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THE
American Anthrotologist
PUBLISHBD UNDER THE AUSPICES OP THE
AHTHROPOLOGIClll SOCIETY OF WASHINGTOII
VOLUME VIII
.Ti:i)D A DKTWKILER
PRINTERS TO TIIK SCIKMTIFIC HOCII'mKH OK WAHlIINcrrON
181)5
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1
CONTENTS OF THE VOLUME
Page
Stone Art in America. By J. W. Powki-l 1
The Huacos of Chira Valley, Pern. By Samuel Matiiewson Scott. H
Ca«te in India. By J. II. Porter 2;>
Micmac Customs and Tnuiitions. By Stansbury Hagkr 31
The Writings of Padre Andres de Ohnos in the Languages of Mexico.
By James C. Pilung 43
Chinese Origin of Playing Cards. By W. H. Wilkinson 61
Colonel Garrick Mallery, U. S. Army ; an Obituary. By Rohekt
Fletcher 70
Similarities in Culture. By Otis Tui«ix>n Mason 101
A Comparison of Sia and Tusayan Snake Ceremonials. By J.
Walter Fewkes 118
The First Discovered City of Cibola. By F. W. Hodgk 142
Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona. By Cosmos Mindelefp. 153
Obituaries: Robert Henry Lamborn, Franklin Austin Seely, Joaquin
Garcia Icazbalceta, Charles Candee Baldwin, James Owen Dorsey,
William Bower Taylor 175
The God " D " in the Codex C/Oi-tesianus. By J. Walter Fewkes. . 205
The Early Navajo and Apache. By F. Webb IIodge 223
The Relation of Sociology to Anthropology. By Liistkr F. Ward. 241
The Name Chickahominy. By William Wallace Tooker 257
A Yuma Cremation. By G. R. Putnam 204
Australian Rock Pictures. By R. II. Matphews 268
Some Principles of Nomenclature. By W J McGee 279
The Arrow. By F. H. Cusiiing 307
The Beginning of Agriculture. By W J McGee 350
Siouan Tribal Appellatives. By W. W. Tooker 370
Upper Orinoco Vocabularies. By A. Ernst 393
Clay Figures from Guatemala. By P. J. J. Valentini 402
James C. Pilling ; an Obituary 407
MISCELLANEA
Book notices, 81 ;— Tecumseh's name, 91 ;— Tarahumari runners, 92; —
The Palteontographical Society of Australasia, 92;— Ethnography of the
Acorn islands, 93 ; — Mortuary customs in New Hebrides, 93 ; — Poisoned
arrows of the Akas, 94; — Quarterly bibliography of anthropologic litera-
ture, 95; — Book notices, 185;— The snake ceremonials at Walpi, 192; —
Imperial Russian (leographic Society, 190 ;— The Beebe researches, 197 ;—
Chinese folk-lore, 198; — Scottish charms and amulets, 198;— Erratum,
198; — Quarterly bibliography of anthropologic literature, 199 ; — The early
Navajo and Apache, 287; — Alexandra V. Potanine, 290; — Anthroi>ology
in the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, 290; — The Allentiac
language of Argentina, 297; — Quarterly bibliography of anthropologic
literatui-e, 298; — Quarterly bibliography of anthropologic literature, 410.
(iii)
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J
THE
American Anthropologist
Vol. VIII WASHINGTON, D. C.,- JANUARY, 1895 No. 1
STONE ART IN AMERICA
BY J. W. POWELL
DIRECTOR OP THE BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
In the December number of the American Naturalist Mr. Read,
of the British Museum, has an article which exhibits a strange
misunderstanding of the American problem of *' paleolithic "
man. It is a comment on a recent publication by Mr. J. D.
McGuire, and is a naive misinterpretation of Mr. McGuire's
position. A brief statement of the present condition of this
question may save other well-meaning men from falling into
like errors.
In the years 1867-1873, inclusive, a number of scientific men
were engaged in exploring western Colorado, southern Wyoming,
eastern Utah, and northern Arizona, in company with the writer.
The country was then a wilderness, and the tribes inhabiting it
were practically unknown before that time. They were many,
yet each one embraced but a small number of persons, while
they were scattered at wide intervals.
In a little valley north of the Uinta mountains a tribe of
Shoshoni Indians were found still manufacturing stone arrow-
heads, stone knives, and stone spears. Although a few of them
were armed with guns purchased at far-distant trading stores, a
greater number of the men and boys were armed with bows and
arrows. In the valley which they occupied chalcedony is found
in the form popularly called moss-agate. In 1869 the writer
often saw these Indians manufacturing stone arrow-heads and
stone knives. These were made from masses of moss-agate
weathering out of the sandy shales of the district. The imple-
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2 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
ments were made by breaking the masses with rude stone ham-
mers, and selecting favorably shaped fragments to be further
fashioned by the use of little stone hammers. A fragment held
in one hand, protected by a piece of untanned elk skin, was
wrought with a hammer held in the other hand. Having some-
what improved the original fragment in this manner, a work-
man would proceed to give his implement the final shape by
using a deer-horn tool from 8 to 12 inches in length and worked
down from its original size by grinding, so that its diameter was
about five-eighths of an inch. Holding the specimen in one
hand, with the implement in the other, he would work the little
stone into the desired shape by sudden pressure on its edge with
the horn tool and in this manner breaking off small flakes. The
arrow-heads thus made were small, slender, and symmetric,
while the stone knives were given keen but somewhat serrated
edges. I visited this tribe of Indians many times and lived
among them many months and found their camps strewn with
the chips, among which were many discarded failures, all hav-
ing the characteristics of those finds which in the eastern por-
tion of the United States had been called " paleolithic." These
Shoshoni were making " paleolithic " implements, in that all
were chipped and none were polished.
At another time, on the eastern slope of the Wasatch mountains,
I was with a tribe known as the Pahvant, and found them mak-
ing stone arrow-heads and knives by the processes of breaking,
battering, and grinding. They were making " neolithic " imple-
ments and no others, and this I observed many times through a
succession of years.
At various times through a series of years I saw the Uintah
Indians, a tribe living in the Uintah valley, on the eastern slope
of the Wasatch mountains, make arrow-heads and stone knives,
both by chipping and grinding.
At other times, again and again, for years, I saw the Pagu In-
dians manufacture stone implements in the valley of San Rafael,
a tributary of the Colorado flowing from the eastern slope of
the Wasatch plateau. These people made their implements by
chipping. A mile above the mouth of the river, in a cottonwood
grove, there is a village site which has been occupied intermit-
tently for many years and probably for many centuries. In the
Cretaceous bluffs near by great quantities of chert are found, and
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Jan. 1895] STONE ART IN AMERICA 3
not far away quantities of moss-agate. From these materials
the Indians made their implements by chipjnng, and near the
village site the flakes, rejects, and accidents may be found in
great quantities, measured by wagon-loads.
In the valley of the Kanab, which is a tributary of the Colorado*
are to be found the sites of ancient villages of the Uinkaret.
These people made their stone implements of chert, moss-agate,
and quartzite by chipping, and their pipes of steatite by grinding
and boring — that is, they were polished.
The Tusayan Indians, on a tributary of the Little Colorado,
have stone implements, pipes, and many other stone articles.
Arrow-heads and knives are made chiefly by chipping, though a
few are made by grinding ; other objects in stone are often made
by grinding and boring.
I have often seen all of these Indians and many others work
in stone, for I have lived among them many years. By the
criteria which are used to distinguish " paleolithic " man from
'* neolithic " man, some of the tribes were " paleolithic," making
their implements solely by chipping ; others were " neolithic,"
because they made their implements in part by chipping and in
part by grinding. The criteria, therefore, do not apply to these
Indians as a time distinction, nor do they apply to them as a
culture distinction. All forms of '* paleolithic " and " neolithic "
implements were found to be made at the same time and by
people in the same stage of culture, adapting their work to the
materials found, while the chips and rejects, even to the so-called
turtle-back forms, were produced in great abundance, though the
turtle-back forms were rarer from the fact that they are chiefly
derived from storm-fashioned bowlders.
Such facts were observed not by myself alone, but by others,
who were geologists and archeologists.
We now reach another phase of the question. ^ In the eastern
portion of the United States many so-called " paleolithic " finds
have been made in a region of country extending from the Hud-
son to James river. These implements were freely gathered into
our museums and distributed to the museums of Europe. One
particular locality early attracted the attention of the writer — that
on Piney branch, in the District of Columbia. Over this site I
have wandered many scores of times. The implements found
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4 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
here were by many believed to be " paleolithic " and to be a part
of the gravel deposits found in the bluffs. In the examination
which I made of them I found them strangely like the forms
found near the Shoshoni village site, near the Pahvant village
site, near the Uintah village site, near the Uinkaret village site,
and near the Tusayan village sites, except that the turtle-back
forms were much more abundant on Piney branch. Here we find
the flakes or chips ; here we see the turtle-back forms or rejects,
and here we have the spoiled implements ; and from this particu-
lar site many museums have been stocked with specimens illus-
trating the workmanship of " paleolithic " man. Years went by
and the problem which I had contemplated so many times grew
in interest, until at last the geologists and paleontologists decided
that this particular gravel represents the Potomac formation be-
longing to the Cretaceous system. Now the problem assumed
still greater importance, for if these vestiges of the work of man
were actually deposited in the gravels at the time of their forma-
tion as shore accumulations, then the age of man must be car-
ried back to Cretaceous time. Thereupon one of my associates,
Mr. Holmes, assumed the task of solving the problem and was
furnished with funds for the purpose, and he commenced at this
particular site and trenched the Piney branch hill with care, re-
maining with his laboring force from day to day and from month
to month. In doing this work it was clearly demonstrated that
the gravels were not in the place where they were deposited by
waves — ^that is, that they were gravels redistributed by overplace-
ment, and that the manufacture of the stone implements could
not be assigned to a period farther back than a few centuries.
Thus ** paleolithic" man was lost from the Cretaceous period.
But Mr. Holmes' work did not stop here. He studied the vil-
lage sites found in far-away towns by the river and found the
stone implements which had been scattered there in modern
times, and again found all the forms discovered at Piney branch,
together with a much greater number of finished implements ;
and by a series of researches, the stages of which he has recorded
in his deft manner, connected the two.
Mr. Holmes did not end his work at this stage ; he went on
from point to point dow^n to the James and up to the Hudson,
trenching the bluffs and examining the village sites, and every-
where demonstrating that the so-called "paleolithic" imple-
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Jan. 1895] STONE ART IN AMERICA 5
ments were of comparatively modern origin. Now in this region
of country there are many gravels of diflferent ages, extending
from those of the Potomac formation below to the latest Pleisto-
cene deposits above. In all of these gravels he found quarry
sites with chips, rejects, and broken implements, and in the same
manner he connected the artificial material with the village sites.
Thus throughout the eastern portion of the United States the
old sites of " paleolithic " implements were examined and many
new ones were discovered, and ever they told the same story.
Then Mr. Holmes extended his observations far westward into
many states and found kindred facts in many localities, and no
facts inconsistent with those of eastern United States.
These observations did not rest on the shoulders of Mr. Holmes
alone ; many other American geologists visited him during the
time he was occupied in examining the Piney branch site, and
at other times in other places ; and so far as I know all of the
geologists who visited the sites at the time the excavations were
made fiiUy and cordially agree with Mr. Holmes.
One case now remains unexplained. At Newcomerstown, in
Ohio, a rude stone implement was found in what was supposed
to be a glacial gravel. The man who found it was doubtless
honest in his belief that it was a genuine glacial find, though he
did not claim to be a geologist. Mr. Holmes and others have
visited the site since that time, but it has been changed to such
an extent that it is impossible to determine whether the gravels
were in place as primitively deposited, or whether they were in
gravels modified by methods not understood at the time the find
was made, though now well understood by geologists engaged in
the study of glacial phenomena. Thus the evidence of " paleo-
lithic " glacial man in this country has been narrowed to the
single find at Newcomerstown, made by a man not trained as a
geologist though doubtless intelligent and honest, and made
many years ago under conditions which have now been changed
so that it is impossible to discover the geologic facts. Such is
the status of the " paleolithic " problem in America.
Other finds have been made on the Pacific coast, which, if
genuine, carry man back in Pleistocene time, as an associate
with extinct animals. These finds were made many years ago
and have not been reexamined by the new methods of research,
but they do not bear on the problem of " paleolithic " man, for
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6 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
if the conclusions reached from the finds in California are to
remain as valid, then this early man was " neolithic," since he
made polished implements.
Wherever the facts are known in this country chipped and
ground implements are essentially contemporaneous. Some of
the lower tribes in North America make chipped implements ;
others make battered and ground implements, while still others
make both, and the character of the materials which they use
determines the method of production. In a region where quartz
in its various forms, as flint, chert, agate, chalcedony, etc., are
found, and often where quartzites are abundant, and especially
where obsidian abounds, implements are made by chipping.
Where softer quartzites and the metamorphic and igneous rocks
abound, battering and grinding is the process used. In North
America thousands of tribes were found making stone implements,
and how they made them is well known. Stone implements are
still made by many tribes, and the process by which they are
made can yet be observed, and everywhere the Indian adapts his
process to the materials used. Several of our observers have
become adepts in the manufacture of stone implements. Mr.
Holmes, Mr. Gushing, and Mr. McGuire can make stone imple-
ments as deftly as any Indian and produce forms even superior
to the best of native manufacture. From observation and from
experience, the method of battering and grinding is found to be
simpler and more easily acquired than that by chipping.
Now, let us see where the problem stands :
First Two methods of making stone implements are observed
and practiced, each adapted to a particular class of material ;
that by battering and grinding is the more obvious and simple,
while it involves less labor than the chipping process.
Second, The Indian tribes adapt their methods to the material.
Third, Some tribes make their tools exclusively by the chip-
ping process ; other tribes exclusively by the battering and grind-
ing process, while still other tribes make stone implements by
both processes.
Fourth. In studying the practices of extinct tribes it is discov-
ered that the articles of stone-work are found in two places : one
where the materials were quarried, and one where the implements
were finished. If the quarry sites are examined, chips, rejects,
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Jan. 1895] STONE ART IN AMERICA 7
and broken implements are discovered in great abundance. If
the village sites are examined, finished implements are common.
Fifth, It is found that the existing Indians sometimes go to
distant quarries and select the materials for stone implements,
which they rudely fashion for the purpose of making a selection,
and carry these inchoates to their homes to be worked into final
form.
Sfvxth. It is found that the extinct Indians had the same prac-
tice, for quarry refuse may be found at quarry sites and fin-
ished implements at village sites, all of the same materials.
Then, deposits of unfinished tools are sometimes found.
Seventh, In America it has long been conceded by those who
believe in " paleolithic " art as a time or culture distinction that
the chipping of implements is not its distinguishing trait, but
that the distinction is found in a particular character of chipped
implements, i. c, as flakes which we now call chips, as turtle-
back forms which we now call rejects, and as rude blades, often
broken, which we now call accidents. It has been made clear
that these are quarry forms, and that the sites where they are
found are to some extent distinguished from village sites ; and
further, that the quarry forms must not be interpreted as belong-
ing to the time when the formations were laid down unless clear
geologic evidence demands it, and that only the geologist skilled
in the study of overplacement can properly distinguish between
primeval gravels and disturbed gravels.
In view of these facts, abundantly demonstrated far and wide
over the continent, many American archeologists and geologists
have reached the conclusion that the distinction between " paleo-
lithic " man and " neolithic " man, as determined by the method
of making the implements, is not valid for this continent. If
these facts or the conclusion flowing from them startle European
observers in geology and archeology, it behooves them to re-
examine their own facts, and if by the new methods of geologic
observation they can demonstrate a time distinction between
exclusively chipped implements and mixed implements fash-
ioned by both processes we shall not fail to accord belief to their
conclusions ; but we shall hold the question open until assured
that the new methods have been tried.
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ff THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
THE HUACOS OF CHIRA VALLE7, PERU
BY SAMUEL MATHEWSON SCOTT
The northern portion of Peru is a vast desert extending from
the sea to the Andes and for about two hundred miles from
Tumbez, the first landing place of Pizarro, on the north, to
Sechura, on the south, a waste of sand and rock broken only at
long intervals by narrow valleys that bring down the waters
from the western slopes of the mountains.
Although this dreary expanse now maintains but a scattered
population, there are still many evidences that not only the
valleys, but also the desert itself, once supported a numberless
people. The Chira valley, through which runs the principal
river of the northern region, is filled with the ruins and the
graves of this once flourishing civilization. The valley has an
average width of three miles in its principal portion, which
reaches from the town of Sullana to the Pacific, a distance of
forty miles. The land is fertile under irrigation and supplies
the wants of several towns and villages adjacent to it. It is at
present divided into private haciendas or farms, or held by
small communities ; but no general system of cultivation is fol-
lowed. While some of the haciendas are scientifically irrigated,
much of the land receives only such attention as its natural po-
sition makes easy.
In the days before the Spanish conquest, however, it is evi-
dent that this valley was occupied by a people who, under the
system of government which the Incas always imposed upon the
various nations they conquered, developed all the resources of
the territory to the fullest extent possible. Remains still exist
of a great irrigation canal which ran, probably, from above Sul-
lana to the sea. Tributary ditches laid with regularity and
trained judgment may yet be traced. It is principally on the
uncultivable land lying between the great ditch and the cliffs
that form the northern wall of the valley that the ruins and
graves are found, and it was through a series of excavations in
this district during the last two years that I made the collection
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Jan. 1895] THE HUACOS OF CHIRA VALLEY, PERU 9
of Peruvian antiquities now in the museum of the University of
Pennsylvania.
The group of ruins which first attracted my attention is that
situated some five miles to the westward of the town of Amotape,
on the northern side of the valley, and which is known as Pare-
dones, or the Great walls, a name which the natives have cor-
rupted into Paderones. These ruins lie close to the cliffs of the
desert, in a small bay-like ravine. They consist of a series of
stone inclosures about a thousand feet long by six hundred feet
wide, built in rough mud-mortared masonry, now so dilapidated
that it is impossible to determine their original height. Into the
center of this inclosure runs a low spur of the cliff, on which are
a number of heavy adobe quadrangles, which apparently were
the foundations of buildings or courts. On the western side of
these walls the spur of the cliff was extended in the form of a
square terrace about two hundred feet in each direction, from
the center of which rises a truncated pyramid or pyramidal
mound of two stories. The faces of the terrace and of the
pyramid incline at a steep angle, which is reinforced by a wall
or covering curiously constructed of conical adobes about the
size and shape of a traditional sugar-loaf. In some portions
of this facing, the cones, or tulpas as they are called by the
natives, are set regularly one above another, the large end of the
upper one resting upon the point of the lower one; but in some
instances, without any apparent cause, the upper tidpas are in-
verted and their points lie between the points of the lower tier.
This arrangement may have served a decorative purpose, but
the rains of centuries have so scored and destroyed the walls that
no opinion can be formed of their original appearance. The face
of the terrace is 30 feet high ; that of each story of the pyramid
23 feet. The top of the pyramid is therefore between 75 and 80
feet above the plain. The base of the pyramid is about 90 by 75
feet; the top about 65 by 50 feet. One hundred yards to the
westward of the terrace is another pyramid nearly the same size
as the one just described, but differing from it in that it appears
to have been built in the form of a square spiral of three stories.
This second pyramid was not inside the great inclosure. An
inclined road rising from the plain on the northern side of the
inclosure and parallel with its wall gave access to the terrace.
The arrangement of the quadrangular foundations at the upper
2
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10 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
end of this road indicates an elaborately constructed gate or
entrance.
Within the eastern portion of the inclosure, which is on a level
with the plain, are numberless hillocks thickly covered by small
white bivalve and spiral shells. The soil throughout this portion
of the ruins is mixed with the finely powdered dust of ashes and
is thickly strewn with heavy potsherds and pieces of more deli-
cate pottery. These potsherds and ashes litter also the ground
inside the large quadrangles.
As I had heard that pottery had often been exhumed in the
neighborhood, I decided, after a careful examination of the ruins,
that these sherds and fragments were the remains of pottery
washed out by the rains, and indicated a fruitful field for exca-
vation. I therefore set my diggers to work among the quad-
rangles. We soon penetrated the upper layer of ash dust and
pieces of coarse jars and came upon a thick stratum of vegetable
matter, which greatly resembled decaying thatch. Under this
we found onl}' the hard undisturbed soil of the spur. As repeated
efibrts in this direction were equally fruitless, I turned my atten-
tion to the hillocks. Here also I was disappointed. Nothing
was encountered but loose earth mixed with ashes, shells, and
fragments for several feet ; then the hard undersoil. I learned
from the natives, and confirmed their testimony by my own sub-
sequent experience, that whatever may have been the object of
these small shell-covered mounds, which are common to all the
ruins of the valley and which often occur among the burial
grounds, they were not used as graves, and may have been ovens
for baking pottery.
Rather discouraged by my lack of success, I made inquiries
among the people who live near the ruins and discovered that
very little pottery had ever been found within the inclosure. One
woman was able to tell me, however, that her husband and a
friend had dug up several huacos, or pieces of pottery, in a ravine
a mile or so lower down the valley, on the preceding Good Fri-
day. The natives regard these relics of* an ancient art with
superstition. They believe that they are enchanted, and claim
that they can be found only on Good Friday, when they come
near to the surface. On that day the people go in large compa-
nies to the huaco fields, as they call the burial grounds, and spend
the time in picnicing and digging. Whatever pottery they find
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Jan. 1895] THE HUACOS OF CHIRA VALLEY, PERU 11
they use in their houses or sell. They can give no explanation
of this idea of the charm of Good Friday, but they all accept it
trustingly, and when I lighted upon a rich field shortly after my
ill luck among the ruins they at once regarded me as a brujo,
or wizard.
Following the woman's suggestion, I took a laborer with me
and spent some days in exploring the ravines. We met with
indifferent results until one day I came upon a quiet little valley
nestled between the cliflfe, in front of the village of Vichayal. We
set to work at random on a gentle slope, and after digging
through the tough mixture of gravel and clay that through the
long years had been washed down from the hills we found a sand
mixed with tiny white shells and charcoal. About a foot deep
in this layer the boy uncovered the edge of what looked like a
bundle of rags. He worked with his fingers for a moment and
detached a piece of cloth. Jumping from the hole, he declined
to dig any further.
" It is a Christian who is buried there," he said, reverently.
I seized the shovel and soon unearthed the bundle, which
proved to be the bones of a baby enveloped in a coarse napkin
of cotton.
" This is no Christian," I said to him ; " Christian children are
buried in coflSns."
This argument proved conclusive ; and as the soil below still
showed signs of having been moved, I made him continue the
work, for he had no scruples about disturbing antique bones.
Some three feet lower down and about five feet below the natural
level of the ground we disclosed two mummies lying side by side
in the loose sand. The draina<4e of the slope was so rapid that
no moisture had ever penetrated to the bodies, and the cloths in
which they were wrapped were in perfect preservation. Beside
each body was a bundle of weaving rods and a large gourd filled
with tUlles, or the long wooden sticks like knitting needles, used
as shuttles. The absolute dryness of the soil had saved even
these perishable things from decay. This was the first find in a
field that proved very fruitful.
Almost invariably at about two feet below the surface we came
upon a child's grave similar to the one first discovered. Evi-
dently little care was taken in the burial of children under seven
or eight years of age. The unembalmed body, dressed simply in a
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12 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
sleeveless shirt, was tied up in a shroud and laid in the sand in
some portion of the cemetery that had already been used for
adults. It is rare to find pottery in these little graves. Some-
times a small stick is placed beside the body, and there may be
a string of coral beads around the child's neck.
About four feet below the children's graves we meet with those
of adults. These lie one below another, at irregular intervals,
often to a depth of twenty feet. They dififer greatly in their con-
tents ; less in their general character. The deepest graves are
evidently of much greater antiquity than the upper ones. The
objects they contain are fewer and of coarser quality and bear
the characteristics of a less practiced art. While some bodies
are buried directly in the sand, most are contained in hollow
graves, into which the earth is prevented from falling by a slant-
ing covering made of flat stones or large adobes. These graves
are about eight feet long, four feet wide, and two feet deep. The
dead are disposed in a manner different from that in other parts
of Peru. Instead of being trussed up in sitting posture, the body
lies on its back.
Some process of embalming was used, although the tissues are
not preserved, as in the case of Egyptian mummies. The skin
usually remains intact. The hair is perfect and is lighter in color
and much finer in texture than that of the modern natives. The
face also is well preserved, excepting that the eyes have fallen
in and the cartilage of the nose is gone. These ancients were of
about the same stature as their descendants, but they had smaller
and more shapely hands and feet. The body was evidently
dressed -in tlie richest garments of the dead one. Beads of
coral, fluorite, glass, and gold were twined about the neck;
rings of gold or small strings of coral and copper beads adorned
the fingers, and bracelets of beads encircled the arms. From the
necklaces of the men hung a small pair of silver tweezers for
plucking out the beard. In some instances bands in red and
blue patterns were tattooed upon the wrists. The head, which
always rests on the left shoulder, was covered with a kind of
turban composed of strips of embroidery and fine cloth folded
about the hair. The face, often tinted with a red pigment, was
covered with raw cotton and tightly bound with cerements. A
delicately woven fringed shawl, about a yard S(iuare and doubled
diagonally, was wrapped thickly around the neck. About the
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Jan. 1895] THE HUACOS OF CHIRA VALLEY, PERU 13
waist was usually wound a long sash, sometimes of tapestry. In
this sash was occasionally tucked a small clay image ; perhaps
a charm or idol. It is difficult to discover the exact details of
the rest of the clothing, as the moisture of decomposition and the
preparations used in embalming have reduced to powder the
fabrics immediately next the body. The dress of the women was
apparently long and ample. The men wore a sleeveless shirt or
tunic, supplemented by a cloak. On one of the ornamental water
jars which I found is the figure of a man from which may be
gained some idea of the usual costume.
Thus carefully attired, the body, covered with a winding sheet
of cotton finely woven, was placed diagonally upon a series of
large square shrouds. The ends of these shrouds at either side
of the corpse were then folded across and around it, and the outer
edge was carefully sewed up along its entire length with a large
wooden needle, which was usually left sticking in the wrappings.
The ends at the head and feet were then doubled over the body
and secured to one another with a stout scarf, or, if the body wa«
small, merely tied together in a knot. The fabric of these outer
coverings differs greatly, probably with the condition in life occu-
pied by the person. Sometimes there are but two coarse sheets ;
more frequently there are three or four, varying in fineness from
the body outward ; occasionally the outermost shroud is a double
quilt thickly wadded with cotton.
The grave was dug without reference to the points of the
compass ; but a regular system was observed in arranging the
objects buried with the dead, although these objects themselves
are of endless variety. At the feet of the corpse were placed
several cooking pots covered with pieces of gourd or earthen
plates and filled with food, meat, cooked com, beans, frijoles ;
and small bundles containing whole ears of maize. There may
be only one or two such pots, or there may be seven or eight.
In one grave I found also a small gourd daintily wrapped in a
napkin and holding a skillfully carved wooden spoon, the handle
of which was fashioned into the figure of a man. At the side
of the body, near the hands, were put the tools or implements
used in life. In the case of men, there were walking-staffs of
hardwood, with carved heads of men and animals, probably em-
blems of authority; small copper and stone tools — in one case
the complete set of those of a silversmith, with cane blowpipes.
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14 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
copper drills, and stone hammers or polishers ; paint-pots made
of gourds, with pigments and brushes ; copper ladles used as
melting pots ; bows and arrows ; once a barbed spear of algar-
roba wood very much decayed ; agricultural implements, such
as wooden shovels, rods, and pointed sticks ; fish nets, water-
bottles, and long netted traveling bags decorated in colors and
filled with potatoes, ears of corn, and other provisions, and little
packages of coca leaves.
In the graves of women were sets of weaving and spinning
utensils similar in form, but greatly superior in finish, to those
today used by the Indians. The weights for the spindles were
of carved bone or shell. The various needles are prettily painted
in rings, many of them still having colored threads wound upon
them. The fineness of these threads and the skill and workman-
ship of the various fabrics show that these ancient women were
more dextrous in the arts of weaving and spinning than are
their descendants. The crotch for holding the copo, or roll of
carded cotton, which today is only a natural fork cut from a tree,
is in these graves an elaborately carved piece of algarroba wood.
There were large gourds fashioned into work-boxes, bags full of
balls of spun cotton ; yapata, or magnesia, in large natural lumps
or cut into cones like a corncob, for lubricating the thread in
spinning. There were small shells containing red and blue
paints, probably used in the toilet, and also larger shells wrapped
in strips of rag. Some gourds containing skeins of brown and
blue cotton point to the eltistence today of a very ancient custom.
The Indian women who wear their hair in two braids always
plait in similar skeins at the extremity of the braid, for the pur-
pose, as they explain, of preventing the ends of the hair from
splitting. The skeins in the gourds were doubtless used in the
same way by the aborigines.
About the head of the munmiy, whether male or female, were
arranged the fantastic pieces of pottery in black and red clay
which are known as huracos. These were probably filled with
water or chicha — a beer made fi'om corn, the beverage of an-
cient Peru. Upon these jars the old artists expended all their
skill. The clay itself is very finely worked. The designs are
infinite in variety and imitate every form of animal and vege-
table life. There are jars in the shape of bananas, gourds, and
melons ; there are jars ornamented with human figures, climb-
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American Anthropologist
Vol. VIM, No. 1
Articles from Chira Valley, Peru.
1, Head ol mummy with ear-ring in place; 2, Double huaoo of black potiory v^itli figure ol man;
3, Gourds containing weaving implements; 4, Cookiiig-pots with gourd li<l.s,
5, Labret ; G, 7, Tweezers ; 8, Ear-ring.
