' and adds
some remarkable information which is inapplicable. He does not
believe in searching the Natick for the meaning of Powhatan names,
but goes there for his altered Wenauohkomuk (Cotton) ; Weenauok-
komuk (Eliot) = weenaU'Okke-muk^ * where the land is fat, rich,
good,' which he gives as the cognate of Werowacomaco^ which it is
not, in root, prefix, suffix, or anything else. The termination -muk
is the third person singular of the present conditional passive, ' when
or where a thing is,' — a termination of common use by Eliot, who
also gives tnatohkomuk (= tnat-ohke-muH), ' where the land is lean,
poor,' thus proving the etymology.* Comaco appears in several
Powhatan names, and is the cognate of the Natick komuk = Narr.
commocky ' a house,' ' a place enclosed.' * He further remarks :
" The name for a native ryler among the Virginians, variously written
wirbans, werowance^ weroance, and wyroaunce, means ' he is rich.' "
This also is contrary to fact, as likewise is the statement that it is
from the same stem as weenau, as it really comes from another verb
found in (Narr.) wauontakick, ' wise men,' * counsellors,' (Lenape)
wewoatanky ' the learned ' or * the wise,' whence (Lenape) wewbansu
(= Powhatan werawanse), * he is wise.' Smith remarks (p. 377) :

1 Some of my reasons for rejecting the verb were : ( i ) Strachey has it in tsekehica^
* to sweep,' which led me to believe that he never recognized any sounds in the word
/srJk^f belonging to Chickahominy. (2) Tseke is a root formed by onomatopoeia to rep-
resent the action of a harsh instrument in rubbing up dust or dirt, likewise the hair of
animals and the scales of fish.

< The name was probably translated for him by Kemps, the Indian who gave him
most of his Powhatan names.

* Eliot's constructive forms are mostly omitted from Trumbull's Natick Dictionary,

<In a note Mr Gerard says: <' JVinomin, 'the grape,' means 'prolific fruit,' "
whereas it really means * vine berry.'

526 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

'' But this word Werowance, which we call and construe for a king,
is a common word, whereby they call commanders." Thus we
have Werowacomaco^ * the king's house.* *

Pocoktquara^ Powcohicara. — Algonquian names of places and
objects are all descriptive and admit of no ambiguity or inference ;
yrt Mr Gerard's translation of this term as ' it is brayed,' when
modified by nothing, is decidedly ambiguous, as it does not inform
us what was ' brayed,' hence such a translation might refer to almost
anything except " milk made of walnuts," to which the name was
actually applied. My interpretation supplied the missing link, as it
furnished an etymology descriptive of how the " milk " was " made
of broken shells, skins, or bodies," leaving nothing for supposition.
The second element, -hiquara or -kicora = (Natick) -hogkSnie^
(Lenape) -hackeney or -hocquina, is from a root of conmion use
meaning * to cover,' * to clothe,' as ' skin/ ' body,' * shell,' * husk/
' scales ' (of fish), etc. ; hence the " milk " was " made of broken or
pounded shells."*

Moekanneu, — There are insurmountable objections to Mr Ger-
ard's etymology and translation (' he eats bones ') of this term.
First, Algonquian substantives in the plural must have their verbs in
the plural. Second, the word for ' bone ' in all Algonquian dialects
is classed as an inanimate noun, hence it could not be used with the
Algonquian verb ' to eat ' something animate, which in the Lenape
has the form tnohoan * to eat'; mohoeu * he eats'; mokowak 'they
eat.' In the same dialect, things inanimate have their plural in
-all, (Natick) -ash^ hence * they eat bones ' would be rendered inani-
mately mitzowak wochganally which Eliot (Zcph., 111, 3) gives us
correctly, and in the inanimate form meechuog wuskonashy ' they

1 Mr Gerard does not quote Smith correctly. It was not IVerowacomaco that was
in breadth two miles, but the water (Purtons bay). Smith (p. 21) writes: " IVera-
ocomaco is vpon salt water in bredth two myles, and so [the river] keepeth his course
without any tarrying."

*Heckewelder (History ^ p. 194) gives us the best account of the process : "They
pound the nuts in a block or mortar, pouring a little warm water on them, and gradually
a little more as they become dry, until at last, there is sufficient quantity of water, so
that by stirring up the pounded nuts the broken shells separate from the liquor, which
from the pounded kernels assume the appearance of milk. If the broken shells do not
freely separate by swimming on the top or sinking to the bottom, the liquor is stnuDed
through a clean cloth, before it is put into the kettle."

TOOKER] SOME MORE ABOUT VIRGINIA NAMES $2/

g^aw (eat) bones.'* So Zeisberger could not by any possibility
have written moekanneu for mohawak wochganall^ for the combina-
tion would have been grammatically wrong. The radical -kan^ in
Cree and other dialects, when coalesced with the verb indicates some-
thing made of bone. My etymology describes the traits of a * wolf
dog, as noted by many visitors to Indian villages, viz : moekanneu =
(Natick) maU'kondeu^ (Narr.) mou-kanew, * he cries or mourns by
night,* from mau * he cries,* * he mourns,* nukondeu or nokaneWy ' by
night * or * in the night,* as in composition the prefix is discarded.'
The correctness of this etymology, no matter how ** extraordinary"
it may seem to Mr Gerard, is substantiated by the adverbial termi-
nation -eu, which does not belong to the verb, for that is already in
the third person singular, but to the adverb that governs the verb.
To quote Mr Gerard : " All this is simple, and of so very elemen-
tary a character that it did not occur to me to furnish an analysis of
the word * Moekanau * in my article.**

Mr Gerard's article indicates his lack of critical analysis of the
Algonquian language, and he is so hasty in his conclusions that his
etymologies are rendered worthless. This is conspicuously shown
by his statement : " In Narragansett, by incorporating the word
attbku * deer * we have modttbkweu^ * he eats deer,* and, by chang-
ing the intransitive to a verbal adjective suffix we have moattokwus,
* deer eater,* a name for the black wolf, called also deer wolf."
Now, the Narragansett word ** moattbqus^ a black wolf,** is simply
from mbivi 'black,* and nattbqus *a wolf; nattbqussuog 'wolves,'
i. e., 'they seek their prey,* which describes their chief character-
istic. Therefore there is nothing whatever in the name indicating
' eating * or * a deer,' consequently there can be no such changes in
grammar as he asserts.

Wunnauanounuck. — He says further: "What may be stated
as absolutely certain is that wunnaii does not mean * hollow ves-
sel,* and that anounau does not mean ' to carry.* *'

Consulting Roger Williams* Key, we find : " Wunnauanounuck^
a shallop. Wunnananounuckquese, a skiff. Obs : Although them-

> Eliot almost always writes it ' wuskonash * (3d pers. sing. ), his bones.

• See Zeisberger* s Grammar for * one night,* etc.

* Compare moaskug^ * black snake,* in same chapter.

528 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

selves have neither, yet they give them such names, which in their
language signifieth carrying vessels/' Can this translation by
Williams be ignored, when we learn that wunnaug is a ' shallow
vessel/ like a * tray ' or • dish/ and that -anounau = (Natick)
konunau * he carries or bears/ kounuk ' when it carries ' as a car-
riage or anything that bears burdens ?

I could extend my observations on Mr Gerard's article, but
" why multiply examples ? " *

Sag Harbor,

New York.

1 Mr Gerard's remarks on the grammar of the language are seemingly his own ideas,
and are not based on any authority on the subject. For instance, under Attaangwassuwk
be is contradicted by Eliot, who has (Job, xxxi, 2) nantpaushadt wosumoe < the moon is
bright, shining ' ; nepauz woksum (Cotton) * the sun shines,' and so we can hare anog-Jkms
wohsumuk * he appears shining.' His remarks under other words are equally erroneous.
He seemingly does not hesitate to make any change in any notation, whether it be
Williams', Eliot's, or Zeisberger's. Brinton's remarks will apply : ** Zeisberger showed
the Delaware as it actually was spoken, though perhaps not as scientific linguists think it
ought to have been spoken."

BOOK REVIEWS

Neolithic Dew-ponds and Cattle-ways. By Arthur John Hubbard,
M.D., and Georgk Hubbard, F.S.A. With illustrations, Lon-
don : Longmans, Green & Co., 1905. 8°, vii + 69 pp.

General Pitt-Rivers, Mr E. H. Willett, Canon Greenwell, and others
have made us acquainted with the numerous earthworks on the Sussex
Downs. The most notable of these works is that of Cissbury, some three
or four miles north of Worthing. The Cissbury Ring, roughly oval in
shape, enclosing an area of 60 acres, was thought by the early writers to
be of Roman origin, but Col. A. H. Lane Fox (General Pitt-Rivers)
proved it to be the work of the neolithic inhabitants of Britain.

The Cissbury embankments, pierced at intervals by openings, suggest
the earthworks of our own mound-builders. The inner embankment is
the larger, and rises 40 feet above the ditch that separates it from the
outer.

These hill fortifications generally cover the most elevated points of
the Downs, those at Chanctonbury, a short distance north of Cissbury,
being 800 feet above sea-level. The magnitude of the works implies a
considerable population and a settlement covering a time period of no
mean length. The question, therefore, of water supply for such high
elevations is one of moment. The Messrs Hubbard, in an attractive
little volume, have attempted to solve this problem.

Some distance below the Cissbury Ring, and on opposite sides of the

summit, are two artificial depressions — one at present dry, the other (on

the north) filled with water. The authors call them "dew -ponds.*'

The mode of construction and thermodynamics of a dew-pond are best

described in the authors' own words :

''There is still in this country at least one wandering gang of men
(analogous to the mediaeval bands of bell-founders, masons, etc.) who
will construct for the modern farmer a pond which, in any situation in a
sufficiently dry soil, will always contain water, more in the heat of sum-
mer than during the winter rains. This water is not derived from springs
or rainfall, and is speedily lost if even the smallest rivulet is allowed to
flow into the pond. The gang of dew-pond makers commence opera-
tions by hollowing out the earth for a space far in excess of the apparent
requirements of the proposed pond. They then quickly cover the whole
of the hollow with a coating of dry straw. The straw in its turn is cov-
ered by a layer of well -chosen, finely-puddled clay, and the upper surface

529

530 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

of the clay is then closely strewn with stones. Care has to be taken that
the margin of the straw is effectively protected by clay. The pond will
gradually become filled with water, the more rapidly the larger it is, even
though no rain may fall.

'' If such a structure is situated on the summit of a Down, during the
warmth of a summer day the earth will have stored a considerable amount
of heat, while the pond, protected from this heat by the non -conductivity
of the straw, is at the same time chilled by the process of evaporation
from the puddled clay. The consequence is that during the night the
moisture of the comparatively warm air is condensed on the surface of the
cold clay. As the condensation during the night is in excess of the
evaporation during the day, the pond becomes, night by night, gradually
filled.

* * The dew-pond will cease to attract the dew if the layer of straw
should get wet, as it then becomes of the same temperature as the sur-
rounding earth, and ceases to act as a non-conductor of heat. This
practically always occurs if a spring is allowed to flow into the pond, or
if the layer of clay is pierced.*'

The dried up dew-pond already mentioned bears a definite relation
to the neolithic settlement at Cissbury. The origin of both, therefore,
may be presumed to date from the same epoch, a presumption confirmed
by the fact that the dew-pond in question ** appears to be thoroughly
fortified by a surrounding ditch and earthen wall, precisely similar to,
though on a lesser scale than the great prehistoric earthworks on the top
of the Downs.*'

Two roadways, roughly parallel and in places deeply cut, lead from
the eastern entrance down to the dew-pond on the north. These are
called "cattle -ways," and form another link in the chain of evidence
tending to prove that the earthworks and dew-ponds are contemporary.
Another bit of evidence is that remains of a ** dwelling " similar to those
within the Ring are sometimes found adjacent to a dew-pond. These
so-called dwelling sites marked by gentle depressions in the surface of the
ground are, however, primarily the sites of ancient pits sunk in neolithic
times to depths of from 15 to 30 feet through the chalk in search of seams
of flint suitable for the manufacture of implements. As soon as flint of
the desired quality was reached, side chambers and horizontal connecting
galleries were opened for the further exploitation of the flint nodules.
Similar works are found at Grime's Graves near Brandon, Suffolk, and at
Spiennes, Belgium. Pits, chambers, and galleries have long since been
filled by debris of one sort and another, and possibly may have been
utilized from time to time as habitations.

There is a dew-pond still full of water near Chanctonbury Ring. It
is surrounded by protecting earthworks within which are the remains of a
so-called ** dwelling "or ** watch-house." The latter is evidently the
site of a shaft sunk for the purpose of exploiting flint from the Chalk.

BOOK REVIEWS 53 1

Part II of the book treats of Maumbury Rings and Maiden Castle,
both near Dorchester. The Maumbury earthwork "appears to us to
differ entirely in purpose from the ordinary neolithic hill settlements with
which it is certainly contemporary. ' * Its orientation was carefully deter-
mined and found to coincide accurately with that of Stonehenge. It is
in all probability a prototype of the great stone structure erected on Salis-
bury Plain and suggests the practice of sun worship in the neolithic period.

There are no dew-ponds at Maumbury Rings, but there is one within
the ramparts at Maiden Castle. The area enclosed by the Rings at
Maiden Castle is from 40 to 50 acres in extent. The enclosure is pro-
tected by a series of great embankments, even now 50 to 60 feet high ;
and the ''maze of stupendous earthworks by which the entrance is
guarded baffles description. ' '

Part III deals with "cattle- tracks," a term employed to indicate
the routes selected by the herds in contradistinction to the term "cattle-
ways," used in the sense of roads built by man for the use of his cattle.

Two of the most important systems of cattle-tracks are at Ogbury
Camp near Stonehenge and at Figsbury Ring between Salisbury and
Stockbridge. At Ogbury Camp the cattle-tracks are connected with
dew-ponds, as was the case at Cissbury and Chanctonbury.

Much emphasis is placed on the value of domestic herds to these
neolithic settlers and the necessity of protecting their flocks as well as
themselves from wild beasts and other enemies. The illustrations are all
half-tones from excellent photographs and serve their purpose admirably.
To have supplemented them with a few ground-plans and sections would
have been of material assistance to the general reader in obtaining a
proper conception of the extent and meaning of the neolithic hill settle-
ments and their relations to the so-called dew-ponds and cattle-ways.

George Grant MacCurdy.

Antropometria Militare. Ridolfo Livi. Two volumes, 4®, with atlas.
Rome: Preso il Giomale Medico del Regio E Sercito, 1896, 1905.

The first volume of the valuable work by Dr Livi on military anthro-
pometry in Italy, which appeared with an atlas in 1896, has just been fol-
lowed with a second volume, devoted more particularly to data of a demo-
graphic and biologic character. Volume I deals with the stature, color
of the eyes and hair, cephalic index, and the facial characters of Italian
conscripts, chiefly from a racial point of view ; while the second volume
is devoted to the consideration of stature, weight, thoracic circumference,
etc., more from the standpoint of physiology and hygiene.

532 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

The data on which the entire work is constructed were obtained by mili-
tary medical examiners and are based on the examination of 299,355 re-
cruits throughout Italy, of the classes from 1859 to 1863. In the author's
investigations it was found, and is clearly shown, that physically the pop-
ulation of Italy is by no means homogeneous, but that it differs radically
in the northern and southern parts of the peninsula, while the central
provinces exhibit stages more or less transitional. The northern, and
particularly the northeastern portions of the country — Venetia, for exam-
ple — have a population of relatively higher stature, with higher cephalic
index, and a relatively greater proportion of blonds than the southern
provinces, Sicily and Sardinia, whose people are short and dark, with a
tendency to dolichocephaly.

The highest average statures are : Venetia, 166.6 ; Tuscany, 165.6 ;
Liguria, 165.5; Lombardy, 165.3 cm.; the lowest: Sardinia, 161.9;
Basilicata, 162.6; Calabria, 161.1; Sicily, 163.5 cm. The cephalic
index, which in the northern provinces ranges from 82.3 to 85.9, is in
Puglia 79.8; in Sicily, 79.6; in Calabria, 78.4; and in Sardinia only
77.5. The percentage of blond-haired individuals ranges from 12.6 in
Venetia to 7.2 in Emilia, in the north ; but is only 5 percent in Sicily,
3.8 in Calabria, and 1.7 in Sardinia. On the whole the people of north-
em Italy are shown by the data to be allied to the Alpine and other
northern races of whites (very probably including, in Venetia at least,
the Slavs), while the southern Italians, the Sicilians, and the Sardinians
belong chiefly to the Iberic or Mediterranean type.

The size of the chest, determined by the thoracic circumference, was
found to differ widely ; but in 50 percent of the subjects examined it
ranged between 84 and 88 cm. The largest average chest is found in the
northern, the smallest in the southern provinces, particularly in Calabria
and Sardinia. Large stature in general was found to be associated with
more ample thorax ; but the increase in the size of the chest is inferior to
the increase in stature. It should here be mentioned that the relation
between the thoracic circumference, r, and the stature, ^[(r x ioo)/j],
is incorrectly termed by the author * * thoracic index. * * Like * * cephalic
index,'* "nasal index," and ''orbital index,'* the term ''thoracic
index " should be restricted to an expression of the relations of measure-
ments (preferably the bilateral and antero-posterior diameters) of the
thorax, the part of the body indicated by the name ; and in fact the term
has already been employed for such relations. The index of Dr Livi is
the chest-height index.

To return to the results obtained by the author, it is found that the

BOOK REVIEWS 533

weight of more than 40 percent of the subjects ranged from 47 to 62 kg.
(126 to 137 lbs.), and here again the average was higher in the northern
than in the southern provinces. The average weight increased with
stature, but the relative proportion (grams per cm., or, as the author
expresses it, loc^az/j) diminishes slowly with increase in height.
Excepting those whose stature falls below 167 cm., the weight of the
American soldier, according to Gould's statistics, exceeds that of the
Italian.

Among the various professions and trades, students and butchers
attain the greatest average stature and weight, while barbers and tailors
are the smallest. For many interesting details of a similar character the
work itself must be consulted.

During the period of military service there is an increase in stature
and weight, particularly in those who through malnutrition had been
retarded in these directions ; consequently from a physical point of view
military service is beneficial.

A chapter of the second volume is devoted to the consideration of the
diseases of soldiers and their distribution, geographically and profes-
sionally.

Dr Livi*s work exhibits a vast amount of labor brought to a success-
ful issue. The volumes are illumined with numerous diagrams, a valuable
aid to the text. Both Dr Livi and the military authorities who have
supported and encouraged him may be assured of a full and general
appreciation of this service in the cause of anthropology.

A. Hrdlicka.

PERIODICAL LITERATURE
Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain

GENERAL

Alsberg (M.) Krankheit und Descen-
denz. (Corr.-Bl. d. Deutschen Ges. f.
Anthrop., Miinchen, 1904, xxxv, ii8>
122.) Discusses the question whether
there does not exist a coincidence or a
relationship between the phylogenetic
stage of evolution in an organ and a
more or less pronounced disposition in
the same to morbid changes, between
the changes run through in the course of
phylogenetic evolution and certain so-
called *' pathological phenomena," or
''diseases." Dr A. considers the ribs,
the vermiform appendix, certain glands
and gland-like organs, anomalies of re-
fraction in the human eye, rumination,
etc., from this point of view.

Andree ( H. ) Kurzer Rtickblick auf Rich-
ard Andrees literarische Tatigkeit. ( Glo-
bus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 148.)
Lists, with brief notes, chief publica-
tions, 1 860- 1 904, which covered such
topics as the Jews, metals among primi-
tive people, anthropophagy, ethnographic
parallels, deluge myths, folk-lore, votive
offerings, etc.

Anthony ( R. ) Rapport de la commission
nomm^e pour 1' attribution du prix Broca,
1904. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris,
1904, \* s., V, 589-590. ) Prize divided
between MM. Launois et Roy's Etudes
biohgiques sur Us giants (Paris, 1 904)
and M. Demonet's MS. Recherches sur
la capaciti vitale,

Barchielli (A.) Variazioni del margine
superiore dello stemo umano e loro sig-
ni^cato. (Mon. Zool. Ital., 1904,
XV, 54-61, 2 pi.) Gives results of
examination of 162 stemums of adults
and a few embryos. The tubercula epis-

tgrnaliOf of which three cases occurred,
are regarded by B. as rudiments of the
epistemum of the lower vertebrates.

Beddoe (J.) A method of estimating
skull-capacity from peripheral measures.
(J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1904, xxxiv,
266-283.) Discusses briefly various
methods and adds **new proofs" with
slight modification of author's process.
Tables of measurements of Naqada, Ro-
mano-Briton, Vedda, Negro, Sumatran,
Aastralism skulls. Pages 277-283 reply
to article by Prof. [Pearson in Biometrika
in criticism of B*s scheme.

Bermbach (/>r) Ueber Pfeilgifte und
vergiftete rfeile. (Corr,-Bl. d. Deuts-
chen Ges. f. Anthrop., Miinchen, 1904,
xxxv, 51-52.) Notes on arrow poisons
and poisoned arrows in Asia and Indo-
nesia (Ainu, Malays, Malaccans, etc.),
S. America ( Orinoco- Amazonian region,
Chocos, Cayapas, Goajiros, etc.), Africa
(East Africa, pygmies, Congo region,
Bushmen, etc.). Snake poison is a
wide-spread constituent. Vegetable poi-
sons are obtained from aconitum, strych-
nos, antiaris, solanum. American poi-
sons are curari^ toad-poison, poison from
corpses, etc. In parts of Africa spider-
poison is employed.

Boas (F. ) Some traits of primitive cul-
ture. (J. Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston,
1904, XVII, 243-254.) Discusses "the
general lack of diflerentiation of mental
activities." In primitive life religion
and science, music, poetry and dance,
myth and history, fashion and ethics,
appear to us inextricably interwoven,
yet, when we consider that all vestiges of
similar forms of thought have not yet
disappeared from our civilization, we can

534

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

see bow these pbeDomena majr fall into
■n aiAtxXf arrajr. Dr B. Dotei Ihe uio-
ciMlon belwecD tntdilionll etiquetle and
ethical feeling (je. g., senie of propriety,
religious iDtolennce, food ivenioDS,
ityles of dresi) in mcdem life and com-
pares them with aiulogoiu phenomena
in primitive life (taboos, education,
ritual, decorative act, etc.). The resis-
tance to change is largely due to emo-
tional sources, and in primitive cul-
ture emotional assodations are the
prevailing type. In civilization reason-
ing is able to modify act iti ties having no
emotional value, but " we cannot re-
model, without serious emotional resis-
tance, any of the fundamental lines of
thought and action which ate determined
by our early education, and which form
the subconscious basis of all our activi-
ties." The lou of conservatism accom-
panying the substitution, in the prc^ess
of primitive cullnre to dviliialion, of
intellectual for emotional associations,
does not affect seriously Ihe mass of sub-
consdoas activities and modes of thought
learned more by imitation than by educa-

The history of anthropology. ( Sci-
ence, N. Y., 1904, N. s., XX. 513-514- )
Address at St Loms, Sept., 1904. Dis-
cusses "the general conditions of sden-
liBc thought thai have given rise to
anthropology," — the anthropological sci-
ence of to-day is distinct in scope and
method from the speculative anthropol-
ogy of the iSth and of the early part of
the 19th century. About Ihe middle of
the last century the beginnings of anthro-
pology were laid from three distinct points
of view — historical, classifi calory, geo-
graphical {Danrin, Spencer, Tylor, Bas-
tian, Gerland, — Rltmmiargtdanktn,
"Culturbrille," etc.). The linguistic
aspect was discussed by Stcinthsl, the
somatic was set going by the metric
method of Quelelel. Folk -psychology
felt the influence of Sleinlhal and subse-

fuently of Wundt, Baldwin, Tarde,
toll. Somatology owes much to Hui-
ley. Wiederahcim, Gallon, and Pearson,
— the last two have developed the
methods of the quantitative study of the
varieties of man. The research work of
the field anthropologist is of some im-
portance, and detailed archeological and
ethnological studies have reacted upon
the theories of anthropology. Anlhro-
polc^ is now becoming of great value in

the general system of our culture and
education, particularly in enabling us to
see our origins and critidxe objectiTely
our own work.

Browar (C. DeW.) Collection and pre-
servation of antiquities for the benefit of
the public. ( Rec. of Fast, Wash., 1905,
IV. 57-60. ) Cites examples of valuable
relics hidden away in attics, bureaus,
elc, and inaccesuble to students. Argue*
for the better preservation and exhibition
of these, preferably in museums.

Baacluil(G.] CullurundGehim. (CorT.-
Bl. d, Deutschen Gei. f. Anlhrop.. 1904,
XXXV, 137-133. ) ^ttt American Anikre-
pohgist, 1905. N. s., vii, 135. This
paper, in eitended form, has appeared a*
CuUur uHd Gekim (Wiesbaden. I905)
in the series of mon<^raphs entitled
Grmtfragm det Ntrvat- und Sttltn-

CattaUhac (fi.) Les anneam-disqnes prt-
hisloriques. ( L'Anthiopologie, Paris,
1904. XV, 359-368, 5 figs. ) Risum* and
critique of an artide by Ch. Buttin OQ
La anntttux-diiquei prikisforigtus tt let
Uhakrai de F Iitdt in the Rnme Savoi-
litnne for 1903. B. compares the pre-
historic disc-rin{FS found at Combes, near
Chambiry. in 1883, with the steel disc-
rings now used as weapons only by Ihe
Akalis, a Sikh tribe of the Punjab. Car-
tailhoc thinks the comparison suggestive,
but asks more evidence.

dumbeiUln (A. F.) Proverbs in the
making: Some scientific common-placei.
11. (J. Amer. Folk -Lore. Boston, 1904,
Kvti, 368-178.} Nos. 306-450 of trite
statements of scientific facts and fancies
by writers in various modem languages.

COBvntini (F.) X-es recherches anthro-
pologiques modernes el la sodologie
ginilique. (Bull. Soc. d'Antbr. de
Paris, 19041 V* s., V, 591-600.) Dis-
cusses origin of human race {author
thinks " polygeny is not only a logical
consequence of the Darwinian theory, but
is also confirmed by the results of pre-
historic investigations"), migrations
(rare in primitive times), paleolithic
(fire created Ihe hearth and gave birth
ligion) and neolithic

il life developed ;

imad becomes seden-
tary) man, age of metals {augmentation
of human strength and improvement of
all forms of work, analogy between pre-

538

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

— »— Zur Anthropologie des Schulter-
blattes. (Ibid., 139-144, i fg.) Dis-
cusses the general structure of the
shoulder-blade, its form, etc., among the
anthropoids. In man alone the fore-limbs
have been freed from the duty of serving
as organs of movement and support, —
this, a last cause of the upright walk is
the mechanical ground for the specially
human structure of the shoulder-blade.

Sank* (K. E.) Das Gauss' sche Fehler-
gesetz und seine Verallgemeinerungen
durch Fechner und Pearson in ihrer
Tragweite fiir die Anthropologie. ( Ibid. ,
99-104.) Discusses the bearing of
Gauss's law of error, and its generaliza-
tions by Fechner and Pearson, for an-
thropology. Fixed organic variation-
series of simple measurements must
always follow Fechner' s law of distribu-
tion (close to Gauss's). Otherwise the
material is not homogeneous or the varia-
tion has been seriously interfered with.

Schmidt (E. ) Die Grdsse der Zwerge
und der sogennanten Zwergvdlker. ( Glo-
bus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 121-
125.) Discusses the stature of dwarfs
and dwarf-like races ( African pygmies,
Bushmen, Minkopi, Philippine Negri-
tos, etc. ). The Malaccan Semang and
Sakai, the Celebesan Toala, the Ved-
das of Ceylon are hardly pygmies. Ref-
erence to the average stature, etc., of the
people to which civilized explorers be-
long, has vitiated their ideas of pygmism
sometimes. Pygmies are also to be dis-
tinguished from small-statured people.

Spitzka ( A. ) The development of man's
brain. American mind destined to dom-
inate human powers of the earth. Illus-
trated by studies of the brains of intel-
lectual persons, of individuals of various
races and of criminals. (Connecticut
Magazine, 1905, 3I9-35S» 6 pi.) Dis-
cusses cerebral localization, brains of
intellectual persons, cerebro-cerebellar
ratio, callosum, race brains, criminal
brains. The brains of sane and intellect-
ually eminent persons give evidences of
morphologic superiority in surface config-
uration, complexity and area of certain
cortical territories, etc. Sane criminals
have no '* criminal cerebral character-
istics." The formation of an ^^ American
Family of the Aryan Race" now going
on will lead to bigger and better brains.

▼on den Steinen ( K. ) Die Bedeutung
der Textilmuster Hir den geometrischen

Stil der Naturvdlker. (Corr.-Bl. d.
Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., Mfinchen,
1904, XXXV, 126-127.) Points out how
the forms of nature and those of technique
stimulate the artist formation-power and
thus *< suggested motives" have a large
rdle in primitive decorative art. Zigzags,
triangles and lozenges with central cross
as a model, due to the diagonal disposi-
tion, are the starting point for numerous
examples of '* symbolism" among the
American Indians. For the North Amer-
ican Indian the triangle is a tent, for the
Polynesian a shark's tooth, for the Xingu
Indian the woman's cover. Explanations
are secondary interpretations.

Toldt (C. ) Ueber einige Structur- und
Formverh&ltnisse des Menschlichen Un-
terkiefers. (Ibid., 94-99*) Discusses
and criticises WalkhofTs Der Cnier-
kiefer der Anthropomorphen und des
Alenschen (Wiesbaden, 1902) andWeid-
enreich's Die Bildung des Kinnes in the
Anatomischer Anzeiger for 1 904, and
gives results of radiographic investiga-
tions. The conclusion reached is that
the human chin is a ccrrelate of the whole
structure of the head — a peculiar fea-
ture of man as compared with all other
animals, and not a regressional or degen-
erative phenomenon, as would be the case
if it had to be referred to a reduction of
the teeth.

Uhlenhuth (Hr^ Einneuer biologischer
Beweis fiir die Blutsverwandtschaft zwi-
schen Menschen und Affengeschlecht.
(Ibid., 114-118. ) Discusses the use of
serum -reactions as a means of determin-
ing affinity and r6sum6s the chief facts
(which he has confirmed) of NuttalPs
Blood Immunity and Blood Relationship
(Cambridge, 1904). With the orang-
utang, gorilla, and chimpanzee the reac-
tion was almost as strong as with man ;
with the Cynocephali and Cercopitheci
the result was weaker ; with the New-
World monkeys still weaker ; no com-
plete reaction was obtained from the Ceb-
ida: or from Ilapalido'y nor from lemurs.
The degree of the blood relationships of
man and the apes is thus indicated.

Volkov (Th.) Les variations squelet-
liques du pied. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr.
de Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 720-725.)
Bibliography, 89 titles, to monograph.

Walkhoff (O. ) Das Femur des Menschen
und der Anthropomorphen in seiner

CHAMBEkUIS]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

ruDctianellm GesUlt. (Corr.-Bl. d.
Ueulschen Ges. f. Anlhrop., MUnchen,
1904, XXXV, 87-88.) Gives result! of
experimenU concemiiig the functional
fonn of Ibr femur ia mnn and the anthro-
poidi, made with X-reya, etc. Details
are given in the author's Das femur dtt
Mmickm und der Anihrofiomarfhtn in
seintr/uHiliontllfn C/ita/t (Wjabtdea,
1904.]
WitkowiU IDr] Die BSder und Bade-
leben in ftUherer ZciL (Ibid., 190S, |
XXXVI, 23. ) Rtsumt of addiess before
Wiesbaden Anthropol<^cal Sodety.
The u&c of batba for purposes of cleanli- 1
ness is comparatively new. Water wat I
" feared " by many primitive men. Hy-
dro-mythology is quite eilensive. In '
India baths first make their appearance |
among the civilized races. Theo in
Babylon and Assyria. With the Jews I
springs were the center of socdal life. -
In Japan baths had a high development, '
— -not so in China. The ancient Greeks
had sea and river baths (later also house-
baths). Rome had gorgeous baths, cura-
tive and otherwise, which the barbarians
and Christians adopted. Sun-liaths were
introduced from Greece into Rome.

EUROPE

AnoatcUM ( A. ) L'archtol^e en Rut-
sie. (L'AnthropoIogie, Paris, 1904, xv,
35'-358-) Risumid by M. Dtchelette
from the German translation in the
Cealralblatt fuT Antkropologie for I903.
See American Anlkropolegist, 1903, N.
S., V, 560.

Arda-Onnis (E.) Resles humains pr<-
historiques de la grotte de San B«1o-
lomeo, prts Cagliari. Contribution &
I'snthropotogie de la Sardaigne. ( L'An-
thropoIogie, Paris, 1904, XV, 313-331,
II iigs.) Discusses the prehistoric human
remains (3 skulls and a number of bones
of the face and cranium ; with measure-
ments, etc.) discovered in 18S0 by F.
Orsoni. The cave of San Bartolomeo
contains three successive deposits indi-
cating the presence of man of the stone,
bronie, and iron ages. The cranial
remains resemble strikingly modem
Mediterranean forms ( Sardinian).

Bamdoin (M. ) Dibris d'une m&choire
d'enfant trouv< sons un migalithe de
Vendue. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Far^s,
1904, V* s., V, S70. ) Note on the frag-
ment of the jaw of a child (j-6 yrs.)

Luxation prthistorique de I'allaa

surPuti*. (Ibid., SS3-S54-) Describe*
luxation indicated in a ^eleton Irom a
megalith in Vendie, the first on record.
The luxation was caused by a failing
block of stone, death beinginstantineoua.

tt Bonnamira (L. ) Les hachei

poliesdani I'histoirejusqu'au xix*sitcle.
(Ibid., 496-548, 3 figs.) Interesting,
well -documented article treating of the
history of polished stone hatchets ; Syn-
onymy ("thunder-stones," etc), folk-
lore (amulets, folk -medicine, l^ends),
Greek and Latin periods. Renaissance
(the text of Aldovandus De Ciraunia is
given in detail, also Gemer and Mer-
CBlus), other writers briefly, from Shake-
speare down to close of 1 8th century.
The connection of polished stone hatchet*
with thnoder, in folk-lore, is very wide-
da BUaiO (A. ) Steatopigia in prostitute,

(A. di psich., neuropatol., etc., Torino,
1905, XXVI, 157-364, I pi.. I fg.) De-
scribes two cases (Apulian aged 33,
Neapolitan, 19) of steatopygy (excessive
development noticed in early life, marked
at puberty) in free- will prostitulef.
Author suggests that prehistoric man may
have been steatopygous.
Bolk (L.) lUpartilion du type blond et
du type bran dans les Pays-Bas. ( Bull,
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v* s., v,
578-5S6, 3 fgs., map.) Based on per-
sonal examinations of 5,000 Dutch
school children and data from 3,400
qutttinn naires representing some 477, 300
school children, Jews not counted. Dr
B. concludes that the population at
Holland is no less mixed than that of
Betgiom or England. The principal ele-
ments {Ifoma Europtais and Heme
Alfinui] occur in the proportion of I : 3,
the Alpine variety occupying the south
especially. The primitive Zceland type
(Alpine) has crossed with the Frisian
(European) to produce a pseudo-alpine
variety with brown eyes, long face, and
broad skull. The bruoets are most
numerous in Zeeland, Limhut^, North
Brabant ; blonds in Friesland, Drenthe,
and the northern part of N. Holland.
" Hises toward Belgium,

540

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

Dentichen G«s. f. Anthrop., MUnchen,

1904, XXXV, 89-91.) Describes the
scaphocephalic skull of a weaver of Stet-
tin ( it was the subject of a dissertation by
Schade in 1858), who died m 1855 at
the age of 38. The cause of the pre-
mature synostosis of the sagittal suture
was probably some affection of the periost
or the bones, occurring in fetal life.

Boxich (G. I.) Contributo alio studio
morfologico-chnico e antropolico dei
deliquenti. (A. d. Soc. Rom. di
Anthrop., 1905, xi, 229-299.) Thb
detailed monograph, of which pages
236-267 give anthropometric data in
tabular form (stature, weight, head,
Umbs, hand, etc.) and pages 268-288
list of degenerative and other related
characters, with list of frequency, is based
on Dr B's personal measurements and
observation of 100 male criminals from
various parts of Italy (29 from Sicily).
Of degenerative characters, etc., 89 are
cited, occurring in all 391 times, — the
most frequent are low forehead 17 ;
** handle ears " 14 ; tattooing 16 ; se-
vere childhood dismes 21. Two types
of constitutions occur, — one with ample
chest and large heart, the other with
narrow chest and small heart. Of these
the first corresponds to the violent class
of criminals, the second to the ordinary
delinquent committing petty crimes, theft,
etc. Deficiency in proportion of finger-
reach and certain other somatic pecu-
larities also characterize the first t3rpe.
Interference with the typical evolution of
the organism, disturbance of its normal
equilibrium, modifications of the sense of
self, these morbose phenomena, lowering
the physiological and mental functioning
of the human being, are the matrices of
crime.

BUnker (J. R.) Windische Fluren und
Bauemh&user aus dem Gailtale in K&m-
ten. (Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien,

1905, XXXV, 1-37, 39 fgs.) Describes
the five * * fields " belonging to Riegers-
dorf, east of Arnoldstein, as typically
Wendish (Krainberg in particular).
These villages seem to have had differ-
ent origins. Also the characteristic
Wendish house of the Gail valley (in
Pdkau, Feistritz, Arnoldstein, NO'sch,
Agoritschach ) . The Wendish house
was originally a wooden house. Exter-
nally it resembles very much the Ger-
man house, but the internal arrangement

is quite different The primitive type
consisted of *' stable *' and vestibole.

Bnrne ( Charlotte S. ) Northambrian so-
cial customs. (Folk- Lore, Load., 1904,
XV, 341-343.) Notes from puish of
Ilderton connected with the Roddam
family, — agricultural laborers, wedding-
custom, rhymed charter of Athelstan.

BuachJUi (G.) Bomholm. (Corr.-BL d.
Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., Mfinchen,
1904, XXXV, 149-152. ) Discusses name
(<< bland fortification*'), ardieological
history (settled from Uie peninsula of
Schonen in the later stone age) through
stone, bronze, iron ages and early Chris-
tian period (of 37 rune-stones discovered
some 5 or 6 belong to heathen times),
present population, physical characters,
language ("low Danish*' mixed with
* * Swedish * * ) , religion, geology, etc Up
to 1886, Vedel, whose BomhoMs Old-
tidminder (KouenhtLgen, 1886), with a
supplement (1897 ) telb the story of the
island 400 ^.C.-I050 A.D., recorded
36,000 graves of the prehistoric period.

CapeUi CL. M.) Per la distribaaone
regionale della genialitii in Italia. ( A.
di psich., Torino, 1904, xxv, 252-
268. ) Treats of the local distribution of
men of genius (enumerated from De
Gubematis' biographical dictionary in
the various Italian provinces. C. finds
that they bear a certain relation (Lom-
brosan) to the figures for the prevalence
of high stature, large skull capacity,
mental diseases, epilepsy, alcoholism,
suicide, illegitimate birth, idiocy, den-
sity of population, illiteracy, wealth, etc.

Cook (A. B. ) The European sky-god.
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1904, XV, 264-315,
370-426. ) First two sections of a mono-
graph discussing the nature of the sky-
god among the ancient Greeks, Italian.^
Celts, Germans, Slavs, etc., — deals with
the nature, functions, folk-conception,
name, affinities, etc., of Zeus (the bril-
liant ; also the thunderer, rain-bringer,
etc.), sky-god, sun-god, rain-god, water-
god, earth-god, — Zeus had his sacred
tree, the king was a human 2^us, named
after him, acting as his vice-regent, etc.
The divine king was doomed to die as
his physical strength waned. A stronger
man succeeded, or he abdicated after a
fixed term. The victors at great festivals
and games posed as Zeus. Apollo was
a mere solar aspect of Zeus and more
anciently connected with the oak, not

chambeklain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

541

the laurel, — there were other surro-
gates besides the latter. C's general
view is that his conclusion in regard to
Zeus and Jupiter hold good perhaps for
the whole Indo-European stock. Some
of his analogies und etymologies are
quite venturesome.

D'Aeth (F. G. ) Saint James's day and
grottoes. (Ibid., 1905, xvi, 180-182.)
Brief account of children's festival at
Leytonstone, Essex, on St James's day,
when "grottoes" are constructed of
clinkers and rubbish on the edge of the
pavement, — oyster-shells are used, if
possible. A lighted candle is put in the
grotto ( purchased with the first halfpenny
given by passers-by). This custom is
" fairly general in the London district."
The grottoes are probably imitations of
shrines of St James of Compostella, so
the custom is ca. 500 years old.

Deecke (W. ) Farbendifferenzen pr&-
historiscnen Steinwerkzeuge. (Corr.-
Bl. d. Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop.,
MQnchen, 1904, xxxv, 86-87.) Dis-
cusses briefly the color of flint tools.
Those of RUgen are black, a color rare
at Stralsund. (Experiment shows that
fire has no rOle in making or in coloring
flints. ) The patina may be a test of
** eoliths." The spurious flint can also
be detected.

Deniker (J.) Les six races composant la
population actuelle de 1' Europe. (J.
Anthr. Inst, Lond., 1904, xxxiv, 181-
206, 6 pi. ) Dr D. argues for the exist-
ence in modem Europe of six races : I.
Nordic, tall dolichocephalic, blond. 2.
Eastern, sub-brachycephalic, small-stat-
ured, blond. 3. Ibero- Insular, dolicho-
cephalic, small -statured, brunet. 4.
Western, brachycephalic, small-statured,
brunet. 5. Atlanto- Mediterranean sub-
dolichocephalic, tall, brunet. 6. Adri-
atic, brachycephalic, tall, brunet. To
these are added, as secondary races, for
No. I a sub- Nordic, for No. 2 a Vistu-
lian, for No. 5 a Northwest, and for No.
6 a sub- Adriatic. The localization of
these races is indicated. D. considers
that his scheme and Ripley's do not dif-
fer so much as might be supposed.

Dennia (L. J.) Fin Mac Coul's pebble.
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1905, xvi, 186, i
pi.) Note on a "pebble," which this
famous giant once threw at his wife.
Fin is now Carlingford mountain, County
Down.

Dittmayer ( — ) Bericht liber aufgefund-
enen Trichtergruben. (Corr.-Bl. d.
Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., 1904,
xxxv, 42. ) Brief account of the ex-
amination in September, 1903, of the
funnel-pits near Oberwaldbehrungen,
said to be the sites of dwellings, a view
confirmed by the discovery of bones,
ashes, clay, sooty stones, etc.

Elbert ( J. ) Ueber die Altersbestimmung
menschlicher Reste aus der Ebene des
westf&lischen Beckens. (Ibid., 106-
114.) Discusses the age of finds of
human remains, etc, in the plain of the
Westphalian basin fLippe, Ems and
tributaries), — geological and archeolog-
ical evidences are considered (the meas-
urements of a dolichocephalic skull are
given on p. 113). The skeletons are
of neolithic t3rpe, but they have been
to ascribed the old diluvial stratum. The
evidence is not sufficient to settle the
question of geological age.

B]rre (Margaret) Folk-lore of the Wye
valley. (Folk- Lore, Lond., 1905, xvi,
162-179, 1 pl* ) Treats of the stones of
Trelleck (** Harold' sstones"), the«*vir-
tuous wells," charms and folk-medicine,
witches and their ways, white magic,
witch wives, fairies, etc. Offa's dyke
still divides England from Wales. In
this region are the Forest of Dean people,
the Welsh, and on the hill-tops *' the
ancient Silurians [?]."

da Costa Ferreira (A.) La capacity du
cr&ne et la composition ethnique proba-
ble du peuple portugais. (Bull. Soc.
d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v«s., v, 473-
491. ) Risumis investigations of Ferraz
de Macedo, Fonseca Cardoso, Severino
Marques, etc. According to the author
there exist in Portugal two dolichoce-
phalic (small stature, small head ; tall,
large head) and three mesaticephalic
( small, large head ; taller, small head ;
taller than first, shorter than second,
small head) types of man. The short,
small -headed dolichocephal of Traz-os-
Montes is related to the race of Cro-Mag-
non ; the mesaticephaly of Minho is due
to the Celts ; in Alemtejo a Semitic (?)
and in Algarve a Berber- Moor element
has persisted. Da C. F. looks on skull
capacity as a good ethnic criterion.

Fncht (K. ) Ueber ein prehistorisches
Almenhaus. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxvii, 85-90, 151-156, 8 fgs.) Prof.
F. argues that "the wooden prototjrpe

542

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

of the Greek temple was an Almenhaus^
the bouse of a rich cattle-breeder of the
middle European plateau, whom a long
winter compelled to lay by great stores
of hay, and so erected over the stable a
large hay-loft which kept it warm/' He
describes in detail a house, at the same
time the primitive form of the modem
Czik wood-houses, the ancient Greek
temple and several modem Alpine types
of dwellings.

FahM ( F. ) Hiigelgrftber in der Nahe von
Gandersheim, Braunschweig. (Ibid.,
125-128, 6 fgs.) Brief account of a
group of mound-graves ( first investigated
by Thiele in 1865-1874, then by Dr F.
in 1904) and contents. New for this
region are the packing of incinerated
bones and votive gifts in a covering of
wood ; also the presence as grave-gifts
of wheel-needles (4- eyed Middle German
type).

Oriffitht (G. B.) Measurements of 130
criminals. (Biometrika, Cambr., 1904,
III, 60-^2.) Give tables of details of
cranial and head measurements of 100
"ordinary" and 30 lunatic criminals,
made at Parkhurst Prison. The cephalic
index of the former ranges from 71.2 to
90.2 ; of the latter from 73.1 to 87.1.

Goldberg (G. A.) Ueberdie Kriimmung
des Oberschenkels. (Int. Mntsschr. f.
Anat. u. Phys., Berlin, 1904, xxi, 292-
298.) Gives results of examination of
90 femora (right and left) from old
Norwegian graves. The infantile and
fetal type is rectilinear. The physio-
logical curvation develops when the
child begins to walk and is well-marked
in the second and third year ; and in the
period from 8-12 years the curve reaches
practically the adult state.

Onntlier ( R. T. ) The cimaruta, its struc-
ture and development. (Folk Lore,
Lond., 1905, XVI, 132-161, 8 pis., i
fg. ) Treats in detail of the cimaruta^
or sprig of rue, '*a compound charm of
some complexity," dedicated to the ser-
vice of infants. In a good cimaruta are
these emblems : Rue, hand, moon, key,
flower, horn (or fish), cock (or eagle)
and, sometimes, in later and more elab-
orate specimens also serpent, cornucopia,
cherub. The modem cimaruta is of
silver. G. thinks that the cimaruta is not
a descendant of any of the Roman phallic
amulets, but had an essentially separate
origin (materially in a real sprig of

rue ) . The change from an actual materia
medica to a symbolic representatioD of it
is easy enough. Associatioo with trees
accounts for some of the added ele-
ments. From an earlier broader signi-
ficance it shrank to be the special protec-
tion of women in childbirth. AJthougli
not mentioned by writers before 1888 the
cimaruta is not a mere sporions roha
Americana^ but an ancirat amulet,
closely resembling old Etruscan and
Assyrian objects of similar nature.

Hedinger (Dr) Die Ligurer. (Corr.-
Bl. d. Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop.,
MQnchen, 1904, xxxv, 53-54.) Au-
thor argues that the primitive ligurians
were a dolichocephalic people closely re-
sembling the Cro-Magnon race and re*
lated to the Berbers, Kabyles, and
Guanches. They were pushed south-
ward and westward by the descent of the
Aryans from the north.

Aeg&ische Cultur. (Ibid., 57-59.)

Risum^s briefly recent discoveries. The
Kamaras culture is to be ascribed to the
Carians (neither Aryan nor Semitic),
whose civilization produced in Crete was
taken over by the Greeks.

Hodgson (M. L.) Some notes on the
Huculs. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1905,
XVI, 48-55, 6 pi. ) Notes on habitat,
religion, marriage-customs, easter-eggs,
omaments, implements, etc, of the
Hutzuls of Galicia, compiled firom the
data in Prof Szuchievicz's Huculsz-
czyzna. The Hutzuls have preserved
their ancient customs, original dress, etc.,
to a large extent. Their religion has
many elements of paganism.

von Jaden (H.) Ueber den islandischen
Bauemhof. (Stzgb. d. Anthr. Ges. in
Wien, 1904, 102-103, 4 fgs.) Brief
account of the typical farm buildings of
the Iceland peasants, who are more cattle-
keepers (rather shepherds) than farmers,
as they cannot cultivate grain.

Jaeger (J. ) Die Chiemseelandschaft.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii,
181 -186.) Geological and archeolog-
ical- historical account of the region about
Chiem, the largest of the lakes of the
Bavarian Alps. Evidence of man's
presence here in the oldest stone period
is not yet forthcoming, nor does clear
proof of lake-dwellings exist. The later
stone age is sparsely represented. Stations
of the bronze and Hallstatt period, —

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

543

the iron-using people were perhaps Ger-
manic,— occur, remains of the Roman
domination, etc.

Jennings (Hermione L. F. ) A Cam-
bridgeshire witch. (Folk-Lore, Lond.,
1905, XVI, 187-190.) Describes Mrs S-
(1810-1880) and relates stories concern-
ing her.

Jones (B. J.) Stories from Leitrim and
Cavan. (Ibid., 1904, XV, 336-341.)
English texts of 6 brief stories (dead
letter, dog spirit, dead priest, man who
sold his daughter to the devil, fairy's
question, crock of gold) told in 1894 by
a domestic servant.

Karo ( G. ) Neue Funde von Knosos. ( A.
f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1904, viii, 144-
148. ) R^sum^s the discoveries of re-
ligious importance in the recent expedi-
tions of Evans 1902-03.

Ausgrabungen im dstlichen Kreta.

(Ibid., 148-149. ) Treats briefly of the
terra cotta statuettes and animal figures
found at Palaikastro.

Kauffmann (Fr. ) Altgermanische Re-
ligion. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1904,
VIII, 1 14-128. ) Critical r^sum^s of re-
cent literature on ancient Teutonic re-
ligion, — works of Meyer, Frommhold,
Groldmann, MUller, Schoning, Staerk,
Hensler, Ebermann, etc.

Kemke (H.) Die Bedeutung der Ostsee
fiir die Vorgeschichte unserer Provinz.
(Corr.-Bl. d. Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop.,
Miinchen, 1 904, xxxv, 44-46. ) Points
out the significance of the Baltic for the
prehistory of the province of East Prussia.
Commerce with the north and west was
considerable in pre-Roman times, and
before the Christian era relations with
the west had been established.

Kretische Forschungen. (Globus, Bm-
schwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 190.) R^sum^s
articles of Harriet A. Boyd in Transac-
tions of the Department of Archeology,
University of Pennsylvania, and A. J.
Evans in Nature for January 26, 1 905.

Leroy ( R. ) Deux cas de thorax en en-
tonnoir dans la m^me famille. — Autop-
sie. ( Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris, 1904,
V* S., V, 571-578. ) Describes two cases
f father and son ) of the pathological
(rare) malformation known as funnel
chest, Trichterbrust^ with references to
the literature of the subject. The autopsy

of the son is given. The cause of this
anomaly is still in dispute.

Lett ( H. W. ) Winning the chum, Ulster.
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1905, xvi, 185-
186. ) Brief account of a custom, ** pre-
valent all through the counties of Down
and Antrim 50 years ago.'' The chum
is a sort of lost sheaf or com -maiden.

Lindner ( A. ) Die HUgelgrftber im Kot-
lover Walde bei Lippen, Bezirk Bud-
weis. (Mitt. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien,
1905, xxxv, 38-44, 2 pi., 4 fgs.)
Enumerates and describes contents f clay
ums and other pottery, etc. ) of 5 hill-
graves, of which the Hrst four belong to
to the close of the Hallstatt period. The
excavation took place 1902-1904.

Maclagan (R. C.) Additions to "The
Games of Argyleshire." (Folk-Lore,
Lond., 1905, XVI, 77-97, 192-221.)
First two sections of data supplementary
to author's The Games of Argyleshire
(London, 1 900), — rubrics: general ac-
tivity, articulation, auguries, ball games,
balancing, bat games, blind-fold games,
archery, choosing partners, chucks, cir-
cling, cock-fighting, concealed object re-
covering, counting out rhyme, dancing,
finger-names, funeral games, gambling,
nine-holes, hand -clapping, hen and
chickens.

Macquait (£. ) Les mouvements de la
population et de la richesse privie de
France au cours du dernier quart de
sidcle. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paris,
1904, v«s., V, 587-588.) M. concludes
that, 'Mn spite of the most ingenious and
seductive theories, there really exists no
relation between the demography of a
nation and the economic condition of its
inhabitants."

Mehlit (C. ) Eine neue neolithische Sta-
tion in der Vorderpfalz. (Globus,
Bmschwg, 1905, LXXXVII, 337-338, 4
fgs.) Describes the excavation of a
house-pit at Venningen in February, 1905.
The upper layer yielded pottery frag-
ments of the Roman period, the lower a
pottery fragment of the neolithic age, a
piece of elk-horn, etc. The neolithic
pottery fragment has three finger-nail im-
pressions, which Kdhl considers a mark
of the lake-dwelling type.

Wilser's " Germanen." (Ibid.,

254-255.) R^sum^s Dr Ludwig Wil-
ser's Die Germanen (Leipzig, 1904).
Wilser finds the home of Homo Primi-

544

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

genius in Central Europe, — the North
European race gave birth to the Aryan
tribes.

Montelias (O.) Die friihesten Zeiten
Roms. (Corr.-Bl. d. Deutschen Ges. f.
Anthrop., MUnchen, 1904, xxxv, 122.)
Brief account of the oldest archeological
remains found on the site of Rome. The
graves discovered in the Forum last year
must all be older than 750 B. C. The
earlier iron age (the last centuries of the
second and the first centuries of the first
millennium B. C. ) are numerously re-
presented,— here belong some Esquiline
and Forum remains of the close of the
bronze age abound. Some objects from
the copper age, more than 2000 B. C,
also occur. The site of the city must
have been inhabited at a very early
period.

Mach ( R. ) Das Zeitverhftltniss sprachge-
schichtlicher und urgeschichtlicher £r-
scheinungen. (Ibid., 135-138.) Dis-
cusses consontal sound-shifting ( known to
primitive Teutonic ) and the regression of
the accent, a somewhat later phenome-
non, which probably was known in the
iron age (La T^ne period). Examples
and illustrative words are given. The
nature of the accent and the presence of
sound-shifting enable us to determine the
age of certain words, and consequently,
the antiquity of the use of iron, etc.

Myret (J. L. ) The evil eye and the
camera. (Man, Lond., 1905, 12, I
fg. ) Reproduces, with comments, photo-
graph of group of Italian boys at Segri,
one of whom makes the two-finger charm
against the " evil eye " of the camera.

NicefOTO (A.) Contribution ^ P^tude de
Pindice c^phalique en Suisse. (Bull.
Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v s., v,
493-495. ) Gives results of measure-
ments of 587 school-children (aged 10-14
years) of Lausanne, Switzerland, all
bom in Vaud and nearly all of Vaudois
parents. The cephalic index ranges 74
to 93, — the most frequent ( 12.94 per-
cent) is 80, followed closely by 82 In
Vaud the population is predominantly
sub-brachycephalic.

Nordische Namensitten zur 2^it der
VSlkerwanderung. ( Globus, Bmschwg. ,
1905, LXXXVII, 96-97. ) Notes that Axel
Olrik, in his Danmarks Heltedigtning
(1903)1 has shown that ca. 500 A. D.,
Uie rule was for the name of the son to

alliterate with that of the father, a good
test of the age of sagas.

Otthoff (H. ) Etymologische Beitrtge
zur Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte.
II (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1904, viii,
5 1 -68. ) Discusses etymologies of Greek
TTcAw/o, ** monster, ' * and iripac, " strange,
ominous phenomenon.'' O. considers
that the words are, with Indo-German
sound-changes, the same. Cognates are
found in O. N. sJkars, ** monster, witch,

etc.,'* Lith. J^fras, ** magic," etc.
£ix)m the root Jt-r, <<make, do."

All

PadttOW (The) hobby horse, etc ( Folk-
Lore, Lond., 1905, XVI, 56-60, 2 pi.)
Brief account of the "hobby horse," a
May-day custom of great antiquity in
Cornwall, with texts of Padstow May
songs.

PapilUnlt (G.) Contribution It Pitude
des <'cr&nes n^groldes." (Bull. Soc
d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 554-
558, I fg. ) Discusses, after Sergi's
observations and measurements, the
** negroid" skull firom the old graves of
Novilara, near Pesaro in the Picenian
country. Dr P. considers that studies
of cranial morphogeny are yet very hypo-
thetical and should be carefully separated
from ethnological classifications. Ethnic
must be distinguished from serial char-
acters.

Piroutet (M. ) Nouvelles fouilles de tum-
ulus aux environs de Salins, Jura.
(L'Anthropologie, Paris, 1904, xv, 297-
312, 16 fgs. ) Describes a number of
tumuli and contents (skeletons, fibulae,
bracelets, rings, fragments of pottery,
etc., terra cotta objects, ear-rings, belt-
plate of stamped bronze, etc.). The
first tumulus contained some 13 skeletons
in whole or in part.

Pittard (£. ) L'indice c^phalique chez
837 Tsiganes (hommes) de la p6ninsule
des Balkans. Influence de la taille sur
l'indice c6phalique. (Ibid., 333-349.)
Discusses, with r^sumds of measure-
ments and curve, the cephalic index of
837 male gypsies of the Dobrudja.
Comparisons are made of so-called Rou-
manian, Turkish, Tartar, Servian, Hun-
garian gypsies. The average index is
78.25. The Bulgarian gypsies have a
larger proportion of dolicephals than
Turkish or Roumanian — with the last
the proportion of brachycephals is highest
(15 percent), due to Roumanian inter

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

54S

mixluTC. Dolichocephaly

with I

PrUittoriKhe Anaitellant; des WUrttem-
bergischen anthropologischen Vereines
m SlUttgBTt. (CoiT.-m. d. Dcntschen
GFs.f. Anthrop,, Mtlnchen, I905,xxxv],
31-33. ) Brief sccouat of the exhibition
of prehistoric objects, etc., held January
13-30. 1905. I'he periods represented
were : The older slone age, Uler stone
■ge, pre-Roman metal period, Roman
period, Franlc-AleiDaniaii period.

Pratt (W. A.) Recent archeologieal
studies in Rome. {Iowa J. Hist. &
Pol., Iowa City, 1905, 111, 4S5-457-)
Now the spirit of archcoli^y rules in in-
vestigations, not that of commercialism. 1
The oldest Rome lies undei a mass of
debris 30 to 50 feet deep. Parts of the I
Forum were covered 40 feel. The earlier
graves (ninth century B. C.) show '
Etmscan, but not Greek influence. I

B. Die Wonnser Steininlfunde. (Glo-
bus, Bmschwe,, 1905, utxxvii, 383- j
185, 10 fgs.) Discusses the recent finds '
in graves aiid "stations" of the stone ,'
age about Worms, now in the Paulus
inuseum. Three types of potterr occur
in places with corresponding difference
in the position of the slieleton, the votive
gifts, etc. The iliults found are rather
highly developed, the teeth excellent.
The dwellings seem to have been pits
over which a light hut was erected.

Badenucher ( — ) Die prShistorischen
BegrftbnisstHtten am Niederrhein. (Cor.-
Bl. d. Deutschen Ges. f. Anlhrop., I
MliDChen, 1904, XXXV, 50-51.) Brief |
account of investigations and remains 1
found, — some 30 Imrial-siles are now
known. The contents indicate that they !
were in use from the Hallstalt period
down to the eraof Roman domination. I

Kudolph (C. B. ) The martdragora of 1
the ancients in fblk-lote and medidne. .
(Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sci., Bos- '
ton, 1905, XL. 487-537) A well-
documented itsumt of data concerning ,
mandragora in the Creek and Latin au- |
thoTS and their commentators, an account
of mandragora as known to the ancients, |
particularly its uses in medicine, for to I
the Greeks and Romans its rSte in folk- |
lore was a subordinate one. Among the
topics considered are : The diggingcere-
mony, the " human form " of the man-
dragora, the "hanged thief," etc; the ,

beliefs that the plant induced madne
and influenced sexual relatione ; uses of

mandragora in ancient medicine ( plaster!
and poultices, wine-drug, soporific, an-
esthetic, " there never had been a time
since the first century of the Christian
era when the use of mandragora was

it), — while mandragora was the
prinapal and almost the only anesthetic
of antiquity, its use never became very
general either in ancient or medieval
limes, on account of the danger attached
thereto. A good paper.

BamiI (E.) La popolaiione israelitica in
lUlia, (a. d. Soc. Rom. di Anlrop.,
1904, X, Sl-93.] Treats of the nimiber,

. condition, occupations, etc., of the Italian
Jens. The Jews seek large centers of
population and are most numerous in the
western and central parts of the country.
There ore in Italy <-a. 36,000 Jews, about
the same as 40 years ago. Female!
exceed males and the number of the old
is proportionately large. Analphabetic!
are lew. Trades and industries lead in
occupations. The number of children
is less than might be expected.

Rllf*"W ( K. ) Die Ethnographic im
DienMc der germanischen Altcrtums-
kunde. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxvii, 131-136.1 Points out the
importance of ethnography for Teutonic
archeology and early history. Forms of
buildings and the terms used to name
them and their parts, the dialect names
of instruments, implements, etc., are
valuable for former tribal distinctions.
R. enumerates among the chief things to
be studied in this respect ; The body,
clothing, peasant farm economy ( particu-
larly buildings, their parts, construction,
etc.), agriculture (tools, methods of
planting, caring for, reaping, etc),
mythological figures. The wooden shoe
is discussed with some detail and R.
concludes that among the primitive Teu-
tons and Gauls, as also among the ancient
Slavs and Lithuanians, the folk-shoe was

Ihebi

Ehe und Schwiegerschafi bci den

Indc^ermanen. (Ibid., 385-3S9. | Diss
cosscs Indo-German bmily relationship-
(with special reference to Magyar term!
also) and gives a critique of Schrader*!
Dif Schwiigermutltr und der Hagesteh
(Brnschwg., 1904). Interesting is the

546

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

accommodatioD of earlier terms (such as
Gothic atta^ ** father/' Albanian am^,
"mother,** etc. )» first used respectfully
of the older members of a group or horde,
to the members of the family proper when
it arose. The mother-in-law of ancient
times was the mother of the man, the real
"housewife,** the d^/e noire o{ modem
days is the mother of the wife ( Schrader
sketches her history as well as that of the
other) . In primitive Indo-German times,
for religious as well as secular reasons,
there were no bachelors. Schrader* s
general contention that the bachelor was
the product of the town and town life,
does not, according to R., hold for the
Teutonic hagestoiz.

ROse (C. ) Beruf und Militflrtauglichheit.
(Polit-anthrop. R., Berlin, 1905, iv,.
124-150. ) In this article with numer-
ous tables the author gives results of his
extensive investigations in Saxony and
Thuringia and makes suggestions for in-
creasing the physical well-being of the
people. Open-air employment yield the
most qualified for military service ; cities
and towns (1. ^., places over 6,000 pop. )
much fewer than the country. The
physical degeneration of the urban popu-
lation begins early. The order of mili-
tary efficiency is country, half-urban,
urban. Degeneracy is most marked in
room-workers.

Rosen ( F. ) Ueber Kindersparbiichsen in
Deutschland und Italien. (Globus,
Brnschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 277-281,
I fg. ) Describes German and Italian
children's clay-banks in the shape of
mamm(e^ sometimes presented to women
after child-birth to put gifls and savings
in for the child. They are broken when
the child is a year old or when it is
weaned. Similar banks, from Pompeii,
etc., are 2,000 years old. Connected
with these things are the cults of Bona
Dea, the Roman Rumilia, the Egyptian
Isis, etc., — the mamma was a symbol
of luck with the deities of fortune.

Roase (W. H. D. ) Presidential address.
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1905, xvi, 14-26.)
Discusses chiefly folk-tales of modem
Greece, in order to study which one
must '* avoid all newspaper and all self-
conscious literary works, which are writ-
ten in the most astonishing jargon that
was ever heard of." But real modern
Greek has a wealth of resource. Folk-
tales contain many echoes of mythology.

Sartorl ( P. ) Votive und Wdhegaben des
katholischen Volkes in Sfiddeatschland.
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1905, LXXXVII,
91-96, 10 fgs. ) R^sumis the recent
work (Bmschwg., 1904, 191 pp.) with
the same title by Richard Andree, a valu-
able contribution to the study of sacrifi-
cial and votive gifts and to the literature
of heathen survivals in Christendom.

Schmidt (E.) Pr&historische Pygmflen.
flbid., 309-312, 325-329.) Discusses
aetails of measurements, Uie pygmy skel-
etons hitherto reported from prehistoric
graves and *' stations** in various por-
tions of Europe, — Schweizersbild, Grot-
teaux, F^es, Ch&lons, Mentone, Cham-
blandes, Mureaux, Worms, Silesia, etc.
Prof. S. points out that, since they occur
in a region where cretinism is endemic,
the ossification of the sutures in alleged
pygmy skulls may be of pathological im-
port and not an indication merely of age.
Too little attention also has been paid to
individual and racial variations in stature '
(e. g., the proportion of small -statured
among the Baden recruits). A more
serious objection against the Kollmann
pygpny theory, viz., the fact that the
women of any race are smaller statured
than the men. Thus, the so-called
''pygmies** may be only small (mostly
female) individuals belonging to a race
of average size.

Schmidt (H.) Die Keramik der make-
donischen Tumuli. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,
1905, XXXVII, 91-113, 90 fgs.) Dis-
cusses the pottery remains found by
Traeger in 1900-1901 in the conic and
flat tumuli of the great plain of Saloniki,
— very few in the former, abundant in
the latter : The indigenous monochrome
pottery and its omamentation ( rectilinear,
spiral, ribbon-spiral), imported painted
pottery (Mycenian, Hellenic, etc.), eth-
nologic data. An indigenous develop-
ment through three stages is noted, and
S. ascribes the three older groups of
Macedonian pottery to peoples of Thra-
cian stock, — they are a local variety
differing considerably from the Trojan
forms, yet indicate the place of origin of
the latter in Europe. The Trojans may
have emigrated to Asia Minor before in
their original home the development of the
pointed and scratched spirals assumed the
proportions of a full decorative system.

Schroeder (O.) Hyperboreer. (A. f.
Religsw., Lpzg., 1904, viii, 69-84.)

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

547

Treats of the "Hyperboreans,** — for-
eign to the oldest Epos, and first appear-
ing in the Epigones and Hesoid. The
hyperboreans' country was ** heaven,**
and the celestial folk were by and by
degraded into an ethnographic wonder.
The myth grew up in a land and at a
time when " mountain *' was called
Poptg^ — I. f. in pre-Hellenic northern
Greece. It took its finer form in Boeotia,
and thence fertilized the hero-tale and
the literature, and inspired the cults of
Delos and Delphi.

Schrdder (Prof.) Ortsnamen und Sie-
delungsgeschichte mit Beriicksichtigung
von SUdhannover und Hessen. (Corr.-
Bl. d. Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., MUn-
chen, 1904, XXXV, 47-48. ) The greater
part of South Hanoverian and Hessian
place-names belong to the period 400
B. C. to 1200 A. D. The -hagen
names mark the iith and 12th cen-
turies ; those in -rode mostly Carlovin-
gian ; most of those in -feld^ -bach,
hausen, -darf heim, etc. Older names
are those in -in gen {e, g, Gdttingen),
-ithi, -larif -tnary etc. Gdttingen is
more than a thousand years old.

Schultze (Dr) Demonstration des Croy-
Teppichs. (Ibid., 81.) Brief descrip-
tion of a remarkable piece of tapestry,
with figures of historical characters of the
period, made in 1554, and once on the
walls of the ducal castle in Wolgast.

Schwalbe (G. ) Bericht Uber die Th&tig-
keit der Commission fiir eine physisch-
anthropologische Untersuchung des
Deutschen Reiches. (Ibid., 75-79.)
Outlines program and method of pro-
posed anthropological investigation of
the population of the German Empire,
by a committee of the Society at a cost of
some 360,000 M., spread over a period
of perhaps ten years. The schedule to
be employed is appended.

Ueber das individuelle Alter des

Neanderthalmenschen. (Ibid., 92-94. )
Criticizes WalkhofTs contention that the
bones of the Neanderthal man belonged
to an individual ca. 30 years of age.
Dr S. believes him to have been be-
tween 40 and 65, — the evidence con-
sidered is the condition of the femur and
the skull.

Segerr— ) Berichte tiber die Th&tigkeit
der Commission fUr den Schutz der vor-
geschichtlichen Denkmftler. ( Ibid. , 79. )

Gives recommendations of committee on
preservation of prehistoric monuments :
Passage of special laws, institution of
care-takers for prehistoric antiquities,
strengthening and better endowment of
museums with funds for investigations,
etc.

Singleton (A. H.) Dairy folk-lore and
other notes from Meath and Tipperary.
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1904, xv, 457-462.)
Treats of May-day customs, "overlook-
ing" cattle, •* wise woman (pishogtie)^**
folk-medicine, marriage charms, super-
stitions.

Sdkeland ( — ) Ueber das Berliner Tracht-
museum. (Corr.-Bl. d. Deutschen Ges.
f. Anthrop., MUnchen, 1904, XXXV,
148-149.) Notes that the "Custom
Museum,*' founded by Virchow, has
been taken over by the Prussian govern-
ment as a part of the Ethnological Mu-
seum at Berlin. A questionnaire has
also been prepared.

▼on Stenin ( P. ) Dr A. A. Iwanowsky's
Anthropologic Kusslands. ( Globus,
Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 198-200.)
R^sum^s chief facts of Ivanowski*s mon-
ograph on the anthropology of Russia
published in the Proceedings of the Im-
perial Society of Devotees of the Natural
Sciences, Anthropology and Ethnogra-
phy (University of Moscow) for 1904,
with a bibliography of 38 pages. The
Slavs are anthropometrically a very mixed
group, and the Great Russians vary much
in physical type from place to place, —
the Little Russians also. The Poles are
nearest the Great Russians, and of the
non-Slavs the nearest to the latter are the
Syijanians. The Lapps, Letts, Mord-
wins, the Little Russians of Kiev, the
Armenians, Ossetes, the Kumyks, the
Kurds — Persians and Transcaucasian
Tartars (one group), the Central Asia-
tics ( Kirghiz, Tarantches, Afghans,
Sarts, etc. ) in one group, Karakirghiz
and Turkmen, the Mongols, are separate
anthropological groups. The Yakuts,
Buriats, and Northern Tungus belong
together. The Ainos and Ostiaks are
two other separate groups. I.'s work is
accompanied by maps of distribution of
color of hair and eyes, stature, cephalic
index.

Svenonins (F. ) Den nya Norrbottens-
kartan, med s&rskildt afseende p& ort-
namnens stafning. ^Ymer, Stockholm.,
1904, XXIII, 400-400. ) Treats of Norse,

548

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 190S

Tbitanin* (G.) KrOIe und GeUnnutter.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, LXXXVl,
105^110, 3 fgs. ) Discusses, with refer-
ences to the literature of the subject, the

ver, iu South Gemmn folk-lore and fblL-
cusloni, the connection in roik-tbonght
between the womb and children and the
frog and toad, etc.. and related phe-
nomena in folk -medicine. The origin
ol these " magic " relations is in doubt,
— perhaps Ihey sprang from some resem-
blance between the uterus and the frog
in form, combined vith ihe idea that
women sometimes gave birth to such

Traegel (P.) Ueber die JUrUken and
KoDJaren in Matedonien. (Z. f. 1
Ethnol-, Berlin, 1905, xxxvic, 198-306,
II fgs.) Describes the Vuruks of lake I
l^mga (industries, — "Ihe most indos- '
trious people in Macedonia, according to '
Beaujour ; physical characters, — Mon-
gol element noticeable) visited by aQthor
in 1901. Also notes on the Konyars of I
southwestern Macedonia, also inmii-
grants from Asia Minor. Their carpets '
are well-known. I

TuiOt (G,) L'atrophie infantile comme |
facteur de I'abaissemenI de la taille dans .
les faubourgs de Paris. ( Bull. Soc. !
d'ftnlbr. de Paris, 1904, V s., V, 633-
637.) From the obsertation, by him-
self and collaborators, of more than 3,000
children (from birth and for several
months) in 1S92-1904 at the Belleville
free dispensary, Dr V. comes lo Ihe con-
clusion Ibflt digestive troubles and Ihe
inanition resulting therefrom (or "pro-
longed infantile atrophy "J are a prime
factor in lowering the slalurc of Parisian
man of the bubourgs. The child exists,
or vegetates, rather than grons or in-
creases in weight and stature. Food is
very important here.