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Jan. 1895] THE HUACOS OF CHIRA VALLEY, PERU 15
ing monkeys, pelicans, parrots, fish, and serpents. There is,
moreover, a distinct tendency toward the comic and grotesque —
many animals have exaggerated teeth and birds have quaintly
elongated bills. Very little of this class of pottery from the
Chira is decorated with painting, although such decoration is
common in the pottery from other parts of Peru. The pieces
are also smaller than those from other districts. Besides the
natural forms, there are many conventional shapes of much
grace and beauty. The double whistling huaco is very common
in this region. It consists of two vases joined by a tube ; one
vase forms the spout or mouth ; the other is surmounted by some
animal or bird, and is so devised as to emit the air through a
whistle while water runs in through the spout. This whistle
was probably a charm against evil spirits. One of the htiacos
which I unearthed, taken in connection with another of the col-
lection from Chimbote, a field about four hundred miles to the
south, offers a valuable suggestion as to the class of buildings
which were erected upon the pyramids of the ruins. It repre-
sents a shed-like structure, roofed with thatch placed on a square
base. The huaco from Chimbote is more significant, as it shows
a building on top of a terraced pyramid, which is connected
from story to story by flights of stairs. The decayed thatch
which I found among the quadrangles of Paredones may have
been the remains of such structures.
There are evidences that these burial places were of a conse-
crated character. Once, quite near the surface, I came upon a
small bundle similar to a child's mummy. On opening it, how-
ever, I found inside the rough shroud, wrapped in a cotton cloth
a yard square, one half of which was white, the other blue, about
half the bones of a man, including the skull. They were covered
with clay mud, and had evidently been gathered up, brought
from a distance, and buried thus in holy ground. Thrown among
them were a triple necklace of large coral beads and a piece of
colored tapestry, on which was the conventionalized figure of a
man. From what I learned from the contents of other graves,
this piece of tapestry was a portion of the man's war or gala shirt.
As the bones were dry when buried, no moisture had attacked
the fabrics, and they were as good as on the day they were made.
One side of the skull was crushed in, and in the center of the
break was a small round hole, such as might have been made by
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16 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
a spike of a club or by a bullet from a sling. The man may have
been a warrior whose bones had bleached upon a distant battle-
field. There was no pottery of any kind in this grave.
The similarity between the figure upon the tapestry and the
human figures carved upon the wooden spoon and the walking-
stafifs, and also repeated upon another shirt which I found, to-
gether with the constant use of the monkey on staff's and pottery
throughout this field, led me to the conclusion that these figures
and animals may have served as tribal or family badges.
One of the mummies found on this slope was that of a chief
or priest. The grave was hollow, but considering the importance
of the occupant, it was singularly poor in contents. There was
no fine pottery, and aside from a few cooking-pots and a water-
jar, held only a long staff, with a human figure for a head. The
wrappings of the body were very elaborate. The outside cover-
ing was a wadded quilt, embroidered all over with a figured
design repeated in black, brown, and yellow ; within were three
shrouds beautifully woven of white cotton ; each had an em-
broidered border in brown several inches wide of most compli-
cated but regular geometric pattern, and in the center a large
square of similar embroidery. The sumptuous attire was rich
with tapestry, fold upon fold, especially in the turban and in the
sash. The left hand, which, as in the case of all these mummies,
rested by the side, was swathed with two napkins, fringed and
tasselled and embroidered in brown like the shrouds. In the
palm of the hand was clasped a small black wooden vessel with a
copper stopper, probably a lamp. About the neck were the
strings of beads, with the silver tweezers. This was the only in-
stance in which I found anything in the hands of the dead.
In many portions of Peru bodies have been unearthed with
the mouth covered by a disk of gold. I have never seen indica-
tions of this custom on the mummies of the Chira, although I
have found fragments of such disks among the ornaments hang-
ing from the necklaces. In the graves of women, however, I dis-
covered another custom. Through the lower lip of most of the
female corpses protruded a jeweled conical-shape cylinder of
silver or of gold, about an inch long and three-fourths to half an
inch in diameter, slightly flanged at the larger end to prevent the
piece from slipping. Most of these ornaments are badly corroded,
but by good fortune in one of the little toilet gourds I found a
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Jan. 1895] THE HUAC08 OF CHIRA VALLEY, PERU 17
specimen in perfect condition. In the top is sunk a bloodstone,
about which is set a circle of red coral balls, mounted separately.
The body of the piece is of silver, hollow, but entirely closed.
As these jewels do not occur in all the graves of females, it is possi-
ble that they were a sign of marriage. Many of the specimens
have flowers of gold upon the crown instead of gems. All are
wrought with great skill and show a high development of the
silversmith's art. There are also other pieces of jeweler's work
of great merit, such as wooden earrings inlaid with mother-of-
pearl, and of gold wire twisted into spirals.
Another feature of these graves is worthy of attention. The
soil with which they are filled shows signs of fire, and is thickly
mixed with charcoal and pieces of charred leaves, sticks, and
animal bones. These probably indicate that sacrifices formed
part of the burial ceremony at the tomb, and that their remains
were thus interred with the dead.
Unfortunately other duties prevented me from digging con-
tinuously upon the slope. The success of my excavations was
bruited about and during my absence the natives, convinced
that I was hunting for gold and buried treasure, kept up a series
of diggings on their own account, which soon exhausted that
portion of the field. Excavations in the level plain proved both
diflScult and unprofitable, as water had sunk into the graves, de-
stroyed the contents, and damaged the pottery. I therefore con-
tinued my search in other directions. The best field proved to
be the head of the ravine in which lie the ruins of Paredones.
Here I found many graves, but their pottery was much coarser
and cruder and seemed to belong to a remoter age than did that
which I found upon the slope. The animal forms were less
natural and the clay was by no means so fine. Although most
of the graves had fallen in, it was clear that the same general
system of burial had been followed as in the Vichayal field.
While I was carrying on this work I received an invitation
from the owner of the hacienda of San Jacinto, near Sullana, to
examine some huaco fields on his estate. As I had expected,
the steward in charge of the place could tell me little about the
fields beyond their locality. He merely knew that the people
went digging occasionally and brought back haacos and ** curi-
osities,*' and that some years before the mummy of a cacuiue or
chief, fully dressed, had been unearthed. Two silver bowls had
3
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18 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [A^ol. VIII
been found with the body, but he could not say what had be-
come of them.
Accompanied by a small force of peons, the steward and I left
the fertile lands of the hacienda and came out upon a great
barren plain about a mile in width and extending all along the
foothills of the valley. Rising out of the midst of this flat
stretch was a high hill irregularly surrounded by lower eleva-
tions. Inspection soon showed the eminence to be a flat-topped
pyramid faced with conical adobes. The highest portion was
perhaps 50 feet above the plain. The sides were about 200 feet
long. Three of these sides were steeply inclined faces, running
to the top without intervening stories. From the fourth or north-
eastern side ran out a series of rectangular additions, wings, or
L's of a lesser altitude. In spite of the long washing by the rain
to which they had been exposed, these additions were still fairly
level on top and the walls and divisions were clearly visible. It
was on the outer slopes of the lowest of these wings, in the angle
formed by its junction with the main structure, that the mummy
of the cacique had been disinterred. It was evident that after
this discovery a great deal of digging had been done. Bones
and skulls were lying about, and in several places walls made of
large brick-like adobes had been laid bare. Though smaller in
extent, this edifice, known as Cerro de Mate, greatly resembled
the one at Paredones.
After I had set my peons to work the steward and I mounted
the principal height or pyramid, and from there he pointed out
to me, at the western extremity of the plain about five miles
away, a similar hill or mound, somewhat greater in size, which
he assured me was of the same nature as the one we were on.
Many smaller mounds were visible all over the barren country.
Close at hand lay several low mounds, like the remains of out-
buildings, from 5 to 20 feet in height. Along the southern edge
of the plain we could see the line of the great irrigation canal,
which must have been 50 feet wide by 20 feet deep. It is pos-
sible that the mounds and pyramids that dot the plain were
built from the earth excavated from this big ditch.
For two days I dug around the foot of the ruin without suc-
cess so far as huacos were concerned, although the whole surface
of the ground is covered with bits of broken pottery. I there-
fore ran a shaft down the center of one of the smallest of the
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Jan. 1895] THE HUACOS OP CHIKA VALLEY. PERU 19
neighboring mounds and uncovered foundation walls and many
pieces of bone, shell, and pottery. I had determined to dig until
I encountered the original surface of the plain. When I had
sunk the shaft about twelve feet, and more than four feet below
the present general level of the country, I came upon a layer of
very fine ashes some four inches thick. Under this was the
original undisturbed clay, but in spite of the ashes resting upon
it, it showed no signs of fire or baking. The ashes must have
been brought from elsewhere and spread here before the mound
was raised. While I found no graves at this point, the bones
and rags scattered about proved that many bodies had been un-
earthed on the lower skirts of this same mound at about four
feet below the surface. Possibly the foundation walls I encoun-
tered were those of a small chapel, and in digging from the top
I had only gone down through its floor, under which no graves
were made. The dead were doubtless buried in the outside
slopes.
Taking the advice of one of my peons who knew the place, I
changed the field of work to a part of the plain a mile or two to
the west. Here we met with better luck, and although much of
the ground had been dug over by the natives in years past, we
found several huacos, some beads, and two of the silver lip cylin-
ders already described. Only a few bones and strips of cloth
remained of the mummies. The earth here was clay impreg-
nated with niter. It had been so soaked by the rains and baked
by the sun that it was almost impossible to dig through it. This
plain is so thickly covered with potsherds and shells that I have
no hesitation in saying that the whole of it is one great burying
ground.
On my way back to Amotape, while nearing a small town
called Tamarindo, my attention was called to some wall-like
lines on top of one of the cliffs. On examining them I found
that they were parts of an immense edifice larger than many of
our cathedrals. It crowned a cliff" at least 150 feet high. The
walls were adobe, with retaining foundations of stone on the
more precipitous sides of the hill. There were the outlineo of
many rooms and corridors. In places huacos had evidently
been exhumed. Shells and fragments abounded as in other
places. On the plain just at the foot of this cliff" was another
structure identical almost with the one at which I had been
working.
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20 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
From the cliff above I could see the two great ruins on the
plain of San Jacinto, the first one five miles distant, and Cerro de
Mate five miles farther east. These ruins at Tamarindo are called
CapuUano. Undoubtedly there was some reason for placing
these huge edifices at almost equal distances and within sight of
one another. On the opposite side of the river, facing Tama-
rindo, near the town of La Huaca, is another set of similar ruins.
It is almost vain to speculate upon the age of these various
works. We know that this portion of the country was well pop-
ulated at the time of Pizarro's conquest, and that the Spaniards
were astonished at the advanced condition of the people ; beyond
this we have few data for conjecture. Such evidence as there is
seems to give the works a sacred character. Religion must have
played a great part in the lives of a people who made so much
of death. Had they been fortresses or palaces they would hard ly
have been made the centers of national burial fields. The enor-
mous quantities of ashes mingled with the earth about them may
indicate the perpetual fires of sacrifice. Many of the buildings
may have been in ruin long before the Spaniards came, for it
seems incredible that the rains and winds and neglect of three
hundred short years could have reduced them to the condition
in which we now find them.
The valley, even under the most elaborate system of irrigation,
could have maintained only a few thousand people, while the
graves must be numbered by millions. The development in the
arts of weaving, silver-working and pottery revealed by a com-
parison of the contents of the lower graves . with those of the
upper tiers must have resulted from the labor of many genera-
tions among a people so un progressive as we know such races to
have been. That graves lie thus one above another is not in it-
self a proof that the lowest graves greatly antedate the up})er
ones. They are lower because floods or rains raised the level of
the valley after they were made, and the stratum newly formed
above them became available for burial purposes. Such changes
may have been the work of ages, but the torrential rains which
sometimes break over the desert might accomplish the same re-
sult in a single season.
Physically, and no doubt intellectually, these aborigines were
superior to their modern successors. They must have had an
extensive commerce, for the gems found in the graves could
only have come from the far north and east. But whence this
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Jan. 1895] THE HUAOOS OF CHIRA VALLEY, PERU 21
people came, how long they occupied this valley of the desert,
and whether their civilization was in its zenith or in its de-
cline at the time of Pizarro's arrival among them are mysteries
which, through the absence of written records, we shall probably
never be able to solve. We know that they were tributary to the
great kingdom of the Incas, but otherwise we know nothing of
their history.
A study of the practices of the modern natives in the light
afforded by the collection shows a remarkable survival of an-
cient industries and methods. At Catacaos, near Piura (the old
San Miguel de Piura, the first permanent city founded by the
Christians in Peru), there exists today a very curious community
of Indians, whose manners and customs differ greatly from those
of their Cholo neighbors. They have but little intercourse soci-
ally with the people about them, marry among themselves, ad-
here to an obsolete form of attire, and seem to be generally in a
condition of arrested development. The inhabitants may be
regarded as an unchanged remnant of the past. Their principal
industries are straw-braiding (they make most of the so-called
Panama hats used in the world) and the manufacture of pottery.
The former industry is probably a modern adaptation of an
ancient art. The potters follow without change the methods of
their prehistoric ancestors, but their products fall far behind in
finish and artistic taste. In a hole in the ground a moistened
mixture of clay and sand is set to " rot " for several days. When
in proper condition this clay is formed by hand, with wooden
tools, over rounded stones, into the shapes of the ordinary coarse
cooking pots and other vessels for common use. The neck or
mouth is made in a separate piece and joined to the body by a
separate operation. When finished, the pots are dried in the sun
and then piled in a rude oven, with layers of dry grass or reeds,
and baked. This method of firing is very imperfect, as at least
ten per cent, of the pieces are lost — a fact which accounts for
the tons of fragments which lie around the ancient ovens. The
fancy shapes, such as human heads, figures, fruit and vegetable
forms, which are used as water jars, are made in sections, in
molds of baked clay exactly like the molds found in the old
graves. The art is handed down from father to son.
From the weaving tools in the collection Mr. Frank Hamilton
Gushing, of Washington, has been able to reconstruct the loom
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22 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
of the ancients, on which it is possible to reproduce the most
intricate patterns and tapestries of the graves — a feat hitherto
declared to be impossible, for as no loom frame has ever been
found in Peruvian remains it was supposed that the work was
accomplished by unknown methods. I was surprised to dis-
cover that Mr. Cushing's loom is identically the same as the one
now in use by all the Indian women in the Chira region, although,
as in the case of the pottery art, the moderns have fallen oflf
greatly in skill. The peculiarity of this loom is that the weaver,
by the use of a strap passed around the body, becomes herself
the frame.
I found another case of survival in the silversmith's art. Al-
though the present practices have been modified by modem tools
and other foreign influences, the force of tradition appears in a
persistent fondness for wire filagree. In the collection there is
a pair of gold earrings of wire twisted into spiral cones. At
Amotape, on the Chira river, I met a very intelligent half-breed
named Cornejo who is an exceedingly skillful goldsmith. The
art has been in his family for generations.
In one of the graves I unearthed a bundle of agricultural im-
plements, consisting of an algarroba spade with a straight handle
and blade, a short wooden dibble, and a plain stick four or five
feet in length. These have their counterparts in modern times.
The natives still use a straight-handled spade, but the blade
is now of steel, and the dibble for planting corn and cotton.
The rod in the bundle was doubtless employed as a measure of
distance between the corn or cotton rows.
The superstitions and ceremonials of ante-Spanish times ai>-
pear today in a thousand forms under the thin gloss of Chris-
tianity, and even in connection with many features of the
modern ritual.
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Jan. 18a5] CASTE IN INDIA 23
CASTE IN INDIA
BY J. H. PORTER
When caste in an inchoate form issued from overcrowding
within limited areas, spontaneous social segregation, and race
and religious antagonisms, a priesthood, recently become domi-
nant, took advantage of it at once, systematized its restrictions,
and declared its laws to be revelations from heaven. There was
nothing national or ethnic in this action. It was the natural
and obvious policy of a usurping order, seeking to strengthen a
position it was unable to maintain by force. Persistent efforts
to the same end were made in Persia and Egypt, but unsuccess-
fully.
Vedantism did not lend itself to ecclesiastical encroachments.
Brahmanism, on the contrary, rested upon the supremacy of a
priestly class, as did that Hinduism by which it was followed.
To the first caste was unknown, while both the latter supported
it with all the power they could command.
Practically Buddhism was a revolt against caste tyranny. In
this respect it finally failed. While the church in India main-
tained itself no alteration of abstract doctrine could afiect formal
observances. Caste outlived the jar and conflict of nations and
creeds, the wreck of theologies, and the transformation of gods.
It still lives, while the principles of Sakya Muni are taught at
Banaras and when the Neo-Brahmanism of Sankaracharya, in
so far as it can be said to possess any religious vitality, has de-
rived it from Buddhism.
Caste was invincible except to an assault which would over-
throw the order whose interests were involved in its existence.
The results of causes operating toward that end have been here
traced in general outlines.
Freed from myths and traditions, conflicting views, the intri-
cacies of state papers, and those technicalities which obscure
Sanskritic codes, caste organization is seen to put an end to all
we consider essential to liberty and happiness, prosperity or
progress. It is the most memorable, comprehensive, and suc-
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24 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
cessful attempt ever made by an order to oppress humanity in
its own interests. Its enactments broke up the race into frag-
ments never to be reunited, separating Aryans from other peo-
ples by impassable barriers, permanently fixing their occupa-
tions, interests, associations, and aspirations. As men were born,
so must they remain. Their course of life was prescribed, their
places after death predetermined. Of the four castes, three were
formed from the conquering race, Brdhmanas, a priesthood ; then
KshatriyaSy warriors, and Vaisyas, herdsmen in the first place,
afterward farmers. These last two existed chiefly for the benefit
of the first. As for the fourth, Sadras, they were those *' slave
bands of black descent " (varna meant both caste and color),
the remnant of a native population (Ddsas), whom our worthy an-
cestors had not slaughtered when they took possession of their
property. Those Dravidian and Kolarian peoples who remained
unconquered and still occupied three-fourths of Endia when
these revelations concerning them came down from heaven, were
dogs and devils, given up to eternal reprobation.
The sacred text treats of caste distinctions as follows : ** In
order to protect this universe He, the most resplendent one,
assigned fto men) separate duties and occupations. * * *
To Brdhmanas he assigned teaching and studying" [the Veda,
sruti, or revelation], " sacrificing for their own benefit and that
of others; giving and receiving alms."* These avocations and
offices were limited to the '* twice born " — Aryans who came into
the world naturally, as men, and had a second birth through
initiation into the number of those that might be saved. SCldras
and the rest — aborigines, out-castes. Pariahs — were not men, but
as beasts that perish, to be taught nothing and given nothing ;
likewise nothing could be accepted from them. On the other
hand, " the very birth of a BrA-hmana is an eternal incarnation of
the sacred law." By divine right he is a member of all courts,
an assessor or judge in every case. It is his province to settle
disputed points, to impose penances, to perform rites essential
to salvation. He sanctified the companies into which he came.
To resist his will was mortal sin ; to defame him, sacrilege ; to
strike him, death. " Let the first part of a Brahmana's name de-
note something auspicious * * * the second part of a Br^h-
*C. i. V. 87, 91, 95.
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mana's name shall be a word implying happiness." But with a
Sj&dra, •' the first part must express something contemptible,"
and the second part " be an expression denoting service."* A
member of the priestly caste could not be executed. **A11 other
castes shall suffer capital punishment," but " no greater sin is
known on earth than killing a Br^hmana. A king must there-
fore not even conceive in his mind the thought of killing a BdVh-
mana. * * * Let him never slay a Br^hmana, though he
has committed all possible crimes." f There is no need for him
to be " uselessly active with his hands or feet." Gifts to a Br^h-
mana are meritorious, and if he wants anything let him take it.
"A Brahmana coming into existence is born as the highest on
earth, the lord of all created beings. * * * Whatever exists
in the world is the property of the Brilhmana. * * * The
BrS-hmana eats but his own food, wears but his own apparel,
bestows but his own in alms ; other mortals exist through the
benevolence of the Br^hmana." J He might not " give the leav-
ings of his meal to a hungry SCldra," and if even a " twice-born "
man listen to his instructions without permission, *' he shall
sink into hell."
" One occupation only the T^rd prescribed for the Sftdra, to
serve meekly." § ** A wealthy Br^hmana shall compassicmately
support both a Kshatriya and a Vaisya if they are distressed,"
but not " make initiated men of the twice-born castes against
their will do the work of slaves. A Sddra, whether bought or
unbought, he may compel to do servile work, for he was created
by the Self-existent (Svaya mbhd) to be the slave of a Br^hmana.
* * * Though emancipated by his master, he is not released
from servitude ; since that is innate in him, who can set him free
from it." II
This and much more to the same effect by those who traded
in all human needs and necessities from the hour of birth until
a man's ashes mingled with those of his funeral pile. No such
system can come into existence immediately, but the priesthood
taught that it descended from on high to the prophets in a com-
*C. ii, v. 31,32.
tC. viii, 379,380,381.
tC. i, v. 99, 100,101.
«C. i, v. 87.
II C. viii, v. 413, 414.
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26 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
pleted form. Brahmanism, however, began when a section of
the pastoral Aryans, rent from their kinsmen in the region of
the modem Kahnates, probably by some ritualistic schism, burst
into the Punjab. India has no secular history of ancient times,
but her religious records in some measure make good this defi-
ciency. From them we learn that in those days the head of each
family was father, chief, and priest; that in every tribe its leader
stood in like relations toward the whole aggregate. On the occur-
rence of public sacrifices whose efiicacy depended upon a strict
adherence to traditional rites it was found that this aggregate
was very frequently at fault. They understood fighting better
than sacred services, and as it .was of the last importance that
these should be performed correctly, some householder who knew
the rubric was selected as a celebrant. Such men grew into perma-
nent sacrificers and priests ; their functions became hereditary ;
they founded families which were the repositories of a knowledge
that the laity had forgotten. Such groups developed into classes,
and finally consolidated as a caste. The BrAhmanas' position
depended upon their attainments. Schools were founded to pre-
serve and propagate sacred learning, and in time they inevitably
diflfered, so that their names, taken from those of great teachers
(Apast^mba, Gautama, Baudhy^na, and so on), really represent
separate codes whose revelations (Srati) and traditions (Smriti)
are not the same.
With a caste organization the priesthood found means to in-
crease their power by recasting scholastic systems, changing and
adding to the injunctions they contained, and adapting them
more perfectly to their own advantage. Such Dharma-Sdtras
(laws of duty) were declared to be obligatory upon all " twice-
born " men and issued as direct utterances of the Almighty —
" He who is indiscernible and eternal." Enough of those works
survive to show the process described, but that great canonical
Manu-Smriti quoted, and which is known throughout the world
as ** The Laws of Manu," was taken from a M^nava Dharma-
Sfttra that has perished.
In early days, however, if Aryas had souls to be saved, they
had also battles to fight. Priests claimed that victory was granted
through their intercession; soldiers said it was won by their
swords. The parties clashed ; both claimed the spoils, and they
fought for precedence in long, fierce wars whose history is lost
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and of which all we know is that the Br^hraanas won. It was to
this success that the caste system owes its existence, while those
claims, restrictions, and penalties it contained necessarily led to
the formation of sub-castes, sections, and out-castes. A sage
saturated with sanctity could not do as a warrior might, nor the
latter do what was proper for an agriculturist. Many things
that mud be done and which men toUl do under all circumstances
were unlawful for any Aryan.
Caste, however, never became effective in the ideal form in
which it was promulgated, nor was it so widely diffused as people
generally suppose. Nevertheless this incubus crushed progress
and public spirit out of unnurnbered millions and stood unde-
stroyed amidst shocks such as no similar system ever sustained.
Wars of conquest overwhelmed it in infancy, maturity, and old
age, and its form arose again. Scythian and Greek, Arab, Per-
sian, Pathan, and Mongol, Sikh and Englishman, destroyed and
changed, while this endured. The religion of which it was the
keystone passed from nature worship through Vedantic doc-
trinalism into the base idolatries of Hinduism, and caste re-
mained. Buddhism , which is before all else a protestation against
its tyranny, converted one-third of the earth's inhabitants and
became extinct in India, leaving caste unchanged. Reformers
and heresiarchs, with innumerable foUowings, renounced its au-
thority, but proselytes came in upon all sides to take their places.
Christianity and Mohammedanism assailed caste unsuccessfully.
Human nature revolted against it in vain.
Now its last barriers are breaking down. During the more
tranquil ages succeeding Aryan invasion the warrior class lost its
former individuality ; the old Vasaiya assumed the character of
a modern husbandman. Theoretically these castes persisted, but
practically they faded slowly and insensibly away. Members of
powerful Kshatriya families had at all times made their way into
the Brahmanical order, and the descendants of rich farmers were
adopted into the military class, but such permutations availed
nothing against that suppressive power by which they were
opposed ; neither did they touch the distinction existing between
the highest and lowest. That last impassable gulf is being
bridged, but not by organized effort of any kind.
People who in anywise appreciate the importance of great
events do not attempt to foretell their consequences ; that depart-
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28 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
ment of prophecy is appropriated by men of a different stamp.
If, however, we can neither foresee such results in their fullness
nor estimate the respective values of those factors by which they
were brought about, nothing prevents us from recognizing exist-
ing facts, and perhaps the most important of these in India is
what Sir Alfred Lyell calls " the gradual Brahmanizing of the
aboriginal, non-Aryan, or casteless tribes." It may seem at first
sight that the conversion of outsiders and opponents into adher-
ents tends to strengthen this institution ; that to accelerate and
increase transitions heretofore inconspicuous would build up the
system instead of breaking it down. No such metamorphosis,
however, as that of Sddra masses into " twice-born " men can
take place othenvise than destructively. This is obvious, and it
accounts for an anomalous feature of those periods when it was
impossible, namely, that caste, before senile atrophy enfeebled
it, remained apparently unaffected by national convulsions of all
kinds. Those great resolvents which bring about reconstruction
by affording an opportunity for elements of change which have
accumulated imperceptibly to coalesce and display themselves
under distinctive forms left it untouched. While the classifica-
tion made by sacred law of casteless men with " elephants, horses,
and despicable barbarians '' represented a living principle, the
distinction between Sftdra and Br^hmana, wide as that between
man and beast, might be maintained ; but how could this be
possible while the priesthood were receiving the former among
Aryans in multitudes?
This is but comparatively lately the case, and the fact wit-
nesses to a decay of the religious order, not to its development.
In days of old D^isas had no rights; they could acquire none,
so far as the dominant caste was concerned, except through its
indifferentism and loss of power. Even when the Aryas were
comparatively newcomers in the Punjab and their intolerance
was still intense, the institutes of their law were violated under
the influence of expediency. All Dravidians and Kolarians
were accursed, but some native tribes were more powerful than
others, and a process of compromise began. Political associa-
tions and alliances paved the way to a more intimate union, and
certain families of aboriginal race pretended to be Rajputs and
their claims were allowed. That wreck and confusion insepa-
rable on both sides from protracted war afforded an opportunity
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to go back to periods when genealogies became obscure and un-
certain. These haughty warriors, who professed to be of royal
descent, would have scorned to mix their blood with that of such
canaille as their former enemies. The aspirants for that honor,
of which there were only individual examples, had therefore to
prove a fictitious extraction, nor under the circumstances was
this very difficult. A Brahman priest was always at hand to
forge a pedigree, invent a family miracle connected with the
locality where the tribe settled, and receive the head of a group
and his descendants into the fold set apart for " twice-born "
Aryas. Not then would a patrician whose line went back de tout
jamais give his daughter to such an upstart. With his grand-
sons, however, it was dififerent. The posterity of such people
contracted marriages with girls of pure lineage or with the higher
class of manufactured Rajputs.
This may be regarded as the first step toward obliterating race
distinctions and removing caste obstructions. In *^ the Middle
Land " or Bengal, where this system crystallized, but where also
ancient institutions were most corroded and changed through
time and a struggle for existence that bore heavily upon over-
crowded areas, transitions like the above took place not only in
separate instances, but en bloc. Sections of native clans or entire
tribes gave in their adherence to some Hindu sect, became
Vaishnabs, Ramayats, and the like, lost their tribal name, and
often their language. Whether there was any intermixture of
blood in such cases depended upon local circumstances. These
increments soon became indistinguishable, except in physical
type, from the Aryans. They worshipped a new set of gods in
the old spirit, and were speedily swallowed up among surround-
ing throngs.
Gradual conversion likewise aided in making good the losses
continually taking place through heresy and schism. As was
said, it was always impossible to carry out the sacred law liter-
ally. Contact, self-interest, and the indifference attaching to a
change of faith where nothing is altered but a name, facilitated
the movement, and in India, as throughout the East, ritualism
is more than religion, and the latter stands instead of nationality.
New aggregates were formed by this kind of interstitial change
who did not need to account for their origin, whereas where
masses went over, priestly aid was essential in order to show that
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30 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
these aborigines were in reality ancient Aryan septs which had
been occulted amidst the storms of past times.
Such is caste, and such were the principal means by which it
was modified. How obstructive and destructive it has been ;
what secret springs of progress have aided in the amelioration of
that complex and wonderfully contrasted society it has so long
controlled, and how long its intiuence may yet be felt it is not
attempted to say. India has done great things, despite her
thwarted energies and arrested growth, much greater than the
world in general knows, and whatever is latent within her is
now exposed to the quickening influence of Western culture.
The new birth will be in a period far removed from ours, but in
the meantime her actual accomplishments, what she has suf-
fered, and how her afflictions were sustained may be studied
with advantage.
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Jan. 1895] MICMAC CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS 31
MICMAC CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS *
BY STANSBURY HAGER
My information about the customs and traditions of the Mic-
mac Indians of Nova Scotia has been derived ahnost entirely
from Abram and Newell Glode, the first a man of seventy-three
years, the latter somewhat younger and of exceptionally pure
blood for a time when none are wholly so. These two Indians
have justly achieved a reputation among their tribe for intelli-
gence and knowledge of their native lore. During the many
days I have spent with them at Digby and elsewhere I have
invariably found them as eager and interested in being ques-
tioned as I was in catechizing them. However, in most cases
I have confirmed what they told me by information obtained
from others, and I have read to them what I have written in
order to avoid mistakes.
It is a misfortune to these Indians that while all their tribe
have been taught to read the characters invented by one of the
early priests they have been debarred from learning the much
simpler Roman characters by the successors of that priest, who
until quite recently forbade Micmac children to attend the public
schools.
The Micmacs have a system of communicating while in the
woods. Sticks are placed in the ground ; a cut on one of them
indicates that a message in picture-writing on a piece of birch
bark is hidden near by under a stone. The direction in which
the stick leans from its base upward indicates that in which the
party moved, and thus serves as a convenient hint to those who
follow to keep off their hunting grounds.