VMTme(O-) Fonted'armesder6poque
du bronze it I'fpoque gnuloise dans le
d^parlement de I'Aisne. (Ibid., 491.)
Notes on the fragment of a bronze sword
belonging to the bronze age, but recast
during the Gaulish epoch. This recast-
ing would aTCounI for the disappearance
of many bronze age weapons.

Vebltn (A. A.) Recent arch eotogical in-
vestigations in northern Europe. (Iowa

J. HisL & Pol., Iowa City, 1905.

453-455.) Notes on bnri^ n
boat burial, etc In prehistoric di
great center of human development in
northern Europe was Bround die Baltic
sea. In the iron age culture ran np the
Norwegian coast. The oldest impcotaot
relics are bronic (co. 1700-500 B.C.),

Vwumh (R. ) Crlne de Baousst- Roust.
(Bull. Soc. d'Antbr. de Paris, 1904, v"
S-. V, 559-561.) Describes a plaster-
cast of one of the negroid ikalls from the
CroCte des EnGuits. presented to the
Society by the Prince de Monaco.

Verwoni(— ) Ein altsBchsisches Gitber-
feld beiGroneinderNlheron GAttingen.
( Corr. -Bl. d. deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop. ,
MUnchen, 1904, XKXV, 48. ) Brief ac-
count of excavation of four graves ukd
contents belonging to the seTenth to ninth
centuries. In one a hoTM and man Were
boried together.

Vrain (U. G. ) OsserTaiioni antit^po-
logiche nel Montenegro 1901. [A. A.
Soc. Rom. di Antrop., 1905, xi, 183—
195. ) Gives details of cranial meaaore-
ments, etc., of 35 individuals (8 fnoi
Dubido, 10 from the prison at Podgorina,
6 from Nickmaras. and 9 from other
places, all Albanians), — all males, ex-
cept 4. The cephalic index ranges 75. 1-
9J.I, and 14 out of 34 lie between 85
and 90 (29 brachycephalic). The
sphenoid form of head is most common
(l9out of 34) and Ihe oval form of face
(U out of 39). Tattooing is .are.

W. (R.) Die Gewichtssystcme des xi.
und XII. Jahrh. inden jetzigen Russischen
Ostseeprovinien. (Globus, Bmschwg.,
1905, LXXXVn, Z06. ) R6su mis article
by Dr J. Sachssendahl in the Siligt. d.
GtUhrl. Eiltt. Gci. (Dorpat) for 1904
on the weights of Ihe Baltic provinces in
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The
weight-sets (3 to 10) are of two types,
'uodecimal in distinction, the other

wilhn

arked divi

Weber (F. ) Spuren des Menschen der
Bronzezeil in den Hochalpen des deut-
schen Sprachgebiels. (Corr.-Bl. d. Deut-
schen Ges. f. Anthrop., Mlinchen. 1905,
XXXVI, 2-7.) Discusses the traces of
man of the bronze age. Neolithic man
did not climb the mountain -heights ; in
the German high Alps prehistoric paths

led 0

The I

discovered are of an individual character.

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

549

lest objects perhapi, indicating travel
and trade of a sedentary people, lasting
tbrou^ the older stage* of the HalUtatt

WelMenbcig (S. ) Die Feit- and Fastlage
det iddnuuichen Juden in ethnogra[A-
iicber Beiiebung. (Globus, Bmschwg.,
I90S,LXXiivn,a62-i7i,9fg;s.). Treats
of the festivities and fast^ etc, relating
(o the Sabbatb (phjnical labor avoided,
but ibws kept open), the month EIul,
rAng.-Sept.), New Year's festival I
(Rosch Hoschanah, the ten penitential |
days, the day of atonenient (Jom Nip-
pur), the festival of arbots (Sukkoth),
The Maccabscan festival, the festival of I
lots (Pnrim), the Passah festival, the '
festival of weeks, destruction of the
temple, day of the new moon.

WMtoB (Jennie L.} The '■ ScopjMO del
Carro" at Florence. ( Folic- Lore, Lond.,
1905, XVI, 181-184.) Brief account of
annual ceremonf as perfonned at Easter,
1 904. The shape of the carro is curious
and the elaborate decoration of the oxen
is suggestive of a lacriiicial origin.

Whoiij (Beatrix A.) Miscellaneous notes
from Monmouihshire. (Ibid., 63-67).
Treats of fairies (child-stealers), under-
ground music (fiddler), banshee, folk-
medicine, wooing and wedding customs,
burial ceremonies, etc.

WUaar (L.) Die Etmsker. (Corr.-BI.
d. Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., MUn-
chen, 1904, XXXV, 52-53.) Discusses
briefl]' Khxtian place and river names,
physical characters, language, etc. W.
holds that both the Rhztians and Etrus-
cans were Aryans, belonging to the long-
headed blond North Kuropean race.
Clothing, weapons, writing, art, religion
ally them with Ihe Aryan stock (particu-
larly the Helleoic branch ). The text of
the Agram mudlmy-cloths (1,100 words
legible), according to W., proves the
Aryanism of the Etruscans in speech and
Ihe affinities of tbejr tongue with andeni
Greek.

Ueber Pytheas und sein Nord-

landTahrt. (Ibid., 60. | Pytheas in his
famous northern voyage did not reach
the Baltic proper. He was Ihe first to
record in writing the names Cimbri,
Teutons. Colhs. Others hold that Pytheas
came into the Baltic and thai the Tanais
was one of the great rivers of Germany
emptying into that sea.

2«boroirakl (S.) L'ftge des lipulture*
dc Chamblandes en caisses de pierre k
iqueiletes replies. (Bull. Soc. d'Antbr.
de Paris, 1904, n.s., v, 610-615.) Dis-
cusses recent publications of Schenk, who
holds that the men of Chamblandes en-
tered Switzerland from the south before
the arrival of the brachjcephalic buiidcrs
of lake dwellings. Z. holds that there
exists a certain synchronism between the
graves of Chamblandes and the lake-
dwellings belonging to tbe last phase of
the neolithic age. The Worms necropoli
of Dr Koehl are also contemporaneous.

Origine des Slaves. ( Ibid., 67i-73a )

In this detailed monograph, in which are
discussed the Veneti (the oldest Slav
people, ^ who burned their dead and
propagated brachycephalism) and their
physical and other characters, archeolog-
ical remains, graves and customs con-
nected therewith, mingling with other
people of central and western Europe,
etc., ethnographic resemblances between
the Bretons and Carpathian peoples (due
to Hallstatt-Gallic survivals),— in fact
all aspects of the question of Slavic origins,
— Z. concludes that the Slaves in lilu are
the descendants and representatives of the
brachycephalic race who practised indn-
eratioD, — the incinerating peoples of
Illyria, Pannonia, Bohemia, etc., were
Slavs, or their ancestors. The head-
dresses of the Hallstatt epoch, e.g., are
represented by the covers of cinerary
urns still in use on the opper Vistula, in
Moravia, and in the Carpathians. The
Slav type arose in the Danubian region
by modification of the Protaryan and
Thracian stock. The remains at Glase-
nac ( IIOO B.C. ) indicate the appearance
of a new people, whose pri^ess is
marked by incineration of the dead and
Ihe etpansion of "Hallstatt industry."

Z«ChliD (K.) Ueber Silexmanufakte in
der Altinark. (Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin,
1905. xxxvri, 309.) Notes 00 tlint-
arrowhesds and other implements, large
and small, found in gravel-pits in various
parts of Allmark, particularly oearSali-

Zlmgaat (Dr) Ueber das Wachsturader
Schiiler. (Z. f. Scliulgesndtspfl., Ber-
lin, 1904, 695-646. ) Discusses Ihe
stature-growth of 278 students of the
Emperor Francis Joseph Gymnasium,
Mlhr.-Schdnbetg, measured (since
I (1&94-5J at the beginning and end of

5 so

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

each semester. Those of the first three
classes grew more in the first semester ;
those of the fourth class showed no dis-
tinction ; those of the higher classes grew
more in the first semester. The students
of all classes grew faster in vacation than
in school time. The maximum of growth
increase is reached in the third class,
augmenting from the first Then the
average increase varies little, and the
fifth class sees a decline.

AFRICA

Bazley (W. ) Exploration of a Bush-
man's cave in Alfred county, Natal.
(Man, Lond., 1905, lo-ii, 3 fgs. ) De-
scribes excavation of deposit (several
strata) and human (three skeletons) and
other remains discovered. At a depth
of 16 feet below the floor ''thousands of
scrapers of all sizes, some not larger than
a finger-nail, also cores, chips and flakes,
by the cart-load, with a few arrow-heads
and knives, but mostly broken,*' were
found. In the upper strata other human
remains and stone implements occurred.

Berklun (O.) Helw&n, ein Kurort in
der WUste. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxvii, 1 1 7-1 19, 2 fgs. ) Brief account
of Helw&n, a sanitarium, in the desert
south of Cairo.

Bertholon (L.) U annie anthropolo-
gique Nord-Africaine 1903-04. (Rev.
Tunisienne, 1904, extr., pp. 16.)
R^sum^s anthropological literature con-
cerning northern Africa.

Origine n^olithique et myc^nienne

des tatouages des indigenes du Nord
de r Afrique. (A. d' Anthrop. crim.,
Paris, 1904, XIX, 756-786, 59 fgs.)
In this monograph the author compares
the modern tattooing of the natives of
northern Africa with the statuettes,
etc., of the neolithic period of eastern
Europe, and attributes to the former,
with other elements in the culture of the
Berbers, etc., the civilization of neolithic
Europe, particularly in the Mycenean
region.

Caitwright (Minnie) Folk-lore of the
Basuto. (Folk-Lore, Lx)nd., 1904, xv,
244-263. ) Treats of cannibalism and
ghosts, charms, spirit of maternity, cus-
toms connected with birth of first child,
child-birth, wooing and marriage, wom-
an's property (hut), death and funeral
practices, avoidance of name of dead

(among older and less dvilized),
<' Thokolosi " (a baboon-like evil spirit
and poisoner, etc.). The English text
of **The Maid and her Snake- lover ** is
also given.

Deyrolle ( M. ) Sanctuaires k poterie n^oli-
thiques et dolmen modeme en Tunisie.
(L* Anthropologic, Paris, 1904, XV, 373-
375, I fg. ) Treats of the khallawa or
ex-voto sanctuaries ( often ancient sepul-
chral monuments) of northeast Tunisia.
That of ATn Bathia is interesting, being
really a modem dolmen erected by the
Arabs. Close at hand are the remains
of a Byzantine fort, and of a Roman town.

Hutter {Hptm. ) Vdlkerbilder aus Kame-
run. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
LXXXVII, 235-238, 301-304, 365-370. )
Discusses linguistic relations (Hamitic
tongues : Kanuri, Arabic, Fula ; Logon
group : Makari, Musgu, Marghi, Batta ;
Falli ; Mbum group : Mbum, Bai,
Tikar ; Fan, — Bantu ) ; Ilaussa ; the
so-called dwarf-peoples (H. thinks the
pygmy riddle will be solved rather in
Asia and Europe than in Africa ) ; the
Fan (noticeable political decentraliza-
tion ; dwellings ; rudiments of phallic
cult ) ; Sudan Negroes ( dwellings, cloth-
ing, religion) ; Arabs (Shoa, — people
had to give up camel for cattle); Fula
(the chivalric) and Haussa (mercantile
element) of Sudan.

Kirk (J. W. C.) Specimens of Somali
tales. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1904, xv,
3 16-326. ) Gives English texts of eleven
brief tales (the native versions are soon
to be published) from men of the Ishhak
tribes from the Burao district. A note
by E. S. Hartland discussed some of the
incidents. H. attributes the defects of
certain tales to the fact that they were
not told by women, who are *' notoriously
the best tellers of marchenJ*^ Some
Arab additions are indicated.

Passarge (S. ) Die Mambukuschu. (Glo-
bus, Bmschwg., 1905, LXXXVII, 229-
234, 295-301, 26 fgs. ) Treats of habitat,
anthropological characteristics, clothing
and ornament (women's dress more than
men's), dwellings, implements and
weapons (one type of hut-group re-
sembles that of the Ovarabo, another
that of the Bechuana ; conical huts, mat-
huts), beds, iron -forging, bow-and-arrow
(arrow held between second and third
fingers of right hand), drum (reverenced
as a god) called mordtOy river anH island

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

551

life of natives, agriculture and cattle-
breeding (formerly much more impor-
tant), hunting (spearing hippopotamus,
shooting antelopes with poisoned arrows,
traps for hyenas, etc., — fishing is not
practised^, trade and industries (com-
merce with Bushmen, — ostrich shells,
feathers, etc. ) social and political condi-
tions (chief and council of family-heads),
language ( vocabulary of 150 words and
a few phrases), etc. The Mambukushu
belong to the Bantu stock and are closely
related to the Barutse, both in speech
and culture.

Read (C. H. ) A necklace of glass beads
from West Africa. (Man, Lx>nd., 1905,
1-2, I pi.) Describes necklace from
tomb of a renowned chief at Mansu on
the route from Elmina to Kamasi, — the
crystalline glass is * *■ identical in appear-
ance with those from the tombs at Ca-
mirus in Rhoades, dating from the sixth
century.'* This first find in Africa of
'' glass beads of classical style " is a new
datum of great importance.

Seidel ( H. ) Togo im Jahre 1904. (Glo-
bus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 238-
241.) After January i, 1906, English
will no longer be taught in the mission
schools of Togo.

Erste Namengebung bei den Evhe-

negern in Togo. (Ibid., 176-177.)
Based on articles on Evhe names by
Spiess in Afrikanische Studicn for 1903
and 1904. At birth comes the day-name
( from names of the days of the week),
eight days later the child is given a
second name by the father. These con-
sist of fear-names, shame-names, names
of occasion, wish-names, names from
personal peculiarities, devotional names,
etc. When converted to Christianity the
negro keeps his day-name, e. g.^ Julie
Afuwa, and, it might be said, Robin-
son's man Friday.

Seiner (F. ) Die W^ichtigsten neuen Auf-
gaben in Deutsch-SUd westfrika. ( Ibid. ,
165-168. ) Author advocates strict treat-
ment of the aborigines with fixed re-
serves, the giving up of them as laborers,
etc.

Sewell (R. B. S.) A study of the astra-
galus. (J. Anat. 8^ Phys., Lx>nd., 1904,
XXXVIII, 233-247, 4 pi.). Based on
examination of more than 1 000 human
astragali, of which a large part were
obtained from Egyptian graves ( from pre-
historic to Roman era). The index ot

length -breadth averaged 78, ranging from
66.7 to 91.7; the greatest length aver-
aged 50 mm., ranging from 41 to 65
mm. , greatest breadth averaged 39 mm.,
ranging from 32 to 48 mm.

Sheppard (W. H.) Light in darkest
Africa. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va.,
1905, xxxiv, 218-227, 5 fgs. ) Con-
tains notes on King Lukenga, the Zappo-
Zaps and their chief, Malumba N'kusa
etc.

Spiess (C. ) Zeitrechnung bei den Evhe
in Togo. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
LXXXVII, 1 73-174. ) Notes on record of
time by notch-cutting, marks or door,
wall, etc., placing grains of com in vessel,
bundles of grain, etc. Time of day is
told by position of sun, distance by time
of eating meal, etc.

Tate (H. R. ) Further notes on the Kikuyu
tribe of British East Africa. ( J. Anthr.
Inst., Lond., 1 904, xxxiv, 255-265, 2
pi.) Treats of painting and tattooing
of unmarried youths and maidens, habi-
tations (unmarried sleep by themselves),
swimming (side stroke only), basket-
work, string, leather- work, fire (drill,
fire-god with she-goat sacrifice), food,
cooking, drinks, meals (day-breaJc meal-
time), religion, fetishes, obsession and
possession, spiritualism, idolatry, spirits
and demons, nature-spirits, polytheism
(two good gods and one bad), worship,
dance- festivals, ceremonies, etc., circum-
cision (only a custom).

Wake ( C. S. ) Traits of an ancient Egyp-
tian folk-tale compared with those of
aboriginal American tales. (J. Amer.
Folk-Lore, Boston, 1904, xvii, 255-
264). Discusses Egyptian tale of the
Two Brothers (nineteenth djrnasty),
whose opening episode resembles the
story of Joseph and Potiphar's wife.
Compares with Arapaho legends (Light-
stone, the sun, sleepy-young-man and the
cannibals, etc. ), the Celtic ** Battle of the
birds," the classic Eros and Psyche, etc.
W. seems to explain them all as sun-
myths.

Wasserbindung (Die) zwischen Niger
und Tsadsee. (Globus, Bmschwg.,
1905, LXXXVII, 168-173, 187-190, II
fgs., map. ) Describes, after his recent
book La grande route du Tchad (Paris,
1905), Lenfant's joumey from Garuaon
the Benue, up the Mao-Kebi, and
through Lake Tuburi to Logone, the

552

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

great left tribatory of the Sh>ri. CoH' |
tains notes on the palace of Gontiome in I
Lere, (he Mundang Iribe (Iheir houses, '
etc. ), the people of Musgu, etc. '

, Waakl (J. H. ] Notes from the Upper 1
Congo, III. (Folk-Lore, Lond., 1904, '
JtV. 336-331.) Gives, with some ex-

Iilanatoiy notes, the English teil of (wo I
egends relating to Libania, "the near- '
est equivalent wecsn get to God." God I
with these natives consists of " four per- '
sons all seeming eijual, and each supreme

WNtemuuin (D.) Ueber die BegHffe
Seele, Geist, Schicksal, bei dem Ewe-
und Tschivolk. ( A. f. Religsw., Lpig.,
1904. VIII, 104-113,) Treats of the
etymoic^ and meanings of (he words
for "soul," "spirit," " fiite," etc.,
among the Ewe and Tshi negroe* of
Western Africa. The pre-eiisling soul
and protective spirit, personal principle,
etc., of man, is tailed in Ewe aklamS,
Tshi okra. After death it is no longer
"sonl " bu( "spirit, ghost," and is then
Ewe >)£/i, Tshi, sha, or ojamaH, and is
dangerous until il receives ■ second incar-
nation,— the child repeats (heaocestor.
Another word (or " soul " is Ewe liemB,
Tshi judiuw, "shadow," — these are
used in the Christian literature for
"soul." /JWamd signifies also "fate,
fortune, luck."

Wnteimarck ( E. ) The magic origin of
Moorish designs. (J. Anthr. Inst.,
Lond., 1904, XXXIV, 211-322, I pi., 52
fgs. ) Dr W. produces evidence to show
that "belief in the evil eye has exercised

art." People endeavor lo " protect their
property from the envious eyes of their
fellow-men," by patterns representing
the human hand, the Rgure live (live
fingers), the cross {as a five, etc.), and
its derivatives, intersecting squares (as
pair of eyes), combinations of hand and
eye, the eye itself (colossal sometimes),
triangle (for eye), conventional iicd eye
and eyebrow, ^lany of the familiar
patterns on rugs, cnrpets, tapestry, wall-
paper, (rays, china, etc, have such a
"magic" origin.

Midsummer customs in Morocco.

(Follt.Lore, Lond,, 1905, xvi, 27-47,)
Treats of lire -ceremonies for purifying
men and animals, water rites (at mid-
energy ), earth throwing, evil-eye charms.

eating-cermioiiies (■ meuu of transfer-
ring blesnngi). Allhoiigti the Moorub
midsummer costrani have bd Arabic-
Hebrew name, they may be genuine
Berber rites. PuHliGation ceremcmiet mt
midsummer occur only in Europe >nd
northern Africa, and Dr W. thinki thejr
may "dale from a period when soch
ceremonies were common lo the Mediter-
ranean race." He thus favors the hy-
pothesis of "a racial affinity between the
Berbers and most European nationi of
(he presen(day."
Zlborowakl (S.) Races de la primittTc
£:gypte. ( Bull. Soc. d' Anthr. de Paria,
1904, V* s., V, 600-610. 1 RisDin«i re-
cent articles by Flinders Petrie and J.
Kollmann, and Chantre's Rtiktrckts an-
thropologiquts en Cgyflt (Paris, 1904)-
According lo Petrie, Upper Egypt had
but one prehistoric indigenous type
(aquiline], long-faced brachycephalic,
prolo-Semilic ( Zaborowski ) ; Kollmana
recognizes four. Z. docs not admit the
enislence of real brachycephals in prehis-
toric Egypt, and no indigenous broad-
headed race ever existed there. Chantre'a
data indicate ■ continuity of Egyptian
race and culture, no entire foreign stock
having ever settled in Egypt and founded
a civilization by oppressing or destroying
the indigenes. Although owing not a
little Kt. ^..obsidian, copper, etc) to
Asia, the Egyptians were essentially
Africans. The pottery and ivory marks
of Negada may be connected with Libyan
writing, 'iht graffiti also.

ASIA

AdAChi ( B. } Hfiuligeres Vorkommen des
Musculus stemalis liei Japanem. (Z. f.
Morphol. u. Anthrop., Berlin, I904,
^'ll< '3J'M'-) The muscle in question
was found in 13.2 percent of 1 29 corpses
(European percentage is 3.2-5-3 per-
cent) and in 15 percen( of Joo living
individuals,

(B. und V,) Die Fnssknochen

derjapaner. (Mitt. d. raed. Fak. d. k.-
Jap. Univ. Tokyo. 1905, V(, 307-344,
2 P''i 7 *ES-) rhis cKcellenl study by
Dr and Mrs Adachi of the bones of the
Japanese foot is based upon a selection of
the feet of 15 adult Japanese ( men 15,
women 10) and of 10 adult Europeans.
Details of form, measurements, etc., of
the separate bones are given. Also
biblii^aphy of subject. The foot-bones

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

553

of the Japanese in general are smaller
and relatively thicker and shorter than
those of Europeans. They have also
more marked attachments for muscles,
etc., and larger and more curved articu-
lar surfaces ; some of these are culture-
deformities. The European foot (due
to the shoe, etc.) is stiffer, and the first
and second toes much less mobile (every
adult Japanese can use these more or
less). Many minor differences exist.

Becker (C. H.) Islam. (A. f. Religsw.,
Lpzg., 1904, VIII, 129-143.) Brief
critical reviews of numerous recent
(1902-1904) books and articles relating
to various aspects of Mohammedanism ;
General, life of Mohammed, Koran and
tradition, etc., orthodoxy, law and
ethics, dogma, mysticism, heterodoxy,
heathen substrate.

Birkner ( F. ). BeitrSge zur Rassenatomie
der Chinesen. (Corr.-Bl. d. Deutschen
Ges. f. Anthrop., MUnchen, 1904,
XXXV, 144-148, 7 fgs.) Gives results
of examination of six heads of Chinese,
(three with respect to facial muscula-
ture), with X-rays, plaster cast, lead
wire for profile, etc. Three heads show
marked variation in facial muscles as
compared with the European ; the Chi-
nese face is also flat. The highest point
of the cheek-bone in Chinese is farther
from the ear-nose line than in Euro-
peans, and lies also farther forward.
More details are given in the author's
kabilitationschrift on the same subject
(1904).

Bracht (E. ) Ueber datierbare Silexge-
r&te aus den TUrkisminen von Maghara
in der Sinaihalbinsel. (Z. f. Ethnol.,
Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 173-188, 2 pi. )
Gives results of the examination of 650
flints found in 1880-1881 at the tur-
quoise mines of Maghara in the Sinai
peninsula. According to B. these flints
were used to mine turquoise by the Egyp-
tians of the time of Rameses II, and the
abandonment of the mines soon after ( no
inscription of his son and successor,
Merneptah, occurs) may have been due
to the exodus of the Jews. At Mag-
hara an old stone-age industry continued
into the ages of metal. Some notes by
W. Flinders Petrie are appended and
discussed.

Brandenburg (E.j Ueber Kysylbasch-
und Jiiriikenddrfer in der Gegend des
Turkmendag. (Ibid., 188-198, 10 fgs.)

AM. ANTH., N. S.. 7-37

Treats of habitat (Yuruks nomadic,
half-nomadic, sedentary; Kizilbash mostly
in villages), dwellings (often richly orna-
mented with wood-carvings), clothing,
burials, religion, personal habits, etc., of
the Kizilbash and Yuruks of the Turk-
mendag, visited by B. in 1901-1904.
Some Kizilbash have settled in Bulgaria
and Rumania, in the Maritza valley
particularly.

Brown (A. J.) Yuan Shih Kai. (So.
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1905, xxxiv,
111-118. ) Sketch of the viceroy of
Chih-li, commander-in-chief of the
Chinese army and '* the most powerful
present factor in the policy of the Chinese
Empire,** his achievements, etc.

Comer Ohlmfitz (Caroline). Heathen
rites and superstitions in Ceylon.
(Nineteenth Cent., Lond., 1905, 133
flf. ). Discusses Sinhalese belief in
demons, in hours and times most favor-
able, when they in turn are most acces-
sible (the so-called '<yama*'), and in
bodily conditions propitious for obsession.
Author gives dramatic account of exorcis-
ing of a demon from a young girl fix>m
near Colombo. Other methods having
failed she was taken to a temple (near
Candy) of the powerful evil demon
Dewiyo, where the priest succeeds, aided
by votive offerings and corporal punish-
ment upon the girl.

Fischer (A.) Ueber die Kachin im
ftussersten Norden und Nordosten von
Birma. (Corr.-Bl. d. Deutschen Ges.
f. Anthrop., Miinchen, 1904, xxxv,
123-126.) Treats of habitat, physical
characters (cross with Tareng), spirit-
worship, offerings to thunder-god, artistic
posts of altar-place to which sacrificial
cattle are tied, augury from entrails,
dwellings (large and rather clean), mar-
riage and family (polygamy and bride-
stealing rare, in the latter case the
bride is dragged through an improvised
''jungle**), clothing and ornament
(peculiar <* ear-rings,'* and hiprings),
division of labor (husband "does field
work), graves and funeral ceremonies.
The Kachin present possibilities of a
higher culture.

Fran^oia (C. H. ) Notes sur les Lo-lo du
Kien-Tchang. (Bull. Soc. d*Anthr. de
Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 637-647, 4 fgs.)
Describes situation, relation to Chinese
government, physical characters, cloth-
ing, personal habits (baths abhorred).

554

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

dwellings, family (monogamy general],
attitude toward foreigners (only Chinese
hated), etc., of the Lo-Io, aboriginal
people of the Kien-Tchang region,
known to the Chinese as '<Man-Tsen,''
a term of opprobrium. Chinese man-
darin rule has not improved the Lo-lo.

Harris (J. R. ) Notes from Armenia, in
illustration of The Golden Bough, ( Folk-
Lore, Lond., 1904, XV, 427-446.) Cites
items in support of Mr Frazer's argu-
ments, from various parts of Armenia.
The topics considered are : Annual rain-
charm (all over Armenia), occasional
rain-charm (Turk pebble-charm, etc.),
Armenian Candlemas, animal sacrifices,
sin-eating, foundation sacrifice, offering
of the first-fruits, holy trees, curious
child-birth customs.

Hartlaiid ( E. S. ) A votive offering from
Korea. (Ibid., 447-450, i pi.) Brief
account of cast-iron '* tiger '' from shrine
on topof Charyong Pass, south of Gensan,
with ntoes on Korea religious ideas.

Hollwig (A.) Die jUdischen Freistftdte
in ethnologische Beleuchtung. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 213-216.)
Discusses the counterparts of the Jewish
"city of refuge** (form, content, pur-
pose of right of refuge) in Africa ( Abys-
sinians, Kabyles, Gold coast) and other
regions of the globe. H. concludes that
** there is no trait in the Jewish city of
refuge idea that is not to be found some-
where else in the world.** The general
subject has been treated by the author in
his Das Asylrecht der Natun>blker ( Ber-
lin, 1903).

Karutz (R. ) Von den Bazaren Turke-
stans. ( Ibid. ,312-317, 329-333, 8 fgs. )
Describes bazaars in Bokhara, Tashkend,
Samarkand, and Kokand, the articles
sold, etc. Among liquids tea plays the
largest rAle. Tea is drunk at all times
and seasons from morning to night.

Kellner (M.) The Hammurabi code and
the code of the covenant. (Rec. of
Past, Wash., 1905, iv, 99-118, 5 fgs.)
Comparative study. Professor K. con-
cludes that the Hebrews appropriated
legal provisions as well as legends and
institutions from the ancient Baby-
lonians. Thus, ' * the enactments of the
old Babylonian king, formulated in the
twenty-third century B.C., passed more
than 1,000 years later into the Book of
the Covenant, and so became the heritage
of the Hebrews and of the world.*'

KOrtel (A.) Phrygisches. (A. f. Re-
ligsw., Lpzg., 1904, vm, 150-154.)
R^sum^s the important data concerning
ancient Phrygian religion contained in
G. and A. Kdrte*s Gordion (Berlin,
1904), based on excavations carried out
in the summer of 1900 at Gordium.

de La Mazelidre ( M. ) L *^volution de
la famille japonaise. (Bull. Soc. d'An-
thr. de Paris, 1904, v« s., v, 650-671.)
Sketches, after the Kojiki (712 A. D. )
and subsequent documents, the history of
the family in Japan, — the civil code is
also analyzed (pp. 665-670). Of prim-
itive Japanese society almost nothing sur-
vived, except the ancestor cult. In the
VI-VIII centuries Chinese influences
were felt and under Confucianism mar-
riage-forms became fixed. Shinto-Confii-
cianism and Buddhism also modified
customs, etc. Japanese feudalism and
Bushido had their effects in strengthening
paternal authority. The era of thinkers
(eighteenth century), the revolution of
the nineteenth, the triumph of the
Mikado, and the impetus to individual
emancipation given by European and
American contact, are other important
facts. The author sees reflected in the
terms of the Code the conflict between
the communal constitution of Japanese
society and the individualistic influence of
European civilization. If individualism
wins, the civilization of Asia will one day
fuse with that of Europe ; otherwise,
they will simply influence each other
much, but never unite.

▼on Landau ( — ) Ueber pr3.historische
Funde unweit Sidon und Gebeil, Byblos.
(Z. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii,
209-211.) Describes some round amu-
let-stones from Saida and the Lebanon
region, and a celt, in form resembling the
smaller West African axes, from a grave
of the classic period at Gebeil (Byblos),
— buried with the dead, having been
also used as an amulet.

Laufer ( B. ) Zur Geschichte der chines-
ischen Juden. (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1905, Lxxxvii, 245-248.) Discusses
the evidence of the inscriptions of K*ai
fong fu as to the coming of Jews to
China, where they were found (in
Honan) by the Jesuits in the early part
of the eighteenth century, having been
there for centuries. Dr B. derives the
Chinese Jews from India, and thinks that
* * Judaism is not older, as has been pre-

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

555

viously thought, but later than Islam in
China." The existence of a colony of
Jews in Hong-Kong and Shanghai, who
speak Arabic, shows the same condition
of affairs as in the ninth century.

Libbey (W.) Jerash. (Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1905, IV, 35-46, 10 4[s.) Chap-
ter from Prof. L' shook The Jordan Val-
ley and Petra (N. Y., 1 905 ) treating of
the stupendous ruins of Jerash (Gerasu),
<* second only to Palmyra in size and
importance, and second only to Baalbec
in beauty of arch i tecture. ' ' A Circassian
colony has settled here and built in-
scribed stones into their lintels and door-
posts, likewise clearing spaces for farms
among the ruins.

Lorenzen (A. ) Die chinesiche Weltkarte
Ferdinand Verbicsts von 1674. (Glo-
bus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvn, 157-
159.) Notes on the history of the cartog-
raphy of China and Verbiest's map of
1674.

Marquand ( A. ) The facade of the tem-
ple of Apollo near Miletus. (Rec. of
Past, Wash., 1905, iv, 3-15, 10 fgs.)
Discusses various theories ( Rayet, Haus-
soullier, Wernicke). Prof. M. con-
siders Haussoullier's theory the most
reasonable and concludes that the entire
facade, consisting of foundations, col-
umns, and entablatures, belongs to one
building period ca, 150 B. C.

P. Die Stadt Mangaseja und das Man-
gasejische Land. (Globus, Bmschwg.,
1905, Lxxxvii, 222-223. ) R^sum^s a
recent article by Anutchin in the Zemle-
vidinje^ where the name Mangaseja is
discussed in detail, — variants are Mol-
gomzey, Molgonjej, Mangonseja, Mun-
gasej, etc. The word may signify ** those
living at the outer edge,'' a term describ-
ing the Yuraks in their relation to the
Samoyeds.

Prince ( J. D. ) and Law ( R. ) The Pier-
pont Morgan Babylonian axe-head. (J.
Amer. Orient. Soc., N. Y., 1905,
XXVIII, 93 if.) Discusses Babylonian
{ca. 30CX>-2300 B. C. ) votive axe-head
made of agate in layers, with dedi-
catory inscription on obverse side, now
in the Tiffany gem collection of the
American Museum, New York. It is
perforated for a handle.

R6B8ler ( £. ) Bericht ttber archftologische
Ausgrabungen in Transkaukasien. (Z.
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 114-

151, 119 fgs.) Gives results of excava-
tions of 14 graves on the left bank of the
Kotchar, north of Bajan, and a kurgan
containing 18 on the right bank to the
south (with descriptions of urns and
other ceramic remains in particular) dur-
ing February and April, 1 90 1. The
graves belong to the bronze-iron period
and are chiefly chest-graves. Among
the objects found are : Arrow and spear
points, needles, beads, rings, bracelets,
knives, daggers, shells, ornaments and
other objects of ^r^/aifr. 'Y\il^ kurgan
seems to have been a family burial place.
Marking-stones of a phallic sort might
indicate the graves of males. Altogether
these graves suggest comparison with
those of Helenendorf, though the mode
of construction is different, and are prob-
ably contemporaneous with the chief
group of the latter, and belong to the
end of the later Caucasian bronze period,
ca, (lioo B. C. The graves belong to an
Arjran people, perhaps, as the form of
skull, head-dress, etc., suggest the
ancestors of the present Haik population
of Bajan.

Schmidt (H.) Troja-Mykene-Ungam.
(Ibid., 1904, XXXVI, 890--891 ). Addi-
tional notes and corrections to article
reviewed in American Anthropologist.

Schwally (F.) Zur Heiligenverehrung
im modemen Islam Syriens und Nord-
afrikas. (A. f. Religsw., Lpzg., 1904,
VIII, 85-96). Treats of saint- worship
and sanctuaries in Syria and northern
Africa. In the former female saints are
few ; in the latter very numerous, a fact
connected with the position of woman as
prophet and magician from time imme-
morial among the Berbers. The number
of sanctuaries is enormous, and survivals
from older heathendom are seen in the
sacred trees, springs, and other natural
objects. In Syria both Christians and
Mohammedans visit the shrines, and
some Christian characters, like Simon
Stylites, Sergius and Thekla, are included
among the saints of Islam. Jewish and
Christian renegades sometimes turn
marabouts. These saints serve some
useful purposes as peace-makers, and
they afford refuge to fugitives and help
the robbed and the injured, sick, etc.
The folk-belief in them is great and
abiding.

Shearme'CD.) The shwe-hmu, or Bur-
mese taxgather. (Folk- Lore, Lond.,

556

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

1904, XV, 334-335-) Brief account of
omce and procedure. The shwe-kmu
also acts as judge, arbiter, etc. Whoever
in fair fighting (use of iron prohibited)
was able to deprive the shwe-hmu of his
scales (the insignia of office) succeeded
him, — stealing and fraud were excluded.
If the claimant failed he was fined.

Starr (F. ) The hairy Ainu of Japan.
(Iowa J. Hist. & Pol., Iowa City, 1905,
III, 423-427.) Notes on history,
houses, etiquette, bear hunting and bear
feast, improvised songs (home-coming),
physical characteristics. Prof. S. believes
that the Ainu who are <* a white race,' '
were once the sole population of Japan,
— they have been beaten back, like the
Indians in America. They are not the
ancestors of the Japanese.

Vollers ( K. ) Die Symbolik des Mash in
den semitischen Sprachen. (A. f. Re-
ligsw., Lpzg., 1904, VIII, 97-103). In
ritual maskf — the root is common
Semitic, — is identical with the ''wash-
ing" before prayer, etc. ** Rub, stroke,
salve,*' etc., belong also here, then
** bless, praise." From the nibbing
away of a physical blemish was derived
the symbolic use.

Wright (A. R.) Tibetan prayer- wheels.
(Folk-Lore, Lond., 1904, XV, 332-333,
I pi. ) Brief account of two wheels and
prayers. The characters in which the
om formula is embossed are ancient In-
dian ranja of the seventh century.

Tibetan drum and trumpet. ( Ibid.,

333-334, I pi. ) Brief notes on a trum-
pet made of the human thigh bone and a
drum made of the caps of two skulls, with
their bases covered with human skin.
These trumpets are made with elaborate
incantations, and preferably from the
bones of criminals or those who have
died by violence.

Wright (T. F.) The tombs of Gezer.
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1905, iv, 79-82,
3 fgs. ) Brief account of the results of
Macalister's excavations in the ruins of
Tell Jezar (the Gezer of the Bible) near
Jaffa, — tombs of the pre- Israelites, who
use caves both for dwelling and burial
purposes ; later ( Israelite ) rock tombs,
containing, among other relics Assyrian
seals, Egyptian scarabs, etc. ; tombs of
the Maccabean period ; Christian tombs
with great quantities of lamps (some with
Greek inscriptions).

Zaborowiki (S.) Collection d'objets de
toilette et autres du sud de la Chine.
(Bull. Soc. d'Anthr. de Paris, 1904, v*
s., V, 632-633.) Brief notes on toilet
objects, etc. (pillows, couch, shoes,
hats, compass, flint and steel), from the
province of Kwang-Hsi, in southern
China, presented to the society by M.
Beauvais.

INDONESIA, AUSTRALIA,
POLYNESIA

Branco (W.) Ueber die fraglichen fos-
silen menschlichen Fusspuren im Sand-
steine von Wamambool, Victoria, und
andere angebliche Spuren des fossilen
Menschen in Australien. (Z. £ Ethn.,
Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 162-172, 2 fgs.)
R^sum^s data concerning the " human"
foot-prints in the Wamambool sandstone
and other alleged traces of fossil man m
Australia, — opinions of Archibald, Als-
berg, McDowell, Bucking, Gregory, etc.
B. concludes that *'the foot-prints are
human, but very narrow," and that the
sandstone is old and not "merely a few
centuries old," as Wilser suggested.
The Wellington cave human molar and
the marsupial ( fossil ) bone with marks
of human implement are considered
genuine.

Grabowsky CF. ) Musikinstrumente der
Dajaken SUdost - Bomeos. ( Globus,
Brnschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 102-105, 9
fgs. ) Brief descriptions of kettle-drums
[^garantong^y and its melodies, — the
chief pieces in Dajak orchestras, — drums
proper (gandang)^ and the drum-like
gambang and bisak betong. Of stringed
instruments there are the rabap ox gara-
dap (borrowed from the Malays), which
is played with a bow ; the kanjapi^
somewhat resembling the violin ; the
gandang batooi. Of wind instruments the
sarunai (clarinet), borrowed from the
Malays ; the flute ; a hunter's whistle ;
the garodcy a sort of oboe. Both adults
and children use a ** jew's-harp.**

Gregory (J. W. ) The antiquity of man
in Victoria. (Proc. R. Soc. Vict., Mel-
bourne, 1904, N. s., XVII, pi. I, 130-
133. ) Discusses among other things the
Wamambool ** human " footprints. G.
thinks it possible they are human, — they
may be wind-sports, — but, with others,
gets from them the impression of shody
not naked feet. The bone-find of Bun-
inyong he regards as accidental. G

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

557

considers that man b a comparatively
recent inhabitant of Victoria, and was in
no sense there in earlier geological
periods.

JEUferland (R. ) Ueber einen Scbftdel
mit einem Processus asteriacus. (Z. f.
Ethnol., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 207-208,
I pi. ) Describes brieifly a Fijian (male ?)
skull with a well-marked process aster-
iacusj a peculiarity not rare among
Melanesians. The formation is probably
atavistic.

HAgeii(B. ) Neu-Guinea. (Corr.-Bl. d.
Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., 1905,
XXXVI, 22-23. ) R^sum^ of address be-
fore Wiesbaden Anthropological Society.
The Papuas are the primitive type, or a
primitive type of man. Two different
varieties of Papuas (one mostly coastal)
exist, but the women of the two varieties
differ little. Family and social life are
briefly considered.

HolmM (J. H.) Introductory notes to
the study of the totemism of the Elema
tribes, Papuan gulf. (Man, Lond.,
1905, 2-6, I fg. ) Discusses ttibal organ-
ization, marriage-laws, land-tenure, indi-
vidual rights, tribal obligations. Accord-
ing to H., totem kinship has *< a greater
influence on the moral life ** of the Elema
tribes than conjugal or parental relation-
ship. This influence of totemism is far-
reaching, restrictive and preventive.

How«U (W.) a»</Shellord (R.) A Sea-
Dyak love philtre. (J. Anthr. Inst,
Lond., 1904, XXXIV, 207-210.) De-
scribes briefly Ajayan (love philter) ob-
tained from a S^-Dyak woman, with
native texts and English translations of
two typical incantations. Also incanta-
tion uttered by a woman who wishes to
become attractive to men. The basis of
all jay an is " coco-nut oil, which must
be made by a girl who has not yet ar-
rived at the age of puberty." Other
ingredients, e, g.y the tears of a female
porpoise (very potent), may be added.
A needle in the stopper represents sym-
pathetic magic.

KUattch (H.) Ubersicht Qber den bis-
herigen Verlauf und die Errungenschaf-
ten meiner Reise in Australien bis Ende
September 1904. (Z. f. Ethnol., Ber-
lin, XXXVII, 211-213. ) Notes, among
other things, discovery at King's creek
of stone implements with pieces of fossil
bones with evidence of human working ;

frontal bone of a new-bom child at
Princess Charlotte bay, with Arms su-
praorbiialis suggesting the Neanderthal
skull. Dr K. made many observations
and measurements of the natives, col-
lected specimens, etc.

Krlm«r ( A. ) Das neue Kolonialalphabet
in seiner Anwendung auf die Sttdsee.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,- Lxxxvn,
293-295.^ Discusses the new alphabet
adopted oy the Colonial Department of
the German government for the spelling
and pronunciation of geographic names,
and severely criticizes some of the items.

Lunpert ( — . ) Melanesien. ( Corr. -Bl.
d. Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., Mfln-
chen, 1904, XXXV, 59-60.) Notes on
physical characteristics, culture, etc. Up
to the period of contact with tiie Euro-
peans the Melanesians were still in the
stone age. The most marked feature of
their culture is love of ornament ; an-
other is an impulsive spirit of adventure.

Lang (A.) All-fathers in Australia. (Folk-
lore, Lond., 1905, XVI, 222-224.) Dis-
cusses views of Howitt and Hartland.
Author considers that in associating the
All-father belief with advance in social
organization, ** Mr. Howitt has over-
looked his own valuable collection of
social facts.*'

Laich (R.) Gregory ttber die ftltesten
Spuren des Mensdien in Australien.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii,
90-91.) R^sum^s the article of J. W.
Gregory (q. v.).

Maa88 (— .) Ta k&-k&i-kfti Tabu. Ein
Beitrag zur vergleichenden Kenntnis der
Malaio-Polynesier. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin,
1905, XXXVII, 153-162. ) Describes the
ta kd-kdi'kdi(''ii is forbidden"), the
first and foremost <Maw" of the Men-
tawi islanders off the coast of Sumatra,
and *<a terrible moral weapon against
the foreigner." The Mentawi custom
is compared with the Sumatran — Malay
pantang^ Madagascar fadi^ Dayak
uhum^ Micronesian ugul^ and the Polyne-
sian tabu with its varieties. The origin
of these customs is due to the mental
constitution of the Malayo-Polynesians
and their peculiar psychological con-
sciousness. Their fulfilment of the law
of impulse is here represented.

Mathews (R. H.) The Wiradyuri and
other languages of New South Wales.
(J. Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1904, xxxiv.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

SS8

3S4-3DS. ) Brief gnmmatick] tketcbei
of \Vind711ri, Burrels-biirreb*, and
Nsniun], with Tocabalujei of 430
wonU in Windjruri and 390 m Nguaa-
w>l, cUwiticd uodcT ategaries of Cunily
tenu, parti of Ibc body, natatal objects,
■nimali, tied and plaot^ weapon*, adjec-
tives, Terba. The Wiradyuri ji more
widapresd than any other tongue in
New South Wales. These langoages
hare double fonns of the Gist person,
dual and plural, for every inflected part ,
of speech.
HORil (Margaretta) Harvest godi of
the Land Dyaks of Bomea (J. Amer.
Orient. Soc, N. Y., 1905, xxviii, 165
ff. ) Enumerates supernatural beings,
lords of agriculture, of sun, moon and
stars. Also the supreme being Tuppa
(an agglomeration or accretion of func-
tions) is discussed. These snpematuial
beings, with two human potentates are
invoked for a blessing on the lice-Geldi.
Miss M. regards Tupps as a projection of
the change in the Dyaks' natures from
ferocity and canning to the peaceful co-
operation necessaiy to successful agricul-
ture. The philosophy of the gods of the
field is somewhat abstiuse.
Hkawanhtili (A. W. ) Kimsl und
Kunstsinn bei den Bahan und KCnja-
Dajak. (Corr.-Bl. d. Deatschen Gea.
f. Antbrop., MUnchcn, 1904, xxxv, 82-
84. ) Discusses the srt, art-motives, and
art products of the Bahau and Kenyah
Dayaks of Borneo. Many motives are
of religious origin, end the human
genital organs have served as models
for a long series of beautiful omamenls,
foi use in adornment of bouses in par-
ticular. Children seem to receive no
special instruction, but the advent of

Cuberty and Ihe period of courting slimu-
ile bothseics Hrtistically,— youths carve
presents for maidens and the latter make
ornaments for the former. Both men
and women, more luo, carry on artistic
work, bul icw to a very high degree,
the best workers being individuals hav-
ing Ihe necessary leisure, members of
Ihe families of chiefs, i
motives arc often used to decorate very
different objects, and for a many-sided '1
art there is a seeming poverty of motive, ■
Convention aliiatton gives play to Iheii .
fancy, Dr N, thinks thai, for various i
reasons. Dayak art has degenerated here, I
— the introduction of foreign materials has
influenced greatly the art and industries j

(W, ) Native itoiici &an Srate
Cnu and Reef islanda. (J. Anthr.
InsL, Lond,, 1904, xxxiv, 333-X33.)

English texts of brief tales coDccnung :
Sickness, death, marriage, food, ami aod
moon, canoe -building, broken (bod, sou
and nin, white folk (ipiriti), laf», ixz-
selves, an old man and wcanan, bol7
stones, — from Santa Crui ; aod baai
Reef islands concerning Lata and Sin-
ota, the volcano Tinakula, a traditiaa of
Nukapu, spirits, the dead. Chose who die
of arrow wounds, a great ^lirit called
Thaumaka, abundance of food. And
two longer tales from Reef iaUnd*:
Aboat a certain woman, and coDceining
a man who ate human flesh, and ■ ytxj
big pig.
PuUhmhi ( R. ) Ein Besnch anf den
AdmiralitlCsiDselD. (Ibid., 338.) Brief
notes of visit to chief island in December,
1904. To the Moanns (sea&rers and
GsbermeB ; pile-dwellings) and Usai
(in the interior, agriculturalists), runst
be added now the Mataokor, or Hanit-
kol (agriculture, leabmng, fishing,
canoe- builders, woodworkers). P. saw
the making of the obsidian swords. The
Mataokor are smaller and lighter than
the Moanus and Usiai. The anthor's
party took the first phoCogtaphs ai women
on the island.
Blggl (A, S.) The drama of the Filipi-
nos, {J. Amer. Folk-lore, Boitoa,
1904, XVII, 279-385.) Treats briefly of
Filipino plays and poems : Prehistoric
(before 1511), religious (from 1521 to
present lime), Moro-Moro, middle pe-
riod (l750-lS76and to the present day).

The Moro-Moro plays, reciting the strug-
gles of the Christian against the Moham-
medan Filipinos, are interesting and
important for the study of native char-
acter. Atypical Moro-Moro is " Mag-
dapio, or Fidelity Rewarded," by P. A,
Palemo ; a representative anti-Ameri-
can play is " Hindi Aco Patay (I am not
dead)" by Juan M. Cruz. The ^cial
recognition of the theater in the mlip-
pines did not occur till 1S36.
Seidel (H. ) Die Bewohner der Tobi-In-
sel, Deutsch-Westmikronesien- (Globus,
Broschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 113-117.)
Discusses briefly habitat name, physio
diaracters, food (coconut chief item), fire.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

559

making (friction), dwellings and wood-
working, textile industries, clothing and
ornament, tattooing (no untattooed per-
son can approach holy places), tabu,
weapons, canoes, contact with whites, etc.
The natives of Tobi arc of a lighter color
than those of 5)onsoI, Pul, and Merir.

Sen£ft (A.^ Ueber die Tfttowierung der
West-Mikronesier. (Ibid., 174-175, 3
fgs. ) Brief account of tattooing on the
island of Yap, where it was introduced
some 100 years ago from the island of
Ululsi.

Seurat ( L. G. ) Sur les anciens habitants
de rile Pitcaim, PaciBque Sud. (L* An-
thropologic, Paris, 1904, XV, 369-372,
14 fgs.) Describes petroglyphs and
stone axes, etc. Other remains of pre-
European inhabitants, — mara^ human
skulls, etc., have been found. Their
discovery astonished the mutineers of the
Bounty.

▼on den Steinen (K. ) Proben einer
friiheren polynesischen Geheimsprache.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii,
1 1 9- 1 2 1.) Describes, with word-list, a
secret language, eo uhiua ( <* language
concealing the back, i. e.y surface''), in
use among the Hapaa of Nukuhiva, the
principal one of the northern Marquesas
islands, now reduced to a few individ-
uals. The chief item is the exchange of
consonants (in quadrisyllables the first
half only is touched, A'wy^whiva ■= Kunu-
hiva). Examples: eti (small) becomes
kihi^ ouoho (hair) nouoo^ Taiohau
(name of a bay) Hatiohal ; meitai
(good) emiate, etc. Similar processes
have been reported from a tribe of In-
dian jugglers, Herzegovinian goat-herds,
etc., by Krauss and others. Dr von den
S. considers that the existence of a simi-
lar phenomenon in New Zealand suggests
the former existence of a widespread
Polynesian secret language. It doubt-
less had its practical value at festivals,
meetings with foreign peoples, etc.

AMERICA

Adam (L. ) Grammaire de I'Accawai.
(J. de la Soc. des Am6r. de Paris, 1905,
N. s., II, 43-89. ) First part of a gram-
matical sketch (gender, number, per-
sonal pronouns, postpositions and case-in-
dices, verbal adjectives derived from
postpositions, demonstratives and pro-
nouns of the third person, nouns of num-

ber and collectives, indefinite pronouns
and adjectives, interrogatives, augmenta-
tives and diminutives, adverbs, conjunc-
tions), based on texts (Genesis in part,
St Matthew, etc. ) published by the late
Rev. W. H. Brett (missionary) in the
Accawai (Acav6i6) a Cariban language
of Guiana.

Aimea (H. H. S.) African institutions in
America. (J. Amer. Folk-lore, Bos-
ton, 1905, xviii, 16-32.) Treatsof the
<< governor" of the negro communities
in New England, elections, parades, etc.
These inaugural parades may have ante-
dated those of the whites, — such cus-
toms were ** a direct survival of practices
in Africa ; fantastic parades in all parts
of Cuba, Sunday reunions and festivals
( cabildos of each * * tribe " ) ; * * societies * '
for dancing, and also for political pur-
poses, in St Lucia (as late as 1844),
<* kings" and '* queens" in Jamaica,
etc. The influence of African institu-
tions in the French West Indies was
great, and the author seeks to show that
in Haiti the government of Toussaint
and Christophe was really African in
origin — they had a clear insight into the
needs and peculiarities of their people.
The actions of Soulouque betray also the
African character.

Barry (P.) Some traditional songs.
(Ibid., 49-59. ) Discusses with text and
music four traditional songs (The Elfin
Knight, The Ram of Darby, The Quak-
er's Wooing, The Twelve Days of
Christmas), contained in Rosa A. Allen's
Family Songs (Medfield, Mass., 1899^.
They have been traditional in this family
for generations.

Boas ( F. ) tfif^ Wissler ( C. ) Statistics of
growth. (Rep. U. S. Comm'r Ed.,
Wash., 1904 [1905], 25-132.) Of
this valuable monograph the greater
part consists of statistics of anthropo-
metric data obtained in 1891 and 1892
in the public schools, high schools, etc.,
of Worcester, Mass. The conclusions
reached are of profound importance for
the proper understanding of the phe-
nomena of child-growth. Dr Boas'
earlier assumption of *' a symmetrical
distribution of variations in period — 1. e.,
of accelerations and retardations — fol-
lowing the laws of chance, giving an
adequate explanation of the characteris-
tics of the observed curves of growth,"
is confirmed. As a result it follows that

S6o

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

'' the developmental stage of a child at a
certain period depends primarily on phe-
nomena of retardation and acceleration,
which influence the whole body at the
same time, so that all measurements
should show a tendency to vary in the
same direction ; either all of them would
tend to lag behind the normal average,
or all would be in advance of it/' This
would tend to overturn the rather wide-
spread view that ''during a period of
energetic physical growth there is a rest
of mental development and vice versa J*^
The variations of social groups should
follow the same laws as those of indi-
viduals. A maximum of correlations
occurs during the periods of most rapid
growth and a sudden drop to negative
correlations when growth is nearly com-
pleted. The interval 14-15 years in
boys forms the dividing line between
positive and negative correlations.

Boman (E. ) Adan Quiroga. (J. Soc.
d. Am6r. de Paris, 1905, N. s., ir, 139-
140. ) Brief appreciation of life and
works of A. Quiroga ( d. at Buenos Aires,
Nov. 10, 1904, aged 40), poet, lawyer,
politician, criminologist, archeologist,
folklorist, and authority on Calchaqui.
His most ambitious volume was, perhaps,
La Cruz en America ( 1901 ).

Brady (W. J.) The faces, jaws, and
teeth of the Okoboji mound people as
indications of their stage of development.
(Iowa J. Hist. & Pol., Iowa City, 1 905,
III, 441-444. ) One skull exhibits ''an
immense bifurcation of the pre-molars,
seeming to indicate a low type." In the
older (lowest in mound) skulls the teeth
approximate closely the modern Cau-
casian. In the case of the uppermost the
bones of the jaw, rather than the teeth,
are reduced in size. One shows " inten-
sive white characteristics." The bottom-
most skulls •• represent a type well ad-
vanced beyond the present primitive men
and the lower early man."

Breysig ( K. ) Die Entstehung des Staates
aus der Geschlechterverfassung bei Tlin-
kit und Irokesen. (Schmoller's Jahrb.,
Berlin, 1904, xxviii, 45-89. ) Discusses
the origin of the state from conditions
found among the Tlingit of Alaska and
the Iroquois. With both peoples there
is a mixing of divisions according to fami-
lies and grouping, and according to locali-
ties and tribes, — the first, B. thinks,
older, the second having arisen from

practical needs. The first "state" ap-
pears with the coalition of the two prim-
itive families, when a community of life
is substituted for a community of blood.

Ueber die Entstehung des Gottes-

gedanken insonderheit bei den amerikani-
schen Urzeitvdlkem. (Z. f. Ethnol.,
Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 216-221.) Gives
notice of monograph on origin of the idea
of God among the American Indians,
based on consideration of the N. W.
Coast natives, particularly the Tlingit.
With the latter the three primitive ele-
ments— beginnings of reverence of na-
ture powers, soul and spirit, cult priest-
hood, sacred legend, — are still separate.
B. criticises Brinton's concept of Iro-
quoian deities. The idea of God is not
due to personification of nature forces,
but springs from the conception of animal
or human personalities.

Broda (R.) A visit to Haiti. (So.
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1905, xxxiv,
285-290, 4 fgs.) Brief account of visit
in December, 1904. Author takes rather
optimistic view of situation. In the uni-
versity and colleges of Port au Prince
" the professors are all Haitians, mostly
graduates of the University of Paris,"
and "their scientific works seem to me
of high rank." In the list of members
of the International Institute of Sociology
are three Haitians, Justin Devot, Massil-
lon Coicu, and Firm in Faure, the last
once candidate for President of Haiti.

Brown (C. E. ) Wisconsin caches.
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1905, iv, 82-95,
10 fgs. ) Gives account of caches of
stone, metal, and bone implements, etc.,
in various parts of the state. A cache
of 300 stone implements from Dane co.
is now in the U. S. National Museum.
Mixed caches seem to be uncommon.
No uniform method in the making of these
caches prevailed. The deposits are
sometimes of finished implements and
sometimes of pieces suitable for manu-
facture. Leaf-shaped flints are of such
frequent occurrence as to be styled
"cache types."

Curtis (W. C.) The basketry of the
Caribs. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va.,
1905, XXXIV, 337-340, 3 fgs. ) Based
on accounts of Mason and Ober with
data and illustrations from Prof. Lloyd,
who visited Dominica in 1903. The
Carib baskets are said to resemble those
of the Louisiana Chetimachans.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

561

De Charency (Comte) Le Marquis de
Nadaillac. (J. Soc. d. Am^r. de Paris,
I90S» N. s., II, 133-137. ) Sketch of life
and scientific activities with list of pub-
lished works, 1870-1904. His best
known volume was V Amirique pri-
historique^ which was translated into
English.

Dig^et (L.) Notes d'arch^ologie Mizteco-
Zapot^ue : Tumulus et camps retranch^s.
(Ibid., 1 09- 1 16, 3 fgs.) Describes
briefly the pyramids of the Cerro de
Cuta and La Rinconada and the mogofe
(tumulus) of Ejutla, etc., — all funeral
monuments, at the same time sepulchers
and altars of a cult of the dead. The
most imposing are doubtless individual
mausoleums. These tumuli and en-
trenched camps represent one aspect of
Mixtec-Zapotec culture.

Dn Boi8 (C. G. ) The story of the Chaup :
A myth of the Dieguefios. (J. Amer.
Folk-lore, Boston, 1905, xvii, 217-
242. ) Gives English text, with snatches of
songs in native tongues passim^ of the
legend of Chaup ('<the name for shoot-
ing star, etc.''), who now is said to live
in the San Bernardino mountains with
his grandmother.

Flom (G. T.) The coming of the Nor-
wegians to Iowa. (Iowa J. Hist. &
Pol., Iowa City, 1905, in, 347-383. 2
maps.) Contains data as to origin of
immigrant groups, migration, etc. North-
eastern Iowa has always been, '* educa-
tionally and culturally, the center of Nor-
wegian influence in the state.''

Fdratemann ( E. ) Die sp&testen Inschriften
der Mayas. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxvii, 272-273.) F. argues that a
certain inscription from Chichen-Itza
bears date 1 581 and another from Sac-
chan4 that of 1582. They represent per-
haps a temporary renaissance of Mayan
hopes, due perhaps to the Netherlands
revolution.

Froideranx (H. ) Un pr^curseur de
I'Americanisme ; le capitaine Champion,
1580. (J. Soc. d. Am^r. de Paris, 1905,
N. s., II, 163-164. ) Note on the statement
in the Calendar of State Papers (West
Indies and America, vol. I, 1 5 74-1660,
p. 1-2) that a certain Capt. Champion,
of Havre-de-Gr&ce, had bought from one
David Ingram for 1 00 pieces of silver
an <* ancient " or war-flag of the Indians
of the river May in Florida.

Fuller ( Grace P. ) The Sen Indians. ( So.
Wkmn., Hampton, Va., 1 905, xxxiv,
271-278, 4 fgs.) Based on McGee.
Treats briefly of habitat, physical char-
acters, houses, clothing, food, pottery,
implements, balsas, government, mar-
riage, etc. The Seri are one of the lowest
tribes of American aborigines.

Heitmflller ( Dr) Nordamerikanische
Pfeilspitzen. (Corr.-Bl. d. Deutschen
Ges. f. Anthrop., Miinchen, 1904, xxxv,
46. ) Brief note on flint arrowheads from
near Lafayette. Dr H. distinguishes 3
types.

Hepner (H. E.) The Cora Indians of
Mexico. (So. Wkmn., Hampton, Va.,
1905, XXXIV, 92-99, 3 fgs.) Treats
briefly of physical appearance, houses,
religion, legend accounting for rough
character of country, occupations and
industries, family, fasting and prayer (to
'< Master of the Mountain "), adoration
of stones and rocks (their ancestors),
dances, etc. (ceremonial of ''mother
bowl," prayer to morning star). Nom-
inally Christians, the Cora retain much
of their old heathen faith. They have
also avoided some of the vices of the
whites.

Hewett (E. L. ) Government supervision
of historic and prehistoric ruins. ( Sci-
ence, N. Y., 1905, U.S., XX, 722-727.)
Prints correspondence with Commissioner
of General Land Office, Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, and Chief of the Bureau
of American Ethnology concerning the
preservation of ruins. Professor H. ap-
proves the bill of Commissioner Richards
of the Land Office.

The last survivor of the extinct pueblo

of Pecos. (Rec. of Past, Wash., 1905,
IV, 54-57, I fg.) Condensed by the
author from the American Anthropolo-
gist, 1904.

Hill-Tont (C.) Ethnological report on
the Stsee^lis and Sk*aAlits tribes of the
HalOkme^lem division of the Salish of
British Columbia. (J. Anthr. Inst.,
Lond., 1904, XXXIV, 311-376.) Treats
of tribal history, sociology ; marriage,
puberty ; mortuary, birth, and naming
customs ; food- tabus and restrictions,
suliaism, hereditary totems, dances, re-
ligious ideas, shamanism, dwellings,
household utensils, dress, cardinal points,
winds, the year, linguistics (numerals,
personal pronouns), myths and traditions

S62

fp^M 336-362 ; English text! of right
tales, native text with interlineai uid
free tcanslatiOD of one for the .Stscelis ;
and, for the Sk-aalits, tribal historj and
legends, native texts, interlinear and
free English renderings of four l^ends —
also Salish Paler Nosier from Mengarini
and modem SlcaAlits venion). T. con-
siders it not improbable that the Stwe'lis
are "a somewhat modified temnant of
the tace that occupied these regions prior
to the advent of the Salish." Only one
of the live old campiog- sites is now used
hj them. Although Catholic converls,
" there is ■ very gercral hankering after
the old condition of things." Youth are
no longer trained in the andent way and
have deteriorated. Each Salish tribe
seems to have had its own puberty cus-
toms. T. believes that "nodoubtcan
any longer exist thst the Salish tribes in
former days had not only personal iii/i<i,
or totems, bul also beteditaiy group-
totems as well. The Sk'sAliCs are re-
duced to a scattered village of a dozen
houses — a few generations ago they
numbered two or three hundred souls.

TOD Ihwing {H. E. R.) Biblit^iaphia
1903-1904 : Historia Natural e Anthro-
pologia do Brazil. (R. doMus. Paul.,
S. Paulo, 1904, VI, 584-659.) Section
D, pp. 607-615, relates to anthropology,
— 10 titles, embracing works by Borbosa
Rodrigues, A. B. Meyer, Theodor Koch,
J. B. Sleere, P. F. Vogt, Paul Ehren-
reich, M. Schmidt.

Atcheologia comparaliva do Braiil.

(Ibid., SI9-583. 4 P'-) Treats of arche-
oli^y of Rio Grande do Sul and ctani-
ology of its primitive inhabitants, the
samiaqiiis of southern Braril, Iheextra-
sambaquian culture of the Stale of 5.
Paulo, archeology of Bahia, archeology
of the Amaiotiian region, thearcheoli^cal
provinces of Brazil and their relations
with the neighboring regions ( provinces ;
sambaquian south Brazilian, Bshian,
Amazonian), data from early writings,
etc. Bibliography of 53 titles. Von 1.
concludes that the Amazonian re^on of
Brazil has been considerably affected by
the Andean civilizations, but not the
center or (he south. Both the extra-
Amazonian part; of Brazil and the eastern
sectionsof Argentina possessed in prehis-
toric time no higher culture than that of
the modem natives. A great part of the
archeological objects from southern Brazil
are to be attributed to the Cakhaqui

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[i».

.7. 1905

culture, non-indigciKHit to that regioo.
On the coast the dolicbocepfaalic ( Boto-
cado) and the bradiycephalk: (Goar-
Boi?) types, are represented, in pnfais-
toric times, in the sambaqnis.
Jacob (C-1 Contribution k l'«tade de U
morphologic des cerveaai des Indieni,
etc. (Rev. d. Mus. de La Plata, 1904,
xil, CHIT., pp. 15, 7 pi. 1 Ekescribe* and
figarei brains of 4 Indians ( > Faef>laiia,
2 Araucanians), the anthropometric data
coDceming whom had been given bj ten
Kate (q. v.). Dr J. concludes that all
four brains are np to the level of devel-
opment of the average European brain.
ThrVahgan brain is rich in coDTolntioiii
and that of the Alakaluf woman rich in
secondary convolutions. In these Indian
brains the parietal and temporal lobei
are typically developed, while the ftontal
and occipital vary as with Euiopeans.
No distinctly patholc^cal ancnuUies

d* Jonghe (6.^ Histoyre du Mechiqae.

Maauscrit frangais inidit du XVI* siiclc.
(J. de la Soc. des Amir, de Paris. 1905,
N. s., II. 1-41.1 Publishes for the first
time a French MS. of the sixteenth cen-
tury, treating of the origins of the three
chief tribes, the Mexican calendar, vari-
ous cosmogonic myths and legends, the
life of the culture-hero QuelzalcoatI, etc.
An index of Nahuatl terms is added.
The Spanish original of the MS. de J.
identifies with the lost Anliguedades
Mfxir/itins of the Franciscan de Olmos,
mentioned hy Mendieta The translator
was Andr* Thevet, whose signature the
French MS. bears. This is a very valu-
able discovery.

"Amerikanistcnkloh" de Berlin.

(Ihid., 168-171.1 RSsumis the pro-
ceedings of the February, 1904. meeting
of the Berlin Americanist Club, at which
papers were read by Dr Lehmann on the
history of the Mexican codices and Hr
Uhle on botanical explorations in South
t America.

ton Kate ( H.) Matiriaux pour servir i
1 ' nnlhropologie des Indiens de la Rt-
publique An;enline. (Rev. d. Mus. de
la Plata. 1904, Kit. repr. pp. 27, 9 pi.)
Gives psycholc^ical notes, anthropo-
metric (post-mortem) data, osteological
observations and notes on the braitis of
four Indians ( V'ahgan man, a Huilliche
chief and a woman of the same tribe, an
old Alakaluf woman), three of whMn

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

563

were government prisoners. Also an-
thropometric measurements (living) and
observations on three Araucans, three
Tehuelches, and four Chiriguanos. The
results of an autopsy of the Yahgan are
likewise given. The two Fuegians were
mesocephalic, the two Araucans brachy-
cephalic. Of the ten living Indians four
were mesocephalic, the rest brachyce-
phalicy the Tehuelches being very round-
headed. The condition of the brains
examined was such as to permit only
certain details of observation. The
brain-weights of the two males were
average or ordinary, that of the woman
small (see : Jakob). The author notes
<< the Japanese aspect of young Araucan
children," while two of the Tehuelches
'* recalled, by their general aspect, cer-
tain fine types of the North American
Indian (Yaqui, Pima)."

Koch (Th.) Forschungsreise in Brasilien.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii,
281-283. ) Notes on journeys, July-
December, 1904, in the Caiary-Maup6s
region of Brazil, among the Kob^ua
(possessing mask-dances, etc.), Um&ua,
ill-treated by the whites, but taking ven-
geance ; Tucano, Tari^a, Pira-tapuyo,
Uan^na, Baniwa, Maku, etc. Dr K.
obtained numerous vocabularies, photo-
graphs, ethnologic specimens, including
some 100 dance-masks of the Kob^ua,
and some stone axes of curious form
looked on as reliques. The language of
the Um&ua is '' a pure Cariban dialect."

Latdiam ( R. £. ) Notes on some ancient
Chilean skulls and other remains. (J.
Anthr. Inst., Lond., 1904, xxxiv, 234-
254, 2 pi.) Describes, with detailed
measurements, 4 male and one female
skull (all subdolichocephalic) found at
an average depth of 4 ft. 9 in., in a
quarry near Coquimbo. The evidence
indicates submersion and upheaval sub-
sequent to burial, and the ground '* has
not been disturbed for hundreds, perhaps
for thousands of years." One male skull
(subdolichocephalic) was from one of a
number of shell -mounds about Coquimbo
bay. With the female skeleton were
found buried two mullers, a flat mortar-
stone, and a flat stone amulet. With the
others flint implements, some fragments
of coarse pottery, etc., were found. The
general type of these skulls "is quite
distinct ( even to a casual observer ) from
that of any other Chilean race which I
have examined, including that of the

natives of the time of the Spanish Con-
quest. ' ' Several points of resemblance to
Fuegian and Eskimo skulb are noted,
which, L. considers, are racially cognate.
L. adds a note by Dr Flores describing
three ancient skulls from the island of
Mocha, representing a mixture of the
ancient race with the later Araucans.

Lehnuum-Nitscho (R.) GefUschte eth-
nologische Gegenst&nde in Buenos Aires.
(Sonntags-Ztg., Buenos Aires, 1905,
Heft 18, S.-A., p. I, I fg.) Brief
account of spurious Indian objects (stone
and bone axes, wooden statuettes with
real but not Indian hair, etc.) manu-
factured by a certain M. Goireau of
Lomas de Zamorra. Some fantastic
pieces have been disposed of by him.

El Congreso de Americanistas XIV

Sesion — Stuttgart, 1904. Informe del
Delegado de la Faculdad de Filosofia
y Letras de la Universidad de Buenos
Aires. (Rev. de la Univ., Buenos
Aires, 1905, in, repr., pp. 52.) Report
of Dr Lehmann-Nitsche as delegate to
Stuttgart Congress of Americanists. Con-
tains very good r^sum^s of over 40 papers
and addresses, some quite extensive, par-
ticularly those of Fraas, Jochelson, Hans
Meyer, Plagemann, KapfT, Jonkheer van
Panhuys.

LeJMl (L.) Emanuel Domenech. (J.
Soc. d. Am^r. de Paris, 1905, N. s., ii,
131-132.) Note on the Abb^ Dome-
nech, whose recent death at Lyons,
where he had lived long in retirement,
recalls his Livre des Sauvages (i860),
once much discussed and by many looked
on as apocr3rphal. L. thinks critics have
been too severe.

Marcel (G. ) Gabriel Gravier. (Ibid.,
137-138.) Brief sketch of G. Grabier,
geographer of Rouen (d. aged 78), an
authority of eminence on Norse and other
early voyages to America.

McLane (A. C. ) Anthropology at Har-
vard. (Iowa J. Hist, and Pol., Iowa
City, 1905, III, 445-453.) Treats of the
Peabody Museum and its collections, the
propagators of anthropology at Harvard,
anthropology in the curriculum, interest
of students, instructors and courses, etc.
The department is growing fast.

Mead (F. H.) The Peabody Museum of
Harvard University. (Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1905, IV, 68-79, *4 %s. ) Gives
account of origin, arrangement, charac-

564

ter of exhibits (N. Americui Indian,
Swiss lake dwellings, S. America, C.
America and Mexico, Pacific islands,
Japan.elc). There are also an eilensive
osleological collection and a library of
3,ocx> volumes, besides 3,000 pamphlets.
The Museum has its special publications.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

\». S., 7. 1905

The civiliu

isofai

e tribes of Call
prehistoric man of Delaware Ttlley.

MMting (The) of the Archeological In-
jtilute of America. (Ibid., 17-31, i fg. ) ,
Gives abstracts of papers by Messrs '
Norton, Eliot, Paton, Waid, Lummis, |
and Lf thgoe.