A game much in use within the wigwams of the Micmacs in
former times is that called by some writers altestakun or wdlt^s
takiin. By good native authority it is said that the proper name
for it is io6ltMdmkw6n, It is a kind of dice game of unknown
antiquity, undoubtedly of pre-Columbian origin. It is played
*The author's thanks are due to Major W. 8. Beebe for vahiable assist-
ance in the preiwiration of this paper.
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32 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
upon a circular wooden dish, properly rock maple, almost exactly
a foot in diameter, hollowed to a depth of about three-fourths of
an inch at its center. This dish plays an important r6le in the
older legends of the Micmacs. Filled with water and left over
night, its appearance next morning serves to reveal hidden knowl-
edge of past, present, and future. It is also said to have been
used as a vessel upon an arkite trip. The dice of caribou
bone are six in number, having flat faces and rounded sides.
One face is plain, the other bears a dotted cross. When all the
marked or all the unmarked faces are turned up there is a count
of five points ; if five marked faces and one unmarked face or
five unmarked faces and one marked face are turned up one point
results ; if a die falls off the dish there is no count.
There are fifty-five counting sticks — fifty-one i)lain rounded
ones about seven and a half inches long, a king pin shaped like
the forward half of an arrow, and three notched sticks, each pre-
senting half of the rear end of an arrow. These last four are
about eight inches long. Three of the plain sticks form a count
of one point ; the notched sticks have a value of five points, while
the king pin varies in value, being used as a fifty-second plain
stick, except when it stands alone in the general pile. Then it
has, like the notched sticks, a value of five points. Thus the
possible points of the count are seventeen (one-third of fifty-one)
on the plain sticks and fifteen (five times three) on the three
notched sticks, a total of thirty-two ; but by a complex system
the count may be extended indefinitely.
In playing the game two players sit opposite each other, their
legs crossed in a characteristic manner, and the dish or woltes
between them usually placed on a thick piece of leather or cloth.
A squaw keeps the score on the counting sticks, which at first lie
together. The six dice are placed on a dish with their marked
faces down ; one of the players takes the dish in both hands,
raises it an inch or two from the ground, and brings it down
again with considerable force, thus turning the dice. If all or
all but one of the upturned faces are marked or unmarked, he
repeats the toss and continues to do so as long as one of these
combinations results. When he fails to score, the amount of
his winnings is withdrawn from the general pile and forms the
nucleus of his private pile. His opponent repeats the dice-
throwing until he also fails to score. Two successive throws of
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either a single point or of five points count thrice the amount
of one throw — that is, three points or fifteen points respectively.
Three successive throws count five times as much as a single
throw, etc. After the pile of counting sticks has been exhausted
a new feature is introduced in the count. The player who scores
first takes a single plain stick from his pile and places it by itself,
with one of its sides facing him to represent one point, and per-
pendicular to this, either horizontally or vertically, to represent
five points. He continues to add sticks thus as he continues to
score. This use of the sticks as counters to indicate unpaid
winnings is a device for deferring further settlement until the
game seems near its end, and also serves to increase the count
indefinitely to meet the indefinite duration of the game, as after
one player secures a token his opponent when he scores merely
reduces the former's token pile by the value of his score. The
reduction is effected by returning from the token pile to the
private pile the amount of the opponent's score ; hence at any
time the token pile represents the amount of advantage which
its owner has obtained since the last settlement. These settle-
ments are made whenever either party may desire it ; this, how-
ever, is supposed to be whenever one player's token pile seems
to represent a value approaching the limit of his opponent's
ability to pay. If his opponent should permit the settlement to
be deferred until he were no longer able to pay his debts, then
he would lose the game to the first player ; whereas if one player
after the settlement retains five plain sticks, but not more, a new
feature is introduced which favors him. If while retaining his
five sticks he can score five points before his opponent scores at
all, he wins the game in spite of the much greater amount of his
opponent's winnings up to that point. If his opponent scores
one point only before he obtains his five points he still has a
chance, though a less promising one. After paying over the
three plain sticks that reprf^sent a single point, two plain sticks
still remain to him ; he is then compelled to win seven points
before his opponent wins one, or he forfeits the game ; but if he
succeeds in winning his seven points the game is still his. How-
ever, in these last chances he is further handicapped by the rule
that he can at no time score more points than are represented in
his private pile; consequently, if with only five plain sticks in
his possession he could score only a single point, even if his toss
5
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34 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
should call for five; but with six plain sticks he could score two
points ; with nine sticks, three, etc. The last chances are : With
only five plain sticks, five points are necessary to win ; with four
plain sticks, five points are necessary to win ; with three sticks,
six points ; with two sticks, seven points ; with one stick, seven
points.
There are two other minor rules : one, that in counting five
points on the plain sticks four bundles of four each are given in-
stead of the five bundles of three each, as one should expect;
total, sixteen. The other rule is that to count six points we use
a notched stick plus only two plain sticks, instead of three, as
might be expected.
It will be seen that the complex counting system of this game
presents marked inconsistencies. Ingenuity of a high grade
exists side by side with features which can only be regarded as
extremely clumsy when viewed from the standpoint of simple
utility. Granting the necessity for using three plain sticks to
mark a count of a single point, tlie method by which the results
are simplified is admirable ; but what is the necessity for using
three sticks instead of one to represent a point ? The apparently
needless confusion which results directly from this feature will
be patent to any one who attempts to explain the game in his
own language. Why did the inventive genius of the race sim-
plify the results of a clumsy start instead of simplifying the start
itself? Does it not seem that it would have done so unless there
had been some motive other than that of utility for the retention
of this feature? Through almost all the customs, dances, and
legends of the Micmac, as through those of all peoples not aff^ected
by our literal modern civilization, there runs a vein of mystic or
allegoric motive, and here must we look for the explanation of
the woltes or dish. When we examine the numerical combina-
tions of the game the preponderance of odd numbers is noticeable.
We are dealing with 1, 3, 5, 7, 15, 17, 51, and 55, and most of these
numbers occur in several distinct relations. The only even num-
bers that we encounter are 52, 32, and 6, the first two occurring
but once and the last twice, though in an insignificant position.
This agrees well with the observations of Dr. Rand and Mr. Leland
of the remarkable respect in which the number 7 is held by the
Micmacs. It would thus seem that they are believers in the luck
of odd numbers. Is it chance, moreover, that two of the even
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Jan. 1895] MICMAC CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS 35
numbers (52 and 32) and one of the most prominent of the odd
(17) are intimately associated with time relations among the
Indians of Central America? The number 52 among the Maya
is the ahaic katun or great cycle of years, and is divided into two
smaller cycles of 20 and 32.
If we turn to the materials of the game we obtain further sug-
gestions. The circle about the perimeter of the dish and the
cross on the dice and on the king pin provide two figures which
throughout America are connected with the calendar. Moreover,
it can scarcely be chance that if we put together the straight sides
of two notched sticks and attach the king pin at one end of them
we obtain the unmistakable representation of an arrow.
The arrow whose point is single and whose rear end is bifurcate
is to be found in many mystic associations in America. For
example, it occur© in the hands of two of the converging rows of
figures on the so-called Great Gateway of Tiahuanacu, Bolivia,
and also in the left hand of the central figure on the same monu-
ment. We meet with it again figured on a bowl which Squier
brought from Nicaragua, where the three arrow-points alternate
with three feathered tips, thus giving the alternate stellar inter-
lacing, which is one of the most conspicuous ornaments on the
facade of Uxmal. In this connection we may consider the magic
arrows of Glooscap, the Micmac demigod, which arrows, to use
the words of Mr. Leland, ** are, of course, world-wide and date
from the shafts of Abaris and those used among the ancient Jews
for divination." * Again, this feature suggests the Navajo story
of the Apache who came from a hole in the ground and diced
with some Navajo opponents until he had won everything that
the latter possessed. They were so angry over this that they tied
the Apache to an arrow and shot him off* into si)ace ; but he lived
to have revenge, for he brought the whites in three bands and
utterly exterminated the Navajo.t
The only other Micmac game of which I have learned any-
thing is tooddljlk or football. The goals were of two sticks placed
slantingly across each other like the poles of the traditional
wigwam. About a score of players, divided into two parties,
faced each other at equal distances from the center of the field.
The ball was then rolled in by the umpire, and the object of the
* Algonquian Legends, p. 23.
t Bancroft: Native Races, iii, p. 83.
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36 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
game was to kick it between the goal posts. In more recent
timas a player may catch his opponent by the neck and thus
hold him back until he can obtain the ball himself, but scalping
was anciently employed as a means of disposing of an opponent.
The choogichoo yajik, or serpent dance, is well worthy of atten-
tion. Newell Glode assured me that very few of his tribe knew
anything about it now, and not even he remembered the song
of the dance, for he had not heard it since his childhood. It
appears to have been suppressed by missionaries.
In performing the serpent dance the male and female partici-
pants, in no fixed number, formed a circle, at the center of which
stood the head man, who did the singing. The circle of dancers
moved first to the right three times around the head man. The
dancers then turned their backs to the head man and repeated
the revolution three times ; next the two sets turned their backs
to one another and again moved thrice around the circle ; finally,
in the same position, they reversed the direction of the motion
and move backward around the circle three times. This figure
was thus completed in four positions and twelve revolutions,
and, according to Newell Glode, signifies the rattlesnake waking
from his winter sleep.
The head man now left the circle through the space made for
him, simulating a serpent coming from its hole ; he led the
dancers around the field, making many snake-like twistings and
turnings. In one hand he held a horn filled with shot or small
pebbles ; with this he rattled the time for the step and the song of
the other dancers. After they had advanced some distance the
last dancer remained stationary and the others moved around the
leader in a constantly narrowing circle until all were closely
coiled around him. The head man then reversed the direction
of the motion and the dancers came out of the circle in line as
before. This represented the coiling and uncoiling of the rattle-
snake.
Again, the line twisted and turned around the field until at
length the head man remained stationary and the last dancer
led the line around him as a center, coiling and uncoiling as in
the preceding figure. Then the head man resumed the leader-
ship, there were more twistings and turnings, and a third time
the line coiled and uncoiled again around the last dancer. Three
times, they say, the rattlesnake must coil before it can shed its
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skin ; therefore, after the line came forth from its third coil the
head man led it back toward the point whence it started, and as
soon as he moved in that direction the dancers dropped out of
line one after another at regular intervals, beginning with the
last dancer, until the head man only remained ; then the music
ceased and the dance was ended.
The authorities seem to be agreed that there are no rattle-
snakes in eastern Maine, the Maritime provinces, or any part of
eastern Canada, nor is there any evidence that there ever have
been any in those localities.* It seems a fair inference, there-
fore, judging from this dance, that one of the most important
features of Micmac ritual has come into Nova Scotia from the
southwest. The word choogich is indeed but a general name for
reptile, according to Dr. Rand, but several Micmacs have assured
me that it designates the rattlesnake. The Micmacs assert that
the traditional object of the dance was to obtain the poison of the
serpent for medicinal use, and that at one time long ago their
ancestors used to dance it so much that nearly all of them were
turned to serpents. The symbolism of the dance evidently coin-
cides with the time of exuviation. In modem times I cannot
find that the performance of the choogichoo yajik has been limited
to any particular time of the year, further than that it was never
danced in the winter ; but this might have been due to other than
ritualistic causes. It is, however, considered a proper feature at
the election of a chief, and the connection of its symbolism with
ritual and time relations of some sort is self-evident. In Maya
the Pleiades are called tzabec or rattle asterisra, and altars in the
form of the rattle are numerous in Yucatan, as Major Beebe has
pointed out to me in the illustrations of Charnay 's Ancient Cities,
pages 140, 149. The scorpion is also connected with the same
stars in Maya mythology, and when we hear of the gather-
ing of the poison for medicinal use we may recall the Italian
cure for the bite of a tarantula or scorpion by the use of its bane
(similia dmilihm curantur). In Peru, Yucatan, Mexico, and in
almost all parts of the world this group of stars was preeminent
* Whatever may be the opinion of naturalists in this matter, it is a fact
worthy of note that the Indian women of the Hudson bay region, par
ticularly the Cree, formerly drank water in which the rattle of a rattle-
snake had been boiled to reHeve pain during parturition. See Harmon's
Voyages and Travels (1800) : Lond., 1820, p. 345. -F. W. H.
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38 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
as time-markers, especially in the first-named countries, in con-
nection with the period of fifty-two years, when its celestial posi-
tion was carefully noted. Again, the special and ultimate con-
nection of the seven stars with ritual dances in widely distant
localities has been noted in the masterly researches of R. G.
Haliburton, who says, in his " Traditions of Mount Atlas," *' The
very words of the song of the Pleiades, who are known in the
New World as well as the Old as ' The Dancers,' the ' Celestial
Chorus' of the Greeks, the * Heavenly Host' of the Hebrews,
and the 'Seven Dancers' of the North American Indians, are
familiar to ears that can catch * the music of the spheres,' and
have been repeated to me by one of those favored mortals, a
Susi wanderer from the Sahara.
Oh, Moon, oh, Mother, we hold our feast tonight;
We are dancing before God between heaven and earth.
Words that recall Milton's allusion to those * morning stars that
sang together with joy ' at the creation.
And the Pleiades before him danced,
Shedding sweet influence."
As to the Micmac tradition of the transformation of the dancers
into serpents, Squier states that the serpent was prominent in
nearly all the mysteries of the so-called Old World, and that in
America the rattlesnake was typical of the most arcane ideas.
Is it not possible, therefore, that this tradition, literally rendered,
would read that in former times this Micmac dance formed an
initiation into their esoteric ritual? for we know at least that
nearly all if not all the Indian tribes have possessed some such
ritual. ^' Why I am a Serpent " is the title of a work by a native
Maya, and in the Maya language ah ah chapat signifies both ser-
pent and wisdom. Again, we see by the Micmacs' own inter-
pretation of the dance that it refers to the seasons, and this is
not surprising, for, alike in Persia, India, Egypt, and Mexico,
exuviation was the peculiar symbol of the year. It seems, then,
that the existence of this dance among the Micmacs should be
considered evidence that they once possessed a ritual having
noticeable points in common with that of Indian peoples farther
south.
One of the folk-tales told me by Abram Glode was that of the
water fairies. Far within a thick dark forest there dwelt a family
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Jan. 1895] MICMAC CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS 39
in which were two sons. The younger of these when traveling
one day along the shore of a lake saw a group of beautiful young
women playing ball. He was so pleased with their appearance
that he decided to go nearer and watch them. When he ap-
proached he found that the girls were dressed in the costumes
of the olden time [which, I suspect, means that of nature]. At
length one of them perceived him and cried out '^Huaydahay ! "
*' Look out ! " None of the girls had ever seen a man before, and,
being alarmed by his appearance, all of them dived into the
water and vanished. The young man was much disappointed,
for they were so pretty that he wished to capture one of them,
blinking they might return, he made himself small by magic
and hid near the spot in a peculiar leaf, which has a kind
of cover over its top [probably the jack-in-the-pulpit or the
pitcher plant]. This leaf he had previously broken off its stem
and placed upon a rock. Presently, as he had hoped, the girls
reappeared from the water and renewed the ball game not far
from the spot where our hero lay hidden but too far off for him
to reach them. When he saw that the girls came no nearer he
jumped up and down in the leaf, shaking it nearer to them, but
when he had nearly succeeded in reaching them one of their
number again espied him and cried out as before. Again the
fairies plunged into the water and disappeared, leaving the
young man more disconsolate than ever, yet more determined
to win one of them for his bride. He looked about for some
new place in which to hide, and espying a bunch of rushes
growing near the water, he broke one off and found within it a
little hollow, in which he hid. A third time the water fairies
appeared and set about their game, coming very near the rushes
in which our hero lay, but a third time something alarmed one
of them, and, with the usual cry, they all fled to the water ; but
this time, however, our hero managed to capture one of them
before she could disappear. She begged him to let her go, plead-
ing that she was married, and promising that if he would release
her she would bring her younger sister to him on the following
day. So he did as she wished, and the next day she returned
with her beautiful young sister, who willingly followed him to
his wigwam.
The next spring his' wife said that she wished to see her father
and mother again. The young man consented, and decided to
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40 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VllI
accompany her; so she led the way to the ocean, carrying her
child in a case on her back. Arrived at the shore, she continued
straight on into the water, where her husband was at first afraid
to follow her. At length, however, she managed to overcome his
fears, and he went with her, even under the surface of the water.
Things soon began to appear to him much as in the upper world.
After a journey they came to a large village in the midst of a
hard-wood country of wondrous beauty. " My father is chief
here," said the wife, and she led her husband and child to his
wigwam, where they were hospitably received. All kinds of fish
dwelt in the village, and the chief and his wife were themselves
fish below the waist. The chief was the ruler of all the fish.
Our hero and his wife passed some time very pleasantly with the
parents of the latter, but at last he wished to return to earth*
He and his wife had not gone far, however, when they were pur-
sued by an enormous shark, and after a wearisome flight the
wife's strength began to fail her. Then she took off* her case in
which she carried her child and fastened it upon her husband's
back, so that it might be saved. " Do not wait for me," she said,
" but flee yonder," pointing to the sun, ** and you will reach the
shore at the point where we left it. If I am saved I will follow
you." Our hero did as she directed, and when he reached the
shore sat there and waited for a long and weary time, but his
wife never appeared again. At last he knew she must have been
slain by the shark, and so he went sorrowfully home.
Curious enough is the commentary which my Micmac host
attached to this tale. ** When Moses led the children of Israel
through the Red Sea one woman was drowned, and she became
a fish from her waist downward. I think she was the same
woman who was lost in this tale." The Micmacs frequently con-
nect some feature of their legends with a biblical episode which
to our eyes bears little resemblance to the point in question.
The student of Indian mythology will recognize that this tale
of the Water Fairies is but a variant of the Chippewa legend of
the ** Magic Circle in the Prairie." Nevertheless that legend
presents some curious contrasts when compared with the Micmac
version. In the fornier the home of the bride is in the upper
world of the stars instead of in the under world of the sea, and
birds take the place of fishes, but the dancing girls are present
with their game of ball, and the youngest of them is captured
by the hidden hero, etc.
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Jan. 1895] MICMAC CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS 41
Another legend is of the culloo, the most terrible of creatures.
So large was this winged monster that it could dispose of any
animal at a single swallow. It had a huge nest on a very high
cliff, which no man could possibly scale. Thither it would bring
moose and caribou with which to feed its young. One day the
monster captured a man who was hunting moose and carried
him to its nest. It was the custom of the culloo when it reached
home to beat its victims to death on the rocks, so it proceeded to
dispose of the hunter in this manner. But the hunter had kept
hold of his bow and arrow, and when the monster attempted to
destroy him he saved himself by keeping his weapon underneath
him, so that the pressure upon him simply bent the bow. For
some reason the culloo failed to discover this, and after pounding
the hunter against the rock till weary, found to its great amaze-
ment that he was still uninjured ; so it departed in search of other
food, leaving the man in the nest. Soon the hunter began to cut
up pieces of meat with his knife and to feed them to the two
young culloos in the nest. These were so pleased with this novel
method of serving food that on the return of their parent they
interceded for the hunter's life. The request was granted, and
the hunter resided with the culloo family until the members
thereof became quite attached to him. Once there arose a ter-
rible storm, and then the younger culloos crawled under their
parent's wings like chickens under a hen. The hunter went to
the same refuge, and the culloo brooded over them all till the
storm was over. But the man longed to return to his home, so
in devising a means of escape it occurred to him to kill one of
the young culloos, skin it, and try to use its wings for his own
benefit. At once he put the project into execution, but just as
he was adjusting his borrowed plumage the parent culloo re-
turned. The hunter, nothing daunted, quickly managed to adjust
his wings in a sort of half-way fashion, and then jumped off the
cliff. The culloo saw at once what had occurred and angrily
pursued the winged man ; but the man fell uninjured upon the
tree tops, and scrambled to the ground only an instant before the
culloo descended on the same tree. Owing to its immense size,
the culloo could not penetrate below the tops of the trees, and
so our hero was saved. The defeated monster then returned to
its nest, in which there was now only one young bird. That one
will not be big enough to fly until the last day.
6
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42 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
It is easy to see some analogy between this legend and the
mini myth of the Piasa. Newell Glode related it to me imme-
diately after I bad told him about the Piasa, and himself com-
mented on the resemblance.
These last two traditions were selected at random from a col-
lection of thirty or more obtained by me this summer. It is a
good indication of the extent of Micmac legendary lore that of
the many tales related to me all but one or two are new to us,
in spite of the years of research of such able investigators in the
field of Micmac folklore as the late Rev. Dr. Rand, Mr. Leland,
and others. The knowledge of these myths is rapidly disap-
pearing ; but few Micmacs now know anything about them, but
with those few the most insignificant peculiarities in animate
and inanimate nature often suffice to call to mind some new
old story.
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Jan. 1895] THE OLMOS WRITINGS 43
THB \7RITINaS OF PADRE ANDRES DE OLMOS IN THE
LANGUAGES OF MEXICO
BY JAMES C. PILLING
Among the early missionaries who came to New Spain to
teach and convert the natives, one of the earliest and most pro-
lific writers was Padre Andres de Olmos. Born about 1491, he
was a native of the archbishopric of Burgos, in Spain, near Ofia
(miscalled Ocafia by one of his biographers), and was sent to
Olmos, near Valladolid, whence his name. Here, when about
twenty years of age, he entered the university and joined the
order of Franciscans, and distinguished himself as much by his
learning as by his piety. He was sent by the Inquisicion first to
Biscay in company with Bishop Zumdrraga, who went by order
of Charles V, and afterward to Mexico, also with Zum^rraga.
Promoted to the episcopate, and wishing to have for the accom-
plishment of his apostolic labors in the new world an intelligent
and devout assistant, Zumarraga cast his eyes upon Olmos. Full
of zeal and robust, though of medium size, the intrepid Fran-
ciscan answered perfectly the expectations of his superior. He
remained in the new world from 1528 until his death, in 1571.
He became well versed in the languages of the country, particu-
larly those of the Nahuatl, Totonaca, Huasteca, and Tepehuana,
" in which he excelled," says Torquemada, and in each of which
he composed a number of books. He is also said to have been
familiar with the Chichimi, spoken near the Floridian boun-
dary, but I liave found no mention of any work by him in this
dialect.
The ardent missionary traveled through several provinces,
always on foot, over mountains and through forests, exposed to
many privations and dangers. Many times during his forty-
three years of unceasing labor he was threatened with death by
the Indians, but was able to escape, and even succeeded in
making himself loved and admired by them. From very far
they came to hear his sermons, follow his lessons, and give him
evidences of sympathy and gratitude.
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44 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Despite a life of unremitting labor and despite serious infirmi-
ties, Andres de Olmos reached a ripe old age, and died at Tam-
pico the 8th of October, 1571, from the result of an abscess, and
was buried in one of the seven convents which he had founded.
From Simeon's Introduction to the Grammaire Nahuatl, Paris,
1875, 1 quote the, following:
" Olmos had taught Latin at the college of Santa Crux, at Mexico, in
the chair that a Frenchman, Arnaud de Bassace, had been the first to
occupy. He translated first into Spanish the Adversuji omnes hiereseSjlibn
XIV, of the Franciscan Alonzo de Castro, and two letters written by two
rabbis. Then he composed linguistic works on three of the Mexican
idioms and some books of piety in these same idioms.
" The UArte de la Inigua Mexicana forms the object of the present pub-
lication. As for his other works, we like to think that they are not all
lost. In the time of Betancourt ( Teatro mexicana iiienologWy Mexico, 1698,
p. 138) the grammar, vocabulary, Christian doctrine, and the confes-
sional in the Huaxteque tongue were preserved at Ozolocama, near
Tampico.
** There exist a sufficiently large number of grammars of the Mexican
language, printed or manuscript, which the missionaries, for the most
part Spanish, composed at various times to facilitate the conversion of
the Indians by the devout of their order. Many of these have become
extremely rare and sell sometimes at exorbitant prices. We will men-
tion as of the first rank the grammar of the Jesuit Horacio Carochi (Mex-
ico, 1645), the most universally known, and the abridgment of which
another Jesuit, P. Ignacio de Paredes, made in the following century
(1759). Afterward there were various elementary treatises due to the
Fathers Alonso de Molina, Antonio del Rincon, Betancourt, Augustin
Aldama, and others ; but these last works, for depth as for extent, are
far from being equal to the Arte of the Franciscan Andres de Olmos. Fin-
ished in 1547, this work preceded by twenty-five years the gi'ammar of
Alonso de Molina, the most ancient of all those which have been printed.
One may say that Andres de Olmos opened and prepared the way for
grammatical studies in the Nahuatl language.
** After having named the two Spaniards, Francisco Ximenez and
Alonso Rengel, who were the first grammarians in this language, Juan
de Torquemada immediately mentions de Olmos and thus expresses him-
self: * It was he that above all had the gift of languages, because in the
Mexican he composed the most copious and useful Arte of all those that
have been made, and he composed a vocabulary and many other works
which are counted in liis life, and he made the same in the Totonaca
language and in the Guaxteca ; and I understand that he knew other
languages, among them the Chichimecas, because he spent much time
among them.* Further on, in speaking of the Arte de la lengua Mexicana^
the same author adds : * A thing very particular and of much erudition,
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Jan. 1895] THE OLMOS WRITINGS 45
and from it I have profited in knowing the language profoundly and
making it plain to those to whom I have read it.'
" Moreover, it would not be difficult to show that his manuscript has
served the grammarians and lexicographers who came after him, for they
have often given the same rules and the same examples ; but that is not
its only and chief merit. As complete as it is exact, the grammar of
Andres de Olmos recommends itself by its order, clearness, and concise-
ness. The principles are excellent, the choice of examples irreproachable.
As for the method of exposition which he has followed, Olmos, not dar-
ing to repudiate the ideas of his times, proceeded generally according to
the Latin grammar of Antoine de Lebrixa. This assimilation of the
simple and frequently rudimentary forms of the Nahuatl w^ith the more
complex and learned forms of the Latin is, according to us, a capital
fault, common, as for that, to the greater number of works which have
appeared till now upon the ancient languages of the new continent. A
little later, when we shall be permitted to publish [since printed] our
general Mexican grammar, now in preparation, we will develop this im-
portant subject in treating of the particular character of the proposition,
and, by the analysis of the various forms of the Nahuatl language, we
will try to show at what point and under what bearings it differs from
the languages of Europe. For the present we must limit ourselves in
making know^n the book of A. de Olmos.
"One will be astonished, without doubt, that a work of so real a value
should have remained unpublished, and we cannot better explain this
fiact than by referring to the proloejue of the editor. It will be seen tliere
that the printing of this grammar was attempted several times without
success, and that it fell through notably in 1562, in consequence of the
death of an ihustrious protector of Olmos, Francisco de Bustamente, who,
during a voyage to Spain, was charged to solicit the privilege of the king,
Philip II. One will conclude with us that an edition of the grammatic
treatise of Olmos could not have been given to Mexico in 1555, as a state-
ment in the Caadro descriptivo v comparaiivo de laa lenguas indigenas de
Mexico by M. Francisco Pimentel (Mexico, 1862, vol. 1, p. 162) would
make it appear. Thus we print the Arte de la Ungtm Mexicana by the
Franciscan de Olmos as a work, in our opinion, entirely unpublished.
** According to the title of the work itself* and the note which ends
it Olmos composed his grammar when he was superior of the Franciscan
convent established at Hueytalalpan. He was then about 55 years old
and had lived in Mexico twenty years. His varied knowledge in lin-
* A hand other than that of the copyist has written the title on the
first leaf of the copy of the manuscript of this grammar which the Bib-
lioth^ue Nationale possesses. In reproducing it we have been obliged to
rectify it, and particularly to substitute for the supposed name of Fr.
Andres de los Olmos the only recognized and veritable name of Fr.
Andres de Olmos.
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46 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
ji^istics had then been strengthened by long practice in the exercise of a
laborious apostleehip. A mind cultivated and hungry for knowledge, he
made learned researches, and neglected nothing in studying thoroughly
the old land of the Aztecs. Not content with learning what usage and
observation could furnish him each day, he took pains to consult the In-
dians worthy of consideration, through their knowledge or through their
social position. Thus Juan de Torquemada {Manarquia indiana) tells us
that Olmos, during a long sojourn at Tetzcuco, united himself with a noble
old Mexican, remarkable for the extent of his information, and occupied
himself with him in questions of antiquities of very keen interest. The
same writer assures us that Olmos had recorded the substance of these
archeologic conversations in one of his works. His great love for study
still shows itself in the grammar which we are publishing, and it is that
which explains the esteem which it has constantly enjoyed.
"This grammar, in which the author declares he has employed scarcely
any expressions not in general use in Mexico at Tetzcuco or at Tlaxcala,
is divided into three parts.
•* The work terminates with the text of the first of the exhortations or
admonitions which Olmos had collected under the title of 'Platicas que
lo8 senores mexicanos hacian sus hijos.* This bit of Nahuatl literature, to
which the pious Franciscan sometimes added Christian thoughts, is fol-
lowed by a short declaration or imitation in Spanish. We have accom-
panied it by a French translation as literal as possible. One will judge
without doubt that this part of our work has not been the least difficult.
"According to Betancourt, a clever Mexican writer at the end of the
sixteenth century, Juan Baptista had reunited these same discourses with
those of the kings to their vassals under the general title of HuelmetlaioUi,
or antique discourses. A copy of this precious collection, published in
Mexico in 1599, was sold in London some years since."
But little of Olmos' work has been printed — a doubtful Arte
Mexicana, in Mexico in 1555, and a still more doubtful Gramatica
el Lexicon in three of the native languages, in Mexico in 1560 —
titles of which, with authorities, are given below. It was left
for the present generation to give the students of philology the
benefit of his work. From time to time copies of his manu-
scripts were discovered, and from two of them there were com-
posed and printed in Paris in 1875, under the direction of the
Commission Scientifique, a Grammaire Nahuatl,, and in the City
of Mexico in 1885 an Arte Mexicana; full titles and collations of
these are given below.
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Jan. 1895] THE OLMOS WRITINGS 47
But the greatest interest attaches to his manuscripts and copies
of them. As it has been my good fortune to see several of the
more important ones, it is of these I wish principally to speak.
Printed Works.
Arte Mexlcana, 1555 (?).
Arte de la lengua Mexicana. Mexico, 1555.
Title from Beristain's Biblioteca Hispaiio-Aniericano Septen-
trional. The author does not claim in so many words to have seen
the volume, but speaks of it in such manner as to indicate that
he had :
*• This work is dedicated, in Latin letter, very chaste and very learned,
to the Bishop of Tlaxcalla, Dr. D. Fr. Martin de Hojocastro, he being
Comisario-General of New Spain. Torquemada used the work for learn-
ing the idiom and for teaching it to others."
As will be seen below much doubt exists as to whether this
was printed at the early date mentioned. Indeed, it is almost
certain that it was not printed at all.
The learned bibliographer, Sr. Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta,*
in his Apuntes para un catalogo de escritores en lengua indigenas de
America, Mexico, 1866 (p. 153, no. 88), speaks of it as follows :
'* That this Arte (or another by the same author) was printed in Mexico
in the year 1555, 1 have always doubted, and now doubt the more, because
in this manuscript of 1563 nothing is said of its having been printed eight
years before, though the author gives a history of the book. Certain it
is that no one claims to have seen the edition of 1555, and the opinion
favorable to its existence is supported, so far as I know, by but one pas-
sage, not very clear, in the additions to the BibUotheca Unirersa Francis-
cana of Fr. Juan de San Antonio."
Gramatica et Lexicon Mexicana, 1560 (?).
Gramatica et Lexicon Lengua) Mexicanae et Huastecce. Mex-
ico, 1560, 2 vols., 4°.
Title from Clavigero's Stoi^a Antica del Mess^ico, Cesena, 1780.
Vater's Litteratur de Grammatiken, Berlin, 1847, gives it the dates
*This gentleman, among the best of bibliographers and one of my
warmest personal friends, died suddenly at his home at San Cosrae,
Mexico, November 26, 1894.
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48 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VlII
1555, 1560. Adeluna's MithridnteH, Berlin, 1806-1817 (vol. 3, pt.
3, p. 92), gives the title also and adds : Cum Cathecismo, Evan-
geliis, Epistolique Mexicanice, Mexico, 1560, 2 vols., 4^. Neither
Beristain, Briinet, Rich, nor Ternaux-Compans mentions the
work, and it probably never was printed. Sr. Icazbalceta, in
speaking of the work titled next above, adds this note : " Still
less do I believe in the existence of the Arte y Vocabidario de los
lenguas Mexicana, Totonaca y Hitastera, which it is asserted were
printed in Mexico in 1560.
Gi'amviaire Nahuad, 1875.
Grammaire | de | la langue Nahuatl | ou Mexicaine, | com-
post, en 1547, I par lefranciscain Andre deOlmos, | et | publi^e
avec notes, 6claircissements, etc. | Par R4mi Simeon. | [Mono-
gram.] I
Paris I Imprimerie Nationale. | MDCCCLXXV [1875].
Half-tide : Mission scientifique | au Mexique | et dans PAm^-
rique Centrale. | Ouvrage | public par ordre du Ministre de Pln-
struction publique. | Linguistique.
Half-tide: Grammaire | de | la langue Nahuatl | ou Mexicaine.
Half-title verso blank, 1 1. ; half-title verso blank, 1 1. ; title verso
blank, 1 1.; introduction (Paris, February 1, 1875), pp. iii-xv;
half-title (title of the Bib. Nat. copy of the manuscript) verso
blank, 1 1.; heading, "Comienca," etc., p. 3; Epistola nvncvpa-
toria, pp. 3-5 ; Prologo al lector (Bib. Nat. copy), pp. 7-11 ; Pro-
logo al benigno lector (from the Maisonneuve copy), foot-note,
pp. 7-8; text, pp. 9-230; Platica, pp. 23L-264; colophon from
the original manuscript, p. 264 ; Indice, pp. 265-273; corrections,
p. [274], 8°.
In this work the editor has mainly followed the manuscript
copy belonging to the Bibliotheque Nationale because of its con-
formity to the plan adopted by the author. He noted with care,
however, the variations in the Maisonneuve copy, and utilized
the latter as far as his judgment warranted. Such changes are
duly noted.
I have seen copies of this in the following libraries : the Astor,
New York ; Boston Public ; Dr. D. G. Brinton's, Media, Pennsyl-
vania ; British Museum ; J. H. TrumbulPs, Hartford, Connecti-
cut, and in that of Yale College.
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Jan. 1895] THE OLMOS WRITINGS 49
Arte Mexicana^ 1885.
Arte I para aprender | la lengva Mexicana | compvesto | por
Fr. Andrea de Olmos, | gvardian | del Monasterio de Sant Andres
de Sant Francisco de VeitlalpJin en la Provincia de la Totona-
capa I que es en la Nveva Espafia. | Acabose en primero dia de
henero | del alio mil qvinientos y qvarenta y siete afios. | Pub-
licado por Mr. R^mi Simeon. Paris. Iraprenta Nacional. |
MDCCCLXXV [1875]. Reimpreso en Mexico, 1885.
Mexico I Imprenta de Ignacio Escalante, | bajosdeSan Agus-
tin, num. 1, | 1885
Colophon, p. 125. Fue hecha esta arte en Sant Andres conuento
de S. Francisco en Ueytlalhpa, | a gloria de N. S. I. C, afio de su
nacimiento de 1547.
Colophon, p. [126]. Acabose la reimpresion de esta Arte | en
Mexico, en casa de D. Ignacio Escalante, | a 30 de Enero | de
1886.
Portrait of Olmos recto blank, 1 1. ; title verso blank, 1 1. ;
heading, " Comienca," etc., p. 3, followed by the Epistola nvncvpa-
toria, pp. 3-4 ; Prologo al lector (from the Bib. Nat. copy of the
manuscript), pp. 5-7 ; Prologo benigno lector (from the Maison-
neuve manuscript copy), foot-note, pp. 5-6 ; text, pp. 9-125 ;
colophon of 1547, p. 125 ; colophon of 1886, p. 126, 4^. Practi-
cally a reprint of the edition titled next above.
I have seen copies of this in the Astor Library, New York ;
Boston Public Library, the library of Dr. Daniel G. Brinton,
Media, Pennsylvania; British Museum Library; in that of Mr.
Wilberforce Eames, Brooklyn, New York; that of Dr. J. H.
Trumbull, Hartford, Connecticut; in the Yale College Library,
and the one in my own.
Unknown Prints or Manuscripts,
The following titles and notes I take from Beristain's Biblioteca
Hispano-Atnericano Septentrional, where it does not say whether
any were printed or not.
Vocabulario Mexicano.
Tratado de los Pecados Capitales, en Megicano.
Tratado de los Santos Sacramentos, en Megicano.
Tratado de los Sacrilegios, en Megicano.
Arte y Vocabulario de la lengua Totonaco.
7
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50 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIJI
Arte, Vocabulario, Catecismo, Confessionario y Sermone Huax-
tecos.
" In addition to these works, which are given by Torquemada and
Betancourt, and several of which I have seen in the libraries of Mexico,
Leon Pinelo adds: Tratado de las Antiquedades Mej3;icanos."
In the Grammaire, titled above, the following list of Olmos'
writings is given on pages v-vi :
En langue Nahuatl.
1. Arte de la lengua Mexicana.
2. Vocabulario.
3. El juicio final.
4. Platicas que los senores Mexicanos hacian a sus hijos.
5. Libro de los siete sermones.
6. Tratado de los siete pecados mortales y sus hijos.
7. Tratado de los sacramentos.
8. Tratado de los sacrilegios.
En langue Huaxtfeque.
9. Arte de la lengua guaxteca.
10. Vocabulario.
11. Doctrina Christiana.
12. Confessionario.
13. Sermones.
En langue Totonaque.
14. Arte de la lengua Totonaca.
15. Vocabulario.
Sobron's Los Idiomas de la America Latina^ Madrid [1877], says
the Gramatica Megicano, the Vocabulario Megicano-espafiol, the
Arte and Vocabulario Totonaca, and the Arte and Vocabulario
Guaxteca were printed in Mexico. In addition to the works
quoted above, Sobron adds the following :
Doctrina Christiana in Totonaca, in Mexican and in Tepehua.
Vocabulario in Tepehua.
Confessionario en Mexican.
It will be observed that none of the authorities quoted, except
Sobron, give intimation as to whether any of the volumes named
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Jan. 1896] THE OLM08 WRITINGS 51
by them were printed. It 18 almost a certainty none of them
were ; indeed, all the later bibliographers, myself included, have
come definitely to this conclusion.
I come now to existing manuscripts — four copies of the Arte
Mexlcana — which are known, and which are herewith described
in the supposed order of their age.
Manuscripts of the Arte Mexicana.
The Aubin Copy.
Comienca el Arte de la lengua mexicana compuesta por el
Padre Frai Andres de Olmos de la orden de los Frailes menores
dirigida al mui Rodo Padre Fray Martin de Hqjacastro, comis-
sario gral. de la dicha orden en todas las Indias [etc.].
Colophon. — Esta Arte fue hecha en el monesterio de sant
Andres de Ueytlalhpa a gloria de Nro Sefior lesu Cresto, aiio de
8U nacimo de 1547.
** Manuscript, 1 vol. , 184 pages, 4**, bound in parchment. Near the end
of the manuscript one reads [the colophon]. It treats of the Mexican
languages and was published in Mexico in 1555.
* 'According to Mr. Aubin this manuscript grammar by Andres de Olmos
belonged to Las Casas and to Torquemada. There is at the end a long
piece of eloquence. ' It is,* says M. Aubin, *an example of those ad-
mirable exhortations still so pleasing in the translation of Sahagun, de
Ziirita, d*Ixtilzochitl, Torquemada, and others.' *'
The first information we have of the existence of this copy,
supposed to be the oldest, was while it was in the hands of M.
Joseph Marius Alexis Aubin, of Paris, who spent much time in
Mexico, whence on his return to France he brought many old
and rare documents, original and copies, many of the latter
made by himself This material remained in his possession
many years. About 1890 they passed into the hands of M.
Charles E. Eugene Goupil, who proposes to divide the collection
between the Bibliothfeque Nationale and the library of the
Trocadero. Before doing so he had made by M. Eugene Boban
a very extensive catalogue of it, two large quarto volumes of
text, and a third consisting of plates. It is entitled, Documents
pour servir a Vhistoire du Mexique. Catalogue raisonne de M. E.
Engine Goupil (jincienne collection de J. M. A. Aubin) j Paris, 1891.
From this work, vol. 2, p. 496, I have taken the above title, or
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52 THE AMERICA.N ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VllI
rather the beginning of it (which is all that is given) and the
notes. It is regrettable that the author of the Catalogue did not
give a much fuller one and a more detailed description of it.
The Bibliotheque Nationale Copy,
Arte para aprender la lengua Mexicana compiiesta por fr.
andres de los olmos, guardian del monasterio del S. S' fran** de
ueitlalpa en la prouincia de la totonacapa. qs. en la nueba
espafia. acabose en primero dia de henero del ano de mil y qs.
y quarenta y siete anos.
Two blank leaves, 11. 1-119, the text in Spanish, 4^. The leaf
of the title page is followed by a blank one, and on the next the
grammar begins with the following heading :
Comienca el arte de la lengua mexicana compuesta por el
padre fray andres de olmos de la orden de los frailes menores
dirigida al muy Reueredo padre fray martin de hojacastro comis-
sario general de la dicha orden en todas las indias.
Then follows an Epistola nvncupatoria in Latin, and on 1. 6
begins the Prologo al lector, from which it appears that the
grammar was the second that the author had written or a correc-
tion of the first. It reads as follows :
Prologo al lector.
Dos cosae, muy amado lector, me com; 'ieron a poner mano en eeta
pequefia obra : que fueron la caridad y obediencia de mi prelado, por lo
qual no con menos temor que osadia compli este mandamiento deseando
a gloria y honra de N. S. I. G. y salud de las almas destos naturales in-
dios, abrir a sus sieruos, si quiera, una senda: la qual, otro quien el fuere
seruido darle mas lumbre, haga caniino, conociendo a la primera que
hize, fiiltarle mucho en el corte : aunque casi tocase lo principal questa
segunda, a la qual, despues de mucho lo encomendar a Dios, parecio
darle la orden y traca que lleua, considerando y mirando sobre la mesma
materia algo de lo que otros liombres auian escripto por guardar la cos-
tumbre de los escriptores, afiadiendo y quitando, segun que mejor parecio
conuenir, y Dios fue seruido alumbrar : por no yr contra aquel sacro auiso
que dize : tie eniterut pradeniix tux, quia prhtatus spiriius nwm quam per-
nicio8U9 est. Lo qual nos da bien a entender san Pablo que con auer sido
transportado al terccro r' Iq, siendole cometida la predicacion por I. C.
N. S. y confirma*'- ] ^ ; despues de los catorze afios de su predi-
cacion sancta, fue salem (segun la rcuelacion) con Barnaba y Tito a
comunicar y confeuir con los stinctos apostoles el diuino euangelio que
predicaua entre los gentiles. En lo qual no menos da a entender lo del
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Jan. 1895] THE OLMOS WRITINGS 53
sabio que dize : nil facias m\t cotMio. Mayormente en cosa tan ardua
como esta, que es querer poner cimiento sin fundamiento de escriptura en
una tan estrafia lengua y tan abundosa en su manera y intrincada. Pues
81 el sancto apostol, diuinalmente alumbrado y lleno de gracia, acudio a
lo8 viuoB y diuinoa libros que son bus sanctos compafieros, quanto mas
deue acudir do quier que aprouechar se pudiere, el que tal obra, aunque
pequeilita parezea, quiere fundar sin el dicho cimiento de escriptura y
libros de que estos carecian ! A cuya cauea con gran dificultad se colige
y percibe, de lo qual abundan otros escriptores mayormente en el latin,
donde aun cada dia no dexan de hallar, afladir y descobrir cosas, ni se
dexan de aprouechar de los sudores de otros ; no queriendo les priuar de
su loor y galardon, sabiendo y creyendo que cada qual sera segun sus
obras remunerado. Dixe pues senda, o lector, y no camino, por que para
tan gran lengua ne me atreuo dezir que baste del todo, lo mucho que a
algunos parecera yr aqui, ni se marauillen si algo quedare para que ade-
lante otro afiade : quia facile est inueniis addere. Mas querer yo dezir en
breue lo que, para los nueuos y sin maestro, largo tiempo y platica re-
quiere, seria satisfacerme casi como quierendo de lexos ensefiar a alguno
un* camino fragoso sin medianamente especificarle los inconuenientes,
circunstancias y trabajos del. Notorio es del primer corte ningun maestro
cortar bien un sayo, y del segundo apenas ; por lo qual ruego al deuoto
lector que, con la caridad que esto se le ofrece, supla los defectos que en
ello hallare, tryendo tambien a la memoria al apostolico sieruo de Dios,
que con sancto feruor a estas indianas partes pasare por la salud del
proximo tan necesitado, ^s cosas, las quales, a mi ver, le deuen mucho
combidar y animar al estudio desta senda.
La prima, que con esta pequefia luz, a menos costa y trabajo, podra
saber, hazer y exercitar lo qiie^ /iesea.
La segunda, que orando y tmbajando fielmente, y contiento y discrecion
conuersando, ut sit dilectus Deo et hominihus^ sin duda al fin se vera en el
cielo acomjmndo de sus spirituales hijos y de grados de gloria coronado.
Finalmente oso afirmar que qualquier que esta senda seguire sentira, o
sabra mas desta lengua mexioana o tetzcucana en un aiio que yo xx que
ha que viene, por no tener semejante centella de lumbre, ni auer puestoen
ello la diligencia que de poco tiempo aca puse.
Diuidese pues esta arte en tres partes: la primera trata de los nombres
y pronombres y de lo que a ellos j)ertenece.
La segunda la conjugacion, formacion y preteritos y diuersidad de los
verbos.
En la tercera se ponen las partes indeclinables y algo de la orthographia,
con una platica por los naturales compuesta, prouechosa y de buena doc-
trina, con otras maneras de hablar; ansi para o.ue.vean los nueuos como
han de escriuir y distinquir las partes, cpr* ^ • yj^r mas en breue
hablar al natural. Xo hablo en el acento iK)r.se'^ , j vario y no estar ni
dexar siempre las dictiones enteras sino coinpVeijiari,- y porque algunos
vocablos parecen tener algunas vezes dos acentos ; por4o qual lo dexo a
quieu Dios fuere seruido darle mas aniuio para ello, o al uso que lo descu-
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54 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
bra. Y asi como no oeo dezir que no aya falta en esta obra, asi tampoco
080 afirmir, en alguna de las reglas generales que aqui van, dexar de aver
por Ventura alguna eception que al presente no alcan^o, o no me ocuire
a la metnoria. Y si esta arte pareciere larga, deuen considerar que los
nueuos no a cada paso hallaran maestro, y como dize S. Pablo : omnibus
debUores mrmuf, Por lo qual el que no sabe algo desta lengua, y aun el
que algo alcanna, por ventura hallara alguna cosa a su proposito de que
aprouecharse pueda ; porque breuedad y claridad en una tal lengua no
caben. Vale.
In the opinion of Sr. Ramirez the manuscript in the Biblio-
thSque Nationale is a clear copy of the first (Aubin) grammar,
there having been made in it the corrections and additions of
which the author speaks in his prologue.
The work is divided into three parts, which are followed by a
PUiiica and its translation, the whole terminating on 1. 119.
On the verso of 1. 112 are these lines :
Fue hecha esta arte en santandres Conueto de S. fr.* en ueytlalfSa a
gloria de n. s.** ix" afto de en nacimi* de 1547.
After 1. 100 several pages are left blank, presumably for the
transcription of the last one-third of the metaphors, and ancient
expression. There is also a transposition of signatures 15 and
16, whence arises an incorrect numbering from 1. 101 to 116,
the book having been bound perhaps before being numbered.
Squier, in his Monograph of authors xoho have written on the lan-
guages of Central' America, New York, 1861, collates this copy of
the manuscript as 220 pages.
This copy is said to have been purchased in 1665 for the
library of the king from Raphael Trichet du Fresne, a book-
seller.
In the summer of 1886 I had the pleasure of seeing this copy
of the Arte in the BibliothSque Nationale. Unfortunately in
those early days of my bibliographic work I did not appreciate
the importance of describing manuscripts, even the early ones,
which had been printed, and this I knew had been used in part
in the compilation of the Grammaire Nahuatl^ which had been
published in Paris in 1875 ; hence my notes were few and sketchy
and I availed myself of the title and description in Sr. Joaquin
Garcia Icazbalceta's Apimtes, Mexico, 1866 (p. 148, no. 88), who
received the description from Don Jos6 Fernando Ramirez, who
also owned a copy and from the Grammaire NahuaXl of 1875, for
several points of desired information.
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Jan. 1895] THE OLMOS WRITINGS . 55
The Maisoimeuve Copy.
Comienca el arte de la lengua raexicana | compuesta por el
padre fray and res de ol- | mos de la orden de los frayles men ores
di- I rigida al may reueredo padre fray Martin de- | Hojacastro
comissario general de la dicha orde | en todas las Indias y al
pse. obpo. de taxcala.
Manuscript: one unnumbered leaf, 11. i-cxlv, sm. 4°. The
original manuscript is preceded by 2 11., in a handwriting of
the same period, which treat of the manuscript and its author.
On the recto of the first leaf, unnumbered, begins the —
Prologo al benigno lector,
Muchas obras (christiano lector) dexan de salir a luz ser inpressas, no
porque en ellas aya alguna cosa que repre bender, o menospredar, si no
que o el author de ellas (por algun inconneniente) las dexo por acabar o
perfectionar, o porque deapues de acabadas les falto el fauor y solicitud
que se requiera para ser inpressas. De suerte que lo que su utilidad y
prouecho les concede la negligencia o poca ventura lo obscurece y occulta.
Y de ser esto assi, no menos lastima y conpassion causa el zelo y trabajo
de el author perididos que el prouechamiento de que los lectores son de-
fraudados, mas el que en verdadera charidad esta a de suffrir qlialquiera
peesado y recio trabajo por euitar porque el sudor y estudio del proximo
por este deffecto no sea perdido. Pues essa mesma charidad (que todo lo
suffre) le dara virtud y esfuerzo para salir con ello al cabo. Y si en el
Deuteronomio se mandaua y permitia que el hermano leuantasse la
generacion del hermano que moria sin hijos, con juxta razon los que por
charidad y amor estamos coadunados en hermandad, emos de procurar,
de reetaurar la honrra y bien de nuestro hermano, como a generacion
caida y mueria. Vino a mis manos este arte util y necessario para aprender
la lengua de los Indios, el qual (por la mucha <a que auia de arte por
donde esta lengua ce pudiesse aprender) conpuso un padre de la orden de
nuestro Seraphico padre Sanct Francisco, llamado Fr. Andres de Olmos,
fraile cierto de muy buenas prendas' y partes. Y fue le cometido y man-
dado (a este dicho padre) la edicion de este libro por el Reuerendo padre
fray Martin de Hojacastro, que entonces era comissario general en aquel-
las partes y despues succedio en obispo de Thlascala, llamando para este
parecer a otroe muy essenciales frailes de la mesma orden. Conpuesto
pues este libro con mucha fidelidad y cuidado, por la falta de inprentas
que ay alia, y porque murio a aquella conjuntura el impressor, se dexo de
inprimir. Succedio luego en provincial, y despues en comissario el muy
Reuerendo padre fray Francisco de Bustamente, grandissimo theologo y
lector de theologia en Espafia e Indias, y no menos erudite en la lengua
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56 THE AMERICAN ANTHKOPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Indiana. Visto por este padre ser libro muy bueno y necessario procure
con grande desseo de le hazer imprimir, y ofFreciendose le negocios que
tratar con su magestad passo en Espafta y trajo consigo esta Idc] arte y un
bocabulario de la mesma lengua escripto por otro padre de nuestra
sagrada religion. Y estando trando sus negocios murio, cuya muerte fue
causa para que la inpression de los dichos libros ne se solicitasse. Despues
los ube yo no sin pequena ventura loqual me a engendrado ser nuestro
sefior seruido que salgan a luz, que no poco contento me daria. Y lo que
yo puedo dezir (si mi parecer merece ser admittido) es que sera cossa
muy necessaria si inprima y corra, porque (como persona que lo e visto
en algunoB ailos que en las Indias e gastado) muchos predicadores venian
a dezir dispirates y herrores non con malicia, sino con ignorancia y pro-
breza de esta lengua. Y pues es negocio que tan to inporta y modo con
que facilmente se aprendera aquella lengua, digno de reprehension seria
quien no pusiesse calor y estudio para que su utilidad de todos fuesse
participada, tiniendo por bianco a nuestro senor, el qual como a obra
Buya fauorezca, y a todos nos de su gracia para que en todas las cossas
que hizieremos sea nuestro fin y remunerador. Y yo quedo a la correc-
tion de todos como hijo humilde de nuestro Seraphico padre Sanct
Francisco.
This extends to the recto of the second leaf, numbered i, the
verso of which is blank. The third leaf, numbered ii, is headed
as above (Comienca, etc.) on the recto, followed by Prologo al
lector, gothic letter, which is not a copy of the preceding prologo
and which extends to the bottom of the verso of 1. iii ; contents
recto 1. iv, the verso of which is blank ; text in gothic letters,
beginning as follows : Comienca al primero po, 11. v-xxix, con-
taining the first elements, declinations, pronouns, etc.; Division
de la 2d parte, 11. xxx-lxxix, treats of the verbs, their formation
and conjugation ; Comienca la 3d parte en la qual letra, . . .
11. xxx-cx, treats of the different parts of speech, rules of orthog-
raphy, Spanish and Mexican dialogues, etc. Platica q haze el
padre atbyo avisando les amonestando le q se a a buebo, 11. cxj-
cxlv, entirely in Mexican.
This manuscript of Maisonneuve presents some irregularities,
and has the disadvantage in certain accessory parts of being not
entirely as Olmos conceived his work. Thus it includes neither
the dedicatory epistle in Latin, nor the Spanish translation of
the first platica, but it contains the editor's prologue. The pres-
ence of this prologue and the absence of the dedicatory epistle
would seem to prove that this manuscript is of a date later than
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Jan. 1895J THE OLMOS WRITINGS 57
that of the BibliothSque Nationale. The addition which it
carries in the title, "y al pae obpo. de tlaxccday^ confirms that
opinion. Several leaves have on the margin the word nota, which
recalls the project of publication that a Franciscan, whose name
is unknown, had formed subsequent to the death of Olmos.
This manuscript offers, moreover, a series, probably complete, of
the plnticoB or moral exhortations of fathers to their children.
This collection gives it much value, in that this Nahautl text is
difiicult to procure. The manuscript ends with a list of relative
pronouns and by a resum^ in Latin of the formation of preterits.
These two articles, which do not appear to be by Olmos, add
nothing new to the text of the grammar. Several other passages,
very short, perhaps apocryphal, have been preserved.
This copy of the manuscript belonged to the booksellers,
Maisonneuve et Cie, Paris, France. It is catalogued and quite
fully described in Leclerc's Bib. Am,, 18G7, no. 1097. It was pur-
chased by M. Alph. L. Pinart, and at the sale of his collection.
Catalogue de lim-eSy 1883, no. 684, was repurchased by the above-
named firm for 101 francs. In the Pinart catalogue it is de-
scribed but briefly : " Made in Mexico in the middle of the six-
teenth century, gothic characters, 196 pp., on paper."
From the Leclerc catalogue of 1867 I extract these notes :
"This manuscript, which we can say with assurance is unpublished,
although several bibliographers have announced it as having been printed
at Mexico in 1555 (see Eguiara and Ludewig), is one of the most precious
volumes in the Bibliotheca Americana.
" His grammar, which Torquemada cites as a work of great erudition
and which he used to learn Mexican, is of great importance for Mexican
studies.
** In regard to the other works of Padre de Olmos we refer to the follow-
ing authorities: Torquemada, Wading, Antonio, Pinelo, and Eguiara,
who give the list of them. But they certainly have not been printed ; at
any rate these bibliographers do not mention that they had.
" Two leaves in a handwriting of the time, which are found at the be-
ginning of our volume, confirms us in that opinion."
The work is not mentioned in Leclerc's larger catalogue of
1878, but is in his Bib. Am. Supplement, Paris, 1887, no. 340,
where it is priced at 800 francs. When I saw it in 1886 it was
in possession of Maisonneuve frSres et Ch. Leclerc. Whether it
has since been sold, and if so to whom, I do not know.
8
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58 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The Ramirez Copy.
[Arte Mexicano, y Declaracion de la Doctrina.]
Manuscript, 1. 1 [extraneous], 11. 9-94, in a handwriting of
the sixteenth century, 4°.
The following notes I take from Icazbalceta's Apimies (Addi-
ciones y correcciones), p. 150, no. 88 :
** The volume begins with a leaf upon which there is a note, in Mexi-
can, in much more modern characters, and which undoubtedly does not
belong to the original manuscript. The work begins with 1 9, a part of
chapter 5 of the first part ; in addition to 11. 1-8, there are also lacking
11. 13-14; the first part terminates on the verso of 1. 23; 11. 46-47 are
lacking. Between the 48th and 49th there is no leap in the numbering
of the leaves, but there seems to be one in the text. On the verso of the
64th ends the second part, and the beginning of the third. The grammar
ends with three lines on 1. 78, and then continues as follows :
"Declaration de los diez mandamientos en lengua mexicana muy
copiosa en lenguaje y en materia hecha el ano de 1563.
** A [hd'] viente aiXos, o poco mas que hize vna doctrina xpiana en esta
lengua mexicana la qual tiene muchos Religiosos en q puse la declara^io
de los diez mandamientos cada vno dellos en tres putos. . . . Des-
pues aca he entedido y procurado de saber las cosas particulares en que
estes naturales quebrantan cada vno de los mandimentos y por tan to
acorde este afio de 1563 ampriar la dicha declaracion, etc.
** This continues as far as page Isic] 88, occupying the recto and a single
line on the verso.'*
Prologo,
En los principios quando esta gente mexicana comogo a regebir la sficta
comonio hize vna doctrina que contienen las Reglas q en de guardar los
que quieren dignamente llegiirse a la sancta comunio es esta que ua al
principio deste quaderno a cerca de trienta afios q se hizo esta diuulgada
e muchas partes desta nueua Espafia y agora mueuamente la torne a
emendar este afio de 1563.
On the recto of leaf \_8ic] 98 is :
Fin del dialogo. Siguiense las quatro orationt^s para cosolar los efermos.
Actus uera contricionis.
'*The manuscript ends with 9 lines on the verso of 1. 94. The rest of
the page is filled with a paragraph in Mexican, in an entirely different
kind of writing.
*' Inasmuch as this manuscript bears in various places the date of 1563,
we must consider it as later than that in the Biblioth^que Nationale.
Comparing it with the long extract which Sr. Ramirez made from the
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latter copy, the most notable difference is that the one I have in view
lacks the Platica and the reply thereto with which the copy in Paris ends,
this being replacetl by the Declaracion de los mandamerUos.
'* That this Artej or another by the same author, was printed at Mexico
in the year 1555, as some say, is a statement I have always doubted, and
now I doubt it still more, seeing that in this manuscript of 1563 nothing
is said of its having been printed eight years before, whereas the author
does relate the history of his book. One thing is certain, nobody says
that he has sem the edition of 1555, and the opinion favorable to its exist-
ence is based, so far as I know, merely on a passage, not very clear, in
the additions to the Bibliotheca Universa Franciscana of Fr. Juan de San
Antonio."
Sr. Icazbalceta had already given an earlier and shorter de-
scription of this manuscript in the main body of the Apuntes,
Yt. 79, no. 88, where it was classed as anonymous. Subsequent to
this Sr. Ramirez sent him from Paris a long description of the
manuscript in the Bibliothi^que Nationale, which is also given in
the Apnntes, no. 88 (Addiciones y Correcciones, pp. 148-150).
He then entered into this longer description of the Ramirez copy.
In his first account Sr. Icazbalceta has this note after the para-
graph beginning a [Ad] viente aiios, etc. :
** This reference carries us back to 1543. But on the verso of 1. 88 ref-
erence is made to another date still farther back — that is to say, 1532 or
1534, since it says ha cerca de treiiUa aiios. Thus there is no doubt the
manuscript is by some one of the first missionaries."
In the sale catalogue of the collection belonging to Sr. Ramirez,
Bib, Mex., Ix)ndon, 1880, no. 604, this manuscript is titled and
described as follows :
Arte para apprendes la lengua Mexicana.