ISarirUlll(C. H.) Dislribulion of Indian
tribes in the soothem Sierra and adjacent |
ports of the San Joaquin valley, California. 1
(Science, N. Y., 1904, n. s., xix, 912- '
917.) According to Dc M., "in the
Sierra the distribution of tribes conforms
closely with certain launal bells," and
generally the "distribution of the Indians
.conforms closely with that of the faunal
and floral areas." In Callfomia no In-
dians live in the boreal zones, and few,
if any, in the upper half of the transition
lone. The great majority live in a single
life zone (the upper Sonoran], many in
the lower Sonoran, and a few in tiie
transition. The author lists 9 Yokuts and
7 Painte tribes, with their locations, the
ibrmer belonging (o the hoi valley and '
adjacent fool hills, the latter to the cooler
ponderoM-pine bell of the mounlains.

Honorer (E.) Les Indicna Guatos de
Matlo-Grosso. (J. Koc. d. Am*r. de
Paris, 1905. S. s., ir, 155-158,1 Notes
on physical eharaclers (stature of men
1.65-1.75, women 1,55-1,70 meters},
family (children 6-S, mixed breeds favor
Guato), temperament (gentle, idle),
Ashing (shooting paiu), dwellings,
clothing, music, dances (lourourou and
sirirt), alcoholism, etc., obtained in
1900-1901. The Guatos arc nominally
Christians. Physically they are among
the finest in South America.

P^per {Q. H.) An unusual Navaho
medicine ceremony, (So. Wkmn,,
Hampton, Va,, I905, XXXIV, 2^8-235,)
Brief account of the ceremony with sand-
painting for cure of sore throat, said by
medicine-man to be caused by nightly
visits of eagle.

Pnuas (K, Th,) Der Kampf der Sonne
mit den Stemen in Mexiko. (Globus,

Bmschwg,, 1905, Lxxxxii, 136-146,
6 fgs, ) EHscusses the ancieDt MeiicmD
idea dial the sun lights with the stars
and the conquered are offered op in sac-
rifice. The stars were daily killed 1^
the sun, sacrificed, fell down into the
underworld, and rose again the next
day. The identity of this process with
the sacrificial death which the gods had
to suffer to renew themselves and io-
crease their power, there were transposed
to the heavens. There was a complete
parallel between the mundane and the
celestial processes. The relations of
festivals, etc, 10 this basal idea are dis-

Bleck ^^Dr'^ Reisebilder aus Fatagonien
und von der chilenischen K lisle. (COrr.-
Bl. d, Deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., Mfln-
chen, 1904, XXXV, 46, ) Contains some
notes on the Fucgian Feaherai,

Sapper (K, ) Der Charakter der miltel-
amerikanischen Indianer. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvll, 138-131.)
Among the chief characterisdcs of the
Central American Indians are : Slolidit;
and emotional control, noticeably in chil-
dren. and more the result of adult exam-
ple than family education. Moderation
( but great tribal differences,— the Mayas
are quick and more excitable than the
Kekchi) in movement, language, gesture
of the face, etc., but energy and intel-
lectual qualities ore, nevertheless well
developed. Exceptionally (al festivals,
etc, j they run riot for a lime. Woman
has an imporUnl rdle. Their childlike-
ness tempers their hate and vengeance.
li'^Sging was met with only among the

gave presents of clothing, etc. The
Indian woman is very industrious ; the
man. loo, accomplishes much, and has
also persistence. In twelve years the
author had nothing stolen by Indians.

The s

uthen

facedly than the northern, but the lying
of the aborigines has been exaggerated.
European culture must not be rammed
down the throat of an Indian.
Seler (E.) Mischfbra

1 deiti

Bgainsl the system atization of the priestly
school of the tenalamati period, — differ-
ent qualities are united in the same per-
son. The deities discussed are Tepey-
oUotli, Xipe, Quetxalcoall.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

565

Smith ( A. G. ) Okoboji Indian skull meas-
urements. (Iowa J. Hist. & Pol., Iowa
City, 1905, III, 435-441, 4 pi.) Gives
chief measurements of 5 (others frag-
mentary) skulls from Okoboji mound.
Three were dolichocephalic, two brachy-
cephalic.

Smith ( Harlan I. ) An archeological ex-
pedition to the Columbia valley. ( Rec.
of Past, Wash., 1905, iv, 119 -127, 9
fgs. ) Describes human figure made
from antler, found in child's grave at
Tampico, and other objects. Article is
partly r^sum^d from American Museum
Journal for January, 1904, and Science
for April 8, 1904.

Tooker ( W. W. ) Meaning of some Indian
names in Virginia. (William and Mary
Coll. Quart., Williamsburg, Va., 1 905,
XIV, 62-64. ) Discusses etymology of
Arrohetac, Cantaunkack, Capahowasick,
Kecoughtan, Kiskiack, Nansamund,
Paspahegh.

Vogt ( Fr. ) Verba- und Holzgewinnung
im Misiones-Territorium. ( Globus,
Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 248-254.)
Describes ma/^-cultivation and lumbering
in the Misiones territory of Argentina.
Contains notes on the history of ''Para-
guay tea,'* now the ** national drink" of
the majority of the natives on the LaPlata.

Waldey«r (W.) Uebcr meinen Aufen-
thalt in St. Louis und die Anthropolo-
gische Abteilung der Wei tausstel lung
daselbst. (Zeit. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1905,
XXX VI I, 213-216.) Notes on trip to
Mexico, etc. W. doubts the unity of
the Indian stock of N. America, and
considers the aborigines of n 1 imate Mon-
golian origin.

Ward (D. J. H.) Second yearly meeting
of the* Iowa Anthropological Associa-
tion. (Iowa J. Hist, and Pol., Iowa
City, 1905,111,422-458.) Account of
proceedings and condensed report of
papers by Starr, Ward, Smith, Brady,
McLane, Veblen, Pratt (see these
names).

The investigation of the Okoboji

mounds and the finds. (Ibid., 427-435. )
Describes excavations made in Novem-
ber, 1904, objects found, etc., chiefly
human bones representing more than 30
individuals, though possibly too alto-
gether had been buried in the mounds.
Some of the uppermost finds (beads,
iron, etc.) indicate contact with whites.
Evidences of perhaps six different orders
of burials occur. The lowest was a bone
burial; those in the top were interred
sitting.

Wintemberg (W. J.) French Canadian
foHc-tales. (J. Amer. Folk-lore, Bos-
ton, 1904, XVII, 265-267.) English
texts of three brief tales : Transforma-
tion with animals, the evil eye, Jack
with his lantern.

Wright ( G. F. ) The physical conditions
in North America during man's early
occupancy. (Rec. of Past, Wash.,
1905, IV, 15-26, 4 fgs., 6 maps.) Treats
of the Trenton gravel data, Canadian
boulders in Missouri, <' Lansing man,"
etc. Author considers that '*when we
speak of glacial man in America, we do
not necessarily imply an antiquity any
greater than that which is now assigned
to his more civilized brethren in Egypt
and Babylonia."

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA

Recent Work of the Wisconsin Archeological Society. — The bill
to promote the work of the Wisconsin Archeological Society, introduced
in the Wisconsin legislature early in February last and previously men-
tioned in these pages (^American Anthropologist ^ vol. 7, 1905, p. 170),
received the unanimous support of that body and became a law by ap-
proval of the Governor on June 10. This enactment, which is the first
that has ever been made in the interest of Wisconsin archeology, provides
for the printing, at the expense of the State, of 1,500 copies of the bi-
monthly Transactions of the Wisconsin Archeological Society in pamph-
let form, not to exceed 75 pages per number, with the necessary illustra-
tions. Of this edition several hundred copies will be presented to the
Wisconsin Free Library Commission for distribution among its traveling
libraries. These Transactions will supersede the Bulletin that has been
published quarterly by the Society under the editorship of Mr Charles E.
Brown. One of the first numbers of the Transactions that will be pub-
lished under the new law will consist of a monograph on the Aboriginal
Pipes of Wisconsin, by the president of the Society, Mr George A. West,
who has devoted many years to a study of the subject and the collection
of material relating thereto. This noteworthy collection, comprising
many hundreds of specimens, representing every period and type from
the primitive pebble and tube pipes to the clay, lead, and iron pipes of
early historic times, will eventually be presented to some worthy institu-
tion. It is also proposed to publish catalogues of archeologic collections
from Wisconsin, and to this end a beginning has been made toward listing
all collections of the sort now deposited in large museums outside the
State. This is a laudable enterprise, as it will make available to students
of Wisconsin archeology all scattered material pertaining to the subject.

Research work under the auspices of the Society is being conducted
in many parts of the State by a larger number of trained students than
ever before. Mr Charles E. Brown, secretary and curator, now devotes
his entire energy to the work of the Society. During the present season
Mr Brown will conduct a small party in the field with the view of complet-
ing the location and survey of the aboriginal monuments and eventually
of effecting their preservation, and for the purpose of obtaining notes,
photographs, maps, and artifacts. Headquarters for the Society have been

566

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 56/

opened at Milwaukee, where a bureau of records is established and whence
members throughout the State will be directed in their researches. The
State Board of Agriculture has become interested in the Society's en-
deavors, and is furthering its plans for lectures and the exhibition of col-
lections, photographs, charts, maps, and models of the archeologic
features of various sections of Wisconsin, at the forthcoming State Fair
at West Allis, where, it is hoped, interest in the work will be greatly
increased, particularly as a group of mounds, preserved through the efforts
of the Society, is situated within the limits of the fair grounds, forming
. an object lesson in the preservation of local antiquities.

One of the purposes of the Society, in which it has been especially
successful, has been to induce the owners of fugitive specimens, as well as
of large collections, to present them to or to place them on deposit in
some local museum or educational institution ; and in some instances the
Society has purchased collections for this purpose. No effort has yet
been made to concentrate the collections of Wisconsin in a great central
museum, so that while journeys of considerable length are necessary in
order to examine representative collections of Wisconsin artifacts, the
plan has the advantage of arousing local interest in archeology in many
communities, and ultimately will stimulate effort in many directions
toward advancing the Society's project for the preservation of antiquities.

The growing interest in archeology is manifest throughout Wisconsin.
For several years a course in American history and archeology has been
given by Dr George L. Collie, of Beloit College, to which Mr Frank A.
Logan, of Chicago, generously presented the Rust collection at the close
of the Columbian Exposition in 1893, and to which he has recently
added the W. H. Elkey collection of 6,000 stone and copper implements.
The Oshkosh Public Library, through the efforts of the Wisconsin
Society, has become one of the repositories of Wisconsin archeological
material, and in addition has recently received the James G. Pickett col-
lection, from the Lake Winnebago region, through the liberality of Mrs
Leander Choate. The Kellogg Library at Greenbay is another reposi-
tory, having recently received on deposit the collection of J. P. Schu-
macher, a member of the Wisconsin Society. These objects were
gathered from the vicinity of Greenbay. The collection of the late I.
A. Lapham, well known through his researches in Wisconsin archeology
and history, and the J. A. Rice collection of Mexican antiquities, will
shortly be presented by the Wisconsion Archeological Society to the
Milwaukee-Downer College. It is thus seen that the Society's efforts in
placing private collections where they will be accessible to students and
open to view by every one, have met with gratifying success.

S68 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

A project is afoot to prevent the counterfeiting of Wisconsin speci-
mens and to prohibit artifacts from being taken from the State for com-
mercial purposes. In this endeavor every one will wish the Society
success, since its officers assure us that the plans ifvill not hinder the
acquirement of Wisconsin collections by the great museums of the
country or of the world, recognizing the fact that archeology cannot be
limited by political boundaries nor the interests of science advanced
by illiberality. As the work of the Archeological Society develops, and
the collections within the State become better known and catalogued, it
will be found, no doubt, that the collections of even the great museums
of the country may be greatly enriched by exchange for the Society's
duplicates. Harijin I. Smith.

Explorations at Cavetown, Maryland. — In May, 1905, explora-
tions were carried on by Phillips Academy of Andover, Mass., at Cave-
town, Washington county, Maryland, in a cave controlled by Mr G. M.
Bushey. His son, Mr F. E. Bushey, was much interested in the spot,
and it was largely through his representations that the work was attempted.
Previous excavations had been made by Mr Joseph D. McGuire, of Wash-
ington, and by others. The cave is in a limestone formation to the west
of the Blue Ridge mountains, itself facing east from a ridge running par-
allel to the main ridge of the mountains. The opening, resembling that
of an ordinary rock shelter, is about 21 meters wide and leads to a
chamber of which the front part is about 16 meters deep. In this most
of the explorations were carried on. Farther under the hill the cave
runs westward for about two hundred meters, ending in a small pool.
Pits were sunk and trenches dug in the hope of finding traces ol early
man, but nothing suggestive of great age was found. Stone and bone
implements in moderate profusion existed, also numerous animal bones.
Along the north wall of the chamber, as well as elsewhere, stalagmitic
formations containing a sort of charcoal-bone breccia were discovered
and specimens taken. At the back of the chamber a hard stalagmitic
floor had formed, and under this was a deposit of red cave earth. In
this were no traces of man's occupancy, but in a similar deposit in a
quarry outside the cave were found many fossilized animal bones ; the
identification of these will determine the paleontological character of the
red-earth stratum, in which, if anywhere, future excavations are likely to
lead to the discovery of traces of the early " cave man " of European
reputation. The research was greatly aided by the work and advice of
Prof. William H. Holmes of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and of

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 569

Mr McGuirc whose previous work made his cooperation, freely extended,
almost a necessity. The results of the work, which will be embodied in
a bulletin of the Department of Archeology of Phillips Academy, was in
charge of Mr W. K. Moorehead and the writer.

Charles Peabody.

Preservation of Antiquities. — More people have visited the pre-
historic ruins of the Southwest during the present season than during any
five previous years. This points to a marked revival of interest in
American archeology, and to the necessity for an unremitting campaign
for the preservation of our antiquities. Had it not been for the activity
of the General Land Office, the Office of Indian Affairs, and the Bureau
of Forestry during last year, there would have been an increased amount
of vandalism among the ruins. Happily the policy of the Government
with reference to these matters has become fairly well known and is gen-
erally respected. Almost no collections of prehistoric material are now
exposed for sale in New Mexico ; but so much cannot be said for Arizona.

As the spoliation of ruins upon the public domain becomes more and
more restricted by governmental authority, it becomes apparent that the
presence of extensive ruins on lands open to settlement add much to their
desirability as homesteads, since these antiquities may be made a source
of revenue. Accordingly homesteads are sometimes located with a view
solely to the acquisition of valuable ruins, with no intention of improve-
ment and with no possibility of agriculture. Nothing but the most
liberal interpretation of our homestead laws can construe such an entry as
anything but fraudulent. No obstacles should be thrown in the way of
bona-fide settlers who homestead the lands of the Southwest " for the
purpose of actual settlement and improvement,'' but the gifl of the lands
alone is all that is contemplated and this is offered under the assumption
that the settler will assist in the development of the country. It is negli-
gence inexcusable if we continue to allow these priceless ruins to pass to
individual ownership, or to give them away to be destroyed outright or
excavated by unscientific methods and their contents scattered and lost.
Some method should be devised whereby ruins situated on imappropriated
public lands would never be alienated and at the same time no desirable
agricultural land be withheld from entry. The Commissioner of the
General Land Office should be empowered to withhold from any home-
stead entry small parcels of land on which antiquities are situated which
in his judgment are of sufficient importance to warrant preservation. At
present there is no law permitting him to do this. Congress must be
looked to for such authority.

AM. ANTH. N. S., 7—38

570 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Gran Quivira, — A conspicuous example of the alienation of impor-
tant archeological sites through the operation of the homestead laws is that
of Tabira, popularly known as "Gran Quivira/' in eastern Socorro
county, New Mexico. A homestead entry was filed some years ago on
the quarter-section of land upon which are situated the ruins of this
pueblo. This was the most extensive of the Piro settlements and is the
best preserved of all the Piro ruins. Its situation on the eastern frontier
of the Pueblo region renders it of imusual importance. No collections of
any importance have been made from the ruins of that region. After a
long contest this homestead has recently been declared valid and a patent
issued to the claimant.

Pajarito Park, — By executive order of July 29, 1905, an additional res-
ervation of about 33,000 acres has been given to the Santa Clara Indians.
This extension embraces all of the great Puye or Santa Clara group of clifT-
dwellings, the principal center of interest in the proposed Pajarito Na-
tional Park. There can be no question as to the justice of this extension.
It is merely giving the Indians a part of what already belonged to them
by virtue of the grant of 90,000 acres by the crown of Spain to the Santa
Clara pueblo in 1727, which was confirmed by Governor General Cachu-
pin in his decree of 1 763. The restitution of even a part of this land to
the Indians must be commended. It is to be regretted, however, that the
Indians were not offered in lieu of the few sections containing the most
important ruins, other lands equally valuable for timber and grazing, and
this great group of prehistoric ruins, which many travelers have asserted
would be the most attractive of all our national parks, held by the Gov-
ernment for the benefit of the public. As it is, the national park propo-
sition will probably be abandoned. The Indian Office will provide for
the preservation of the ruins. Fortunately the other groups of ruins of
the Pajarito plateau are brought within the recently proclaimed Jemez
Forest Reserve, so that their protection and preservation are assured.

Edgar L. Hewett.

Supposed Shoshoneans in Lower California. — The peninsula of
Lower California has been regarded by some to have been held in its
entirety, and by everyone over at least its whole northern half, by
Indians forming part of the Yuman linguistic stock. In 1902 appeared
Dr N. Le6n*s map of the Linguistic Families of Mexico in the publica-
tions of the National Museum of Mexico, in which a small area on Todos
Santos bay in Lower California, a short distance south of the interna-
tional boundary, is represented as belonging to the Shoshonean stock.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA $7 1

This area on the map is apparently intended to designate the general
location of a Shoshonean group rather than to define its exact geograph-
ical limits. In the same year the same author published in the Annals of
the Museo Nacional of Mexico (vii, 263), an article under the title
" Los Comanches y el dialecto Cahuillo de la Baja California." The
second part of this contribution consists of a Cahuilla vocabulary com-
municated to the author in manuscript by A. Peftafiel. It is stated that
according to the census of 1895 there were 558 "Cahuillos" in *'En-
senada and Todos Santos." The Pefiafiel vocabulary is compared by
Dr Le6n with a Cahuilla vocabulary from Latham's Comparative Philology,
originally from Whipple, and it is found that ''great and radical differ-
ences between them become apparent, to such a degree that they appear
to be of diverse origin. There seems to be a marked Nahua influence in
the one from Lower California."

The reason for this difference is easily discovered. Latham's vocabu-
lary, like those of Loew, Boas, and others, which are all from within
the United States, is Cahuilla, that is, Shoshonean ; the Pefiafiel "Ca-
huillo" vocabulary from Lower California, however, is Yuman. This is
not only certain, but in entire accord with the unvarying statements of
travelers and investigators to the effect that the Indians of the northern-
most part of Lower California are closely related to the Diegueflo of
southernmost Upper California, and therefore Yuman. It is accordingly
apparent that the term Cahuilla, also written Coahuilla, Kawia, Kauvuya,
etc., which has ordinarily and properly been used of the Shoshonean
Indians who inhabit the region between the San Jacinto and San Ber-
nardino ranges in southern California and who are most nearly related in
dialect to the Agua Caliente, Luisefio, and San Juan Capistrano Indians
of the coast region to the west of themselves, has somehow also come to
be a designation, how commonly is not known, of the northermost
Yuman Indians of Lower California.

In 1903 Mr C. H. Marks Jr accompanied a biological expedition of
the California Academy of Sciences from San Francisco to the Revilla-
gigedo islands. During a one day's stay of the expedition at Ensenada,
the settlement on Todos Santos bay, Mr Marks met and overcame vari-
ous difficulties that arose and succeeded in obtaining and verifying a
vocabulary of the Indians of the region. This vocabulary completely
corroborates the "Cahuillo" one of Dr Le6n in being Yuman, as
appears from the following selected words :

One, cin ; two, uwd ; three, umbx ; four, cipdp ; five, sdrd^p ; eye,
yiu; nose, hu ; ear, cimd'tl; tongue, nt'pd'tl; mouth, ax; fire, ahauu ;
wood, 1/ earth timt; rock, wix ; water, xa ; drink, si.

■ l

5/2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

It is accordingly plain that the supposed Shoshonean territory in
northern Lower California does not exist, and that all the northern half
of the peninsula was, as has heretofore been believed, an unbroken area
of Yuman territory. A. L. Kroeber.

Ponce de Le6n and the << Fountain of Youth." — On reading in the
last number of the Anthropologist (pp. 368 a, b) an abstract of Mr James
Mooney's paper on the " Ethnography of Florida,'* I am reminded of the
fact that, some years ago, while making some historical and philological
investigations, it became of interest to me to know the meaning of the
word biminiy which the Spaniards of Boriken (Porto Rico), Juan Ponc6
de Le6n among the number, understood from the Arawaks to be the name
of an island which lay far out at sea to the northwest ; which was
extremely rich in gold ; and on which there existed a spring of which the
water possessed the miraculous property of renewing the youth and restor-
ing the vigor of any aged person who drank of it or bathed in it. It
was with the object in view of discovering, subjugating, exploring, and
settling this island of Bimini, and of taking advantage of the restorative
power of its marvelous spring, that Ponce, enervated by the '* strenuous "
life that he had led, set sail from the port of San German, March 3, 151 3,
on an expedition in which, although he failed to find Bimini, he discov-
ered what he supposed to be an island, to which he applied the name of
Florida.

It appears from history that the existence of a vigor-restoring spring
on some far-away island of uncertain location had long been a tradition
current among the Arawaks, and that some of these Indians had, as Mr
Mooney states, reached the mainland in their efforts to find it, long
anterior to the time of Ponce. Failing, in my researches, to ascertain
that any explanation of the meaning of the name of this mythic island
had ever been given, I finally consulted an Arawak vocabulary in von
Martius* Beitrdge zur Eihnographie . . . Amerikas (11, p. 319), and,
from the elements of the word which I found therein (^/, 'life*; mini,
* fountain,' * spring,' ' source ' ), discovered its signification to be * foun-
tain of life.' According to the metaphorical system of nomenclature in
vogue among both the Arawaks and Caribs, the name of the spring may
have been applied to the supposed island on which it was believed to
exist. Bimini is now the name of a group of small islands lying at the
northwest extremity of the Grand Bahama Bank and east of the Gulf
stream. A large island named *' Ilia de Beimeni parte" appears on a
map in Peter Martyr's Decades, published in 151 1.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 573

The phrase, "Fountain of Youth/* with which we are so familiar
in connection with the name of Ponce de Le6n and his discovery of
Florida, is doubtless a translation of the phrase used by old Spanish
writers, and this again may originally have been a free translation of the
Arawak word, although I have met with no statement by the Spanish his-
torians that would seem to give countenance to such a supposition.

W. R. Gerard.

Recent Folk-lore Meetings in California. — The first regular meet-
ing of the Berkeley Folk-Lore Club, founded May 3, 1905, was held in
the evening of August 18 at the University of California. The com-
mittee appointed to draft an organization reported as follows :

The committee appointed May 3, 1905, by unanimous vote of the charter
members of the Berkeley Folk-Lore Club to report on a scheme of organization
for the Club, beg leave to submit the following :

Constitution of the Berkeley Folk-Lore Club

1 . This Society shall be called the Berkeley Folk-Lore Club.

2. Besides the fifteen charter members, to wit : Messrs Lange, Mitchell,
Goddard, Dresslar, Hart, Setchell, Merriam, Richardson, Fryer, Gayley,
Miller, Ritter, Keeler, Noyes, and Kroeber, members shall consist of such
men members of the Academic Senate of the University of California, and
such men members in good standing of the American Folk-Lore Society, as
are unanimously elected by the Club ; and of such only.

3. The officers shall be a President, Vice-president, and Secretary, who
shall constitute an Executive Committee which shall arrange for all meetings
and transact all business of the Club.

4. Four or more meetings annually shall be held, at the first of which in
each academic year the officers shall be elected.

5. Five shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of business.

6. Amendments to this constitution may be proposed at any meeting of
the Club and adopted by a two-thirds vote of those present at the next meeting.

The Committee recommend the adoption of this constitution and the
immediate organization of the Club under its provisions.

( A. L. Kroeber
Signed : \ Charles Keeler
(g. R. Noyes

The report of the Committee was discussed and accepted, the proposed
constitution being thereby adopted.

The following officers were then elected : President, A. F. Lange ;
Vice-president, Charles Keeler ; Secretary, A. L. Kroeber. New mem-

574 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

bcrs elected were : Prof F. W. Putnam, Dr B. P. Kurtz, and Prof H.
K. Schilling.

The Committee on the establishment of a California Branch of the
American Folk-Lore Society reported as follows :

The committee appointed May 3d, 1905, on vote of the charter members
of the Berkeley Folk-Lore Club to report on the feasibility of the establishment
of a California Branch of the American Folk-Lore Society, beg leave to submit
the following recommendations :

That the formation of the Berkeley Folk-Lore Club provides an opportune
basis for the establishment and successful development of a California Branch
of the American Folk-Lore Society, which will extend the work undertaken by
the Berkeley Folk-Lore Club to a wider sphere of influence and bring it before
a larger body of persons, thus enhancing the promotion of folk-lore interests
on the Pacific Coast. Be it resolved therefore.

That a California Branch of the American Folk-Lore Society be hereby
organized by such of those present as signify their willingness ; and

That a committee of Ave be appointed to arrange for a meeting, including
a program, in Berkeley, on the evening of August 28 ; said committee to sub-
mit at this meeting a formal draft of organization, with nominations for officers,
for the California Branch of the American Folk-Lore Society.

( A. L. K ROBBER

Signed : \ Charles Keeler
(g. R. Noyes

This report was adopted, and the following committee appointed
under its provisions to report at the first meeting of the California Branch
on August 28 : J. C. Merriam, G. R. Noyes, A. L. Kroeber, W. C.
Mitchell, and Charles Keeler.

The work of the California Branch of the American Folk-Lore Society
is designed to be directed to the study of the many elements of folk-lore
existing in California among its Indian, Spanish, American, and Asiatic
populations, and to the awakening of interest in such studies, by the
institution of public lectures, meetings devoted to discussions and com-
parisons, systematic researches leading to the publication of new informa-
tion, and the ultimate formation of branch or affiliated societies in various
parts of the Pacific Coast. The work that is thus planned is connected
so intimately with the history of California, and will be so illustrative in
a wider sense of the development of the state, that the furtherance of this
work should be of general interest.

The first regular meeting of the California Branch was held August 28
in the Philosophy Building, at the University of California, Berkeley.
Dr C. Hart Merriam of Washington City gave the address of the even-

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA $7$

ing on "Aboriginal Folk-lore from California." Prof F. W. Putnam,
president of the Boston Branch, Dr Roland B. Dixon, president of the
Cambridge Branch, Dr Charles Peabody of Cambridge, and Professors J.
C. Merriam and W. E. Fitter of the University of California spoke on
the aims and possibilities of the Branch and the development of folk-lore
studies in California. A second meeting was held in Berkeley August 31
in conjunction with the American Anthropological Association.

At present meetings will be held chiefly in Berkeley and San Fran-
cisco, but it is hoped that before long it will be possible to meet also in
other cities in California and adjoining states.

Huskwaki Indians of Iowa. — Dr Duren J. H. Ward of Iowa
City has recently spent eight weeks in the study of the Muskwaki, or
Fox, Indians near Tama, Iowa, in the interest of the State Historical
Society. These and the Sauk, or Sauki, Indians have been so long and
intimately associated that their separate tribal identity has been lost for
generations. While their dealings with the Government have nearly always
been as Sauk and Foxes, yet most of these 350 Indians in Iowa are said
to regard themselves as Muskwaki. With the exception of half a dozen
Winnebago these people are descendants of those who in 1846 were
forced to move to Kansas after ceding to the United States all their lands
west of the Mississippi in 1842 ; but small bands wandered back to their
old home, and on petition of five hundred citizens, between 1852 and
1854, were permitted to remain. About the winter of 1856-57 the
band that had settled at Tama purchased eighty acres of land for {1,000,
and from that date to 1886 the tract had increased by purchase to about
1,500 acres, the Indian title to which was confirmed by act of Congress of
October i, 1886 ; and by 1899 additional purchases increased their holdings
to about 3,000 acres, at a total cost of $85,635. To the section occupied
by these Indians Dr Ward suggests that the name "Musquakia" be
applied. What may be regarded as the most interesting discovery
made by Dr Ward is a fragmentary history of the tribe, written by
Chakatakase. With the understanding that it shall not be translated, the
manuscript has been transferred to the State Historical Society for publi-
cation in the Muskwaki language, the Indians to receive three hundred
copies of the printed work, which will make about fifty pages. A model
of a Muskwaki house, 36 by 28 by 22 inches in size, has been deposited
among the collections of the Historical Society.

Inlaid Objects : A Correction. — In an article on " Ceremonial Ob-
jects and Ornaments from Pueblo Bonito,'' published in the last number

5/6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [w. s., 7, 1905

of the American Anthropologist ^ Mr George H. Pepper thus misquotes
(p. 197) my account of the mosaic frog from Chaves Pass, Arizona:
" As an example of mosaic work, this object is the only veritable mosaic
known to me from ruins in the Southwest." What I did publish (Smith-
sonian Report for 1896, pp. 529-530) is as follows : '' As an example of
mosaic work this object is unsurpiissed and with the exception of one other
is the only veritable mosaic frog known to me from ruins in the South-
west. ' ' I have here italicized the words that Mr Pepper has omitted in
his version. There are several ancient Pueblo mosaic objects in the
National Museum, collected, figured, and described by me.

J. Walter Fewkes.

The So-called << Oldest House " in Santa F6. — In the city of Santa
F^, New Mexico, opposite the chapel of San Miguel, there stands an
adobe house that is locally reputed to have been the oldest house in this
next to the oldest permanent settlement made by Europeans within the
limits of the United States, and also to have been the last renmant of the
ancient Indian pueblo of Analco. In January, 1902, I had the good for-
tune to be present during the repairing of this old structure and of having
the opportunity of thoroughly examining the walls as they were recon-
structed. These were found to consist of (i) numerous fragments of
recent Mexican adobe work, the result of occasional repairs; (2) laige
portions, perhaps three-fourths of the entire structure, of old Mexican
adobe masonry contemporaneous with the major part of San Miguel
chapel, and (3) in three places, forming the foundation and at no point
exceeding 18 inches in height, considerable fragments of the original
pueblo wall, the adobe masses exactly corresponding, in textiu'e, dimen-
sions, and mode of construction, with those in the remaining walls
of the pueblo of Kwapoge on the hill formerly occupied by Old Fort
Marcy, at the northern edge of the town. The results of this examina-
tion are thus in accord with the belief of Mr Bandelier, expressed years
ago, that this so-called "oldest house'* belongs mainly to the historical
period. Edgar L. Heweit.

El Horro Inscriptions. — The latest contribution to the literature of
the historically important inscriptions made by early Spanish explorers
and missionaries on the face of El Morro, or ** Inscription Rock,'* a
sandstone mesa about 35 miles east of Zufii pueblo, New Mexico, appears
in vol. I, no. i, of the Proceedings of the Delaware County Institute of
Science (Media, Pa., 1905), under the title "Photographs of Some of

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA S77

the Inscriptions on El Morro, New Mexico. ' ' The illustrations consist
of ten excellent half-tone reproductions of photographs made by Mr
Homer E. Hoopes, and are accompanied by transcriptions and annotated
translations by Mr Henry L. Broomall, who corrects some of the transla-
tions made by previous writers on the subject. The Spanish inscriptions
on El Morro are interesting from both a historical and an ethnologic
point of view, as they furnish tally dates and other information respecting
some of the most important visits by the Spaniards to the western Pueblo
tribes in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. All of the inscrip-
tions are not included in the present treatise, but it is hoped that the
remainder will be similarly photographed and translated in a future publi-
cation.

The Missouri Historical Society has adopted a resolution request-
ing its president, Dr C. A. Peterson, to prepare a form of declaration of
trust whereby the Society can vest the beneficial ownership of all the
property owned by it in the people of the state of Missouri, to be subject
to the control of the Society as heretofore. By transferring its building
and other property to the State, it is believed a greater degree of safety
for the records and collections will be insured, while the Society will
become more permanent in character. Among its possessions is a valu-
able archeological collection, recently enriched with some of the objects
recently found by Mr David I. Bushnell Sr in his excavation of the
N. D. McEver's mound in Pike county, Illinois.

Dr George Grant MacCurdv of Yale University has been elected
to honorary membership in the Missouri Historical Society. He has also
been chosen to represent the ficole d*Anthropologie de Paris at the
forthcoming inauguration of Dr Edmund J. James as president of the
University of Illinois.

The British government has granted a pension of ;;£2oo to Dr J.
G. Frazer in recognition of his literary merits and of his anthropological
studies, and a pension of jCiS<^ to the Rev. Lorimer Fison in apprecia-
tion of the originality and importance of his researches in Australian and
Fijian ethnology.

The meeting of the American Anthropological Association held in
San Francisco, August 29-31, was successful in every way. The pro-
ceedings of the meeting and several of the important papers that were
read will be published in the next issue of the American Anthropologist,

The government of Ontario has planned to publish a Handbook
of Canadian Ethnology and Archeology for the benefit of the Fifteenth

5/8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST \j», s.. 7, 1905

International Congress of Americanists to be held at Quebec in Septem-
ber, 1906.

The sixth Congress of Criminal Anthropology will meet at Turin on
April 28, 1906, under the presidency of Professor Lombroso. An exhi-
bition of criminal anthropology will be held in connection with the
congress.

The Sauk County Historical Society has been organized in Wis-
consin, to further archeological and historical research, by Messrs A. B.
Stout and H. E. Cole, members of the Wisconsin Archeological Society.

Dr W J McGee, who has devoted the last two years to the Depart-
ment of Anthropology of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, has been
appointed managing director of the new Saint Louis Public Museum.

The University of Pennsylvania will receive {60,000 from the
estate of the late Professor Maxwell Sommerville, who held a chair of
archeology in the university.

The Berlin municipality has appropriated {20,000 to erect a statue
in honor of Rudolf Virchow, which will be placed on the Karlsplatz, close
to the Charity Hospital.

Prof G. F. Wright, of Oberlin College, is making a trip to south-
em Russia and the Red sea to continue his geological and anthropological
* studies in that region.

The fourth meeting of the German and Vienna Anthropological
Society was held at Saltzburg on the 28th to the 30th of August.

Clark Wissler, Ph.D., and Berthold Laufer, Ph.D., have been
appointed lecturers in anthropology at Columbia University.

American Anthropologist

NEW SERIES

Vol. 7 October-December, 1905 No. 4

SYSTEMATIC NOMENCLATURE IN ETHNOLOGY^

By a. L. KROEBER

If one were asked to name the one work which has been of
greatest importance and influence in the development of American
anthropology, it could scarcely be any other than Powell's " Indian
Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico," published in
the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology fourteen
years ago. Its importance does not lie in any statement of new
principles, for, other than a few subsidiary ones relating to nomen-
clature, it contains none. Neither has its influence been due to the
originality of its methods and the consequent novelty of its con-
clusions. The idea of the linguistic family was not a new concep-
tion in American ethnology. Students of American languages and
ethnological conditions had for some time previous had a clear con-
ception of the linguistic family as a unit, and it is only necessary to
turn to the works of Gatschet, Boas, and others of the period im-
mediately preceding the appearance of Powell's work ; in a certain
measure to the writings of Brinton ; and for all essentials to the
pioneers Gallatin and Hale ; to see that the idea of an ethnological
classification on the basis of linguistic relationship was a familiar
one. What Powell did was to seize clearly the conception of the
necessity of some classification, and of the inevitability of this being
on a linguistic basis ; and then to carry through his purpose rigor-
ously, systematically, and completely. In two respects only did
his attempt differ from the more indecisive and narrower attempts of
predecessors. He for the first time broke definitely with the old

- Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Berkeley, Cali-
fornia, August 31.

AM. ANTH., N. S., 7—39 tyg

S8o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

association between linguistic classification and philological study.
In Powell the method of classification is purely linguistic ; the pur-
pose, ethnological. This is one factor that made his work what it
is. The other was the completeness with which he carried out his
plan. For the first time there was presented a map without blank
spaces. Every inch of territory in the continent north of the Rio
Grande, and every tribe and band inhabiting this territory, were at
least implicitly accounted for. That there were errors is inessential.
Anyone can correct mistakes. But by the mere completeness of
Powell's classification, however faulty it might be, a standard had
for the first time been set which could never be receded from. In
these two factors then, simplicity of purpose rigidly adhered to, and
systematic completeness, lay the value of Powell's work. It was
the achievement not of a thinker, but of an executive. But in that
fact lay its vitality, its success, and its influence. And it was fitting
that this great work should be an emanation from the official national
ethnological institution and that it should appear under the name of
its director and founder. It is well known that Powell himself did
not carry out the work on his undertaking. Another hand, that of
a scholar-administrator, was necessary for the fulfillment and reali-
zation of the plan ; and to him the credit that is his due will come
before the reckoning is done. That he was not by training or pro-
fession an anthropologist will make his distinction all the greater.
But it was Powell's mind that first fully conceived the idea of a
classification, and planned it with such comprehensiveness that it
will long be the basis of future classifications ; and it was Powell's
will and character that held to the idea, that found the man fit to
carry it out, and that called into being and maintained the national
institution through whose accumulation of material and assemblage
of students it became possible to achieve its execution. So it was
that the work which will be the chief monument to Powell's anthro-
pological fame was accomplished. Its importance has been such
that to us of a younger generation, who have entered the study of
American anthropology since the appearance of his paper, it is
difficult to conceive how systematic work could have been carried
on in the period, which to our eyes seems comparatively one of
chaos, previous to its completion.

KROEBER] S YSTEMA TIC NOMENCLA TURE IN E THNOL OGY 5 8 1

In one respect only has the acceptance of Powell's classification,
which otherwise was universal and immediate, met with resistance
and partial failure : on the side of nomenclature. Some of the
names that he employed, especially for the larger and better known
families, have found general approval ; some of his names indeed
had been in common use long before. A great number of Powell's
names of linguistic stocks, however, were to all intents and purposes
new. Many were to be found only in obscure and uninfluential
works known to no one but the synonymist and the specialist in the
ethnology or philology of some limited region ; and, what is more,
many of these practically new terms were used to replace well-
known and generally used names. That a considerable proportion
of these names that owe their life and continuance entirely to Powell
are long, difficult to pronounce, and in barbarous and unphonetic
orthography — an orthography which on other occasions Powell
himself denounced vigorously and effectively — is perhaps a minor
consideration, but one that has also been of consequence in pre-
venting their acceptance in many quarters. It is only natural that
one should hesitate before using such words as Palaihnihan, Moquel-
umnan, Kalapooian, Skittagetan, and Koluschan.

Essentially, however, the unfortunateness of such terms lay in
the fact of their comparative novelty and in the resulting conse-
quence that a double nomenclature, one founded on general and
often deserved usage, the other backed by the importance and the
official authoritativeness of Powell's classification, was thereby intro-
duced for many stocks. While names are only handles to things
and means to an end, they and their form yet derive impor-
tance and merit consideration from the very fact that they are a
means and an indispensable one. It is for this reason that the nomen-
clature of ethnological classification is entitled to consideration.

A few instances of Powell's stock names, as compared with
those in current use, will bring out more clearly the facts involved
and the essential principles of his nomenclature.

The Indians of Queen Charlotte islands formed a single, com-
pact, well-marked linguistic family. They lived in separate villages
and had a well-developed clan organization. They were however
not divided into true tribes. The name that these people com-

$82 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

monly went under at the time of Powell's classiiication» and still go
under both in scientific literature and in current designation, was
Haida ; a name, moreover, not confined in its use to the English
language. What the origin of this name is does not matter ; that
in its original significance it was the proper term of these people for
themselves is unessential. It is a distinctive term which sets off
the people of this linguistic family from all others, and which is the
only one that is thus distinctive and in common usage. In place
of this well-established name Haida, Powell introduced Skittagetan.
This is the adjective, derived by the ending -an, from Skittaget, a
way of spelling the name of one of the Haida villages generally
known as Skidegate. That this unusual orthography of the name
of the village was chosen by Powell, and that the name of a single
village of the stock was adopted for the whole stock instead of the
well-known and appropriate name in current usage, was not due to
random accident or any censurable desire for novelty ; but to the
fact that the first writer who had in print clearly referred to these
people as constituting a linguistic group distinct from others, had
happened to use the term Skittaget to designate them. In other
words, the cause of the employment of this name in Powell's classi-
fication lay in the fact of a rigorous application of the principle of
priority of nomenclature.

In California, between the Sacramento river and the crest of the
Sierra Nevada, lived a body of Indians speaking clearly related
dialects. Like most Indians of North America, they had no name
for themselves as a linguistic family ; like most Indians of Cali-
fornia, they had no tribal names, for they possessed no tribes. Their
only political organization was on a basis of independent village
groups. Clearly, therefore, there was no native name in existence
which could be taken over into ethnology without a change of de-
notation to designate these people as a whole. The linguistic unity
of the group was recognized in print, and its limits sharply and on
the whole correctly drawn, by Powers in his monumental work
" The Tribes of California," which was published as many years
before the appearance of Powell's classification as have elapsed
from that date to the present time. The name used by Powers for
these people, and used also by Powell himself in his linguistic ap-

KROEBER] SYSTEMATIC NOMENCLATURE IN ETHNOLOGY 583

pendix to Powers' volume, was Maidu. This name means ** man"
or '* person '* in the greater number of the dialects of this stock and is
therefore as appropriate a term as could be found under the circum-
stances. The Indians all know the meaning of the word ; and
that the white inhabitants of the region are unacquainted with it is
no argument against it, for the only term that they employ is ** Dig-
ger,'* which is applied indiscriminately to the Indians of at least a
dozen distinct linguistic families and of several states. In 1877, in
his appendix to Powers' work, Powell had not formulated the doc-
trine of priority of nomenclature, and therefore accepted and in fact
helped to establish the entirely appropriate and in every way reason-
able term Maidu. In 1891, in his general classification, he an-
nounced the principle of priority ; and, pursuing it consistently, took
from the same short and uninfluential publication, however well
done a piece of work it may have been in its time, from which he
had derived other terms, the name Pujunan for the Maidu. Latham,
using the incomplete and unsatisfactory material available at an
earlier period, had attempted a classification, which on many points
has proved correct, of the numerous native languages of the Pacific
Coast. With the fragmentariness of his knowledge, and his remote-
ness from the region with which he was dealing, he was hard put
to it for terms by which to call the linguistic groups which he estab-
lished. The Pujuni had been regarded or called, in the terminology
of those days, a tribe. Actually the name is only that of a village ;
of a place, not of a body of people. In default of anything else,
however, and under the necessity of finding some designation,
Latham selected at random this term Pujuni ; and, as he was the
first to refer to the Maidu or any part of them as a linguistic group,
his name was entitled, by Powell's law of priority, to become the
standard and permanent designation of the stock. If the name
Maidu could have been thereby done away with and blotted out of
existence, no great harm would have been done, even though
Pujuni is less appropriate as a designation for the whole stock than
Maidu. But Maidu had come into common scientific usage through
its employment in the only work which up to that time, or for that
matter up to this day, has treated comprehensively and systemati-
cally of the Indians of all California. Two terms of the same de-

584 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST \jti. s., 7, 1905

notation were therefore set into use by Powell's adoption of Pujunan.
In the absence of any tribal divisions or other political organization,
it is usually necessar>', even in purely ethnological descriptions, to
designate these people by the name of their linguistic stock. The
double terminology accordingly results in the objectionable condition
of the same people, ethnologically considered, being called by one
name and linguistically considered by another. Nothing but diffi-
culty and confusion can arise from the double nomenclature.

One of the great families of North America is among those in
connection with which Buschmann attained to ethnological and philo-
logical fame ; the Athabaskan. Buschmann, Gallatin, and others
have written the name Athapaskan and Athapascan, and the latter is
the form adopted, again on the principle of priority, by Powell.
The name has had a more extensive and general geographical
than ethnological use. It is the name of a large lake in north-
western America and the official designation of a governmentally
constituted territory and future province of the Dominion of Canada.
Geographers and the government of Canada have written and still
write Athabaska and Athabasca. In the case of this stock name
the difference between the terms in question is a trivial one, that of
a single letter ; but comparatively slight as the moment of this letter
may seem to be, it is yet unnecessary and therefore unfortunate,
especially in a matter of science, that this widely known name
should have been made to have one form when employed ethno-
logically, and another in its political and geographical sense. It is
not in the least a question of whether Athabascan or Athapascan is
the more correct spelling. Powell himself has insisted that the
appropriateness of any term according to its usage in the language
from which it is taken is not essential ; and everyone will be dis-
posed to agree with him, at least to the extent that such appropri-
ateness is one of the less important considerations in nomenclature.
Moreover, without going into the origin and history of the word, it
is practically certain that neither Athabascan nor Athapascan is an
accurate phonetic representation of the word as it was spoken by
the Indians, for it is well known that there is scarcely one Indian
word in a hundred, geographical or otherwise, which has passed into
civilized usage and is so rendered orthographically as to reproduce

KROEBER] SYSTEMATIC NOMENCLATURE IN ETHNOLOGY 585

exactly its original phonetic form. Whether b or p should be used
by ethnologists is a matter of utter indifference as long as uniformity
is obtained ; and therefore the form which has the widest usage, and
the promise of most permanent usage, would seem to be the desir-
able one. Every one would probably agree that all interests will
be best subserved by the universal acceptance of the most desirable
form and the suppression of all others. Viewed under this aspect,
what chance of survival and final adoption has a form, based on a
single publication issued a generation or two after the term had
passed into wide-spread employment, limited to technical ethno-
logical use, and with no advantage of a more reasonable orthography
in its favor, as against the form of the name appearing in every
school geography and standard atlas, and written annually in thou-
sands of official documents and on tens of thousands of letters ?

These are typical cases of the names adopted by Powell and
given a wide currency through the authoritativeness of his work.
The inconveniences caused by the introduction of these new forms
by the side of the names then and still current, may seem trivial ;
but in the cumulative course of time the confusions and additional
difficulties which the new forms will cause must be considerable and
regrettable. Essentially all the mischief is due to the adoption by
Powell of the one principle of priority of nomenclature. Allied in
his mind to this principle was the idea that names should be denot-
ive, not connotive or descriptive : that any name, irrespective of its
origin or the history of its use, which denoted a family, was a fit
name to be used for such family ; and that any name which was
in other respects satisfactory should not be given up because in its
original meaning it was inappropriate. That the name of a linguis-
tic family rested on a misunderstanding, or that it was a term of
opprobrium in the language of another family, was not to militate
against its acceptance in science, if only it fulfilled the other requi-
site conditions entitling it to usage. To this last principle everyone
would be inclined to agree, if not absolutely, at least within reason-
able bounds. Other things equal, a fit name, if possible the name
of the people for themselves, is preferable to any other, just as
names in phonetically correct orthography, and names easily pro-
nounceable, are preferable to others ; but, as Powell has pointed out.

5 86 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

the Indians of most linguistic families in North America have no
name for themselves as linguistic families. Over the greater part
of the continent there are tribes, which have tribal names ; but the
linguistic families are usually of large extent and as a rule no tribe
has a name for the whole linguistic family to which it belongs.
Algonkin, a name which everyone accepts, is originally the name
of a tribe. The eastern members of the Algonkin family, such as
the Micmac, and the western members, such as the Blackfeet, did
not even know of each other's existence. It is obvious that in this
case a native name for the entire family is out of the question. The
same is true of most other families on the continent. Siouan,
Shoshonean, and Caddoan are other names designating important
families and taken from the names of single tribes ; and no one but
a purist would dream of finding fault with them. They are em-
ployed by every one with the same significance : to designate all
tribes belonging to certain linguistic groups, and no others. All
the essential requirements of a scientific name, that it should denote
one thing, all of that thing, and nothing but that thing, are therefore
fulfilled by such terms as these. Eskimo is another word that is
satisfactory in every respect, for no confusion has ever arisen
through its use. Who cares now whether it is a term of contempt
meaning raw-flesh-eaters in the language of an alien stock, and that
it was unknown to certainly the greater part of the Eskimo ? The
Eskimo have a name for themselves, Inuk, which means "person,"
and which, in most cases at least, they apply only to themselves and
not to the Indians or whites of whom they have knowledge. This,
being a native term with the same signification as our " Eskimo,"
has sometimes been used by authors ; but difficulties at once arise
from such usage. Where one dialect says Inuk, others say Inung.
The plurals Inuks or Inungs are false English plurals. The native
plural, which alone should be used if we insist on native terms, is
Innuit. To ask everyone who will ever speak of the Eskimo to
remember this plural, which is so abnormal in our language, or to
believe that these singular and plural forms could be generally used
without frequent confusion, is unreasonable. As a matter of fact,
the people who have employed Inuk and Innuit instead of Eskimo
have been the very ones to speak of **an Innuit'* and of ** the

KROEBER] SYSTEMATIC NOMENCLATURE IN ETHNOLOGY 587

Innuits," terms as barbarous as ** an Americans " or " the French-
mens." It is thus evident that the persistent search for names that
are appropriate and correct in form must in certain cases be fruit-
less, and must frequently lead, not to greater purity, but to greater
inappropriateness and barbarity of expression. The principle which
seems the only safe and wise one to follow is to regard every name,
once it is used ethnological ly, as part of the scientific civilized lan-
guage in which the work in which it occurs is written, and to treat
it accordingly, irrespective of its original meaning or its original
form. Of course, where a new name is to be coined, or where a
choice is to be made between two names neither of which has
acquired a predominance in usage, it is desirable that the name
chosen should be as appropriate in meaning, and as correct in form, as
possible ; but where a name is once established, whether through
the acceptance of the law of priority or through usage, nothing can
be gained and much lost by allowing any room to considerations of
appropriateness and correctness. With this principle of Powell's
then, that names are only handles and that it is therefore sufficient
if they are exactly denotive, every one not actuated by motives of
sentiment will agree. It is Powell's other principle, that priority
should be the deciding factor in the choice of names, that is
vulnerable.

The advocated law of priority in ethnological nomenclature is
taken directly, with only such modifications as are necessary to
altered conditions, from the laws governing the artificial system of
nomenclature now universally obtaining in the biological sciences.^
It was therefore introduced merely through an analogy, and it be-
comes obvious that if the analogy between ethnology and biology

* The chief provisions of the law of priority in nomenclature as formulated by
Powell, are that "the name originally given by the founder . . . to . . . a family . . .
shall be permanently retained "; that <* a family name once established shall not be can-
celled in subsequent division" of the family ; and that ** the original orthography of a
name shall be rigidly preserved." It is by following these principles that he adopts the
almost unknown Skittagetan instead of Haida, the unknown Pujunan instead of his own
currently known and accepted and appropriate Maidu, the divergent Athapascan in place
of the officially fixed Athabascan and Athabaskan, Eskimauan in place of the ortho-
graphically more reasonable Eskimoan, Koluschan instead of Tlingit, Mariposan instead of
Yokuts, Copehan instead of Wintun, Kulanapan instead of Pomo, and Sastean instead
of Shasta.

588 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

is not real, or even if only it is not complete, the adoption of biologi-
cal principles must be attended with unsatisfactory results. Powell
himself clearly recognized that the basis of his law of priority was
only one of analogy, and he raises the question whether the analogy
between the two sciences is sufficiently complete to justify his course.
He concludes that it is ; but the fact that his terminology has met
with so much resistance, while his classification itself has been both
universally accepted and of profound influence, has left the ques-
tion open.

The essential defect of the principle of priority lies in the as-
sumption that conditions in ethnology are parallel to those in biol-
ogy. For many years now an artificial nomenclature has been ac-
cepted and has held universal sway, except on the part of a few
fanatics, in all biology. Whether this system of nomenclature will
continue to be used indefinitely, or whether in the course of time it
will be superseded, does not now matter. Until now at least it has
been indispensable. Without it all systematic biology would be
reduced at one blow to an utter chaos. In this system of biological
nomenclature the principle of priority has been an essential ele-
ment ; and while there is some tendency at the present day, and
one that is likely to become stronger, to restrict the absolute opera-
tion of this principle of priority, the essential necessity of this law
is almost universally recognized. The law of priority in biological
nomenclature is however only a means to an end ; this end being
the establishment of a uniform and stable artificial nomenclature
irrespective of popular and general usage. This in fact is the pur-
pose and aim of the standard biological nomenclature ; to be inter-
national instead of national, and to be free from the variable and
changing effects of current usage by the substitution of a rigid and
automatically operative system whose value lies in the fact that the
terms which it provides are artificial. It is in these two factors,
internationality and artificiality, contributory to uniformity and sta-
bility, that the same system of nomenclature breaks down when it
is applied to the kindred but distinct science of ethnology.

The first aim of artificial biological nomenclature, the finding of
a terminology which shall rise above the varying usage of national-
ities to an international and cosmopolitan plane, is from the very

kroeber] S YSTEMA TIC NOMENCLA TURK IN E THNOL OGY 5 89

nature of things rendered superfluous in the case of names of bodies
of people. Such names are not, like the popular names of animals
and plants, common nouns forming an integral part of a language,
but are proper names which can be and are equally used in any
language. The names of the animals and plants known to the
people speaking any language are found in its dictionaries ; the
names of the tribal, linguistic, and national groups known to the
same language are found in its encyclopedias. ** Pomo " and
"Eskimo" will never form part of English, or of any other lan-
guage, in the same way that "elk** and ** eagle'* and "oak" do;
and what is more, they will be and are susceptible of identical use
in French and German and Russian and every other language.
The first need of biological nomenclature, the intemationality of the
terms used, is therefore not felt in ethnology ; for the terms with
which it deals in designating bodies of people are in the nature of
things international.

And so when we come to the second need of biological nomen-
clature, that its terms shall be rigorous and fixed in denotation and
therefore artificial, conditions are also radically different in ethnology.
Scientific biological nomenclature is something apart from daily life.
It is confined absolutely to biology. It does not enter into litera-
ture or art or law, nor does it obtain official or governmental recog-
nition. This aloofness which its system of nomenclature gives to
biological science is felt by all broad-minded biologists as an evil ;
but under present conditions a necessary one. In ethnology it
would be an equal evil, and an unnecessary one. It is not only
anthropologists who deal with and speak of tribes and nationalities
and other divisions of people ; all of us, directly or indirectly, are in
relations of many kinds with these divisions of humanity. They are
not only parts of nature like inanimate objects and animals ; they
are men like ourselves, — men with whom we trade and converse
and intermarry, with whom we make treaties, and for whom we
make laws. Mankind will therefore always have names for tribal
and national and linguistic divisions, irrespective of what organized
professional anthropology may or may not do ; and these names,
being proper terms and therefore denotive, and not like the real
words forming an integral part of a living language connotive, ful-

590 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

1511, in potentiality at least, all the essential requirements of exact
scientific nomenclature. There is therefore nothing to be gained by
anthropologists in the attempt to enforce recognition for parallel
terms, identical in all the principles which they observe, and differ-
ing only in their particular form, from those in the current usage of
mankind. If the attempt to introduce such a parallel nomenclature
into ethnology should ever be successful for any short period, it
would lead only to a separation and greater aloofness of anthropo-
logical science from the great main stream and development of
civilization. It would render ethnology a more isolated and self-
contained thing, more useless, less effective, and less influential. It
would tend toward making it a dead science instead of a liye issue
in the world. It would give it rigidity and artificiality without any
compensation. And when the final tale is told, when a generation
or a century has passed, and the reckoning is made, who can doubt
which would prevail, — the terminology of mankind as a whole,
however chaotic and provincial but real, or the reactionary and
isolating terminology of a small body of professional anthropologists ?
Why, therefore, trouble with any artificial nomenclature in
ethnology at all ? All that we want is to have names that shall
mean only one thing, and to have not more than one name for that
thing. These conditions are furnished in the names already in popu-
lar and general usage. Here then should be the test and here the
discrimination when there is question between more names than
one. The name which is already prevailing, or which all things
considered bids fair to prevail, is the one which we should choose.
That name will prevail in any case. The attempt to substitute for
it a name perhaps better in itself, but resting only on an artificial
foundation, can never be permanently successful. To resist the
general tendencies associated with the march and development of
the world is hopeless for so puny a part of the world movement as
ethnology at its best can hope to be. What ethnological science
can do, is to cooperate with the inevitable movements of civilization
instead of opposing them, and to guide and direct them in a reason-
able and profitable manner. The popular mind is no more inclined
than that of the specialist to be burdened and confused with two
names for one thing or by two orthographies for one word, nor.

KROEBER] SYSTEMATIC NOMENCLATURE IN ETHNOLOGY S9I

Other things equal, does it prefer the inappropriate and incorrect
word to the right one. It is only in knowledge and breadth of
experience that popular usage is at fault. Here is the function of
the ethnologist. Where two names are in the balance in the scales
of general usage, where the weight of usage is equal between two
orthographies of the same name, the influence of ethnologists should
be cast in favor of the more rational one. Where one name or one
orthography predominates and gives promise of predominating, it is
the opportunity and business of ethnologists to secure so far as pos-
sible universal acceptance and usage of the prevailing term. In
these endeavors they will be given a ready hearing by the world ;
but in attempting to drag the forgotten and useless to light, to
.revivify the dead, to duplicate an already confused terminology, and
to separate the course of anthropological development from that of
the world, they will be passed by unheeded, and their work will be
brushed aside, forgotten, and superseded by later generations.

Usage then, and usage as wide as possible, and not priority, must
be the determining test in systematic ethnological nomenclature ;
but it must be supplemented by reason. Because the average
American calls the Indians of most of the twenty-two linguistic
families of California all indiscriminately ** Diggers," is no reason
for advocating the use of the term Digger to designate these
twenty-two families. The average layman, being without special
ethnological proclivities, and having no motive for distinguishing
between Indians of different linguistic families, does not do so.
Ethnology does and must make such distinctions and must have
terms for them. Further, there is a large element of the public, a
larger one proportionally in the case of ethnology than of biology,
and a growing and intelligent element, which is interested in these
and other distinctions, and which is ready to follow the lead of
ethnologists. Why then undo all this progress that has been made,
by attempting to set up a new nomenclature which has no motive
except the blind pursuit of a principle borrowed from a differently
conditioned science ? ** Pomo '' was originally the name only of
one village in Potter valley, California ; *' Kulanapo " also the name
of only one village, of the same linguistic stock, on Clear lake.
What does it matter that Gibbs in 1853 in an obscure report used

592 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Kulanapo to designate the family to which both villages belonged
and that it was nearly twenty-five years later when Stephen Powers
used Porno for the same purpose ? The latter name has been used
again and again in scientific and popular literature and is known
perhaps to millions of people, and certainly intimately to thousands ;
Kulanapan is known only to a few dozen anthropologists. If Ku-
lanapan were the name which had obtained the wider usage, we
should gladly forgive its additional two syllables, and with equal
unprejudice lend it our support in the hope that it might before
long entirely supplant the rival name which it had already out-
stripped. Is it too much on the other hand to ask that we should
forget our abstract principles, which even if successful can lead to
nothing essential or vital, and to support in turn the name Pomo,
which, as facts actually stand, is the one that predominates and will
predominate ?

Because, then, usage, and not priority, should govern and will
govern systematic ethnological nomenclature, one other considera-
tion, though a minor one, must be allowed. Under the operation
or the law of priority, questions of correctness and appropriateness
can be entirely eliminated ; but when the appeal is to the bar of
popular verdict, conditions are slightly altered, in that considera-
tions of correctness and appropriateness are among the factors that
guide the popular verdict. Every consideration of form, including
that of correctness, is subsidiary, and should be unhesitatingly sac-
rificed where the case is otherwise clear. When a name is gener-
ally accepted, let us take it at its face value, and forget its history
and original legitimacy. Its usage is sufficient sanction and should
make it more than welcome. But where the scale is nearly in the
balance, or where there is reason to believe that the tendency of the
future will be toward the name which is at present less used but
which is inherently better, it will be well to pause before rendering
a definite verdict. It is a disadvantage of usage as a canon that it is
at times indeterminate and that no vote or poll is possible or desir-
able ; and for this reason, with usage as a guide, we shall always
have a few terms on which opinions will differ. But, to compen-
sate, is the fact that this occasional indeterminateness leaves room
and provides opportunity for improvement, for the substitution of

KROEBER] SYSTEMATIC NOMENCLATURE IN ETHNOLOGY • S93

the better name for the worse, and of the better form for the
inferior. It is well, therefore, to go slowly and consider maturely.
Sooner or later the cases that seem most indeterminate will solve
themselves ; and while the one essential criterion should always be
usage, it will be worth while at least to consider correctness and
appropriateness of names.

The time is ready for a formal abandonment of the principle of
priority in systematic ethnological nomenclature. It is not ready,
and it is to be hoped never will be ready, for the formal establish-
ment of a series of terms based on any artificial principle or on any
contract or agreement. The biological sciences may constitute
themselves an independent entity sufficient unto themselves ; eth-
nology cannot afford to do so. Its last court of appeal will always
be, not the opinions of a small body of professional anthropologists,
but the opinion of the world at large. All that is desirable now is
the abandonment of theories and principles which lead aside or back-
ward. It was as head of the institution officially devoted by the
people of this country to the furtherance of ethnological study, that
Powell prepared and had prepared the invaluable classification which
we all respect and use and shall long continue to use. It will be
particularly fitting if the movement to recede from the one defective
position in his work, the nomenclature, emanates from this same
institution which is now carrying on, to greater achievements it is to
be hoped, the work which he founded. Such a movement would
not diminish the renown of his greatest life work ; but, by making
the one correction necessary to perfect it in its fundamentals, would
notably and permanently add to his fame.

Affiliated Colleges,

University of California,
San Francisco.

THE INDIAN POPULATION OF CALIFORNIA

By C. hart MERRIAM

California at the time of its discovery was more densely popu-
lated than any area of equal size in North America. Not only was
this the case, but the number of tribes and of distinct linguistic stocks
within its boundaries nearly equaled those of all the rest of the
continent north of Mexico. It is an extraordinary fact that among
the multitude of languages spoken there were at least two dozen
stocks differing from one another more than German from English,
or Dutch from Italian. This points to a very remote antiquity, for
languages are not developed in a day.

Although the aboriginal population is known to have been
exceptionally large — owing mainly to the bounty of the food
supply and the mildness of the winter climate — its numerical
measure has never been carefully taken, and the published esti-
mates differ widely in their totals. In seeking a basis on which to
frame a logical estimate, one is confronted by the fact that the only
reliable statistics for any considerable part of the state are those of
the Mission fathers, prior to 1834; and of the first U. S. Indian
commissioners and agents, for 1850-1852. The records of the
padres relate only to the limited area dominated by the missions —
a belt along the coast from San Francisco bay southward — and
deal only with the baptized Indians, making no attempt to give the
entire population. The records of the Indian commissioners relate
mainly to tribes living along the western base of the Sierra and those
of the northwestern quadrant of the state. They are manifestly
incomplete, and moreover treat of a period so late that the native
population had been sorely reduced by contact with the whites. It
must be admitted at the outset, therefore, that no data exist to serve
as a basis for an accurate estimate of the aboriginal population.
Nevertheless, if it is possible to ascertain approximately the number

1 Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco,
August 29.

594

MERRIAM] THE INDIAN POPULATION OF CALIFORNIA S9S

of inhabitants of an area of considerable size, and to establish a
relation between the density of population of this area and that of
other parts of the state, a rough estimate for the whole state may
be ventured. Fortunately, the records for the Mission strip furnish
material for such an estimate.

The Mission strip, even if allowed to spread over the inner Coast
ranges to San Joaquin valley, comprises only one-fifth of the non-
desert part of the state. Hence if the aboriginal inhabitants were
evenly distributed, the total population would have been five times
that of this area.

Personal observation during ten years of field work in California,
in the course of which I have enjoyed unusual opportunities for
noting the character and quantity of the food supply, and the
location of Indian villages in nearly all parts of the state, has con-
vinced me that throughout the non-desert areas the food supply was
surprisingly bountiful and the aboriginal population correspondingly
large, and that in neither of these respects was the Mission strip
more favored than other areas. Furthermore, in this strip the pro-
portion of uninhabitable land was at least as large as elsewhere.

Even the great interior valley, in spite of its barren places,
abounded in food. The plains were inhabited by doves, ground-
squirrels and rabbits, and by bands of antelope and herds of elk ;
the brushy and weedy places along the streams gave shelter to
countless thousands of quail ; the Sacramento and San Joaquin
rivers with their sloughs and tributaries swarmed with waterfowl
and teemed with mussels and fish ; a sea of wild oats covered the
land, and broad belts of noble oaks followed the rivers, affording a
prodigious store of acorns.

The foothills and lower slopes of the Sierra for a distance of
500 miles, and the inner Coast ranges for a still greater distance,
were likewise in the main carpeted with wild oats, interrupted by
thickets of berry- bearing manzanitas and shaded by open forests
of nut-bearing Digger pines and numerous kinds of oaks, which
together furnished the principal food of the people. Throughout
this vast area fish were plentiful in the streams, and game — rabbits,
ground-squirrels, quail, and deer — overran the land. The north-
western quadrant was equally favored and possessed several of the
best salmon and eel rivers of the state.

596 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

The staple food was not everywhere the same : Along the Col-
orado river it was the mesquite bean ; in the deserts east of the
Sierra, the rich oily nuts of the pinon or nut pine ; in the north-
west and along salmon streams elsewhere, salmon and acorns ; in
the interior generally — the Sierra region, Coast ranges and included
valleys — the acorns of a number of species of oaks. Indeed, in
most parts of California acorns were and still are the staff of life.
They are pounded into meal, which is leached to take out the bitter
taste and then boiled in baskets by means of hot stones, forming a
thick jelly-like nutritious mush. Acorns also are made into bread.
The yield is not constant, having cycles of abundance and scarcity,
but since in most localities half a dozen or more kinds occur
together, and since all of these rarely if ever fail the same year, an
absolute failure is probably unknown. In case of scarcity of acorns,
however, the large nut of the California horse-chestnut or buck-
eye— a widespread and prolific bearer — was commonly used as a
substitute. Buckeye meal needs more washing to take out the
poison, but makes fairly good bread. Bread was made also from
the nuts of the California laurel {Utnbellularia), In certain areas
oatmeal mush, made from wild oats, formed an important part of
the food ; and edible roots were always to be had. But acorns
were rarely wanting, for it was the universal practice to gather and
store each fall enough to last two years, so that if a bad year came
the people would not suffer. Similarly, dried salmon, manzanita
berries, mesquite beans, pine nuts, and other staple commodities
were gathered and stored in large quantities.

From these facts it is obvious that the food supply was adequate
for a very large population ; and the number of occupied villages
at the beginning of the gold period shows conclusively that the
number of inhabitants was very great — though probably never
large enough to press on the food supply.

There is every reason to believe, therefore, that the average
density of population (excluding the deserts and high boreal
mountains) was at least as great as in the Mission strip ; and since
this strip comprises only one-fifth of the non-desert area, the total
population should have been five times that of the Mission strip.
With this assumption as a basis, let us examine the data.

MERRIAM] THE INDIAN POPULATION OF CALIFORNIA $97

The padres, throughout the 65 years of their rule (i 769-1 834),
not only made every effort to bring to the missions and baptize as
many Indians as possible, but kept a careful record of the number
baptized each year, and also, from time to time, of the total number
present at all the missions. The period of most rapid growth was
the decade covering the end of the i8th century and the beginning
of the 19th (1795- 1 805), during which the number swelled from
12,216 to 20,627 — a gain of 8,41 1. Then the rate slackened and
a quarter of a century was needed to add 4,000. In 1830 the
number had reached 24,634, and in 1834 upward of 30,000, after
which it fell off rapidly. In selecting a date for an estimate of the
population, therefore, we have little choice, it being necessary to
take the period for which the data are fullest and least likely to lead
to error. This beyond question is the year 1834 — the year in
which the number of baptized Indians attained its maximum.

The number of these being known, it is important to determine
the number of unbaptized or free Indians. This unhappily cannot
be done with any degree of certainty. The Indians brought within
the jurisdiction of the church were virtually slaves and were obliged
to perform all the labor of the missions. Discontent was widespread
and often led to desertion. Deserters were pursued, and if caught
were flogged or otherwise punished. Hence it is not difficult to
understand why the continued efforts to bring in new recruits were
not always crowned with success, why so large a part of the popula-
tion kept away from the missions, and why the natives came to be
disposed in two sharply contrasted classes — the baptized and the
unbaptized — called by the padres respectively 'neophytes' and
' gentiles.' While the record is full as to the number of neophytes,
it is silent as to the number of gentiles. This is the weak point in
the argument and there appears to be no way of getting around it.
The ratio between the two classes was ever changing, for the number
of neophytes not only fluctuated from year to year, but showed on
the whole a progressive increase up to 1834, the year in which the
secularization of the missions took place. In the early years the
gentiles vastly outnumbered the neophytes, but at the close of the
mission period it is practically certain that the neophytes largely
outnumbered the gentiles. It being necessary to assume a ratio, I

598 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

have conjectured that in 1834 the 30,000 baptized Indians formed
three-fourths ; the unbaptized or free Indians one-fourth of the
native population, making a total of 40,000 for the Mission strip.
This is believed to be a conservative estimate.

The question now arises as to the native population of the rest
of the state. It having been shown that the aboriginal population
except on the deserts was in all probability fully as dense as that
of the Mission strip, it follows that the whole population of the non-
desert part would be five times that of the Mission strip, or 200,000.
But this takes no account of the Modoc, Washoo, Paiute, and Sho-
shonean tribes of the region east of the Sierra, or of the Mohave,
Chemahueve, and Yuma of the lower Colorado, whose members
living within the state must have numbered collectively at least
10,000. Hence the total Indian population of California at the
close of the Mission period (1834) could hardly have been less than
210,000.

This estimate is likely to err on the conservative side, for
although under Mission rule the number of neophytes continued to
increase, the death-rate was startlingly high and the population as
a whole steadily decreased, so that at the close of the Mission
period it had already undei^one material diminution. The padres
state that up to the year 1824 they had baptized in all 86,000
persons, of whom at that time no fewer than 61,000 had disap-
peared. It would seem a conservative estimate, therefore, to assume
that during the 65 years of Mission rule the decrease had amounted
to 10,000 persons. Adding this number to the 40,000 already
found to be the probable native population of the Mission strip in
1834 gives 50,000 as approximately the population before it had
suffered from contact with the Spaniards. And if at the time of the
discovery of California the population of the coast region from San
Francisco bay southward was 50,000, the population of the main
or non-desert part of the state, on the basis here adopted, would
have been 250,000 (instead of 200,000). Adding to this the prob-
able desert population of 10,000 gives for the whole state at the
time of its discovery a probable population of 260,000.

It may be urged that there is no evidence that the population
was equally dense in different parts of the state at the same time.

MERRiAM] THE INDIAN POPULATION OF CALIFORNIA 599

Admitting this, there surely is no evidence to the contrary, and the
known facts point to a continuously contemporaneous population
of large size throughout the non-desert parts up to the time each
area in turn was smitten by the blight of foreign invasion. The
widespread bounty of the food supply, the freedom from intertribal
wars (except in the northwest), and the probable absence of epi-*
demic diseases until introduced by the whites, all point in this direc-
tion.

Decrease and Extermination

There is every reason to believe that the native population, from
the date of the discovery of California to the time when it was
shriveled by oppressive contact with foreigners, had remained rea-
sonably constant. It may be assumed, therefore, that the number
of Indians at the beginning of the last century was approximately
260,000, and the number in 1834, 210,000.

During the height of the gold period, from 1850 to 1853 (dis-
regarding Schoolcraft's absurdly low estimate of 32,000, and Bar-
bour and Wozencroft's exaggerated guess of 200,000 to 300,000),
at least three estimates were published by men whose business it
was to deal with Indians. Adam Johnson, sub-agent in charge of
the Valley Indians, gave the number as 80,000 ; Gen. E. F. Beale,
superintendent of Indian affairs, as 75,000 to 100,000; and the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, as 100,000. The mean of these
is 88,750, which probably is not far out of the way.

The native population in 1856 was estimated by Hittell at 48,-
100.

Beginning with i860 and continuing to the present time the
Federal Census has recorded the number of Indians, as follows :

i860

31.338

1870

29,025

1880

20,385

1890

16,624

1900

15.377

In spite of obvious errors and discrepancies these statistics are
of considerable interest and in the main may be regarded as approx-
imately correct. Up to 1 900 they doubtless err consistently in
underestimating the number of wild or * uncivilized ' Indians liv-

600 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

ing away from the reservations, of which no count was made.
The omission of this class — or its reduction to an absurdity — is
conspicuous in the Census of 1 890, where the number given is only
43. The actual number at this date could not have been fewer
than 1,500 and probably exceeded 2,000.