** Manuscript of the 16th century, 11. 9-94, 4°.
"After the grammar we have five leaves of an exhortation of a father
to his son and his reply and two pages of geographical explanations, the
first in Mexican and the last in Spanish.
" It has unquestionably belonged to one of the first missionaries of
Mexico. . . . Four copies are known to exist of this work — one in
possession of M. Aubin, in Paris ; a second copy is in the National
Library of Paris, a third in possession of Mr. Pinart, and the fourth is
the present copy.
**Thc late Mr. Ramirez had an opportunity of comparing the first two
copies with his own, and, according to his judgment, the oldest copy is
that in possession of Mr. Aubin, the next in date that of the National
Library, and the most modern the present."
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60 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [VoL VIII
In my marked and priced copy of the Ramirez sale catalogue
it is said to have been sold to '* Stevens " for 19/, 15«. I pre-
sume Stevens, the Ix)ndon bookseller, is meant. At all events,
I saw this copy of the Olmos manuscript Arte, or what I then
and now suppose to be the same, in the Bancroft library, San
Francisco, in the spring of 1883. As stated above, I did not then
realize the advantage of describing manuscripts which had been
printed, and hence my notes are not in great detail.
The&e are the four known manuscripts of Olmos' Arte Mexi-
cana. A fifth is mentioned by Simeon in his Introduction to
the Grammaire Nahuall as being in the Bibliothkiue Nationale
de Madrid, the only notice I have seen in regard to it; and if
Beristain were always reliable we could add still another copy,
a sixth, to the list. In his Bihlioteca HtspanchAmericana Septen-
trional he says :
" There is in the library of the Santa Iglesea of Toledo a manuscript of
the Arte y Vocabulario Medcanos of P. Olmos, and the original was seen
by Sr. Egiiiara in the pueblo of Tlanepantla. Betancourt asserts that the
works in Hnasteca are preserved in Ozolvama, a town in Tampico. I have
seen the greater number of the works in Mexican in the library of the
College of San Gregory, in Mexico."
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Jan. 1895] CHINESE ORIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS
61
CHINESE ORIGIN OF PIiAYING CARDS
BY W. H. WILKINSON
The current Chinese term for both dominoes and cards is p^ai
(pronounced " pie," as in Tipperaryj. There is no essential dif-
ference between cards and dominoes in China ; what are known
among foreigners, owing to a superficial resemblance, as " domi-
• •
>ii>
/s
^
*Fia. 1(K).
noes " are used for the most part precisely as we use cards, and
the same game will appear either in the form of a pack of, it may
be, coarsely printed slips of pasteboard or as highly finished
tablets — " dominoes," in short — of ivory and ebony neatly fitted
* The colorhig of the objects illustrated in this paper is represented by
heraldic symbolism, the dotted signifying yellow or gold ; vertical lines,
red ; oblique, green ; horizontal, blue.
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62 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
into a sandalwood box. Where a distinction in language has to
be made, cards of millboard are styled chih p^ai, *' paper p^ai,"
and dominoes ya j/a/ or ku p^ai, '* p*ai of ivory " or " bone."
Literary Chinamen of today will use in writing but not in
speech two other terms, yii-p^u, "slips," and yeh-tzd, *' leaves."
These are the names of two old Chinese gambling games, the
first of which was in vogue as early as the third century of our
era, while the second was at the height of its popularity about
the tenth. Some foreign writers have maintained that both these
games were played with cards. Williams, for instance, in his
Syllabic Dictionary, s. v. p'u, translates the former term by " an
old name for playing cards," while Schlegel, as quoted by van
der Linde * plainly identifies yeh-lzd with the cards of today. If
either of these authorities is correct, playing cards of some kind
can be proved to have been in use in China several centuries
before their appearance in Europe. The records of the Tsin
dynasty, for example, state that a well-known worthy, T*ao K*an
(259-334 A. D.), " flung into the river the winecups and yu-p^u of
his subordinates, remarking, ^Yu-p^u is a game for drovers and
swineherds.' " Yang Kuo-chung, brother of the notorious Yang
Kuei-fei, mistress of the Emperor Ming Huang, played yu-p^u
with the imperial gambler in the palace a. d. 750. In 951
T^ai-tsu, the " High Ancestor " of the Later Chou, assembled his
nobles to play together at this game for '* embroidered rugs and
damask and gauze of sorts." Forty years later yu-p^u was put
under a ban and all players of it threatened with the headsman,
after which the game appears very naturally to have fallen into
desuetude.
lli-j/u, however, pace Dr. Williams, was not a card game.
Originally, so far as we can judge, it was nothing more or less
than the modern poker dice, or something closely resembling it.
Five dice were used, colored black above and white below (or
perhaps having three of the faces black and three white), and
one or more of the black faces was marked with a 2-spot, and
similarly one or more of the white. The highest throw was five
blacks, '* the hound," counting 16 ; the next was ** the cock," two
*Ge8clnchte des Schachspiels, ii, pp. 381, B<iq.
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Jan. 1895] CHINESE ORIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS
63
white 2'8 and three blacks, counting 14. Later on yii-p^u would
seem to have taken a form (while preserving the poker dice) more
akin to backgammon, but in all the notices of it as yet examined
it would be an abuse of language to call it a game of cards.
Before dismissing it, however, it may be worth noting that it is
credited, or rather debited, with a foreign origin. Said the old
1
^
m
J^^%
Fio. 2 (%).
puritan, T'ao K*an, already cited : *' Tu-p^tc is a foreign game, yet
nowadays scholars and officials play it. Can it be that the whole
empire is turning foreign ? "
There was probably more affinity with cards in the case of
yeh-lzd than in that of yu-p^u. Indeed, a native work, of which
the date is yet to seek, the Tan-yen-tsa-lu, declares explicitly
that these *' leaves " " were like the modern pasteboard cards."
Chinese authorities differ as to the derivation of the term. The
most reasonable of them deride the convenient theory that they
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64
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
were called after the name of their inventor (given by others as
Yeh Tz^-ching). One writer, who dates their use from the middle
of the eighth century, explains their origin thus: In the earlier
days of the T*ang dynasty (say the seventh century after Christ),
books were written in the form of scrolls. This was found in-
convenient for purposes of reference, and books with leaver were
substituted for them (the leaves, however, were more like the
tablets in common use in England some few years ago for memo-
randa — that is to say, they were detached or detachable). Among
the books thus made up into tablets were works on dice games.
As these were in constant use for reference, " tablets " or " leaves "
in this way became synonyms for dice, and finally were used in
the place of dice — and thus yeh-tzd grew into cards. The theory
is ingenious and derives considerable support from two circum-
stances : one, the employment to this day in Japan (which ob-
tained all or nearly all its
^e;> ^s^~n i<^iD\
u
oC
amusements from China) of
card games in which the cards
form practically the leaves of a
book of poetry ; the other, the
use throughout western China
of packs in which the cards
represent, much as in our
proverbs, the different words
of some well-known sentiment
or sentence.
Whatever these "leaves"
may have been, the game into
which they entered was ex-
ceedingly fashionable during the last years of the T'ang dynasty
(618-905 A. i>.) and the century following its extinction.
China, on the fall of the Pang, was divided between native
princelings on the south and the K^i-tan Tartars on the
north — the Tartars from whom China got in Europe the name
of Kitai or Cathay. These Tartars took so kindly to the
game of yeh-tzd that one authority declares that **the Kitan
were the first to use the game." He adds, however, that
"its origin is not known." In February, 969, the Tartar
Q
Fio. s (i4).
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Jan. 1895] CHINESE ORIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS
65
Fi«. 4.
prince assembled his lords to a
" tournament of leaves," and in
the following month, says the
chronicler, he was murdered.
Of course tlie moral is pointed :
" Did not evil follow speedily on
the use of these unlucky things?
Will not the scholars and high
officers who now spend their
days over them take warning
thereby? " What is of far more
interest to the western reader,
who does not always share the
Chinese fondness for a moral, is
a scholiast which explains ?/<?/i-te<t
succinctly as ** Sung money " —
that is, coins (or their equivalent)
of the Sung dynasty, of which
more presently.
References to cards under their present name of p^ai are rare
in the encyclopedias. Besides the sentence from the tan-yen-
tsa-lu, already quoted, to the effect that yeh-tzd were similar to
the chlh'p'ai of today, the only passage so far found is that un-
earthed several years ago from the Cheng-tzd-Vung by the late
Abel Remusat, an armchair sinologue of some repute in his time.
This paragraph is alluded to by, among others, Chatto, Merlin,
and " Cavendish." The latter (quoting, though without ac-
knowledgment, from Chatto) wrote in his Card Essays, ** It is
stated in the Chinese Dictionary, Ching tsze tung, compiled by
Eul Koung, and first published A. D. 1678, that the cards now
known as Teen tsze pae, or dotted cards, were invented in the
reign of S'eun-ho, 1120. According to tradition they were de-
vised for the amusement of S'eun-ho's numerous concubines."
In his recent article on cards in the Encyclopedia Britannica
" Cavendish " throws tradition to the winds and boldly fathers
the amusement theory on the dictionary itself. The original,
however, though quaint enough in its way, is provokingly silent
about the concubines ; indeed it is strictly seemly, not to say
sanctimonious, in its tone. A garbled paraphrase is given by
9
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66 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Chatto, but he omits altogether the conchiding and most impor-
tant sentence : " It does riot follow that this class of games orig-
inated in the period Hsiian-ho" [1119-1126]. A more curious
vindication of the tedious maxim about verifying your references
could hardly be imagined. Here we have a passage adduced
again and again by European writers, from Chatto to " Caven-
dish," to prove that Chinese cards " were first invented in the
reign of S'eun-ho," which passage, when carefully examined,
distinctly declares that such a conclusion would be unsound.
It is perfectly clear, indeed, that all that was done or asked for
in 1120 was an imperial decision as to which of several forms or
interpretations of the game now known as T^ien-kia (" Heavens
and Nines ") was to be considered orthodox. The game and the
cards must have been in existence long before. The passage
from the Cheng-tzd-t^ung runs thus (s. v. p'ai) :
*^Also ya p'ai, now the instruments of a game. A common
legend states that in the second year of the Hsiian-ho, in the
Sung dynasty [i. q. 1120 A. d.], a certain official memorialized
the throne, praying that the ya p'ai (ivory cards) might be fixed
as a pack of 32, comprising 127 pips [sic, it should be 227, but
Chinese printers are careless], in order to accord with the ex-
panse of the stars and constellations. The combinatioii * heaven '
[f , f ] consisted of two pieces, containing 24 pips, figures of the
24 solar periods ; ' earth ' [|, \'] also composed two pieces, but
contained 4 pips, the 4 points of the compass — east, west, south,
and north; *man' [J, J] two pieces, containing 16 pips, the
virtues of humanity, benevolence, propriety, and wisdom, four-
fold ; * harmony' [^,^], two pieces of 8 pips, figuring the breath
of harmony, which pervades the eight divisions of the year.
The other combinations had each their names. There were four
players having eight cards apiece for their hand, and the cards
won or lost according as the number of the pips was less or
more, the winner being rewarded with counters. In the time of
Kao-tsung [1127-1163] pattern packs were issued by imperial
edict. They are now known throughout the empire as Ku p'ai,
* bone p*ai ; ' but it does not follow that this class of games,
po-sai, Ko-wu, and the rest originated in the reign Hsiian-ho."
Ko-tou bore some analogy to gobang, po-sai was a form of
backgammon. The classing together of these with the Ku p'ai
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Jan. 1895] CHINESE ORIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS
67
Fig. 5 (full size).
curiously resembles the method of Professor Hoffmann in his
Encj'^clopsedia of Card and Table
Games, where dominoes figure
among the latter. Whatever may
be said of English dominoes, Chi-
nese " dominoes " are, however,
most certainly cards, more partic-
ularly in the game of Tienkin,
here described.
Cards basing their symbols on dice exist in many different
forms throughout China, and it is possible with their aid to trace
the gradual evolution of these playthings from knucklebones
through dice and dominoes. As, however, these cannot be shown
to have directly influenced the form of European cards, nothing
further need be said about them here.
It is indeed to yehtzci rather than to the ya pa'i that we must
look not only for the origin of most Chinese paper cards, but for
that of European playing cards as well ; and the modest scholi-
ast already quoted gives the clue when he explains yehtzd by
'' Sung money." Of all the Chinese varieties, and they are many,
no one kind is so uniformly distributed or so universally pop-
ular as that described by Chatto under the style of T^eea-wan
che-pae,^ Illustrations of these are given by Breitkopf (whom
Singer copies), Chatto, Taylor (and his original, Boiteau), and
Willshire ; and portions of a pack are contained in the British
Museum in a box numbered by Willshire O. C. 293. Perfect
specimens, obtained from Peking, Tientsin, Chunking, Kiuki^ng,
Shansi, Honan, Wenchow, Canton, and other parts of China,
appeared as Nos. 1 to 17 in a collection of Chinese cards which
Mr. Stewart Culin did me the honor to exhibit at the World's
Fair last year.f Of the descriptions heretofore given of this class
of cards, that by Chatto is the most accurate ; that by Willshire
the most absurd. They are known in central China by the
name of kun p*a?, staff or baton cards, or ma chioh, '* hempen
birds." A set contains thirty pieces, namely, the ace, 2, 3, 4, 5,
6, 7. 8, 9 of three suits, now commonly called ping, tiao, and wan
*See Chatto: Facts and Speculations on the Origin and History of
Playing Cards, 1848.
t Now in the Collection of Games in the Museum of Archa3ology of the
University of Pennsylvania.
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68
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VIII
(" cakes," " strings," " myriads "), and three separate cards,
" whiteflovver," " redflower," and ch^ien wan, " a thousand myri-
ads " — usually styled " old thousand." The game as sold con-
sists, as a rule, of four of these sets or packets, with two, five, or
six loose cards, known as " golds," '' flyers," or " butterflies."
The use of these " golds " is precisely similar to that of mistigris
in poker or the braggers in the parent game, Hoyle's brag — that
is to say, they can stand for and take the place of any desired
card. They have, however, no vital connection with the game,
which may be, and often is, played without them. No speci-
mens other than those at the World's Fair have so far found
their way into west-
ern cabinets ; none
certainly have been
described by Euro-
pean writers. As a
rule, they are five in
number and carry
portraits and em-
blems representing
the '' Five Blessings,"
Luck, Promotion,
Longevity, Posterity,
Wealth ; but they frequently take other forms. Sometimes they
are ordinary cards, just as quinola, the knave of hearts, might,
as Cavendish puts it, ^' be made any card or suit " at one of the
oldest of European games, primero. In this latter case, how-
ever, they are distinguished by a blot of gilt or pther token.
The suit of pi/ir/, " cakes," was originally and properly that of
ch'ieu " sapecks " or '* cash ; " the " strings " are strings of one
thousand cash, the ** myriads " are myriads of cash. Every one
knows the sapeck of China, a round coin of brass and co))per,
with a square hole in its center. It is as a rule very badly cast,
and it is worth just now about y^^th of a cent. This coin, then,
is the unit of the kan p'ai In fact, the cards of a kan p'ai pack are
or originally were bank notes, for which and ivUh tvhich the gamblers
played. It may be objected that, according to Mayers, bank notes
" were invented in China in 1265 ; " but Vissering* has pointed
* Chinese Currency, Leyden, 1877.
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Jan. 18951 CHINESE ORIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS
69
Fig. 8 (K).
out from Ma Tuan-lin the antiquary (oh. 1325) that Tai-tsu of
the Sung (a. d. 960-976) revived the old system of flying cash
used under the Pang dynasty " (618-905), the '' flying cash "
being paper money or bank notes. In Vissering's monograph
is given an illustration of a note of the Ming dynasty (1368-
1644) and a still earlier one of the Yuan (1280-1367)
has been recently purchased for the British Mu-
seum. If any one will examine either of these he
will find upon them illustrations of strings of cash
the exact counterpart of which appears in the suit of
tiao of the kan p^ai packs. Assuming, then, and the
assumption seems sound, that the kunp^ni cards were
originally bank notes, the question remains, How did
these bank-note cards come to affect, if they did affect,
the cards of Europe? The question was anticipated
by Singer Q' Researches," 1816) :
The grotesque appearance of the figures on modern European court
cards bears no small degree of resemblance to some representations of the
human form in the more rude and early attempts of the Chinese at de-
picting it. This resemblance has been frequently remarked, but has
never, we believe, led to the enquiry whether it was probable that the
Europeans obtained the knowledge of cards from thence. As it is certain
that they practiced the art of engraving on wood many centuries before
it was known in Europe, and as the European card-makers are considered
by some to have first introduced that art, a conjecture might be hazarded
that they obtained both cards and the means of multiplying ^them from
China by means of some of the early adventurers who, for purposes of
commerce, are known to have reached that country as early as the 12th
century. Zani says, he adds in a foot-note, ** the Abb^ Tressan showed
him when he was at Paris a pack of Chinese cards and told him that a
Venetian was the first who brought cards from China to Venice, and that
city \va.s the fii*st place in Euroi>e where they were known." . . . This
traveller could have been no other than Niccolo Polo, who, with his
brother Mattoo, returned from China about 12()9, or else the celebrated
Marco Polo. . . . Still both the printed text and the various MSS.
make no mention of such an occurrence.
That Marco Polo, while speaking, as he does, of the paper
money of the Great Khan, should have been silent about his
playing cards proves little, for to Polo they would not necessarily
be as interesting as to Singer or to Chatto. Nevertheless he may
well have brought a pack from China with a hundred other trifles
of too little value to catalogue in his book. Nor does Merlin's
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70
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. vni
m
objection to the small size of the Chinese cards as compared with
the earliest specimens in Europe affect the argument. Even at
the present day the cards of western China are far larger than
^ ^ those of Canton (the petits
I \ C^ — T^ (/rmoimof Merlin), and may
well in the Polos' time have
been broader still. The nar-
rowness of the modern Can-
tonese cards is due to the
prevailing fashion of holding
them in the clenched fist and
not spread out fanwise.
The coincidences, indeed,
between the first European
packs and the Chinese han
pf'ai are too numerous to be
accidental. The earliest suit-
marks in Europe, those of
Italy and Spain, w^ere spade
(espadas), '* swords ; " coppe
(copas),*' cups;'' (/mari(oros),
*• money," and hastone (bas-
tos), *' clubs." Spanish ])acks,
remarked Vives (ob. 1541),
had no 10-spot (Singer, p. 37).
The first coat cards were the
King, Cavalier, and Servant —
Rey, Caballo, Soto. Early
Il]uropean packs contained emblematic cards, the naibis, inde-
pendent of the rest. In the first games knowMi the cards were
used much as in commerce or poker now — to form flushes,
sequences, or triplets. Now, if we turn to the hui p'ai we find
that the leading principle of the games played with them is the
same as that in the old Italian Frusso or Primero, while at the
same time, like the Tarocchi, the kun p^at packs usually include
a number of emblematic cards curiously suggestive of the naitis.
(Of this more presently.) No Chinese pack contains a ten, the
reason for which is clear if we take the cards to have been bank
notes, but altogether absent if we call them *' cups " and "' clubs ; "
for let us suppose that the suit of cabh represented notes ranging
m
:^
m
Fio. 9 (full size)
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Jan. 1895] CHINESE ORIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS 71
in value from one hundred sapecks to nine liundred (as was
probably the case, since notes for a single sapeck or for nine
sapecks would be ludicrously small) ; the suits of strings and
myriads on the face of them represent notes for one thousand to
nine thousand and for ten thousand to ninety thousand cash
respectively. We then have a decimal series of hundreds, thou-
sands, myriads, and a ten of strings would be clearly superfluous,
since its place is already taken by an ace of myriads, ten thou-
sands being equal to one ten-thousand.
There is reason, then, in the Chinese suit names, but abso-
lutely none in the European. An attempt has been made to
explain the Spanish and Italian suits as emblematic of the four
classes of society, clubs standing for peasants ; mone}' for trades-
men ; swords for the nobility, and cups for the clergy ; or, again,
as symbols, respectively, of fortitude, charity, justice, and faith.
All this is obviously fantastic, whereas if we admit that the first
European cards were copied from a Chinese kun p'ai pack (or
from a still more remarkable one, to be presently described, the
lieh chih)j then everything becomes clear. Rey and Soto find
their prototypes in " Old Thousand " and " Redflower," while
Caballo represents " Whiteflower," which, Breitkopf observes,
" often bears the figure of a horse." (It is, in fact, a --rr^
stag, but that Breitkopf took it for a hoi-se makes it
easy to understand that his predecessors, Marco Polo's
Venetian friends, should have done the same.) There
are three non-numeral cards in the kun p'ai pack; there
were three non-numeral cards in those of medieval
Europe. Here, again, there is reason in the Chinese
game; none in the European. In the Chinese game,
which, it should be observed, Messrs. Goodall have
lately brought out in English dress under the name of
'^ Khanhoo," the cards are brought together in com- ^^^^^
binations of three (suggested probably by the number '*'-^®^*^'
of the numeral cards, 3x3x3), and hence, whatever the Red-
flower, Whiteflower, and Old Thousand may originally have
been, their mimber was necessarily fixed at three. (In some
Kun p^ai packs these coat cards, as we should regard them, bear
other names, as Wang Ying, Lin Chang, Wu Sung, and Prince
of Mao, taken from an old romance of the Robin Hood typo, tlie
Shui-hn chuan. Whiteflower, again, is sometimes *' Sprayflower "
or " White Ash.")
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VllI
But no such reasonable explanation can be given of the re-
striction of European coat cards to three, whether we call them
King, Queen, and Knave, or Rey, Caballo, and Soto ; nor is it
obvious, however natural it may appear to us now, why the coat
cards should be superior to the numeral cards. When we re-
member that the proper name of Old Thousand is " a thousand
myriads," or, as we should say, " the thousand of myriads," it
1
i
ii'
M.
Fio. n (full size).
is clear that it must necessarily be superior to all numeral cards,
the highest of which is the nine of myriads, for a note for ten
millions of sapecks must (or at any rate should) be more valu-
able than one for ninety thousand. The circumstance, too, that
one of the original Chinese coat cards should seem to have a
special connection with one of the original numeral suits would
explain how a set of coat cards came to be attached in Europe
to each suit. It is highly probable, moreover, that Whiteflower
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Jan. 1895] CHINESE ORIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS
73
and Redflower were originally marked Ten Myriads and Hun-
dred Myriads, for in a lok pack (a- variety of lieh chih) from Tapu,
near Swatow, cards marked ** sprayflower," " hundred myriads,"
" thousand myriads," and '' myriad myriads " are found in ad-
dition to the numeral suits. ('' Sprayflower," as we have seen,
is another name for ** Whiteflower.") This, then, would explain
why one coat card should be considered in Europe superior to
another, as the Rey to the Caballo, and not its coordinate, as in
"Khanhoo." Lieh chih, "waste paper," indeed, throws much
light not only on points like these, but also on the remaining
difficulty — the fact that the Chinese game has three suits, while
the early, like the modern, European has four. The normal lieh
chih pack consists of thirty-six cards in four suits, arranged thus
when the number of players is three :
lakhs: '' hundred sons," 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2.
rouleaux: 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1.
strings: 9,8,7,6,5,4,3, 2, 1.
cash : ace of cash, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2.
With four players two addi-
tional cards. Prince of Mao and
Stagflower, are used and rank as
the two highest cash, while the
order of the numeral cards in that
suit is reversed. In the lok pack
just referred to the place of Stag-
flower is taken by Sprayflower, a
further proof of the identity of
both with Whiteflower.
Now, in the kun p^ai game, of
which '' Khanhoo" is a faithful Fig. is m.
copy, the suits are coordinate to one another ; no one suit is
superior to any other. There is, indeed, no reason why any suit
should be superior or any card as the game is now played, for the
cards do not take one another, but serve, as in poker or com-
merce, to form certain combinations. In lieh chih, on the con-
trary, the cards do take one another, and in the very significant
order given above — that is to say, the 5 of lakhs (500,000 cash)
takes the 4 of lakhs and the 1 of rouleaux (10,000 cash) the 9 of
strings (9,000 cash). In the case of two of the suits we find the
ace counting before the nine, as in so many European games.
10
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VIII
The reason for this is to be found in the bin p^ai packs, where
aces are valuable because of their mobility (the feature is copied
into " Khanhoo ") and because they enter into so many combi-
nations, index or "squeezes" marks are met with in most
Chinese packs, and it is often the case that the aces are honored
with the same index mark as Whiteflower, Redflower, and Old
Thousand, which three, indeed, are sometimes spoken of as yao,
" aces." In Ueh chih " Lin Chung " and " Wang Uing " are
frequently substituted for " Prince of Mao " and " Stagflower,"
just as we have seen that in certain kun p'ai packs " Prince of
Fig. 14 (K).
Mao " and " Wang Uing " are occasionally substituted for Red-
flower. There can be no question, indeed, that both lieh chih
and kun p^ai have the same origin. In the absence of detailed
information of early Chinese games it is impossible to say which
of the two more nearly represents the j)rimitive form. It is al-
lowable, however, to assume from Ueh chih that the parent game,
packs of which found their way westward in the 13th century,
had four suits of *.) cards each, and from kun pUii that it pos-
sessed besides three coat cards.
Says Willshire (p. 833): "It is probable that in the perfect
sequence there are 5 suits of 9 pieces each suit, the marks of
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Jan. 1895] CHINESE OKIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS 75
which are bags, money, batons or bows, swords, and a fifth mark
not satisfactorily demonstrable." This conjecture, erroneous as
it is, in one way serves a most useful purpose, because it shows
what view a European who knew nothing whatever about them
would be apt to take of the suit marks of these Chinese games,
for Willshire is describing a complete lieh chih pack in the British
Museum (O. C. 251). If Willshire in 1878 took the lieh chih
suits to be money, bags, batons, and swords, is it surprising if
the Italians of 1278 — if that is when they first saw them — took
these same suits to be money, cups, swords, and batons ? As
regards the suit of cakes or cash, indeed it would require very
little imagination to hit upon its meaning. Chatto himself says
" the mark of the suit of" what he calls " Nines Cakes is nearly
the same as that of the old Italian danariy This writer else-
where observes, *' in the 16th century it appears that in Italy the
suit of basloni, * clubs,' was also called colonne, columns, . . .
merely .because the club or mace bore some resemblance to a
slender pillar." Take a number of kun p'ai packs and submit
them to various persons who are ignorant of their meaning and
it will be found that among the interpretations given to the suit
of strings those of " swords," " bamboos," " batons," and " pillars '»
will be the most common, particularly if the ace or the two is
the first card shown.
But what of the " cups," the copas or coppe ? It is precisely
this suit-mark, so altogether inexplicable on any other reasoning,
that affords the best proof that the early European cards were
derived firom the kun p^ai or lieh chih of China. Take the first
three — the ace, 2, 3 — of the myriads :
5 X ^ ^ ^-
Plainly these are the i, ii, iii of rl . But unless you know Chi-
nese — which would tell you that this character is the abbreviated
form of the hieroglyph for wan, " ten thousand " — you would be
at a loss to understand it until you turned it upside down. This,
being ex hypothesi one of Marco Polo's Venetian friends, you
would naturally do, because you would be in the habit of read-
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76 THE AMERICAN ANTIIROrOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
ing from left to right and not, as the Chinese do, from right to left.
Having once turned the hieroglyph round, no great effort 1/
of imagination would be rei^uired to see in it the cup. J^
The game of Tarocco as played in Italy at the present time is
a suggestive compound of the two national card games of China —
^an/it^CKhanhoo), played with the kan p^ai,and t'ienkiu, played
with the " dominoes " — described in the passage from the Cheng
tzd tang already translated. The Tarocco pack consists of 22
tarots, numbered from to xxi, and of four suits of 14 cards
each, namely, the King, Queen, Cavalier, Page, 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4,
^, 2, 1 of Money,;Swords, Cups, and Clubs. The order of the
numeral cards varies with the suit, much as in four-hand lieh
chih — that is to say, in Swords and Clubs the 10 ranks highest,
the ace lowest, while the reverse is the case in Cups and Money.
In lieh chih the natural order is preserved in Rouleaux and
Strings (the prototypes of Swords and Clubs), the 9 ranking
above the 8 and the 2 above the ace, while in Cash (the Italian
Money) the ace ranks first and the 9 last. The deal in Tarocco,
as in so many Italian and Spanish games, passes round '* nidder-
shins," the way the sun does not go, precisely as in all Chinese
card games. The dealer deals 19 cards to each player and leaves
a stock of 2 cards, which the players successively make use of
by exchange to better their hands, much as the stock is used at
K'nnhu. Having done this, the players then announce any se-
quences they may have.'obtained. In making up these sequences
the lowest tarot, (iZ matto, the fool — the joker, in short), is given
the privileges of the Chinese ''golds " — that is, it can take the
place of any required card. So far the principle of ICanhu has
been followed. The suit-marks are, as we have seen, the K^anhu
suit-marks. There is the stock drawn on by exchange, the em-
blematic joker, and the scoring seciuence. But after the announce-
ments the game proceeds as in whist, and the cards take one
another just as they do at lieh chih and t^ieakla. The tarots act
as trumps to the other suits, and by a peculiar rule if the lowest
of these, not zero — that is, tarot i, it bcgatto — ^takes the last trick
it scores double points.
What these tarots were originally has puzzled all writers on
cards, nor has any one, so far as I am aware, ever attempted to
account for their number, 22. Yet it is exceedingly probable
that in them we have the set of twenty-one natural dominoes which
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Jan. 1895] CHINESE ORIGIN OF PLAYING CARDS
77
forms the base of nearly all Chinese card games that derive their
marks fiom dice. A domino is, of course, nothing but a pair of
dice placed side by side (whence the mark across its face), and
the number of possible combinations of two dice is f:|^, or 21.
In the game of t^lenk'm these dominoes still remain as dominoes,
of wood, bamboo, or bone ; but in many derived games they
appear as pasteboard. In others, such as hua ho, " flower-match-
FiG. 15 (full size).
ing " (the original of the Japanese hana awase, praised, rightly
but ignorantly, by Sir E. Arnold), they may be had in either
form ; but wherever they enter the number 21 is always present.
Take, for example, hiia ho. Here we have the 21 dominoes in
three forms : (a) plain, (6) illuminated, (c) doubled ; three of
the first, two of the second, and one each of the third — in all,
126 cards, or six times 21, together with a varying number of
blanks, which serve as jokers. (Portions of a hui ho pack in the
British Museum are described, with more than his usual extra v-
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78 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
agance, by Willshire, 0. C. 296, 297.) Moreover, each of the
different combinations, f, }, f, |, and so on, has its name and
fanciful signification, as " heaven,'* " earth," " man," " the trin-
ity ; " and as this nomenclature is thoroughly Chinese, there is
no real reason to disbelieve, with Merlin, in the tradition given
in the Cheng tzd tung. Further, at i^ienkm the lowest card (the ^,
for the \ ranks second) is allowed, when it takes the last trick,
to score double, just as il begatto at Tarocco.
Is it unreasonable to believe', then, that in the 21 natural domi-
noes, the base of so many Chinese card games, we have the origin
of the 22 tarots ? The Chinese dominoes have their emblematic
names, just as the tarots have, and in their pasteboard form con-
stantly are ornamented besides with full-length figures of men
and women.
But it will of course be urged, Why are there 22 tarots, then,
and not 21 ? What, however, is the 22d ? It is zero, a blank, and
its use is to serve as a "joker." But at hxia ho there are, besides
the 21 so-called "doubles," a number (usually three) of blank
cards, which are used exactly as il matto is used. If we assume
that the Polos, father or son, brought home with them a hua ho
pack and a tan hu pack, with directions, rendered somewhat
vague by travel, of how to use them, and that their Venetian
friends combined these into a single pack, we have an explana-
tion of the tarots and the tarocco game that is at least coherent.
The 21 doubles — the most striking of the set — with their full-
length figures and emblematic names, would furnish the tarots,
the blank (the joker) becoming il malto, while from the tan hy,
game (the kan p^ai) would come, as we have seen, the money
and the swords, the clubs and the cups. The 10 spot and the
queen would be Italian innovations, born of the same ignorance
which has added a blank to our European dominoes.
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Jan. 1895] COLONEL GARRICK MALLERY, TJ. S. A. 79
COLONBL GARRICK MALLBR7, U. 8. A.
American anthropology has sustained a great loss in the death
of Colonel Mallery, who died after a short illness, at his resi-
dence on N street, in this city, October 24, in the sixty-third
year of his age.
Garrick Mallery was born in Wilkes Barr6, Pennsylvania. His
father, Judge Mallery. was a distinguished jurist and a man of
cultivated tastes. Young Mallery graduated at Yale College,
and after a due course of study under his father's direction he
began the practice of law in Philadelphia.
At the outbreak of the war he entered the volunteer service
as captain in the Seventy-eighth Pennsylvania Infantry. He
received two very severe wounds at the battle of Peach Orchard,
Virginia, in 1862 ; was captured while lying on the battlefield
and sent to Libby Prison, in Richmond. After a while he was
exchanged and sent home, and upon recovering from his wounds
he returned to duty and became lieutenant-colonel of the Thir-
teenth Pennsylvania Cavalry. In 1866 Mallery received a
commission in the regular army as captain of the Forty-third
United States Infantry, and was retired in 1879 in consequence
of disability resulting from the wounds received in battle.
At an early period of his army experience at frontier posts
Colonel Mallery (the brevet rank of colonel had been bestowed
upon him for gallant services) began to take an interest in the
customs of the Indian tribes with which he came in contact.
He was especially struck with the extent of their sign language
and pictographs, and, following up this particular subject of
research during his subsequent connection with the Bureau of
Ethnology, he brought out from time to time reports of the
progress of his work. He made many f>ersonal investij^^a^tions.
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80 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST . [Vol. VIII
and an extensive correspondence furnished him with an im-
mense collection of data and drawings. The result of these
researches was embodied in the work, " Picture-writing of the
American Indians," which appeared in the Tenth Annual Re-
port of the Bureau of Ethnology. It consists of 822 pages of
text, in folio shape, with 1,290 illustrations. Colonel Mallery
had the satisfaction of seeing this monument of his industry and
ingenious research published in 1894, but a philosophical sum-
mary of the results of this vast accumulation of facts upon which
he had entered was left uncompleted at his death.
In addition to his ethnological work, Colonel Mallery was the
author of many addresses and essays, all characterized by a
philosophical vein of thought and much critical acumen. He
was known to his intimate friends as a man of large scholarly
attainments, and who had a generous acquaintance with the
literature of his own and other tongues. To those friends he
was greatly endeared by his genial manner, kindness of heart,
and high bred courtesy. He was a graceful writer, with the
clearness and simplicity of style which belongs to the well-read
man. This was the result partly of early education, and perhaps
of inherent good taste, but he gave much study to the subject of
style in composition. Its application to scientific writings was
the theme of his address before the Philosophical Society on
retiring from its presidency.
Colonel Mallery was one of the founders of the Anthropological
Society of Washington, its president, and for many years an
active and zealous member of its Council. In the Philosophical
Society, the parent of all the scientific societies now existing in
this city, he was an efficient member and its president in 1888.
He will be long remembered with affection by his many friends,
and his scientific work is original and of permanent value.
RoBKRT Fletcher.
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Jan. 1895] BOOK NOTICES 81
BOOK NOTICB8
Statistics of the Negroes in the United States, By He)\ry Gannett^
of the United States Geological Survey, Published by the Dmstees
of the John F, Slater Fund in " Occasional Papers,^^ No. If.,
In a prefatory notice to this monograph the trustees say:
" Such varied statements are made in the pulpit and press, on
the platform, and in conversation respecting the condition of
the negro population that it seemed desirable to publish an au-
thoritative paper on the subject. * * * It is hoped that the
study of this paper will contribute to the understanding of many
problems in education, morals, and politics."
This study of the movement of the negro population by Mr.
Gannett is, as all who know him might premise, conscientious,
elaborate, and painstaking, and will stand as a valuable con-
tribution to the general history of the African in the United
States.
It appears that the number of blacks in proportion to the
whites in our population has, contrary to an impression which
has prevailed in some quarters, decidedly but gradually de-
clined since 1790, when the first reliable data were obtained, at
which time the relative proportions of the population were 80.73
per cent, white to 19.27 per cent, black
It is now (1894), upon the basis of an estimated population of
61,000,000 whites and 8,000,000 blacks, 88.41 per cent, white to
11.59 per cent, black.
Put in another form, the blacks in 1790 numbered nearly one-
fifth of the whole population, and in 1894 considerably less than
one-eighth. In only two of the eleven censuses taken has the
ratio of blacks statistically increased, namely, in 1810 and in
1880. I find that the average rate of increase by decades in the
white population from 1790 to 1860 was 35.74 per cent. ; in the
black, 28.85 per cent.
" It may be said," remarks Mr. Gannett, " that this diminish-
ing rate of increase in the blacks is due to the enormous immi-
gration of whites ; but it can be shown that the greatest increase
11
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82 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
of the whites has not been dependent upon immigration, since
their rate of increase was greater than the blacks before immi-
gration set in."
This decadence is more likely due to bad sanitary, hygienic,
and, in the North, climatic conditions. In the *' black belt" the
one-room cabin is almost universal, and is not only a sanitary
but a serious moral menace to the community.
jMr. Gannett remarks that "these figures and the conclusion
necessarily derived from them should set at rest forever all fears
regarding any possible conflict of the races."
I am not aware that any such fears have ever had serious ex-
istence, excepting perhaps in the South for a short time at the
beginning of the civil war, and certainly no fears as to the result
of such a conflict could have ever been reasonably entertained
at any time in the country at large. Conflicts are always pos-
sible, but not always probable.
We have to thank Mr. Gannett for giving a final quietus to
the much-preached theory that the negro when left to himself and
having perfect freedom of movement would, despite his racial
inclinations, drift to the North, where his environment is erro-
neously supposed to be more friendly.
The census of 1890 shows the center of the negro population,
which was in 1880 in latitude 34° 42' and longitude 84° 58', or
in the northwestern corner of Georgia, not far from Dalton, to
be in that year ( 1890) nearly five degrees, or more than 300 miles,
to the south of it, the longitude being nearly the same.
** In the cotton States " the proportion of negroes has in nearly
all cases increased until a very recent time; indeed, in two or
three of them it has increased up to the time of the last census,
while in most of them the only diminution in the proportion
has occurred during the last ten years.
All this shows, in the most unmistakable way, a general south-
ward migration of the race.
^' The former slave States in which the negroes have decreased
are Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri and
secondarily in Tennessee and North Carolina. There are also
areas of decrease in Texas and small areas in other States, but
these are of little importance in comparison with the great areas
of the border States in which the number of negroes has actually
diminished. On the other hand, the most rapid increase of the
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Jan. 1895] BOOK NOTICES 83
race has been in the southern and southwestern parts of the
r^on under consideration, and the heaviest increase is south of
the 8o-caUed * black belt.' "
The preference of the negro for the higher temperature of the
South is more emphatically shown by the census bulletin No.
199 than by these statements of Mr. Gannett.
It appears that of the 7,470,040 persons of African descent in
the United States in 1890, 90.26 per cent, were living south of
the forty-first parallel and in the North Atlantic census division,
comprising the States of New England, New York, New Jersey,
and Pennsylvania, for which the negro is supposed to have a
special predilection, we find but 3.61 per cent.
The negro's liking for high temperatures would seem to be in
the ratio of the purity of his blood. Of course, the census re-
turns of the number of persons of negro and white blood in the
various degrees of mixture can at best be but approximately
correct, but the results are generally supported by our observa-
tion.
These returns as given show that of the whole purely African
or n^ro population in, the United States nearly 92 per cent, are
south of the forty-first parallel, and of the mulattoes, in the
various degrees of blood mixture, but about 81 + per cent, are in
that r^on.
As regards the distribution and density of the negro popula-
tion nearly all the Northern and Western States, with scarcely an
exception, have less than four negroes to the square mile and
many less than one, while in Louisiana, Mississippi, and South
Carolina more than half the people are negroes, and in South
Carolina three out of every five are of that race.
The census of 1890 also forcibly shows us that the negro is
not to be excepted in the general drift of population to the cities
which is going on all over the world.
Mr. Gannett estimates that in 1860 but 4.2 per cent, of the
negroes of the slave States were in cities of 8,000 or more inhab-
itants ; in 1870, 8.5 per cent. ; in 1890, 12 per cent. — a ratio of in-
crease much greater than that of the whites in the same period.
The negro is unquestionably gregarious, as Mr. Gannett sug-
gests, but it is very doubtful if it is the principal factor in this
movement. . It is more likely to be found in the difliculty he
has experienced in obtaining a livelihood from the soil because
of his ignorance and extravagant methods.
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84 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
To keep him in the country and upon the land to which by
his habits, character, and training he is best fitted, he should be
industrially educated in better methods of agriculture. Until
this is done the movement will go rapidly on.
Precisely the same drift from the farms to the cities, and re-
sulting from similar causes, is shown in Massachusetts, although
our race is by no means so gregarious.
" In 1790, when the first census was taken, the great mass of
the people were well scattered over the State, on farms and in
towns of less than 2,500 people— frugal, industrious, well-to-do
.(for those days), and contented."*
Boston was then the only town in the State with over 8,000
population, representing 4.7 per cent, of that of the entire State-
In 1885 66 4 per cent., or nearly seven-tenths of its population,
were in cities of 8,000 inhabitants and over.
In the country at large in 1790, 3.33 per cent, of its population
were in cities ; in 1800, 3.90 per cent. ; in 1880, 22.5 per cent. ; in
1890, over 29 per cent. ; "and while our total population in the
year 1890 was but sixteen times as great as in 1790, our urban
population had become one hundred and thirty-nine times as
great."
In England, in 1801, one-third of its population was in towns ;
in 1881 two-thirds lived in towns. In Norway, in 1801, 9 per
cent, lived in towns ; in 1888, 22 per cent. In Germany and
France the same movement is going on.
In his remarks upon the educational statistics Mr. Gannett
appears to give too much importance to the enrollment of the
negro school population. '' The true test of the application of
our school system is not found in the * enrollment,' but in the
proportion of children of school age, educable children, who
attend school, to the whole number of such children," f and the
relation between " enrollment " and " education " is of very un-
certain value.
The average percentage of colored children of school age
" enrolled " in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South
Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia is 47 per cent., but of
these only 60 4- per cent, attend school. Put in another form, of
the 2,000,000 colored children of school age in the District of
* Editorial, Springfield (Ma.s.^i-husett8) Republican.
t Article on ** Educational Status of the Negro." A. C. S. Bulletin No. 5.
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Jan. 1895] BOOK NOTICES 85
Columbia and these States, but about 1,000,000 are enrolled, and
only 625,000 attend school, leaving 1,375,000, or 68.75 per cent.,
of the whole colored school population out of school. Of the
2,000,000 whites in the same States of school age, 60 per cent, re-
main out of school — not a flattering exhibit for either race.
With the movement and distribution of the population and
the *' illiteracy and education " of the negro we leave behind the
valuable and principal part of Mr. Gannett's paper and pass
from the realm of the approximately known to that of the nebu-
lous and the comparatively unknown.
The " conjugal condition " of the negroes manifestly belongs in
the latter category, and his criminality is but partially known.
The demand of Congress for the conjugal condition, the mor-
tality and pauperism of the country, it is impossible completely
to satisfy. This is especially the case in the statistics of mor-
tality and of the conjugal condition, for the simple reason that
in many of the States there is no general law requiring the regis-
tration of births, marriages, and deaths and no authentic records
are available. In the States where there is no general law it is
true that most of the cities require some sort of registration. In
other States there is a general law governing marriages, but not
requiring the registration of births and deaths. In others the
registration is voluntary and erratic.
A remarkable instance of the folly and failure of voluntary
registration occurred in one of the leading Southern States a few
years since, where an examination of the annual report of the
State board of health to the legislature revealed the surprising
statement that in two counties having respectively over 30,0000
and 25,000 inhabitants there were but 74 and 14 deaths respect-
ively during the year.
In the States and cities having proper laws there is a frequent
failure by physicians and clergymen to report — a failure which
should be corrected by a sufficient penalty. In some instances
the neglect has been so great as to cause the partial abandon-
ment of registration and its confinement to deaths only.
A public registration of births, marriages, and deaths was
established by the Massachusetts Colony in 1639. As a result
of that wise provision Massachusetts is now one of the very few
States in the Union in which the increase or decrease of human
viability can be even approximately determined during fifty
years.
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86 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
It is scarcely necessary to draw attention to the fact that in
the rural population of the " black belt " it is impossible by any
ordinary means to enforce a registration law, and the actual
death, marriage, or birth rate of such populations is now alto-
gether a matter of conjecture. Any attempted comparison of
negro and white pauperism is equally valueless unless founded
upon house-to-house visitation and not confined to paupers
maintained in alms-houses, as in the present census, ^* In the
South but little provision is made in the form of alms-houses
for poor relief."
The actuaUand growing criminality of the country is a sad
history, and its sadness is heightened by the thought that a race
which has been mainly dependent upon us for its education and
guidance should have a criminal record nearly four times as bad
as our own, and further by the fact that, as bad as the record is,
it is still far from complete, and that the criminality of both
races must be considered as but partially known,
George R. Stetson.
Tlie Human Bones in the Hemenway Collection in the United States
Army Medical Museum at Washington. By Dr, Washington
Matiheics, Surgeon United States Ai^ny, with Observations on the
Ilyoid Bones of the Collection by Dr. J. L. Wortman. Proceed-
ings National Academy of Sciences, vol. vi.
('om pared with the elaborate studies that have been made
by Broca, Virchow, and other European scholars, the labors of
Americans in the somatological realm of anthropology have been
slight. The work before us will, however, go far to redeem the
reputation of our own scientists, since it is one of the most ex-
haustive examinations of a small group of skeletons that has
ever appeared.
This group is distinctively American and of a most interest-
ing character, being a collection of some fifty-seven skeletons,
together with a large number of fragments of skeletons, consti-
tuting the remains of an ancient people that formerly inhabited
the valley of the Salado river, a tributary of the Gila, in south-
western Arizona.
The exploration of the valley and exhumation of the remains
was conducted at first by Mr. F. H. Gushing aided afterward by
Drs. J. L. Wortman and Herman F. C. ten Kate.. The bones
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Jan. 1895] BOOK NOTICES 87
were extremely fragile and had to he handled with the greatest
are to prevent their crumbling. Not a vestige of hair or of any
kind of woven fabric was found with them, and this, together
with the fact that the early Spanish explorers make no mention
of any cities in this region, argues a great antiquity for the
remains. They probably date from a period long anterior to
the Spanish conquest, possibly 2,000 years ago.
The excavations show that the people lived in cities quite
similar to those inhabited by the Zufiis at the present day ; that
they had an extensive system of irrigating canals, and that they
understood the art of making and decorating pottery. Their
priestly rites and orders appear to have been similar to those of
existing tribes. Figurines found in the excavations, as well as
certain pictographs on neighboring rocks, indicate that they
were acquainted with some animal allied to the vicuna, and that
they used the bolas for capturing it. These suggest affinities
with South American Indians.
The skulls belonging to these interesting remains are remark-
. ably brachycephalic, the average cranial index taken from
forty-eight of them being 88.47, which is larger than that of any
existing race, the Alieuts (86.5) and the Apaches (85.6)
being nearest. Most of the skulls are flattened in the occipital
region, indicating that the children were strapped upon a rigid
board, as is customary with many modem Indians. This has
probably increased the brachycephalism to some degree. The
same cause probably contributed somewhat to the peculiar
dome-shaped character of the skulls, some of them being almost
scaphocephalous.
The condition of the skulls was such that in but eight cases
could their capacities be measured. These averaged but l,313cc.,
being about that of ancient Peruvian skulls, less than that of
the existing Indian tribes, and much below modern Europeans.
Among existing peoples they rank with Bushmen, Australians,
and Andaman Islanders. The sex could not be accurately de-
termined, and it is therefore possible that these were mostly
female skulls, which would, of course, be under the average for
the race. Dr. Matthews suggests that the capacity ot the skulls
may depend upon the bodily stature, which was apparently
low. Judging from the lengths of the femora reported in Dr.
Matthews' tables, and using Rollett's formula for calculating
height, the average of these individuals was 1.54 meters, or a
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88 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
little over five feet. In this respect they were on a par with the
Papuans, Malays, and Veddahs of Ceylon, surpassing somewhat
the Bushmen and Andaman Islanders.
There are other resemblances between these skulls and those
of the ancient Peruvians. The interparietal bone, which is
formed by the persistence of the fetal suture between the car-
tilaginous and membranous portions of the occipital bone, and
from its frequent occurrence in Peruvian skulls has been called
the *' Inca bone," is found with surprising frequency, not less
than 18 per cent, of the 88 occipitals examined possessing it.
It seems doubtful whether the form called the " apical " bone,
in which a separate ossification resembling a Wormian is found
at the apex of the occipital, can be correctly considered as an
interparietal. The teeth in their tendency to caries and the
small proportion of tritubercular second molars show Peruvian
characters.
The hyoid bones found are remarkable in the lack of union
between the cornua and the body. The matter has already
been discussed in this journal. The numerous quotations cited
by Dr. Wortman seem to us to prove that the hyoid has been
but little studied, and that anatomists, like the rest of mankind,
are prone to the ovine habit of jumj)ing the fences of fact in
imitation of their comrades. The series of bones cited by Dr.
Wortman are insufficient for any well-grounded conclusions.
The cornua of the hyoid certainly do often remain ununited
late in life, as the writer has often verified. It is necessary to
protest against the tacit assumption made by Dr. Wortman in
Fig. 42, in which he shows a hyoid of great depth of body
and labels it "Anterior and posterior views of negro hyoid."
The text shows that this is abnormal, but taken by itself
the reader would suppose that the negro hyoid was decidedly
ape-like. A considerable experience has convinced the writer
that anomalies of a simian character are found quite as fre-
quently in the Caucasian as in the African.
The angle of torsion of the humerus, indicating, according to
some anthropologists, the outward twist of the arm necessary for
advanced tool-using capacity, was found surprisingly great, be-
ing nearly equal to that of modern P]uropeans. It has been sug-
gested that as this angle increases the inclination between the
trochlear surface and the shaft of the humerus necessarilv
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Jan. 1895] BOOK NOTICES 89
changes, and it is to be regretted that Dr. Matthews did not tab-
ulate this in each case.
Perforation of the olecranon fossa was found in a great pro-
portion of the bones. This has already been discussed in this
journal by Dr. D. S. Lamb. The suggestion that it was due to
natural causes, such as the pressure occasioned by grinding corn^
is ingenious and plausible, but needs to be confirmed by obser-
vations on other peoples who have this habit. The anatomical
configurations due to occupation are by no means well under-
stood.
We are greatly impressed with the thoroughness and care with
which this investigation has been conducted, and it is greatly to
be regretted that the author had not a larger series of skeletons
of our indigenous tribes with which comparisons could be made.
While there seems to be considerable foundation for Dr. Brin-
ton's view, expressed in the last number of the Anthropologist,
that the peculiarities of these bones are due mainly to the habits
and food conditions of the people, yet it cannot escape the notice
of the thoughtful naturalist that it is by precisely such influences
that marked varieties and species of animals are believed to origi-
nate. What is an evanescent character today may by inherit-
ance become persistent. Frank Baker.
Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary
of the Smithsonian Institution, 1889-^90. By J, W. Powell, Di-
rector, Washington, Government Printing Office, 1891^, Roy,
8°, xlvii, 553 pp.; pis, and figs.
The Bureau of Ethnology has been zealously endeavoring to
fix in distinct record all the accessible evidences of the Indian's
work upon this continent before the white man came.
The volume named is among the most important of its issues
containing, in addition to Director Powell's statement of the work
of the year, a number of valuable scientific papers upon special
lines of investigation.
The first paper, 157 pages, is that of Mrs. Matilda Coxe Steven-
son, who has had a rare opportunity and has used it well. She
accompanied her husband on explorations in the west, entering
heartily into the spirit of his studies, which she has continued
since his death. She has been welcomed as a sympathizing
friend in the homes of Indian women, and has had a view of
12
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90 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
their domestic life which no man could have. The Spaniard
with his horse could not crirsh out the people whose social and
ceremonial customs she describes, but before the popular notion
that all Indians were roving, without settled homes or agriculture,
is overcome the Anglo-Saxon with the steam engine will have
obliterated them. The poor people of the little pueblo of Sia
have been reduced to a paltry hundred, but Mrs. Stevenson has
caught their story from the old people, and she publishes it
while there is yet opportunity to cross-question a few of the per-
sonal and material witnesses. The stories in which the animals
take on human attributes illustrate the community of mental
action in mankind. Esop's fables, Grimm's tales, Uncle Remus,
and the Sia animal myths have much of a common quality.
The last statement applies also to kindred stories told by
Lucien M. Turner in a hundred pages devoted to ethnology of
the Ungava district, Hudson Bay Territory. This paper is the
plain story of the life of Indians and Eskimo adjacent to the
northern part of Labrador, popularly supposed to be utter deso-
lation. A few hundred of these people maintain themselves in
such relative prosperity that the Hudson Bay Fur Company
finds it profitable to keep a post among them. The life of Arctic
people in the United States is so perverted that it is no longer a
promising field for original studies. These Ungava people have
been modified somewhat by trading with whites, but the general
story of their present lives represents the power they have de-
veloped in a severely adverse climate. They are not in such
immediate danger of obliteration as the Sia, but Mr. Turner's
work will grow more valuable for preservation as changes pre-
vent its duplication.
James Owen Dorsey is well known for his linguistic work,
from which his two-hundred-page study of Siouian cults is but
a partial variation. This paper is especially devoted to religious
beliefs and ceremonials.
All these authors have personal acquaintance with the people
they describe and are witnesses of the things they have seen.
The bibliographic lists of Messrs. Mallery and Dorsey are im-
portant.
The papers are profusely illustrated. In the interest of truth
they are ready for the tests of candid criticism, which ought to
be prompt that it in turn may be tested before the last witnesses
disappear. James H. Blodgett.
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Jan. 1895] NOTES AND NEWS 91
NOTB8 AND NEWS
Tkcumseh's Name. — As to their origin, the personal names in
use among the Shawnee or Shawano Indians are either nick-
names, pet names, or totemic names. This class of names is
very significative, for by their interpretation may be discovered
the totemic clan to which the person bearing the name belongs.
The number of Shawnee totem -clans is not very large, but of
great interest, through the fact that they are all named after
classes of animals, as '' round-footed,'* " hoofed " or " split-footed,"
" living in the air," " inhabiting the ground," and others. When
a man is named " Tight-fitting " or " Good-fit," he is known to
be of the clan of the rabbit, for the fur of that animal fits very
closely. A woman called ** Foaming Water " will be found to
belong to the turtle totem-clan, for when the turtle crosses the
water bubbles arise around its pathway.
The name of chief Tecumseh (in Shawnee Tekdmthi or Tkam-
thi) is derived from nila ni tkanidthka, ** I cross the path or way "
(of an animate being). By this is meant that the name belongs
to a totem of one of the round-footed animals, as that of the
raccoon, jaguar, panther, or wildcat, and not to the hoofed ones,
as the deer. Tecumseh and his brothers belonged to the inaneiuid
msirpessi or *' miraculous panther " totem ; 77m means great ;
peshiwi, abbreviated pesai^ cat ; both terms combined signify the
panther or mountain lion.
Tecumseh 's name has been variously translated in former
times as *' panther-lying-in-wait," " crouching lion," and " shoot-
ing-star." All these only paraphrase the meaning, but do not ac-
curately translate or interpret the name. The adjective manetutvi,
when it qualifies the noun msi-pessi as an epithet, points to a
miraculous, unaccountable, even transcendental existence, and
the whole must be rendered by *' celestial lion," which is a meteor
or shooting-star. The manetuwi msi-pessi lives in water only and
is not visible as an animal, but only as a meteor, exceeding in
size and brilliancy all the other shooting-stars. It was the to-
temic emblem of a Shawnee clan, and the members of this clan,
to which Tecumseh or Tkamthi belonged, were consequently
classed as the descendants of a round- or claw-footed progenitor.
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92 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The quick motion of a meteor was evidently likened to that
of a lion or wildcat springing upon its prey, and the yellow color
of both may have made the comparison more efifective. All over
America the natives suppose these celestial bodies to be the souls
of the dead, and as they travel mainly in a westerly direction
they are believed to return to their western abode. In the west
lies the Pacific ocean ; therefore the tribes west of the Rocky
mountains think the souls are returning to that great aquatic
world. To all primitive peoples the home of the deceased lies
in the west, for there set the celestial bodies which represent
souls of departed ones. A. S. Gatschet.
Tarahumari Runners. — These runners show a remarkable
endurance. An Indian has been known to carry a letter from
Guazapares to Chihuahua and back again in five days, the dis-
tance being nearly eight hundred miles. In some parts where
the Tarahumaris serve the Mexicans they are used to run in the
wild horses, driving them into the corral. It may take them
two or three days to do it, sleeping at night and living on a little
pinole. They bring in the horses thoroughly exhausted, while
they themselves are still fresh. They will outrun any horse if
you give them time enough. They will pursue deer in the snow
or with dogs in the rain for days and days, until at last the
animal is cornered and shot with arrows or falls an easy prey
from sheer exhaustion, its hoofs dropping off. — Tarahumari Life
and Ciiatovfis, by Dr. Carl Lwnholtz, in the September Scribnei\
The Pal^ontographioal Society op Australasia ha>s just
been organized " to collect, illustrate, and place on record ex-
amples of all systems of old-time written characters, whetlier in
the form of pictograms, symbolisms, or phonograms, as also
representations of the various mnemonic aids to memory used
by so many savage and barbarous peoples." Its work will em-
brace all countries and all known systems of written language.
The cooperation of ethnological and archeological institutions
throughout the world is invited. Dr. A. Carroll, Kogarah, Syd-
ney, N. S. W., or Mr. Elsdon Bert, Wellington, New Zealand,
will furnish all information. F. W. Hodge,
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Jan. 1895] NOTES AND NEWS 93
Ethnography ob^ the Aran Islands. — Professor N. C. Had-
don and Dr. C. R. Browne, of Dublin, have recently prepared
for the Royal Irish Academy an exhaustive study of the Aran
islands, intended as the first of a series of studies in Irish eth-
nography. These islands, which lie in the mouth of Galway
bay, about twenty-eight miles west of Galway harbor, are three
barren masses of limestone rock, thickly strewn with large, ice-
worn, erratic bowlders of granite and sandstone from Conne-
mara. The total population is nearly 3,000. The inhabitants
of an island do not marry outside of it ; consequently little new
blood is introduced, and there is considerable facial resemblance
among the natives. They are well made, of good stature, with
gray or blue eyes, and usually dark-brown hair. The general
facial type has been described as an exaggeration of the Gaelic.
The authors made a large number of anthropometric measure-
ments, which are given, together with typical photographs. The
data thus collected lead them to dissent from the opinion that
the Aranites are descendants of the Firbolgs, a small, swarthy,
dark-haired people, held to be of Thracian origin. The chief
antiquities of the islands are well known pre-Christian duns or
forts. Cloghans or beehive stone huts are common. Primitive
customs and beliefs abound. The skin of the seal is used as
a preventive against gout and colic. The belief in the evil eye
is almost universal. Stone anchors are still in use and querns
have been employed until quite recently. — Geog, Jour., Lond.,
1894, P' 59,
Mortuary Customs in New Hebrides. — In Malekula a sort of
mummy is made, of which specimens were brought to the ship
at Port Sandwich by a white trader, who had procured them in
exchange for a rifle at the conclusion of a " sing-sing " in the
neighborhood. They are said to be the effigies of the chief
whose skull (the only portion retained of all his remains) forms
the head. This is plastered with mud, to represent a living face,
and a body of bamboo, twigs, and mud, highly colored in black,
white, red, and purple stripes, fonns the figure. All ** mummies "
seem to be decorated with a similar design, and it is possible
that they represent the body as laid out for burial. A small
one — perhaps personating a baby — has its head founded on a
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94 THE AMEKICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
small cocoanut,and others have no body, but only a stick thrust
into the hole through which the spinal cord passes. On each
shoulder is moulded a highly conventional face, looking to right
and left respectively, and in each hand is a pig's lower jaw with
tushes. Smaller, highly conventional heads on sticks, with
feathers stuck in where the ears should be, and ornamented with
pigs' tushes, were also brought to us by the same trader, the
'^ tambu " having been removed off them. We were given to
understand that they were held in the hand while dancing. —
SomervUle, in Jour, Anthrop. Inst. G, B. and Ird.^ xxiii, p, 892^ 1894,
Poisoned Arrows op the Akas. — The Akas are one of the
so-called Lohitic tribes of the Asam valley, occupying inde-
pendent hill territory to the north of the Brahmaputra. They
poison their arrows for warfare as well as for large game, and
such arrows proved deadly to most of the Sepoys wounded by
them in the expedition sent against the tribe some years ago.