I have made such corrections in the census and other returns
as seemed called for in the light of the data already gathered, and
submit the results as my personal estimate of the population at
different times during the century ending with the year 1900.

Estimate of Probable Indian Population of California at Different

Dates from 1800 to igoo.

1800

260,000

1834

210,000

1849

100,000

1852

85,000

1856

50,000

i860

35,000

1870

30,000

1880

20,500

1890

18,000

1900

15,500

The . tremendous decrease that has taken place during the last
century — a decrease amounting to the complete annihilation of
scores of tribes and the reduction to scattered remnants of scores of
others — is due wholly to the coming of the white man. It began
in the early days of the mission padres, as we have already seen,
and has continued to the present time. While in the main gradual,
there were two periods in which its rate was suddenly and greatly
accelerated. The first of these was the period immediately follow-
ing the confiscation of the missions, beginning in 1834; the second
the period immediately following the discovery of gold, beginning
in 1848.

The decrease following the mission period was startlingly rapid.
The four years immediately preceding the confiscation of the mis-
sions were years of unprecedented prosperity and of marked increase
in the neophytes, the number in 1834 having attained its maximum
of upward of 30,000. By means of this multitude of subjugated

MERRiAMj THE INDIAN POPULATION OF CALIFORNIA 6oi

Indians, as stated by Hittell in his admirable History of California^
the flocks of the mission fathers were herded, their fields tilled, and
the value of their properties and possessions augmented in all direc-
tions. They had upward of 420,000 cattle, 60,000 horses and
mules, 320,000 sheep, goats, and hogs; raised more than 200,000
bushels of grain and beans, and the income for the year exceeded
a million of dollars. But this year was not only the one of great-
est material prosperity for the missions ; it was also the one in which
their doom was sounded and their downfall begun. The govern-
ment issued a decree providing for their 'secularization,' and the
confiscation of the properties began at once. So fatal was the
move, and so swift its operation, that in eight years the neophytes
had dwindled to one-seventh the number present in 1834, leaving
only 4,450 at the missions. This does not imply that in eight
years 25,500 Indians had perished, but that the deaths and re-
movals together amounted to this number. In the succeeding
years the neophytes who had left the missions found themselves
wholly unable to cope with the changed conditions and soon passed
out of existence. They had been long clamoring for freedom, but
when it came were unable to live under the new regime. A gen-
eration of bondage had unfitted them for self support ; their old
homes had been occupied or overrun by Spanish-Mexican ranch-
eros and they found themselves unable to return to the old life or
to adjust themselves to the new.

It may be argued that the Indians who left the missions, either
before or after their confiscation, and also the free or wild Indians
of the same territory, had fled to other parts of the state, and thus
in disappearing from the Mission strip had merely moved away.
This they undoubtedly did to a certain extent, particularly in the
Tulare or Tache Lake country, but so far as any substantial migra-
tion is concerned, the evidence points in the opposite direction. In
order to go anywhere else they were obliged to invade the territory
of other tribes — tribes without exception speaking different lan-
guages. While it is known that individual Indians did this in many
cases, there is no evidence to show that any considerable number
joined other tribes. Had they done so they would have left many
descendants ; but in all my field work in California I have rarely met,

602 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

outside of the Mission strip and the small reservations from Tule
river southward, a Mission Indian or the descendant of a Mission
Indian. This to me is conclusive evidence that' the great bulk of
Mission Indians perished in their own territory.

The process of confiscation of the missions covered a dozen
years (i 834-1845) and its disastrous effects on the natives continued
for several years longer — till in fact those of the Mission strip,
except in the far south, had been practically exterminated. During
the early part of this period the Spanish- Mexicans, who by this time
far outnumbered the padres and their attendants, were establishing
ranches in various outlying districts, and during the latter part, par-
ticularly after the seizure of California by the United States in 1 846,
American fortune seekers were pouring into the state in rapidly
increasing numbers and pushing into districts previously unknown,
thereby augmenting the pressure on the Indians and extending it far
beyond the area of Mission influence. The shrinkage of the native
population during the fifteen years from 1834 to 1849 I have esti-
mated at 1 10,000, which is at the appalling rate of more than 7,000
a year.

The discovery of gold, in 1848, set in motion a tremor of excite-
ment that swept around the world like a tidal wave, gathering
recruits from all nations and hurrying them by land and sea to the
Golden State. During the single year 1849 no fewer than 77,ocx)
arrived. This army of gold seekers was a heterogeneous assem-
blage, comprising many good and noble men, but also thousands of
the rougher and more turbulent classes, not excepting criminals.
As these adventurers spread north and south over the flanks of the
Sierra and penetrated the rugged mountains of the northwest, they
everywhere invaded the territory of the Indians and decimated the
native population. From Humboldt and Trinity counties, from the
Siskiyous, and from the flanks of the Sierra, the story is the same :
villages were broken up and the inhabitants scattered or massacred ;
men and women were debauched with whisky ; men were ruthlessly
killed ; women were appropriated, and seeds of disease were sown
which undermined the constitutions of succeeding generations.
This is not the place to recite the sickening details, which blacken
many pages in the history of the Golden State. For present pur-

MERRIAM] THE INDIAN POPULATION OF CALIFORNIA 603

poses let it suffice that in most localities the Indians showed no
resistance, although those of the northwestern area resented the
conduct of the intruders and thus brought upon themselves a series
of so-called ' Indian wars/ resulting in the extermination of many
of the tribes and the reduction of the remainder to small remnants,
which later were removed to Government reservations. Had the
Indians of California been fighters, like the Apache or Blackfeet
or Sioux, or any of the Plains tribes, the conquest of the state would
have been a very different matter.

The fatal decrease following the mission period continued long
enough to be overlapped by the beginning of the gold period, the
two together forming a continuous series of years, extending from
1834 till the decline of active gold operations in 1855. But the dis- '
tinctness of the two should be kept clearly in mind : One was a
period of Spanish aggression ; the other, of American aggression.
There is also an important geographic difference, for the territory
under jurisdiction of the missions was the coast strip from San
Francisco bay south, from which the mission influence reached only
to Sonoma on the north and to the San Joaquin valley on the east,
although the Spanish-Mexican rancheros and raiding expeditions
extended considerably beyond these limits. The operations of the
gold seekers covered nearly the whole of the remaining parts of
the state, and their blighting influence was particularly severe
throughout the Sierra region and in the mountainous and until then
unknown northern and northwestern districts. The two destroying
armies together therefore covered practically the whole of Gilifomia,
leaving only the deserts on the east — and these were not wholly
exempt.

We have already seen that the average annual decrease from
the close of the Mission period in 1834 to the gold rush in 1849
was a little more than 7,000. Throughout the gold period this
terribly devastating rate continued, the decrease during the seven
years from 1849 to 1856 amounting to about 50,000. It appears,
therefore, that for a period of not less than 22 years (i 834-1 856)
the average annual decrease exceeded 7,000, amounting in the
whole period to a loss of 160,000 Indians. But while the actual
annual decrease seems to have been remarkably constant, the

6o4 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

population as a whole was rapidly diminishing, so that the per-
centage of decrease to the total population was rapidly increasing.

Later, when mining gradually gave place to agriculture, the
tillers of the soil coveted the lands of the Indians and proceeded
to take them without fear of interference from either the owners or
the law; for until the year 1872, in cases in which a white person
was a party, the testimony of Indians — be it said to the shame of
California — was not admitted in any court of justice. Down to
recent times, therefore, a white man could confiscate the home of an
Indian, and even kill the occupants, without danger of punishment
— and it may be added, in spite of the change in the law, that con-
ditions today are not much better for the Indian.

Why, it may be asked, did not the Indians take matters into
their own hands and defend themselves against the intruders?
Because, as many of them have told me, they had learned that it
was hopeless to oppose the will of the whites — to do so meant
the loss of their property and probably also of their lives. Hence
an Indian, when ordered by a white man to vacate the home where
he was bom and where his ancestors were buried — the spot more
dear to him than all the world — usually obeyed, and obeyed
promptly and without resistance. In the Sierra region many
instances of this kind have been related to me by the sufferers from
these cruel evictions.

According to the estimates here given, the shrinkage of the
native population, particularly during the 22 years from the close
of the mission period in 1834 to the decline of the gold period in
1856, was so great as to seem almost incredible, and prompts one
to ask if additional contemporary evidence exists bearing on the
subject. Evidence of this kind is so abundant that if assembled it
would fill a volume. It relates not only to the steady decline of
the native population throughout the state, but also to epidemics of
smallpox and other diseases, to the demolition of sources of food
supply, to the burning of stores of food laid up for winter, to the
confiscation of homes, to cold-blooded massacres by both Spaniards
and Americans, to raids for the alleged purpose of punishing horse
thieves, but in most instances for the real purpose of capturing
Indian children and young women tor servants, and to the destruc-
tion of life attending the capture o Indians and their removal to

MERRIAM] THE INDIAN POPULATION OF CALIFORNIA 605

Government reservations. I have been told by eye-witnesses of an
incredible outrage practised by a gang of cattle and hog men who
in 1856 or 1857 took it upon themselves to drive the helpless
Taches and other tribes from Tulare lake and lower Kings river to
the Fresno reservation. Men, women, and children, including the sick
and the aged, were hurriedly driven through mud and water during
the height of the rainy season by brutal men on horseback ; many fell
out and perished by the way, and those who reached the hated desti-
nation and afterward escaped, returned to find their food caches appro-
priated for the hogs, and on making their presence known, were
themselves hunted down and quietly " taken care of" by the whites.

Speaking of the reservations in general, Hittell says that in
nearly every case of removal the Indians had to be driven by force,
and " not unfrequently only a remnant was left by the time the reser-
vation was reached." He states also, with reference to the general
shrinkage during the gold period, that "of over 10,000 Indians in
Yuba, Placer, Nevada, and Sierra counties in 1 849, not more than
about 3»8oo remained in 1854." In 1849 General Bidwell found
about 1 ,000 Indians living on the Sacramento river near the place
where Colusa now stands ; the survivors at present number fewer
than 50. In 1829 Kit Carson saw 'thousands' in Napa valley;
in 1859 he could not find a twentieth of that number, and now
hardly one is left. In 1850 Lieut. George H. Derby of the Topo-
graphical Engineers, U. S. A., found 1,100 Indians living about
Tulare or Tache lake ; the number in this region at present is less
than a dozen. The same year he found on Kings river seventeen
villages with an aggregate population of 3,000 ; at present only one
village remains and the number of inhabitants is less than 20. In
the early fifties the native population along the lower Kaweah river
and delta is said to have been about 5,000; at present it consists
of about 25 persons.

These instances, and many others that might be given, show
conclusively that the reduction of the native population, allowing
liberally for overestimates as to original numbers, was of monstrous
proportions and progressed with startling swiftness.

Another kind of evidence is furnished by the half-obliterated
sites of villages which in the early days were thriving communities.
Hundreds of these are now known.

6o6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

In September, 1850, Adam Johnson, sub-agent in charge of the
Valley Indians, wrote the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that
within the short period of occupancy by the whites, the red man
had fast faded away ; many had died of disease ; others had fled to
the mountains to enjoy for a brief period their primeval sports of
hunting and fishing. Practically all the coast Indians had gone ;
of the numerous tribes which only a few years before inhabited the
country bordering on the bay of San Francisco, scarcely an indi-
vidual was left. Two years later Gen. E. F. Beale, superintendent
of Indian affairs in California, said in his official report : ** Driven
from their fishing and hunting grounds, hunted themselves like wild
beasts, lassoed^ torn from homes made miserable by want, and
forced into slavery, the wretched remnant which escapes starvation
on the one hand, and the relentless whites on the other, only does
so to rot and die of a loathsome disease, the penalty of Indian
association with frontier civilization."

The principal cause of the appallingly great and rapid decrease
in the Indians of California is not, in my judgment, the number
directly slain by the whites, or the number directly killed by whisky
and disease, but a much more subtle and dreadful thing : it is the
gradual but progressive and relentless confiscation of their lands
and homes, in consequence of which they are forced to seek refuge
in remote and barren localities, often far from water, usually with an
impoverished supply of food, and not infrequently in places where
the winter climate is too severe for their enfeebled constitutions.
Victims of the aggressive selfishness of the whites, outcasts in the
land of their fathers, outraged in their most sacred institutions,
weakened in body, broken in spirit, and fully conscious of the utter
hopelessness of their condition, must we wonder that the wail for
the dead is often heard in their camps and that the survivors are
passing swiftly away.

Note. — The chief sources of information drawn on in the preparation of
the foregoing article are : Hittell, History of California ; Bledsoe, Indian
Wars ; Derby, Report of a Rcconnaissafice of the Tache Lake region, in 18^0;
Reports of the first California Indian Agents and Commissioners, Senate Ex,
Doc. 4, Special Session, 1853 ; Powers, Indians of California, 1877; Reports
of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs ; the Federal decennial census, and my
personal field notes. — C. H. M.
Washington, D. C.

THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE SHASTA-ACHOMAWP

By ROLAND B. DIXON

The Shasta-Achomawi occupy an irregular strip running north-
west and southeast across the northern end of California, about
forty miles or so in average width, and extending from near the
western edge of Siskiyou county to the Nevada line. Until recently
they have been regarded as two distinct linguistic families, but in a
recent note ^ I have tried to show that, from linguistic grounds,
they may be regarded as probably related members of a single
stock, though in many respects quite distinct. Although the lin-
guistic relations which these two members bear to each other and
to the surrounding stocks are of much interest, and will, I believe,
eventually shed some light on the larger problems of Califomian
ethnology, the general cultural features of the stock are no less im-
portant in this regard.

As has been clearly pointed out by Dr Kroeber, in a recent
publication of the University of California, we may distinguish
broadly three contrasted culture areas in California — the north-
western, occupying the northern coast from about the southern
portion of Humboldt county to beyond the Oregon line, and ex-
tending inland some forty or fifty miles ; the southwestern, includ-
ing the southern coast counties from Monterey southward ; and the
central, occupying all the remainder of the state excepting its south-
ern border. These are the main broad divisions, but immediately
one looks closer he finds each of these major divisions broken up
into a number of minor subdivisions which may be more or less
clearly distinguished one from the other. This is particularly true
in the case of the large central area.

This brings us face to face with the fundamental characteristic
of California ethnology — its diversity. In other parts of the* North

1 Read at the meeting of the American American Anthropological Association, San
Francisco, August 29.

1 American Anthropologist, vol. VII, no. 2, 1 905.

607

6o8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

American continent uniform or closely similar cultures spread over
large areas, as in the plains, the sotithwest, and the northwest coast ;
here the area covered by a culture type is much smaller, and each
is split up, rather more clearly than elsewhere, into a number of di-
verse subtypes. The Shasta-Achomawi form one of these sub-
types of the general central Califomian culture area, and lie geo-
graphically between the Maidu and Wintun subtypes of this area,
the northwestern area, and the as yet little-known type of south-
em Oregon.

In mythology, as in language, the two components of the stock
are alike, yet different. As one might expect, the eastern, or
Achomawi, branch resembles the Maidu in not a few particulars.
We find in the first place much of the systematic, sequent quality
which has been pointed out as characteristic of the Maidu, and also
the considerable importance of a Creator and of the episode of
creation. In outline, the Achomawi account of the creation runs
somewhat as follows :

In the beginning all was water, everywhere was nothing but
the sea, and the clear sky. In the clearness a cloud formed, and
from it the Coyote appeared. A fog then arose from the surface of
the water, and from it the Creator, the Silver-fox, appeared. The
prior appearance of the Coyote is here to be noted. Wearying of
suspension in mid-air, the Creator thinks a canoe, into which Coyote
and Creator descend, and for a long time float about. At length
the canoe becomes old, moss-grown, and rotten, and the Creator
determines to obtain some better abiding place. While the Coyote
sleeps, he combs out from his own body a mass of hair, forms it
into a flat disk, sets it afloat on the water, and on it places what
are to be trees and plants. The world is thus created, and the
canoe floats gently ashore, when the Creator arouses the Coyote,
who wakes to find himself overshadowed by drooping branches of
fruit. The two step ashore, build for themselves houses, and live
there together. After a time the Creator makes the various animal-
people, and the deer, and for a while all live together. The use of
obsidian for knives and arrowpoints is discovered, mankind is made,
and the struggle begins between the Creator and Coyote for the
mastery : the former desirous that life shall be easy for the man

DIXON] SHASTA'ACHOMA WI MYTHOLOG Y 609

he has made, the latter wishing conditions to be hard. As in the
case of the Maidu, the Coyote wins, death is brought into the world,
and his own child is the first to die. At length, the Creator having
tried in vain to destroy the Coyote, the events described in the tale
of the Loon-woman among the Maidu and Yana take place : all the
animal beings try to escape the wrath and fire of the Loon by
ascent to the sky ; Coyote as usual is responsible for their fall, and
with few exceptions all are burned to death. Their hearts how-
ever are restored to Ijfe, and then Silver-fox gives to each animal-
person his or her peculiar markings and cries, and sends them off
to different parts of the country. From here, as the Indians say,
the '* story branches," and the multitude of tales of the doings of
the different animal-beings follow, in little or no order. In com-
parison with the Maidu, one notices here the animal name of the
Creator ; the Coyote's precedence ; the rather more philosophical
account of the origin of things ; the rather slighter development
logically of the dualism so strongly shown in the Maidu, and, on
the whole, a less logical and orderly working out of the cycle.

If we turn to the Shasta, we find a notable difference. Here
the development of the Creator and the episode of the creation is
practically wholly lacking, and the dualism, still clear in the Acho-
mawi, entirely disappears. Apparently there is no very clear
idea of creation, and the most that has been found is a confused
account of a flood brought on by a mysterious being ; — after the
subsidence of the water, the Eagle largely shapes the world, and
then sends down a boy and a girl, brother and sister, who marry,
and are the ancestors of the human race. Of the creation proper,
or the making of the animals, there seems to be little trace. The
Coyote assumes a very important role, however, for he names the
animals and is responsible for the introduction of death into the
world, but in a manner wholly different from that in the Achomawi or
the Maidu. The systematic, orderly character, strong in the Acho-
mawi, has entirely disappeared, it seems, and in its place there is a
mass of meager incidents, with little correlation, and as in the
northwestern California cultures the creation episode practically
disappears.

So far, then, there is considerable difference between the Shasta

6lO AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

and the Achomawi, each apparently resembling its neighbor (the
Hupa and the Maidu) rather than the two components resembling
each other. If, now, we turn to the remainder of the mythology,
we shall find a different state of affairs. In the Achomawi there is
a large mass of tales, which may be divided into Coyote tales and
miscellaneous tales. The former are numerous, and in part agree
with the similar type of Maidu tales. The Coyote preserves his
character as a mischievous trickster, continually led into trouble by
his curiosity and amorous propensities, and we find here again the
familiar incidents of the " Tar-baby " stump, the Bags of Wind, the
Cannibal feast, etc., with also a large number of new ones, particu-
larly those of an erotic character. The number of tales, however,
that are similar to those of the Maidu is less than the new ones,
so that while we clearly have relationship here, there is also, and
no less clearly, evidence of a new type.

In the class of miscellaneous tales, the same holds true. As
compared with the Maidu we find, to be sure, several old friends,
such as the tale of the Loon-woman, the Fire-quest, the Two Girls
sent in search of a Husband, etc. ; but these tales are either quite
a little changed, or, as in the case of the Loon-woman, play quite
a different part in the general sequence of events. We find, more-
over, a large number of tales quite different from any found as yet
among the Maidu, such for example as the tale of the Lost Brother,
or the tales of the prowess of Lizard in his conflicts with the Grizzly
Bears. In the former, a notable incident is the ascent to the sky
by the Mice to ask the Sun for information relative to the where-
abouts of the lost brother.

Turning to the Shasta now, we find a considerably greater agree-
ment with the Achomawi in the Coyote and miscellaneous tales
than in the Creation series. The major part of the Coyote stories
are alike or nearly so ; practically all the characteristic Achomawi
incidents appear, with of course numerous new ones also. On the
other hand, the Maidu incidents found in the Achomawi disappear to
a large extent. The Coyote, moreover, in the Shasta is not so purely
a trickster as in the case of the Achomawi, and indeed in several
tales he appears as a benefactor of mankind and a destroyer of
monsters. The number of tales in which he figures as an important
character is also greater.

DIXON] SHASTArACHOMA WI MYTHOLOG Y 6l I

In the miscellaneous tales from the Shasta we may note several
points of interest Many of the typical Achomawi stories appear,
notably that of the Lost Brother, but here it assumes a different
form, being apparently part of a series of tales relating to two
brothers, culture heroes, one of whom seems to wander about the
country killing monsters. The incident of the ascent to the sky is
elaborated more than in the case of the Achomawi, and the
brother's quest is much more elaborately described, and includes
such incidents as the cutting of the bow-strings and the gnawing of
holes in the bottoms of the canoes in order to hinder pursuit.
These incidents recall the type of tales characteristic of the region
of western Washington. A number of other incidents in other
tales, as well as in this series, also suggest some relationship with
the Puget Sound region. In addition to these, however, there are
not a few which are strongly typical of the Basin area, and as such
resembling those of the northeastern Maidu. Wintun resemblances
may also be noted in some cases. In general there is but little
which directly resembles the northwestern area, although the Shasta
are in immediate contact with it.

From the foregoing it appears, then, that we have in the
mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi more or less corroboration of
the evidence obtained from linguistic comparisons, namely, that the
two branches of the stock are unquestionably allied, and closely so,
yet present features of essential dif!erence, and that the stock as
a whole is, so far as the mythology is concerned, a subtype of the
general central Californian culture area. Presenting many points
of agreement with the Maidu subtype, and with that of the Basin
area, as we know it from the Salish of Thompson river, it also has
much that reminds one of the type of tales characteristic of the
Oregon-Washington section. On the other hand, although the
Shasta-Achomawi are in close contact with tribes of the north-
western Californian culture, it presents, on the whole, few points of
agreement with this. As this lack of agreement holds almost
equally well in the remainder of the culture, and also in language,
we may perhaps be justified in regarding this as evidence that the
two cultures have been in contact but a comparatively short time.
This lack of agreement is emphasized all the more by the great

AM. ANTH., ft. S., 7 — 41

6l2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

number of instances in the rest of the state, where neighboring
stocks very clearly show association one with another. Taken in
connection with several other small indications, and with direct
traditions of a former considerable extension of the stock, particu-
larly the Shasta branch, in southern Oregon, and the comparative
lack of several characteristic features of the central Californian cul-
ture, we may perhaps regard the Shasta, at least, as comparatively
recent comers into the area south of the Siskiyou mountains. This
southward advance must have been early enough, however, to have
all recollection of it lost Yet the matter is not at all simple, as
there are one or two conflicting traditions, and references to the
regions farther south, about Redding and even as far as Tehama.
The recent finding, moreover, of three fragments of Shasta dialects
along the western and southern periphery of the stock area is a
further contradictory feature, suggesting possibly the earlier occu-
pancy by these dialects of much or all of the present Californian
territory covered by the Shasta branch of the stock, and their later
being overwhelmed by the influx of a more northerly branch, from
beyond the Siskiyous. Unfortunately, corroboration of any such
hypothesis, from the cultural side, is virtually impossible, owing to
the almost complete extinction of these newly found fragments.

Speculation aside, I trust the foregoing brief discussion of the
mythology of the Shasta-Achomawi has made clear the nature of
some of the problems awaiting solution in the ethnology of the
northern portion of California, and how well the data obtained from
the study of the general culture agrees with that gathered from
linguistic material.

Harvard University,

Cambridge, Massachusetts.

MECHANICAL AIDS TO THE STUDY AND
RECORDING OF LANGUAGE^

By p. E. GODDARD

Language is essentially two-fold, consisting of spoken sounds
and mental concepts. Only in comparatively recent times and
among certain peoples have written symbols been employed to rep-
resent the sounds. There are only a few among those having
written characters who are able to connect them directly with the
mental concepts. The vast majority must go from the written
symbol first to the sound and then to the mental concept. In ordi-
nary practice then, writing is simply a device for bringing to one's
own mind, or to the mind of another, sounds which are well known.
Unless the sounds are known, or can be made known by other
means, the written characters fail both in conveying them to those
who are interested in their study, and in preserving them after the
language of which they are a part has ceased being spoken. No-
where has the inadequacy of alphabets, however ingenious, made
itself more felt than in the field of American languages.

The only proper method of learning a language is to go among
those who speak it, to hear it constantly and practise speaking it.
For a child there is little difficulty in this, but a person who has
reached his majority finds it practically impossible to acquire a
foreign language so as to be able to speak it without an accent.
For the practical purpose of making one's self understood this
accent matters little, but for the scientific study of a language such
imperfect pronunciation is far from satisfactory. The difficulty
seems to lie almost entirely in the lack of ability of the person to
hear correctly the sounds uttered. He does not realize that his
own speech of the acquired language is imperfect, or at least he
does not know in what particulars it is faulty, and therefore is

1 Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Berkeley, Cali'
ornia, August 31.

613

6J4 AMERICAN anthropologist . [n. s., 7, 1905

unable to perfect it. To remedy this fault the ear must be aided
by some means.

The lip movements may be directly observed by the eye.
Where a comparison between the sounds made in part by the lips,
in the same or in a different language, is desired, the camera may be
employed. The subject should be placed in strong sunlight and a
very rapid lens and shutter used. The photographs so taken may
be arranged, measured, and compared. By this method it may be
readily shown what vowels in the language are rounded, the rela-
tive degree of lip opening for each vowel, and the amount of lip
activity characterizing the language as a whole.

To a certain extent tongue movements may also be directly
observed, but more difficulty is experienced with them than with
the lip sounds. To determine and fix the movements of the tongue
certain mechanical devices may be employed. The simplest of
these is the artificial palate.^ This should be made as thin as pos-
sible and adjusted so as to fit the roof of the mouth perfectly. The
work can be done by any good dentist. There is difficulty in
extending the artificial palate beyond the joining of the soft and
hard palates because the movement of the soft palate is likely to
dislodge it and its pressure upon the soft palate often produces
gagging. The palate, which must be perfectly dry, is dusted with
powdered chalk and put in place. Single syllables should be
uttered, care being taken that a complication of impressions is not
brought about. Where the naturally moist tongue touches the
surface of the palate the chalk is removed and the black surface is
exposed. The palate should be quickly and carefully removed
from the mouth and photographed. This method fixes the exact
position occupied by the tongue in making a certain sound, provided
the contact is upon the hard palate or the teeth. By this means it
is shown that a Hupa, who speaks his own language perfectly and
English fairly well, makes the contact for d in Hupa considerably
farther forward than he does for English ^(pl. xxxvi, figs. 5 and 6).

* Dr Norman Kingsley seems first to have employed this method for the coiTection
of oral deformities. It has been frequently employed for linguistic purposes in Eurof>e.
Kingsley, On Oral Deformities^ London, 1880. Scripture, Elements of Experimental
Phonetics y New York, 1902, p. 298.

«i(b}- $. Pitlfltograin of

GODDABD] MECHANICAL AIDS TO STUDY OF LANGUAGE 61$

To register the exact time of the beginning, culmination, and
end of tongue movements, the Rousselot apparatus may be em-
ployed,' This apparatus (figure 23) consists of a kymograph — a
cylinder horizontally placed, driven at a uniform rate of speed by
delicate clockwork. A sheet of paper is placed around the cylin-
der and given a thin, even coating of smoke. The fine elastic trac-
ing point of the Marey tambour resting upon this paper registers
the varying force of the column of air which issues from the mouth

Fig. 33. — Kpnograph of the Rousselot apparatus

or nose, or any compression of a closed chamber that may be con-
nected with it. For registering the movements of the tongue, a
rubber bulb is placed between the tongue and the roof of the mouth
at the desired point. This bulb is connected with a Marey tambour
by means of a rubber tube which passes out through the side of
the mouth-piece into which the words are spoken. Two tambours
are used, one connected with the bulb and one with the mouth-
piece, arranged so that their tracing points will make but a single
line when the carriage with the tambours is pushed along while the

■ Many parts of this apparatus have been designed and the methods of its uM per-
fected bjr Abb£ Roasselol of Paris. Rousselot, Priatipis dt phonHiqtie expirimmtaii,

Palis, 1897.

> ■'

I
I

I
• I

' i;

6 1 6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

cylinder is at rest. When the word or phrase is spoken two syn-
chronous tracings are made (pi. xxxvi, fig. i). In this case the upper
one is from the mouth-piece and shows the varying force of the air
column from the oral passage, the lower one is from a bulb placed
on the point of the tongue, the elevations in the tracing indicating
the time of the raising of the tongue and consequent pressure upon
the bulb. These correspond to the moments of closure of the oral
passage for /, n, and n in the Hupa word tartan, 'water.'

The movements of the back portion of the tongue and the exact

points of its contact with the soft palate are difficult to observe

directly, and mechanical aids are not easily employed. This is

greatly to be regretted because several of the American languages

!! have whole series of sounds formed well back in the mouth.

The movements of the velum may sometimes be directly
observed. The uncertainty concerning one Hupa sound was re-
moved in this manner. The subject was made to open his mouth
widely, facing a strong light. When he uttered the sound in doubt,
the velum was seen forced outward and strongly vibrating in the
current of expired air. The position of the velum may be inferred
from tracings made with the Rousselot apparatus. A bulb of glass
open at both ends is inserted in one of the nostrils with a rubber
tube connecting one of its ends with a Marey tambour. By this
means the flow of the air through the nose is registered and the
duration of the opening of the nasal passages by the lowering of
the velum is ascertained. In plate xxxvi, fig. 2, tracings of the
Hupa word aft {ang), ' yes,' is shown. The lower tracing is from
the nose, showing considerable nasalization of the vowel and a de-
cided nasal sound after the vowel is terminated by the closing of
the oral passage.

The movements of the walls of the mouth and throat, and the
condition of the tongue as to shape and rigidity are exceedingly
difficult to determine or to record. On these largely depend the
quality of the vowel sounds.

The action of the glottis, both as to the degree and time of
sonancy may also be shown by Rousselot tracings. These may be
made with the mouth-piece, when the vibrations of the vocal chords
will appear, if the tambour is properly adjusted, as tiny waves

GODDARD] MECHANICAL AIDS TO STUDY OF LANGUAGE 617

imposed upon the breath curves. For more exact work a thin
membrane of rubber may be applied to the wall of the larynx and
the vibrations conveyed to a tambour by means of compressed air.
It is possible in this manner to settle the puzzling questions in
American languages concerning the degree and constancy of son-
ancy in certain consonants.

So far only the physiological causes of the sounds have been
considered, and they are the most important, since if one under-
stands the cause he can with practice produce the result. There is
however another side to phonetics — the physical. Puffs of air of
certain regularity of occurrence, force, and shape fall upon the ear
and produce the sensation known as sound. Here, in the realm of
physics, exact measurements are possible and well known laws pre-
vail. It is quite possible to make visual records of the sounds of a
language, to analyze and measure them, and to tabulate the results.
Comparisons may then be made within the bounds of the language
itself, or between it and other languages, and its physical character-
istics made a matter of permanent record.

For making tracings of the consonants, a mouth-piece connected
with a Marey tambour is employed. The stopped consonants
appear with horizontal straight lines of no elevation for the period
of silence caused by the closure of the mouth passage which change
almost instantly into vertical lines when the explosion occurs. The
continuant consonants are represented by lines which gradually rise
and fall as the air issues with greater or less force. If these con-
tinuants are also fricatives, irregularities appear in the lines, due to
interference with the air column as it passes the constrictions of the
mouth passage. Plate xxxvi, fig. i, shows the aspirated /, and the
middle of figure 3 of the plate, rfas spoken in the Hupa language.
The initial sound in the tracing last referred to is s, showing a gradual
smooth curve, and figure 4 of the plate shows coarse, irregular waves
produced by the vibration of the velum in the Hupa sound mentioned
on page 616.

The vowel sounds, which are the most difficult to deal with
from the physiological side because of the difficulty in ascertaining,,
or making a record, of the shape and rigidity of the mouth and
throat chambers in which the vowels resound, are in theory easily

6i8

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

disposed of from the physical side. Theoretically the vowel is a
harmonic series consisting of a fundamental and at least two over-
tones. The individual waves making up a vowel need to be traced,
enlarged, analyzed, and the results expressed in terms of the coeffi-
cients of their fundamental and partial tones. These results may
then be compared with the results obtained from an analysis of the
other vowels of the same language, or of similar vowels of other
languages. The difficulty in practice consists in eliminating, or
allowing for, certain constant errors due to the resonance of the
chamber of the speaking tube and the natural period of vibration of
the diaphragm which must be employed in recording the sounds.

Fig. 24. — Vowel tracer

Hermann ^ and Bevier * have made tracings from the wax cyl-
inders of the phonograph. The former transferred them to smoked
paper, enlai^ng them by means of a system of levers. The lat-
ter successfully employed a mirror and a beam of light for the
same purpose. Scripture made use of the flat disks of the gramo-
phone and a system of levers.* The method employed at the Uni-
versity of California is to make Rousselot tracings direct from the
voice and to enlarge them by microphotography. A rather large
and long rubber speaking tube is employed with a glass diaphragm
2 inches in diameter and .008 of an inch thick (figure 24). The glass
disk is connected at its center with a steel swing-needle which carries

> Hermann, Phonophotographische Untersuchungen^ /., Arch. f. d. Ges. Physiol.,

1889.

2 Bevier, The Acoustic Analysis of the Vowels from the Phonograph Record^ Physi-
cal Review, vol. x, 193 (1900); vol. Xiv, 171 (1902).

• Scripture, Researches in Experimental Phonetics^ Stud. Yale Psychological Labor-
atory, 1899.

GODDARD] MECHANICAL AIDS TO STUDY OF LANGUAGE 619

a Straw with an attached tracing point of horn. The surface of the
cylinder upon which the tracing is made travels at the rate of 28
centimeters (i i ^ inches) per second. The waves so obtained are
analyzed by means of the Le Conte curve analyzer^ after they have
been sufficiently enlarged.

The purely physical effects of language, the sounds themselves,
may be recorded and preserved upon the commercial phonographs,
which employ wax cylinders. There is difficulty in breaking up
the sounds of a strange language so recorded into words and in
connecting these words with their proper meanings. This difficulty
may, in part, be overcome by means of carefully prepared texts
with interlinear translations to accompany each cylinder. It is
greatly to be regretted that phonograph cylinders are not more dur-
able and permanent. Phonograph records, in any case, can never be
sufficient in themselves because they utterly fail to show the physi-
ological processes by which the sounds upon them have been pro-
duced, and after all the manner of making the sound is more
important in the study of language than the sound itself.

University of California,
Berkeley.

'Lc Conte, An Harmonic Analyzer ^ Physical Review, vol. Vli, p. 27 (1898).

RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES AND MYTHS OF THE

MISSION INDIANS^

By CONSTANCE GODDARD DUBOIS

It is to-day extremely difficult to collect the relics of the past
among the Mission Indians, for their condition is in many respects
unique and peculiar. For a hundred and fifty years, since first the
Franciscan missionaries organized them into industrial communities,
they have been under the influence of the white man's civilization,
and this has resulted in the abolishment of primitive habits and cus-
toms, so that a superficial observer may imagine that nothing of the
sort remains. The younger generation of Indians, under our false
system of education, have lost the knowledge of the past Reli-
gious teachers have long inveighed against what they consider
heathenish superstitions. In consequence, the old men, influenced
by the fear of ridicule or blame, are inclined to bury the secrets of
the past from the cognizance of the unsympathetic white man.

But this is not the only cause of the prevailing habit of conceal-
ment. In no other Indian religion, perhaps, was the veil of mystery
so closely drawn ; and the intense, almost fanatical devotion of the
dwindling remnant of old men to the sacred things of their ancient
worship is directly derived from the reverence induced by this means.

Father Boscana, a Franciscan missionary, located about 1825 at
San Juan Capistrano, and working in the region lying back of that
place in the mountains, has left a most valuable account of the habits
and beliefs of the Indians under his charge, including the Serranos
(Luisenos) with some mention of the Dieguenos, the habits of the
tribes being almost identical, though their language and origin are
diverse. With a penetration unequaled at the time, he recorded all
that he was able to observe, and he prefaced his manuscript with a
remark which is well expressed and literally true.

"It is difficult," he says, "if unacquainted with their language,

* Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco,
August 29.

620

DUBOIS] RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES OF MISSION INDIANS 62 1

to penetrate their secrets, as they do not all understand the significa-
tion of their usages and customs, this knowledge being confined to
the chiefs of their tribes, and the old men who officiate as priests ;
and when they reveal anything to their children it is only to such
as they intend to rear for their successors, and these are enjoined to
keep fast the secrets and not communicate them to any one under
pain of severe chastisement. A veil is cast over all their religious
observances, and the mystery with which they are performed seems
to perpetuate respect for them, and preserve an ascendancy over the
people. This is the reason that the ceremonies of the dances in
their grand feasts, which are properly exercises of religion, cannot
be understood."

My friend, the old chief of the Dieguenos, Cinon Duro (Indian
name, Ho-ko-yel Mut-a-weer) has told me some of these sacredly
guarded myths ; but his wrath fell upon his brother Antonio be-
cause he, without permission, had related to me the story of Cuy-
a-ho-mdrr, which I published in the Journal of American Folk-lore
under the title " The Story of Chaup." Each son of the old chief
Quum-ech-loup had his own story with its accompanying songs.
Cinon, the eldest, and successor in the chieftainship, had the relig-
ious myths, the story of creation, the death of the god Tuchaipa, etc.,
together with all the knowledge pertaining to the conduct of the
various religious festivals, a primitive but elaborate ritual full of
exact detail.

Antonio's story was that of Cuy-a-ho-marr ; and the three other
brothers, now dead, had each his story, lost at his death, and exist-
ing only as stray fragments in the memories of the hearers.

In regard to more material relics of the past the same holds
good. A century of civilization has scattered the objects of primi-
tive use. The collector finds little that is distinctive, except those
sacred objects which have been handed down and are jealously
guarded and seldom to be had for money. One reason for the
dearth of objects of use and decoration is the custom, still prevailing
to a limited extent, of burning the house and possessions of the
dead, and of making costly feasts for an anniversary celebration in
honor of the departed. This custom rendered it impracticable to
occupy enduring homes, though the primitive style of building was

622 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

quite substantial. The house was constructed with a framework of
logs set on end to form the walls, and held in place by cross-pieces
supporting slanting rafters at the top. When the frame was made
it was filled with closely wattled brush, and the whole was then
covered with earth, an opening being left for a door, which was
closed with a hanging of deer-skin, while a hole in the apex of the
roof allowed the entrance of light and the egfress of smoke from the
fire in the middle of the floor.

The myths are full of allusions to the house, the door, and the
hole in the roof, while the rafters of the house are referred to as a
hiding place from the search of an enemy.

The primitive r^x^ows fiestas (a convenient Spanish word to ex-
press the gatherings for the important religious ceremonies) were,
1st, the Toloac/ie fiesta, the initiation of boys at puberty; 2d, A-ktel^
the fiesta of the girls* entrance upon womanhood ; 3d, Wu-ka-rui,
the great fiesta of the Images of the Dead, and 4th, the Eagle fiesta
as preparatory to Wii-ka-ruk, and necessary to obtain the feathers
for the decoration of the images and also to make the sacred eagle-
feather skirt for the Eagle dance. There were also numerous minor
ceremonies founded on local beliefs, each requiring an all-night
dance, or several nights of dancing, to the accompaniment of a rattle
or of a basket rubbed and pounded with a stick, etc. At the girls*
fiesta the accompaniment to the song was the striking of two speci-
ally selected ringing or musical stones one upon the other.

The Toloache fiesta was first in importance, since only those
thus initiated could take part in the religious dances and other
tribal ceremonies. Toloache is the Spanish name for the plant
Datura metaloides, of which the Diegueno name is kur-sckd and the
Luiseno nak^ -ta-mush. The roots of this plant were dug according
to custom and ritual, which carefully governed each act in every
ceremonial. The Dieguenos dug only two roots, and only those
running toward the north were selected.

A great bonfire, the largest used in any fiesta, was lighted, the
flames reaching high into the air.

The song of the pounding of the root, chd'k-e, chd'k-e^ etc., in-
troduced the ceremony. The chief sat bending forward over the
toloache mortera^ the large stone mortar, perfect in shape, brought

DUBOIS] RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES OF MISSION INDIANS 623

out only on this occasion and carefully buried from sight during the
rest of the year. The roots were placed within it, and, lifting the
heavy pestle, he expressed the juice in time to the solemn chant,
pausing at intervals to give a curious grunt or groaning expiration
used in many of the dances. Among the Luisenos the dried root
was used and ground into powder.

The juice or the powdered root being mixed with water in a
large bowl, the drink was doled out to the candidates for initiation in
smaller stone bowls of symmetrical shape and great sacredness. In
the center of the sacred house, a brush enclosure (casa grande), the
chief had made preparation for the occasion by painting upon the
ground with paint and variegated sands and heaps of differently
colored seeds, a representation of various figures of mystic signifi-
cance. He depicted the world with its mountains, rivers, and lakes ;
the rattlesnake, object of dread ; and more terrible still, because less
understood, the figure of the Milky Way, Ha-taUkurr (signifying
' backbone,* because it is the backbone of the sky). Boscana, not
knowing its significance, calls this " the uncouth and ridiculous fig-
ure of an animal."

The youths were instructed in their future duties as members of
the tribe and participants in the ceremonies, and were threatened
with dire punishment if they should prove recalcitrant. Ha-tat-
kurr would break their backs or deprive them of sight if they failed
in the appointed way of life. After each had partaken of the intoxi-
cating drink, the dance began. The men crawled in on all fours
with strange cries and groans as of the animals which they appar-
ently represented. Men and women took part, dancing in rows,
the men in feathered head-dresses, the hechiccros (' witch-doctors,'
'shamans') with their wonder-working plumed sticks tied with
bunches of tecolote (Spanish Mexican for ' owl ') or yellow-ham-
mer feathers ; the initiated youths (each being led and supported
by his sponsor, as we might say) dancing with the rest. Soon the
madness of the toloache intoxication began to manifest itself in
wandering senses and benumbed limbs ; but as long as they could
stand the youths were dragged forward, half carried in the dance,
till at last they sank into a helpless stupor. When this stage was
reached, they were given into the guardianship of some of the aged

624 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

men and women who relieved each other in keeping watch over
them lest they should stray away into the wilderness and be de-
stroyed. For twenty-four hours or more they remained in this con-
dition, and for three days they fasted from all food and drink, while
for a month or more thereafter they could eat neither meat nor salt

Boscana gives a full description of this fiesta, and he brings out,
as it is impossible for the modem observer to do, its importance as
leading the initiated to acquaintance with his totem animal.

" That they might know the class of animal," he says, " which
the god had selected for their particular veneration, a kind of drink
was administered to them made from a plant which was reduced to
a powder and mixed with other intoxicating ingredients. Soon after
taking this preparation they became insensible, and for three days
were deprived of any sustenance whatever. During this period
they were attended by some old men and women who were contin-
ually exhorting them to be on the alert and not to sleep for fear the
coyote, the bear, the crow, or the rattlesnake might come ; to ob-
serve if it were furious or gentle, and to inquire of the first that
should come what were its desires. The poor Indian, thus intoxi-
cated, without food or drink, suffering under delirium, beheld all
kinds of visions ; and when he made known that he had seen any
particular being who explained the observances required of him,
then they gave him to eat and to drink and made a grand feast, at
the same time advising him to be particular in obeying the com-
mands of the mysterious apparition." Old Indians have told me
that after they had drunk the toloache the earth shone with dazzling
colors ; the commonest objects were transformed into beauty and
colored with rainbow hues. They felt for a time possessed of
power, wealth, and importance. Not every one saw an animal in a
vision. Those who had this experience were distinguished above
the rest. They might become hechiccros or possess powers denied
to the ordinary man.

At the conclusion of the dance, while the fire was still burning,
the hechiccros^ of whom there would be many in the company,
would stand about in a circle, and, placing their plumed sticks or
curved swallowing sticks in their mouths, would in some unex-
plained way expel from their stomachs a quantity of liquid sufficient
to extinguish the fire.

DUBOIS] RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES OF MISSION INDIANS 625

The ceremony for girls, called A-keel in Dieguefto, Wu-kun-
isch in Luisefto, was conducted in a somewhat similar way, the sand
painting and the threat of Ha-tat-kurr's vengeance in case of diso-
bedience being the same in both.

The girl was placed in a hole dug in the ground (which had
been heated by a fire for some time previous), which was covered
above and lined beneath with boughs. She too must fast for several
days, and for a long time refrain from everything but acorn mush,
or pinole, eating no meat or salt. Sometimes, voluntarily, the girl
would extend her fast from meat and salt for a year, or even for
two years, in the belief that this would conduce to her bodily health
and vigor.

The fiesta of the Images was one of the most important cere-
monies. It is still occasionally performed in a modified and mod-
ernized manner ; but in the old days it required a year's prepara-
tion, and great elaboration and expense. In the first place the
eagle must be killed in a prescribed manner to furnish the feathers
for the decoration of the images. A young eagle was secured in
the spring and kept in captivity until it was fully grown, when it
was killed, as Boscana says, " without shedding a drop of blood."
This was done by pressure upon the lungs and heart. The red
tail-feathers of the yellow-hammer were also obtained, a great num-
ber of the birds being slain to secure them. These as well as the
owl feathers were sacred to religious use. To make the images,
first of all a woven matting was manufactured by taking a certain
kind of tall slim rush for the warp and twine of mescal or yucca or
milkweed fiber for the woof. The same sort of matting was used to
wrap up sacred bundles, hechicero sticks, etc.

When the matting was ready it was slit with a knife in two
parts, which, being rolled up separately, made the legs. The upper
part, for the chest, was strengthened by two sticks laid diagonally
crossed upon it. The head was made of the matting with a crooked
oak stick carefully selected as to shape, placed in the proper posi-
tion for the nose. The face was covered with cloth, in early days
with buckskin, and the mouth was painted red outside and black
within, where teeth carefully shaped from pearls, obtained from the
coast, or something resembling them, were inserted. The eyes

626 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

were of abalone shell, with the pupil a dot of black wax. Human
hair was put upon the head. The face was painted and decorated
with glistening powdered mica stuck on with thick black mescal
juice. The characteristic features of the dead man whofti the image
represented were reproduced as closely as possible. The finest
decorations were then placed upon the figure : bunches of eagle and
of yellow-hammer feathers were stuck upon the shoulders, and
strings of beads and other ornaments were disposed upon it
Around the neck was hung a net like a small carrying net, holding
two tiny decorated oUas to contain food and drink for the spirit on
its journey through the unseen world.

At the beginning of the fiesta a ramada, or brush building,
was constructed, circular except at one end, where it was square.
The building of this, like every act connected with the fiesta, was
done in a prescribed manner according to an elaborate ritual. Each
part of the ramada had a name, and a song connected with its con-
struction.

If continued for a week the dance was performed every other
night. In later times the fiesta lasted only four days and was held
every night. While the dancing went on the songs were sung, as
is the case with every ceremony, being started by the leader of
the dance and taken up by the dancers, the women's voices rising in
an accompanying chorus. Where to-day the singers profess their
ignorance of the meaning of the songs of the different dances, it is
by no means because, as some have judged, they are in an archaic
language, but by reason of the fact that the story of the songs has
been forgotten, having been known in perfection only to the chief
or leader of the fiestas. The only exception to this is in the war
dance, the songs of which are in the Kawia language, hence their
signification is unknown to the Dieguenos, who speak a distinct
tongue. The story of the songs has always a religious purport ;
but each song is only a part of the whole, advancing the narrative
by slow degrees or connected in idea with the main subject.

The Image fiesta is called Wii-ka-ruk in Diegueno, and the
songs that accompany it are called Cha! -yo-tai^ , Any subject con-
nected with death would be appropriate for these songs. For in-
stance, one song refers to two brothers who were traveling together

DUBOIS] RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES OF MISSION INDIANS 627

when one was bitten by a rattlesnake. He died of the bite, and his
brother was afraid of his spirit, which was following and terrifying
him. Another song celebrates Ish-pa, the Eagle, killed to make
the fiesta, and describes his feelings when he knows that death is
near. Another song of Wii-ka-nik tells of the death of Tu-chai-pa,
which was brought about by the evil machinations of the frog.

At a certain point in the dance the images are lifted and carried
about by the dancers, who dance in rows, first the men and then
the women. On the last night of the ceremony the images are
thrown into the fire and are consumed, together with rich gifts of
clothing, baskets, etc. A great feast is then held, but the relatives
of the dead must not eat. The sanction for this fiesta, as for all the
religious ceremonies, is to be found in the myths. I will give one
of these, told by an aged Indian of Manzanita. I call it :

The Origin of Song and Dance

In early days, when people first were made, at the mountain called
Wik-a-mee, in the Mohave country, they wanted to give an Image dance,
but no one knew how to perform it. No one then had any songs or any
knowledge of the ceremonies of the fiestas. So they said, ** What shall
we do ? How shall we manage it ?' *

Then some one said, ** I know a place where a man lives who can
give us a song and dance. * '

So they appointed a man to go far to the south, to where, in the
islands of the ocean, lived Mai-ha-o-witt, who was able to teach them how
to do it. But the messenger said : ** How can I go? If I go by land I
shall be devoured by some animal, and if I go by sea I shall be destroyed. ' *
Then they said : ** Make yourself the foam of the waves and float along
on top of the water ; but watch carefully that nothing swallows you, for
in that way alone can you be destroyed. " So he turned himself into the
foam of the waves, and floated southward on top of the water that carried
him down. But there was in the middle of the river Something with wide
open jaws lying in wait to swallow all that came that way. And in the
great mouth the foam was swallowed up so that he could go no farther.
He was in darkness, but he groped about and felt all around him with
his hands. ** It must be that I was swallowed," he said. So he reached
out, and got a flint knife, and cut open the belly of the thing, and got
out and went on his way.

He came to the islands of the sea where Mai-ha-o-witt was living.

AM. ANTH. N. S., 7—49

,1
'.I

M
l!'

.tl

! I

!:i

1 I

628 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

"Who is there?*' asked Mai-ha-o-witt.

"It is I."

* * And what do you want, coming where it is impossible for man to
come ? ' '

** We want to make the fiesta of Images, but no one knows how to do
it. They told us you could teach us, and I ask that you will come to our
home and show us how it should be done."

** I consent. Go home and I will come. Make everything ready, and
clear the road. Make a ramada, but do not go inside of it. Then watch
for my coming.'*

When the messenger reached his home he told them that Mai-ha-o-
witt was coming, and day and night they kept watch for him. He came.
He had a head like a snake, and a long body, very long, and he came
through the air, resting himself on the tops of the mountains that border
the river, making a white streak running from south to north which can
still be seen. When he reached Wik-a-mee his head came first, and
then he came crawling into the ramada, coil upon coil, until he had filled
the place.

The people were afraid, and one man threw a lighted brand on top
of the ramada so that it began to bum, and the body burned. The great
tail curled up with the heat, and the body burst open, and out came fiery
matter which flew through the air, and the people swallowed it. From
this came all knowledge and power of song. Every one who swallowed
this matter knew at once how to sing and the meaning of all the songs
and ceremonies. So the body burned until all was consumed but the
head, and this broke loose and rolled down to the river where it can still
be seen as a great cave in the rocks.

Then they began at Wik-a-mee to make all the songs for the fiestas
and dances ; and from there the knowledge spread to the western Indians,
those who lived at Manzanita, and elsewhere. That is the reason also
why the dead are burned.

So far I have referred chiefly to the Dieguenos, but this paper
would be incomplete if no mention was made of the religion of the
Luisenos.

The two tribes were separated by a lofty mountain ridge which
formed a natural barrier, by no means insurmountable, since con-
stant intercourse was carried on by means of its rugged trails. But
it marked the natural limit to the migratory progress of the Die-
gueiios in this direction, while toward the south and east they were

DUBOIS] RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES OF MISSION INDIANS 629

connected through the mountain passes with the desert across which
they had originally come. The Luisenos, on the contrary, through
the open valleys of Temecula, San Luis Rey, Pala, etc., had their
natural connections 'with the members of their family who lived
near the coast.

The religion of Chung-itch-nish, with its reverent mystery and
awe-inspiring ceremonies, came ^originally from this direction, and
impressing itself upon the Dieguenos mingled its ideas with their
myths, merging the characters of Chung-itch-nish and Oui-ot, en-
tirely distinct in Luiseno conception, with the Diegueno Tu-chai-pa,
who dies like Oui-ot, and is worshiped like Chung-itch-nish.

The Luisenos claim that the sacred ceremony of the toloache in-
toxication was original with them and was taught by them to the
Dieguenos, and this is undoubtedly the case. In their creation
myth the tam-yush (stone pots and mortars for the Toloache fiesta)
were (as people originally) the first-bom children of the Earth-
mother, and were sent by her abroad — north, south, east, and west.

It is interesting to note that the account which Boscana gives of
the belief of the mountain Indians concerning Chung-itch-nish
(whom he calls Chin-ig-chin-ich) and Oui-ot can be verified to-day
in the remote mountain reservation of La JoUa (not to be con-
founded with the La Jolla on the coast), and the creation myth as
he gives it is substantially the same as that told by the old men
among the Luisenos who still preserve the memory of the past.
These interesting myths will be published elsewhere.

Waterbury,

Connecticut.

1 1

I
I ,

THE NAMING OF SPECIMENS IN AMERICAN

ARCHEOLOGY '

By C. PEABODY and W. K. MOOREHEAD

That the present nomenclature of American archeology is un-
satisfactory is felt by all students. Some reasons for this may be
given, as well as reasons for devising a better one :

1. As detailed study of specimens becomes more common,
stricter classifications arise ; classification is ineffective without ade-
quate names.

2. There are at present too many specimens in the " unknown "
class, or, as Professor Holmes puts it, the "problematical *' class.

3. The present naming of classes is too loose, entailing a multi-
plicity of headings loosely applied ; for instance, in a certain study *
of stone ornaments there are one hundred and fifly-six headings,
and in the excellent classification of Mr Douglass' collection of
objects * there are ninety-one.

4. In the present system there are names of unscientific or un-
dignified use or application ; for instance : " star-arrangements,"
** mineral lumps " (Douglass), " perforated plates.'* *

5. There are names that assume uses not proved, and that should
be written in quotation marks ; for instance : ** plummets," " bar-
amulets."

6. There are terms indefinite in application ; for instance : '* club-
stones" (Douglass), ** pitted" and ** cupped stones," ''banner-
stones," ** spool-shape ornaments";'^ and the general classes of
stones given the compound titles ending in ** -shape " or **-like."

7. There are English names not closely defined or that are sub-
ject to variation in meaning with time or place ; for instance :

^ Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco,
August 30.

* Study prepared by C. Peabody.

*Cf. A. E. Douglass, Bull. Am. Mus. of Nat. Hist., N. V., vol. viii, art. x.
*C(. W. H. Holmes, Ar/ t/t Shell, Second Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 1880-81, p. 264, ff.
«Cf. Gerard Fowke, Stone Art , Thirteenth Rep. Bur. Ethnol., i89i-'92, p. 125.

630

peabody-moorkhead] naming OF SPECIMENS 63 1

"bowls," "pot-shapecj vessels," "wide-mouthed bottles," "high-
necked bottles," "ordinary forms," " eccentric forms." *

8. There are sometimes two or more names for the same object ;
for example: "spade," "spud," "hoe," "gorget;" "disc," "dis-
coid," "discoidal," "bicave stone," " chungke-stone ;" "skinner,"
"flesher," "celt."

9. There is sometimes a single name for two or more distinct
classes; for instance: " gorget " = " bracer," "breast-ornament,"
" pendant," " shuttle " ; " ceremonial " covers a multitude of ignor-
ances ; " pendant " is an)^ing perforated apparently for suspension.

10. It is desirable to introduce to the general public names that
may be substituted for the common and commonplace "toma-
hawk," " dart,"^ " arrowhead," "idol," etc.

11. In pottery, especially, a more definite and consistent nomen-
clature, based perhaps on the classical differentiations, is needed.

12. The spelling and form of present names should be made
uniform ; cf. " disk," " disc " ; " -shape," " -shaped."

13. A system of names should be devised that needs a minimum
of interpretation for foreign scholars.

14. Authority is needed wherewith to establish or condemn new
words; for instance : "Amerind," "artifact," " nomenology."

In American archeology the complete classification has not yet
been thought out. It should be possible for a committee of the
American Anthropological Association to make or to adopt a classi-
fication, at least provisional, in each material — stone, bone, shell,
horn, clay, wood, etc. — and then to give definite names to definite
types in each material. The types should be based on shape and
size or both, and the uses when known, or at any rate on character-
istics recognizable in the subdivisions. For instance, the objects,
generally of decorative stone, known as " ceremonials," should be
renamed and those most clearly defined given a nomenclature not
subject to change in the vernacular.

In like manner one may proceed with " discs " (often not discs
at all), with vases, with bone objects, etc.

There will remain a large majority of objects refusing absolute

> Cf. W. H. Holmes, Ancient Pottery of the Mississippi Valley ^ Fourth Rep. Bur.
Ethnol., 1 882-' 83, contents, pp. vii, viii.

632 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

certainty of classification ; it would be well to establish a limitation
of classes, such that a specimen, otherwise unknown, can be de-
scribed as possessing certain characteristics of, say, Class A, certain
others of, say, Class B. A picture, partial at any rate, is then pre-
sented to the mind of the reader.

The nomenclature of the natural sciences is not ideal, but it is
fairly definite, and the use of the so-called dead languages takes it
out of the region of variation in meaning.

Latin and Greek names for American objects are difficult for the
untrained, through whom many specimens are procured, but a
judicious compromise between the unbending Classics and the fluc-
tuating English should be possible.

It is necessary that the naming should be clear and dignified,

and if results are to follow an investigation they must bear the stamp

of a national organization. Such an inquiry would be a g^teful act

on the part of the American Anthropological Association to attempt.

Phillips Academy,

Andover, Massachusetts.

[Note. — At the San Francisco meeting of the Association a committee was ap-
pointed to consider and report on the feasibility of carrying out the suggestion made by
the authors. — Editor, '\

A FEW ETHNOLOGICAL SPECIMENS COLLECTED

BY LEWIS AND CLARK ^

BY CHARLES C. WILLOUGHBY

The loss to American ethnology by the breaking up and partial
destruction of the earlier collections of examples of modem Indian
handicraft can be appreciated only by those familiar with the com-
paratively few remaining specimens of the liigher class of these ob-
jects collected previous to the middle of the nineteenth century.
The relatively small collection brought together by Catlin, for ex-
ample, probably contained more choice specimens of the earlier
handiwork of the modem tribes of the Siouan culture area than all
the museums of America can ever hope to bring together from other
sources. A few of the objects collected by Catlin escaped destruc-
tion and are preserved in the National Museum, the Free Museum
of Science and Art of Philadelphia, and the Peabody Museum of
Harvard University. These examples, however, represent but a
very small part of the original collection.

The ethnological material brought together by Gov. William Clark
in his museum at St Louis seems to have suffered a fate similar to
that of the greater portion of the Catlin collection. Many of Gov-
ernor Clark's specimens were probably collected by the Lewis and
Clark expedition. Catlin, being a friend of Clark's, had access to
his museum and profited by it. He also obtained from Clark a
number of objects from the Columbia river region which are gener-
ally supposed to have been collected by Catlin. Some of these are
in the National Museum. There are in the Peabody Museum at
Cambridge two Chinook cradles and a wedge for splitting wood
which were in the Catlin collection and doubtless originally be-
longed to Clark's museum.

The first winter quarters of the Lewis and Clark expedition,
Fort Mandan, was situated on the left bank of the Missouri, seven

^ Presented at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Berkeley,
California, August 31.

633

634 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

or eight miles below the mouth of Knife river, in central North
Dakota. It was in the heart of the Indian country, and the mem-
bers of the expedition were in communication not only with the In-
dians of that vicinity but with the Assiml>oin, Cree, and other re-
mote tribes. This afforded an unusual opportunity for collecting
objects illustrating the ethnography of the region. It will always
be a source of regret that such an opportunity was allowed to
pass with so little accomplished.

On April 3, 1805, the packing of the articles obtained during
the winter was completed and a list prepared of the specimens con-
tained in the three cages, four boxes, and large trunk. These were
sent to St Louis upon the barge which started on its return trip on
April 7. They ** reached Mr Jefferson and some of them were long
on view at Monticello. Others passed to Peale's Museum in Phila-
delphia." * A list of these objects can be found in the first volume
of the recently published ** Original Journals of the Lewis and
Clark Expedition." In the following condensed list only the eth-
nological material is enumerated in detail.

Box I : A Mandan bow and quiver of arrows with some Ari-
kara tobacco seed, besides several natural history specimens.
, Box 2 : Four buffalo robes and an ear of Mandan com.

Box 4 : Natural history specimens and '* an earthen pot such as
the Mandans manufacture and use for culinary purposes."

In the large trunk were packed several natural history speci-
mens, some Arikara tobacco, a Mandan robe, a " buffalo robe painted
by a Mandan man representing a battle fought eight years since by
the Sioux and Recaras [Arikara] against the Mandans, Menitarras
and Ah-wah-har-ways [Amahawi], Mandans &c on horse back."
Also a Minnetaree buffalo ** robe containing some articles of Indian
dress,'' which unfortunately are not listed in detail. It is very prob-
able, however, that the objects shown in plates xxxvii and xxxviii,
a, b, were a part of the contents of this package.
I The Charles Wilson Peale Museum, at Philadelphia, where

I many of the specimens collected by this expedition were sent either

by Mr Jefferson or by Lewis and Clark personally, was established
in 1785 and had a successful existence of nearly fifty years. It was

1 Elliott Coues, History of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, vol. I, p. 250, note.

wiLLOUGHBY] SPECIMENS FROM LEWIS AND CLARK 63$

finally discontinued and a part of its collections, probably a majority,
passed to the well-known Boston Museum which in its earlier days
was as noted for its cases of wax figures, its ethnological and natural
history collections, and historical objects as for its theater. In the
winter of 1 898-99, a fire broke out in the Boston Museum, but did
little damage to the collections in the exhibition galleries. In the
following spring the interior of the building was repaired and par-
tially remodeled, and the museum which gave to the famous play-
house its name was discontinued, the collections being distributed
as gifts among the museums of Boston and vicinity. The Peabody
Museum of Harvard University received the valuable ethnological
collection, which included the following objects as well as several
other specimens probably also collected by Lewis and Clark, in-
cluding the Mandan bow noted in the above list. The label be-
longing with the bow has unfortunately been lost and there is no
satisfactory proof of its identity.

Raven Skin Badges of Office

Plate XXXVII, a, b, c, shows three badges of office such as were worn
by certain individuals belonging to various tribes of the Siouan and
other linguistic families. The group shown at a was attached to
the back of the girdle in such a way as to stand out horizontally.
Those shown at b, r, hung, one from each arm, at the elbow.
Similar ornaments are seen in position in portraits painted by King
and Catlin. These badges were worn by trustworthy men ap-
pointed by the chief An idea of their duties may be derived from
the following account by Lewis and Clark ^ of one seen among the
Teton Okandanda :

** While on shore to-day we witnessed a quarrel between two squaws,
which appeared to be growing every moment more boisterous, when a
man came forward, at whose approach every one seemed terrified and
ran. He took the squaws and without any ceremony whipped them se-
verely. On inquiring into the nature of such summary justice we learned
that this man was an officer well known to this and many other tribes.
His duty is to keep the peace, and the whole interior police of the village
is confided to two or three of these officers who are named by the chief

) Lewis and Clark, op. cit., pp. 140, 141.

636 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

and remain in power some days, at least till the chief appoints a successor.
They seem to be a kind of constable or sentinel, since they are always on
the watch to keep tranquility during the day and guard the camp at
night. The short duration of the office is compensated by its authority.
His power is supreme, and in the suppression of any riot or disturbance
no resistance to him is suffered ; his person is sacred, and if in the execu-
tion of his duty he strikes even a chief of the second class, he cannot be
punished for this salutary insolence. In general he accompanies the per-
son of the chief and when ordered to any duty, however dangerous, it is
a point of honor rather to die than to refuse obedience. Thus when they
attempted to stop us yesterday, the chief ordered one of these men to take
possession of the boat ; he immediately put his arm around the mast, and,
as we understood, no force except the command of the chief would have
induced him to release his hold. Like the other men his body is black-
ened but his distinguishing mark is a collection of two or three ravens'
skins fixed to the girdle behind the back in such a way that the tails stick
out horizontally from the body. On his head too is a raven- skin split
into two parts, and tied so as to let the beak project from the forehead."

The badge worn at the back (pi. xxxvii, a) consists of an oblong
piece of rawhide to which are attached four raven skins with the
legs removed. These are in a fairly good state of preservation, al-
though but one retains all of its symbolic appendages. The front
part of each skin is stuffed with a roll of buckskin which projects
and is turned upward and backward. The beak and skin of the
head and neck are fastened to the end of this roll so that the beak
rests upon the back of the skin, as shown more clearly in the arm
ornament, b. The upper mandible is perforated about half an inch
from its tip and to it, at this point, are attached four of the inner
webs stripped from the tail-feathers of the hawk or the owl. These
webs have been dyed red.

At a point between the base of the bill and the eye is attached,
upon each side, a loop of rawhide about three inches in length. The
strip forming the loop is about one-fourth of an inch in width and is
wound with porcupine quills or thin strips from feather shafts, dyed.
The outer third of the loop is red, the inner two thirds yellow.
These colors are separated by a single brown quill. At the base of
each loop, and fastened to it by sinew wrappings, is a tuft of horse-
hair, about twelve inches long, dyed red.

wiLLOUGHBY] SPECIMENS FROM LEWIS AND CLARK 637

The wings are closed and brought together beneath the body
and tied with sinew. A carefully finished strip of hard wood, about
eleven inches long and a little more than a fourth of an inch wide,
is fastened to the inner side of the outer quills of each wing. These
are wrapped with porcupine quills in their natural color or dyed
red, and what appear to be split roots colored black. These
wrappings are arranged so as to form bands and figures which vary
in the different birds. Each end of the stick is ornamented with a
tuft of horse-hair, dyed red, wrapped with a strip of ermine skin
where it is attached to the stick. Both tufts fall in the same direc-
tion away from the head.

A third strip of wood, a little wider than the others and orna-
mented in the same way, is joined to the base of the tail beneath
the coverts and extends along the upper side, where it is fastened
to the shafts of the upper feathers. The design formed by the
arrangement of the quill wrappings upon these tail-pieces was evi-
dently the same in each of the four birds. Beginning at the base
of the tail for a space of about an inch, the wrapping is of white
quills followed by black squares upon a white ground, then two
inches of white with a black cross in the center, then an inch and
a half of alternating brown and white transverse stripes. Below
this are three inches of orange divided into three sections by bands
of white, each two quills in width.

The central portion of the web of the feathers upon one side of
each tail has been stripped from each side of the shafts for about
three inches with the exception of the central feathers and the outer
feather which have the web removed from the inner side only. Two
of the birds have the webs removed from the left side of the tail and
two from the right side.

The raven ornaments worn at the elbow (pi. xxxvii, b, c) lack the
four pendant feathers of the beak, and the webs have not been stripped
from one side of the tail. The quill designs also differ slightly,
otherwise they are the same as the four skins forming the back
piece. Specimen 6 is in nearly perfect condition, but c is somewhat
dilapidated. It is probable that the three pieces belonged to the same
outfit.

One of the arm-pieces was accompanied with an old printed label

638 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

of the Peale Museum which reads : " Ornament Worn upon the

elbow by the Sioux Indians. Collected by Captains Lewis and

Clarke."

Mandan Buffalo Robe

The label belonging with the specimen shown in plate xxxviii, r,
has been lost, but there can be no question as to the identity of the
robe. We learn from the list, already quoted, that the battle repre-
sented thereon was fought about the year 1 797 by the Sioux and
Ankara against the Mandan, Minnetaree, and " Ah-wah-har-ways,"
and that the "Mandans &c" were on horseback. There are sixty-
four Indians shown in the painting, twenty of whom are mounted.
With one exception the figures are outlined in brownish-black.
This exception is the mounted warrior just above the nuddle of the
central line of quills and to the left of the stooping figure shooting
an arrow. This mounted Indian is red with black head and hair.
He carries a green shield with concentric circles of red, having a
yellow center. Some of the other shields are painted with these
colors, differently grouped. The horses are outlined in brownish
black. Some of their bodies are painted brown, others yellow or
red. A few "calico" horses are represented.

The contestants are armed with spears, bows and arrows, guns,
and tomahawks, a few individuals having both guns and bows and
arrows. A number are shown in the act of shooting arrows,
throwing spears, or striking with tomahawks. The latter weapon
is represented sticking in the head of two or three individuals.

The central dividing line is wrought with porcupine quills in

white, black, green, red, and yellow. It is probably symbolic of a

path or trail connected in some way with the battle shown in the

picture.

Otter-skin Bag

The quill-ornamented otter-skin bag shown in plate xxxvii, rf, is an
unusually fine example of a ** medicine-bag *' used in the ceremonies
of the widely distributed Shell Society and as a receptacle for the
shell and other sacred objects. Catlin figures similar bags which he
calls tobacco pouches. The old printed label of the Peale Museum
accompanying this reads as follows : " Sioux Tobacco Pouch. Sent
to Capts. Lewis and Clark by the Sock [Sauk] Nation. Presented

WILLOUGHBY] SPECIMENS FROM LEWIS AND CLARK 639

by Capts. Lewis and Clarke." The skin is uncut with the excep-
tion of a slit in the throat through which the body of the animal was
removed, and the underside of the tail which was split its entire
length and opened flat. The feet, underside of the tail, and the
anal opening are covered with pieces of buckskin dressed without
the hair and ornamented with elaborate designs in porcupine quills,
the colors being black, white, and orange. The tail-piece is bordered
upon the sides and the feet coverings upon their lower edges with
pendants of tin and deer hair. A looped ornament of buckskin
wrapped with quills is fastened to each ear. These probably have
a significance similar to that of the looped ornaments at each side of
the ravens* heads illustrated in the same plate.

Cree WomerC s Dresses

The two garments shown in plate xxxviii a, ^, are of unusual
interest, as they illustrate a very rare type of dress. They were un-
doubtedly obtained from the party of Cree (Knisteneaux) that came
down from the vicinity of the Saskatchewan river in November, 1 804,
to Fort Mandan. Clark writes : " Our Interpeter informs that 70
Lodges one of 3 bands of Assinniboins & some Crestinoes [Knis-
teneaux] are at the Mandan Village. The Crestinoes are aW 300
(240) men Speak the Chipaway Language the[y] live near Fort
De prari (on Assiniboin & Assaskashawan) they are bands of the
Chippeways." *

The native dress of a Knisteneaux woman is thus described by
Mackenzie }

* * The female dress is formed of the same material [moose skin] as
those of the other sex but of a different make and arrangement. Their
shoes are commonly plain and their leggings gartered beneath the knee.
The coat or body covering falls down to the middle of the leg and is
fastened over the shoulder with cords, a flap or cape turning down about
eight inches before and behind and agreeably ornamented with quill work
and fringe ; the bottom is also fringed and fancifully painted as high as
the knee. As it is very loose it is enclosed round the waist with a stiff
belt decorated with tassels and fastened behind. The arms are covered

* Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition^ Thwaites cd., 1 905, vol.
I, p. 222.

^Voyages^ vol. I, pp. xc, xd.

640 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

to the wrist with detached sleeves, which arc sewed as far as the bend of
the arm ; from whence they are drawn up to the neck, and the comers of
them fall down behind as low as the waist. The cap when they wear
one, consists of a certain quantity of leather or cloth, sewed at one end,
by which means it is kept on the head, and, hanging down the back, is
fastened to the belt as well as under the chin. The upper garment is a
robe like that worn by the men. Their hair is divided on the crown and
tied behind, or sometimes fastened in large knots over the ears."

The dresses illustrated are alike on both sides and are each
made of two nearly rectangular pieces of skin of about equal size,
dressed without the hair. The piece forming the upper portion of
the garment is folded horizontally through the center, then perpen-
dicularly in the middle. A slit is cut through the upper half of the
second fold for one arm. The upper folded edges are joined over
the shoulders with a short strap and thongs, but the side for the
other arm is left open. The second piece forming the skirt is
broader at the lower edge to give fulness. It is folded once per-
pendicularly and the edges at the right side are sewed together.
The skirt is then joined to the upper part of the garment by sewing
its upper edge to the lower edge of the inner fold of the waist
There is an ornamental band about two inches in width joined at its
upper edge to each skirt not far from the bottom. Both garments
are ornamented with the characteristic linear designs used upon
women's clothing in early times.