Several of the arrows were sent to me for examination while I
was acting professor of chemistry at Calcutta some years ago.
From its physiological effects the poison was evidently aconite,
and the roots from which the poison was alleged to have been
derived undoubtedly belonged to a species of Aconitum. The
arrow-heads are mostly made of bamboo, but a few are of iron.
The shafts are usually of bamboo. Some of the heads are made
up of pieces dovetailed and tied together with cane in such a
way that dragging on the arrow when it has reached its quarry
only pulls out the stem, and the barbs separate more deeply
into the wound. The surface of the heads are scored so as to
form valvular crevices for the poisonous extract which is smeared
over them. — Waddell in Jounud of the Anthropologlcid Institute ,
London, A iigust, 1894, P- ^7'.
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Jan. 1895]
ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
95
A QUARTERLT BIBLIOaRAPH7 OF ANTHROPOLOQIC
LITERATURE
COMPILED BY ROBERT FLETCHER, M. D.
Boas (Franz). The half-blood In-
dian ; an anthropometric study.
New York, 1894, D. Appleton,
11pp. 8°. [/2eprMi//rom; Pop.
Sc. Month.]
Brine (Lindesay). Travels amongst
the American Indians, their an-
cient earthworks and temples, in-
cluding a journey in Guatemala,
Mexico, and Yucatan. New York,
1894, C. Scribner's Sons, 16 +
429 pp. 8**.
Calderwood (H.) Evolution and
man's place m nature. London,
1894, Macmillan. 8°.
Dallemagne ( J.) IMg6n^r6s et d^se-
guilibr^s. BraxeTles, 1894, H.
Lamertin, 667 pp. 8°.
Dwight (T. ) Methods of estimat-
ing the height from parts of the
skeleton. New York, 1894, 16 pp.
12°. [Reprint from : Med. Rec.,
N.Y.]
Qori (Guglielmo) i Enrico Perabo.
Studio sulPorecchio e Tudito nei
criminali. Perugia, 1894, Bon-
compagni, 46 pp. 8°.
Haeckel (Ernest). Monoism as
connecting religion and science ;
translated by J. Gilchrist. New
York, 1894, Macmillan & Co.,
117 pp. 16^
HoKar (Alfred). Der Geschlechts-
trieb. Eine social medicinische
Studie. Stuttgart, 1894, F. Enke,
160 pp. 8^
Hirach (William). Genie und Ent-
artung. Eine psychologische
Studie. Mit einem Vorwort von
E. Mendel. Berlin u. Leipzig,
1894, O. Coblentz, 340 pp. 8°.
Hodge (F. W. ) List of the publi-
cations of the Bureau of Eth-
nology, with index to authors and
subjects. Washington, 1894, Gov't
Print. Office, 1 p. 1., 25 pp. 8°
Holmes (William Henry) . An an-
cient quarry in Indian Territory.
Washington, 1894, Gov't Print.
Office, 19 pp., 12 pL
KoUmann (J.) und Leop. Rtlti-
meyer. Bericht uber die ethno-
graphische Sammlung der Uni-
versitat Basel. Nach dem Bestand
im Jahr 1894. 1. Hfl. Basel &
Leipzig, 1894, C. Sallmann, 44
pp. 8^
Kurtz (Herm.) Adam u. die men-
schliche Urheimath. Eine an-
thropolog. Skizze. Hannover,
1894, F. Rehtmeyer, 45 pp. 8°.
Lebon (Louis) . De Th^r^dit^ de la
long^vit^. Nancy, 1894, 56 pp.
4°.
Lombroso (Cesare). Neuere Fort-
schritte in den Verbreoherstu-
dien. Autorisierte Uebersetzung
aus dem Italienischen von Hans
Merian. Leipzig, 1894, W. Fried-
rich, 488 pp., 2 pi. 8°.
Lammis (C. F.) The man who mar-
ried the moon, and other Pueblo
Indian folk-stories. New York,
1894, The Century Co., 8 + 239 pp.
12°.
Mallet (A.) La station pr^histo-
rique d'Ygrande (AUier). Mou-
lins, 1894, Auclaire, 12 pp. 8°.
Mantegazza (Paul). Die Physio-
logic der Wonne. Vollstiiridige
deutsche Ausgabe iibersetzt von
A. Wildung. Berlin u. Leipzig,
1894, J. Guadenfeld & Co. , 536 pp.
12°.
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96
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VIII
Mason (Otis Tuflon). Woman's
share in primitive culture. New
York, 1894, D. Appleton & Co.
12°.
M^gret (Adolphe). fetude de men-
surations sur I'homme pr^his-
torique. Antliropom<^trie. Men-
surations d'un squelette pr6his-
torique nouvellement d^couvert
dans la grotte de Menton (dite
Barma Grande) le 12 Janvier 1894.
Nice, 1894, 16 pp., 2 pi. 8°.
Meyer (G. ) La liberty et le d^^t^r-
minisme dans leurs rapports avec
la th^orie de revolution, fitude
critique par. . . . Bruxelles,
1894, H. Lamertin, 55 pp. 8°.
Orchansky (Isaac). [Positivism
and Comtism.] St. Petersburg,
1894, S. Dobrodieff, 153 pp. 8°.
Patten (Simon N. ) The failure of
biologic sociology. [ Philadelphia,
1894], 63-91 pp. 8°.
Riggs (Stephen Return). Dakota
grammar, texts, and ethnog-
raphy; edited by James Owen
Dorsey. Washington, 1893, Gov't
Print. Office, xxxii, 1-239 pp. 4°.
[Rep. Bur. Ethnol.]
Sarol^a (Charles). La liberte et le
d^terminisme dans leurs rappoiia
avec la th^orie de revolution.
Bruxelles, 1894, Weissenbruch,
175 pp. 8°.
Smith (Harlan I.) Caches of the
Saginaw Valley,Michigan. [ Frojn:
Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Sc, xlii, 1894.]
4 pp. 8°.
Allen (H.) The changes which
take place in the skull, coincident
with shortening of the face-axis.
Proc. Acad. Nat. Sc, Phila , 1894,
181-183. — American versions of the
ballad of the elfin knight. J. Am.
Folk-Lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1894, vii,
228-232.— Ardu Onnia (E. ) Crani
umanie della " Magenta " del Museo
d*anatomiacomparata della R. Uni-
versittl di Torino. Arch, per I'an-
trop., Firenze, 1894, xxiv, 47-69.—
Aahmead lA. S.) Leprosy in
America before the advent of the
Spaniards and the negroes. J. Am.
M. Ass., Chicago, 1894, xxiii, 847-
849. — B ( A. ) Caserio devant la cour
d'assises du Rh6ne. Arch, d'an-
throp. crim., Lyon et Par., 1894, ix,
568 587.— Bailey (E. H. S.) The
delicacy of the sense of taste among
Indians. [Abstr.] Proc. Am. Ass.
Adv. Sc., 1893, Salem, 1894, xlii, 31 1.
— BaU (M. V.) Vital statistics of
the negro. Med. News, Phila., 1894,
Ixv, 392.— Balzan (L.) Un po'piil
di luce suUa distribuzione di alcune
tribCl indij^ene della parte centrale
deir America meridionale. Arch,
per I'antrop., Firenze, 1894, xxiv,
17-29, 1 map.- Batchelor (S. • The
mimicrv of hereditv. New World,
Bost., 1894, iii, 735^757.— Boal (R.)
Emasculation and ovariotomy as a
penalty for crime and the reforma-
tion of criminals. Tr. Illinois M.
Soc, Chicago, 1894, xliv, 5:^-543. —
Boaa (F.) Notes on the Eskimo of
Port Clarence, Alaska. J. Am. Folk-
Lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1894, vii, 205-
208.— Bolton (Henrietta I.) Curi-
ous relics of English ftmerals. Ibid.f
233-236.— Bordier (A.) Uh^r6dit^ ;
m(5canisme; theories. Rev. mens, de
r^cole d'anthrop. de Par., 1894, iv,
313-328.— Brewer (W. H. ) The in-
stinctive interest of children in bear
and wolf stories. [Abstr.] Proc.
Am. Ass. Adv. Sc, Siilem, 1894, xlii,
309-31 1. -Brinton (D. G ) Varia-
tions in the human skeleton and
their causes. Am. Anthrop., Wash ,
1894, vii, 377-388. The
" nation " as an element in anthro-
pologv. Rep. Smithson. Inst., 1893,
Wash., 181H, 589-600. -Bryce (J.)
The migrations of the races of men
considered historicallv. Ibid., 567-
588. — Buckman ( S. S*. ) Babies and
monkevs. Nineteenth Cent., N.
York [Lond.], 1894, xxxvi, 727-743.
Abo, Pop. Sc. Month., N. Y., 1894-5,
xlvi, 37 1-388. -Carthaua (E. ) Die
Karhof-IIohle im Honne-Thal,
Weatfalen. Nachr. u. deutsche Al-
terthumsf , Berl., 1894, v, 70-72.—
Chamberlain (A. F.) A Kootenay
legend : the coyote and the moun-
tain-spirit. J. Am. Folk-Lore, Bo.st.
& N. Y'., 1894, vii, 195.— Chapin (H.
D.) A plan of infantile meiisure-
ments. Med. Rec, N. Y., 18^H,
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Jan. 1895]
ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
97
xlvi,649-651.— Cole(P.McA.) New
England funerals. J. Am. Folk-
Lore, Best. & N. Y., 1894, vii, 217-
223.— Crawley (A. E.) Sexual ta-
boo : a study in the relations of the
sexes. J. Anthrop. Inst., Lond.,
1894-5, xxiv, 116 125.-Cri8Uani
(A.) Le ernie ed il loro significato
antropologico negli alienati di
mente. Arch, di psichiat., etc.,
Torino, 1894, xv, 401-407.— Dana
(C. L. ) On the new use of some
older sciences ; being a discourse on
degeneration and its stigmata. Med.
Rec., N. Y., 1894, xlvi, 737-741.—
Danielli [ I. ) Contributo alio studio
del tatiiaggio negli antichi peru-
viani. Arch, per Tan trop., Firenze,
1894, xxiv, 105-115, 4 pi.— De Blaaio
(A.) La letteratura e le belle arti
nelle career! di Napoli. Arch, di
psichiat., etc., Torino, 1894, xv, 346-
358.— Delafoase. Note sur une
figure du Dahom^ repr^sentant une
femme enceinte, Anthropologie,
Par., 1894, v, 571-575.— Del Oreco
(F. ) n delinquente paranoico omi-
ciida. Scuola positiva, Roma, 1894,
iv, 248-269.— faieseldorff (E. P.)
Ueber ein beraaltes Thongefass mit
figurlichen Darstellungen aus einem
Grabe von Chamd. Verhandl. d.
Berl. anthrop. Gesellsch., Berl., 1894,
xxvi, 372-377, 1 pi. — Diettrich
(G.) L' enfant criminel-n^; ^tude
sur la criminality et les principales
manjues qui distinguent I'enfant
criminel de Fenfant normal, <5tudi6
sur nn enfant de 10 ans en particu-
lier (criminel-n^, fou moral). Cen-
tral bl. f. Nervenh. u. Psvchiat. Cob-
lenz & Leipz., 1894, n.' F., v, 579-
584, 1 diag.— Donath (J.) Die
phvflische Degeneration der Be-
vOfkerung in den modernen Cultur-
staaten mit besonderer Rucksicht
auf Oesterreich-Ungarn. VVien.
med. BL, 1894, xvii, 537.— Dorsey
(J. O.) The Biloxi Indians of Louis-
iana. Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Sc., 1893,
Salem, 1894, xlii, 267-287.— Dwight
(T.) Statistics of variations, with
remarks on the use of this method
in anthropology. Anat. Anz., Jena,
1894, X, 209-215. -BlUs (A. B.) On
the origin of weeks and sabbaths.
Pop. Sc. Month., N. Y., 1894-5, xlvi,
329-343.— Emery (C.) Gedanken
13
zur Descendenz-und Vererbungs-
theorie. Biol. Centralbl.. I^eipz.,
1894, xiv, 721-726.— BspArandleu
(l6. ) Note sur un cachet anonyme
de m^decin-oculist romain. Mar-
seille m^d., 1894, xxxi, 667-677.—
P6r6(C.) L'h^i^it^morbide. Rev.
d. deux mondes. Par., 1894, cxxvi,
436-452.— Pewkes (J. W.) The
kinship of the Tusayan villagers.
Am. Anthrop,, Wash., 1894, vii, 394-
41 7. -Fiedler. Das Griiberfeld bei
Gollschau, Kreis Goldberg-Hay nau,
Schlesien. Nachr. u. deuteche Al-
terthumsf., Berl., 1894, v, 65-67.—
Qaxbini (A.) Evoluzione del senso
cromatico nella in&nzio (da esperi-
enze fette sopra 600 bambini negli
anni 1891-92-93). Arch, per Tan-
trop., Firenze. 1894, xxiv, 71-98.—
OigUoU (E. H. ) L*EtA della pietra
neir Australasia e specialmente
nella Nuova Zelanda. Ibid., 99-103.
— 05tze ( A . ) Neue Ausgrabungen
in Hissarlik. Verhandl. d. Berl.
anthrop. Gesellsch., BerL, 1894,
xxvi, 317-319.— Gk>tt«er (J.) Psv-
chologie de T anarch iste. Arch,
d'anthrop. crim., Lyon et Par.,
1894, ix, 605-639. — Oradenigo.
Normales Ohr. Internat. med.-phot.
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Die Formenphilosophie von Hans
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THE
American Anthropologist
Vol. VIIT WASHINGTON, D. C, APRIL, 1895 No. 2
SIMILARITIES IN CULTURE
BY OTIS TUFTON MASON *
The subject of my address is '* Similarities in Culture," at the
present time an important and perplexing question in ethnology.
Let me state what is commonly meant by similarities in culture.
Among peoples far removed from one another geographically
and often belonging to different types of mankind there are
found words, art products, industries, social structures and cus-
toms, folk-tales, beliefs and divinities, and even literatures ap-
parently so much alike as to raise the following questions in
different minds :
First Theory, — Are peoples identical or akin when their activ-
ities and productions are alike; or can it be said that these like-
nesses were derived from common ancestors ? In the case of the
Aryan languages you will say yes. But may one employ this
notion or concept of kinship and ancestry to account for likeness
in custom, industry, fine art, government or myth, or in lan-
guages generally ? Can the premise be laid down that, when
two peoples are alike in their industries, customs, and laws they
are connected by blood or at least by nationality ? To state the
problem a liltle differently, to what extent must two distant
peoples resemble each other in the characteristics just named in
order to make it certain that they are near akin ? Nothing is
more common than assertions by professed archeologists, eth-
nologists, historians, and especially by linguists, that peoples are
• Address of the retiring President before the Anthropological Society of Washing-
ton, February 4, 1895.
14 (101)
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102 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
the same because certain presumed similarities are alleged to
exist between them. Later on it will be necessary to examine
this theory to ascertain what standing it may have in the study
of culture. It is sufficient here to state the propositions that
many peoples have been declared to be the same by reason of
language or activity, and that when peoples are akin their speech
and acts will be alike.
Second Theory, — Or can it be that the occurrence of the same
processes or productions among peoples widely separated may
have been derived from contact or common teachers ? There are
a multitude of ways in which this might happen. You know
that before there was a beast of burden humanity had found
its way over the earth on foot, and that in the simplest craft,
without compass and with only Nature's pilots, every water had
been traversed and every habitable island in all the seas had
been discovered and settled. It is a long journey from the sup-
posed cradle land of our species to Tierra del Fuego ; but it had
been successfully accomplished in prehistoric times.
Similar devices find their way about the world nowadays, and
this has been true so far back as records exist :
a. By commerce, trading from hand to hand, the authors or
manufacturers remaining at home. Innumerable examples of
this are forthcoming and long distances have been passed over
by objects. In their new abode they have quickened the minds
of inventive geniuses and started new wants and series of
devices in the native industrial life. The practical museum
curator will readily recognize this class of similarities. I myself
have seen cocoanuts and Chinese coins in Alaska, Eskimo fish-
hooks in Hawaii, and Venetian beads from every corner of the
world.
b. Itinerants and peddlers and tramps have marched about
the world ever, and men and women have been enslaved and
wrecked. These have transported things and ideas and words.
They have set up a kind of internationalism from place to
place. We read often that these middle men and women had,
even among savages, intertribal amnesty. This kind of aborigi-
nal pedagogy has been found in active operation among savage
tribes in historic times. It is a fair question, then, how far
backward in time this globe- tramping extended and what in-
fluences the wanderers exerted.
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April 1895] SIMILARITIES IN CULTURE 103
Bandelier * says :
Although languages and dialects were separated from one another by
uninhabited res:ions, prisoners of war could tell of what was going on at
their homes ; the booty would include a variety of strange objects ; and
traders traversed the country in the face of numerous dangers, visited the
enemy's markete, and carried goods to them, with many novelties. This
process was repeated from tribe to tribe ; and in that w^ay the products of
one half of the continent passed, often in single objects, to the other lialf,
and with them accounts of far-off regions, though changed and distorted
by time and distance, into remote quarters.
c. Migratory bands and whole colonies have ever been on the
the go. A distinguished ethnologist has said that ** early man
was scattered over all the earth in kinship tribes, each one knit
together by bonds of kindred blood and cords of marriage ties'^f
This being true when the facilities of locomotion were rudest,
the movements have grown more vigorous as the appliances
were made better, until the idea of universal dominion was con-
ceived. Peschel says that " all peoples were capable of accom-
plishing the migrations which we have ascribed to them. The
difficulty generally exists only in the imagination of the spoilt
children of civilization." J
Third Theonj, — The last theory to be noted here is this : Can it
be argued that like activities may spring from a common human-
ity, in similar environments and culture stages, under similar
wants and stress ? This takes for granted the monogenist s doc-
trine that the inhabitants of the earth were originally of one
blood. There is no doubt of the profound effects and influences
of the earth, the waters, and the air upon mankind. They pro-
duce all that is natural in man, and they provoke and suggest
also a large measure of his artificial or progressive life. §
Three Schools. — Now, to remove all mystery and to make the
question as perspicuous as possible, there seem to be three some-
what opposing schools of belief regarding the origin of culture
similarities. They may be called :
♦ A. F. Bandelier: The Gilded Man, N. Y., 1893, p. 7.
t Powell : Science, N. Y., 1896, n. e., i, p. 16.
X Races of Man, N. Y., 1876, p. 31.
{Consult Franz Heger, Mittheil. Anthrop. Gesellsch., Wien, xziii, May 3, 1893: Hat
die von einander unabh&ngige Erfindung gleicher oder ahnlicher Oer&the und, wenn
wir die Frage auf das geistige Qebiet ausdehnen, das Vorkommen gleicher Ideen und
Vorstelhingen, auch einen Qrund in der Rasseneinheit oder nicht ? Also Brackenridge,
Louisiana, 1814, p. 189.
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104 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
1. The ethnographic school.
2. The accultural school.
3. The anthropologic school.
At any rate, whether we employ connotive names or not, the
first holds that similarities argue identity of peoples or blood ;
the second contends that like industries arise by reason of the
same teachers ; a third believes that similarities spring from the
species, the want, the environs, and the nature of things and of
mind.
how Similarities are Effected, — In the presence of confusing
theories it would be most satisfactory if one or more undisputed
propositions could be found in this connection. The following
will probably meet with universal assent :
1. Similarities are in our day known to be effected by the same
person, tool, or workshop.*
2. Others are surely produced through hereditary and tradi-
tional teaching.
3. Some come by borrowing, lending, slavery, and conquest.
4. They get about the world by barter and commerce.
6. They arise through like psychical and physical attributes
of race or species.
6. They spring from similar attributes of environment acting
on different races and on the homogeneous qualities of human
nature.t
7. Startling similarities occur accidentally, as the Greek pota-
mos and the Algonkian Potomac.
•There are in Japan typical localities, schools, and families wherein pottery of such
peculiar paste, form, decoration, etc., is so marked that Professor Morse can distin-
guish them not only from all other examples in the world beside, but by name firom one
another. If he were to see a piece of any of these types in the remotest comer of the
earth he would not say that any people similarly environed would make precisely the
same things. He would say, " How did this Bairin or Odo, or what-not, get here.**
t Major Powell says of the scattered first men : "There can be but one kind of mind.
Two and two are four with every people ; the moon is round, gibbous or crescent
wherever it shines for man ; the sun shines in every eye ; the child grows in every ex-
perience. Thus the four great mental activities of number, form, cause, and becoming
are the same in every land, and the mind of every man is a unity of these four
powers, and every mind is like every other mind in their possession. They differ only
In extent of experience acquired directly by self or indirectly from others. While the
mind is the same with all men the will is the same. All desire to gain good and to
avoid evil, so all wills develop on a common plan. By mind and will, by mentality and
volition, man progresses on the five highways of life, so that all men are impelled to the
same goal of wisdom. Pursuit of the common end has proved to be more powerful in
producing involution than the forces of environment in producing differentiation or
classific evolution."— Science, N. Y., 1896, n. «., i, p. 17. Also McCulloh, Res. on America,
Bait, 1817, p. 188, quoting Gibbon, Decline, etc.
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April 18951 SIMILARITIES IN CULTURE 105
8. Finally, there are like results that spring from opposite
causes or occasions, as the building of a subterraneous house in
one region to dispel the heat, in another to keep out the cold.
Every one of these propositions is true under certain condi-
tions ; they are true each under its own conditions, and that
leads to the next argument.
Species of Similarities. — In point of fact, then, there are different
grades, classes, species of similarities in human culture. A Moki
rabbit club is like an Australian boomerang and an Egyptian
throwing club in a limited number of respects, but coins from
the same issue and die are alike in a greater number and in dif-
ferent degrees of respects. Some similarities therefore are to be
accredited to one series of causes, others to a different series, all
having unlike significance.
Supposing it could be shown that there are distinct varieties
of similarities, as well as distinct ways of accounting for them,
then, when one has diagnosed his specimens correctly (and that
is always his scientific duty), he may predicate the true theory
of their production. Those similarities that belong to the first
class and are effected by the same arrow-maker, potter, painter,
architect, die, inventor, or author are certainly more near to
identity and are more profound than those produced by —
1. Different men or factories, even in the same group or com-
munity.
2. Different communities of the self-same family of peoples.
3. Different stocks or families of the same race.
4. Different historic periods of the same people.
5. Different environmenta or. geographic areas or sources of
supply.
6. The human species in comparison with natural forces or
other living species.
Or, fixing the attention on two peoples under consideration,
the question of similarity between them might run a gamut like
the following :
1. Casual resemblance in one or more respects.
2. Similarity in one object or custom.
3. Similarity in one process or activity.
4. Similarity in several activities.
5. Similarity in many industries.
6. Similarity in language.
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106 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
7. Similarity in social structure.
8. Similarity in beliefs or religion.
9. Similarity in practically all respects.
10. Identities.
Definition of the Term ** Similarity. ^^ — It is absolutely essential
that the technographer, the artist, the linguist, the sociologist,
the mythologist, each and all lay down a comprehensive and
clear definition of the term *^ similarity in culture " that will
enable one to use it advisedly. I imagine they would speak
somewhat as follows :
1. All devices of man involve the question of natural material,
resources, unit;3 and elements out of which they are effected, " ex
qua aliquid fity
2. Involve differences in the formal cause, the motif or mental
substratum of the action or thing, the patterns in the mind of
the agent, ^'"per quam aliquid fit.^^
3. All inventions are produced by their own efficient causes,
'* a qua aliquid fit,^^ This would comprehend all the tools, natural
forces, metrics, mechanical powers and engineering involved,
together with their processes, artificialities, and order of working.
4. All devices of man involve the question of functioning or
differences in the final cause, ^^ propter quam aliquid fit,'^' In the
inventions of mankind every one is both an end in itself and a
means to a multitude of other ends. This topic therefore in-
cludes everything that an invention is and may become. These
are the categories of Aristotle involved in all that men do.
Perfect agreement in all of them is perfect similarity, partial
agreement is partial similarity and may exist in a variety of
degrees.
Or perhaps it would be more in accordance with modern
thinking to adopt the phraseology of the naturalist. He first
investigates the perceptible attributes, the structures, and the
functions of the adult organism by means of the most refined
instruments; he studies the biography of each individual from
germ to decay ; and, lastly, he attempts to find out how his
species stands related to other species. In arranging these he
endeavors to read the mind of nature, substituting homological
agreements for analogical agreements. In point of fact both
analogies and homologies are constantly held in mind.
The ethnologist is bound to apply rigidly this natural-history
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method to the study of human activities. lie must scrutinize
carefully the material and the structure of two industrial achieve-
ments, of two esthetic productions, of two languages, of two
social systems, of two religions, to ascertain how they are com-
posed. In biological phrase, he must examine the structure and
ontogeny of each specimen with a view to determine the ques-
tion of philogeny between them. This gives ample scope to
separate one kind of similarity from another and to tabulate the
result in columns of likenesses and differences.
Finally, besides the Aristotelian and natural-history methods
of discrimination, there are, associated with all of man's activities,
by-ways, by-fashions, tricks of the trade, and trade-marks non-
essential to structure or function, and there are folk-fashions
around every industry that help to brand its author's identity
upon it. The cooperation of all these cannot exist in areas wide
apart. When two phenomena or objects agree in all these re-
spects they came from the same shop or the same author. The
source is identical. There is no mistake about it, even though
examples may be found in several parts of the world.
Axioms, — From the particular propositions and from charac-
teristics of similarities, just explained, the following axioms may
be stated :
1. In ethnology, the more that the same arts, languages, insti-
tutions, and opinions are alike structurally and functionally or in
accordance with the Aristotelian categories, the stronger is the
evidence of their common origin. The more they are unlike in
two areas, the stronger is the evidence of independent origin.
2. If the same invention occurs in three or more places, that
is stronger evidence of a common human origin, and the multi-
plication of places strengthens the argument for oneness of cause.
3. Again, the multiplication of respects in similarities between
any two peoples is another strengthening of evidence that they
were once one, or that they have both been infected with the
same contagion of culture. It is the same here as in law, the
greater the number of witnesses that give to the same transaction
testimony in the identical language, the surer is the court of
collusion.
4. While it is true that inventions may be so similar in struct-
ure and appearance that there can be no doubt of their having
come from the same source, the converse of the proposition can
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108 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
have no standing. It can never be said that any degree or kind
of similarity between inventions will prove their independent
origin. There is no mark of independent origin through similar
stress or environment. Indeed, always the less similar things
are, the greater is the probability that their originators had no
connection.
5. If two anthropological phenomena in different parts of the
world are homologous, that is no evidence of their independent
origin. To the normally constituted mind it raises the suspicion
of contact after some fashion. The contact may be impossible
of proof historically ; but the belief that complex structures with
identical functions and widely separated in space arose inde-
pendently is the last resort. It is never illogical to hypothecate
some sort of contact or tuition ; but the difficulty of supposing
independent origins increases every moment with the greater
and greater likeness in the intimate structure.
6. You can never be sure of two common resemblances, even
that they arose independently, for everything that can be ac-
counted for by the common-nature theory could also have been
taught. What might possibly be accounted for by common race
or family could frequently have been accultured. Indeed, a spo-
radic resemblance between peoples living widely apart in corre-
sponding environments immediately raises the question why is
this the only art in which they resemble. That the profundity
and immed lateness of relationship between peoples will be
gauged by the intimate structural likenesses in their productions
ethnology and biology agree. Two identical 8()ecies do notarise
independently.
7. It will be admitted that varietal dissimilarities in similar
types of invention evidence independent origin of some kind ;
and the more marked these varietal differences are, the farther
apart may be their origins. In such cases the similarity is not
the proof of independent origin. That proof must be sought
elsewhere, perhaps historically. It is the style and degree of
differences that declare the degree of independence. Things of
the same type may differ and yet may have been made by the
same man or in the same tribe. But differences in such cases
are not the same as those that occur independently. Varieties
may be generically alike in spite of independence, but they can-
not be alike by reason of independence.
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April 1895J SIMILARITIES IN CULTURE 109
The Independent Origin Theory. — Let us study a little more
closely the independent origin theory, which is now very popular.
There are activities which all human beings practice in common
whenever the occasions and the facilities arise, certain laws to
which all are subject, certain endowments which are the heir-
loom of the species. The enumeration of these one by one
would eliminate the common actions and culture similarities
arising from a common human nature and leave the inquirer
only such as have arisen by inheritance or acculturation.
1. Man a Fart of Nature, — No one doubts for a moment that
all human beings with their achievements are terrestrial objects
and phenomena, subject always and everywhere, without re-
gard to race or time, to the Keplerian laws, to physical forces,
to chemical actions and reactions, to osmotic processes like the
plant, to nervous stimuli and muscular movements like all other
vertebrates. They all have five fingers on each hand and five
toes on each foot, etc. Just so far as humanity is in the great
streams of existence with other beings under the same canopy
of heaven, dwelling in the midst of the atmosphere, the hydro-
sphere, and the geosphere, where similar causes bring about
similar results, no one will call the proposition in question that
all sorts of people in every part of the world will act similarly
under like provocations.
2. Mankind as of One Species, — Before the human species began
to separate at all its members must not only have been endowed
with traits of mind and body in common, but already must have
been schooled in many common experiences. These are the
heritage of humanity, the mother arts, language, institutions,
and beliefs, of which all others are the progeny. If, then, you
find all mankind adapting house and clothing and occupations
to the environment in a general way, it is what they ever did ;
but, inasmuch as there are always several ways of getting at the
same complicated result, this proposition is true only generically
and in forms little difierentiated from nature.