The upper portion of the dress shown at a is ornamented with
blue beads and brass buttons, doubtless obtained from the Hudson
Bay Company traders. Below are horizontal and perpendicular
bands of lines seared with a hot bone. The skirt is decorated with
symbolic lines and bars in blue, green, yellow, red, and white por-
cupine quills, with tufts of red worsted at intervals. The applied
band near the bottom is covered with a blue bead ground-work with
transverse ladder-like bars of white beads. This is bordered on the
lower edge with pendants of tin and deer hair. The primary func-
tion of this ornamental band is probably to strengthen the lower
portion of the skirt.

The accompanying label, written in the same hand as many
others from the Peale Museum, is as follows: "Indian Hunting

nd Arikuiji SKiiioi ihiMindnn, Minilari, and " Ali»uhlutivay>" |An
INDIAN OBJECTS COLLECTED BY CAPTAINS LEWVi »»WJ *;

willoughby] specimens OF LEWIS AND CLARK 64 1

Shirt made of Buf&Io skin. This was formerly owned and worn by
Capt Clark in his Exploring Expedition. Presented to Peale's
Museum by Capt. Lewis and Clark."

The other dress {S) is ornamented with painted lines and char-
acteristic figures in red and black. A bar along the upper part of
the waist, the disks on the breast, the band near the bottom of the
skirt, and the ornamental figures just above this band are wrought
with blue and green beads. The label, written in the same hand as
the other, reads : " Indian Hunting Shirt formerly owned by Capt.
Lewis. Presented to Peale's Museum by Capt. Lewis and Clark."

Peabody Museum, Harvard University,
Cambridge, Mass.

MAYA DATES ^
By J. T. GOODMAN

The more comprehensive paper I had prepared for this occasion
was found to be too long. It is as well, perhaps, for the only gen-
eral interest in my subject is as to just how old the Maya ruins are.

Many efforts have been made to satisfy that curiosity ; they can
be only guess-work, however, until the ancient Maya chronology is
aligned with ours. But one possible way of doing this exists : that
is, by correlating the Xiu and Archaic chronological calendars.
There have been several attempts in that line, but those I have seen
were based on mistaken premises and therefore must of necessity be
wrong.

It is not certain the thing can be done even by the use of proper
data ; but as our only present hope of coordinating the Archaic
dates with ours lies in such a correlation, I have deemed it worth
while to make one as correct as possible.

There are two chief obstacles. If we could be sure they were
overcome without violence, not a particle of doubt would remain.

The first is that the katuns were computed differently in the
two systems — the Archaic reckoning by a cycle of 20 katuns, the
Xius by one of 1 3 ; the former numbered in the order of their suc-
cession, the latter designated by their terminal day number.

But this objection seems to vanish in face of the fact that the
Archaic system, in addition to its 20-katun cycle, had a 13-katun
count also — specified for some reason as '* the 16-day reckoning "
— in which the katuns were designated by their terminal day num-
ber, exactly as in the Yucatec plan.

I will state here, by the way, that I have found good reasons in
the inscriptions for revising my chronological calendar in one par-
ticular. The signs which I thought indicated the beginning really

* Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Berkeley,
California, August 31.

642

GOODMAN] MAYA DATES 643

denote the end ; so that what appears in the tables as the first day
of an ahau, katun, cycle, or great cycle is, instead, the last day of
that period. Fortunately the numbering is such that no change
will be required in that respect. The notation of dates will be
exactly the same as now, only it will mark the end, not the begin-
ning, of the periods recorded. Thus the two calendars are brought
into conformity in this important regard.

The second obstacle is that the annual calendars of the systems
in question do not agree, there being a difference of one in the
month numbers of the days. But that difficulty also seems to dis-
appear under examination.

It is certain the Xius migrated from a region where the Archaic
calendar was in use, for the style of chronological reckoning they
brought with them and preserved to the last does not accord with
that of any other of the Maya branches, as the Quiches or
Cakchiquels.

Now, what would likely happen when a people settled in a
country where a different calendar was in vogue ? As they came
into intercourse with the older settlers they would naturally, for the
sake of convenience, adopt the current day and year count, but retain
their chronological one in order to keep their records unbroken.

It is evident that precisely this happened with the Xius in their
new home. Two of the chronicles state that ** Pop was put in
order " shortly after they came in contact with the Itzas. As men-
tion of this fact occurs only in the chronicles of the Xius, as they
did not conform their chronological count to the standard of their
neighbors, and as there was no necessity for any other change, this
in all likelihood refers to their adoption of the Yucatec annual
calendar.

Whatever period it may have been necessary to intercalate or
cancel to effect this change — whether but a day, or years — one
consideration had to be kept in view : the order of their chronological
count must not be disturbed.

Now, that order did not consist merely of every katun ending
with a number two less than its predecessor. It involved the regular
succession of seventy-three different month dates as well, any disar-
rangement of whose sequence would throw their chronology into

AM ANTHK , N. S , 7-43

644 AMERICAN ANTHR0P0L0GIS7 [n. s., 7, 1905

confusion. Hence, supposing the change to have been made at the
close of a katun ending with 13 Ahau-17 Pop (as it was), the suc-
ceeding katun must terminate with 1 1 Ahau-2 Pax, however much
it had to be lengthened or shortened in order to do so, else the
whole Xiu chronological scheme would have been thrown into
disorder.

That no other change was made is certain from the facts that the
Xius did not align their katun count with that of the Itzas, Cocoms,
and Chels, and that its character remained unaltered and its con-
tinuity unbroken from the time they left their mother-country.

The two main obstacles being thus disposed of with a reasonable
assurance of certitude, the way is cleared for the next step, which is
to identify some day of the Yucatec annual calendar with the cor-
responding one of our era.

Luckily two dates are given by the native writers with a par-
ticularity that renders their position unmistakable.

Dr Brinton states, in his Maya Chronicles^ that one of the manu-
scripts (presumably in his possession) gives the year Montejo arrived
at Chicchen Itza as 1 1 Muluc.

Nakuk Pech's ** Chronicle of Chicxulub," in the same volume,
says the year the Spaniards settled in Merida was 1 3 Kan.

These statements agree, which renders them reliable beyond
cavil. We may be positive therefore that July 16, 1526, was the
Yucatec day 11 Muluc, and July 16, 1541, 13 Kan.

The death of Napot Xiu, the ahpula, or priestly heir to the
throne, is the event we must rely upon to fix exactly the terminal
day of a Xiu katun. It is the reef on which all the chronologists
have been wrecked.

The dates of other occurrences are given, but none so circum-
stantially as this. Besides, it was an important event in Xiu history,
and would likely be carefully chronicled.

The chroniclers confused the account by attempting to g^ve the
year of our era. Like every other of our dates given by them, it is
wrong. They were invariably misled by the difference between our
years and their ahaus. But they all agree that the ahpula died on
the day 9 Ymix, the 1 8th of the month Zip, in the year beginning
with 4 Kan. As this was their own style of reckoning, there is
every reason for supposing the date to be correct.

GOOD34AN] MAYA DATES 64$

Now, 1 541 being a Kan year (as the two authorities just men-
tioned assure us it was), it is impossible that 1536 — the year in
which it is said the ahpula died — could have been one also. It
was, in fact, the year 8 Cauac. The only 4 Kan year within a
reasonable range began in 1545.

The translators have confused the account of the ahpula*s death
still more by construing one of the sentences so as to read : " For
six years the count of the 13 Ahau will not be ended," whereas it
actually says : ** The sixth year will not end from the count of the
13 Ahau."

This makes a great difference and gives a very definite location
to the end of that katun. It could be only 13 Ahau-7 Xul, Oc-
tober 30, 1539. Counting by calendar years there would be five
years and fifteen out of their eighteen months to 9 Ymix-i8 Zip,
September 1 1, 1 545, the day the ahpula died ; reckoning by ahaus,
as it is likely the natives computed it, but nineteen days would be
lacking to complete the sixth ahau from the end of the 13 Ahau
katun. No other 1 3 Ahau would fit the conditions in either way,
while this fulfills them in both. But, to fortify its position, I will
cite some additional proof.

Landa states that the natives said the Spaniards arrived at
Merida during the month Pop, 1541, which was the first year of the
1 1 Ahau katun. This information must have come from the Xius,
for the 1 1 Ahau katun of the Itzas, Cocoms, and Chels began De-
cember 25, 1536.

The month Pop, 1541, was really in the second ahau of the Xiu
1 1 Ahau katun, as we would count ; but as periods were not reck-
oned by the Mayas until they had wholly elapsed, speaking of the
date in round numbers the natives would say it corresponded to the
first ahau.

It has been generally assumed, however, that this statement of
Landa and that of the chronicles (that the ahpula died in 1536,
when according to the mistranslation six years were wanting to
complete the katun) are strongly corroborative, and therefore the
13 Ahau katun must have ended in 1541.

The assumption, notwithstanding its outrage of arithmetic, seems
plausible in a vague sort of way ; but the chronicles themselves
upset it.

646 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

All the Xiu chronicles say Landa died in the 7 Ahau katun.
By a chronological count based on the 13 Ahau katun ending
October 30, 1539, the 7 Ahau katun would beg^n April 14, 1579,
the very year and month in which Landa died ; therefore any date
more than seventeen days later than October 30, 1539, ^^^ ^^ ^'^^"
ing of the 13 Ahau katun would bring Landa's death into the 9
Ahau katun.

Thus the assurance given us by the annual calendar is made
doubly sure, and we may rest certain that the 13 Ahau-7 Xui which
fell on October 30, 1539, was the end of a 13 Ahau katun in the
Xiu chronological count

We now turn to the Archaic calendar for a katun ending with
13 Ahau-8 Xul, remembering we are supposed to have overcome
the difference of a day. We must also keep in mind that owing to
my rearrangement of the calendar it will be a date now at the head
of a column.

Happily, in support of the correctness of the Xiu chronolc^y,
we find it in a very reasonable position — the i6th katun of the nth
cycle of the 5 4th great cycle.

Assuming that date to have been October 30, 1539 («^ the fore-
going considerations show there is just reason for doing), we are
enabled to align every other date in the Archaic scheme and to fix
at least the prosperous period of all the ruined cities.

The result shows that Copan, Quirigua, Tikal, Menche. Piedras
Negras, and the other more modern capitals, flourished from the
sixth to the ninth century of our era, speaking in round terms, and
that Palenque was in existence 3,143 years before Christ

I am aware that the older Palenquean dates are so remote that
it has been commonly agreed to discredit their historical value.
There is no warrant for this. They stand on exactly the same foot-
ing as the dates assumed to be historical, and all must be accepted
or rejected alike.

But, apart from this general reason, there is definite proof of
their historical value.

There are two kinds of initial dates in tlie inscriptions. One
sort is merely a starting-point from which to project a computation

GOODMAN] MAYA DATES 647

illustrative of some peculiar style of reckoning : as that on the east
face of Stela C, Quirigua, demonstrating the ways by which a great
cycle can be reckoned ; those on Stela C, Copan, showing a count
by 4,680 years, or ninety calendar-rounds ; that on the steps at
Palenque, and so forth.

It will be observed that this style of dates is never followed by
what I termed **the initial directive series," but which the Harvard
school designates "the supplemental series." This series — which,
whatever we may name it, the Mayas called "the day reckoning"
— was a computation by single days to 180, originally, but later to
200 ; thence, respectively, to 3,600 and 4,000 days ; but in both
cases it led up to seventy-three S-afiau, or 360-year, reckoning. It
started from a different date in every city, and began with a different
day in all of them except Copan and Quirigua.

There can be but one inference from this general diversity in a
system where everything else was uniform — namely, that it was an
ab urbes condita reckoning, showing the relation of the regular chro-
nological count to one from the founding of each particular city.
In other words, every city, in addition to the standard chronology
common to the whole race, had a reckoning from the date of its
founding — like Rome. Therefore it is reasonably certain that all
the initial dates which are accompanied by this supplemental series
are historical.

The earliest Palenque dates are not only followed by it, but it
appears there in a form so radically different and primitive as to re-
quire a vast stretch of time, considering the conservatism shown in
everything else, to account for its later development in the other
cities. Hence, those dates are not only historical, but they bear an
unmistakable badge of relatively great antiquity.

Alameda,

California.

BASKET DESIGNS OF THE POMO INDIANS*

By S. a. BARRETT

The following is a preliminary account of the basket designs of
the Porno Indians of California and is intended to show only the
more important features of the subject. It is based chiefly on in
vestigations carried on during 1904 for the Department of An-
thropology of the University of California. Among the seven dia-
lects of the Pomo linguistic stock there are but three, the Northern,
Central, and Eastern, all in central Mendocino and central Lake
counties, that are now spoken by any considerable number of Indians,
and with the people in this particular region the art of basket mak-
ing is, at present, on the whole more highly perfected than with the
people of the remaining Pomo area. Consequently it is chiefly
from the people of these three dialectic groups that information
concerning basketry was obtained.

In technique Pomo basketry shows great variety. Of coiling
there are two forms : single-rod and three-rod foundation. Of
twining there are, exclusive of those used for border finish only,
five forms : plain-twined, diagonal-twined, lattice-twined, three-
strand twined, and three-strand braided. Of these twined weaves
the first three are in common use, the fourth is rarely used as the
weave of an entire basket, and the fifth is very rarely so used.
The lattice- twined weave seems to be confined entirely to the Pomo
and adjacent Indians of other linguistic stocks but of similar cul-
ture. The following fact concerning manipulation is noteworthy : As
one looks at the outer surface of the bottom of a basket, coiling
always progresses in a counterclockwise direction, twining always
in a clockwise direction.

In form also a very great diversity is shown, there being all
shapes from cylindrical, through globose and conical, to the flat

J Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Berkeley, Cali-
fornia, August 31.

648

BARRETT] BASKET DESIGNS OF 7 HE POMO INDIANS 649

plate-form. To these should be added a special form, the elliptical
or canoe-shaped, which it would seem is more rarely found elsewhere.

One of the most striking features of Pomo basketry, and the one
which has been perhaps the most noticed by collectors, is the feather
decoration, which finds its highest development with the Pomo.
The variously colored feathers of different species of birds may be
woven into the basket at intervals, thus allowing the pattern which
is worked out in the fiber of the basket to show among them ; or
the entire surface of the basket may be so thickly covered with
feathers as to entirely hide the fiber of the basket, in which case
some simple pattern is worked out by the use of differently colored
feathers. Similar to feather decoration is decoration with beads;
but both may be regarded as only auxiliary ornamentation and
usually secondary to the patterns which are produced by the use of
fibers of different colors. Of these patterns some are simple, some
complex ; but all are composed of simple design elements, each with
its special name.

In dealing with these design names a sharp distinction must be
made between the design element as a simple elemental figure, and
the pattern as a whole, the complex figure composed sometimes of
a single repeated element, but as often of two or more elements in
combination. In the three Pomo dialects under consideration there
have been found in all twenty-nine names which are applied to
design elements and may therefore be called elemental names.
Eighteen of these are names of animate objects or parts of animate
objects, as follows : deer hip or deer back, deer teeth, deer elbow,
ant, striped water-snake, grasshopper elbow, turtle neck, quail
plume, bear foot or track, bat wing, man, crow foot or track, goose
excrement, turtle foot, fish rib, crab claw, star-fish, and mosquito.
Of the remaining eleven, three are plant names — acorn head (cup),
wild ** potato" forehead, and pine tree; and four are names of
natural or artificial objects — arrowhead, string, star and cross, the
last having its origin in and taking its name from the cross * intro-
duced by Roman Catholic missionaries. Three are names of more

* The name commonly given to the cross by the Indians is karus, evidently derived
from the Spanish cmz. The design itself was not known to the Indians before the com-
ing of the missionaries.

6SO AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

or less geometric figures occurring in nature — spot and two forms
of zigzag, to which may be added a fourth, the finishing^ design.

Some of the design elements bearing these names are of rare
occurrence, and about fourteen constitute the bulk of the designs to
be found in any ordinary collection of Pomo baskets. Two at least
of the elemental names given are used only by the people speaking
one of the three dialects, different names being applied to the same
design elements by the people speaking the other dialects.

Some examples of these commonly occurring design elements are
given in plate xxxix,* where seven of the most frequently occurring
animal designs are shown. The central circle in figure i shows the
deer-hip or deer-back design ; the three upper bands in figure 2
show the deer-teeth design ; and the two bands of very small square
figures in figure 3, and also the lowest band in figure 4, show the
ant design. In figure 3 also the four dark bands running around
the middle of the basket are striped water-snakes, while in fig^ure 4
the two bands of acute-angled triangles, the triangles in each band
being separated by a white zigzag, show the design called g^rass-
hopper elbow. The large figures on the side of the basket shown
in figure 5 are the turtle-neck design ; and the lowest band of figure
6 shows the quail-plume design, the plumes in this case being ar-
ranged in pairs with a narrow dark line separating the individual
plumes.

From these examples it will be evident that, although design
elements are given names of special signification, as of animals
birds, and so on, they are in most cases not realistic. They are not
intended by the Indians to be so ; nor on the other hand have they
any religious significance. They are primarily decorative and seem
to have been named fi-om some real or fancied likeness to the objects
bearing the same names.

These designs bearing elemental names may be modified in size
form, and otherwise, and these modifications are not only recognized
by the Indians, but qualifying terms indicative of them are used in

1 The baskets shown in figures 2, 3, 4, and 6 of plate xxxix and figure 3 of plate XL
are in the collections of the Museum of the Department of Anthropology of the University
of California. Those shown in figures i and 5 of plate xxxix and figures i, 2 and
4 of plate XL form part of a collection made by the writer and now the property of the
KSnigliches Museum fiir Volkerkunde of Berlin.

BASKETS, SHOWINO ANIMAL DESIONS

BARRETT] BASKET DESIGNS OF THE POMO INDIANS 651

connection with the elemental names to form the complete name of
the design. There are fourteen such qualifying terms used exclu-
sively in connection with elemental names and descriptive of form,
size, color, and direction. These are : large, small, long, short,
crooked, half, sharp, slender, black, white (space, naked), inward,
outward, above and below. Some of these terms are equally ap-
plicable to any and all design elements, while others are used only
in connection with one or two ; as, inward, outward, above, and
below, which are used only with the arrowhead design.

Plate XL shows various modifications of the arrowhead. Figure
I, showing an elaborate spiral pattern, contains three forms of the
arrowhead : inward arrowhead, outward arrowhead, and arrowhead
sharp. The inward arrowhead is the triangular figure shown on the
lower or left-hand side of the spiral. In weaving the basket each
successive round made reduces the breadth of the triangle and tends
to carry its outer line inward toward the median line of the pattern ;
hence its name inward arrowhead. Opposite this, on the upper or
right-hand side of the spiral, is the outward arrowhead, the breadth
of which widens with each successive round in weaving, the outer
line tending outward or receding from the median line of the pat-
tern. The arrowhead sharp is shown as a small triangle along the
outer margins of both the inward and outward arrowheads, being
separated from the larger triangles by narrow white lines. The
wide elaborate pattern passing around the middle of figure 2 shows
the above arrowhead and the below arrowhead, the former being
the large triangle pointing downward from the upper edge of the
pattern and the latter being the triangle pointing upward from the
lower edge of the pattern. The derivation of these terms is self
evident. The large plain triangles arranged as in figure 3 are
always called arrowhead half. The long tapering points, some of
which project downward and some upward in figure 4, are called
arrowhead slender.

A design element may occur alone or in repetition as a pattern,
in either of which cases the simple elemental name with appropriate
qualifying terms is given as the name of the pattern. However,
two or more design elements may be combined to form a complex
pattern, thus permitting of a great variety. The name given to such

' I

;

: I
t

652 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [N. s., 7, 1905

a combination of design elements is not that of one of the elements,
nor is an entirely new name invented for each new combination.
The term used is not so much a name as a descriptive phrase in
which the principal constituent design elements are mentioned and
their relations one to another are usually given.

Here again qualifying terms are needed, and we find an even
greater variety of such qualifying terms than are used with the sim-
ple design elements. They cover all phases of design arrange-
ment, direction, relative position, number, color, and quality. Those
most commonly used are : banded, single one going around or run-
ning around, two going around or running around, vertical or
straight up, spiral or slanting, crossing, scattered, placed anywhere,
edge or border, middle or in the middle, on both sides, and or with,
single or one, double or two, spotted, and bad. Thus the broad
band about the middle of the basket shown in figure 6, plate xxxix,
is called, by the people speaking one dialect, wild ** potato " fore-
head zigzag on both sides arrowhead, while the lowest band of
design in the same figure is called quail-plumes in the middle run-
ning striped water-snake. Also in plate xl, figure 4, the entire pat-
tern which extends spirally from the bottom to the top of the
basket is called design arrowhead in the middle zigzag, and the
pattern of figure i is called design sharp points in the middle arrow-
heads on both sides.

A similar, though^ much more limited, use of qualifying and
descriptive terms seems to occur among the Yurok and Karok, and
perhaps other Indians of northwestern California, where common
design names modified by terms signifying form, size, design ar-
rangement, and position are occasionally found.^

Borrowing of designs or of names seems almost totally lacking
among the Pomo, and invention of designs, as also of weaves and
forms, is quite unknown. There are, it is true, certain patterns
which have been recently introduced, but these can hardly be said
to be due to invention. Informants maintain that they are copied
from patterns on articles manufactured by whites. Furthermore
these patterns are not given the names of any of the standard old

* Dr A. L. Kroeber, Basket Desii^ns of the Indians of Northwestern California ,
Univ. Calif. Publ., Amer. Archeol. and Ethnol. ii, 127, 133, 141, 1905.

■

BARRETT] BASKET DESIGNS OF THE POMO INDIANS 653

designs, nor are new names invented for them ; they are simply
called " new style/' '* new fashioned," or ** no name." However, this
class constitutes such a small percentage of the patterns to be found
in any Pomo collection that it is practically negligible. Compara-
tively all, then, of the patterns found among the Pomo are composed
of standard old design elements and are given the same names and
interpretations by all informants ; due allowance, of course, being
made for the differences due to the dialect spoken. A nearly total
lack of individuality of interpretation by different informants is thus
shown in connection with elemental names, although there is a lim-
ited amount of individuality in the use of qualifying terms.

The total known number of Pomo design names somewhat ex-
ceeds the numbers so far found among some other peoples : as the
Hupa who have nineteen, and the Karok who have fourteen ; * but
on the other hand is much smaller than the number found among
the Maidu, who have more than forty.* However, notwithstanding
this seemingly comparatively small number of elemental names,
the Pomo probably possess as great a number as any other Indians
occupying a like area, and they are certainly able, by the use of
their many and varied qualifying terms, to adequately differentiate
the most complex patterns one from another, and further, these
combinations of elemental names and qualifying terms produce pat-
tern names which are so descriptive that it is possible for one ac-
quainted with the subject to form, to a certain extent, a mental
picture of the pattern from its name.

University of Caufornia,
Berkeley.

» Dr A. L. Krocber, op. dt., p. 154. It seems very probable, however, that both
the Hupa and the Karok will ultimately be found to have fully as many design names as
the Yurok, who are of the same general culture, and who have more than thirty such
names, though only about half of these are in common use, the others occurring quite
rarely.

* Dr R. B. Dixon, Basketry Designs of the Indians of Northern California^ Bull.
Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvii, pt. I, 23, 1902. The Maidu, however, occupy a much
larger territory than the Hupa, the Karok, or the people of the three Pomo dialects in
question, and should, therefore, be expected to possess a greater variety of design names
than any one of these.

A NEW METHOD OF PRESERVING SPECIMENS OF
SHELL AND OTHER PERISHABLE MATERIALS »

By PHILIP MILLS JONES

While conducting some archeological researches for Mrs Phoebe
A. Hearst, in behalf of the Universty of California, I visited Santa
Rosa island off the coast of California at the vicinity of Santa Bar-
bara, during the early months of 1901. Here the conditions of cli-
mate and food supply were particularly favorable to the struggle
for existence, and the existing remains indicate not only a ^rly
large aboriginal population, but also a rather unusual dexterity in
the fashioning of articles of adornment. A considerable variety of
shell-fish furnished the raw material, but while some fifty varieties
have been noted, the great majority of decorative objects were made
from the shells of the very abundant abalone, or Hcdiotis refusens.
The village sites and graveyards of Santa Rosa island were particu-
larly rich in this shell material, and much of it exhibits a high de-
gree of skill in shaping as well as in ornamentation.

Every collector has doubtless experienced the very disagreeable
sensation of procuring some particularly prized shell specimens from
a moist soil, only to see them disintegrate with the passage of time
and the loss of the contained moisture. The long retention of the
specimens in more or less wet soil results in the removal of prac-
tically all the cementing material that normally holds together the
lamellae of calcareous matter. As a result of this dehydration, when
the specimens become dry the slightest touch brushes away particles,
and even when untouched and in a glass case they not infrequently
drop apart and eventually leave only a small heap of powder.

To counteract this effect two requirements are to be met by the
collector : immediate preservation for transportation to the museum,
and the permanent fixation at some subsequent time. The first of
these I found well satisfied by allowing the specimens to remain, until

^ Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco,
August 30.

654

JONES] PRESERVING PERISHABLE MATERIALS 655

nearly dry, in some of the soil in which they had been buried, and then
packing them in plenty of cotton in comparatively small boxes, always
refraining from unnecessary manipulation or attempts at cleaning.

To permanently preserve the objects, however, is a far more dif-
ficult matter. Two methods have previously been recommended,
and, presumably, exclusively employed. Shellac has had rather
the larger number of supporters, but it is not effectual, as it fur-
nishes merely an outside skin and does not materially strengthen
very weak specimens ; moreover, it gives the specimen a glossy and
refractive surface which imparts an unnatural appearance. Boiling
in oil has been used by some, but this is out of the question when
fragile specimens are to be preserved, and it has the disadvantage of
the shellac in that it gives the shell an unnatural appearance.

On studying the problem it seemed evident that as an animal
cementing substance had been removed from the entire mass of the
shell, it should be replaced by a substance of similar character if the
restoration of the specimen is to be effected. The following method
was therefore devised, and by it several thousands of specimens were
successfully treated. After two years the objects are as sound and
strong as when first treated, and have all the appearance of perfectly
natural shell.

A solution of clear gelatin, such as is used for bacteriologic
cultures, of about three percent to four percent strength, is kept
fluid over a sand bath and Bunsen burner. Into this the specimens
are placed and allowed to remain- until about one minute after all
bubbles of air have ceased. While in the gelatin the specimens
may be thoroughly cleaned with a camel's hair brush. They are
then removed and placed in a vessel containing ordinary commer-
cial formalin solution, or formaldehyde, where they are allowed to
remain for a few moments, or at the convenience of the operator,
and are then removed, drained, and allowed to dry slowly.

In this process the cementing material is furnished by the gela-
tin, and the formalin acts upon the gelatin, making " formalin-gel-
atin,'* an insoluble substance. Thus the shell is impregnated with
an animal cementing material and at the same time protected by an
absolutely insoluble coating.

San Francisco,
California.

SKETCH OF THE GRAMMAR OF THE LUISENO

LANGUAGE OF CALIFORNIA*

By p. S. SPARKMAN

The Luisefio Indians are of Shoshonean origin and are the most
southwesterly tribe of that linguistic family in the United States.
They number some 800 or 900 individuals, about two-thirds of
whom live in the basin of San Luis Rey river, southern California.

There are no articles in the Luisefio language ; instead of ' a
. . . * or *the man is coming,* one says, 'man is coming/ or,
occasionally, 'one man is coming/ Nor are there true compara-
tives; one cannot say 'this is good,*' 'that is better,' 'that is
best,' but 'this is a little good,* 'that is good,* 'that is very
good.* There are also certain roundabout methods of expressing
comparison.

With few exceptions no distinction is made between masculine
and feminine gender, but a clear distinction is made between the
gender of animate and inanimate objects.

Generic names are the exception. As a rule there are names
for each species, but none for the genus ; yet to this rule there are
not a few exceptions.

Incorporation, generally considered to be one of the most char-
acteristic features of Indian languages, exists to a very limited extent
in Luisefio ; and complete incorporation, in which the subject, verb,
and object are formed into a single word, is wholly lacking. With
some reservation Luiseno may be considered a semi-incorporative
language.

In writing the language we have spoken of the changes that
take place in the termination of words to express their changes of
meaning as case-inflection. Our reason for regarding these changes
as case-endings is that they are affixed to the word root or stem,

* Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco,
August 30.

656

SPARKMAN] GRAMMAR OF LUISEf^O LANGUAGE 657

and not to its nominative case, hence they appear to be as truly
case-endings as are similar changes in Latin. Personal pronouns
have no fewer than twelve such case-endings ; but no noun has
more than eight ; many of them have only five, and the names of
the cardinal points but three.

There are but five numerals in Luiseno, higher amounts being
counted chiefly by means of the fingers and toes. ' All my hand
finished,* meaning, of course, all the fingers of both hands, would
signify ten ; ' all my hand finished, and one my foot,* is fifteen ; * all
my hand my foot finished,* twenty ; ' five times all my hand my foot
finished,* one hundred. There is no abstract word for any number
exceeding five.

Plurals are somewhat irregular, but they are oftener formed by
the addition of -um than in any other manner. In the inanimate
gender it is not customary to use the plural except when necessary,
the fact that a numeral, an adjective denoting plurality, a plural
verb, or a plural demonstrative pronoun occurs in the sentence
making the plurality of the noun understood. In the animate gen-
der, however, plural nouns, as well as the numerals, adjectives, and
demonstrative or possessive pronouns that may accompany them,
are all inflected to indicate the plural.

Nouns are either primitive or derivative. There is no known
compound noun in the language. Of the derived nouns nearly all
are of verbal derivation ; the exceptional few are derived from other
nouns. Many nouns have no absolute form at all, and can be em-
ployed only with a conjunctive possessive pronoun prefixed to them.
Among this class of nouns are those that denote terms of relation-
ship, so that one cannot say simply 'father' or 'mother,' but
' my father,* * our mother,* etc. The names of most parts of the
body also have no absolute form ; and there are also many other
nouns that have only the possessive form.

In Luiseiio, pronouns are independent words, but in some tenses
of the subjunctive mode and in certain verb-forms their roots are
prefixed to the verb in the same manner as they are prefixed to
nouns of the inanimate gender and to relationship terms to indicate
their possessive form. An objective pronoun is never incorporated
with a verb.

658 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Luiseno possessive pronouns differ according to gender. In the
animate gender the absolute and conjunctive are the same : " my
and mine," ** thy and thine," would be the same in this gender, with
the exception of terms of relationship. But in the inanimate the
absolute and conjunctive differ, the latter being always attached to
the noun : ** my hat " would therefore be one word. And when a
possessive pronoun is prefixed to a noun in this manner, the noun-
ending invariably changes, generally being shortened, but sometimes
lengthened : yilm'-pish, ' hat,' would therefore be, no-yUm'^py^ * my
hat.' Such shortening of a noun when a possessive pronoun is pre-
fixed to it seems to be rare in Indian languages generally, although
it is characteristic of Nahuad.

There are a great many adjectives in Luiseno, and they usually
follow the words that they qualify, though in some forms of speech
they may be placed before or after the noun at will. Some adjec-
tives may be conjugated as verbs (as, ' I was thirsty *) by using an
adjective and an auxiliary verb as in English ; or the same idea may
be expressed by conjugating the adjective without using the auxiliary
verb at all. With one exception adjectives are declined for case in
the way that nouns are, and they agree with the nouns that they
qualify in gender, and usually in number and case.

As in all Indian languages, the verbs in Luiseno are greatly
complicated. They have a number of modes with no counterpart
whatever in English or cognate languages ; they may also have
several different conjugations formed from the same root, each with
its modes the same as the principal verb, that is, its simplest form.

The verbal root itself generally remains unchanged, and the cor-
responding tenses of the different modes and conjugations formed
from the same root usually, though by no means always, have the
same inflection, the changes being made by means of infixes. Hence
a Luiseno tense consists usually of three parts, viz., the verbal root,
the infix, and the inflection proper.

The change of a verb from the transitive is also effected by an
internal change in the verb, not by inflection.

In the conjugation of verbs there is no instance of the three per-
sons singular differing from each other, nor an instance of the three
persons plural differing ; and in most of the tenses all six persons are
alike.

SPARKMAN] GRAMMAR OF LUISEStO LANGUAGE 659

In what corresponds to the indicative mode in English there are
no fewer than eleven tenses in Luisefio, several of which denote dif-
ferent degrees of remoteness of past time.

Many verbs differ for number, having both a singular and a
plural form ; some have several plural forms, while others have forms
denoting different degrees of intensity. Some verbs also differ for
gender, but this is not usual. Many verbs contain the object within
themselves, being at once predicate and object, like the Spanish
verb leflar^ * to get wood.'

Most Indian languages are said to have no verb ' to be,* but
in Luisefio there are several, though none has the exact meaning of
the English ; they are more nearly equivalent to the Spanish verb
habety *to have,' when used to express 'there to be. *,^ They have
also a partly adverbial meaning. One cannot use such verbs to
say * he is,' * he was,' * he will be,' but they may be used to express
' he is ill,' ' he was drunk,' ' he will be thirsty.' In the sentences
* is there thy grain ?' (meaning * have you grain ?'), ' there is my
grain,' is there and there is would be expressed by a verb to be,
' Was he there ' and ' he was there ' would also be expressed by a
verb to be, only in these sentences the adverb ' there ' may be used
or not, at will. While the verb which would be employed in the
last two sentences usually means ' to be . . .' or * to live in a
place,' it may also mean simply * to be ' or ' to exist.* ' I am going
to live (be) many years,' would be expressed by this verb. ;

Verbs ' to be ' are used also to form the passive voice, as well as
the periphrastic conjugation of both it and the active voice, in such
sentences as ' I was paid,' ' I was going to be paid,' * I was going to
pay.' In all such sentences the verb * to be ' would be placed last,
and the sentences expressed as ' I paid was,' ' I paid going to be
was,' * I going to pay was.'

In Luisefio a very important part is played by what we have
termed article-pronouns — a class of suffixes that are oflener affixed
to pronouns than to any other part of speech. Though often they
may be affixed to any word of a sentence, they are used to denote
meanings that in English and cognate languages are either left to
be understood or are expressed by circumlocutory methods. Inter-
rogation, quotation, doubt, certainty, and many other things are

AM. ANTHR., N. S., 7-44

66o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n- s., 7, 1905

expressed in Luisefio by affixing an article-pronoun to a word (usu-
ally the first) of a sentence, without changing the rest of the sentence
to express the different meanings. As they differ for tense, as well
as for person and number, personal pronouns are often dropped and
article-pronouns affixed to a word of the sentence. Article-pro-
nouns may be taken by any part of speech, and their use often
renders the employment of personal pronouns unnecessary. Some
article-pronouns are easy to understand, while others are not. They
scarcely admit of English translation and may be regarded as the
most difficult feature of Luisefio granunar. Some examples follow :

EXAMPLES or ARTICLE PRONOUNS

I. Manuel is"going to build a house, Manuel-up ki'-cho-lut, (^kish^^

3. Perhaps Manuel is going to Manuel'Sho-po k^-cho-lut.
build a house.

3. Is Manuel going to build a house ? Manuel-sho k^-cho-lut t

4. And is Manuel going to build a Manuel-shun ki'-cho-iut t

house?

5. So Manuel is going to build a Manuel-shil ki' -cha-lut,

house.

6. It is said Manuel is going to build Manuel-kun ki^-cho'lut,

a house.

7. Is it said Manuel is going to build Manuei-sho-kun k^-cho-lut t

a house?

8. And perhaps Manuel is going to Manuel-shun-po ki'-cho-Iut,

build a house.

The above sentences do not differ except in the article-pronouns
that are affixed to the noun Manuel, yet each sentence has a dif-
ferent meaning, though in some of them the difference in the mean-
ing is slight.

Sentence i makes a positive statement, something the speaker
certainly knows. Sentence 2 expresses doubt : perhaps, possibly.
Sentence 3 asks a direct question. The fourth sentence is also in-
terrogative. Sentence 5 is semi-interrogative. Sentence 6 is quo-
tative, something that one has heard stated. Sentence 7 is quota-
tive-interrogative : one person asks another if he has heard something
stated. The eighth sentence is, we think, fairly well translated.

sparkman]

GRAMMAR OF LUISES^O LANGUAGE

66 1

An article pronoun may be affixed to the verb instead of to the
noun. One may say K^ -cho-lut-up Manuel^ instead of Manuel-up
ki' 'c/io-lut, and so on.

K?sh, the objective of ki'-cha^ 'house,* may be used after the
verb in any of the sentences given above ; but this is not necessary,
as the verb contains the object within itself.

Declension of hu'-la, 'an arrow,* or 'the arrow*

Absolute fonn

•

Possessive form.

Nominative,

hu'-ia.

'hU,

Objective,

huL

'hu'-y.

Accusative,

huyk.

'hUyfe.

Ablative,

hUng-y,

'hOng'-y,

Instrumental,

h&'-tuL

-hi^'tuL

Locative,

hung^-a.

'hung'-a.

Genitive,

hung' -a-wish.

-hung' -a-wish.

Conjunctive,

hu'-tnan.

Plural.

'hf^-man.

Nominative,

hW'lum

'hum.

Objective,

hQl'-my,

'hii^-my.

Genitive,

hung'-a-wich

'Um.

'hUng* -a-wich-um

The other cases do not differ for the plural. The hyphen (-)
indicates the possessive pronoun of whichever person might be pre-
fixed to the noun. Thus, no-hu' ' my arrow,' o-ku' ' thy arrow,'
pO'ltU' ' his arrow,' chdm-hu' ' our arrow,' om-hu' ' your arrow,*
pont-hu' * their arrow.'

Ku' 'ta-pish, ' a bow,' or ' the bow '

Absolute form.

Nominative,

Objective,

Accusative,

Ablative,

Instrumental,

Locative,

Genitive,

Conjunctive,

ku'-ta-pish,
ku'-ia-pish,
ku'-ta-pik,
ka^'ta-ping-y,
ku' 'ta-pich-uL
kU' 'ia-ping-a.
ku' - ta -ping-a-wish .
ku' 'ia-py-man.

Possessive form.
-ku'-ta-py,
-ku'-ia-py,
-ku'-ta-pik.
'ku'-ia-ping-y,
'ku' -ia-py-tuL
'ku'-ta-ping-a,
'ku' -ta-ping-a'Wish.
'ku' 'ta-py'man.

662

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

■

Nominative,

Objective,
Genitive,

Plural.

ku* 'ta-pich-umy or

ku* 'tap-chum,
ku^'ta'Pish-my.
ka^ 'ta'Ping-a-wich'Um.

'ki^'ta-jptm.

'ku'-ta-jpy-my,
'kuf'ta-ptng-a'ttnch-um.

As usual, the other cases do not differ for the plural. As often
happens, the objective case of this noun does not differ from the
nominative in the singular, in either the absolute or the possessive
form.

Valley Center,
Caufornia.

THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN

TRIBES'

By JOHN R. SVVANTON

The majority of works published during the last thirty years
that attempt to deal with the social organization of "primitive
people ** have been dominated by the totemic clan theory, i. e., the
theory that in the earliest period of their development all tribes
consisted of certain divisions or clans which practically took the
place of families, and the members of each of which were compelled
to marry into some other. This theory furthermore supposes that
the offspring of such marriages always belonged to the clan of the
mother, and that where we find the reverse condition it is a later
development. An important adjunct of the clan is the totem — an
animal, plant, or other object from which each clan derived its name
and many of the members their personal names, and to which the
members were supposed to stand in some mystic relation indicated
usually by prohibitions or tabus.

It has been especially advocated by students who hold that the
monogamous family was not a primitive institution but has been
evolved from a stage in which sexual relations were more or less
promiscuous, the line of ascent leading through stages in which a
group of men were married to a group of women (group mar-
riage), in which one woman was married to several men (polyandry),
in which one man was married to several women (polygamy), in
which one man and one woman paired for a certain period (the pair-
ing family), until finally the true monogamous family was reached.
But although this theory of marriage has been very successfully
assailed by Westermarck ^ and later writers, the totemic clan theory
itself has effected such a lodgment in popular favor that it is now

1 Presented at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Berkeley,
California, August 31.

* Westermarck, History of Human Marria^^e^ 1 89 1.

663

664 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST fN. s., 7, 1905

referred to casually as to one of the well-established principles of
modem science. Constantly there are let fall such expressions as
" traces of maternal descent/' " relics of a previous maternal state
of society," ** customs showing the change from a maternal to a pa-
ternal condition/' as if nothing were better recognized.

In the present paper I shall endeavor to determine how far the
organization of American tribes north of Mexico, so far as we know
it, bears out this theory, not pretending to pass final judgment on
it as a whole. I am especially moved to this by the fact that the
theory is thought to have been confirmed through material brought
from this very quarter by an American ethnologist, Lewis H. Mor-
gan,* and all the more that no specific objection to his conclusions
has appeared in print. The material for such a paper is so readily
available, however, that no special credit is involved in merely as-
sembling it. It should be said in the first place, with reference to
Mr Morgan's work, that data were so much more scanty in his
time, especially from that very region which confirms the clan theory
least, that his conclusions are not altogether surprising. Had he
begun by studying western instead of eastern tribes they might
have been different.

While seemingly simple, the question of the truth or falsity of
the hypothesis under consideration is found to contain several sub-
ordinate questions, all of which need not be answered in the same
way. Thus we can conceive of descent as reckoned through the
mother without the existence of clans, of a clan system in which
the clans are without totems, and of one in which, while totems
exist, there arc no special tabus, names, or rites accompanying
them.

Conforming in some measure to the type of organization assumed
in the maternal clan theory are the five tribes of the Iroquois con-
federacy," the Tuscarora,- Wyandot,^ Cherokee, * Delaware,* Mohe-

* Morgan, Ancient Society^ 187S.

* Morgan, League of the Iroquois^ 1S78.

3 Powell in First Rep, Bur. Kthnol.^ pp. 59-69.
*Mooney in Nineteenth Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol.y p. 212.

* Morgan, Ancient SocietVy p. 171 ; Brinton, IVie Lenape and their Legeftdsy pp.
36-40.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN TRIBES 66$

gan/ Tutelo,* the Muskhogean tribes so far as known,' Timucua/
Yuchi,* Natchez,* Biloxi,^ tribes of the Caddoan confederacy,® the
Pueblos,* Navaho,'^ Apache,^^ Haida," Tlingit," Tsimshian,'^ Heil-
tsuk,^2 Takulli," Tahltan,** Knaiakhotana,^* and KutchinJ*'

This number would probably be considerably increased if we
had accurate information concerning many tribes which are now
extinct. Thus it is a fair inference that the remaining Iroquoian
tribes — the Erie, Neutral Nation, Susquehannock, and Nottoway
— were organized like those that are known to us, and that the
remaining eastern Siouan tribes were organized like the Tutelo.
Our knowledge of the latter depends mainly on the statements of
two or three survivors of the Tutelo interviewed by Hale and Dorsey,
after the remnant of their tribe had been living for years with the
Iroquois, whose strong clan system is well known. The main fact,
however, is confirmed by Lederer in the following words :

** From four women, viz., Pash, Sepoy, Askarin and Maraskarin, they
derive the race of mankind, which they, therefore, divide into four tribes,

1 Morgan, Ancient Society ^ p. 173.

* Dorsey in Fifteenth Rep. Bur, Am, EthnoL, p. 244.

* Morgan, Ancient Society^ pp. 160-163; Gatschet, Creek Migration Legend^ I, 1884,

pp. 153. 156.

* Gatschet in Proc. Am, Philosophical Soc, XVII, no. lOi, p. 490.

s Gatschet, notes.

* Du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, II, pp. 393-405.
'Dorsey in Fifteenth Rep. Bur, Am, Ethnol.^ p. 243.
*Mooney in Fourteenth Rep, Bur, Am, Ethnol,, p. 1093.

•Morgan, Ancient Society ^ pp. 178-180 ; Fewkes in Nineteenth Rep. Bur, Am.
EthnoL; Matilda Coxe Stevenson in Eleventh and Twenty-third Reps. Bur, Am, Ethnol,

^^ Matthews, Navaho Legends^ pp. 29-33.

" Bourke in Jour. Am, Folk-lore^ III, pp. 1 1 1-126. Hrdlicka, however, it should be
noted, denies that the San Carlos Apache have clans. See Am, Anthropologist^ vii, no.
3, p. 481.

"Boas in Fifth, Tenth, and Twelfth Reports on N W, Tribes of Can, for B,
A, A, 5., 1889, 1895, *nd 1898 ; Boas in Rep. U, S, Nat, Mus. for iSgSy pp. 322, 323.

'• Morice in Trans, Can. Inst, for i8g2-gj, p. 203 ; Proc. Can, Inst, for 1888-
8g, pp. 118, 119.

»*Callbreath in Ann, Rep, Geol, and Nat: Surv. Can., n. s.. Ill, pt. I, 19SB; also
Morice, op. cit.

J s Richardson, Arctic Searching Exped., 1 85 1, p. 406 ; quoted by Bourke xn Jour,
Am. Folk-lore, III, p. 122, 1 890.

i^Hardesty in Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst, fir 1866, p. 315 ; Petitot, Traditions
Indiennes du Canada Nord-ouest, 1886, pp. 14, 15.

666 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

distinguished under those several names. They very religiously observe

the degrees of marriage, which they limit not to distance of kindred, but

difference of tribe, which are continued in the issue of the females : now

ill for two of the same tribe to match, is abhorred as incest and punished

with great severity. ' ' *

At the same time it would seem as if totems were wanting.

On the authority of a Narraganset woman living in Kansas and
the supposed relationship of the Narraganset to the Mohegan, Mor-
gan ' assumes that the tribes of southern New England were organ-
ized similarly ; and from another single statement, attributed to
Powhatan, regarding the descent of the chieftainship which he held,
it is supposed that the same was true of the Algonquian tribes of
eastern Virginia.' These suppositions also have probability in their
favor, but the small ground on which they stand should be kept in
mind.

On the other hand the social organization of several of these
tribes does not altogether square with the clan formula. Thus the
Delaware consisted of three exogamic divisions called by Morgan
Wolf, Turkey, and Turtle, but properly known as Munsee, Unami,
and Unalachtigo, names which signify, respectively, " people of the
stony country" or ** mountaineers,'* ** people down the river," and
** people who live near the ocean." Commenting on this fact, Brin-
ton says :

** These three divisions of the Lenape were neither 'gentes* nor
* phratries, * though Mr Morgan has endeavored to force them into his
system by stating that they were * of the nature of phratries.' Each was
divided into twelve families bearing female names, and hence probably
referring to some unexplained matriarchal system. They were, as I have
called them, sub-tribes. In their own orations they referred to each
other as * playmates ' (Heckewelder) . " *

The twelve subdivisions of each major section in later years are
said to have taken on the character of clans, but it is to be noted
that they lack totemic names, and this fact, together with the geo-

^ Lederer, Disan'ericSy 1 672, p. 8.

* Morgan, Ancient Society ^ pp. 173, 174.
•John Smith, IVorkSf Arber ed., pp. 81, 376.

* Brinton, IVie Lenape and their Legends, p. 40.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN TRIBES 667

graphical character of the three main divisions, differentiates the
tribe very strongly from the Iroquoians and Muskhogeans. This
same local character is noted by Matthews and Bourke for the clans
of the Navaho and Apache, respectively, and by Boas and the
writer regarding all the minor divisions of the Haida, Tlingit, and
Tsimshian.

Du Pratz, our only authority on the Natchez, informs us that
their exogamous divisions corresponding to clans were different
social strata and therefore really castes, and they appear to have
been without totemic names. An analogy to this state of affairs is
furnished, very curiously, by an Athapascan tribe, the Kutchin, liv-
ing on Yukon and Porcupine rivers, Alaska. They are said to con-
sist of three exogamous bands or camps which occupy different sec-
tions of country and differ in rank, the children always belonging to
the band of the mother ; but the divisions lack totemic names. Of
the other Athapascan tribes of the far north we have the very best
authority, that of Morice, for the statement that the Carriers and
Tahltan (or western Nahane) have adopted their clan systems from
the coast, and the reported clan system of the Knaiakhotana, from
the description given of it, would seem to have arisen similarly. In
the same way Boas indicates that the Heiltsuk, now in the maternal
stage, have adopted their present organization from their northern
neighbors. Even the three most pronounced maternal tribes of the
north Pacific coast — the Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian — present
anomalies in the fact that their larger totemic divisions extend into
nearly all the towns occupied by each tribe and rather correspond
to the phratries of other tribes than to clans proper, while the
smaller divisions are, as I have said, rather to be considered as
geographical groups.

Yet even among tribes which present this organization in its
most typical form it would appear that the authority of the clan has
been greatly exaggerated and the power and importance of the
father's clan placed at a too low value. Thus, according to infor-
mation kindly furnished by Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson, among
the Zuni land is owned by families, not by clans. With the same
people a man is practically prohibited from marrying into his fath-
er's clan as well as into that of his mother ; he is known as the

668 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST fN. s., 7, 1905

** child " of his father's clan, and certain offices are always held by
the ** child *' of a special clan, thus bringing about a rude kind of
paternal descent. The same abhorrence to marriage into the clan
of one's father exists among the Navaho according to Matthews,'
and among the Iroquois according to Hewitt.

Organized on the basis of gentes, i. e., exogamic divisions with
descent through the father, are the Abnaki,' Ottawa,^ Potawatomi,^
Chippewa,* Menominee,* Sauk and Foxes,* Miami, • Shawnee,'
Kickapoo,* Blackfeet,* Omaha, '^ Ponca,*^ Winnebago,'*' Iowa,'*
Oto,'° Missouri,*" Osage,*® Kansa,*® Quapa,*® Yuman tribes," and
Kwakiutl." It has been asserted that traces of a previous maternal
condition are found in many of these, especially the tribes of Algon-
quian lineage, and a change such as that implied is of course quite
possible ; but the arguments that Morgan adduces in proof are too
fragmentary to be conclusive, and for the Siouan tribes it is a pure
assumption. The only western Siouan tribes claimed as possessing
clans with maternal descent are the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crows,
and I think that the real state of affairs among those tribes has been
misunderstood. In the first place the subdivisions of these three
tribes are not totemic and should evidently be regarded as bands
rather than clans. Secondly, it was customary among very many
American tribes, no matter how each was organized internally, for
a man marrying outside to live with his wife's people, and in such
cases his children would remain with her. At the same time he
might equally well marr)'' inside of his tribe or band and be suc-
ceeded by his son in whatever position he had attained. This

^ American Anthropoloi^ist^ vi, 758, 1 904.

* M orga Uy An cien t SocietVy p . 174-

*lbid., p. 167 ; James in Narrative of the Capture and Adventures of John Tan-
ner ^ 1830, pp. 313-316 ; Warren in Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll.^ v, pp. 41-53.

* Morgan, Ancient Society ^ p. 170; Hoffman in Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol.,
pp. 41-44. Hoffman states that the organization was formerly maternal, but quotes no
authorities, native or white, except a very much qualified statement of Mr Sutherland in
Coil. Hist. Soc. Wisconsin^ x.

5 Morgan, Ancient Society^ p. 1 70. •Ibid., p. 168. 'Ibid. *Ibid., p. 170.
»Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, pp. 208-225.
^ODorsey in Fifteenth Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol.y pp. 226-241.

'• JJourke xn Jour. Am. Folk-lore, II, pp. 180-181 ; Kroeber in American Anthro-
pologist, IV, p. 278.

'2 Boas in Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus. for iSg^, p. 334.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN TRIBES 669

Hewitt ascertained from some Crow Indians to be the state of affairs
in that tribe, and, since they have separated from the Hidatsa in
comparatively modem times, it may be assumed for the latter also.
Nor is there good reason for thinking that the organization of the
Mandan was different. Through mistakes of this kind many tribes
have been assigned to a clan or gentile stage when the subdivisions
which they possess are neither clans nor gentes ; and for this reason
it is preferable to accept the authority of Mooney ^ regarding the
social organization of the Cheyenne rather than that of Grinnell.*
Of the subdivisions of this tribe only two present features at all sug-
gestive of totemic clans, while one, the Sutayu, is known to have
been formerly an independent tribe, and it would be absurd to sup-
pose that it was then exogamic. In the case of the Blackfeet, Grin-
nell is our best authority, and I have followed him, but, inasmuch
as he states that marriages now take place within the **gens," I am
inclined to question whether they did not in ancient times as well.
At all events these divisions are evidently not totemic, and the same
is true of the Kwakiutl gentes, which are called after reputed ances-
tors or else by some grandiloquent term referring to their power and
wealth.

In discussing the organization of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and
Crows I have indicated a type of organization in which, while there
may be tribal subdivisions, these are not exogamic, lack totems, and
hence cannot be called either clans or gentes. In this t3q>e the
family, although it may be a polygamous one, is the basis of the
state, and property, authority, and emoluments either descend or
tend to descend from father to son. In this category may be placed
the Shoshonean,^ Salishan,* and eastern Athapascan* peoples, the

* Mooney in Fourteenth Rep. Bur, Am, EthnoL^ p. 956.

^Grinnell in Proc. Internat. Cong. Americanists^ 13th sess., N. Y., 1902, pp. 135-
146.

3 The Shoshonean organization has been referred to specifically by very few writers,
but that it was of this type, omitting the Hopi of course, may be inferred from everything
that can be learned about it. For the Comanche, however, see Mooney in Fourteenth
Rep. Bur. Am, Ethnol., p. 956.

* Boas in Reports on N. W. Tribes of Can, for B, A, A, S, for 1889, 1890, 1891,
and 1893 » Hill-Tout in Ethnol, Surv, Can, for 6. A. A. S., 1899, 1900, and 1902.
Hill-Tout in Jour. Anthrop. Inst,^ Jan.-June, 1904 ; Teit in Memoirs Am. Mus, Nat,
Hist., II, pp. 289-296 ; Gibbs in Cont, A1 A, Ethnol, y I, pp. 184-186.

* Morice in Proc, Can, Inst, for iSSSSg, pp. 121, 126 ; Trans, Roy, Soc, Can. for
i8g2y sec. 11, p. 117.

670 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Kutenai,* the Nootka,* the rest of the people of Washington,*
Oregon,* and California* excepting the Yuman tribes already re-
ferred to, the Arapaho,* Kiowa,* Crows,* Cheyenne,* and the tribes
of the Caddoan stock outside of the Caddo confederacy/ To these
may be added the Eskimo® and Aleut, and probably the Cree, the
Algonquian bands east of Hudson bay, the Khotana of the lower
Yukon, and the Pima tribes.* In the extent of country which it
covers and the importance of some of the stocks involved, it will be
seen that this system — or lack of system, — compares very favor-
ably with either of those already considered.

Thus on purely quantitative grounds a study of the tribes north
of Mexico lends no overwhelming support to the theory of a primi-
tively universal maternal clan system. But when we come to com-
pare the tribes in which a clan system exists individually with those
which are without it, the tenuous character of its foundations be-
comes painfully manifest. For, granting its truth, we are compelled
to assume the inferiority of the tribes constituting the Iroquois and
Creek confederacies, the Timucua of Florida, and the Natchez of
Louisiana and Mississippi to the Cree and Eskimo ; of the Pueblos
and Navaho to the Paiute and the tribes of California ; and of the
Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian to the Salishan and eastern Atha-
pascan tribes.

Instead of being primitive, a study of the north Pacific area con-
vinces one that the maternal clan system is itself evolved, for there

' Cham!)erlain in Rep. on N. IV. Vridrs of Can. for B. A. A. S.^ 1 892, p. 12.

* Hoas in Kcp. on A". \V. Tribes of Can. for B. A. A. S. for 1890, pp. 32, 33, 43.
3Gib!)s in Cont. xV. A. Ethnol.y I, pp. 184-186]; Farrand in American Anthropol-

ogisiy III, p. 242 ; (loddard, Life and Culture of the I/upa^ Univ. Cal. Publ., Am. Arch.
and Eth., I, p. 58 ; Kroeber, Types of Indian Culture in California^ ibid., li, pp, 83,
84, 87 ; Dixon, Northern Maiduy in Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvil, p. 223.

*Mooney in Fourteenth Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol.y p. 956; Kroeber, l^he Arapaho,
Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xviii, p. 8.

*Mooney in Seventeenth Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol.^ p. 227.

* See above.

' Personal information.

6 Boas in Sixth Rep. Bur. Am. Ethnol.^ pp. 578-582 ; Turner in Ele-i*enth Report
Bur. Am. Ethnol., p. 1 90. The totemism referred to by Nelson in Eighteenth Rep.
Bur. Am. Ethnol. is plainly not coupled with a true clan or gentile system, and is quite
certainly due to the influence of more southerly tribes.

8 Shown by investigations of Russell, as yet unpublished.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZA TION OF AMERICAN TRIBES 67 I

is every indication that it there grew up in one small area at the
mouths of the Nass and Skeena rivers and was spreading northward,
southward, and inland at the time these trites first came to the
notice of Europeans. That an evolution has taken place in the
Southwest is indicated by Fewkes' study of Hopi clans, as well as
by everything that we have learned of the relation of Navaho culture
to that of the Pueblos. It is also evident that the type of the social
organization has some relation to environment, typical clan systems
being found usually in the maize country, although the north Pacific
coast presents an exception, while the loose type is found principally
in cold northern regions and the barren western plateau where
food is scarce. Yet here again California and the coast region
of Oregon, Washington, and southern British Columbia must be
excepted.

An interesting point to be noted is the position of gentile areas
relative to the two others. Unless we except the Blackfeet it will
be seen that each of these touches on regions occupied by tribes in
the two remaining categories. Thus the Sioux-Algonquian area
lies between the Iroquois and Muskhogean tribes'on one side and
the Shoshonean, Salishan, and eastern Athapascan tribes on the
other ; the Yuman tribes lie betu^een the Navaho and the Piman and
Shoshonean tribes ; and the Kwakiutl are between the maternally
organized Heiltsuk and the Nootka and Salish. This association
suggests at once whether the evolution of the gentile system and
the evolution of the clan system have borne any peculiar relation to
each other. In the case of the Kwakiutl we know that the organi-
zation contains elements probably borrowed from their northern
neighbors, and it is believed that their relatives on the north, the
Heiltsuk, have changed to a maternal form of organization through
the influence of the maternally organized Tsimshian and Haida.
Supposing the same influence to continue, we might expect that the
Kwakiutl, in time, would also have reached a maternal stage. In
other words, the curious phenomenon here presents itself of a loosely
organized tribe changing to a gentile and afterward to a clan system.
At the same time the Kwakiutl gentile system can hardly be re-
garded as typical, and I should be inclined to doubt whether a
gentile system that had attained the perfection of that of the Omaha,

II-

■ 1 1

■ j ■

I
i

672 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

for instance, would pass over naturally into a clan system. This
possibility ought to be reckoned with, however, in dealing with
those "traces of a maternal stage" that we hear so much about
It might put quite a different interpretation on several conclusions
arrived at by Morgan.

A thorough investigation of this problem demands an examina-
tion of certain tendencies among tribes in the last category. The
it relative proportion of cases in which a man goes to live with his

wife's people to those in which a woman goes to live with those ox
her husband ought to be noted, also the attitude of the members of
a band toward marriage within and marriage outside, and toward
marriage among foreign tribes. The treatment of tribes or bands
adopted into others or becoming allied to others ought also to be
examined, as well as tendencies of a band or tribe to segregate, and
I the attitude of these parts toward each other and of other bands

toward all.

The totemic side of the question, on the other hand, requires
close investigation of the religious beliefs of primitive people and
especially of the related phenomena presented by the personal
manitu, the crest of the Northwest coast, the so-called " suliaism "
of Salish tribes,^ and the heraldry of the tribes of the plains. It
appears to be rather a badge or " medicine " affixed to bands which
have become differentiated regardless of it than an essential element
of clan or gentile organization.

More care should be exercised by sociologists in picking out
"vestigial characters." Doubtless such exist, but in determining
what they are we must first be certain that they have no meaning
or function for the present generation, and secondly that, instead of
vestiges, they are not rather tendencies toward something still in the
future. Thus the application of the term "wife'* to a wife's sister,
or of " husband " to a sister's husband is not a " vestigial character"
as has been maintained, but indicates the potential relationship in
which the parties stand, a man having a prior claim on his wife's
sister in case of his wife's death. Other so-called " vestigial char-
acters " are of much the same order.

While this field presents abundant opportunities for future

* Hill-Tout, op. cit.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN TRIBES 673

investigation, it would seem to the writer, from the evidence already
adduced, that the primitive nature of the maternal clan is not sub-
stantiated by a study of the American tribes north of Mexico, and
can be proved only by presenting more abundant proof from other
quarters of the globe.

Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington, D. C.

•■I

' .1

I
I

,■1

■■ I

' \

1 1
,l

I :

)

If
I
I

SOME FEATURES OF THE LANGUAGE AND
CULTURE OF THE SALISH^

By CHARLES HILL-TOUT

i Of the three g^eat bases of ethnic classification — the physical,

the cultural, and the linguistic — no doubt, it seems to me, can
remain in the mind of any student of anthropology in this country,
of the practical superiority of the latter over the two former. ^ While
desiring in no way to disparage or lessen the value of the results
obtained by physical and cultural investigation, my own field studies
in these directions have convinced me that the only possible classifi-
cation for American students in tlie present state of our knowledge
is the linguistic.
j In saying this I am perfectly well aware that a community of

1 ; language does not necessarily involve a community of origin. But

neither for the matter of that does community of culture, for that
can be borrowed and adopted as well as language ; and as for a
j community of physical characteristics I question very seriously if

■ such a thing is possible at this stage of human history. The race

that is commonly regarded as the purest in the world — the Hebraic
— has been shown to be as physically heterogeneous as many other
admittedly mixed races.

From the point of view, then, of homogeneity of race, the lin-
guistic test is as good as the physical or the cultural, and as a prac-
; tical working basis it is unquestionably the best at our disposal,

and the one by which, I believe, the surest results will be obtained
in the study of the native races of North America.

Perhaps nowhere on this continent can the correctness of this

view be better illustrated than in the study of that diversified and ex-

' tensive stock known to ethnologists as the Salishan. In their cultural

j elements and in their physical characteristics these Indians are as

i diverse as any race could well be, but throughout all this diversity

> Read at the meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco,

August 29.

674

HiLL-TOUTl LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF SALISH 67$

of culture and somatology there runs a clear and marked uniformity
in the basal elements and in the morphological principles of their
speech. Indeed this fundamental unity of their language forms one
of the most interesting features in the study of this stock. This
point becomes the more striking when we remember that the dialectal
differences in their language are sometimes very great, greater than
those existing in the Romance languages of Europe. But so
strongly does this underlying unity manifest itself that when all the
dialects of this family shall have been examined I am persuaded it
will be possible to reconstruct the primitive Salish tongue as spoken
by the original and undivided founders of this stock.

Before I proceed to invite your attention to some of the more
interesting results of my studies of this people, I would like to
remark incidentally that these primitive tongues are worthy of the
highest regard and consideration of philologists and grammarians
on account of the light their study incidentally throws on the evo-
lution and development of the formative elements in speech. Being
for the most part in an earlier, less developed, and less settled state
than the cultivated tongues, they show us in actual operation the
processes by which the original, plastic, inchoate elements of speech
are converted into instruments of formal thought ; how the " parts
of speech " became differentiated and restricted in function ; how
the earlier demonstrative elements are changed into adverbs, prepo-
sitions, and pronouns ; and how the modal, temporal, and declen-
sional elements are evolved from radicals of independent force and
import.

When I was a young man it was one of the axioms of philo-
logical science that the numeral and pronominal elements of a
language were well-nigh immutable, and that on the similarity or
dissimilarity of these might a group of tongues be judged to be or
not to be related. But any one familiar with the dialectal differ-
ences of our larger linguistic stocks is now well aware of the falli-
bility of such a test as that which, if applied, for example, to the
Salish tongues, would give us instead of one linguistic family or
group at least half a dozen. Such tests, it is clear, are applicable
only to languages like the Aryan, which reach a certain degree of
definiteness in forms before their separation into distinct divisions

AM. ANTH., N. S., ^ — 45.

676 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

takes place. Similarity of lexical forms has been a very useful test
in the mapping out of the different linguistic groups of this conti-
nent. Our ignorance of the morphology of the primitive languages
of this hemisphere left us no other course ; but no one who has given
attention to the study of the structure of these languages can doubt
that, as our knowledge of their organization advances, the number
of stocks now recognized will be very materially decreased and that
instead of some one hundred and fifty we shall ultimately recognize
probably fewer than a fourth of that number. My own examination
of these tongues has led me to the conclusion that the differences
seen in the morphology of many groups are more superficial than
radical, and that beneath an apparent dissimilarity in structure there
is an underlying principle of unity running through many of them.
For example, the Salish and Kwaklutl tongues are superficially dif-
ferent in their morphology, but when this difference is analyzed it is
seen to be one of degree only, not of kind, and is exactly of the
same nature as that existing between the various Salish dialects
themselves, only in the Kwakiutl it has been carried further and
been more deeply affected by foreign influences. And this applies
in a greater or lesser degree in all the languages of the Pacific coast
north of the Columbia, and I have no doubt that one day the
majority of these stocks will be included in one linguistic family.

This however is by the way. It is not so much of language that
I desire to speak at this time, though I cannot leave the subject
without first calling attention to what has seemed to me a most
interesting and suggestive feature of the Salish tongue. And first I
would say that I regard the plasticity of these primitive languages
as their most marked characteristic. It is a feature they all possess,
and is clearly due to the independence and informal character of the
elements of language in its earlier stages. A study of such tongues
as the Salish would suggest to one that the vocables of primitive
speech were very loosely and indefinitely applied ; that a large part
of their sense and meaning was conveyed not by the words them-
selves, but by those auxiliaries of early speech — tone and gesture ;
and that for a long period there was no fixed order or sentence in
the words. The same terms according to their order or position
were now nouns, now verbs, adverbs, adjectives, or other parts of

HILL-TOUT] LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF SALISH 677

speech as the sense required. Most if not all cultivated languages
still exhibit this characteristic in a greater or lesser degree. Eng-
lish still retains, or rather has recovered, the power of converting any
word into a verb ; and the Chinese, we know, has never gone beyond
this early stage. There the function and sense of a word depends
entirely on tone and position in the sentence.

The Salish in its present state of development has passed beyond
this stage and has arrived at that point where differentiation of the
formal parts of speech takes place ; when terms begin to lose their
original independence and plasticity of form and are given fixed out-
lines and functions ; when subsidiary particles are evolved, a settled
order and method of verbal synthesis arises, and the morphological
principles of the language are firmly established.

But it is abundantly clear from a comparative theory of the nu-
merous Salish dialects that prior to the separation and division of this
stock the languages had not reached this stage. The pronominal
forms vary radically, with one or two notable exceptions, in every
dialect ; and everywhere the forms commonly employed to indicate
the third person have still an independent demonstrative force, and
in most cases are used in other constructions as simple demonstra-
tives, showing plainly and indisputably thereby the demonstrative
origin of pronouns. For even with the other two persons the forms
commonly employed have to take, in many instances, a regular
demonstrative to give the full force and meaning.

Again, most of the numeral forms differ radically in each of the
greater divisions of this stock, whereas in the divisions of the
Aryan family the numeral roots are common throughout up to a
hundred, I believe. I would not regard this diversity of form in the
Salish dialects as indicating that the ancestors of the stock could or
did not possess numerals before their separation, but rather as indi-
cating the rudimental informal condition of their language at that
time, when ideas of number, like ideas of person, were conveyed in
a variety of ways, and when there were but few fixed forms.

Perhaps the most interesting and suggestive example of this un-
settled inchoate state of the language before the separation is seen in
the use of the temporal elements in verbal construction. These
elements in the Salish dialects, unlike those in the classic tongues,

6/8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 190$

have still for the greater part an independent function. They are
primarily locatives or demonstrative adverbs, and are used as such
apart from the verb. One of the most constant of these is the
term nc, and the interesting part about it is that a group of the
interior British Columbia tribes employ it to mark future actions
and states, while most of the coastal tribes use it to sig^niiy past
actions and states.

Nothing could illustrate better the plastic, unsettled state of the
language prior to the separation of the divisions of this stock than
this double and contrary usage of the same radical ; and in my ear-
lier studies of this language it puzzled me not a little to account for it
But as soon as its identification with the corresponding demonstra-
tive radix ne became clear, it ceased to be a puzzle, but became
rather a suggestive illuming ray of light on the obscure processes
of savage mentation. This term, as I have said, had and still has
an independent locative significance such as is conveyed by our
term "there," or "yonder.** Now it is clear at once that the
border line of time has a "there*' on either side of it. The past
and the future are, from the standpoint of the present, both titere or
yonder ; consequendy the same term could be employed to mark
either a past or a future action or state. And that it was so used
by the undivided Salish I have not the least doubt. To this day
they regard actions and states as occurring in "place" rather than
in " time." It is " here " or " there," not " now " and " then."

I do not venture to say on the strength of the Salish usage of
locative elements that the temporal particles in verbal compounds in
all language arose in this manner, though I think it highly probable
that a great many did. Thus a study of these primitive tongues
may, as I have said, throw much light on the development of the
formative elements of cultivated languages, the origin of which has
become lost or obscured by lapse of time and by the loss of their
earlier independent status and function.

Passing now from language to culture, I would like to point out
that my studies in this direction have resulted in disclosing an extra-
ordinary diversity in the social institutions, customs, and beliefs of
the different Salish tribes. And this diversity is not confined to the
larger, more important features of their culture, but extends often-

HiLETOUT] LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF SALISH 679

times to the merest details in the minor issues of their lives. As
an illustration of this I may cite the differences in their mortuary,
marriage, puberty, birth, and naming customs. I have called at-
tention to these differences from time to time in my reports on the
Salish,* but I may mention one or two of them here. Thus one
feature of the mortuary ceremony is the severing of the hair of the
surviving relatives of the deceased. This is the conventional sign
of mourning with them ; and while all the tribes practise this not un-
common rite among primitive peoples, no two of them, so far as
my observations go, treat or deal with the severed hair in the same
manner. This may seem a small and unimportant point ; but the
difference of treatment reveals a fundamental difference in their con-
ceptions and ideas which appears to me to be most interesting.
Thus in one group they dispose of the hair by burning it so that it
may not be used by an enemy to bewitch them ; in another they
take it away and bury it in some spot outside the camp where the
vegetation is vigorous and dense, insuring thereby to the owners
long life and strength ; in another they put it away carefully to be
buried with their corpses at death ; in another it is cast into running
water, and in still another it is taken into the forest and fastened on
the branches of the mystic red-fir tree, always on its eastern side ;
and doubtless in other divisions they have still other practices.

It is the same in puberty rites. No two groups follow the same
customs. The place and period of seclusion vary apparently in
every tribe. Some build little cubicles within the dwellings over
the general sleeping platform, wherein both boys and girls are
separately secluded for a period of ten days ; others construct special
shelters outside, wherein only the girls are secluded for a period of
time differing in each division ; others again make their pubescent
children retire to the forest, some for a short period and some for six
months or a year. In some tribes the shamans play an important
part in the rites ; in others the elders take charge of the pubescents,
instructing them generally in the various duties and responsibilities
of manhood and womanhood. Among the interior tribes every
pubescent boy and girl during his or her period of seclusion or train-
ing acquires a personal totem, but among the delta and coastal

1 See the publications of the Ethnological Survey of Canada.

68o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

tribes girls do not customarily acquire totems at all ; and only those
youths who have a desire to excel in some special pursuit seek and
acquire personal guardian spirits. These are but a few instances of
the minor differences ; numerous others may be found in my vari-
ous reports on this stock.

Of the wider differences in their culture, some of the more im-
portant are those relating to their social institutions. With respect
to these, if we may take simpUcity of social forms as indicating the
earlier stages in the cultural development of a people, then the
simple organization of the interior tribes, of which the Thompson
Indians afford a fair example, may be regarded as representing most
nearly the earlier culture of the Salishan stock. From this point,
as we approach the coastal tribes, we find an increasing complexity
in social structure and an ever-widening divergence in customs,
practices, and beliefs.

Many of these differences, both greater and minor, are doubtless
due to difference in habitat The interior tribes inhabit a dry region,
those on the coast the very opposite, precipitation being frequent
and often excessive with them. The climate here is also milder in
winter than in the interior, and this fact alone would account for
the main difference in their dress and dwellings. The wide vari-
ability in the physical characteristics of the race, however, show
plainly, too, that some of their diversity of culture is due to race-
admixture ; doubtless some is also due to the influx of new ideas
from contiguous stocks, but more I think is the result of spontane-
ous independent cultural development.

Among the interior tribes the office of chieftain is elective and the
conduct of affairs is mainly in the hands of the elders of the tribe.
When we reach the Lillooet and the HalkOma lem divisions we find
that this office, though still elective in theory, has become practically
hereditary ; and when we come to the coastal Salish we find that
the chieftaincy descends regularly from father to son and has been
held by the same family for as many generations as they have any

record of

The earlier, simpler forms of social organization show a state of
democratic equality and independence existing which amounts to
what one may denominate as pure anarchy. From this condition

HiLLTOUT] LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF SALISH 68 1

of things to that obtaining among the coastal tribes is a far cry.
Here we find the chiefs hereditary, a princely caste established, and
the rest of the tribe divided into nobles and base folk, the former
possessing and enjoying exclusive rights and privileges. *

But the most important changes that have taken place in the cul-
ture of the delta and coastal tribes are those, in my opinion, relating
to totemic ideas and conceptions. And here I shall make some
little digression in order that I may the better illustrate the im-
portance of my studies in this direction.

As most of us probably are aware, the subject of totemism does
not loom so large in anthropological inquiry in this country as in
Europe, and particularly in England. There, no question has of
late years had so much attention given to it as totemism, and views
are commonly held regarding its origin and import which are rad-
ically different from those generally held by students in this country.
Our studies of the subject have led most of us to regard totemism
as primarily a religious institution or manifestation, the inevitable
outcome of savage man's attitude toward nature, the social aspects
of which are something very secondary and incidental, and which
attained such importance as they possess in savage regimentation
because of their obvious convenience in classifying and distinguish-
ing one kin-group from another.

But this is not the view taken by European students. Totemism
with them is primarily and essentially a social institution originating
in and properly belonging to the matriarchal state of society and
constituting at once the cause and basis of clan organization.
Furthermore, they commonly regard personal totemism — which to
them is a contradiction in terms — as something distinct altogether
from group totemism, or at most a later derivative phase of it

Such a view of the matter is as perplexing to us as our views
are to them. To us the personal totem precedes the group totem
and is the source and origin of it. Moreover, we do not find that
group totemism is a peculiarity of tribes organized on a matriarchal
basis. It is as characteristic of the patriarchal and the village state
as of the matriarchal in this country ; and that it may originate in
a state of society other than the matriarchal I think is clear beyond
the shadow of a doubt from the evidence I have gathered among

682 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

the Salish, whose organization, as you are aware, is that of the

village commune.

There is something equally common and equally essential to the
totemism of the village Salish, the patrilineal Sioux, and the matri-
lineal Haida. This obviously is not its social characteristics, for
these three stocks have different social organizations ; but it is its
religious character, for all three hold and share alike the common
belief in tutelary spirits, which belief is seen to h'e at the base of and
to give life and meaning equally to the totemism of each. Ethno-
logical study here has made it perfectly clear that totemism prevails
in one form or another in all our American tribes ; and it has
further revealed the fact that its social aspects vary with the social
organization of the different stocks or groups. Among all the per-
sonal or individual totem or tutelary spirit is in evidence. Indeed
it is the very prevalence of the personal totem — the nagtiai^ tnanitou^
sulia, snam, wahabc, or whatever it may locally be called — that
has led those of us who have made a first-hand study of the subject
to regard group totemism as a natural extension and development
under social requirements of personal totemism. And just here is
where the totemism of the Salish becomes interesting and sug-
gestive. Everywhere amongst them we find the personal totem in
vogue ; and the evidence I have been able to gather on this head
makes it perfectly clear, in my judgment, that the group totemism
we find among them is a development of their personal totemism.
For in the tribes of the interior, where group totems, so far as we
have been able to discover, are wholly unknown, ci'ery individual of
both sexes is said to possess his or her personal totem ; and it is
only when we come to those divisions which possess group and
hereditary totems — which are everywhere demonstrably later de-
velopments of the personal totem — that we find the personal totem
less common and possessed by certain members of the tribe only.
In those tribes where the kin or family totems are common, the per-
sonal totem is comparatively rare. This state of things points con-
clusively, to my mind, to the supersedure of the personal totem by
the kin or group totem because of the changes that have taken
place in the social organization of these tribes. For among all the
tribes possessing group or kin totems we find prevailing a social

HILL-TOUT] LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF SALISH 683

system different from that obtaining among those tribes that possess
the personal totem only. Wherever the group totems prevail we
find hereditary chiefs and distinct castes, medicine and secret societies,
family and kin crests, and such like social features, all or most of
which find their support and have their rise in the group or fraternal
totem.

A study of the kin or group totems of the delta and coastal
Salish makes this very clear. As long as the totem is personal and
personally acquired, it is always regarded as an ever-ready, active,
ghostly helper to be called on in all emergencies ; but when it be-
comes by inheritance a group or kin totem, we find it losing its
active tutelary character and degenerating into what is little more
than a family crest or symbol of kinship. And this is entirely in
line with the nature of the kin or group totems of the Haida,
Tsimshian, and other matrilineal peoples.

The totemism, then, of the Salish, besides being extremely in-
teresting in itself, is of interest and value also in confirming the views
commonly held by students of this country, and leaves no room for
doubt that the group or kin totem is at any rate here a develop-
ment of the earlier personal totem.

But there is another phase of the question, which is perhaps the
most interesting of all, where Salish evidence is also helpful and
suggestive. Students of totemism early saw that a deep and vital
connection lay between the doctrine or institution of totemism and
the system of. savage names. In this country the late Director of
the Bureau of American Ethnology went so far as to define totem-
ism as the " doctrine of naming," being led to take this view of the
matter by the close and intimate relation he perceived to exist be-
tween names of persons and groups and the names of the totem
objects of these persons and groups. As he pointed out, and as
Miss Alice C. Fletcher had pointed out earlier (and to her is, I think,
due the credit of first recognizing the importance and the deep
significance of names among the native races of this country), the
names among primitive races are very different from names among
sophisticated peoples. They are not with them, as customarily with
us, mere labels or vocal tags to distinguish one person or group
from another ; they are rather terms of relation and affiliation having

684 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

a sacred and mystic import and are considered to be as much a part
and parcel of the object bearing them as any p)ortion or character-
istic of the object itself ; and I am aware of nothing more important,
suggestive, and interesting in our studies of primitive culture than
this same study of names. Indeed, so important have I been led by
my own studies to regard this question that I have ventured to sug-
gest in my last report that it be treated as a separate department of
anthropological study under the term nofnenology ; and nothing, I
am convinced, will be found to be more profitable and instructive
than inquiry along these lines.

I was unusually fortunate in my last year's field work in pro-
curing from an elderly Indian a body of information bearing on the
name systems of the Salish, which, while highly interesting in itself,
helps us to understand how the primitive mind regards names gener-
ally. This information, which I have given in detail, will appear in
my next report.

In the study of primitive man the greatest difficulty the sophis-
ticated student has to contend with, I have found, is the essential
difference of his own from his subject's plane of thought — in other
words, the difficulty to see things from the native point of view. He
can make no satisfactory advance till he has emptied his mind of all
its preconceptions regarding primitive man, which more often than
not are founded on early misconceptions and limited knowledge of
his life and thought. We have been studying the savage more or
less systematically for a quarter of a century now, yet I am con-
vinced we are but just beginning to know and to understand him as
he really is. Speaking for myself, I would like to say that I have
found nothing so helpful to me in getting behind his eyes and behold-
ing the universe from his view-point as the study of his names and
name systems.

I may be permitted to observe here that it is a phase of his cul-
ture not confined to the primitive races of this continent, but to be
met with, I believe, wherever unsophisticated man is to be found.
This also is a point we have but just discovered. Until the publi-
cation of Spencer and Gillen's works on the tribes of central Aus-
tralia we had no sure knowledge that the primitive races of other
countries regarded their personal and group names in the same light

HILL-TOUT] LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF SALISH 68$

as do our own aborigines. In their work on the " Northern Tribes
of Central Australia " Messrs Spencer and Gillen have devoted a
chapter to names, and although the information they obtained on
this subject is general rather than particular, it leaves no room for
doubt that the Australian savage holds views on the " doctrine of
naming *' fundamentally identical with those held by our own
Indians ; and thus, when two peoples so physically dissimilar and so
widely separated as the black fellows of Australia and the Indians of
America are found holding practically identical views on this subject,
we are not unjustified in assuming, I think, that we are dealing with
some fundamental universal concept of the primitive mind, a con-
cept that has entered deeply into both their religious and social
life.

It may be of interest to remark here that while European stu-
dents have recognized with ourselves the close connection that
exists between primitive names and totemism, they do not view this
connection from our point of view. Rejecting personal totemism as
the basis and origin of group-totemism, they are debarred from
looking for the origin of totem-group names in the personal totem
names of some of the ancestors of the groups or kins as we are
naturally led, and as the evidence directs us, to do. They have to
account for these names in some other way. Within the last two
years two different theories of the origin of totem-group names have
been put forth by two eminent European anthropologists — one by
Dr Haddon, the other by Mr Andrew Lang. Both theories sup-
pose these names to come from without the groups bearing them ;
the former suggesting that they arose from the names of the char-
acteristic foods of primitive human groups. Thus those living along
the shores and those who lived in the jungle would subsist in the
main on different foods, the one, say, on crabs and the other on
sago. These staples of their larder they would sometimes exchange,
and the one group would come in time to be spoken of as the " Crab-
men" and the other as the "Sago-men.'* Presently each group
would recognize the appropriateness of the term as applied to them-
selves and would adopt it as their group name. Later their de-
scendants, when its true origin had been lost, would begin to look
upon themselves as related to the animal or vegetable or other ob-

686 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 190S

ject whose names they bore, and create myths to account for this
relationship. Thus would arise both the groui>- totem and the
group name. This, very briefly expressed, is Dr Haddon's theory.
Mr Lang's is not greatly unlike it. He is not wedded to any parti-
cular view as to the manner in which the name arises, provided only
that it comes from ivithout the group bearing it This is an essential
feature of his theory. It may arise, as Dr Haddon suggests, from
nicknames, or in any other way. On the whole he favors the nick-
name origin himself and offers some interesting imformation on the
origin of village nicknames as found in England and on the con-
tinent of Europe. But, however it arises, those to whom it is ap-
plied come in time to adopt it and regard it as peculiarly their own.
Later, as in Dr Haddon's theory, when the true origin of the name
has been forgotten, a mythical origin is given to it and the object
from which the name is taken is held to be related to the group and
becomes the group totem and the source of the g^oup name.

I have elsewhere recorded the objection which arises in my mind
against these theories.* I will only say here that both these views
of the origin of totem-group names wholly neglect to recognize the
deep inner meaning names have in the mind of primitive man, and
conflict with the data on this head which I have gathered from the
Salish and which Messrs Spencer and Gillen obtained from the
Australians.

We know beyond question that the source of personal names
among many American tribes is the personal totem, and it would ap-
pear to be the same in Australia. Among the interior Salish tribes
the personal totem is the commonest source of the personal name.
We know, too, that the personal totem can be transmitted and be-
come an hereditary family or kin totem. What, then, is more reason-
able than to conclude that the totem-group name is the transmitted
totem name of the founder, or of some other prominent ancestor, of
the group, as the Indians themselves believe ?

Whether my exposition of Salish culture, and particularly my
presentation of the data bearing on totemism, will persuade our

» Totemism : A consideration of its Origin and Import ; Trans, Royal Society of
Canada y Second series, vol. ix, sec. 11, 1903-04.

HILL-TOUT] LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF SALISH 68/

European colleagues to accept the American view, I cannot say ;
but I trust this short account of my studies has made it clear that
the field of ethnological inquiry offered by the various divisions of
the Salish is one of the most interesting and instructive to which we
can devote attention.

Abbotsford,

British Columbia.

RUST] THE OBSIDIAN BLADES OF CALIFORNIA 689

blades as tribal property, and in one case I found it impossible to
persuade the holder to part with the one in his possession at any price.

One old Indian, living alone in abject poverty, exacted a promise
that I would not tell his neighbors that I had bought his blade. He
said : " Now they call me rich. If they know I sell him, they
say * He poor Indian — no account.*" The promise was given
and his reputation for wealth and honor saved.

Another piece was obtained from an Indian who had adopted the
white man's dress and customs and cared no more for the Indian
dance. He showed me a fine blade, and said : *' My father he big
chief. He have this one ; I no sell him. My wife her father he
big chief too ; she got him sword; I sell you hers.** Recognizing
the husband's right to the wife's property I bought the implement.

When inquiries were made as to the use of these objects it was
learned from all informants that they were for ceremonial purposes.
They were carried in the dance as a wand or badge of distinction,
indicating rank and wealth. They were used to mark time in the
dance and to gesticulate in speaking.

From what was seen and learned among these Indians of northern
California, it would appear that the larger so-called spearheads,
which are well known from different parts of the country, may have
been made and used for a similar purpose. Sometimes they were
mounted on a short stick and used in a similar way. One such
was obtained from a Klamath Indian, its stone head being about four
inches and the stick or handle eighteen inches long. Subsequently
a blade similar in size and form has been found by the author in
use during an eagle dance of the Mission Indians of San Diego
county. This was mounted on a handle of hard wood, which was
ornamented with bits of abalone shell set in asphaltum and wound
about with a strip of shell beads. This object was used in a man-
ner similar to that of the obsidian blades of northern California.
Similarly shaped implements of bone have often been found in grave
deposits on the California coast.

South Pasadena,
California.

690 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Notes by A. L. Kroeber

The Indians referred to in Mr Rust's paper are in or near northern
Humboldt county and belong to the quite distinctly specialized north-
western culture area of California. On the lower Trinity are the
Hupa, and on the Klamath below the confluence of the Trinity, the
Yurok. On the Klamath above the mouth of the Trinity are the
Karok. Other tribes or groups in this region also possessed ob-
sidian blades, attached a high value to them, and used them cere-
monially, but it is only the three tribes mentioned that practised
the white deerskin dance of which the use of these blades is partic-
ularly characteristic. The subject has been briefly written about
by Stephen Powers^ whose statements are in the main correct. Dr
P. E. Goddard has also treated of the subject, with plates showing
the implements in use.*

Two specimens in the Museum of the Department of Anthro-
pology of the University of California are shown in the accompany-
ing plate XLi. The larger (cat. no. 1-1327) is 13 inches long and
of black obsidian. The smaller (cat. no. 1-1542) is 10 inches in
I length and of deep red obsidian. It shows the finer finish of the

two, though this is not brought out in the illustration. The slight
narrowing of this piece at the middle should be noted, being a feature
found both in black and red specimens, though the unconstricted
form of the larger black specimen is probably more common. Al-
most all the blades are of these two colors, though black specimens
not infrequently show colorless almost transparent streaks or
mottlings which by reflected light look gray. The value of the
pieces lies chiefly in their length ; secondarily in the degree of per-
fection of the material and finish. The black are usually consider-
ably longer, but length for length the red are of greater value.
They are also less common. A red blade 15 or 18 inches long is
extremely rare and valuable, while there are black ones more than
30 inches long. Blades of a third material are also occasionally
seen. These are made of a white flinty stone lacking both the
luster and translucence of obsidian. This white material seems not

* Tribes of California y p. 52, 79.

* University of California Publications^ American Arc/uroloQ' and Ethnology^ vol.
i> P' 83, 84, with plates 4 and 30.

dill) an in p^sHUiDnTH. ]^"ru»^

RUST] THE OBSIDIAN BLADES OF CALIFORNIA 69 1

to be scarce, as many small blades made of it can be found ; but it
is probably difficult to work into larger pieces, for but few can be
seen and these are very highly valued. At best the white flint
blades lack the beautiful regularity of chipping which the obsidian
so readily takes in the hands of an expert workman. The white
blades are also usually much broader in proportion to their length
than the obsidian ones. All the obsidian used by the tribes of this
region comes from up the Klamath river and no doubt has its origin
in the deposits in the region of the headwaters of this stream. Both
the specimens illustrated were obtained at Weitchpec, a Yurok village
at the confluence of the Klamath and Trinity rivers.

When in use at a dance the blades have a strip of cloth or buck-
skin tied around them, as described by Mr Rust.

Like most of the more valuable property of these Indians, the
obsidian blades are not destroyed at the owner's death or buried
with him, but transmitted to the heirs. Social rank, which is de-
pendent almost entirely on wealth, passes from father to son only if
property is inherited. Strictly the ownership of these blades is purely
personal ; but a certain claim or lien of persons possessing no title
to them is recognized, as indicated by Mr Rust in his statements
concerning tribal ownership. The chief opportunity for the display
of wealth is at dances. The more important of these are held only
at certain villages, but are always participated in by the people of
other villages. The dances are performed by two or more parties,
which aim to outdo one another in the display of wealth. At a
dance held at a certain village a certain man is usually recognized
as the principal person or organizer of a party ; but generally only
a small part of the valuables displayed by his party are actually his
property, the remainder being contributed by his wealthy friends
living in other villages. In return, when a dance is held at a vil-
lage where one of his friends is looked upon as the principal man
of a dancing party, he is expected by the latter to bring or send his
property, and failure to do so is deeply resented. In this way fam-
ilies living in villages many miles apart, and perhaps entirely unre-
lated even by intermarriage, are often connected from generation to
generation by close ties of friendship and mutual help, and the obli-
gation of one to the other is clearly recognized A man disposing

AM* ANTHR., N. S., 7-46.

692 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

of a well-known blade would thus make himself liable not only to
incur the ill will of such friends, but to forfeit their support when he
most needed it to maintain his honor and station in life.

At the same time the blades, especially those not of the largest
size, are not necessarily handed down in one family from generation
to generation. On account of their high value they are not infre-
quently used commercially, as in the purchase of a wife or in the
payment for murder. In such cases they pass completely out of
the control of the family formerly possessing them.

The right of the husband to dispose of his wife's property would
scarcely be recognized by these Indians. It is not uncommon that
a woman personally inherits obsidian blades, woodpecker-scalp orna-
ments, dentalia, or other valuable property. In so far as this is of
a kind available for ceremonial use, it is naturally put at her hus-
band's disposal on occasion ; but her ownership seems to be clearly
established. It is probable that in the instance mentioned the man
was either selling the blade with his wife's knowledge and consent
and for her, or without her knowledge and contrary to right.

The use of the blades at dances is correctly stated by Mr Rust
and has been described by Dr Goddard in the monograph cited, but
may be amplified by a few statements. The recognized major dances
of the Yurok, Karok, and Hupa are what are popularly known as
the white deerskin dance and the woodpecker or jumping dance.
In the latter of these the obsidian blades are not known to be used.
In the white deerskin dance the performers stand in line holding the
white and other deerskins for which the ceremony is named. In
the middle of the line stands the singer. At both ends of the line
are two men, without deerskins. At certain stages of the song these
advance toward each other, dancing in front of the line, and ex-
change places. As they do this, each carries a blade, extended for-
ward and somewhat aloft, as if he would display it as conspicuously
as possible. The two blades used at one time are matched as nearly
as possible. At some stages of the dance red blades are carried, at
others black ones. During the earlier songs the smaller and less
valuable blades are always used ; at the last song the largest of all.
A red and a black blade would not be carried at the same time. It
is by no means necessary that the two blades used together actually

RUST] THE OBSIDIAN BLADES OF CALIFORNIA 693

form a pair or belong to the same man, though this is not infrequent.
In fact the smaller blades quite commonly come in pairs, though in
proportion as their size is greater this is more rare. The dancers
carrying the blades — and this statement applies to other ceremonial
objects of value as well — are not the owners. These are usually
elderly men, who supervise and order the dance, but do not them-
selves take part in it, the dancers being young or sometimes middle-
aged men.

A less elaborate and important ceremony than the white deer-
skin and jumping dances is the brush or medicine dance, which
differs in being held for an individual instead of the community or
tribe ; in being of shorter duration ; and in being capable of being
observed at any time or place. Less valuable paraphernalia are also
used in connection with it, and this applies to the obsidian blades.
The smaller or medium sized blades are sometimes brought out at
this dance, though this does not seem to be a necessary rule or an
established custom. The largest blades are not, however, used in
connection with this dance, which would be considered too insignifi-
cant for such an act. On the other hand, the small blades of only
a few inches in length, mentioned by Mr Rust, which are not of
sufficient size to be carried by themselves, but are mounted on sticks,
are used at the brush dance. These, on account of their small
value, would not be displayed at the more important dances. Usually
these small mounted blades, which may be of red or black obsidian
or of white or colored flint, are decorated with a few feathers or bits
of buckskin at the mounting. Plate 4 of the work of Dr Goddard
referred to shows a Hupa holding such a small mounted blade.
As a matter of fact the use of these small mounted blades seems to
have been comparatively limited in purely aboriginal times. Many
that are now found in the hands of the Indians, or have come into
collections or museums, have been made for sale. Some of these
small blades themselves are undoubtedly old, but the handles and
mounting in almost all instances that have been seen are modem
and gaudy, and in many cases the blades themselves have quite ob-
viously been rudely chipped from splinters or masses of obsidian with
so little attempt at finish or form that it may be doubted whether
any Indian would not be ashamed to acknowledge their ownership

694 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 190*

or exhibit them at a purely native dance. Often the small blades
which are generally from 4 to 5 or 6 inches long, differ from the
large ones in being pointed only at one end, the butt being broughi
to a square edg^ for insertion in a handle.

Obsidian implements somewhat similar to these of the north-
western tribes have been found in most parts of California. Thost
from the Santa Barbara island and mainland region resemble those
discussed in the present paper in their degree of finish and the regu-
larity of their chipping. They differ from them in shap>e, however,
being not double-ended, but with only one point, the opposite end
being either convexly or concavely rounded. Such pieces may be
found in many museums and have been well illustrated in volume
VII of the Wheeler Survey. In most other parts of the state the
obsidian blades are double-ended like those from the northwest,
but are rarely more than from 6 to 1 2 inches long, and are on the
whole very much rougher than those from the northwest. Even
where they show a tolerably regular outline they lack the symmetiy
and beautifully retouched edge characteristic of the northwestern
blades. As to their use, other than the one instance from southern
California mentioned by Mr Rust, nothing appears to be actually
known. That they were not used exactly like the blades of the
northwestern tribes is certain, for the majority of the Indians of the
state not only lacked the northwestern dances at which these blades
were used, but conducted their dances in a generally quite different
manner. On the other hand, it would appear from statements of the
Indians of several parts of California that their use of such blades \v^
primarily ceremonial, though rather with a personal function, in the
nature of charms or shamanistic objects, than at public dances.
Statements to this effect have been made to the author by the Yuki
Indians of the northem Coast Range and by the Yokuts of the San
Joaquin valley. The fact that the larger obsidian blades from the
territory of these Indians and from adjacent regions are usually
double-ended, seems also to be an argument corroborating their
ceremonial rather than their technological use.

The blades from northwestern Califomia are not particularly
scarce in spite of their value, and many museums contain specimens.
There is a large collection of them in the Peabody Museum. Al-

RUST] THE OBSIDIAN BLADES OF CALIFORNIA 695

most all of those that have been secured are, however, black. An
idea of the value of these blades among the Indians, and this value
is not likely to have increased in the last fifty years, may be obtained
from the fact that they are generally reckoned as worth a dollar per
inch of length. This is, however only a rough approximation.
Blades less than 6 or 8 inches long would be held at a lower ratio.
Beginning with blades from 1 2 to 1 5 inches in length to those still
larger the ratio rises. A good blade 20 inches long would rarely
be parted with by its owner for fifty dollars, while one 30 inches in
length is practically invaluable. Considerable allowance is made
for the quality of material and workmanship, the red blades probably
being considered at least half as valuable again as the black ones.
These obsidian blades of the Indians of northwestern California
have been called, and in a measure are, sacred. Nevertheless the
term can be applied to them only qualifiedly. They are primarily
objects of wealth. Their display in important ceremonies, their
preciousness, and the general disposition of these Indians to connect
exhibitions of wealth and ceremonies, give to these objects certain
associations of a religious nature. They do not, however, appear to
be sacred in the same sense in which a small class of other objects,
such as certain pipes, fire-sticks, and similar ceremonial parapher-
nalia, which are used in a purely ritualistic way and whose value
lies entirely in this ritualistic and traditionary use, are sacred. Like
the white deerskins and woodpecker-scalp ornaments, the obsidian
blades are not used directly in connection with any of the sacred
formulas around which the deeper religious life of these Indians
clusters. There seems also to be very little and probably no sense
of their being charms or objects with a fetish or medicine or
animistic power. They are thus sacred in a very different sense
from the objects belonging to an altar of the Pueblo Indians, or
from the objects contained in a sacred bundle of the Plains Indians.
Their general position in the ceremonies and social life of the In-
dians of northwestern California resembles more nearly that of the
coppers of the Indians of the North Pacific coast.

BOOK REVIEWS

The Bontoc Igorot. By Albert Ernest Jenks. Department of the In-
terior. Ethnological Survey Publications. Volume I. Manila:
Bureau of Public Printing, 1905. 226 pp., 154 pi., 9 figs.

On July 17, 1905, Dr Albert Ernest Jenks, chief of the Ethnological
Survey for the Philippines, tendered his resignation of that office, which
he had occupied since October, 1903, having previously held subordinate
positions, to the first of which he was appointed from the Bureau of
American Ethnology in Washington. The cause of his retirement was
ill health, making return to America imperative. The excellent work
done by the Bureau was in evidence at the St Louis Exposition, where,
besides the exhibit of living peoples of the Philippines, a collection ^of
some 18,000 ethnological specimens was on display. Tlie publications

j of the Bureau were planned to cover five volumes, as follows : Vol. i,

The Bontoc Igorot (A. E. Jenks) ; vol. 11, pt. i. The Negritos of Zam-

i bales (W. A. Reed) ; vol. 11, pt. 11, The Nabloi Dialect (O. Scheerer) ;

vol. II, pt. Ill, The Batak of Palawan (E. Y. Miller) ; vol. iii, Augus-

j tinian Relations, Spanish Edition (Father A. Perez) ; also English editi(»i

of same ; vol. iv, pt. i, Studies in (Maguindanao) Moro History, Law
and Religion (N. M. Saleeby) ; vol. iv, pt. 11, Studies in (Sulu) Moro
History, etc. ; vol. v, pt. i, The Tinglayan Igorot (D. Folkmar) ; vol. v,
pt. II, The Subano People (E. B. Christie). Judging by the monographs
already published these volumes will add immensely to our knowledge of
primitive peoples, their languages, social and political institutions, religion,
and folk-lore.

The ten chapters of the initial volume on the Bontoc Igorot by Dr
Jenks treat the following topics : The Igorot culture group, the Bontoc
culture group, general social life, economic life, political life and control,
war and head-hunting, esthetic life, religion, mental life, language. The
illustrations (physical types, human activities, implements, ornaments,
etc. ) are from photographs and deserve high praise both from the artistic
and from the ethnological point of view. The data here published were
collected during investigations in 1902-03, lasting altogether some eight
months, and give us a remarkably good idea of the Igorot as he now exists
in Bontoc, *' a typical primitive Malayan.'*

696

I ;

BOOK REVIEWS 697

As in his previous writings, Dr Jenks holds (p. 81) that "grades of
culture of primitive peoples may be determined by the economic standard
better than by any other single standard," but, one may add, any single-
standard test is of doubtful wisdom. The Bontoc Igorot of to-day could
not live for two weeks by '* natural production"; indeed, ** it is doubt-
ful whether at any time they could have depended for even as much as a
day in a week on the natural foods of the Bontoc culture area." Their
culture is fundamentally neither venatorial nor piscatorial, but agricul-
tural — ** in agriculture the Igorot has reached his highest development ;
on agriculture hangs his claim to the rank of barbarian — without it he
would be a savage." Here thrives his religion, also, for ''all Bontoc
agricultural labors, from the building of the sementera to the storing of
the gathered harvest, are accompanied by religious ceremonials. ' ' Some
of these are quite elaborate and " some occupy a week's time," but there
is also '' great absence of formalism in uttering ceremonies ; scarcely two
persons speak exactly the same words, though I believe the purport of
each ceremony, as uttered by two people, to be the same." This ** loose-
ness," Dr Jenks thinks (p. 207), may be due in part to the "absence of
a developed cult having the ceremonies in charge from generation to
generation." The Bontoc have a sacred or rest day called T6ng-a6,
" occurring on an average of about every ten days throughout the year,
though there appears to be no definite regularity in its occurrence,"
and on this day work in the fields b forbidden. The importance
of "head-hunting" among the Bontoc is revealed by the fact that
na-md'ka (take heads) is a synonym of en-fa-lok-net (war) — Miss
Margaretta Morris, in her studies of the Kayans and Dyaks of Borneo, has
already called attention to the influence of war and agriculture on primi-
tive religion, morals, and ethics in the case of peoples who both till the
soil and practise war. It is in war as well as in toil and ceremonial that
the Bontoc man " works off his superfluous and emotional energy," and
"his head-hunting offers him the greatest game of skill and chance
which primitive man has invented."

War was invented, the Bontoc say, by Lumawig, the highest figure
in their mythology, whom Dr Jenks regards as a personification of
the forces of nature — "the personification has become a single per-
son, and to-day this person is one god, Lu-ma-wig," over all and
eternal. Lumawig resembles much the culture-heroes of the American
aborigines, even as to certain silly or reprehensible actions, apparently.
After his work was ended, Lumawig went up into the sky where he "is
still the friendly god of the Igorot, and is the force in all the things with

698 AMERICAN ANTHROPOL OGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

which he originally had to do. Although in Bon toe pueblo ** the thought
of the return of Lumawig is laughed at/ ' there is growing up in some of
the western pueblos (Alap, Balili, etc.) a new faith, j>art of whose
creed is a belief that Lumawig will return in the near future. Earlier
than the idea of Lumawig is the democratic belief in spirits, according
to which <' each person or each household has the necessary power and
knowledge to intercede with the aniio ' ' — the nearest approach to a
priesthood in connection with spirit-worship is ** the limited class of the
dream-appointed insupak or am/^-exorcists. ' ' Between the people and
Lumawig to-day stand three classes of ** religious intercessors" (rather
than priests), whose offices are hereditary.
j Head-hunting is responsible, according to I>r Jenks, for "the lack

of * color ' and the monotony of everyday life ' ' among the Igorot, —
** its somber hue as compared with that of his more advanced neighbor,
the Ilokano. ' ' The Bontoc Igorot is little given to dress (movable adorn-
ments of person) — his great permanent decoration is the tattoo his

musical implements are few and simple (many of the songs are wordless;
dances are always to gong-music) ; the common pastimes and games of
chance are absent (cock-fighting and head-hunting take their place); he
**has almost no formalities ('etiquette,' 'form,' etc.)." In discussing
the mental life of the Igorot, Dr Jenks remarks that, besides the "rude,
shrewd sense, ' * which Tylor attributes to primitive man, * * he has more,
he has practical wisdom." Another statement is rather surprising, and
more extended study and investigation may somewhat diminish its force

— ** the paucity of the purely mental life of the Igorot is nowhere more
clearly shown than in the scarcity of folk-tales." The Igorot story-tel-
lers, too, generally ''present the bare facts in a colorless and lifeless
manner " (p. 221).

The government and control of the pueblo, with the exception of the
Spanish -made " presidente " and " vice-presidente," are purely aboriginal
and simply democratic, no man or group of men exercising real control

— the intugtukany or group of old men, " is a thoroughly democratic
group of men, since it is composed of all the old men in the ato^ no mat-
ter how wise or foolish, rich or poor — no matter what the man's social
standing may be" (p. 167). This intugtukan "has no elective organi-
zation, no suj)eriors or inferiors," and it perpetuates itself by calling to
itself individuals for counsel. The wisdom of the intugtukan **is re-
spected to the degree that it is regularly sought and is accepted as final
judgment, being seldom ignored or dishonored." The chief crimes de-
nounced by the Igorot are " theft, lying to shield oneself in some crim-

BOOK REVIEWS 699

inal act, assault and battery, adultery, and murder. * ' Various tests or
ordeals (rice-chewing, hot-water,' egg, blood) are in vogue.

In the economic life of the Igorot basketry and pottery play a prime
rdle — ** were basketry and pottery cut from the list of his productions,
the Igorot* s everyday labors would be performed with bare hands and
crude sticks" (p. 114). Woman is potter here, man basket-maker.
The Igorot has few and relatively simple weapons (the tiny bow is a toy
for children, not a warrior's weapon). As to fire -making, the interesting
fact is recorded (p. 133), " the oldest instrument for fire-making used by
the Bontoc Igorot is now seldom found ; however, practically all boys of a
dozen years know how to make it and use it." The section on the di-
vision of labor, distribution of products, consumption of food, etc. , ought
to be of value to modem economical theorists; also the conclusion
arrived at by Dr Jenks that : ** The Igorot is not a communist, neither
in any sense does he get the monopolist's share. He is living a life of
such natural production that he enjoys the fruits of his labors in a fairer
way than do many of the men beneath him or above him in culture " (p.
138). Upon the Igorot of Bontoc "the Spaniard left his impress in no
realm probably more surely than in that of the appreciation of the real
value of money. ' ' A universal medium of exchange, unique in the Phil-
ippines, according to Dr Jenks, is palay (unthreshed rice), but '* the
characteristic production of each community, in a narrow way, answers
for the community the needs of a medium of exchange. * '

The Igorot, too, ** has as clear a conception of the relative value of
two things bartered as has the civilized man when he buys or sells for
money." Even when the payment is in coin, the bargain is made on the
basis of the palay value of the article bought or sold, the standard of value
being *' the sinftnge-i^ the Spanish * manojo', a small bunch oi palay tied
up immediately below the fruit heads" (its multiples run to 1,000).
The commercial activity of the Igorot Dr Jenks divides into two classes,
one more primitive than the other, and both below the ** market idea,"
viz. , ' * irregular intrusive commerce, ' ' and * * irregular invited commerce. * *
The Igorot have a clear idea of property right (individual, marital, etc.).
The Bontoc family with few exceptions is monogamous, with an average
of about six children (of twins, one is thought to be the offspring of an
anito ; the breaking down of infanticide has begun). Birth feasts and
ceremonies, cradles, definite systems of naming, etc., are not in vogue,
and ** the life of little girls is strangely devoid of games and playthings "
(p. 64), — the boys **have at least two systematic games," both imita-
tive of the combat of the adults. There are no feasts or rites to mark

!i;

I-

700 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

puberty, but, as Dr Jenks observes, the institution of the olAg^ or house
of trial marriage, is "calculated to emphasize the fact and significaDce
of puberty,*' for, while primarily the sleeping-place of all unmarried
girls, "in the mind of the people it is, with startling consistency,
the mating place of the young people of marriageable age." In spite
of such a system, "a girl is almost invariably faithful to her tem-
porary lover,*' and "though there is no such thing as virtue, in the
modern sense of the word, among the young people after puberty, chil-
dren before puberty are said to be virtuous, and the married woman is
said always to be true to her husband." This institution deserves nMWC
detailed and careful study.

All diseases and ailments, from the least to the severest, are attributed
to anitosy except toothache, which is said to be '' caused by a small worm
twisting and turning in the tooth. ' ' Death is taken neither very sorrow-
fully nor very passionately. Blindness, abnormal feet, and eruptions of
the skin are the most common diseases and affections to which Igorot fiesh
is heir.

Taken altogether, the chief fundamental differences between Bontoc
culture and that of the adjoining peoples are the absence of the " head-
man ** (the pueblo is a loose federation of smaller political groups), and
the institution of the bldg^ or system of " trial marriage."

Of the language of the Bontoc Igorot Dr Jenks informs us that it is
sufficiently distinct from all others to be classed as a separate dialect,
i. e., of the basal Malayan -Polynesian. More evidence, however is
needed before one can agree with the argument of Mr. H. B. Hulbert
cited on page 227, that the languages of Korea, Formosa, and the Bontoc
Igorot belong together. In his Bontoc vocabulary Dr Jenks omits all
"words which represent ideas borrowed of a modem culture " (i. e.,
terms for umbrella, shoe, chair, book, etc.), — it seems to the reviewer
that the record of just such terms, as soon as possible after they appear,
is of no little importance.

Physically the Bontoc Igorot have most of the characteristics of the
primitive Malay ; the men seem taller than they really are, are never
corpulent and seldom ** poor,'* and do not reach their *' physical best '*
before 20 (but before 25) ; women mature at about 17 or 18. Both men
and women tend to be mesaticephalic. In Bontoc, as elsewhere in the
Malayan area, a few people have curly or wavy hair (tradition is against its
Negrito origin).

Dr Jenk's account of the Bontoc Igorot emphasizes the necessity of
employing in ethnologic research in the Philippines none but able scien-

BOOK REVIEWS 7OI

tific workers, — for there customs and institutions prevail whose investi-
gation needs deep sympathy and clear insight into the common human
mind, as well as unprejudiced perceptions and observations of its vagaries
and individual as well as tribal and national idiosyncrasies. That the
author of this book is one of such is quite apparent, even without his
graceful tribute to the Igorot of Bon toe (p. 15) and his unqualified expres-
sion of belief in their future development ; for they are men, even as we
are men, lost neither in body nor in soul, but like enough to us to be some
time part of our gpreat human family in its associate and codperative evo-
lution. Alexander F. Chamberlain.

A Universidade e a Nag&o, Orafdo inaugural do anno lectivo de 1904—
igo^y recitada na sala grande dos actos da Universidada de Coimbra^
no dia 16 de outubro de 1^04. Por Bernardino Machado. Coimbra :
Imprensa da Universidade, 1904. 19 pp.

The subject of Professor Machado' s inaugural address at the Uni-
versity of Coimbra, October 16, 1904, was " The University and the
Nation.'* Anthropologist, student of the child, cx-Minister of State, Dr
Machado is peculiarly well-fitted to express the trend of the best educa-
tional ideas in Portugal. A patriotic man of science, he holds that a
university ought to be, above all, a school of liberty — the fate of the
nation and that of its highest and noblest institution of learning are one.
But despotic education goes with despotic government. The teacher must
not be a pontiff, the scholar must not be a catechumen. Passive obedi-
ence is no preparation for the duties of life. The freedom of school is
crystallized in the pupil. We are in the world to learn the laws of the
universe, not to execute at command spectacular prodigies of mental acro-
batics, but to act as free men and not as manikins, by our will, through
all we are. Nor must education be a new method of aristocratizing.
Truth and knowledge are accessible to and belong to all. Citizens, not
princes, are now to be educated. Truth is not to be a mystery, a mo-
nopoly, a privilege, an aristocracy, but something wherewith to enrich the
common patrimony of all minds. Nor have the educated a right to be a
parasitic caste. The university is a laboratory, a model workshop, where
teachers and students, as true workmen and apprentices, are occupied not
in consuming but in producing ideas. Teachers and scholars are not to
live in palace or monastery, shut up from the rest of their fellows, not
knowing, or caring, sometimes, how these live and move and have their
being. All are more than men of science, they are citizens, and mem-

702 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

bcrs of that threefold city, religious, economic, and political, which began
in the family, and now, constituting the nation, g^oes on its way tri-
umphantly until it shall include all mankind. Teachers and pupils have
a religion, — the great heart of man needs their syni|>athetic beat, and
looks to them for comfort, consolation, hope. Science has no reason to
be heartless. It delves too deep into the life of the universe to be that
Men of science have no right to hold themselves aloof from the duties of
citizenship — workers themselves, they ought to strive to better the eco-
nomic conditions of society ; they ought to take their places in the ranb
of those who are laboring for the amelioration of mankind. Their faith-
ful cooperation in science ought also to be made manifest in society.
Nor ought the university to regard politics as entirely subverted by germs
of original sin, and shut its members up like monks in cynic elevation
above the most ordinary and most needful activities of democratic liberty
and life. For men of science to slink away from the thought of public
life, of service to their fellow -citizens, is a base betrayal of their sacred
mission. They are not called upon to be political adventurers ; it is their
duty to be servants of the people. To isolate the university, socially and
politically, is to narrow its ideals, to constrict its movements, and to im-
poverish its brains and their expression, thereby making it less human and
diminishing its real educative rdle. The sovereignty of knowledge
belongs with the sovereignty of citizenship. Nor is there any call for the
divorce of religion and science. Faith of the highest order is the greatest
servant of them both. The moral sanity of mankind needs both for the
perfection of the best ideals of the race. The university, as a great factor
in the progress of man, needs to be above the pains of penury. It should
be well -endowed and its members should be sufficiently recompensed to
make them not fear the wolf that often lurks so near their doors. Thev
should also have liberty to work as best fits their capacities and their
genius. They ought not to be so burdened with routine labors that they
have no time for consideration of, and participation in, the larger life of
their community, of the nation. They must not be hopelessly in the toils
of the monotonous repetition of the same work which hypnotizes and
amputates the soul. Nor should they be victims of any depressing pro-
fessional subordination, for every branch of science is homologous, for all
are brothers. A tnie scientific fraternity means that each laborer shall in
his own time reach the highest honor the institution can bestow, each, who
begins at the lowest, reach the highest rung of the ladder. There is a
democracy of science as well as one of culture. Portugal is not, as many
suppose, hopelessly decadent, but awaits a brilliant renaissance. This

BOOK REVIEWS 703

new birth is being made possible by the labors of such men as Dr Machado,
whose ideas and ideals are of the noblest type. In 1904 Dr Machado
published also a new and revised edition of his '^ Notes about Children by a
Father'* {As crean^as, Notas d^une Pae^ 2' ed., Coimbra, 1904, 416
pp. ) , which very interesting volume was considered briefly in this journal
(n. s., IV, 152, 1904), after it first appeared.

Alexander F. Chamberlain.

PERIODICAL LITERATURE
Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain

[Note. — Authors, especially those whose articles apf>ear in journals and other
serials not entirely devoted to anthropology, will greatly aid this department of tbc
American Anthropologist by sending direct to Dr A. F. Chamberlain, Clark UnivcrsiiT,
Worcester, Massachusetts, U. S. A., reprints or copies of such studies as they may desire
to have noticed in these pages. — EDITOR.]

GENERAL

Adolf Bastiaily Ged&chtnisfeier am IL
Mftrz. 1905. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905,
XXXVII, 233-255, I pi.) Text of ad-
dresses by Lissauer, von den Steinen,
von Richthofen, and Waldeyer, treating
of the life and labors of Bastian, the eth-
nologist and anthropological philosopher.

BachDer (M.) Das Bumerangwerfen.
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1905, LXXVlll, 37-
41, 63-66, 4 fgs. ) Discusses theory
and practice of boomerang-throwing

— gives results of author's own experi-
ments with European-made implements.
Experiments with such boomerangs have
not solved the problem. Australian
boomerangs are now made for the trade,

— those genuine specimens in museums
are not obtainable for use. It is not too
late, perhaps, to seek from some old Au-
stralian the right knowledge.

Diergart (///) Ueber die Bedeutung
gewisser Tontechniken der NaturvGlken
fiir die technische Beurteilung des anti-
ken roten Terra sigillata Glanzes. (Z.
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 432-
433. ) Suggests the value of the study
of the red-luster clay techniques of the
modern Orient and allied techni(]ues of
certain primitive peoples [f. jt^. Central
and South America) for the interpretation
of the ancient red ft^rra sii^il/ata luster —
some of the wares have now lasted nearly
200 vears.

Dodd (Isabel YA The Archeological
Congress at Athens. ( Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1905, IV, 199-202, 2 figs.)
lirief account of congress held in April,
1905, notices of chief papers, etc.

Entlin ( — ) Die Augenver&ndenmgen
beim Turmschftdel, besonders die Sch-
nervenerkrankung. (A. f. Ophthalm.,
Berlin, 1904, LViii, 151-201, i pL, 8
figs. ) Gives results of obserrations and
measurements of 16 cases of afiections of
the optic nerve, etc, conditioned by mal-
formation of skull (acrocephaly caused
by premature synostosis of the coronal
suture). Boys are chiefly afTected.

Farabee (W. C.J Inheritance of digital
malformations m man. (Papers Peab.
Mus. Amer. Arch, and Ethn., Cambr.,
Mass., 1905, III, 69-77, 5 pl.) Treats,
with tables of measurements, etc., —
measurements, tracings, photographs,
radiographs, plaster-casts, and complete
genealogical tables were made, — of
digital malformations observed in Penn-
sylvania, where ** all the digits of all
extremities of 37 persons are affected
and the anomaly (short digits) is in-
herited in conformity with Mendel's law
for five generations." The p>eople are
otherwise perfectly normal, though the
abnormals seem to have shorter arms and
shorter stature. The abnormality is in-
herited through both sexes ( 58 f>ercent of
all the descendants of males are abnormal
and 42 percent of those of females).
This paper is part of a thesis for Ph.D.
in Anthropology (Harvard) on Heredi-
tary and Sexual Influences in Meristic
Variation.

Fewkes (J. W. ) Climate and cult.
(Trans. Eighth Intern. Geogr. Congr.,
Wash., 1905, 664-670.) Discusses the
effect of humidity and aridity on the
development of aboriginal culture, par-

704

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

705

ticularly the desert region of the S. W.
United States. G>mpares the Pueblo
region with the well-watered West
Indies, — in both cases climate has
stamped itself upon ritual. With the
Pueblo Indians the sky god is a rain-
god whose worship is dictated by the
arid climate. The West Indian sky-god
b a malevolent being (incarnation of the
hurricane) who is besought for protection.
Climate is responsible for likenesses and
diversities in cults.

GhaorgOY ( }• A. ) Die ersten Anf^ge des
sprachlichen Ausdrucks Hir das Selbst-
bewusstsein bei Kindem. ( A. f. d. Ges.
Psychol., Lpzg., 1905, V, 327-404.)
Discusses at length the beginnings of the
expression for self in language (Bul-
garian) in the two sons of the author, a
professor in Sofia. A valuable paper.

Gray (J.) Anthropometric identification :
a new system of classifying the records.
(Man, Lond., 1905, v, 84-86.) Author
proposes " to make the limits of a com-
p>artment movable instead of fixed, as in
the Bertillon system,'' and so '* bring the
dimensions of the card to be allocated
always into the center of the limits of a
comp>artment beyond the margins of un-
certainty."

Gnsinde (K. ) Einiges iiber Rhythmus,
Wort und Weise. ( Mitt d. Schles. Ges.
f. Volksk., Breslau, 1905, iv, 9-22.)
Treats of the nature and origin of rhythm,
melody, tune and text of songs. Rhythm,
the beginning of all poetical develop-
ment, gradually dbengaged itself from
being merely an accompaniment of work,
and later, after the musical had been de-
veloped the language proper was added.
The melody of the minne-song blossomed
out of the Gregorian church-song. The
influence of dance-music and instrumental
music is noted. In folk-song the melody
is fixed, the text mutable.

Hdfler (M. ) Krdte und Geb&rmutter.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxviii,
25-27. ) Author treats of the living toad
as a soul-animal (one of the many forms
which folk-thought assigns to the human
soul), the body of the toad as a fetish-
animal (its several immortal qualities,
is reborn as human infant, etc.), the toad
as symbol of the uterus, etc., and the be-
liefs connected with these in the folk-mind.
The dead dried toad becomes an amulet,
then the model of the toad, which is
offered at altar or hung up in churches.

Karplus (J. P. ) Ueber Familien&hnlich-
keiten an den Grosshimfurchen des

Menschen. (Arb. a. d. Neurol. Inst,
d. Wiener Univ., 1905, Xii, I-58, 20
pis.) Gives results of author's investi-
gations of 86 hemispheres as to family
resemblances in the sulci of the cere-
brum. K. thinks that the problem may
find an anatomical solution.

Koch-Hesse ( A. ) £in|Beitrag zur Wachs-
tumsphysiologie des Menschen, Nach
statistischen Erhebungen an der Stoy-
schen Erziehungsanstalt in Jena. (Z. f.
Schlgsdhtspfl., Hamburg, 1905, xviii,
293-319, 400-416, 457-492.) Gives
with some detail of tables, curves, etc.,
the results of the anthropometric investi-
gation of some 886 pupils between 5 and
21 years of age. The relation of stature
to age, relation of body-weight to age
and stature, and the yearly growth of the
individual pupil are specially discussed.
As a general consideration concerning
weight, Dr K.-H. concludes that evolu-
tion and differentiation go hand in hand ;
civilized men phylogentically and on-
togenetically are far different from their
ancestors, adults widely different from
children. Both in somatic and in psy-
chic evolution the tendency of the
growing individual to recapitulate the
racial past is actively crossed by the in-
fluences of his own time. Acceleration
of growth in the individual represents
recapitulation of racial increase, retarda-
tion of growth recapitulation of racial
diminution.

Lindsey (E. ) The evolution of interna-
tional law. (Amer. Law Rev., St.
Louis, Mo., 1905, XXXIX, 658-674.)
Author seeks to utilize for the develop-
ment of legal ideas and institutions the
data of anthropological research. The
evolution of modem international law
from primitive legal institutions is indi-
cated. Contracts, war, arbitration, etc.,
are discussed ; also the legal implica-
tions of primitive clans and confedera-
cies. The beginnings of contract occur
early in the personal conditions existing
in social organizations founded on kin-
ship, but ''only comparatively late in
legal history does the mental engagement
become recognized as the essential ele-
ment of contract as distinguished from
the ceremonies of its declaration which
are long the criterions of its binding
force, as is still the case with contracts
between nations in international law."

Lombroso (Paola) The diplomacy of
children. (Grand Mag., Lond., 1 905,
II, 329-334.) Cites instances of the

7o6

AMERICAN ANTHROPOI.OGIST

I", s., 7, i«

Meddm Gabler, TMr^se Humbert types
and of deceitful astuteness in boys.

Mantegou (P.) Commemonmooe del
Barone De Ujfalvy. (A. p. TAntrop.,
Firenze, 1904, xxxiv, 442-446. ) Brief
account of life and scientific activities
with list of publications 1 870-1 903.

Monttiro ( M. ) Pereira Caldas. (Portu-
galia, Porto, 1905, ii, 128.) Brief sketch
and list of chief works of Pereira Caldas
(1818-1903), the Portuguese arche-
ologist and epigrapher.

de RadidlUc ( VuomU) Jean Francis
Albert du Pouget, Marquis de Nadaillac.
(Ann. Arch. Rep. 1904, Toronto, 1905,
1 1 3- 1 1 7, I fg. ) Brief sketch of life and
scientiiic activities by his scm.

Nelson ( Mabel L. ) The difference be-
tween men and women in the recogni-
tion of color and the perception of sound.
(Psychol. Rev., N. V., 1905, XII, 271-
2S6. ) Results of examination of 20
men and 20 women students in the Uni-
versity of California. As to color men
are '* clearly superior in the recognition
of blue, women possibly in the recog-
nition of yellow." As to sound, ** men
hear farther than women, and the right
ear of both men and women is keener
than the lefl."

Peel (S. D. ) The constellations and their
history. (Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1905,
XXVII, 17-32, 6 figs.) Discusses the
questions of resemblances between the
ideas of the constellations in Egypt and
America, traces of totem system in
ideas of constellations, shape and num-
ber of constellations, names of constel-
lations, etc. No new data.

Secret societies and sacred mysteries.

(Ibid., 81-96, 6 figs.) General dis-
cussion ; no new data. Refers to Baby-
lonia, Egypt, Greece, Druids, Ameri-
can Indians (Ojibwa midiunwin^ Da-
kota mysteries, Navaho, Oraibi, etc. ).
eli (G. ) La cavity glenoidea dell' osso
temporale nei sani di mente, negli alie-
nati e neicriminali. (R. Sperim. di Fren.,
Reggio, 1905, XXXI, 319-320.) Note
on examination of 200 normal, 23 Afri-
can, 284 abnormal (suicides, lunatics,
criminals) skulls, with respect to pres-
ence, depth, etc., of the glenoid cavity,
whose absence in man is considered a
pithecoid character. P. finds its nor-
mality decreases from the white to the
black race, and from normal individuals
to criminals.

Pnccioni ( N. ) Delle deformazioni e muti-
lazioni artificiali etniche piCi in uso. (A.

p. Antrop., Firenxe, 1904, xxxiv,355-
402, 4 pl.y I fk^. ) ThisTaluablemoK)-
gnph treats of artificial ethnk de&xni-
tions and mutilations still in use in nri-
ons parts of the globe : Of the skis
(tattooing, scarificatioQ) ; adipose tb-
tue (artificial fiittening) ; head (flaOen-
ing, compressing, etc ) ; perfontMO of
ears, septum of nose, lips, cheeks ; filiof
and knocking out of teeth; tbcnx
(women all over the world, corsets, etc}.
genital organs (perforation of ghan^
sub-cutaneous insertion of stones, etc,
artificial phimosis, circumcisioii, hvpo*
spadia, eviration, complete castration, re-
moval of left testicle, deformatkn d
mammae, infibulation); fingers; nails;
polpacd ; feet (compression and distor-
tortion) ; hair (removal, shaving, etc.).
Among the causes of deformations and
mutilations, sexual ornamentation of
males to attract females, pubertal and
virginal ideas, tribal and caste nodoos
and customs have been of great impor-
tance ; hygienic little. At pages 371-
384 Dr P. discusses artificial cranial de-
formations and gives the chief measure-
ments of one Pampan, two New He-
bridian, three ancient Crimean and 40
Peruvian skulls (3 types), and concludes
that compression and deformation occa-
sion a greater development of the booe
in which they occur, the development
being, in general, in direct proportion to
the compression.
Qninfeld ( E. ) Zur ph3rsischen und geisti-
gen Entwicklung des Kindes wthrend der
ersten Schuljahre. (Z. f. Schlgsdhtspfl.,
Hamburg, 1905, xviii, 127-185 ) Gives
results, with tables and curves, of the
anthropometric investigation (stature,
chest-circumference, relation of chest-
circumference to stature, vital lung-
capacity, body-weight, musculature and
nutrition, scoliosis, acuity of vision, ear-
troubles, memory and apprehension, en-
largement of the thyroid glxmd, other
defects and diseases) of 1,014 children
on entering school (6th year of life) and
at the end of the fourth school year
( — end of loth year of life). Children
of well-to-do parents grow faster than
others, and the yearly increase of stature
is greater, the older the child. Growth
of stature and of chest-girth are in inverse
relation. In growth of chest-girth girls
lag behind boys. Of all the children
54.86 percent increased in weight,
20.71 percent decreased, 24.43 P*^"
cent remained unchanged. Tall children

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

707

tend to have heavy body- weight. The
taller the child, the fewer the diseased
conditions — the number of healthy in-
creases with increase of stature. The
frequency of scoliosis decreases with
increase of body-weight. Defects of
memory and apprehension are more com-
mon in smaller children and decrease
with increasing stature.

Read (C. H.) Hjalmar Stolpe. (Man,
Lond., 1905, V, 53-54.) Brief bio-
graphical sketch of the eminent Swedish
ethnographer (1841-1905), well-known
through his Studier i Amerikansk Oma-
mentik (Ornamental Motives of the
American Aborigines).

Richardson (E. £.) Cranial capacity of
prehistoric vs. modem man. (G. Wash.
Univ. Bull., Wash., 1905, iv, no. 3,
72-76.) Abstract of minor thesis for
Ph.D. Dr R. concludes that «*from
the information now obtainable there has
been no material change in the cranial
capacity of man from prehistoric time to
the present. The data considered were
derived from prehistoric British crania,"
historic British, Roman, Roman-British,
Anglo-Saxon, modem Englbh, Scotch,
Roman, American, etc.

SetlUl ( £. N. ) Ivan Nikolaevic Smimov.
TAnz. d. Finn.-Ugr. Forsch., Helsing-
lors, 1904, IV, 85-89. ) Sketch of life
and activities of Smimov (1856-1904),
ethnographer of the South Slavs and the
Finnic peoples.

Karl Ujfalvy, 1842-1904. (Ibid.,

89.) Brief sketch with list of chief
works.

Fl6ri&n M&ty^, 1818-1904. (Ibid.,

90-91.) Brief sketch, with notice of
philological writings, 1857-1871. M.
was one of the first to call attention to
the Aryan element in the Hungarian
tongue.

Sieger ( — ) Ernst Friedrich's "Wirt-
schaflsgeographie.'' (Globus, Brnschwg.,
1905, ijcxxviii, 95-97.) R6sum6 and
discussion of Friedrich*s AUgemeine und
spezielle Wirtschaftsgeographie ( Leipzig,
1904), of which the key-note is the
classification in accordance with the
principle of "nature-compulsion'* of
economic progress into the stages of
animal, instructive, traditional, and
scientific.

Singer (H. ) Hermann von Wissmann.
(Globus, Brnschwg., 1905, Lxxxviii,
81-82, I fg.) Sketch of life and
scientific activities of H. von Wissman
(1853-1905), the African explorer.

AM. ANTH., N. S., ^ — 47.

His last work was In den Wildnissen
Afrikas und A si ens ^ Jagderlebnisse ( Ber-
lin, 1901).

Znccarelli (A.) II terzo trocantere nell'
uomo, sue forme, sue dimenzioni, suo va-
lore onto-filogenetico, etc. (R. Sperim.
di Fren., Reggio, 1905, xxxi, 380-382.)
The percentage in ancient femurs is very
much higher than in modem ; higher in
degenerates than in normal individuals ;
more common unilaterally and dextrally.

Intorao alia sutura metopica e al

suo valore nella specie humana, etc.
(Ibid., 382. ) In first 500 skulls in the
Delia Porta collection in Naples 36 were
"metopic." Metopism is sometimes a
mark of superiority, sometimes a simple
irregularity of development, sometimes,
again, an arrest of development, a sign
of inferiority, a pathological stigma.

EUROPE

AlYet (C. ) O casamento em terra de
Miranda. (Portugalia, Porto, 1905, 1 1,
100-102. ) Describes marriage cere-
monies and customs in the Miranda
region of Portugal. In connection with
the wedding there are races, games, etc.
Sometimes on the wedding night bells
are attached to the nuptial couch, pins
are strewn in the bed, etc.

Andree ( R* ) B5hmische Sprachenkarten.
Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 350-
351.) Briefly describes the various lin-
guistic maps of Bohemia : Berghaus (in
his Atlas, 1845), Hanfler (1847), v.
Czoemig ( 1855 ), v. Le Monnier ( 1888),
Langhans (1899), Zemmrich (1902),
Rauchenberg, etc.

de Arenzadi [t.) Weihnachtliche Ton-
werkzeuge in Madrid. (Ibid., 1905,
LXXXVIII, 30, 3 fgs.) Describes briefly
the zambomba, chicharra, and bladder-
bow, noise-making implements used at
Christmas-time by adults as well as chil-
dren in Madrid. They are not known to
the Moriscos. The first resembles the
Frisian **mmmelpott,*' the second is
like the German ** Heupferdchen.**

d' Azevedo ( P. ) Os tremendores em Por-
tugal no seculo xvi. (Portugalia, Porto,
1905, II, 103-107.) Brief notes on the
"tremblers'* (cf. Quakers), one of the
features of popular religion in Portugal
in the i6th century. The texts of two
letters of this period, written by a judge,
are given. The originator of this danc-
ing and trembling cult seems to have
been a woman, nicknamed Feia, i. e.

7o8

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[s. s., 7. 1905

**Ugly," who afterward either feigned
lunacy or became altogether mad.

Baglioni ( S. ) Heitrag zur Vorgeschichte
dcsPicenums, Italien. (Z. f. Ethn., Ber-
lin, 1905, xxxvii, 257-264. 42 fgs.)
Treats of neck -rings, arm-rings, fibulae,
chains, ear-rings, belt-buckles, pendant
ornaments (amulets), etc., from graves
of the Hallstadt period (first iron age)
near Belmonte-Piceno in the district of
Fermo, not far from the Adriatic coast
Southern IMcenum is rich in pendant <x-
naments. A large stone with an ancient
Picenian inscription upon it was also dis-
covered.

Carroll (M.) The site of ancient Pha-
lerum. ((i. Wash. Univ. Bull., Wash.,
1905, 111, No. 3, 82-90.) Argues that
the pre-Themistoclean port town of
Athens was **to the west of the bay at
the eastern foot of the hill of Munychia.*'

Col borne l G. ) Genius by counties. (Strand
Mag., Ix>nd., 1905, xxix, 23-28, 12
maps. ) Discusses distribution of British
genius according to counties. According
to this showing, Monmouth, Dorset,
Rutland, Buckinghamshire, W^estmore-
land, and most of the Welsh counties have
produced no geniuses. Yorkshire ex-
hibits a catholicity in genius. The
author's list of geniuses is made up of 200
persons, of whom he avers, ** if these 200
names were expunged, British history for
the past three or four hundred years
would l>e little more than a blank."

I>iluureT(M.) Narodni! kalendar ValuTs'-
kogo pov. (Mater. I'kr.-Rus'k. Elnol.,
Lviv, 1905, IV, 113-204.) Detailed
account of the folk-calendar of the district
of Valuiki in the j^overnment of Voronesh,
by months ami days. Also carnival,
easier- eiijTs and related costumes, the rite
of the linden, the drowning of Marj'nka
(doll), superstitions about animals, the
weather. Amonjr the Saints who figure
are St (ieorge, St John, St Nicholas, and
St Rlaise.

Dittrich ( P. ) Amtliches aus dem 18.
Jahrhundert. (Mitt. d. Schles. Ges. f.
Volksk., Hreslau, 1905, vi, 112-II3.)
Notes that in 1717 the profession of
shepherd was declared honorable by an
imperial decree, proclaimed in Silesia.
In 1786, on account of the abuses ( drunk-
enness, theft, etc. ) connected therewith
the "riding about" the cornfields (to
ward off evil ) was al)olished. This old
custom was formerly much in vogue in
several villages of the principality of
Nasse-Grottkau.

Doaumitald (V. ) Narodnya meditiiiuQ
Rovens'komu poviti na Volinl. (Mater.
Ukr.-Rus'k, Etnol., Lviv, 1905, iv, loo-
107.) Treats of folk-medicine in tbe
Rovno district of Volhynia : Dirine pan-
ishment and evil will of men as causes of
disease ; practices of men and wodcb
'* doctors" ; personificatioos of diseue:
treatment of external and inteml
troubles ; diseases of cattle and tbeir
treatment. ScMne specimens of incanti-
tions are given.

FaTnau (P. ) Neue Fonde aos dem Di-
luvium m der Umgegend von Nenhil-
densleben, insbesondere der Kiesgnibc
am Schlosspark von Hundisborg. iZ.
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 275-
295> 5 %s. ) Describes the new dilariil
finds ( bones of animals, flint implemeots
from pronounced eoliths to unmistakable
paleoliths) in gravel -pits near Nenhil-
densleben. In the discussion of this
paper M. Blanckenhom and Hr Wlegen
took part at some length, the former
treating of the whole eoiithic question in
Germany, holding that most of the North
German eoliths are much later than those
of France and Belgium.

Finn (-^r) Ucber einen grossen antikes
Goldfund in Schweden. (Ibid., 365-
366.) Note on the discovery in t
gravel-pit near Sk5fde, of a heavy gold
chain, another gold chain and two goM
bars, amounting in metal-value to 19,000
marks. The find belongs to the 10-
iith century A. D. An old local legend
had it that there was a treasure in the
pit.

Fort^ (J.) As fibulas do noroeste di
peninsula. (Portugalia, Porto, 1905.
"» 15-33. 38 fgs.) F. distinguishes
and describes 7 types of Jtbuio' from
northeastern Portugal. These may be
arranged under two exotic culture- streams
(Gallic, Italian) and one (ilic annular
fibula) representative of native Portu-
guese primitive industry.

Thesouro de Viatodos. Da idade do

bronze. (Ibid., iio-i 1 1, i fg. ) Brief
account of a find of 15 bronze axes, some
fragments of metal, etc., made in the
parish of Viatodos in the Barcellos re-
gion.

Restos de uma villa lusitano n>-

mana, Povoa de Varzim. (Ibid., I13. )
Note on the ruins of a Lusitanian- Roman
town at Povva de \*arzim.
Goby ( P. ) Sur quelques meules i grains
et un moulin ancien ressemblant au
*'trapetum" d6couvert dans Parrondis-

CHAMBERLAIN]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

709

sement de Grasse, A.-M. (Ann. Soc.
d. Lettres, Sci. et Arts des Alpes-Mari-
times, Nice, 1905, xiv, 95-120, 2 pi.,
2 fgs. ) Describes various kinds of
** mills'' and mortars for crushing and
grinding grains, seeds, etc. — the majority
from Roman and Gallo- Roman *' sta-
tions.'* They run all the way from
simple stones on which the grain was
ground by hand to turning mills with
upper and nether parts, and others, like
the one from the Quartier du Bois ( dis-
cussed at some length) which resembles
the trapetum described by Cato in his De
Re Rusticay as used for crushing olives.
et Gu^bhard ( A. ) Sur les enceintes

pr^historiques des Pr^alpes Maritimes.
(C.-r. de i'Ass. Fran?, p. I'Av. d. Sci.,
1904, xxxiii« Ses., 1068-1109, map, 7
fgs.) Lists and describes prehistoric
stone enclosures ( * * camps, * * * * castles ' ' )
in the region of the Maritime pre-Alps.
That of the Quartier du Bois du Romet,
the Castellaras de Mauvans, that of Col-
let Assont or Cast6on Vasson, are treated
with some detail. These enclosures may
be due to the Liguri, but more proof is
needed. A plan for the investigation of
these structures is outlined, pp. 1082-
109 1 . Some of the enclosures are double
or even triple. The exact period of their
abandonment is uncertain.

65tz ( W. ) Bulgariens ungehobene Boden-
sch9.tze. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxvii, 373-376.) Points out the
richness of Bulgaria (particularly the
east with its thousands of unexplored
kurgans) in uninvestigated archeolog-
ical remains. The mogili G. considers
to be grave monuments. The prehistoric
(pre-Thracian) period, Thracian, Greeks
Christian periods, are all represented.
The need of scientific investigation is
great.

Grosse (/^r) Ueber einen Grabfund von
Sonnenwalde im Kreise Luckau. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 367-369,
5 fgs.) Describes a peculiarly orna-
mented lance-point, a spindle- whorl, and
a ** swallow-stone," found in a burial-
place of the Hallstatt epoch, to judge
from the numerous fragments of prehis-
toric pottery of the Niederlausitz type at
its height. The Hnds in question are,
however, not of the Hallstatt period, but
due to a later burial.

Grosvenor (E. A.) The evolution of
Russian government. (Nat. Geogr.
Mag., Wash., 1905, xvi, 309-332, 14
fgs.) General historico- political sketch

of people and rulers. Author notes how
environment of plain "developed those
traits of sluggish patience, of long en-
durance, of morbid self-sacrifice, which
distinctly mark the Russian people to-
day.'* Professor G. styles the Russian
**a Slavic race, a stock distinct from
every other European race.** The most
important word in the language is mivy
'* village and village assembly." In
Russia the proverb has it, **two are
everywhere, God and the Czar."

Gu^bhard (A.) Sur un tr^sor de deniers
romains trouv6 en 1901 aux environs de
Nice. (Ann. Soc. d. Lettres, Sci. et
Arts d. Alpes-Mar., Nice, 1904, xix,
79-90, 2pl. ) Describes a find of 120
Roman coins, ranging A. u. c. 615-
752, from the neighborhood of Nice.

Fouilles et glanes tumulaires aux

environs de Saint- Ville-de-Thiey, Alpcs-
Maritimes. (Bull. Soc. Pr^hist. de
France, Paris, 1904, I, 301-310, 4 fgs.)
Describes tumuli and contents at St.
Christophe, Mauvans, etc. At St. Chris-
tophe were found bead necklaces (of
dentalium), bronze objects, pot-sherds,
flints, 28 human teeth, etc. At Mauvans
a portion of a human lower jaw and 300
teeth — the dentitions of 1 1 individuals
(3 children, 3 women, 5 men) were
recognized. Dr G. appends to his article
an unnumbered 3 page bibliography of
his various publications.

▼on Hahn (C. ) Die Taier der " Grossen
Ljachwa" und der Ksanka (Ksan) und
das sUdliche Ossetien. (Globus, Bm-
schwg., 1905, Lxxxviii, 21-25.) Pages
23-25 contain notes on the Ossetes (cul-
ture, two- wheeled cars, relics of nomadic
life, influence of cattle-breeding, etc. , —
land and other measures, ancestor-cult,
grave-sacrifice of horse, etc.). V. H.
seeks to connect the old Germanic and
Frankish land-measure, bonnarius^ vrith
Ossetic bon ("day," cf. German Mot-
gen), and bongen. The northern Os-
setes diflfer physically and otherwise
from the southern. There exists much
antipathy between the Ossetes and the
Grusinians. Many old heathen customs
survive. While recognizing the Indo-
Germanic kinship in speech, custom.s,
etc., of the Ossetes, v. H. agrees with
Count Uvarov that the archeologic data
of the country indicate that Ossetic cul-
ture has been very much influenced by
Asiatic (e. g. Turkic) elements.

Hammer ( S. C. ) and Nyhuss ( H. ) The
Viking ship found at Oseberg. (Century

7IO

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

Mag.. N. Y., 1905, Lxx. 729-733. 5
figs. ) Brief description of excavation of
Oscberg ship in 1903-04.

Hippe (M. ) Die Grilber der Wdchnerin-
nen. (Mitt. d. Schles. Gcs. f. Volksk.,
Breslau, 1905, vi, 101-103.) Treats of
the custom of burying women dying in
child-l>ed apart from other bodies, and
near the cemetery wall, etc. Documents
of the city of Breslau in 1528 and 17 13
are cited.

KaIUs (O. ) Spricht man in Li viand noch
livisch. (Anz. d. Finn.-Ugr. Forsch.,
Helsingfors, 1904, iv, 61-65.) Cites
evidence to show that Livonian is not yet
absolutely extinct as spoken language in
Livonia.

KarjaUinen ( K. F. ) Ueber M. A. Gas-
trin's transskription des ostjakischen in
seinen druck- und handschriften. ( Finn.-
Ugr. Forsch., Helsingfors, 1904, iv, 97-
112.) Discusses the transliteration of
Ostiak in the published works and MSS.
of Gastrin, who in a letter of Nov. 13,
1845, annoimced the completion of the
MS. of his ** Sketch of an Ostiak Gram-
mar, with Vocabulary." Had Gastrin,
as he intended, made another visit to the
Ustiaks, his work would have been much
modified.

▼on Keussler (F. ) Lyndanise ein ge-
schichtlicher Ortsname. ( Stzgb. d. Ges.
f. Gesch., etc., Riga, 1903 [1904J, 124-
127.) Discusses various etymologies sug-
gested for this word, which now appears
to be a historical place-name and not
merely one due to misunderstanding.
Hurt cites the Esthonian folk-etymol-
ogy '• breast of Linda (consort of the
hero Kalen)." It may be, as Arens
suggests, identical with Swedish Lin-
danasy said to be a translation of Fin-
nish Keso^ '* fallow-land point."

Klapper ( J. ) Alte Arzneibiicher. ( Mitt,
d. Schles. Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau,
1905, VI, 22-29.) Gives extracts from
three MS. medicine-books of the 14th
and 15th centuries in Breslau.

Zur Volkskunde aus dem Goldberg-

Ilaynauer Kreise. (Ibid., I06-110.)
Records customs and superstitions re-
lating to domestic life, peasant usages,
a children's game (Kaiser Karolius),
charms, beliefs in ghosts, etc.

Knopp (<X) Aberglaube und Brauch aus
der Provinz Posen. ( Ibid., 43-57. ) Enu-
merates from Cierman and Polish Posen
85 folk-lore items relating to love, woo-
ing, wedding, married life, etc.; 35 re-
lating to mother and child.

KoMinoA (G.) Ueber verzierte Eisa
lanzenspitzen als Keniueichen der Ost-
germanen. (Z. f. Elhn., Berlin. 1905,
XXXVII, 369-407, 3 fgs. ) Treats «
length of omamcDted iron lance-ho^
as characteristic of the East Teataac
peoples, who, according to K., trose
ca, 750-700 B. c, through the miga-
tion of Scandinavian hordes, who im-
posed themselves upon a West Teutonic
population. Between the two paioi
of occurrence of the laoce-heads is
question ( the close of the La Ttee period
and the last 150-100 years B. c) isi
hiatus of some 200 years during which
they do not appear. Ornament and
technique differ in these two periods,-
shields, fibulse, pottery, etc, are ibo
compared. The lance-heads of Soom-
walde (see Crosse) are Eastern T«-
tonic and belong to the 3rd or 4*
century A. D.

Zum Goldfimde von Skdfde. (IbkL,

471-472. ) Discusses the omamenUtioo
of the gold neck-rings of Sk5fde and
points out analogies in other parts of the
Scandinavian area. Argues that the fiad
belongs to the beginning of the 6th cen-
tury A. p. See /-Unn.

Kroll]l(K.) Die fundorte der episdico
gesftnge des Kalevala, mit eincr kartc
(Finn. Ugr. Forsch., Helsingfors^ 1904.
IV, 112-118.) Discusses the localities
from which the epic songs of the Kalerth
have been obtained. There are two chief
sources, one in the south ( Esthonia) and
one in the north (Finnish and RaSMfl
Karelia), both of which have their sub-
divisions. The most important section
is Wierland (Virumaa). Wandering of
the songs is clearly indicated. Of
Esthonian origin are the creation song, a
great part of the Ainonine, search for
vessel-wood, first wooing of Ilmarinen,
forging of the goldmaiden, voyage
(partly) with harp-playing, and the judg-
ment of Marjatta's son. Westfinnish are
the song-contest of Wainftmoinen and
Joukahainen, blood-stream from W.'s
knee-wound, journey to Tuonela, vovage
(partly) and freeing of the sun. In In-
germanland arose Kullervo's departure;
and also (after a Russian ballad) Ilmari-
nen's second wooing.

Vainamoinens richterspruch und

abschied. (Ibid., 11 8-1 34. ) Discusses
the judgment-song and leave-taking of
Wainamoinen in the Kalevala. The
Marjatta-song is of Esthonian origin
(Marketta= Marjetta), and some 20 ver-

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

711

sions of it have been found in that region.
Catholic influence is evident.
Kiilmaa (Dr) Hexen und Hexenzauber,
nebst einem Anhang iiber Zauberer und
Hexenmeister. (Mitt. d. Scbles. Ges. f.
Volksk., Breslau, 1905, vi, 82-98.)
Treats of witches, their form (cats,
toads, straw, whirl-wind, night-mare),
favorite times (Christmas, St John's
eve, May eve, etc.), dancing and music,
cursing, etc. Also the witches' magic,
charms, etc. (the witch-book, the little
blue stone), ways of injuring people and
property, protection against witch-magic
and charm-breaking, power of witch over
grass-growing. Charmers and witch -
masters are not so evil as witches and
sometimes even do good. Magic powers
are attributed to the gypsies, to doctors
and other learned men.
Leite de Vasconcellot (J.) Crioulos
Portugueses. Ligoa e litteratura 1899-
1901. ( Rom. Jahresb. , Erlangen, 1904,
VI, I, 405-408. ) Brief notes on pub-
lications relating to the language and
literature of the Portuguese outside of
Europe. The chief works have been
Marques de Barro's studies of the lan-
guage, folk-lore, etc., of the Portuguese
Creoles of West Africa (i 899-1 900),
Dalgado's study of the Portuguese dia-
lects of Goa and Ceylon (1900),
Negreiros* lie de San-Thomi (190J),
and the author's Esquisse cfune dia-
lectologie portuguaise ( 1 901 ) .
LUsaner (A.) Drei Slavische Schl9.fen-
ringe. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905,
XXXVII, 366, 2 fgs.) Note on three
Slavonic head-rings (one of bronze- wire,
two, hollow, of silver plate, and orna-
mented). The two latter are from a
burial place near Kaldus, West Prussia.
The field of these hollow rings is limited,
and those with conventionalized animal
ornaments are very rare.
Litvinora-Bartosh {Mrs P.) Olllnitrya
u seli Zemlyantzl Gluchovs'kogo povitu
na Tchernigivstchinl. (Mater. Ukr.-
Rus'k. Etnol., Lviv, 1905, iv, 83-88,
II fgs.) Treats of oil -making in the
village of Zemlianka in the government
of Tchemigiv. Times of manufacture,
preparation of seeds, oilery, and processes
of oil-making are described. The crusher
is quite primitive. See Shishkevitch.
Lowack (A.) Die illteste Probe schles-
ischen Volksdialekts im Drama. (Mitt,
d. Schles. Ges. f. Volksk , Breslau, 1905,
VI, 58-63.). Cites, with linguistic and
explanatory notes, passages from a drama

in the Silesian dialect, George Gobel's
Die fart Jacobs des Heiligen Patri-
archens (Budissin, 1 586), believed to
contain the earliest example of this dia-
lect in the drama.
de Magelhaes ( L. ) Os barcos da ria de
Aveiro. (Portugalia, Porto, 1905, ii,
49-62, I pi., 9 fgs.) Describes the
region of the Ria de Aveiro (formerly a
branch of the sea, now a salt-lake or
lagoon) in the Beira region of Portugal
and the boats in use upon its waters.
There is a particular type of boat corre-
sponding to each of the chief aquatic
labors of the ria^ viz. : for salt-making,
saleiro ; for obtaining sea- weed and grass,
moiiceiro ; for river transport of maritime
Hshing, bateira mercantel ; for fluvial
fishing, murtogeira or labrega and bateira
de llhavo. There is also the cafadeira^
a little boat used in hunting waterfowl,
etc. The prows and poops of some of
the moliceiros are much ornamented.
llasner ( K. \ Neue Aufgaben der schles-
ischen Volkskunde. (Mitt. d. Schles.
Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1905, vi, 1-9.)
Indicates as most important tasks of
museum (institute) and folk-lore societies
the collection of old folk products in
industry and manufacture and the gather-
ing together and preservation of art prod-
ucts and examples of handiwork, etc.
The Silesian Museum, since its founda-
tion in 1899, paid special attention to the
collection of * * peasant antiquities. " The
Silesian Folk- Lore Society is not so nar-
row as to exclude folk-art from the field
of its activities. Aid can come from the
man of science, the artisan, the photog-
rapher (pictures of houses, furniture,
I tools, etc., are valuable), etc.
de Mattos (M. ) As diamines Alemte-
janes. (Portugalia, Porto, 1905, ii, 79-
84, 13 fgs.) Describes the chimneys,
often quite ornamental, of the houses in
the Sado region of Alemtejo. There are
three types, — pyramidal, cylindrical,
prismatic. In Ferreira occurs a curious
type of double chimney.
Mertens {Dr^ Ein Fischspeer aus der
Gegend von Fiirstenberg i. M. (Z. f.
Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 445-447,
7 fgs.) Describes an ii -pronged iron
fish- spear. Hr Krause adds an account
of some similar fish-spears taken from
Brandenburg fish-pirates. The "fish-
fork" is known from the cavemen of
paleolithic France.
Mettig K. ) Ueber die Wirksamkeit dps
Westf^lischen Fehmgerichts in Riga.

712

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s.. 7, m

(Stzgb. d. Ges. f. Gcsch., etc., Riga,
1903 [1904], 14-18.) Cites evidence
to show that in spite of the declarations
of the civil authorities and the arch-
bishop, the influence of the Westphalian
Fehmf extended to Riga and its power
was respected there.

Ueber den iMnziger Artushof und

seine Hriiderschaften. ( Ibid. , 22-26. )
R^sum^s the recent work of Dr Paul
Simson published in 1900 on the famous
Artus inn and its cameraderies,

Der Kreiherr Bengt Horn als Aeltes-

ter der Kompagnie der Schwarzen
Ilftupter in Riga. ( Ibid., 44-55. ) Ciives
an account of life and activities of Bengt
Horn (b. 1675 ) in connection with the
** Company of Black Heads,*' now some
500 years old.

Nenmann (W. ) Hie mittelalterlichen
Hol/schnitzereien am GestUhl des Rat-
hauses und der Heil. Geistkirche zu
Revel. (Ibid., 5-14, 3 pi. ) Describes
the medieval wood-carvings (scene from
Tristan and I Isolde, Samson and the
Hon, Cioliuth and I)avid, Samson and
Delilah, scene from Vergil) on the seats
in the town hall of Revel.

Olbrich ( K. ) Ein Freund und FSrderer
der Schlesischen Volkskunde vor hundert
Jahren und seine Zeitschrift. (Mitt,
d. Schles. Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1905,
VI, 30-43.) Treats of Georg Gustav
Fullel)orn (1769-1803) and his journal
the Brfslauischer ErzahUr^ which he
edited 1 800- 1 803. Indications of the
contents of this periodical relating to
dialect, proverbs, folk-songs ( F. had a
MS. collection), superstitions, tales and
legends, habits and customs, dress, do-
mestic life, etc., are given.

Peixoto (K.) Sobrevivencia da primitiva
roda de oleiro em Portugal. ( Portugalia,
Porto, 1905, II, 74-78, 5 fgs. ) Notes
the survival of a primitive potter's wheel
in various localities in the regions of
Amarante and Baiao, where still exist
** paneleiros," as the rustic ceramic
artists are popularly called, — these jx>t-
ters constitute "corporations" almost
exclusively devoted to the fabrication of
black ware. Natureof material, method
of manufacture, etc., are briefly de-
scribed. The wooden wheel used is of
the type which possibly preceded the
lathe in Kurope, and goes back as far as
ancient Thebes and Memphis at least.

"PrisOes" de gado. (Ibid., 78-

79, 3 fgs). Note on **cattle prisons" —
rings of stone embedded in the walls of

baildings, to whidi cattle, horses, ^
are tied.

O masea municipal de Bn^u^L

( Ibid. , 1 20. ) Brief account of the b»-
nicipal museum of Braganza and its coe-
tents ( the specialty is lapidary ep^
raphy). The museum dates its iIBti^
tioD to the labors of A. dos Santos
Pereira Lopo in 1896.

Museus episcopaes. (Ibid., IJO-

122. ) Notes on the episcopal maseoss
of B^a ( founded in the last qoarier of
the iSth century), transferred aftcmid
in part to Evora and Coimbra, dwcesu
expositions, etc.

Excava^Oes archeologicas. (Ibii,

122-123. ) Notes on the labors of Ma-
ud da Gama Xara and the Sodedade
Archeologica Lusitana, Hcnriqnes Po-
heiro, Santos Rocha, etc.

Illuminaoao popular. (Ibid, 35-

48, 36 fgs. ) Treats of popular hunps
and other devices for illumination iioo
early times down to the present in PortB-
gal. After torches came lamps,— ooe of
the very earliest was a shell to contain
the burning substance, which form Uter
lamps imitated in clay, etc Widu
came with the popularization of oil, tnd
fancy and fashion modified and orna-
mented the receptacle, till lamps in Ro-
man times exhibited an exuberance of
decoration, which was increased daring
the subsequent Christian ages.

Physical deterioration. (Man, Loni,
I905» V, 83-84. ) Text of memorial of
Anthropological Institute to the Loni
President of the Council, praying for the
establishment of an anthropometric sar-
vey, a register of sickness, and an ad-
visory council, as recommended bv the
Inter- Departmental Committee on Phys-
ical Deterioration.

Pinho (J.) Ethnographia Amarantina.
A ca<?a. (Portugalia, Porto, 1905. il.
84- 100. 40 fgs. ) Treats of hunting and
trapping in the Amarante region of Portu-
gal. A list of instruments and imple-
ments employed by the people is given,
and they are described with more or less
detail. Snares with and without bail
(many varieties from simple to compli-
cated) ; lying-in-wait (with and without
decoys) and kindred devices ; hunting
proper {busca^ beating, etc., are all
considered. The favorite weapon of
boys is the catapult ifisga ) .

Radakov (.1/rj H. ) Zolotarstvo u. Staro
bil's'komu poviti u Charkivstchini.
(Mater. tkr.-Rus'k. Etnol., Lviv, 1905

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

713

IV, 1 08- II 3, 7 fgs.) Treats of folk-
jewelry (Ukrainian and Great Russian
ear-rings, etc. ) in the Starobilsk distinct
of the government ofCharkov, the process
of manufacture, implements used, etc.

Reindl (J. ) Die ehemaligen Weinkulturen
bei Neuburg an der Donau. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 384-387.)
Notes on former vineyards at Leitheim,
Neuburg, and other places where the
settlement of monks and the founding of
monasteries led to the cultivation of the
grape. Of the wine of Neuburg, Balde
sang that <<the grapes naturally weep
vinegar.** Viticulture flourished in this
region during the Roman period. The
second viticultural epoch of the Danube
valley belongs with the period of the
erection of monasteries.

Ra80V(M. ) Gontzarstvo u sell OposhnT,
u Poltavstchinl. (Mater. Ukr.-Rus*k.
Etnol., Lviv, 1905, iv, 4i-59» " %s.)
Treats of the making of pottery in the
village of Oposhnia, government of Pol-
tava. The nature of the clay used, the
various stages of manufacture (cleans-
ing, kneading, turning, and firing), in-
struments used, products, etc., are de-
scribed.

Virobi r dereva s. GrunT u Poltav-
stchinl. (Ibid., 60-73, 9 fgs. ) Treats
of manufacturing wooden implements
(wheels, spades, barrels, and boxes) in
the village of Grune, government of Pol-
tava.

Grebinnitztvo u sell GrunI u Poltav-

stchinl. (Ibid., 74-81, 6fgs. ) Treats
of the manufacture of horn combs (proc-
esses, implements, etc.) in the village
of Grune.

Salminen (V. ) Die bedeutung D. £. D.
Europaeus in der geschichte der ein-
sammlung finnischer volkspoesie. Finn. -
Ugr. Forsch., Helsingfors, 1905, iv,
134-150.) Outlines the activity of
Europaeus (b. 1820), whose great merit
is to have collected, for the new Kale-
vala, songs from almost every rune-local-
ity and to have inspired the youth of the
land with the same ardor and zeal for
collection. His work began in the par-
ish of Ilomantsi and in five journeys he
procured for Ldnnrot a folk-lore mass of
ca, 2,500 songs and charms, — the total-
ity oi his collections amounted to over
3,000 songs.

Schliz ( A. ) . Kanstlich deformirte Sch&-
del in germanischen Reihengrftbem.
(Corr.-Bl. d. Deutschen Ges. f. An-
throp., Miinchen, 1904, xxxiv, 104-

106. ) Discusses artificially deformed
crania from Teutonic ** Reihengr&ber.**
Most of these skulls are female and their
origin may be connected with long-
hairedness, according to S. — possibly due
to forehead bands and other like con-
strictions, not for intentional deformation
of the skull but for hair arrangement.
Binding the child* s head to a cradle-
board may also have been a factor in
some deformations.

Schoetentack (O. ) Ueber neolithische
Tonge&ssscheiben des Perm-livUndi-
schen Typus und iiber Kieselartefakte
von Palkino, russ. Gouvemement Perm.
(Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 357-
362, 35 fgs.) Describes fragments of
pottery (neolithic in technique and or-
nament) from Palkino (Perm) in Russia,
which remarkably resemble pottery frag-
ments from a shell-heap in Levonia,
2,000 km. distant. Also a number of
flint arrowheads, etc., some rare neo-
lithic in form.

Setmi ( E. N. ) Karelisches alphabet und
karelische schrift aus dem 16. Jahrhun-
dert. (Anz. d. Finn. -Ugr. Forsch.,
Helsingfors, 1904, LV, 55-57.) Notes
an account by Simon von Salingen {^ca,
1591), a Dutch merchant, of the first at-
tempt to reduce the Karelian language
to writing. This description was first
published in 1773 in the Magazin fur
die neue Historie und GeographU
(Halle).

Zur lappischen bibliographie. (Ibid.,

58-60.) Points out that the "Mr Or-
lofif,** minister at Pite&, wasOlaus Graan,
author in 1667 of several Lapp works ;
the **Mr OrlofT** of Ume was Olaus
Stephani Graan (d. 1690).

und KarjAlainen (K. F.) Statis-

tische Angaben flber die finnen und lap-
pen in Norwegen. (Ibid., 65-71.) Ri-
sum6s and discusses statistics of Finns
and Lapps. According to the Nor-
wegian census of 1900, there was 2,548
Norwegian-speaking Finns and 4,053
Norwegian -speaking Lapps; the Nor-
wegian-speaking Finns were 4,766,
Lapps, 14,589. Of the Lapps 1,202
were nomads. Mixed marriages are
common. The Finns seem to be losing
in number more than the Lapps, but the
number of nomad Lapps has decreased.
Severo (R.) Os braceletes d'ouro de
Amozella. (Portugalia, Porto, 1905,
II, 63-71, I pi. 12 fgs.) Treats of 20
gold bracelets (three ornamented) from
the parish of Amozella and compares

714

AMESICAX ANTUROFOLOCIST

Cn->-.;

Ihon with limiUr objrcti (oand else- j
where. They •re probably of Iberian I
origin, or perhipi partly Celtic

Oi torques de Almojier. ( Ibid.,

72-74, 1 fg. ) Describes the gold col-
lars (turigues) from Almosler, now in the
Portuguese Ethnological Museum, prob-
ably iKlonging to the bronie age. The
form is ((uile primitive. \

Novas decobertas de ouritersaria |

pcolo-historica. (Ibid., 109-110). E>e- I
scribes briefly the ler^uts of Serraies,
the bracelet of TellAes, both specimens
of ptoto- historic gold-work, representing

O cemiterio romano do Monle do

Peoou^o, kio Tinto. (Ibid., 111-113,

3 fgs. ) Ilrief account of the Roman 1
buriai-pUce and its contents (some clay |
vessels & glass rase, a bronze whorl, .
etc.). discovered in January, 1905.
8«ven> ( k. ) I^s dolmens de Villa-Fouca
d'A(piiar. Trai-os-Montes. Questions
d'aulheniiciit. (Ibid., 1 13-117.) Cites j
opinions of European archeoli^ials as to '
■he character and importance of the finds
of Villa- Pouca-d'Aguiar, the genuineness
of which some authorities ( Reinach, Car- I
tailhac) have doubted. Others (Aslleyj
have recogniied parallels with similar
discoveries in Scotland. S. holds Ihal j
these tinds represent a genuine Iberic 1

Museu municipal "Aiuiga."' (Ibid., |

117-IT9. 1 fg. ) Brief account of coO'

tents of new munidpal museum at Gaya,
named after the zealous collector of
archcoli^cal objects (presented to it).
Matciano Agua^a. A dewription of the
silver tt'raars of Cortinhas (S. Mamede
de Kiba Tua) is aUdcd. The Urquri^Tt
of a 1>*{W that survived in Roman
Hispania.

O ihewurfj de Ubu«o. (Ibid.,

I-I4, 1 pi., S fgs. ) Describes an orna-
mented gold-leaf bracelet, some frag-
ments of a wristlet, pieces of two torques,
etc., found in the parish of I^bu^Ao, 4
leagues from Nascent de Cbaves as a
result of excavaling in a vineyard.
These objects, probably the work of one
metallurgisi, may lielong lo the 5-4th

lat, but

likely tl

within

(he Roman period proper.
ShUhkevitch ( M. ) VIrib olT)-n na VolinI
V Galitchinl. (Mater. Ukr.-Rus'k.
Etnol., I.viv, 190S, IV, 94-99, 3 f(.5. )
Describes the making of oil in Galician
Volhynia, — preparation of seeds, grind-

See I.itBrmat.-a-BarUik,

SlebsfT.) Scfalesucbe nuniuien- (Mic
d. Sdiles. Ges. t Volksk., Biesin
1905, VI. 113-115.) Gi(cseiaa>pieti
▼illage-Reld names 6001 Seidcrt' ni
Dcighborhood. ImDorlant data ttcuik-
lore.

StiKh* (T. ) Sogen *om Alp ntd do
weisscn Fnn. (Ibid.. 99-ioi.t Civo
brief legends ukI stories relating to At
night-marc mnd the "while wooui"
from Schebiu, Klein -Ellgnih, Mahnia.
Ersdorf, RAbitor. Taroovitz, etc, la

TelMira (T.) Folk-lore 1

(Porlugalia, Pbrto. 1905, 11, io7-i[».)
Gives specimens of follc-soop and podij
from BragaiLEa, Macores, etc

Tetnier (F.) Zur Volksknnde der Sfe-
waken. Globus, Bmschwg., 1905.
Lxxxvii. 376-380, 10 fgs.) Treaaa
the Slovaks — the southernmost scctka
of the Ciech- Moravian- Slo\-ak siod —
their dress, houses and fumilore, bra-
arrangements, grave - ornaments, eic-
Nol many of the old costoms now sorrivt
(weddings retain a few), contact with
their German neighbors has abolisliid

Thorn.. (PF.) Folk-lore Beir^o. (Por-
tugalw^ Porto, 1905, „. ,08.) Gives
teils of prayers and religious poems ftnm
Beira Alia, wnong them . " l.ttle Pkta
C^";. '^'* Maria," "little

Thon (J.) Die jUdischen Gemeinden to
Deutschland. (Z f. Demtwr. u. Stat d-
Juden. Berm. ,905, ,, Hft. 9. ,-9.)
Contains religious stalistics. The bes
eltention lo religious services is paid hy
Ihe Jews of Alsace-Lorraine, Bavaria and
the other South-German slates ■ of the
Prusaan provinces. Hesse-Xassau, Posen

VMdetWiii (A^) OlKnl u rivnitchno-
schidniT Gahlchinl. (Mater. Ukr -Rus'k.
Etnol. Lviv, 1905, VI. 89-91' 4 fEs.1
Describes oil-making (hemp and flu)
in northeaslcm Galicia. A morur
worked by fool is used. _ ,hr old press
was by wedges, the modem by screw
The " flour " is roasted, put in a bag and

VoIkOT (T.) Virobi peredmikensikovo
liru 11 neomitchnich stanovistchach na
Ukrainl. (It>id..( l)-(27), map. ) LisLv
With note? and map. 45 neoliihic " sta-
tions" In the Ukraine. An abstract of

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

715

this article was reviewed in the Ameri-
can Anthropologist^ 1902, N. s., 778.

▼om Walde fP.) Lock- und Scheuch-
namen fUr Haustiere. (Mitt. d. Schles.
Ges. f. Volksk., Breslau, 1905, vi, iio-
112.) Lists names used to call and drive
away domestic animals in Silesia, —
geese, ducks, hens, doves, horses, cows,
calves, goats, sheep, swine, dogs, cats.

Werner \llr) Ueber primitives Hand-
werkzeug. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905,
XXXVII, 355-357, 3 fgs.) Describes
** shin bones " of animals used by butcher
in skinning dead animals ; part of tongue-
bone of cow used by butchers in cleansing
tripe ; bone used by saddlers in imposing
pieces of leather one upon another ; bone
used for smoothing by hand-weavers ; a
hair-ball from the stomach of a cow, used
by a carpenter to polish wood ; a small
stone ax found in a Held by a peasant
who added a wooden handle and used it
for several years.

Zubritzki ( M. ) Godivlya kumo i pro-
dazh ovetz' u Mshantzl starosambirs' -
kovo povitu. (Mater. Ukr.- Rus'k.
Etnol., Lviv, 1905, iv, 1-40, 5 figs.)
Treats of sheep raising and selling in
the village of Mshanetz, district of
Staro-Samvir in Galicia. Winter, sum-
mer, and autumn care of flocks ; hous-
ing of shepherds and sheep ; bringing
up of lambs; milking and disposal of
milk products ; use of wool, etc. ; prop-
erty marks.

AFRICA

Ankermann (B. ) Kulturkreise und Kul-
turschichten in Afrika. (Z. f. Ethn.,
Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 54-90, 5 maps.)
Discusses culture-areas and culture-
strata with respect to distribution of
house-forms, weapons (spear, bow,
arrow, club, sword, sling, shield, etc.),
clothing and ornament, mutilation, cir-
cumcision, musical instruments, *' pil-
low,'* basketry, social organization, iron
smelting. The following culture-areas
are recognized : West African ( against
which may be set ofl* all the rest of the
continent except Madagascar, south of
the Sahara, in some respects). South
Africa (to the Zambesi and the Kunene),
East African (from the Zambesi to the
Tana), the eastern horn (with Abyssinia)
the upper Nile region, the rest of the
Sudan ( with a western and eastern prov-
ince). The culture-strata distinguished
are : Nigritian ( partly pan- African,

partly local), corresponding to the old-
est Australian stratum ; West African,
corresponding to the east Papuan, and
probably originating from Indonesia ; a
stratum (of Indonesian origin) corre-
sponding to the west Papuan ; a stratum
(finding analogies in Hindustan) rep-
resented chiefly in the western Soudan ;
a Hamitic, or old Semitic, stratum in
the Sudan, East and South Africa ; a
modem Semitic (Arabic) in the same re-
gions as the last. The cultural depend-
ence of Africa upon Asia, is, according
to A., very marked, both for the western
and the southern regions of that conti-
nent. A. does not attribute the origin of
iron-smelting to the negro. The Sudan
culture had both western and eastern fac-
tors. Important for culture in the south
African area is the foreign (south Ara-
bian ) people of the gold country between
Zambesi and the Limpopo.

Elmendorf (D. L.) The edge of the
desert. (Scribner's Mag., N. Y., 1905,
xxxviii, 319-330, 16 fgs. ) Treats of
El Djem, the Roman Thysdrus or Thys-
dritana Colonia, its great amphitheater,
etc., and Timgad (ancient Thamgudi^
now being excavated by the French
government.

Hall ( R. R. ) Paleolithic implements from
the Thebald. (Man, Lond., 1905, v,
33-37, I pi. 2 fgs.) Discusses briefly
views of Beadnell, Schweinfurth, Blanck-
enhom, etc., and describes flints (obtained
in 1904 by author and Mr E. R. Ayrton)
in comparison with British paleoliths.
H. finds evidence of water-erosion at
Thebes. The desert surface where the
best implements were found was "evi-
dently very ancient and undisturbed,
everything, limestone as well as flints,
being black with weathering.'* At p.
72 H. has another brief note on the
subject

The eady occurrence of iron in

Egypt. ( Ibid. , 69-7 1 . ) H. holds that
"worked iron was known to the Eg)rpt-
ians as early as the days of the Old
Empire." Also that the Great PjTamid
fragment of iron is contemporaneous
with the pyramid itself. The word ba
("metal," originally) was used also at
an early period in the sense of " iron.'*
It is not inherently improbable that iron
was occasionally used in Egypt at an
early period, far earlier than in Europe.
Many negro tribes have worked iron from
time immemorial and have never passed
through a copper age. The knowledge

7i6

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

of worked iron may have reached Egypt
from inner Africa.

Hobley (C. W. ) Further notes on the £1
Dorobo or Oggiek. (Ibid., 39-44.)
Brief notes on tribes, list of clans, com-
parative vocabularies of some 140 words
m several dialects. Also vocabulary of
50 words (Neuman) from the isolated
Mogogodo. The Dorobo, seen by the
author in 1891, are forest hunters — the
Digiri clan are bearded and have a female
chief.

Hollia (A. C. ) Masai ear-ring of stone.
( Ibid. , 22, I fg. ) Describes stone ear-
ring used by Masai boy of 14 to distend
ear-lobe. The ear-lobes are considered
right when they meet on top of the head.

HOMfeld ( C. ) Ein Heitrag zur ostafrika-
nischen Lyrik. Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxviii, 82-83. ) Oives texts, music,
and translations of four brief songs
(slave, girl, young man, child) of the
Wanyamwesi of eastern Africa.

Joyce (T. A. ) Steatite figures from West
Africa in the British Museum. (Man,
Lond., 1905, V, 97-100, I pi., 2 figs.)
Describes two recently acquired soap-
stone figures from Mendiland, *<one of
which is not only an unusually well-fin-
ished example, but in design, as far as I
am aware unique" — the human figure
is recumbent on an oblong plinth. An-
other unique figure (seated native) fix>m
Mendiland is also described. These im-
ages, called nomon\ or "farm devils,"
have some connection with the agricul-
tural rites and beliefs. They are prob-
ably due to a local and indigenous art.
J. thinks that "many small points of
correspondence between civilized Egypt
and savage Africa may be explained by
this very natural assumption of a com-
mon ethnographical element, indigenous
in character."

Kyle ( M. G. ) Egyptian antiquities in the
Free Museum of Science and Art of the
University of Pennsylvania. (Rec. of
Past, Wash., 1905, iv, 259-266, 10 figs. )
Treats of the Mena tablet of ebony (one
of the oldest wood-carvings in the world ),
the stele of Qa-Sen (first dynasty), a
large alabaster vase of Kha-Sekhenn
(second dynasty), a fragment of burnt
ivory with inscription, early burial cases,
an ancient door-socket, {>ainted pottery,
portrait panels from early Christian cof-
fins, etc.

Lang (A.) The religion of the Fans.
(Man, Lond., 1905, y, 54-55-) Rf-
sum^ and critique of article on same topic

by E. Alldgret in the Jievue de V Hii-
toire des Religions for Sept. -Oct, 1904,
which '* tends to confirm my own ideas
about early religion." L. believes that
«* everywhere we find traces of the All-
Father belief yelding, among the Kait-
ish, to the Alcheringa and evolatiooary
hypothesis ; among the Fans, to ancestor
worship, and apparently extinct among
the Arunta and other northern tribes."
The African Fans and the Australian
Kaitish are held by L. to support his
views.

Mochi (A.) Lo scheletro di un Dancalo
di Assab. (A. p. PAnthrop., Firenie,
1904, XXXIV, 403-428, I pi. ) Describes,
with details of measurements, skull, long-
bones, pelvis, etc, development of mns-
cular system, etc., of an adult Danakil
(skeleton found in 1882 near Assab).
The stature (estimated) is 1745 mm.,
limbs long, skull mesaticephalic (78.9),
capacity 1475 c.c. Dr M. considers
that negro admixture is not present, —
the race is relatively purely represented.

Mnllen (B. H. ) Fetishes firom landana,
South-west Africa. (Ibid., 102-104,2
fgs. ) Brief account of mangaka (wood
male figure), a men's fetish, and Koio
(wood figure of dog with head at each
end), a woman's fetish. The prepara-
tion and use of fetishes are described.

Neriiison ( H. W. ) The new slave trade.
(Harper's Mo. Mag., N. Y., 1905, cxi,
341-350. 535-544. 16 %s. ) First two
sections (down the west coast. West Af-
rican plantation life to-day) of article
giving results of author's investigation df
the slave trade still existing in Africa.

Oestliche (Die) Elfenbeinkttste. (Globus
Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxvii, 387-393, 6
fgs.) Contains notes on the Attic of
Alepe, Mope, etc., whose funeral cus-
toms are described. The Attif make a
soap from the ashes of banana- skins and
palm-oil. Every village has a black-
smith. The white men are believed to
live under water, where they have no
women and the natives fear they may lose
theirs.

Thomson (A.) Composite photographs
of early Egyptian skulls. (Man, 1905,
V, 65-^7, I pi. ) Notes on composite
photographs of 12 negroid males ; 26
non-negroid males ; 1 1 negroid females ;
16 non-negroid females, from the ancient
Thebald. Non -homogeneity of popu-
lation seems clearly indicated by the
characteristic differences in the facial
features.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

717

Note on Dr. Keith's review of

"The Ancient Races of the Thebald."
(Ibid., 101-102. ) T. reasserts his be-
lief in the racial heterogeneity (negroid,
non-negroid) of the skulls in question.

ASIA

Anttin (O. P.) The commercial prize of
the Orient ( Nat Geogr. Mag., Wash.,
1905, XVI, 399-423» »9. %s.) Calls
attention to the "extraordinary physical
difficulties which have attended efforts of
the Occident to cultivate commerce be-
tween these two great sections of the
world, and the difficulties which still
exist in the Orient itself, but which are
likely to be overcome in the near future."
Without transportation there can be no
commerce.

Biasntti (R. ) II Tibet secondo una vec-
chia relazione italiana. ( A. p. 1' Antrop. ,
Firenre, 1904, xxxiv, 453-459. ) R6.
sum6s and discusses C. Puini's recent
publication // Tibet {geografia^ storia^
religioney costumi) secondo la relazione
del viaggio del P. Ippolito Desideri^
1815-1721 (Roma, 1904).

Blanckenhoni ( D. M. ) Ueber die Stein-
zeit und die Feuersteinartefakte in Syrien-
Pal&stina. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905,
XXXVII, 447-471, 17 fgs.) TieaU of
the stone age and flint artefacts in Syria-
Palestine. Five modes of occurrence are
noted : Surface of plateaus or sides of
mountains (older paleolithic, but parti-
ally also genuine eolithic) ; costal plain
(half paleolithic, half neolithic) ; valleys
(mostly late paleolithic, or even later);
caves or grottos (paleolithic and neo-
lithic); beneath surface at places of fixed
settlement (neolithic to iron age). A
sixth category (beginning with the
bronze age) might be added for those
coming from certain graves, e. g., in
Samaria). These various types are dis-
cussed with some detail and the particular
localities of their occurrence Indicated.
B. recognizes 10 different periods in the
history of man in Syria up to the Chris-
tian era : Eolithic, older paleolithic
(Chell6an), middle paleolithic (Mouster-
ian and lower Solutrean or Ebumean),
late paleolithic (Magdalenian), early
neolithic (ca. 10,000-5,000 B. c. ), late
neolithic \ca, 5,000-2,000 B. c. ) bronze
age (2,000-1,250 B. c. ), beginning of
iron age (1,250-1,050 B. c.J, period of
Israelitic kingdom (1050-TOO B. c),
period of foreign rules and of the Mac>

cabae (600 B. c. to Christian era). The
characteristics of each age are briefly
given.

Braithwaite (E. E.) The Semitic Mu-
seum of Harvard University. (Rec. of
Past, 1905, IV, 243-251, 6 fgs.) Brief
account of museum and contents (library,
Assyrian room, oldest material. Biblical
material, miscellaneous, Palestinian
room), — "a magnificent collection of
Semitic material so finely housed and so
splendidly arranged. ' '

Brown (J. B. ) The Great Wall of China.
(Proc. Delaware Co. Inst. Sci., Media,
Pa., 1905, I, 2-7. ) General description.
Author visited it near Shan Hai Quan
on the Pechelee gulf, 27 years ago.

Cordel {Hr) Ueber die Ausstellung der
von der Turfan- Expedition mitgebrachten
Sammlung. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905,
XXXVII, 412-414.) Brief notes on the
collection of Prof. Griinwedel and Dr
Huth from Turfan, — reprinted from the
Vossische Zeilung oi ¥(h, 21, 1905.

Dentschen (Die) Grabungen in Babylon
und Assur. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxviii, 124-126.) Risum^s Andrae's
report on his excavations in Assur (graves,
building-technique and material, sculp-
ture, metallurgy, tiling, etc. ), published
in the Milteilungen der Deutschen Orient-
Gesellschaft.

Eatter (J.) Archeological discoveries as
related to the Bible. (Rec. of Past,
Wash., 1905, IV, 234-241.) Treats of
identification of places, facts explanatory
and confirmatory of Bible statements, in-
telligence of the ancients, etc.

SI win (A.) Ancestral worship. (J. of
Trans. Victoria Inst., Lond., 1904,
xxxvi, 67-84.) Treats of ancestral
worship as the religion of the Chinese,
from the Christian point of view.

Gilbert (O.) Die Kelischin-Stele und
ihre chaldish-assyrischen Keilinschriften.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, lxxxviii,
31.) R6sum6s article by Dr W. Belck
in Anatole (Vol. I, Hfl. i), a new
journal devoted to the scientific investi-
gation of the Orient. The inscription in
question is purely religious, relating to
the god Chaldis.

Giovannozi (U.) Crani arabi del Museo
Antropologico di Firenze. (A. p.
r Antrop., Firenze, 1904, xxxiv, 333-
353» I fg-) Describes, with measure-
ments, 3 male and 3 female crania, from
the Sinai peninsula, collected by de
Langier and presented to the Museum in
1894-96. Of these skulls 3 are brachy-

7i8

AMERICAS AXTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

cephals and 3 dolichocephals, indicating
that the Arabs of this region are not an
unmixed race.

Hawe's Wanderungen auf Sachalin.
(Globus, Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxviii,
59-62, 7 fgs. ) Kdsum^s the facts re-
lating to Saghalin in the German trans-
lation (/to AussfrsUn Ostefiy Berlin,
1905) of C. H. Ilawe's recent book of
travels from Korea to Saghalin.

Hontixigton (£. ) Climate and history of
eastern Persia and Sistan. (Rec. of
Past, Wash., 1905, iv, 205-219, 4 fgs.)
Treats of ancient climate, Alexander's
march, desiccation of ancient ruins ( Neh,
Merv, Balkuwi, Anau), cause of depopu-
lation of Iran, legends, etc. Reprinted
from the author's Explorations in Tur-
kestan.

K. (W. ) Eine chineische Badenstalt in
Kautschou. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxxviii, 27-29, 5 fgs.) Describes a
Chinese bathing establishment in Kiau-
tchan. Author thinks Chinese less un-
cleanly than is commonly believed.

Lanfer (B. ) Chinesische Altertiimer in
der rftmischen Epoche der Rheinlande.
(Ibid., 45-49, 2 fgs.) Treats of seem-
ingly Chinese vases, etc., from finds of
the Roman period in various parts of the
Rhine country (four vessels found near
the Porta in 1 829 ; an ornamented vase
found near Harzheim in 1846, contain-
ing a small bronze figure of Hindu
origin). L. considers these to have
reached the Occident in the way of com-
merce rather than to have come with
some Asiatic legion.

Lissauer (A.) Die Schadel aus Turfan.
(Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 421-
432, 1 1 fgs. ) Describes, with measure-
ments, three (skulls, two adult, one
child) from burial-places in Idikutshari,
Chinese Turkestan. One of the skulls
belongs to the Uigurs — the others in all
probability also are of this Turkish type
— and represents this people in its prim-
itive home. The cephalic indices are re-
spectively 90.6, 90.1, 80.1.

Martin (W. A. P. ) An ancient tablet at
Wuchang. ( Record of Past, Wash.,
1905, IV, 275-276, I fg. ) Brief account
of stone tablet with inscription in honor
of Yu Wong, whose engineering exploits
are said to have been achieved ca. 2300
B. c. The monument is not genuine,
but goes back to 1000 H. c.

Miiller ( F. W. K. ) Kine chinesische
Wcltkarte. ( Z. f. Klhn., Berlin, 1905,
XXXVII, 366. ) Note on a Chinese map

of the world (now in the Berlin Moseom
fiir Vdlkerkunde), dating from 1674 A.
D., found in 1900 in the Pekin Oberra-
tory.

Uebcr die knltur- and sprachgeschicht-

liche Bedeutung eines Teiles der Tur^
Handschriften. (Ibid., 414-415.) Enoni-
erates the chief t3rpes of Mss. in the Grun-
wedel — Huth collection from Turfan : I.
Chinese texts ( Buddhist sutras from the
Tang period 6-9 century B. c). 2.
The remarkable writing (beginning of
nth century A. D. ) of the Si-Hia or
Tangut. 3. The rune-like writing ot
the K6k-Turkish fragments. 4. Fng-
ments in Fags-pa writing (variety of
Tibetan during Mongol lordship). 5.
Fragments in Uigur writing, partly in an
Iranian language. 6. Ms. in Mongolian
writing (derived from Uigur >. 7. Frag-
ments in the common Tibetan writing.
8. Fragments in Syrian -Nestorian writ-
ing, proof of the existence of Christian
colonies in Turkestan. 9. Fragments
in a modification of the Syrian Estran-

felo writing in three different languages
^ehlevi, Sogdianian, and old Turkish.

Offord (J.) Recent discoveries in west-
em Asia. ( Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1905,
XVII, 1-5. ) Notes on investigations and
publications of Toscanne ( statues of
Gudca), Fossy (Assyrian magical texts).
King (records of Tukulti Ninib), de
Morgan, van Brauteghem ( Elamite sut-
ues), Johns, Hilprecht, and Clay (Assy-
rian deeds, business documents, etc. ).

The omen and portent tablets of the

Assyrians and Babylonians. ( Ibid., 69-
72. ) R6sum6s data on animal omens
(forecasts), auguries from fire, dream>,
changing colors of water, etc., in A. Bos-
sier's recent Choix de textes relatifs d
la divination Assyro-babylanienne.

Oppert (G.) Die Gottheiten der Indier.
(Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 296-
353. ) First part of an elaborate and de-
tailed description and discussion of the
deities of the Hindus and their chief
characteristics. After an introductory
chapter on the peoples of India, Dr O.
treats the Vedic theogony of the Aryans
in India, each deity being taken up, with
more or less detail, by name and title.
In very early prehistoric times non- Aryan
ideas seem to have influenced the thought
of the Hindus, — the effect, e. <-.. is seen
in the figure of the goddess Aditi.

Proctor (H.) Elohim : The object of
primeval worship. (Amer. Antiq.,

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

719

Chicago, 1905, XXVII, 33-34.) P.
argues that the term Elohim expresses a
** compound unity " of the Godhead, not
an absolute unity, — "the Christian idea
of the Godhead is far nearer to that taught
by Moses, and in the whole Hebrew
Tanach, than the Jewish conception of
the present day.**

The Hebrew alphabet (Ibid., 97-

98.) Argues that the Hebrew sacred
square characters did not descend from
the Phenician alphabet, but were "di-
rectly derived from hieroglyphic objects,
the names of which they still bear.*'

Schmidt (H.) Eine kleine silbeme
Schale. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905,
XXXVII, 438. ) Describes a small silver
vessel ifrom Bokhara, ornamented with
figures from Greco- Roman mythology.
The vessel must have reached central
Asia from the Occident about the time of
the early Roman empire.

Starr (F. ) Ainu terms of relationship.
(Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1905, xxvii,
99-101.) Gives 56 terms ( father . . .
great-great-granddaughter) of relation-
ship obtained in 1904 from the Ainu at
the St Louis exposition. Compares
these with Morgan's Ganowanian and
Turanian classification. S. observes
" the Ainu system is not a good example
of the Turanian classificatory form, al-
though it presents two of its most strik-
ing indicative features, the eighth and
tenth.**

StOnner (Hr) Ueber die kultur- und
sprachgeschichtliche Bedeutung der
BHlhmltexte in den Turfan-Hand-
schriften. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905,
XXXVII, 415-420. ) These Brfthml texts
(used for Sanskrit writings 350 B. c. to
350 A. D.), written in alphabets, the
precursors of the so-called "northern
alphabets,*' to which goes back the later
Nagan, the form of writing most com-
monly used for Sanskrit, are of great im-
portance for the history of Buddhism.
Among the fragments in question is a
Sanskrit canon of the Turkestan Bud-
dhists. These fragmentary MSS. also prove
the existence of an "Old Turkish**
language. The block-prints are likewise
valuable and interesting.

Thompson (R. C.) A note on Sinaitic
antiquities. (Man, Lond., 1905, v,
87-91, 6 fgs. ) Describes the ruins of
the Egyptian temple to Hator, near the
turquoise mines at Sar&bit el-Khadm,
explored as early as 1845 ^7 ^^ Lepsius
expedition. The number of monumental

stelae is large, — some still stand in their
original positions. T. disputes Petrie*s
view that the temple was Semitic. An
instance of modem Arabic "fire-jump-
ing** is noted. The "heart-plant**
of Assyrian incantations, the Hyoscyamus
muticus, still grows in the northern part of
the peninsula.

Von Hanoi nach Longtscheu. (Globus,
Bmschwg., 1905, Lxxxviii, 120-124, 5
fgs. ) R6sum6s account by Henri Turot
of a journey from Hanoi to Longtcheu,
published in the Tour du Monde, Con-
tains some notes on the Muong, etc.

W. (R.) Zur Anthropologie der Mon-
golen. ( Ibid., 49. ) R6sum6s Birkner's
paper with this title noticed in the
American Anthropologist^ *905» N. S.,

VII.

INDONESIA, AUSTRALASIA,
POLYNESIA

Balfonr (H.) Bird and human designs
from the Solomon islands, illustrating
the influence of one design over another.
(Man, Lond., 1905, v, 81-83, I pi.)
B. produces evidence to show that " the
extreme prognathism which prevails so
much in representations of the human
form among the coastal peoples of the
Solomon islands, is due to the influence
of the bird designs upon them, which has
had the efiiect of causing an unnatural
projection of the facial region in corre-
spondence with the prominent beak of
the frigate bird. * * Native drawings show
a like influence. The well-known
"canoe-prow gods** exhibit extreme
prognathism of frigate-bird origin.

Bolk (L. ) Das Gehim eines Papum too
Neu-Guinea. (Petr. Camp., Nedrrl.
Bijdr. Anat, Amstd., 1905, d. II, 347-
366, 12 fgs.) Detailed description of
the (preserved) brain of a Papuan (died
of pneumonia) from the southern coast of
German New Guinea. The brain was
rather poor in convolutions, but exhibited
no marked peculiarities sui generis —
combinations of individual characters
rather than individual characters them-
selves, make up the "foreign** aspect.

Costenoble (H. H. L. W.) Die Mari-
anen. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
Lxxviii, 4-9, 72-81, 92-93» ^o %s.)
Treats of physical features of the islands ;
flora and fauna ; population ( as evidences
of a former pre-Charaorran people the
stone blocks and columns and "skull
caves'* are cited), now m mixed race

720

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

I I

called Chamorros ( Spanish-Chamorro-
Kanaka - Tagal - Chinese - Japanese - Ger-
man, etc. ) — there are besides lo pure
blood SfMiniards, icx> Germans, 200
Americans ; language ; religion ; man-
ners and customs (effiect of Americaniza-
tion, etc. ) ; house-building ; agriculture
and agricultural implements ; clothing ;
festivals and dances (the Carolinians are
more socialistic than the Chamorros) ;
trade and commerce ; future of the
islands (a new regime is needed). The
Carolinians are in many ways more
primitive than the Chamorros.

Edge-Partington (J.) Note on a forged
ethnographical specimen from the New
Hebrides. (Man, Lond., 1905, V, 71-
72, I fg. ) Describes a **sort of hybrid
between a pig-killing club and a shell
adze," carved in New Hebridean style.
Such objects are made by natives **for
the trade."

Gannett ( H. ) The peoples of the Philip-
pines. (Trans. Eighth Intern. Geogr.
Congr., Wash., 1905, 671-975, map.)
Gives results of Dr D. P. Barrows' in-
vestigations for U. S. Census. G. agrees
with Dr B. in styling all Filipinos (ex-
cept Negritos, Chinese, and other immi-
grants) Malays. There are 8 civilized
and not more than 16 ** wild " peoples ;
the number of ** tribes " and ** peoples "
has been exaggerated both by travelers
and men of science. Indeed, **in the
ordinary acceptation of the word there is
absolutely no tribal organization either
among the civilized or wild people."
The most numerous people are the Visa-
yans. The Negritos count 23,000, the
Igorols 200,000.

Gr&bner ( F. ) Kulturkreise und Kultur-
schichten in Ozeanien. (Z. f. Ethnol.,
Berlin, 1905, xxxvii, 28-53, 6 sm.
maps.) Author distinguishes five cul-
ture areas and strata : I. Nigritian ( Aus-
tralia and part of Melanesia. ) 2. West
Papuan. 3. East Papuan. 4. Melan-
esian. 5. Polynesian. The chief char-
acteristics of each are given. The old-
est culture-stratum is that represented by
the Tasmanians ; next comes the earliest
Australian culture besides which the
west and east Papuan have left their
mark on the continent, all later ones
have merely touched the northern coast).
The Melanesian appears essentially as a
land culture. The historic period of
Oceania begins, in a way, with the Poly-
nesian culture, when for the first time
appears a pronounced, unitary culture

with a strongly developed political ele-
ment The Polynesians came originally
from Asia; the Melanesians Bnd their
nearest analogues in the culture of some
of the natives of the Philippines (per-
haps also the eastern Himalaya lands) ;
the Nigritic and East Papuan suggest
relation with Africa. In southern Asia
** lies the key for ethnic connectioos be-
tween Oceania and Africa." The char-
acteristics of the various culture-areas,
etc., are briefly indicated.

GrosTenor (G. H. ) A revelation of the
Filipinos. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash.,
1905, XVI, 139-192, 130 fgs.) Sum-
marizes U. S. census report of March,
1903. Population is given as 7,635,426,
of which 6,987,686 << enjoyed a consid-
erable degree of civilization," the re-
mainder, 647,740, being «« wild people.**
Except the Negritos all the natives arc
Malay. The amount of literacy is " sur-
prising.** There are 13,400 ^tfrrrW or
villages averaging 500 {>eople each. The
Ilocans are most migratory.

Haddon ( E. B. ) Note on the people of
Borneo. (Man, Lond., 1905, v, 22-25.)
Com{>ares Dr A. C. Haddon*s studies oif
the natives of Sarawak* with the Kohl-
brttgge-Niewenhuis data from Dutch
Borneo. The ethnc^raphic conditions
are simpler in the latter region.

Studies in Bomean decorative art:

I. Patterns derived from the roots of the
fig-tree. (Ibid., 67-69, 4 fgs.) De-
scribes patterns on bamboo thread -holder
derived from the roots of the fwrasitic
fig-tree { Urosfy^ta sp. ), which seem to
have appealed much to the native mind.
Dr H. notes that ** the men usually affect
patterns derived from plants, whereas
the designs employed by the women to
decorate their cloths are mainly animal
derivatives." Moreover, ** not only are
the majority of the motives employed by
the one sex entirely different from those
in favor with the other, but the treatment
of the motives is also quite diflferent.**
Tatuing at Hula, British New

Guinea. (Ibid., 86-87, 2 fgs.) De-
scribes briefly the ah tattooing (photo-
graphed by the late A. Wilkin). Among
the Motu women are richly tattooed, men
less so. The designs are painted on the
skin, then pricked in. In the Rigo dis-
trict tattooing on either side of the vulva
is necessary for wifehood.
Morris (Margaretta) The influence of
war and of agriculture upon the religion
of Kayans and Sea Dyaks of Borneo.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

721

(J. Amcr. Orient. Soc., N. Y., 1904,
XXV, 231-247. ) The conflict in religion
of the tutelary spirits of war and of
agriculture represents a conflict in eco-
nomic pursuits. The author illustrates
from the religion of these two native
tribes how war and rice-culture, as
means of livelihood, necessarily *' re-
quire diflierent manner of life, diflerent
laws and customs, diflerent organization
of society, and diflerent personal quali-
fications." In both tribes both activities
are well developed. Head-worship
originated in conquest and its growth
parallels an increasing economic im-
portance of war. The war path leads to
the domination of the fighting men,
agriculture favors the women who do
most of the farm work. In Bea Dyak
religion feminine ideals are far more
conspicuous ; with the Kayans the legen-
dary heroes and gods are characteristic-
ally virile. With the former the part
taken by women in ritual is also much
greater. With the Kayans conquest
preceded cultivation ; the Sea Dyaks,
from peaceful agriculturists, were taught
by the Malay to be also seafarers and
pirates.

Parkmaon (R.) St. Matthias und die
Inseln Keru6 und Tench. (Globus,
Brnschwg., 1905, Lxxxviii, 69-72.)
Notes of a visit in April, 1905 (P. was
the first white man to reach Keru6 and
Tench). Clothing, weapons, houses,
fishing-gear, canoes, ornaments, traflic,
weaving, language, etc., are briefly
treated. The people of Tench are very
primitive and much isolated — they do
not understand the language of St Mat-
thias. The Emirau (of Keru6), like the
people of St Matthias, show more signs
of Micronesian admixture than is the case
in the Admiralty islands.

Schellong ( O. ) Einige Bemerkungen ttber
die Fahrzeuge ( Kan us) der Papuas von
Kaiser - Wilhelmsland ( Neu-Guinea )
und dem Bismarck- Archipel. ( Int. A. f.
Ethnogr., Leiden, 1904, xvi, 176-179,
5 fgs. ) Describes the canoes of the
natives of the N. E. coast of New Guinea
(Finschhafen), the Duke of York group,
and New Ireland (New Mecklenburg).
The boats of the Tami islanders are very
fine. In the village of Lassuck Dr S.
met with the simplest kind of a boat —
three tree trunks bound together.

Schmeltz (J. I). E. ) Geklopte boom-
schors als kleedingstof op Midden-
Celebes. AnvuUingen en verbeteringen.

(Ibid., 180-193.) Additional data (and
correction ) to those in Adriani and Kruijt
article on the same subject in vol. xiv.
Comparative notes on the ethnology of
beaten bark clothing. See American
Anihropologisty 1902, N. S., IV, 175.

Die St&mme und der Siidkiiste von

Niederl&ndisch Neu-Guinea. (Ibid.,
194-242, 6 pi., 3 fgs. ) After a historical
introduction, Dr S. treats of the Tugeri
and Toro, etc. (position of woman —
slaves, clothing and ornament, dwellings
and furniture, food, weapons, traflic,
canoes, disease, music, dance, etc.).
Pages 21 1-223 ^c occupied by a descrip-
tion of the collections (foods and nar-
cotics, and objects used in connection
therewith; clothing and ornament ;*house-
omament and furniture ; objects con-
cerned in transportation ; weapons and
tokens of peace and their ornamentation ;
music) of H. W. Bauer and E. F. T.
Bik ; and 226-241, by a Dutch-German-
S. O. New Guinea and S. O. New
Guinea-Dutch-German vocabulary. A
brief Dutch-German-Tugeri vocabulary
is also given, and on page 241 a brief
comparative word-list by S. H. Ray in
10 New Guinea languages.

Schmidt (P. W. ) Die Bainingsprache,
eine zweite Papuasprache auf Neupom-
mem. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1905,
Lxxxvii, 357-358.) From peculiarities
of personal and possessive pronouns,
noun (grammatical gender, etc.), adjec-
tive, numerals, verb, S. argues that the
Baining language, spoken in the mount-
ains of the interior of the Gazelle penin-r
sula in New Pomerania is of Papuan
stock. There is a very interesting class
of diminutives and augmentatives in
Baining. Its formations are rich and
complicated.

SchoetenMCk (O.) Tasmanische Steinin-
strumente. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905,
xxxvii, 362-365, 6 fgs.) Describes
briefly six stone implements near Hobart,
Tasmania, now in possession of Prof. G.
Boehm of Freiburg i. B., their manufac-
ture and use, etc. The Tasmanian
<* knives" had no handles, and S. thinks
that the adaptation of these rude imple-
ments made it possible to develop the
rich musculature of the hand and the
forearm, so as to permit the technical and
artistic achievements of paleolithic man
of the glyptic period and of certain
modern primitive peoples.

Schultz (Z>r) Eine Geheimsprache auf
Samoa. (Globus, Brnschwg., 1905,

722

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

11!'

■11. 1

I '
I

I' i

'li :

Lxxxviii, 17.) Note, with specimens,
on a secret language, called gagana
liliu ("turned round speech*') in use
chiefly among the youth of Samoa.

Seidel ( H. ) Ueber Religion und Sprache
der Tobiinsulaner. (Ibid., 14-16.)
Discussion of data concerning *' temple,"
priests, burial customs, language of the
two islands of Sonsol and Tobi, — based
chiefly on Kubary's Ethnographiscke
BeitrSge zur Kenntnis der Karolinen-
Archipeh {\jt\6.txi^ 1^5)* A compara-
tive vocabulary of twenty words is given.
The chief deity of Tobi is Yarris. Traces
of American- Hawaiian influences are
suggested by Kubary.

Selignuum (C. G.) Note on a skull pre-
pared for purposes of sorcery, from the
Mekeo district, British New Guinea.
(Man, Lond., 1905, v, 49, i pi.) De-
scribes briefly young adult skull with cane
frame- work and lashings, to which are
fastened two boar's tusks, fringe of hu-
man hair, tufts of feathers, bunches of
herbs, quartz pebbles, and other charms,
etc. The purpose of the skull is said to
be to procure the death of an enemy (pre-
vious to its use the skull must have lain
a long time in the jungle, to judge from
its condition).

Further note on the progress of the

Cook-Daniels expedition to New Guinea.
(Ibid., 52-53.) Notes that the natives
of the Trobiands and their <* outliers"
(the little visited Marshall-Bennett-
group) aretotemic, with well-defined sys-
tem of chiefship. The Marshall -Bennett
islanders are probably identical with the
natives of Murua. The stone-adz quarry
at Suloga was visited. At Waga waga
extremely ceremonial cannibalism exists.

Thomas ( N. \V. ) Baiame and the bell-
bird. (Ibid., 49-52.) Discusses data
from Henderson, Macarthur, Gunther,
etc., to show that Tylor's theory of the
missionary origin of Baiame between
1830 and 1840 is ** entirely untenable."
It is a question " whether Baiame is a
sublimated bell-bird, or the bell-bird a
decayed Baiame." Among the Ura-
bunna the Wilyaru ceremony commemo-
rates the victory of the bell-bird ( Oreoica
cristata ) over the eagle-hawk.

Wotherspoon (A. S. ) A curious belief.
(J. Amer. Folk -Lore, Boston, 1905,
XVIII, 157.) Brief account of the Fili-
pino belief in the ''Assvan" and the
*' Tic-Tic," his servant, cannibal crea-
tures who live in the roots of the big
mango- trees.

AMERICA

Amateca (The) tribe in Mexka
(Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1905, xx^'ii,
38-39. ) Notes on the legends coocem-
ing the Amatecas, whose descendants
still live in Amatlan de los Reyes in the
State of Vera Cruz.

Barry (l\) Traditional ballads in New
England. I. (J. Amer. Folk- Lore, Bos-
ton, 1905, XVIII, 123-138.) Gives vari-
ous versions (text and music) from New
England of: The golden vanity. Lard
Thomas and finir Annett, The two sisters,
Lady Isabel and the Elf-knigbt, the
George Aloe and the Sweepstake, Henry
Martin, the mermaid. Captain Ward
and the Rainbow. Of the versions col-
lected by B., "the best of them, those
whose antiquity is most clearly attested,
come from Vermont ; the greater nomber
are from Massachusetts." In two years
the author has met with **66 versions ol
14 of the ballads represented in Profes-
sor Child's volumes."

Bierbower (Mrs S.) Among the cliff
and cavate dwellings of New Mexica
(Rec. of Past, Wash., 1905, iv, 227-
233, 6 fgs. ) Extracts from diary, Jane
16-29, 1900, of a general character, re-
lating to Suita Cruz, Santa Clara, and
Pulvadera cafion.

Blakiaton (A. H.) Prehistoric ruins of
northern Mexico. (Amer. Antiq., Chi-
cago, 1905, XXVII, 65-69. ) Brief ac-
count of the adobe ruins of Casas
Grandes, on the western bank of the
Piedras Verdes river in Chihuahua, vis-
ited by Bartlett in 1854. Pottery, mt-
tates, etc., besides many skeletons have
been found. These ruins are attributed
to the Aztecs.

Boyle (D.) Canadian Indians in 1904.
(Man, Lond., 1905, v, 55-58.) Gives
statistics from Report of Department of
Indian Affairs for 1904, — in 1903 In-
dians numbered 108,233, in 1904, 107,-
978, and the Supt. of Indian Affairs calls
in question the belief that they are **a
dying race." (B. thinks that, vrhilc
they may be holding their own, ** misce-
genation as well as disease is slowly
doing its work.") In Ontario, Quebec,
and Nova Scotia a slight increase in pop-
ulation is noted ; the highest death-rate
is in British Columbia. The farming of
the Six Nations and Mississaugas, in some
cases, shows results as good as those of
the whites. The Indian still prefer liv-
ing in communities of their own.

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

Notes on some specimens. (Ann,

Arcb. Rep. 1904, Toronto, 1905, 17-39,

52 fgs.) Describes stooe pestle 01 ham-
mer from Ridenu Talley, rubhing-sloncs
fnim Brantford and Blenheim townships,
unfinished " woman's knife " from Scar-
boro township, stone " file " from Wenl-
worlb CO., Iwar and btaver-looth tools
from Balsam lake, stone aies from Ari-
zona and Lincoln co. (Untario], chisel:
or club spikes, stone gouges from various
parts of Ontaiio, stone and clay pipes
(among them " the largest, and in some
respects the most remarltahle effigy stone
pipe, or pipe- bowl ever found in Ontario ",
— a surface lind from the township of
Tiny), bone "feather (or quill) holders"
and buttoDS (rather than " ithistles"),
a bone arrow from North Orillia, bone
combs (with a note from W. F. Petrie
on Egyptian analogues, etc.). Of the
six Canadian combs illustrated only one
shows anything suggestive of Ble-marlcs.
A metal -saw-made comb is figured.

Notes, etc, ( Ibid. , 43-7 1 , 76,

86-89, 101-103, 13 fgs.) E>escribes
stone and lortoise-shell pendants, ^ell
objects (gorgets, etc.), wampum strings,
bird-amulel (all such objects are sur-
face finds or mined up by the plough, in
Ontario), copper tools, European in ap-
pearance, pottery (tinds of native made
pottery generally indicate a period an-
terior to white contact, — the substitution
of the brass-kettle was rapid), picture-
writing (Blackfoot deerskin record, —
interpretationnot yet known), porcupine-
qnill work (a copy, by an Objibwa, of
rock painting on LAke Couchiching,

vation) 1 Winona stone (from Winona,
Ont.; bears date 1776 and carved head,
— white not Indian in origin); Mexican
marble mask from San Juan Teotihuacon ;
Oneida mounds (existence of several
large mounds reported, no investigation
as yet}i the "bouse of the devil" (re-
ports search for the Manitoa wigviam,
"devil's house," as the Mississaugas
called it in 1793, near the nest end of
Lake Ontario); an old dam on the
Grand River (not Indian); village sites
and occupations ; anthropology at the
World's Fair, St. Louis; an example of
primitive persistence (neolithic fashion
of hammer-bead attachment); the com-
ing of the Ojibwas (gives tradition of
Oji^wa.Mohawk contact); Lake St
George (brief account of investigation

AH. AlfTH., H. S., 7—48

723

of embankment on this lakelet, north
near Lake Couchiching, — no opinion
arrived at as to nature and origin); Cabo-
kia mound (notes of recent visit); a
museum or a musie ?

Bnthliell (D. I.). PartiBl excavation of
the N. D. McKvers mound. (Rec. of
Past, Wash., 1905, iv, aoi-305, 2 fgs.)
Describes excavation in May, 1905.
After depth of 36 feet a burial crib or
cist of war was met and in the enclosure
were a skeleton, some skulls and other
human remains, two fine bone awls, a
large number of pearl and shell beads,
and 1,195 novaculite blades,

ChamterUln (A. F.) Mytholi^ of
Indian slocks north of Mexico. (J.
Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, 190J, xviii,
1 1 1-I32. ) Enumeiates, with brief notes,
the chief mythological and folklore
literature of the Kulanapan, Mariposan,
Moquelumnan, Palaihnihan, Piman,
Quoralean, Shahaplian, Uchean, Weit-
spekan, Wishoskan, Yakonan, Yanan.
Yuman, Caddoan. Chinookan, Copchao,
Eskimoan, Kiowan, Kilunahan, Kolusch-
an, Lutuamian, Pujunan, SkilUgetan
(Haidan), Tumshian (Chimmesyan),
Wakashan (Kwakiutt-Nootka) stocks.

DlMeldoilI (Hr) Veber Jadeit — und
anderen Schmuck der MayavSlker. (Z.
f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvit, 40S-
411, iz figs.) Describes briefly jadeite
plate and objects from Chami, Ulpani,
Canastc, and Arenal in Alta Vera Pai and
bom Copan ; also similar objects of
shell from Arenal and Zacapi. Accord-
ing to the chemical examination of Prof.
Max Baoet two of the pieces of jadeite
contain some zircon, another some mica
— further proofs of the non-Asiatic
origin of American jade. The granula-
tion of the latter is coarser.

D'OUW (J. G.) Indian graves in Mon-
roe Co., New York. (Ann, Arch. Rep.

1904, Toronto, 1905, 103-104.) Notes
on a number of graves (Seneca village
of Totiacton, 3% miles south of the
older village) on Spring creek, opened
by the author in 1S98, and their contents
(bears' teeth, pipes, bullets, lead bar,
skeletons, seeds of a spedes of Rubus,
etc. — the man in question had probably
died from an over-dose of this fruit).

Fkliche Vorstellnngen Qber nordameri-
kanische Indianer. (Globus, Bmschwg,

1905, LXXXvlli, Ilt-iil.) Rtsumts
Henshaw's article in Amtrican Anikro.

potogist, 1905, N. s., vii, 104-113.

;24

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N- s., 7. i«

FSntcBunn (E. ) Die MillioiKiiubleo
im Dresdenus. (Ibid., ti6-lz8.) l>ii-
cuuei Ihe Ibree groups of numerals foi
between one and two millions in Ihe
Codei I>tesdenu9. The first group
covers a number of 77,320 d«ys, the
second 84,610, Ihe third, 56,334. All
the l> numbers of the second group lie
in the tenth cycle, the first group in the
ninth, the third in the eleventh. The
petition of the gaps before and after the
second group indicate thai here, as in
most Mayan inscriptions, the tenth cycle
is Ihe present time.

Zwei Hieroglyphenreihen in der

Dresdener Mayahandschrift. {Z. i.
Elbn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvit. 265-174.
3o fgs.) Discusses the hieroglyphic
series on pages 51-5S and 71-93 of Ibe
Codei Dresdensis, and their resem-
The firs

groups

of two. the second of a

of Ihe three hieroglyphs.

GcddM (J.) Canadian French. 1900- 1
1901. (Kom. Jahresber., l!:rlangen,l904,
VI, 40S-429.) Nos. 151-539 of bib-
liography of literature in and relating to
Canadian French, embracing the years
1900-1901, under Ibe heads of biograpb.
ical, education, French production, his-
torical, legal, literary, language, miscel.
laneous, poetry, political, religious, sci-
ence, sociology. English nriiings, deal-
ing with French Canada, traveis, etc
This continues Dr G.'s valuable anno,
tated bibliography for the decade 1890-
1900.

Gilbert (J. J. ) Some notes on the Foi Is-
land passes, (Nat. Geogr. Mag., Wash.,
1905, XVI, 427-429. ) Author says pop.
ulalion of Aleutian islands "is very
meager, and is decreasing every year," —
3,000 are said to have died of measles in
1900, and tuberculosis is common. Many
villages are " abandoned trading posts
established by the Russians previous to
1S67," Kemains of old villages indi.
cnte a considerable population in the

HAininand (J H.) The Ojibwas of Lakes
Huron and Simcoe. (Ann. Arch. Rep.
1904. Toronto, I905, 71-73-} B"ff
historical and elhni^raphic notes. The
Ojibwas " at pre.stnt own and occupy the

Df Ran

sisling of 1.600 acres. Snalieand Machego
islands in Lake Simcoe, and the smaller
islands in Ijikc Couchicbing, logelhcr
with the Christian islands in Ihe Georgian
Bay." Tbvir cliief bane is the whi^ey

supplied by the wfailea. Few, apparently,
■re of pore blood. TTiey are all kwn
canoemcD and hunters, and "at their
own work of canoeing or on the poctagt,
they easily ouldo the most haidy white."

Cahiague. (Ibid., 74-76. ) Aigucs

that the site of the Hunm village A
Cahiague was at Mt Slaven, near the
town of Orillia, and not, as Mr Hunio
maintains, at Buchanan's. Ease of ao-
munication, proiimity of food so[^y,
permanent water supply, sheltered uid
easily defended position, ease of cacipe
by land and water, etc., favor Ihe Ml

North and South Orillia. {Ibid..

77-86, g fgs. ) Brief notes on sites <i
Huron and Algonkin villages prior 10
final raid of Iroquois in 1649. 'iaax 6
new siles in South and 5 in North OhlUi
are indicated. Certain articles attributed
in a former Report to ChieFs Island in
Lake SinKZoe, are really from Hocse
Island, Ihe fonner bang *'sacrBl
ground " to the Indians.
HcMma (H. E. ) an./ BroomaU |H. L.)
Pbolograpbs of some of the [Spanidi]
inscriplions on El Morro, New Meiico,
with translations and notes (Pixic. Dela-
ware Co. Inst. Sci., Media, Pa., 1905,
I, »3-*4. "O pl. ) Reproduces photo-
graphs taken in August, 1904. Adds
much to Ihe IraDsliteradons and liansla-
lions of previoDS investigators and wrilen
{Simpson in I&4g. Lummis, Bandeliet,
Coues. elc. ]. Among the personages
referred lo in the inscriptions are Gen.
Hurtado ( 1736). Father Letrado ( 1632),
Gov. de Silva Niclo (1629), Gov. Mar-
tinei (I7'6), the Bishop of Durango
(1737)-
KcK:b-<irOiiI)«rg (T.) Abschluss meioer
Reisen in den Flus^ebieten des Rio
Negro undVapuri. (Globus, Bmschwg.,
1905. LXXXVllI, 86-91, 7 fgs.) Coo-
tains notes on the Tsflloa, Pallnoa,
I Makuna, Yahuna, Yabah&na, Buhagaua,
' Imibita. Uit6to, Yuri, and other Indian
I tribes and peoples. The commuDol
house {malika in the Ligoa geral) of
; the TsOloa and Pallnoa is noteworthy ;
' also the masks used by the Opaina in
I their dances. Dr K.-G. obtained much
I linguistic material from the so-called
' UilAlo. The Yuri seem allophyllic in
language. The lai^c signal drums of
of Ihe Uaup*s-Indians are found also on
\ Ibe Upper S'apuri and its tributaries and
j among Ihe L'it6to of the Upper lea.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

725

YOn Koenigswald (G. ) Die indianischen
Muschelberge in SUdbrasilien. (Ibid.,
1905, Lxxxvii, 34i-347» 3^ fgs.) De-
scribes location, nature, contents, etc.,
of the sambaquiSf sernamby^ ostreiraSy
berbigueiraSf casqueirosy as the shell-
heaps of the Brazilian coast are variously
temed. The Jesuits in the i6th, 17th,
and part of the 1 8th centuries procured
lime from these shells, which were em-
ployed for that purpose not only along
the coast, but also in the highland towns.
Some of the sambaguis are very high
(Canan^a, 20 m. ), others of colossal ex-
tent (e. g. Villa Nova on Comprida
bland). Some of them were inhabited
at the time of the coming of Europeans
and after. Some, however, are prehis-
toric, and all are apparently of human
origin. In some of the sambaquis of
Paran4 and Sta. Catharina, bones of
horses, pieces of iron, crosses worn by
missionaries, etc., have been found.
The lower strata yield rude stone axes,
primitive stone implements, arrowheads
(rare), etc. ; the upper finely worked
and polished stone implements, pottery,
etc. These last may represent a culture
that utilized these shell heaps after the
first possessors had been driven away.
Bolas and lip ornaments have been
found. In the interior occur little sam-
baquis different from the large ones on
the coast.

Kroeber (A. L. ) Wishosk myths. (J.
Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, 1905, xviii,
85-107.) Gives English texts of 25
myths from the Wishosk Indians of the
coast of Humboldt co., in northwestern
California (creation origin, animal, —
— salmon, spider, otter, frog, mole, coy-
ote, dog, blue-jsy, sea-lion, grizzly bear,
crow, eagle, porpoise, raven, pelican,
skunk, elk). The mythology of the
Wishosk ** occupies a place between the
mythologies of central and those of
northwestern California, sharing with
one a considerable development of crea-
tion myth and animal tales, and with the
other especially certain episodes of a spe-
cific culture-hero cycle." In general
character and underlying conceptions it
is more akin to that of central California
than that of the distinctly northwestern
tribes. The r6le of Gudatrigawitl
( *' Above-old-man " ) ii important.

Large ( R. W. ) Mortuary customs in
British Columbia. (Ann. Arch. Rep.
1904, Toronto, 1 905, loo-ioi.) Notes
on the burial customs of the Indians

about Bella-bella, with whom at present
** the dead are rolled in blankets, cover-
lids and the like and placed in boxes made
after the pattern of the white man's cof-
fin." They are mostly put in grave
houses, which are *' diminutive buildings
containing besides the remains of the vari-
ous members of the family, the children's
toys, and dishes, clocks, lamps, articles
of furniture, and other belongings of the
departed." Burnings of certain prop-
erty take place at stated intervals near the
grave-houses. Some of the dried bodies
are utilized in the '* man-eating dance."

Lehmann (W.) Ueber Taraskische Bil-
derschriften. (Globus, Bmschwg., 1905,
LXXXVII, 410-413, 3 fgs.) Enumerates
and describes 13 documents containing
picture-writings of the Tarascan Indians
of Mexico, an ancient people of somewhat
advanced culture. Ainong these are the
Relacion de Michoacan^ the chronicle of
Father Beaumont, several genealogies,
the Lienzo de Cucut&cato and several
other similar documents. Others may be
yet discovered.

Lehmann-Nitsche ( R. ) Die dunkeln Ge-
burtsflecke in Argentinien und Brasilien.
(Ibid., 1905, Lxxxviii, 112.) Addi-
tional data to those previously recorded
(see Amer. Anthrop.y 1904, N. s.,vi, 739)
concerning the occurrence of "Mongo-
lian spots" in Brazil (very common,
especially in Rio Grande do Sul ) and the
Argentine ( Province of Santiago del Es-
tero, — a curious folk-custom exists of
cutting out on the bark of a tree the foot-
print of a child and letting it be grown
over; the "spot" resembles in some
way a foot- print).

Nachtrag zur Erkl&rung der Breg-

manarben an alten Sch&deln von Tene-
rife. (Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, 1905, xxxvii,
436-437. ) Cites passage from an Anda-
lusian Franciscan, Galindo (whose MS.
of 1652 was published in English by
Glass in 1764), concerning the scarifica-
tion of the skull with flints for medical
purposes by the natives of the Canary
islands.

Lewis (J. H. ) The effects of tropical
climates upon the teeth of Americans.
(G. Wash. Univ. Bull., Wash., 1904, ill.
No. 3, 76-81.) Notes effect of change
of food, dengue, "sprue," etc. — sol-
diers, naval men, and civilians ( men and
women) are all affected in the Philip-
pines, etc.

Neuhaus ( J. ) Zur ethnographischen und
archftologischen Untersuchung der Mcs>

726

kilokflsie. (Globus, Bnudiwg., 1905,
Lxxxvni, 91-93. Diicuues pluu to?
briefly. No d>u.
HonUukUtld ( E. ) Ueber Quichiu iprech-
eode Indianer id deo OMabhlogcD der
Anden im Gmugebeit iwiscben Pern und
Bolivia. (Ibid., 101-108, 9 fgi.) Tretti
of Ibe Qui chtu- speaking tribes of the
eulern slopes of Ihe Andes on the border
between Peni and Bolivia, their agticul-
tural and cattle-breeding pursuits, etc
Also relalioni with the whites. The
Qnichua has always been and is now a
conquering speech, — in Apoio and the
region alxiul it has suppressed (he La-
pachu : the Ijh» likewise and Ibe Ta-
ouia is yielding. The children, where
one parent is Quichuan spemk Quicfaua.
In tile higher mounUin talleyi (Qneara,
Saqui, Sina, Ollachea, etc.) Ibe Indians
now ipeak Quicbua. Interesling ere the
representations of the sun and moon in
feathers and paper, carried id dances,
festivals of the church, elc. The Indians
arc morally tietler than the nhitea.

PotU (J. ) The Eskimo a hundred and
fifty yeara ago. (Ann. Arch. Rep.
1904, Toronto, 1905, 104-113.) Te»l
of a lelrer of Jno. Polls, dated Richmond
Fort, 15 Mnrih, 1 754,10 the commanders-
in-chief of Moose and Albany Forti.
Describes characler and behavior of the
" Eusqueroays", dealings with whiles,
trading, elc.

Secordi of Iroquois songs. (Amer.
Antiq., Chicago, 1905, XXVll, 103-105.)
Li5[5 12 songs sung to phonograph by
Jes.se I, yon, an Onondaga, and now pro-
curable in o()en market at regular prices.

Sice (J. A.) The totem mounds of Wis-
consin. (Ibid., 56,) Brief general
note. No djia.

Skdlelr (C. A.) 0"./ ThoBUj (N. W.)

-Animal superstitions among the Arau-
caniuns. (Man, Lond,, I905, V, I04-
105. J Enumerates 39 items (obtained
in response to i/urslhntiairt], about
eagle, liueao, snakes (valued by medi-
cine women), liiurd, rooster, iorifiong,
owt, caltle, iiunb. Ton, horse, rams, etc.
Seler ( E. ) Drei Gegenstande aus Mexiko.
(Z. f. Ethn., Berlin, I905, xxxvn. 441-
444, 3 fgs. ) Describes a clay flute
(omamenleil with a human head in re-
lief) from Chaico ; a clay vessel ( with a
hend of the god Mncuilxochiial on the
lovv-et fi..nl) protubly from the Callc de
Escalerilla* ; and n crescent of copper
plate from Tangancicusro in the State
of Michoacan.

AMESICAN ANTHROJ'OI.OCtST

[K.

,?,i*

'StafT(F.) AnthR>i>o]os7atdKS[.lj>
I ExpoiitMa. (Amer. Antiq., dibp
I 1905, XXVII. 40-42.) BridDgUa
' ethnological, TnHian acbool, aidxdifi
! ol exhibits.

The Complanler medal. (Ihi.

4»-4J.) Describes medal for Imips
rcsearcti, *■ foanded from sales i 1
aeries of linc-ctched reptodoctitiii 1^

En-and-inlc drawings by a Senea lalis
J, aamed Jesse Complanler-" Tit
first award (June 8, 1904) was to Go,
J. S. Clark of Auburn, N. Y.
TOD den Steinen ( K. ) Ein peiamdD
Zweigoralcel. (Z, f. Ethn., Be*.
199s. xxxvu, 439-440, I %.) [«■

I scribes a knotted twig oracle 1 fnn ^
euphoria ) found near HuariuBi^
in the Puccba nUley, province of Htia

' The Indians are said to lest the raati
their wives, when on long joanK;s.l<
the way in which the exceedingly fc&
ble twiga of the euphorbia diy.
Stewelt (J.) Rupert's Lanl lodiuaii
the olden time. (Ann. Arch. ts.
19^ Ton>nlo, 1905, S9-100.I D^
scribes ret iRion, supcrstitioos. and mill
habits of the uncivilized '•Bungan"
(Cree-Ojibwa) around the north riwo
of Lake Winnipeg, as they were itoO
40 years ago (the paper was wtitw
some 10-30 years ago, the author liam(
been in the service of the Hodwi'l
Bay Co.). Geecbe and Malche Mui-
tou, Wesse-ke-jack (at some iengtl.
with the legends of the release of ibe
sun, Ibe making of num, the conTenM
of the animals, the deluge, etc 1, il*
nature and riles of the ■' Brc/utna, t*
feast of long life" (in which the lanlf
snake figures promincDlly ) are coo
sidered. The origin legend of the l»«
is given and the ceremonies indicartJ
with some detail. This paper is »o in-
teresting contribution lo the literature of
AlgoiKjuian mythology.
SwutDD (J. R.) Explanation of the
Seattle tolem pole. (J. Amer. Folk-
I-ore, Boston, 1905, xviii, loS-ilo. :
pi.) Gives, after Mr George Hoot ind
Mra Roben Hunt (the former owneri,
mythological eiplanalions of Ihe can
ings on Ihe lotem-pole, which once be-
longed to the Ganax^dl, one of 'he
principal Tlingit families of the Rs""
clan, and is now set up in the mun
square of Seattle, Wash. Compansoo is
made with a briefer explanation by Mi
Kininnook, a Tlingit Indian.

chamberlain]

PERIODICAL LITERATURE

727

Swindlehnrat ( F. ) Folk-lore of the Cree
Indians. (Ibid., 139-143.) Gives Eng-
lish texts of 7 brief legends (creation,
birth of Lake Mistassini, the painted
canoe, a big perch, the story of Katonao,
the fisherman, the biter bit) from the
Creesof the James Bay-Mistassini region.
To tell tales during winter or summer is
unlucky — narration in the fall (the
proper season) brings good fortune. The
custom of story- telling in autumn is kept
up by only a few of the older men, the
young Indians not taking the trouble to
learn them. The author has had * * seven
years' intimate association with Cree
Indians."

Thompfon (A. H.) Ruins of the Mesa
Verde. (Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1905,
XXVII, 6-8.) Brief account of recent
visit to the ruins known as *< Spruce-tree
House," "Balcony House,** "Cliflf
Palace.*' No new data.

Wake CC. S.) Mythology of the Plains
Indians. (Ibid., 9-16.) Discusses *< ani-
mism * ' , — according to W. , < < humanism,
rather than animism, would be the proper
term to apply to the earliest stage of
man's religious development*' (the
native mind has an innate tendency to
humanize nature), and mythology in a
restricted sense. Nature-myths are im-
aginations often, not true explanations ;
subjective, not objective. Though most

of the stories are native, some of them are
certainly quite modem, and others are
borrowed.

— ^ Mythology of the Plains Indians. II,
Nature-deities. (Ibid., 73-80.) Treats
of the Caddo Nesaru, Pawnee Tirawa,
Wichita Kinnecasus, the star-gods, etc.
Of all the Plains tribes the Caddoan stock
shows * * the nearest approach to a supreme
creative deity." The star-gods are very
important. Lore of the number 4 is also
abundant.

Wintomberg ( W. J. ) Relics of the Atti-
wandarons. (Rec. of Past, Wash.,
1905, IV, 266-275, 50 fgs. ) Describes
briefly fragments of pottery, tobacco-
pipes (mostly clay, seldom stone), some-
times incised, bone awls, stone axes,
chisels, etc., gorgets, copper articles
(rare), bone beads, ornaments and shells
from village-sites of the Attiwandarons
or Neutrals (Iroquoian stock), the earliest
historical inhabitants of western Ontario.

Are the perforated bone needles pre-
historic? (Ann. Arch. Rep., 1904, To-
ronto, 1905, 39-42, 2 fgs.) Author
doubts whether the eyed bone needles
found in Ontario and New York state
are of Indian (Iroquoian) invention.
In a brief note Dr Boyle sees no reason
for attributing a European origin to these
implements, whatever their use may have
been.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA

American Anthropological Association. — The annual meedng of
the American Anthropological Association will be held at Ithaca, N. Y.,
December 26-29, ^P^S- (The Archaeological Institute of America, the
American Folk-Lore Society, and the American Philological Assodadon
will meet at the same time and place. )

Reduced rates of a fare and one third, on the certificate plan, hare
been secured from the Trunk Line Association, the New England Pas-
senger Association, the Central Passenger Association, and the Eastern
Canadian Passenger Association. In applpng for certificates from tidut
agents, mention the Archaoiogtcal Institute of Afnerica instead of the
American Anthropological Association.

In consulting time tables, it should be remembered that East Ithaa

I is the Ithaca station of the Elmira and Cortland branch of the Lehigh

I Valley Railroad. Cars meet all trains at this station and all cars pass the

I hotels.

: The University authorities invite all members of the Association to

luncheon in Sage College, as their guests, at one o'clock on Wednesday,
Thursday, and Friday, December 27, 28, and 29. In view of this ar-
rangement, the Ithaca Hotel has reduced its rates to f 1.50, $2.00, and
$2.50 per day; the Clinton House to $1.50 and $2.00 per day. These
are the best hotels and are both conducted on the American plan.

The various sessions of the Association will be held in Stimson Hall,
which may be reached by all cars passing the hotels mentioned as well as
by the Eddy street line, a somewhat shorter route.

All members and prospective members are cordially invited to present
papers. Those intending to do so are requested to send titles of com-
munications to Dr George Grant MacCurdy, 237 Church Street, New
Haven, Conn., at an early date.

In addition to the list of papers to be announced later, the program
will include :

1. Meeting of the Council of the American Anthropological Asso-
ciation, Tuesday evening at the Ithaca Hotel, and Wednesday, 9.30 a. m.,
in Stimson Hall.

2. Address of welcome by President Schurman at 8 p. m., Wednes-
day, the 27 th, followed by a reception at his residence on the campus.

728

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 729

3. Joint meeting of the three societies at 3 p. m., Thursday, with
addresses by Hon. Andrew D. White, first president of Cornell Univer-
sity, and by two members from each society.

4. Meeting of the Committee on the Preservation of the Ruins of
American Antiquity, Prof. Thomas Day Seymour, Chairman, at 8 p. m.
on Thursday.

The Town and Gown Club of Ithaca have very kindly offered the
freedom of their Club House (504 Stewart Avenue), to all visiting mem-
bers during the three days, December 27, 28, and 29, with a special invi-
tation to a smoker on Thursday evening.

For further information relative to local arrangements, address Prof.
H. C. Elmer, Chairman of the Local Committee, Cornell University,
Ithaca, N. Y. For information regarding the American Anthropolog-
ical Association, communicate with Dr George Grant MacCurdy at the
address above given.

International Congress of Americanists. — As previously announced
in these pages the Fifteenth International Congress of Americanists will
meet at Quebec, September 10-16, 1906. The Committee on Program
consists of Prof. Franz Boas of the American Museum of Natural History
and Columbia University, New York, and Dr David Boyle of the Depart-
ment of Education, Toronto. President Putnam of the American
Anthropological Association has appointed a committee to cooperate
with the committee of the Congress. This subconmiittee is composed of
the following members of the Association : Dr George Grant MacCurdy,
chairman, Yale University ; Dr Roland B. Dixon, Harvard University ;
Dr George A. Dorsey, Field Columbian Museum ; Dr George Byron
Gordon, University of Pennsylvania ; Mr F. W. Hodge, Bureau of
American Ethnology ; Dr A. L. Kroeber, University of California ; Dr
W J McGee, St Louis Public Museum; Prof. Marshall H. Saville,
American Museum of Natural History and Columbia University.

Members and prospective members of the Association who intend to
present papers at Quebec are invited to send titles of their communica-
tions to Dr MacCurdy, chairman of the subcommittee.

Congris International d' Anthropologie et d' Arch6ologie Pr^histo-
riques. — The formal announcement of the thirteenth session of the Con-
grte International d' Anthropologie et d' Arch^ologie Pr^historiques has
been made by the committee of organization, of which Dr E. T. Hamy,
director of the Mus^e d* Ethnographie, is president. As previously an-
nounced the next session of the Congr^s will be held at Monaco, under

.1
ll

it
I
i

730 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

the patronage of Prince Albert I, from April 16 to 21 inclusive. It is
expected that the meeting will be largely attended and will prove of un-
usual interest. Special attention will be devoted to the archeology of the
Monaco region and will include an excursion to the celebrated grottoes
of Baouss^-Rouss^. Among the f)^tes that have been planned are a recep-
tion by Prince Albert to the members of the Congrds at the Palais de
Monaco, a pyrotechnic display in the harbor, and an entertainment in
the theater of the Casino de Monte Carlo. All American students of the
prehistoric are invited to become members of the Congr^s and to con-
tribute papers, the titles of which should be sent at once in order that
they may be included in the final program. Under the rules papers not
thus listed cannot be read. The membership fee, which is 15 fr. (^3.00),
should be sent to the treasurer, M. Henri Hubert, 74 me Claude-Barnard,
Paris. Communications respecting papers and requesting information
should be addressed to the secretary, Dr R. Vemeau, Laboratoire
d' Anthropologie du Museum, 61 rue de BufTon, Paris.

Jay feathers in Cora Ceremony. — The Cora Indians of Mexico em-
ploy for ceremonial purposes a small bunch of the fine long tail-feathers
of the native jay. These plumes are attached to a short handle, and
when not in use are carefully kept in a tube, more than a yard in length,
made from one of the smaller straight limbs of the pitaya tree and pro-
vided with a stopper at each end. In every Cora household at least one
of these bunches of feathers, which are called mu'Ve'g'/t\ may be seen.
In ceremonies they are often stuck into the sides of a crown-like head-
dress of reed worn by the participants.

A. Hrdlicka.

News of the death of Mr Stephen Salisbury, at Worcester, Mass.,
November i6th, has been received with deep regret. The public press
announces that Mr Salisbury's large fortune has been bequeathed chiefly
to educational institutions, the American Antiquarian Society, of which
Mr Salisbury was president at the time of his death, being one of the bene-
ficiaries.

The third meeting of the California Branch of the American Folk-
Lore Society, held at San Francisco, October 30, was devoted to topics
connected with popular beliefs of the Japanese, and the meetings of No-
vember 14 and December 5 were devoted respectively to Chinese and
Hebrew folk-lore. Lectures and conferences on Polynesian, Japanese,
and American Indian folk-lore are planned for subsequent meetings.

ANTHROPOLOGIC MISCELLANEA 73 I

The death of Dr Ferdinand von Richthofen, on October 29, 1905,
has been announced. Dr Richthofen was a member of the Academy of
Sciences, professor of geography and director of the Geographical Insti-
tute in the University of Berlin, and president of the German Geological
Society.

The Office of Indian Affairs at Washington has wisely seen the im-
portance of making a study of Indian music and has appointed Mr
Harold A. Loring to undertake that work. Mr Loring is now prose-
cuting investigations among the Sioux.

A NEW bimonthly magazine, with the title Revue PrMstorique illus-
trie de T Est de la France: Bourgogne, Champagne y Franche-Comtiy
Lorraine y made its appearance at Dijon in July- August. It is a well -illus-
trated octavo of 32 pages. The subscription price is 10 francs.

It has BEEN announced that the celebrated Hubert Howe Bancroft
library, so rich in the history and ethnology of the Pacific states and
Mexico, has been acquired by the University of California.

Mr Wiluam H. Holmes, chief of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology, has been elected a member of the American Antiquarian Society.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CALIFORNIA MEETING OF THI

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION,

AUGUST a9-SEPTEMBER a, 1905

Minutes of the Meetings of the Council, August 29-31

MMtingi tA Angiwt ag

A meeting of the Council was held in the Department of Anthropology
at the Affiliated Colleges of the University of California, San Francisco,
Tuesday, August 29, at 9:30 a. m. Pre^dent Putnam in the chair;
other members present : Dr A. L. Kroeber and Dr R. B. Dixon, with
Dr Charles Peabody, who was elected Secretary pro tempore in the
place of Dr George Grant MacCurdy, absent. The minutes of the
meeting of the Council held April 15, 1905, in New York, were read
and approved.

The President stated to the Council that a vote bad been taJcen by a
circular sent to all of its members, and by this it had been decided to
substitute San Francisco for Portland, Oregon, as the place of meeting for
the summer of 1905.

New members were elected as follows : Mr S. A. Barrett, Mrs T. B.
Bishop, Mr Herbert Brown, Mr D. I. Bushnell, Jr, Dr Mary G. Camp-
bell, Dr A. C. Connor, Dr N. B. Emerson, Prof. J. Fryer, Mr H. H.
Harrison, Mrs R. C. Harrison, Mrs R. F, Herrick, Mr E. W. Heusinger,
Mr Charles Hill-Tout, Dr W. Hurst, Dr G. L. Knapp, Mrs M. L.
LaMoreaux, Mr C. P. Mackie, Dr C. Hart Merriain, Rev, A. G. Morice,
O.M.I. , Miss E. D. Putnam, Miss H. Rucker, Mr C. E. Rumsey, Mr
H. N. Rust, Dr A. E. Taylor, Dr J. H. Woods, Prof. J. H. Wright.
Twenty -six in all.

Moved : That the amendments to the constitution as recommended
by the Council at its last meetings in Philadelphia in December, 1904,
and in New York in April, 1905, be presented at the meeting to come of
the Association. Carried.

Moved : That the annual meeting be held at Ithaca, New York, in
December, 1905. Carried.

Adjourned.

A meeting of the Council was called by the President at 3:30 p. »i.,
Tuesday, August 29, 1905, at the Affiliated Colleges.

733

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 733

New members were elected as follows : Mrs H. H. Bancroft, Mrs J.

Fessenden Clark, Mrs F. H. Green, Miss Catherine W. Hittell, Mrs E.

S. Howard, Mr E. L. McLeod, Miss Elizabeth Mills.

Adjourned.

Meeting of Angust 30

A meeting of the Council was called by the President at the Hotel
St Francis, San Francisco, Wednesday, August 30, 1905, at 2 p. m.

New members were elected as follows : Mrs J. H. Beatty, Mrs E. B.

Power, Mrs H. L. Ryan, Mrs Dorcas L. Spencer.

Adjourned.

Meeting of Angnst 31

A meeting of the Council was held at the University of California,
Berkeley, on Thursday, August 31, 1905, at 3 p. m.

New members were elected as follows : Miss Ada M. Field, Mr Fred-
erick Monsen, Mrs James S. Peck.

Adjourned.

Minutes of the Meeting of the Association, August 29-31

Sessions of Angnst 29

A session of the Association was held in the Department of Anthro-
pology at the Affiliated Colleges of the University of California, San Fran-
cisco, Tuesday, August 29, 1905, at 10:30 a. m. President Putnam in
the chair.

Dr Charles Peabody was elected Secretary /r<? tempore in the absence
of Dr George Grant MacCurdy.

The President gave an address of welcome, and explained the scope
of anthropology in general and the work and needs of the science in par-
ticular on the Pacific coast. The President said in part :

Members of the American Anthropological Association ^

Ladies and Gentlemen : This is the first time the American Anthropo-
logical Association has met on the Pacific coast, and in my official capacity in
connection with the University of California I welcome you here most heartily.
This Association is American in the broadest sense. We have members in
South America, in Mexico, and in the Dominion of Canada, so that we cover
the whole continent of America. We also have foreign members. At least
two of our members from Canada are present at this meeting, but, unfortu-
nately, our members in southern lands and in Europe are represented only by
letters of regret. Next year there will be a large gathering of anthropologists
from many parts of the world at the International Congress of Americanists to
be held in Quebec, and that is the chief reason why many of our members are
absent today.

734 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

The objects of our Association should be considered at each meeting,
and in order to impress them upon you I will read the second article of our
constitution, as follows :

** The objects of the Association are to promote the science of Anthro-
pology ; to stimulate the efforts of American anthropologists ; to coordinate
Anthropology with other sciences ; to foster local and other societies devoted
to Anthropology ; to serve as a bond of union among American anthropolo-
gists and American anthropological organizations present and prospective ;
and to publish and encourage the publication of matters pertaining to
Anthropology.*'

As we all know, anthropology begins with the effort to ascertain when
man first appeared upon the earth — the geological history of man. It then con-
siders the distribution of man over the earth ; the thoughts of man as expressed
through the medium of his hands ; the institutions which man has established,
the social organizations, the various means by which man has gradually
secured the best interests of the different peoples. Our science is the study
of man, and all that man has done physically and mentally. It is thus a
broad study, and it has its bearings upon many sciences. Geology, astronomy,
zo5logy, and botany all come into play in our researches, so that an anthro-
pologist must have at least a general knowledge of these sciences or he can-
not be an all-round anthropologist. Linguistics is a special branch of our
science which requires special training and special adaptability, but it also
requires a general knowledge of ethnology. A student of native languages
must have some knowledge of the native peoples in order to get into close
contact with them and thus obtain the most accurate results from his investi-
gations.

Our Association welcomes to its membership all who are interested in
this great study. We wish to have every educated man and woman a mem-
ber of the Association. They should be with us. They should be engaged
in aiding this work, because the study of the beginning of things leads us to a
better understanding of our present condition. Many a blunder would have
been avoided if we had taken up primitive ideas and studied their develop-
ment instead of beginning along other lines in our endeavor toward human
advancement. There is where we have made a mistake. There is where
governments are making many mistakes in dealing with primitive peoples.
We tread upon aboriginal customs and we outrage their aboriginal beliefs and
superstitions, and then we wonder why the people arise and refuse to accept
the laws and the supposed humane treatment that is offered to them. Gov-
ernments do not take the advice of those who could teach the proper methods
of dealing with alien races. It is the trained anthropologist who should guide
and direct such work.

As one of the means to this end we must encourage the publication of
the results of anthropological research. During the few years of its existence
this Association has done much in that line. Our journal, the American An-

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 735

thropologist (New Series), is published quarterly, and is now in its seventh
volume. There are eleven volumes of the first series published by the An-
thropological Society of Washington. Each member is entitled to the publi-
cations of the Association, beginning with the year of membership. We
hope many new members will be added to the Association and help it to carry
on the good work.

I should like to call your attention to what is being done in anthropology
the world over, and particularly in the United States, where there are several
centers of active research and great museums devoted entirely or in part to
anthropology ; but as the time will not permit of such an extended review I
can refer only to the important work that is being done at Washington, New
York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Cambridge, New Haven, Salem,
Andover, and many other places.

Here in California there have come into existence two centers of research
— one in the south at Los Angeles, the other here in San Francisco and
Berkeley. Here a Department of Anthropology has been created through the
interest and generosity of one of the regents of the University, Mrs Phoebe
A. Hearst. The collections temporarily arranged in this building and in the
building at Berkeley, together with the publications of the department, will
give you some idea of what already has been accomplished through the inter-
est of Mrs Hearst in the Department of Anthropology of the University of
California. Lack of time forbids a detailed account of the origin and growth
of the department ; I will simply call your attention to the pamphlet prepared
especially for this meeting, copies of which await your acceptance. This gift
from Mrs Hearst to the University can but be an incentive to others, patrons
and students, to aid in making a great anthropological center here on the
Pacific coast.

I now have the pleasure of inviting you all to remain, after the morning
session, as the guests of Mrs Hearst, who will be pleased to meet you in the
adjoining hall where luncheon will be served. After the luncheon we will
make an examination of the collections in the several halls of this building.
Then we will reassemble for the reading of papers.

Dr A. L. Kroeber, Secretary of the Committee on Program and Ar-
rangements, and President Putnam gave an outline of the events, scien-
tific and social, proposed for the week.

The list of new members elected by the Council was read ; there were
twenty-six elections.

The amendments to the constitution as recommended by the Council
at its meetings in Philadelphia, in December 1904, and in New York in
April 1905, were read to the Association and adopted.

The announcement of the meeting of the International Congress of
Americanists at Quebec in September 1906 was made.

736 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Letters of regret from W. D. Alexander, Honolulu ; Julius Gette, S»
J., Nulato, Alaska ; W. E. Roth, Brisbane, Queensland ; Charles F. Lum-
mis, Los Angeles ; T. M. Hocken, New Zealand ; George Grant Mac-
Curdy, New Haven ; Karl von den Steinen, Steglitz-Berlin ; N. Le6n,.
Mexico; L. Lejeal, and The Anthropological Society of Bombay were
laid before the members. Letters of regret were also received from H.
Brown, Yuma ; David Boyle, Toronto ; W. T. Brigham, Honolulu ; F.
V. Coville, Washington ; G. A. Dorsey, Chicago ; N. B. Emerson, Hon-
olulu ; Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Washington ; J. Walter Fewkes, Wash-
ington ; George Bird Grinnell, New York ; J. W. Hastings, Cambridge ;
F. W. Hodge, Washington ; E. L. Hewett, Washington ; A. Hrdlicka,
Washington ; H. W. Henshaw, Washington ; B. Talbot B. Hyde, New
York ; J. W. Hudson, Chicago ; Carl Purdy, Ukiah, California ; A. B.
Jones, Richmond; W. S. Kahnweiler, New York; James Mooney^
Washington ; G. H. Pepper, New York ; L. van Panhuys, The Hague ;
C. E. Rumsey, Riverside, California ; P. S. Sparkman, Valley Center,
California ; H. S. Symmes, Idyllwild, California ; Alvin Scale, Stanford
University, California ; C. Wissler, New York ; H. I. Smith, New York ;
A. M. Tozzer, "Cambridge ; A. C. Vroman, Pasadena ; E. P. Vining,.
San Francisco ; H. R. Voth, Newton, Kansas ; Miss J. E. Wier, Reno,
Nevada ; W. H. Holmes, Washington ; R. Etheridge, Sydney, N. S. W.

The Association proceeded to the presentation and discussion of
papers.

President Putnam, representing Mrs Hearst, extended an invitation
to luncheon at the Affiliated Colleges following adjournment.

Adjourned at 1:15 p. m.

A session was held at the Affiliated Colleges on Tuesday, August
29, at 3:40 p. M. President Putnam in the chair.

The list of additional new members elected by the Council was read ;
there were seven elections.

The meeting proceeded to the presentation and discussion of papers.

Adjourned 5:45 p. m.

Sessions of August 30

Sessions of the Association were held on Wednesday, August 30,
1905, at the California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco, at 10:15
A. M. and 2:15 p. M. President Putnam in the chair.

Opening the session of the morning, Mr Loomis, Director of the
California Academy of Sciences, welcomed the Association to the hospi-
tality of the Academy ; later an invitation to luncheon at the Hotel

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 737

St Francis was extended by Mr Alpheus Bull, First Vice-President of the
Academy. During the opening remarks of President Putnam reference
was made to the final adjudication of the difficulties in the way of making
peace between Japan and Russia.

Papers were read and discussed at both sessions.

On motion of Dr C. Peabody, seconded by Mr C. Hill-Tout, at the
morning session, the Association voted that a committee be appointed by
the President to report at the next regular meeting for the investigation
of the question whether an improvement or a readjustment of the names
used in American archeology be feasible. At the afternoon session the
President announced the appointment of that committee, as follows : Dr
C. Peabody, chairman ; Prof. John H. Wright, Mr W. K. Moorehead,
Mr F. W. Hodge, Mr J. D. McGuire.

The names of four additional new members elected by the Council
were read.

Adjournment of the morning session was at 12 m. and of the after-
noon session at 5:15 p. m.

Sessions of August 31

In conjunction with the California Branch of the American Folk-
lore Society, sessions of the Association were held at the University of
California, Berkeley, California, on Thursday morning at South Hall and
in the afternoon at the building of the Department of Anthropology,
August 31, 1905.

Papers were read and discussed at both sessions.

After an abstract of Dr Kroeber's paper on "Systematic Nomen-
clature in American Ethnology** had been presented, a recommen-
dation of Mr F. W. Hodge, of Washington, was quoted favoring the
appointment of a committee to consider the subject. Dr Dixon moved that
a committee of seven or eight members be appointed by the President to
report at the next regular meeting of the Association on the most desir-
able nomenclature for Indian linguistic families north of Mexico. Sec-
onded by Dr Peabody, the motion was carried.

Before adjournment of the morning session. President Putnam, rep-
resenting Mrs Hearst, extended an invitation to the members to luncheon
at the building of the Department of Anthropology of the University of
California.

At the afternoon session the list of three additional new members
elected by the Council was read.

Resolutions as follows were unanimously passed by the Association :
Resolutions expressing appreciation of the courtesy and hospitality of

738 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 7, 1905

Mrs Phoebe A. Hearst, of the Academy of Sciences and of Vice-President
Bull and Director Loomis, of the University of California and President
Wheeler, of Mr Luther Burbank, and of the Leland Stanford Junior
University; also expressing appreciation of the successful energy and
direction of President Putnam, of the Association, and of Dr Kroeber,
the Secretary of the Committee on Program and Arrangements ; also by
the visiting members expressing their appreciation of the hospitality of
the resident members. Remarks were made by Mr Hill-Tout and Mr
Keeler.

The President announced the Committee on Nomenclature of Indian
Linguistic Families, as follows : F. W. Hodge, chairman ; Franz Boas,
R. B. Dixon, G. A. Dorsey, W. H. Holmes, A. L. Kroeber, James
Mooney.

At the end of the session papers by C. P. Mackie, George Grant
MacCurdy, C. Hart Merriam, Albert Ernest Jenks, A. L. Kroeber, Miss
Jeanne Elizabeth Wier, N. B. Emerson, Mrs Zelia Nuttall, Alvin Seale,
Miss Alice C. Fletcher, James Mooney, J. R. Swanton, and W. H.
Holmes, were read by title.

President Putnam announced that the next meeting of the Association
would be held in Ithaca, New York, in December 1905.

Adjourned at 4: 30 p. m.

C. Peabodv, Secretary pro tempore.

Excursions and Entertainments

On Tuesday, August 29, luncheon was tendered the Association by
Mrs Phoebe A. Hearst in the Department of Anthropology at the Affili-
ated Colleges of the University of California in San Francisco. In the
afternoon an exhibition of the collections of the Department was held,
the officers of the Department conducting the members of the Association
through the building and explaining the collections.

On Wednesday, August 30, a luncheon was tendered the Association
by the California Academy of Sciences at the St Francis Hotel, Vice-
President Alpheus Bull making an address of welcome. In the evening
a dinner was given the visiting members of the Association by the resident
members, at the St Francis Hotel.

On Thursday, August 31, before the opening of the morning session.
Prof J. C. Merriam conducted a party to the Emeryville Shellmound,
explaining the excavations made in the mound by himself and Dr Max
Uhle. On the same day luncheon was tendered the Association by Mrs
Phoebe A. Hearst in the building of the Department of Anthropology of

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 739

the University of California at Berkeley. After luncheon the collection
of plaster casts illustrative of ancient art was exhibited as arranged in this
building.

On Friday, September i, an excursion was made to Mr Luther Bur-
bank's home in Santa Rosa. This excursion was arranged through the
courtesy of Mr Burbank, the California Promotion Committee, and the
California Northwestern Railway. Thirty-four members took part.

On Saturday, September 2, an excursion was made to Leland Stanford
Junior University. The buildings and grounds were shown the party and
luncheon was tendered by officers of the University. Twenty members
took part in this exclusion.

Papers Read*
Sessions of August 2p

Dr Frederic Ward Putnam, Director of the Museum of Anthropology of
the University of California, and Curator of the Peabody Museum of
Harvard University : Exhibition of Bones ^ Possibly Showing the Work
of Man, from Quaternary Caves of California. DRcussed by Mrs
Herrick, Hill-Tout, J. C. Merriam. '^

Mr Charles Hill-Tout, Ethnological Survey of Canada : Some Features
of the Language and Culture of the Salish,^ Discussed by Dixon,
Goddard, C. Hart Merriam, Kroeber, Barrett.

Dr C. Hart Merriam, Chief of the Biological Survey, Washington, D. C. :
The Indian Population of California ^f- Discussed by Mrs Herrick,
McLeod, Barrett.

Dr R. B. Dixon, Harvard University : The Mythology of the Shasta-
Achomawi.^ Discussed by Hill-Tout, C. H. Merriam.

Miss Constance Goddard DuBois, Waterbury, Connecticut : Religious
Ceremonies and Myths of the Mission Indians.^ (Illustrated with
phonograph records. ) Discussed by C. H. Merriam, Peabody.

Sessions of August jo

Mrs R. F. Herrick, Eureka, California: The Indians of Humboldt Bay.
Discussed by Hill -Tout, Keeler, Rust.

Dr J. C. Merriam, University of California : The Exploration of Quater-
nary Caves in California, Illustrated with lantern slides. Discussed
by Peabody.

1 The papers marked with an asterisk (*) are published in this number of the Amer-
ican Anthropologist,

AM. ANTK., N. S., J — 49

740

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

["■ s., 7, IM

Dr A. HrdliCkA, Assistant Curator, Physical Anthropology, U. 5.
National Museum : A Contribution to the Physical Artihropohgy ^
California}

Mr S. A. Barrett, University of California : Presentation of a Map Show-
ing the Territory, Division, Villages, and Camp-Sites of the Pome
Indians of California} Discussed by C. H, Merriam, Dixon.

Dr C. Hart Merriam, Washington, D. C. : The Chtevor of the Tongva,
a Mortuary Ceremony. Discussed by Miss DuBois, Dixon, Hill-Tout

Mr P. S. Sparkman, Valley-Center, California : ITie Grammar of the
LuiseHo Language of Southern Calif ornia.''^ Discussed by HiU-
Tout.

Dr Philip Mills Jones, Secretary and Editor of the Medical Society of the
State of California : A New Method of Preserving Spedmens of Shell
and other Perishable Materials.* Discussed by Putnam.

Dr Charles Peabody and Mr Warren K. Moorehead, Archeotogical
Museum of Philips Academy, Andover, Massachusetts : 77ie //aming
of Specimens in American Archeology} Discussed by Hill-Tout,

Dr J. C. Merriam, University of California ; The Excavations at Emery-
ville Shellmound. (Illustrated with lantern slides.) Discussed by
Dixon, Hill-Tout, Putnam.

Mr H. N. Rust, South Pasadena : A Puberty Ceremony of the Mission
Indians} Discussed by Kroeber, Miss DuBois, Hill- Tout, Putnam.

Dr A. L. Kroeber, University of California : Exhibition of a Basket, now
in the Califomian Academy of Sciences, from the Extinct Indians of
San Nicolas Island, California. Discussed by McLeod, Rust.

Mr F. I. Monsen, San Francisco : Explorations in Northern Arizona and
New Mexico. Discussed by Putnam.

Sessions of August ji

Dr A. L. Kroeber, Secretary of the Department of Anthropology, Uni-
versity of California : Systematic Nomenclature in Ethnology-} Dis-
cussed by J. C. Merriam, C. H, Merriam, Hill-Tout, Dixon, Pea-
body.

Dr C. Hart Merriam, Washington, D. C. : Basket Cave Burial in Cali-
fornia. Discussed by McI-*od, Putnam.

Mr H. N. Rust, South Pasadena: The Obsidian Blades of California}
Discussed by Putnam.

Mr S. A. Barrett, University of California : Basket Designs of the Porno
Indians.* Discussed by C. H. Merriam.

'To be published by tbe Univetsity of California.
' To be published in the next issue of the Anurii

1 Anthropologist.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 74 1

Dr P. E. Goddard, Department of Anthropology, University of Cali-
fornia : Mechanical Aids to the Study and Recording of Language,^
Discussed by Putnam.

Dr J. C. Merriam, University of California : Some Suggestions Concerning
the Origin of the Calaveras Skull, (Illustrated with lantern slides.)
Discussed by Hill -Tout.

Mr Charles Keeler, Berkeley : Creation Myths and Folk-tales of the
Manua Islands, Samoa. Discussed by Dixon.

Mr J. T. Goodman, Alameda: Maya Dates. ^ Discussed by Putnam.

Mr C. C. Willoughby, Assistant Curator, Peabody Museum of Harvard
University : A Few Ethnological Specimens Collected by Lewis and
Clark, ^

Mr H. N. Rust, South Pasadena : Exhibition of Implements from San
Miguel Island used for Cutting and Working Shell Ornaments,

Prof. Howard Swan, Imperial College, Peking : A Systematic Arrange-
ment for Recording Dialects,

Prof. W. H. Holmes, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash-
ington, D. C. : Antiquity of Man in North America, Discussed by
Putnam, Peabody, and Swan.

Dr C. F. Newcombe, Victoria, B. C. : Exhibition of Northwestern Indian
Designs. Discussed by Hill-Tout.

Papers Read by Title

Mr Charles F. Lummis, Secretary of the Southwest Society of the Archae-
ological Institute of America, Los Angeles : Old Indian and Spanish
Folk Songs of the Southwest, (Illustrated with phonograph records. )

Mr C. P. Mackie, Englewood, New Jersey : A Plea for the More Critical
Use of History in Anthropological Research.

Dr George Grant MacCurdy, Yale University : Eoliths from England and
Belgium.

Dr C. Hart Merriam, Washington, D. C. : Basketry of California
Indians.

Dr Albert Ernest Jenks, Director of the Ethnological Survey for the Philip-
pine Islands, Manila : The Peopling of the Philippines.

Dr A. L. Kroeber, University of California : Indian Systems of Consan-
guinity in California.

Miss Jeanne Elizabeth Wier, Nevada State University : The Washoe In-
dians of Nevada.

Dr N. B. Emerson, Honolulu : Introduction to ^^ Unwritten Literature of
Hawaii. * *

742 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Mrs Zelia Nuttall, Director of the Crocker Researches in Mexico for the
Department of Anthropology of the University of California : The
Earliest Historical Communications between Japan and Mexico^ from
Original Documents Preserved in the Archives of Japan ^ Recentbf
Brought to Light by a Mexican Diplomat}

Mr Alvin Seale, Leland Stanford Junior University : Ceremonies /delating
to Sickness and Death in the Solomon Islands,

Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Washington, D. C. : The Earth Lodge and Its
Migrations.

Mr James Mooney, Washington, D. C. : The Cheyenne Indians,

Mr James Mooney, Washington, D. C. : The Caloosa Tribe of F'lorida,

Dr J. R. Swanton, Washington, D. C. : The Social Organization cf
American Tribes.^

Prof. W. H. Holmes, Washington, D. C. : Architecture of the Aborigines
of North America,

\ Prof. W. H. Holmes, Washington, D. C. : Use of Copper by the Abori-

gines of North America.

Prof. W. H. Holmes, Washington, D. C. : Problematical Objects in the
Prehistoric Archeology of North America,

Letters op Acknowledgment

San Francisco,
Mrs Phckbk A. Hearst, September 5, 1905.

PUasantan, California,
My dear Madam : At the meeting of the American Anthropological Association
held at Berkeley, August 31, 1905, the following resolution was unanimously adopted :
Resolved : That the Association desires to express its appreciation of the courtesy of
Mrs Phoebe A. Hearst in extending to the Association the very cordial invitation to
luncheon at the Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco, on Tuesday, August 29th, and at
Berkeley, August 31st. The Association having held its meetings in the buildings of
the Department of Anthropology of the University of California both in San Francisco
and in Berkeley, a Department owing its initiation and its prosperity to her inspira-
tion and care, deeply feels the obligation which the science of anthropology has to Mrs
Hearst and takes this means of tendering to her its cordial recognition of her im[x>rtant
achievements. I am, dear Madam,

Yours respectfully,

C. Peabody, Secretary pro tempore,

San Francisco,

• September 5, 1905.

E. J. MoLERA, Esq.,

President of the California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco,

My dear Sir : At a meeting of the American Anthropological Association held

August 31st, the following resolution was unanimously adopted :

^ To be published by the University of California.

AMERICA!^ ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 743

Resolved : That the Association desires to express its appreciation of the courtesy
of the California Academy of Sciences, tendered by Vice-President Bull and Director
Loomis, in extending to the Association the hospitality of its building, the very cordial
invitation to luncheon at the Hotel St Francis, and the welcome personally given by its
officers on Wednesday, August 30, 1905.

Respectfully yours,

C. Pea BODY, Secretary pro tempore,

San Francisco,

September 5, 1905.
President Benjamin Ide Wheeler,

University of California, Berkeley , California,

My dear Sir : At a meeting of the American Anthropological Association held August

31st, at Berkeley, the following resolution was unanimously adopted :

Resolved: That the Association desires to express its appreciation of the courtesy of

the University of California as tendered by President Wheeler in his cordial greeting of

August 31st. Respectfully yours,

C. Peabody, Secretary pro tempore.

San Francisco,

September 5, 1905.
Acting President J. C. Branner,

Leland Stanford Junior University, Palo Alto, California,
My dear Sir : At a meeting of the American Anthropological Association held at
Berkeley, August 31st, the following resolution was unanimously adopted :

Resolved : That the Association desires to express its appreciation of the courtesy of
Leland Stanford Junior University in extending to the Association the very cordial invi-
tation to visit the University and to luncheon on Saturday, September 2d.

Respectfully yours,

C. Peabody, Secretary pro tempore,

San Francisco,

September 5, 1905.
Mr Luther Burbank,

Santa Rosa, California,

My dear Sir : At a meeting of the American Anthropological Association held at

Berkeley, August 31st, the following resolution was unanimously adopted :

Resolved : That the Association desires to express its appreciation of the courtesy of

Mr Luther Burbank in extending to the Association the very cordial invitation to visit his

estate at Santa Rosa on September 1st.

Cordially yours,

C. Peabody, Secretary pro tempore^

San Francisco,

September 7, 1905.
Dr Charles Peabody,

Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Dear Sir : At a meeting of the Council of the American Anthropological Associa>

tion, held in San Francisco, September 5, 1905, the following resolution was unanimously

adopted :

III •

744 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 1905

Resolved : That the Council expresses its appreciation of the ability and self-sacri-
ficing fidelity of Dr Charles Peabody in his capacity of Secretary /r^ tempore of the San
Francisco meeting of the Association.

Respectfully,

A. L. Kroeber,
Secretary^ Committee of Program and Arrangemtnts,

San Francisco,

September 7, 1905.
Mr a. W. Foster,

President^ California Northwestern Railway^
Mutual Life Buildings San Francisco.
Dear Sir : At a meeting of the Council of the American Anthropological Associa-
tion, held in San Francisco, September 5, 1905, the following resolution was unanimously
adopted :

Resolved : That the Council of the Association desires to express its appreciation of
the courtesy of the California Northwestern Railway in tendering the use of a special car
to the Association for its excursion to Mr Luther Burbank in Santa Rosa, September I.

Respectfully,

A. L. Kroeber,
Secretary y Committee of Program and Arrangetnents.

San Francisco,

September 7, 1905.
Mr Rufus p. Jennings,

California Promotum Committee,

2^ New Montgomery St., San Francisco,
Dear Sir : At a meeting of the Council of the American Anthropological Associa-
tion, held in San Francisco, September 5, 1905, the following resolution was unanimously
adopted:

Resolved: That the Council of the Association desires to express its appreciation
of the courtesies and efforts extended by the California Promotion Committee on behalf
of the Association, in connection with the meeting and excursions of the Association in
San Francisco, August 29th to September 2d.

Respectfully,

C. Peabody, Secretary pro tempore.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 745

CONSTITUTION (OR BY-LAWS*)
As Amended August 29, 1905.

Article I. — Name,

The name of this body corporate is the American Anthropological

Association.

Article II. — Obfects,

The objects of the Association are to promote the science of Anthro-
pology ; to stimulate the efforts of American anthropologists ; to coordi-
nate anthropology with other sciences ; to foster local and other societies
devoted to Anthropology ; to serve as a bond of union among American
anthropologists and American anthropological organizations present and
prospective ; and to publish and encourage the publication of matter per-
taining to Anthropology.

Article III. — Membership,

Section i. The Association may include four classes of membership,
viz., members, life members, honorary members, ^and patrons.

Sec. 2. Persons interested in Anthropology maybe elected on nomi-
nation of three members of the Association, and on payment of dues
shall become Members of the corporation, with full rights of voting and
holding office.

Sec 3. Any member may become a Life Member on payment of
1 1 00 at one time.

Sec. 4. Persons who have obtained eminence through the promotion
of anthropology may be elected as Honorary Members ; they shall be en-
titled to vote and hold office, shall receive the publications of the Associa-
tion, and shall be exempt from dues.

Sec 5. Persons interested in Anthropology who may at one time con-
tribute 1 1,000 or more to the Association may be elected as Patrons ;
they shall be eligible as Members or Honorary :Members, shall receive
the publications of the Association, and shall be exempt from dues.

Sec 6. All elections to membership shall be by the Council of the

Association.

Article IV. — Affiliations,

The Association may affiliate with other organizations.

1 Under the laws of the District of Columbia an act of incorporation is equivalent to
a constitntion, and the more detailed regulations become by-laws.

746 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 7, 190;

Article V. — Officers.

Section 1 . The officers of the Association shall comprise a Presidenc,
four Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, an Editor, and twenty-fonr
Councilors. These, with the ex -presidents, shall constitute a board of
managers to be known as the Council.

Sec. I. The President, Secretary, Treasurer, and Editor shall bt
elected annually to serve for one year, or until their successors are elected
and installed. One Vice-President and six Councilors shall be elected
annually to serve for four years or until their successors aje elected.

Sec. 3. The administration of the Association, including the lillii^
of vacancies, the nomination of officers, and the arrangement of affilia-
tions, shall be entrusted to the Council. Five shall constitute a quoniin.

Sec. 4. The President shall preside at the meetings of the Association
and of the Council, or may delegate this duty ; the President and Secre-
tary shall sign all written contracts and obligations authorized by the
Council.

Sec. 5. In the absence or incapacity of the President his duties shall
devolve on the Vice-Presidents in the order of their seniority in service.

Sec. 6. The Secretary shall record the proceedings of the Association
and of the Council, conduct correspondence, make an annual report, and
have general charge of executive matters under the direction of the Presi-
dent of the Council.

Sec. 7. The Treasurer shall have charge of the funds and other prop-
erty of the Association under regulations fixed by the Council, shall make
collections and disbursements, and shall render an annual report ; he may
be required to give bond ; and his accounts shall be audited annually and
at such other times as the Council may direct, by a committee of three
members of the Association.

Sec. 8. The Editor shall act as Secretary of the Committee on Publi-
cation and perform other duties as directed by the President or Council.

Sec. 9. The officers of the Association shall be elected by majority
ballot of the members present at regular annual meetings after open nomi-
nation, including the nominations submitted by the Council.

Article VI. — Metlings.

Section i. A regular meeting of the Association and of the Council
shall be held annually in December or January ; this shall be the annual
meeting for the election of officers and the transaction of general business.

Sec. 2 . Special meetings of the Association or of the Council may be
held on vote of the Council. Special meetings of the Council ntay be

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 747

called by the President with the concurrence of two Vice-Presidents ; and
the President shall call a special meeting of the Council at any time and
place on the written demand of ten members of the Council.

Sec. 3. Notices of regular meetings shall be published three months
in advance, and printed notices of meetings, with preliminary programs
of the scientific proceedings, shall be sent to all members at least a week
in advance.

Sec. 4. Twenty members shall constitute a quorum of the Association.

Article VII. — Committees,

Section i. There shall be standing committees on Program, Finance,
and Publication. These committees shall be appointed at the annual
meeting by the incoming President, to serve until their successors are
designated. The Committee on Publication shall form an editorial board
in charge of the publications of the Association.

Sec 2. All committees of the Association and of the Council shall be
designated by the President, except when otherwise provided ; and the
President shall be chairman ex officio of every committee, except when
otherwise provided.

Article VIII. — Publications,

The Association may publish a periodical journal and occasional
memoirs, and the periodical journal shall be sent to all members not in
arrears, and to life members, honorary members, and patrons, and may
be sold by subscription or otherwise.

Article IX. — Finances and Property,

Section i. The Association may acquire, hold, and convey property,
both personal and real.

Sec 2. The fiscal year of the Society shall begin on the first day of
January.

Sec 3. The annual dues of members shall be |6.oo ; for members of
the American Association for the Advancement of Science and of the
American Folk-Lore Society the annual dues shall be $5.00 ; for members
of local affiliated societies that subscribe for the American Anthropologist
for each of their members and which have adopted the American Anthro-
pologist ^& their official organ, the annual dues shall be |i.oo.

Sec 4. Annual dues shall be payable in January ; members one year
in arrears shall not be entitled to vote or to receive the journal, and
members two years in arrears shall, after formal notification, be regarded
as withdrawn from the Association.

748

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N.i

,7.'!

Sec. s- The income from life membership and such other moneys
may from time to time become available shall be regarded as a pen
□ent fund, which may be invested in the interests of the Associatia
The income Irom annual dues, patrons' payments, interest on inve
ments, and other sources may be regarded as a worldns fund, avallat
for publication and other current expenses ; but any surplus of this lii
beyond current needs shall be added to the permanent fund.

Sec. 6. No financial obligation in excess of available funds in I
treasury shall be assumed by the Council except by authority of a t«
thirds' vote of the members present at a regular annual meeting ; providt
that for the purpose of this section annual dues and subscriptions for I
current year may be reckoned as available funds.

Article X, — Amendments.

Section i. Amendments to this Constitution proposed by any thi
members in writing shall be referred to the Council, and notice then
shall be given in the announcement of the next meeting ; they shall
brought up at this meeting, and if approved by the Council may
adopted by a majority vote of the members present, but if disapprovi
by the Council shall not be adopted without a two-thirds' vote of tl
members present.

Sec. 3. Amendments shall go into effect immediately on adoption.

INDEX TO AUTHORS AND TT LES

AcHOMAWi. See Shasta- Achomawi.
Alabama, urn-burial in, 167
American Anthropological Associa-
tion, 354, 728
— , Officers and members, 178
— , Proceedings of, 174, 732
Anthropological literature, 135, 328,

534» 704
Anthropological Society of Washington,

366
Antiquities of Jemez valley, 198
— , Preservation of, 164, 569
Apache, notes on, 480 ^

Arcelin, a., death of, 364
ARCHiEOLOGiCAL INSTITUTE of America,

166
Archeology, naming of specimens in, 630
Atlatls, ancient Mexican, 218
Australia, Chingalee tribe of, 301

Bandelier, a. F. Precolumbian land-
ings in South America, 250 ; Ruins at
Sillustani, Peru, 49

Barrett, S. A. Ba^et designs of the
Pomo, 648

Basket designs, Pomo, 648

Boas, F. On facial casts, 169

BONTOC Igorot, clothing of, 173

Broadside, an interesting, 172

Brower, J. v., death of, 362

Burial. See Graves, Urn-burial.

BURKITT, R. Kekchi will of the i6th
century, 271

BusHNELL, D. I., Jr. An Ojibwaj cere-
mony, 69 ; Two ancient Mexican at-
latls, 218

California, folk-lore meetings in, 573, 730

— , Indian population of, 594

— , Obsidian blades of, 688

— Indians. See Mission Indians, Luis-

efio, Pomo, Shasta-Achomawi.
Casanowicz, I. M. Jews of Mzab, 357 ;

Clan among the Semites, 366
Casco-foot in the Filipino, 509
Casts, facial 169

Cavetown, Md., explorations at, 568
Ceremonial objects from Pueblo Bonito,

183, 575
Ceremonies of Mission Indians, 620

Ceremony, Ojibway, 69

Chamberlain, A. F. Periodical athro-
pological literature, 135, 328, 534, 704

Chamorro language of Guam , 305

Cheyenne plant medicines, 37

Chingalee, social organization of, 301

Clan among the Semites, 366

— , Iroquois, 366

Clothing, Bontoc Igorot, 173

— . See Dress.

Columbia University courses in Anthro-
pology* 358

CoNGRfes International d' Anthro-

POLOGIE, 729
Congr&s International d* Expansion

^coNOMiQUE, 357
CoNGRjfes Pr^historique de France, 356
Congress of Americanists, 355, 729
Cora, cradle of the, 361
Cradle, a Cora, 361
CuLiN, S. Death of T. V. Kcam, 171
Culture, Salish, features of, 674

Dates, Majra, 642

Deformation, head, among Klamath, 360
Designs, basket, of the Pomo, 648
Dixon, R. B. Mythology of the Shasta-
Achomawi, 607 ; The Shasta-Acho-
mawi stock, 213
DORSEY, G« A. A Pawnee personal medi-
cine shrine, 496
Dress of New England Indians, 499
Dubois, Constance G. Ceremonies and
myths of Mission Indians, 610

Education, ethnic factors in, i
El Morro, inscriptions at, 576
EoUTHic problem, 425
Ethnic factors in education, i
Ethnology, systematic nomenclature in,

579

Facial casts, 169

Fallacies respecting the Indians, 104
Fewkes, J. W., on inlaid objects, 575
Filipinos, casco-foot in, 509
— . See Bontoc Igorot.
Fireplaces in South Dakota bad-lands, 44
Florida, ethnography of, 368A
Folk-lore meetings in California, 573
Foot. See Casco foot
Fountain of Youth, Ponce dc Le6n and
the, 572

749

750

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

[N. s., 7, 1905

Gerard, W. R. Ponce de Le6n and the
Fountain of Youth, 572 ; Virginia
Indian words, 222

GoDDARD, P. E. Mechanical aids to the
study of language, 613

Goodman, J. T. Majra dates, 642

Graves, Indian, in western Massachusetts,
295

Grinnell, G. B. Cheyenne plant medi-
cines, 37

Guam, Chamorro language of, 305

Haida and Tlingit myths, 94

Head deformation among Klamath, 360

Henshaw, H. W. Popular fallacies re-
specting the Indians, 104

Herring-eggs, Tlingit method of collect-
ing, 172

Hewrtt, £. L. Ethnic factors in educa-
tion, I ; Preservation of antiquities,
164, 569 ; The so-called oldest house
in Santa Fi, 576

Hewitt, J. N. B. On the Iroquois clan,
366

Hill-Tout, C. Features of the language
and culture of the Salish, 674

Holmes, W. H. Antiquities of Jemez
valley, 198

Hrdlicka, a. a Cora cradle, 361 ;
Jay feathers in Cora ceremony, 730 ;
Klamath head deformation, 360 ;
Maricopa weaving, 361 ; Notes on the
San Carlos Apadie, 480; On facial
casts, 169 ; Researches in the South-
west, 368D

Hudson river, tale in language of, 74

Human families, sex composition of, 24

Igorot. See Bontoc Igorot.
Indian population of California, 594
Indians, popular fallacies respecting, 104
— . See under the tribal names.
Inscriptions at El Morro, 576
International Congress. See Congress.
Iowa, Muskwaki Indians of, 575
Iroquois, clans of the, 366

Jay feathers in Cora ceremony, 730

Jemez valley, antiquities of, 198

Jenks, A. E. Bontoc-lgorot clothing, 173 ;
The splayed foot in the Filipino, 509

Jews of Mzab, 357

JocHELSON, W. Essay on the grammar of
the Yukaghir language, 369

JoNF^, Philip M. New method of pre-
serving perishable materials, 654

Justin Winsor prize, 171

Keam, T. v., death of, 171
Kekchi', will of the i6th century, 271

Klamath head deformation, 360
Kroeber, a. L. On obsidian blades of
California, 690 ; Supposed Shoshone-
ans in Lower California, 570 ; Syste-
matic nomenclature in ethnology, 579

LaFlesche, F. On the medicine man,

368E
Language, Chamorro, of Guam, 305
— , Luisefio, grammar of, 656
— , mechanical aids in study of, 613
— , Mohican, tale in, 74
— , Salish, features of, 674
— , Virginia Indian, 222, 524
— , Yukaghir, grammar of, 369
LEFfeVRE, A., death of, 364
Le6n, Ponce de, and the Fountain of

Youth, 572
Lewis and Clark, specimens collected by,

633
Louisiana Purchase Exposition, awards,

157
Lower California, supposed Shosho-

neans in, 570
LuiSEfio language, grammar of, 656

MacCurdy, G. G. Prehistoric surgery,
17 ; The Eolithic problem, 425

McGuiRE, J. D. Death of Nadaillac, 169

Maricopa weaving, 361

Maryland, explorations at Cavetown, 568

Massachusetts, Indian graves in, 295

Mathews, R. H. Social organization of
the Chingalee tribe, 301

Matthews, Washington, obituary of,

514
Maya dates, 642

Mechanical aids to language study, 613

Medicine man, definition of, 368E

Medicine shrine, Pawnee, 496

Medicines, plant, of the Cheyenne, 37

Merriam, C. Hart. Indian population

of California, 594
Mexico, ancient atlatlsfrom, 218
Minnesota Historical Society, 363
Mission Indians, ceremonies of, 620
Missouri Historical Society, 577
Mohican language, tale in, 74
Mooney, James. Obituary of Washington

Matthews, 514; On the ethnography

of Florida, 368A
Moore, C. B. Um-burial on Mobile bay,

167
Moorehead, W. K. See Peabody, C,

and Moorehead.
Muskwaki Indians of Iowa, 575
Mythology of the Shasta- Achomawi, 607
Myths, Haida and Tlingit, 94
— of Mission Indians, 620
Mzab, Jews of, 357

INDEX TO AUTHORS AND TITLES

751

Nadaillac, Marquis de, death of, 169

Names. See Nomenclature.

New England Indians, dress and orna-
ments of, 499

— , textile fabrics of, 85

New Mexico, antiquities of Jemez valley,
198

— , ceremonial objects from, 183, 575

— , ** oldest house" in Santa F6, 576

Nichols, J. B. Sex-composition of human
families, 24

Nomenclature of American archeology,
630

— , systematic, in ethnology, 579

Obsidian blades of California, 688
OjiBWAY ceremony, 69
Ornaments of New England Indians, 499
— , ceremonial, from Pueblo Bonito, 183

Paleolithic, industry antedating the, 425

Pawnee medicine shrine, 496

Peabody, Charles. Explorations at

Cavetown, Md., 568
— and Moorehead, W. K. Naming of

specimens in American archeology,

630
Pepper, G. H. Ceremonial objects from

Pueblo Bonito, 183
Peru, ruins at Sillustani, 49
Plant medicines, Cheyenne, 37
PoMO, basket designs of the, 648
Popular fallacies respecting the Indians,

104
Population, Indian, of California, 594
Precolumbian landings in South America,

250
Preservation of antiquities, 164, 569
— , of specimens, new method for, 654
Prince, J. D. A tale in the Hudson river

Indian language, 74
Pueblo Bonito, ceremonial objects from,

183

Religious ceremonies of Mission Indi-
ans, 620

RiALLE, J. G. de, death of, 303

Richthofen, F., death of, 731

Ruins at Sillustani, Peru, 49

— , See Antiquities.

Rust, H. N. Obsidian blades of Cali-
fornia, 688

Safford, W. £. Chamorro language of

Guam, 305
Salisbury, Stephen, death of, 730
Salish, language and culture of, 674
San Carlos Apache, notes on, 480
Santa Ffe, "oldest house*' in, 576

Semites, clan among the, 366
Sex-composition of human families, 24
Shasta- AcHOMAWi, mythology of the, 607

— linguistic stock, 213

Sheldon, A. E. Fireplaces in South

Dakota bad-lands, 44
Shell, method of preserving, 654
Shoshoneans in Lower California, 570
Shrine, Pawnee, 496
Sillustani, aboriginal ruins at, 49
Smith, H. I. Wisconsin Archeological

Society, 170, 566
Social organization of American tribes,

663

— of the Chingalee, 301

South America, pre-Columbian landings

in, 250
— . See Peru.
South Dakota, fireplaces in bad-lands oi^

44
Sparkman, p. S. Grammar of Luisefio

language, 656

Specimens collected by Lewis and Clark,

633
— , method of preserving, 654

— , naming of, in archeology 630

Surgery, prehistoric, 17

SwANTON, J. R. Social organization of
American tribes, 663 ; Tlingit method
of collecting herring-eggs, 172 ; Types
of Haida and Tlingit myths, 94

Textile fabrics of New England Indians,

85
Tlingit and Haida myths, 94

— method of collecting herring-eggs, 172
Tooker, W. W. An interesting broad-
side, 172 ; Some more about Virginia
names, 524

Trephining, prehistoric, 17

Urn-burial on Mobile bay, Ala., 167

Virginia Indian words, 222, 524
VouGA, 6mile, death of, 363

Weaving, Maricopa, 361

— . See Textile fabrics.

Wilder, H. H. Excavations of Indian
graves in western Massachusetts, 295

Will, Kekchi, of the i6th century, 271

WiLLOUGHBY, C. C. Dress and ornaments
of New England Indians, 499 ; Speci-
mens collected by Lewis and Clark,
633 ; Textile fabrics of New England
Indians, 85

Wisconsin Archeological Society, 170,
566

YuKAGHiR LANGUAGE, grammar of, 369

•••■

THE CALIFORNIA MEETING -.^w !

ol. 7, No. 4 October-December, ux«5

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST

N£W SERIES

Jrgan of The American Anthropological Associaiiofiy the AnihropoU\:^iciXl 5socirh vj

Washington^ afui the American Ethnological Society of New York

F. V. HODGE, Editor, WASHINGTON, D. C

CONTENTS

^\ystematic Nomenclature in Ethnology, A. L. Kroebrr . . . • 57<,^

The Indian Population of California, C. Hart Merriam . . 594

^lie Mythology of the Shasta- A chofnawi. Roland B. Dixox . . .607
Mechanical Aids to the Study and Recording of Language, P. K. Goddard

(PLATK'XXXVI) 613

'Religious Ceremonies and Myths of the Mission Indians, Constance CjOi>-

DARD Dunois ........... 62c

The N'aming of Specimens in American Archeology, Charles Peai^ody and

Warren K. Moorkhkad ........ 630

f Fe7v Ethnological Specimens Collected by Lewis and Clark, Charles C.

Willoi:c;hjiy. (plates xxxvii-xxxviii) 633

Maya Dates, J. T. Goodman . . . . . . 642

lasket Designs tf the Porno Indians. S. E. PiARRFTT. (plates xxxix-xl) 64S
1 Ne7v Alethod of Presenting Specimens if Shell and Other Perishable Ma-

terials, Philip Mills Jones . . . . . . .654

iketch of the Grammar of the Luiscno Language of California, P. S. Spark-

MAN 656

The Social Organization of American Tribes. John R. Swanton . . 6O3

iome Features of the Language and Culture of the Salish, Charles Hill-
Tout ............ 674

Hie Obsidian Blades of California, Horatio N. Rust, (plate xli) . 688
5ooK Reviews: ^

Jknks : The Huntor I^orct, Maoiiaik* : ^/ ^ ///7yrj/./<7r«'.'<r «/ Av/(flt». . . . 696

YjuodJcal Liter vriRE, condiicteil by Dr Alexander F. Chamijerlain . 70.1

kNTIIROPOLOGIC MiSCKLI.XNI'A :

American Aftthr /•»/.•.•/• / ' Issorititlut, Ititn-tiationa! Lofi:,"ms of Amcricatti'ita. Ct^n-
ji;r,'y /n/f-f-nd/.'.-'ti.:,' .r" .Iftf':.!,.*-. /,.'/,' fi ,t" Art.':t'o.'\^i'' Pr'hi\firiqNt'>. J.iy lu'athrr^
in Cot\t iWt'furny. .Vin.'r Xh*::' . , . . . . .728

Proceedings of the American Anthropolohical As.^(k:iation (C^ilifornia
Meeting) ........... 732

NDi'.x to Volume 7 • 749

rUBLISIiri) r^>t*ARTKRLY n>R Till'.

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASS0CL\T1()N
Lancaster, Pa., U. S. A., Tiir New Kra rRiMTiNG Company

Subscription in the United States, Canada, and Mexico: Per Number, $125;
Per Year, $4.00 net. All other Subscriptions : Per Number,

$1.25; Per Year, $4.50 net.

EMcred At the Post oflice at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, as second-cIa»s matter. Act oi Congress ot* Match 7, id;-:.

American Anthropologist

TheAHUtrcAN AtnirROPOLOcivr (NewSeries) is puI>IUb<il iiiaiieriti
Mch numljcr conulDing aboui 184 ocuvo piges, wtih iJlustndoru, fate
Inif wi unnml vottitnc of 736 pagn- The doniesiic subicnr/lioa iinw
iftFonr Dollars per yew, net; single numbers. $1.^5.

Tht editors aim u> mak* ihe journal a medium of con.(ni.-(i;atTot
Ixtween siudenix of nil branrhcs of Apthropology. It» coiii-.x
(1} h\gk-gn/ic pajten peruininp to all psrtt of (he doRuii.
pology, the irchoii3il pai[>cr« txing lltnitcd in number uid i'
l>ncl<:r coninbnitonx on aiiUiropoIogic nittjcdi, includioji diM-uti^ti'i n(j
correponddne ; (3) revfewsof anthropolopc liWniurc; (4) <
ou periodica) lUcnUiirt ; and (5) mjnoT notes and Dews.

The Editorial Bonnl iave und<!f taken, individiullx and ooUcctivlj
to caTjr (Mil the purpOK of Ihc journal and 10 render ji reprcsefila
of ihe Scteiue t\( Anthmpolofty, and e*jtcdalty of Anthropology J
AlTtcrica. The juunul b ccmilucled uttder the ain]ucea of the Auki
AKniR<^>^Laaii:AL Aamviaiiom, and it b ihe organ ftbo of the Asrtli
roLOCiic^AL Soatrrr ar VVjuoiiivDTUtr aiid of the Awmicam ErHNod
ICAL Soaerv of New Vork,

The Oinimiiiec on I'uliUtafi'oD earue«Uy invite the cu5[tcratioa ofll
ittiidentsuf Amiiroiwlojcy. AldiDU|tb cofiuibutJunsiolimitted for pvt
CAlion Are reviewed, m &r as ptWhle, by mc(iitiet> of the ComiDitK
Ihc contributon of uxepted inkles ate alone rcspooilble for opiid
eXpKHted.

Itie tnin<owof the AueDiCA?' AnTBKamuicisr is lodivKMiinatal
widely as practicable, for the use of scholars and nndcats, the reaulta^
Jinthropologic invesiigattons. lu cxaci to wliich ibc niatertal from '\
AMintopouxiisr out be otiliEMl to advantage in cannectiou with i
ihnf^kAlVgrc work, the Cotumince will be prepared, unlcs there muf fl
i)iedal reiuoDS te the coninvy, to give pennissiaa fur tlie lee of 1
niaicrial.

Auihors &nd pabli&ben are invited to «nd 10 the ICdilar, furti
loHal consideration in the AuericaK AitniRuroLOiitET, wnrla ururicj
tiftt iliaractcr that are likely to prove of interest to the readers ^
the jo\ifnal. PcriodicsU of anlhiopoloficai inlercKt detigned far reidn
-^tiould be sent t\> lit A. F. ChainbciUin, Ctark Univcraity, Worcei'^
Matsachiutelti.

All Cdciiilliutiacu to Itic maguine and all conc*iiODile(ic« of an odhorfaT
oxure fltiould Ik uldteaaeil tu llic Editor. Mr P. W. KODQB, 1311 K ■i.-eri.
H, W., Wa.hmg!on.D.C,

Currotponidaace pcnauimf to aubscripilan* tliould b* a^drcttied AMBR-
ICAN ANTMROPOL0018T. 41 Nonh Queen Si^ i-ancutei, P%^ ar 10 Mr
B. TALBOT ». HVOE, Treuurei oi ibe AmcDcao Anitaropakrskal Aaao<i<
atioQ. Amcncan Uutium of Nmiual Huidry, New Vork City. N. V.

A limttod number of sets '(Volomes T to VI, 189]
1904) of die AuE-RifAS AKTiiRoroLOGisT (NewStries ) i
lie supplied at the rate: of $3.50 per Volumt;. in numbei
When exhausted tin- nmnbers will not be reprinttd.

American
Anthropological Association

OFFICKRS

/*rfsUcnf: F. W, Pltnxm, ('urator of the roabody Museum, Harvani

University, Cambridge, Mass.
VicC'Presi it'*it. jtjoS : W. H. Holmes, Chief of the IJureau of American

F-thnolot;v, Washim^ton, I). C.
Vice- President^ ii)oy : Miss Alice C. Flkti iikr, ex-President of the

Anthropoloi^ic al Society of Washington.
llce-Pre'suieut, i()o6: (JK«)Rr;K \. Uurskx, Curnlor of Anlhropolo.L'v,

Field Cohnnbian Mu.seum, Chi<;;igo. Illinois.
Vice-Presuicui^ n^o^ : Franz 1Jo.\s, Curator of Anthropology, .Vmeritan

Museum of Natural History, New York (!ity.
Secretary: Gi;oRc;r. Grant MacCurdy, Curator of Anthropology, Pea-
body Museum, Yale University, New Maven, Conn.
Treaaurer : P*. Talbot P». Hypk, American Museum of Natural History,

New York City.
Ktiitor : V. W. Hodge, 1333 F street, N. W., Washington. D. C.

COMMITTEE OX Pr/ilJCATIOX
F. \V. PCTNAM, C/iiiinnau e\- o/fixio.

Jl'AN 15. AMBRi»sr.lTl, Mv^^l:.| N\<:k.n\i, lifiNn- Aires, ARtiivriNA.
KR.WIv llAKl R, .Smiiii-jonmn iNsiiiiriuN, \Vami:n«;ion. 1>. *.'.
FRAN/ i;< jA*^, Ami.kii \n Mi'ski'm «ii Nah uai. UisinRv, NhW V«»RK.

l).\Vll) |;<.»VLi:, I>Fl.\RiMKNr «>F Kl»i\A:ioN, T0R0NH), CaNM'A.

ALKXANDKK V. < IIAMIJKRI.AIN', I.lvku L'nivi rshv, \V..K..Kyri.R, Ma>.s.
ALFRLIh; cnAVi:R<M;iiYi.j Mixico.
STKWARI' CILIN, Hic^-mkiyn In>j iitik Mi sum.

GEOR(;!- A. !H»RS1:Y, FlKI.D t^»I.LMi:!AN .Ml >l IM, Ch;C.\(.;o, Ill'.Ni^IS.

T. WAL'IFR MAVKK>. Ucrkm <m Ami rlan KriiNonKiY, Wasiiivhun. I). C

ALICF. (.'. KLKTCIIKK, Pi:m{o!»v M-shm, <. AMHKin(;i , M.\>sa :him ; rs.

\Y. II. II' »i.MKs. r.i 5.8 .\r' .K Amikkan Kiun«»Im';y, \YAsniN'.ii'»N, 1). C

II. VON 1HF.R1N(;, M.^iT- Faui lA, >\n Pailo, I.;ra/ii..

.•\. L. KR« 'KUr.R, AiKN iAii.i) Omj.i.c.i s, .S\N' Franviscu, C\i ikor.ma.

ROlM»I.r»> l.KN/. S\MiA«.i.» UK Cmii-, Ciifi.i.

\Y I M;»iI'F., .*^\iNr I.i" 1- Pim i-: .M- -»! s m. Si. Lori>, Mo.

•.'IIAULI;"^ L'FAi; >1jV, rniiL[i> a vdkmy, Anl).>vfr, Mass.

,.>■<«

'■^iS'' .

•^'\a *^

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIQ^

ill

3 9015 03345

Replaced vvHb r'-mm«n»F<ii Minmfr^rm

1993

•■;'.•*

^- (

••.

«.

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "American anthropologist"

See other formats