Brinton * says :
It seems to me, indeed, that any one who will patiently study the paral-
lelisms of growth in the arts and sciences, in i)oetry and objects of utility,
throughout the various races of men, cannot doubt of their j)sychical iden-
tity. Still more, if he will acquaint himself with the modern science of
* Races and Peoples, N. Y., 1890, p. 82.
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110 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VllI
Folk-lore, and will note how the very same tales, customs, proverbs, sai>er-
stitions, games, habits, 'and so on, recurspontaneously in tribes severed by
thousands of leagues, he will not think it possible that creatures so wholly
identical could have been produced by independent lines of evolution.
3. The Same Animal Teachers. — Not only mankind, but animals
associated with man or living in his presence have generic and
family resemblance in conduct and adaptabilities to human
wants in various parts of the world. Different peoples have
been instructed by these creatures in housebuilding and arts, in
speech and society, and different species have surrendered the
various parts of their bodies and their productions for the sup-
ply of human needs. When two widely separated peoples use
shells for spoons, gourds for vessels, or give like names to the
whippoorwill, it is not necessary to suppose contact, if they agree
only in these particulars and do not use precisely the same de-
vice in each case.
4. Plant and Mineral Friends, — After the same fashion there
are obtrusively useful plants common to many geographical
provinces, with prominent parts — fruit, qualities, and substances
for man's comfort. The savage could not fail to take note of
them, and their attributes sufficiently account for their employ-
ment.
The same is true of stone ; for early man's industries the world
had but three kinds : stone for chipping, stone for battering and
grinding, and stone for cutting. Perhaps all three arts are a
common and continuous heritage. At any rate, stone is so re-
fractory and circumscribed that we do not have to suppose the
importation of teachers to impart processes that Nature herself
constantly taught.
5. Areas of Characterization. — The various races, peoples, and
breeds of mankind have been endowed with characteristics pecu-
liar to them by reason of environmental causes ; but they have at
the same time perpetuated the generic spirit that makes all races
akin.
The new and plastic race spirit has had to go in predetermined
tracks, by reason of the uniform number of wants, the restric-
tions upon human endeavor, and the attributes or endowments
of culture-areas ; so that, while differences are really the legiti-
mate product of separate culture-areas, general similarities may
survive in them. Similarities in separated culture-areas are not
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profound and the likeness between human productions begotten
therein is no greater than that of the regions.
6. Varietal and Race Differences. — These different races must
under other stress learn also new arts, since an activity may be so
congenial to a new region or material that the laws of mind and of
least resistance would constrain all comers there or users thereof
to walk in the same paths by a species of natural acculturation.
Notice the reindeer, dog, and birch-bark occupations in hyper-
borean regions, buffalo industries on the Missouri, pueblo and
pottery industries in the southwest, bamboo industries in Ma-
laysia, and so on. In each of these places there are several fam-
ilies of mankind, and you will find them building, clothing,
working somewhat alike, pursuing the same pleasures, and gaz-
ing on the same spirit world. leaving out the fact of accultur-
ation and intermarriage, even here Dr. Matthews, Mr. Cushing,
or Dr. Fewkes would have no trouble in discriminating peoples.
Just as the limbs of trees separate from a common trunk, and
each of these limbs gives rise to a set of branches, and each
branch is the starting point of twigs, which produce the spray,
the whole process representing a very long time, so the human
species has given rise to subdivisions. This is the common way
of representing the affiliations of living beings ; but in the case
of man, as of animals and plants, the limbs are not alike in
variety ; neither are any of the other subdivisions. They stand
for new centers of variation.
There are three leading types of mankind — the Caucasian, the
Negroid, and the Mongoloid. If certain proclivities and ways
are the common inheritance of the human species by reason of
common blood, then there must have been superadded upon the
three types proclivities and ways and arrests by reason of the
causes which made these three to differ.
Again, there are about twelve well-defined races of men. You
will find them enumerated in Miiller, Peschel, Haeckel, Huxley,
Topinard, Keane, Brinton, and elsewhere. By the same proc-
esses that made them distinct races, proclivities and ways were
engendered in each one of them that were sut generis.
Finally, there are several hundreds of families or stocks of
mankind, speaking absolutely different languages, so far as the
philologist is able to discriminate. By reason of the isolations
and environmental pressures that made these to differ in appear-
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112 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
ance and speech, they acquired finer proclivities and ways of
doing things that one would discover to be their own if he were
well enough infoiined. There are plainly before the eyes of all
who will observe, in spite of a common humanity, well-marked
kinship groups, territorial groups, national groups, technic
groups, psychological groups.
Again, from the earliest times the separation of the limbs from
the trunk of humanity hasbeen coordinated with the interlacing
of the leaves and spray. So the peoples of the earth have inter-
married, traded, taught one another, lent, borrowed, and im-
proved upon each other's activities. To this general transfer
Powell gives the name of acculturation.
Ihe True Question. — In point of fact, the question of a common
humanity is not exactly whether inventions arose independently
by reason of a common human mind, but how many genera-
tions, varieties, or races back in time one is to look for the first
appearance of the common want and culture status out of which
the particular invention in question sprung. Omitting a few
fortuitous examples, all resemblances in culture are derived from
that specialized nature which is so far removed, both spiritually
and biologically, from that of any other creature. The question,
after all, is like that of a genealogical register. In fact, working
perpetually within the grooves, tracks, currents, leading strings
of environment, there are generations of similarities based on :
1. The specific attributes of humanity as a whole.
2. Varietal or racial attributes of peoples.
3. Industrial association or acculturation.
4. Common craft or union in activity.
5. The genius and tradition of family or school.
6. The unique spirit of one man.
The Dividing Line. — Now we come to the dividing line between
the anthropological similarity and the ethnological similarity
and acculturation. After allowing to the notion all that can
possibly be expected by reason of the earth's forces and
resources (and they are very potent), by reason of common
human nature and traits ('^ a great and noble fact "), of natural
pedagogy, of corresponding culture-areas, and even by reason
. of long-time-at^o ancestors, there still remain the whole im-
mense body of characteristics in human achievement that
belong to forces and materials that do not often come together
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independently, but are designedly brought together. The con-
comitancy of so many identical movements, according to the
doctrine of chances, more than once is not to be expected.
It is agreed, then, by all that certain kinds of similarity may
exist in regions wide apart independently when the occasion
arises and the environment permits. It is also admitted that
things may be so similar as to allow no doubt that they were
created under the inspiration of the same teachers. There is,
then, a criterion, a boundary line, not definitely fixed, perhaps,
but a fence between those so-called similarities that arise inde-
pendently and those which show acculturation of some kind.
This fence must be largely psychological.
The question, I repeat, is not one of origins at all, but one of
the number, kinds, and degrees of similarities in the artificialities
of life. For example, the invention of the canoe is a natural,
human process ; the bark canoe is environmental, the birch-bark
canoe is culture-historical. But what should we say of the Amur
and the Columbia River types, each pointed beneath the water
like a monitor and unlike any other species ? Surely these must
have some kind of acculturation. Now, if it be found that the
Columbia stock and the Amur people have also the same name
for their pointed canoes and a multitude of other coordinated
likenesses, then kinship of blood or nationality is proclaimed.
There must have been very careless use made of these plain
declarations, and the philologist has been the chief of sinners.
Dr. Brinton, at the Anthropological Congress in Chicago, said,
with reference to the relation between the peoples of America
and those of the Eastern Hemisphere, *' that up to the present
time there has not been shown a single dialect, not an art nor an
institution, not a myth or religious rite, not a domesticated plant
or animal, not a tool, weapon, game or symbol, in use in America
at the time of the discovery, which had been previously imported
from Asia, or from any other continent of the Old World."*
This is a startling sentence after the thousands of pages that
have been written based upon assumptions that the similarities
therein denied do exist in sufficient number and intimacy of
structure to proclaim identity of the Americans with numerous
Asiatic peoples.
*Interaat. Gong. Anthrop., Chicago, 1894, 151.
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114 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
If you will carefully read Dr. Brinton'a paragraph, however,
you will observe that the distinguished ethnologist probed the
heart of the matter in a single paragraph. He is speaking of
dissimilarities or similarities falsely so called. He means to say
that so far as the genuine evidence goes the men of the two
hemispheres are so different in themselves as well as in their
activities that there is no good evidence of common origin or
culture. The independence is proclaimed on the score of un-
likeness.
The rationale of this assertion is undisputed. When any two
peoples, or arts, or industries, or institutions, or languages are
scientifically dissimilar, then contact is so far forth disproved.
If I should hesitate to indorse Dr. Brinton's paragraph fully,
it would not be in its condemnation of those who, like Publius
Considius, had claimed to see and hear what they had not seen
and heard, but in ascribing too much originality to the Ameri-
cans. To me the whole acti vital life of the Western Hemispliere
looks second-hand. But ethnological literature is the graveyard
of hasty generalizations. Great fault surely is with those who on
slight coincidences of sound or arts or social phenomena have
declared the identity of peoples not even belonging to the same
subspecies of the human genus, and have assumed acculturation
between races with half the circumference of the globe between
them because of slight resemblances.
The old-time travelers and ethnologists, being uninstructed as
to our modern studies concerning man, themselves erred in mis-
taking superficial resemblances and mimicries for essential and
fundamental similarities. They did not err in thinking that
like inventions spring from related peoples, but they were not
called upon to discriminate the true nature of likeness. But it
is not my intention to abuse those who have given me so much
pleasure and a deal of solid instruction.
We are indebted to these older students for many extremely
precious books written to prove that this people were the same
as that. The theory was wrong, but the works are crowded with
information upon a thousand subjects of abiding interest. If
we take issue with the authors, it is merely in the interest of
science and with no wish to disparage them. Of the older
writers I shall not now even 8[)eak. They walked by the light
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they had, and there are excellent modern examples to illustrate
the point.
The question that confronts us everywhere is at bottom one
of the character of testimony, of the competency and credibility
of witnesses, and of the use that is made of testimony. We are
not ready yet to decide between anthropologic, ethnologic, and
accultural similarities, but are arrested between folk-lore and
science, between truth and falsehood. At the very outset of
every one of the sciences students were confronted with folk-
collections, folk-observations, folk explorations and researches,
folk-tales, erroneous data, prejudiced and poetical statements.
It is a melancholy admission, and I think every one of my
brother curators will bear me out in it, that only a very small
per cent, of the specimens in the anthropologic and ethnologic
collections of the world are trustworthy witnesses in a refined
study.* Let a trained Americanist go carefully through the
cabinets of the world or examine what is inscribed on the backs
of hoarded manuscripts. The Wilkes collection in the National
Museum was received from the United States Patent Office and
is of great value ; but one would lose his reputation for scientific
accuracy who would base any conclusion upon it as it was origi-
nally labeled. The same is true of the assertions of amateur
travelers and of their collections and photographs. Too fre-
quently attempts are made to commit these extremely interest-
ing and popular accounts to an accuracy not attempted by the
author. In no invidious sense, most of such writing is folk-lore
and so designed to be, and delights the folk element in us or it
would have no audience.
The very essence of science is comparison. The remedy for
superficial work is not in the abandonment of research, but in its
prosecution according to better methods.
If I may be allowed a suggestion, I should appeal to my col-
leagues in this and other societies to have a tacit understanding
to use with great caution what is contained in ordinary books of
travels and passing articles in popular journals whenever they
cannot be made to conform to the laws of historic science or the
laws of ethnologic science. If the statements may not be sub-
stantiated by accessible testimony or actual specimens or photo-
*See R. Andree, Brasiliaoische Ankeruxt, etc., Brntschwg., Ix?, 17.
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116 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
graph, it does not seem fair to the writer to put him upon his
veracity beyond his own designs *
The British Notes and Queries, the French, German, and Aus-
trian directions to collectors and observers, especially the con-
tinued series of pamphlets of instruction sent out by the Smith-
sonian Institution and the Bureau of Ethnology, are entirely in
the right direction. It only remains for the bodies issuing these
circulars to call their agents to account and to put upon them
the obligations of the naturalist, who is compelled to accompany
every statement with tangible or documentary proof. I shall
also hail the auspicious day when by illustrated publication all
museums shall be practically turned into one museum, by which
means one-half our errors will eliminate themselves.
When men go out hunting similarities they usually find them,
or, at least, the personal equation of the best of u^ interferes
with that rigid scrutiny without which all our professed science
is child's play.
On the other hand, when men lay down the dictum that all
widely separated similarities are due to a common humanity,
and that is the end of it, they substitute dogmatism for science,
and this has shrouded every mind or people in midnight
ignorance that has been so unfortunate as to be subjected to it.
I deem it of the utmost importance to open all questions of
this kind to more careful and renewed scrutiny, to apply the
principles of counted and graded similarities, to leave the evi-
dence in some convenient center for the inspection of the most
critical, to combine the technographic with the ethnographic
arrangement in study, and finally to draw no conclusion that is
not in conformity with the procedure of natural history. Above
all, the best results will come from organized cooperation by
skilled students combined in a perpetuated or endowed research.
Let us hear the conclusion of the matter. Similarities in cult-
ure do arise :
1. Through a common humanity, a common stress, common
environment, and common attributes of nature.
*" To Htudy cuUare is to trace the history of its development, as well as the qualities
of the people among whom it flourishes. In doing this it is not sufficient to deal with
generalities, as, for example, to ascertain that one people employ bark canoes, whilst
another use rafts. It is necessary to consider the details of construction, because it is
by means of the.se details that we are sometimes able to determine whether the idea htis
been of home growth or derived from without." (Lane Fox : J. Authrop. Inst., Lond.,
1876, vol. iv, p. 400.)
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April 1895] SIMILARITIES IN CULTURE 117
2. Through acculturation — that is, contact, commerce, borrow-
ing, appropriating, between peoples in all degrees of kinship.
3. Through common kinship, race, or nationality.
Generic similarities arise by the first cause ; special and ad-
ventitious similarities by the second cause; the more profound,
coordinated, real, and numerous similarities by the third cause.
Similarities are partly natural, such as sounds of animals, forms
of pebbles, qualities of stone, clay, and the like, but most of them
are fundamentally ideal. Where the same idea exists in two
areas, a simple one may have come to men independently. One
containing two or more elements in the same relations and order
is less likely to have so arisen, while a highly organized idea could
not often have come to two men far removed from each other.
Furthermore, a complex idea is never the progeny of a single
mind, and that embarrasses the question further.
The elements of similarity that appear independently are in
new functions for old structures, the qualities of materials, the
forms of vegetal life, the actions and voices of nature, in what we
may call the working part or foundation of the invention.
The elements of similarity that arise by acculturation are for-
tuitous partly, and generally stand out as radically new. On
examining the culture of the borrower and of the lender, the
difference of race or people is apparent.
The elements of similarity that arise from identity of race or
blood are homogeneous, multiplied, ideal. They exist not so
much in the working and natural as in the inventional and arti-
ficial part of the activity.
The generic and adventitious similarities are most striking
and most frequently called to notice. The error is in taking
them for profound and real similarities. Those similarities that
are imbedded in the life of peoples and logically coordinated with
the annual circle of activities are of the family or stock and
beyond any reasonable doubt proclaim the people to be one.
Furthermore, they exist for the trained and patient eye and
hand ; they elude the gaze of the superficial observer. The
identification of them is the reward of long years of patient re-
search and the finder is the discoverer of a pearl of great price.
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118 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
A COMPARISON OF 8IA AND TUSATAN SNAKE
CEREMONIALS
BY J. WALTER FEWKE8
Ever since I began my studies of the mythology and ritual of
the Pueblo Indians of our Southwest, in 1890, I have looked
forward to a time when sufficient data should be accumulated
by ethnologists from all the pueblos to allow one to enter upon a
second stage of research — the comparative study of Pueblo cere-
moniology. The dictum that what is true of one pueblo is true
of all, while seemingly probable, could only be accepted in a
general sense, and it appeared to me that one great requisite to
interpret this complicated subject was a careful record of the
ceremonies in the dififerent pueblos. When a body of data of
this kind exists a comparison, in which whatever is local might
be eliminated and the essentials brought out in clear outlines, is
possible, and would afford a reliable picture of the aboriginal
culture which distinguishes the Pueblo peoples. Although recog-
nizing this comparative method to be all important, I have con-
fined myself to the less fiiscinating accumulation of details of
Tusayan practices, awaiting investigations of the other pueblos.
The account of the Sia ritual lately published by the Bureau
of Ethnology,* while not all that I had wished, makes it possible
to begin that comparative study which promises to be so preg-
nant in results. The best known of all Pueblo rites at present is
the Tusayan snake dance. f The Sia memoir describes similar
rites in that pueblo, which belongs to the Keresan stock. In
the present article I have therefore ventured to undertake a com-
parison of the two, from which it seems that in essentials the
Snake dance is the same in two widely separated pueblos gen-
erally ascribed to two different linguistic stocks.
The material which I have used for information concerning
the Sia ceremonial is drawn from pages 76-91, supplemented by
scattered references throughout the work. Of this material j
suppose that the descriptions of the first part of the rain ceremony
♦The Sia, by Matilda Coxe Stevenson, Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology.
tThe Snake Ceremonials at Walpi : Journ. Araer. Eth. and Arch., vol. iv.
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April 1895] SIA AND TUSAYAN SNAKE CEREMONIALS 119
of the Snake society (pp. 76-86) were from personal observa-
tions ; the remainder (pp. 86-91) were " given the writer by the
vicar of the Snake society." More detailed and personal ob-
servations would aid us very much in the comparisons.
It will be noticed in comparisons of the Sia and Tusayan
rites that there are many differences in the two, as might be ex-
pected, but the object of this article is to show that in essential
points they are the same. Throwing out of consideration the
dying out of the ceremonials and celebrants, it may be well, on
the very threshold of the subject, to examine a cause which
a priori would be likely to affect the ritual in Sia and Walpi
somewhat differently. While the Pueblo peoples of our South-
west have always been very conservative in religious practices,
they have not altogether resisted the influences of the Aryan
peoples with whom they have come in contact. A modifica-
tion, small though it often is, has been more marked the more
intimate the contact, so that many changes in mode of life
directly traceable to white influence can be found today, espe-
cially in those pueblos near the railroad or along the Rio Grande.
Firearms, fabrics of eastern manufacture, wagons, household
utensils, windows of glass, and many other objects are now in
daily use, and no better place to study how many things of
white man^s manufacture the Indian needs can be chosen than
any one of the prosperous trader's shops resorted to by the in-
habitants of the eastern pueblos.
In those most conservative of all customs, religious faiths
and practices, the Rio Grande Pueblos have been considerably
influenced, and in some instances, although still observing an-
cestral ceremonials and holding aboriginal beliefs, they are nom-
inally Catholics. In other cases this modification has gone still
further and the zeal of the devoted fathers of the church, who
for three hundred years have labored among them, has intro-
duced an element in their religious lives which has had a more
profound influence. Much of their ritual is still aboriginal, and
their ancient beliefs have a tenacious hold on their hearts, but
no one can deny that Christianity is today a well-grounded and
accepted faith among them. Many survivals of ancient belief
and practice, varying in quantity in different pueblos, still exist,
and there may still remain a strong belief in the old as opposed
to the new ; but this fact is evident, Christianity has exerted a
great influence on most of the eastern pueblos and this belief has
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120 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
profoundly modified the religious life of the majority of the
people.
As we leave the Rio Grande pueblos and pass westward or
withdraw from the railroad, the amount of this influence dimin-
ishes. From pueblos in which there is a mission and regular
priest we pass to Zufii, where neither exists. There are the walls
of a mission in ruins, with roof fallen in and (in 1890) with floor
littered with decaying .skeletons or putrefying carcasses of dogs.
The bell, however (1890), hangs in place, and is said to be rung
once a year, at the Fiesta de los Muertos,* and portions of the altar
reredos are still visible.
In front of the ruin is a cemetery, in the midst of which rises
a wooden cross, which tells its story of the former influences of
the zealous padres. No Christian service has been held in the
Zufii mission for years, yet the people bury their dead in the
churchyard and celebrate a feast of the dead.
One step nearer the native religion of the Pueblos and we visit
Tusayan, the least modified of all these people, both in secular
and religious things. Among the Tusayan we find no church,
no consecrated burial ground, no Catholic priests. Since the
year 1700 no Catholic missionaries have permanently remained
among them. At most, the length of the mission period was not
more than sixty years (1629-1 680),t and I think we are justified
in the conclusion that we find less evidence of modification
from this source than anywhere else in the Southwest. In the
*This festival, so common in all the other pueblos where it is a church observance,
is not celebrated in Tusayan, although food is placed for four days after burial over the
graves of the deceased. According to W. J. Rouse (Buffalo " Times," February 3, 1896),
the bell and carved wood of the altar have now disappeared from the Zufti miHsion.
Mrs. Stevenson (p. 15) considers that the Zufii and Tusayan religion and sociology are
" virtually free from Catholic influences," which is practically true, but traces of
Catholic influences are to be seen in burial customs at ZuQi. The influence of the
Indian school at Keam*s Caflon in the modification of Tusayan society and religion
will be very considerable when the children now taught there take the places of their
parents. There are those now in the pueblos who have expressed contempt for the
Katcinas, and another generation will see a great change in this interesting survival of
aboriginal life.
t Practically the mission epoch in Tusayan extended from 1629 to 1680, opening with
Padre Porras and his two associates and closing with the massacres of the great re-
bellion. Although Porras was poisoned in 1633, Awatobi remained a stronghold of the
faith, but with its fall in 1700 active work in converting the Hopi practically ceased,
and since that date the Christian faith htis hardly affected Tusayan. From time to
time apostates fled to this country, but such as did return to the Christian teaching
were carried back to Sandia and elsewhere in 1742 and 1780. The influence of the mis-
sion epoch was never very great, and it was briefer in Tusayan than in any other
pueblos.
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April 18951 SIA AND TUSAYAN SNAKE CEREMONIALS 121
complicated ceremonials of this people, many of which I have
elsewhere described, we detect no Christian influence of great
moment.
Recognizing, as we must, that Christian belief and ritual have
exerted a profound influence on the difierent members of the
Pueblo stocks, it behooves the ethnologist in approaching the
study of their customs to discriminate between the aboriginal
and the incorporated. Evidences of incorporated ritual per-
formed side by side with aboriginal are apparent. How is it
with their mythology ? I believe here we find like results, vary-
ing with difierent members. Some of these are so clearly due
to Christian teaching that I need not spend any time upon them.
Others from extreme variations are so akin to aboriginal beliefs
that different ethnologists entertain diametrically opposite ideas
of their historic or aboriginal origin.
From what is said above it is clear that, other things being
equal, from geographical position we should expect the Sia ritual
to be more profoundly changed by Christian influences than the
pueblos of Tusayan, and that the performance of the Sia snake
dance would be more modified than in the isolated province of
the Hopi. The gradual extinction of the inhabitants of Sia
would hasten this change.
Moreover, in the progress of decay the tendency of a Pueblo
ritual is to the consolidation of several rites into one. This
process of abbreviation, resulting from outside interferences,
leads to composite ceremonials which, when the cultus is flour-
ishing, are differentiated.* Evidences of consolidation are every-
where visible in the Sia ritual. A comparison of the snake
ritual of Sia with that of Walpi would be greatly facilitated by
an examination of the supernatural personages recognized by
the two pueblos. 1 will therefore preface what I have to say of
the snake ritual with a few remarks on the Tusayan equivalents
of the supernatural conceptions of Sia as made known by the
memoir to which I have referred. f
• Mr. Politzer's interesting observations (San Francisco "Chronicle," October 21, 1894)
on the Oraibi snake dance in 1894 have shown what I little suspected, that the Snake
society in Oraibi is much smaller than at Walpi. Nowhere in the pueblo region is the
cult stronger than at Walpi, although the ceremony at Middle mesa is an easy second.
tThis comparison is only of a very general nature and not a detailed one. I have
used Mrs. Stevenson's memoir as authority, and am responsible for my condensed ex-
position of Sia mythology only so far as I have given a correct account of her more
comprehensive work. I have not found it e:\sy m many instances to grasp her mean-
ing, possibly on account of the natural obscurity of the subject.
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122 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST LVol. VIII
We must ever bear in mind in the study of survivals in Pueblo
belief the potent influence in modification due to Christian
teaching, to which I have referred. A picture of present beliefs
is not necessarily one of unmodified aboriginal beliefs. This is
true in a degree of the mythology and cosmogony of Tusa3'an.
To weed out what is modern is a herculean task, perhaps im-
possible. The best we can accomplish is to use as our standard
the least modified Pueblos, if that can be determined. As be-
tween the Tusayan and Sia people, I do not hesitate to take the
former as the least changed, and have approached the study of
Sia mythology with that thought in mind. The supernatural
personages are so grouped that they would fall in categories
which will not exclude those of Tusayan, on the ground that it
is the best which can be done with this subject.* Had there
been the interest in this subject and the sympathetic student of
it three centuries ago he might have transmitted to us the un-
modified mythology and cosmogony of the Pueblo Indians.
Today we can do no more than make known what is now be-
lieved by these people, more or less modified, and speculate on
what part we hear from them is native and what derivative. The
subject is capable of scientific treatment.
The Sia mythology, for comparative purposes as well as con-
venience, will be considered under the following headings, which
are not necessarily arbitrary and in many instances different
from present beliefs at Sia :
1. Earth Gods and Goddesses.
2. Sky Gods {jmrte Paiatdmo).
3. Kopishtaiaf (Elemental gods — rain, thunder, etc., jieoples).
4. Cultus heroes (offspring of Earth and Sky).
5. World-quarter Gods.
a. Animistic and Katsunas.
6. Other World-quarter Gods.
6. Paiiitiimo (parte).
* We can do no more than approximate the original beliefs of the Pueblo peoples by
a 8tud3' of the survivals of their mythology. The contribution to this subject, from
the least modified, is at best only probabilities, not certainties.
t These are in one sense world-quarter divinities. In Pueblo mythology the great
gods appear to me to be the earth-goddesses, the sky-gods, and the two heroes, off-
spring of earth and sky. The original goddess is mother-earth, who has many names
and is "creator" of the innumerable lesser groups represented by .3, 4, 5, and 6 of the
above scheme. I have yet to see valid rej\son.s to believe that the Tusayau Indians in
their aboriginal system ever entertained the idea of a Great Spirit, creator of heaven
and earth, or a philosophical notion of a time when the earth did not exist.
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April 1895] SI A AND TUSAYAN SNAKE CEREMONIALS 123
EARTH GODS.
The following Sia earth-goddesses are mentioned with Tusayan
equivalents :
Sussistinnako, Spider * Woman Kokyanwiiqti.
Utset Hahai wiiqti.
Nowuteet Muyiflwft ( wuqti).
Hishikoyatsaspa Huzriiwuqti.
The Tusayan earth -goddesses, Tuwapofitumsi,t Lakonemana,
Mamzrauraana and others are possibly names of attributes
rather than of distinct persons. Calako mana { has similarities
to Utset and Nowutset.
It would seem from the following quotation that Spider is not
always regarded as female : " Sussistinnako is referred to as a
man, or, more properly, a being possessing all power; and as
Sussistinnako created first man and then other beings to serve
his first creation, these beings, although endowed with attributes
superior to man, in order to serve him, can hardly be termed
gods, but rather agents to execute the will of Sussistinnako, in
serving the people of his first creation."
If I rightly understand this quotation, it seems to me, first,
that the conception of Spider as a male shows Christian influ-
ence, and that the etymology § of the word indicates the true
aboriginal conception in Sia as in Tusayan. I find, secondly,
in looking for the account of the '' first creation " (p. 27) of Spider
in Sia cosmogony that they were "two women," Utset and
Nowutset, one or both of whom, by direction of Spider, created,
among others, the Sun, Katsunas, etc. Considering the way the
word god is used in polytheistic religions, 1 fail to see why we
cannot designate them in this way or why one god cannot be an
" agent " of a more powerful being ; but if the limitation of the
word god to Spider is intended as an aboriginal unmodified con-
ception, I have grave doubts in regard to this part of the Sia
* Spider (woman) i» "creator" in Sia cosmoKony, whicli is anotlier way of saying
the Earth is mother of all, for Haarts, the Earth, existed before Spider woman made
living beings, beginning with Utset and Nowutset.
fComplemental female earth deity of Maeiauwdh, whose representative in Sia myth-
ology is unknown to me.
X The Corn Maids ; the ear of corn is still used as a symbol of the universal mother
(Utset?).
§ From other combinations I take it that nako means woman, as wiiqti (Hopi) ; but
I am not sure except by implication whether SusiUti means Spider, since elHewhere
Kopina is given as the Spider when applied to a "society." The Tusayan word
Kokyanwuqti is literally Spider woman, and probably this may be the same.
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124 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
cosmogony. If it would imply that the Sia were monotheists,
it needs many facts to support it. That the present Sia believe
that " Spider " was the creator is not improbable, but that this
belief is aboriginal I question, unless Spider and the Earth are
identical conceptions.-
I have seen no evidence strong enough to convince me that
the Pueblos were originally monotheists, but all probably orig-
inally believed as the Tusayan people today, that the Earth is
mother, antedating all cosmogony. In one sense this may be
called monotheism, but that is hardly the accepted meaning of
the term.
SKY GODS.
With the exception of the world-quarter beings later men-
tioned, the Sia have two sky-gods of highest rank, Oshats, Sun,
and Tawac, Moon. The former is distinctly looked upon as a
father, but seems to be a creature of Earth. Several sky-gods of
the Hopi are not possible to recognize in the account of Sia myth-
ology. Among these are Cotukinuiiwa, Taiowa, Kwataka, etc.*
In one way the Tusayan people regard all supernatural beings
as offspring of the Earth and Sky deities, the Sun being called
father, the Earth, mother ; but this is far from believing that
either the sun or earth is regarded by them as a creator in the
sense employed in the systems of more cultured people. Mr.
Gushing (Proctor's Song of the Ancient People, p. 30) says of Zuni
cosmographical beliefs :
It was said by their ancient seers : Before aught was, before even Time
began to be, the Holder of the Trails of Life, whose person is the Sun, whose
bright shield we see each shining day, — before aught was, save void space
and darkness, He was. And by thinking he wrought light, and with
light he dispelled the darkness . . . Into these life-sustaining waters
he dropx)ed the seed of his being, whence sprang the Sky-Father and the
Earth-Mother.
As opposed to this interpretation, which certainly shows in a
marked way Semitic and Aryan influences, Mrs. Stevenson finds
the sun a creation from a shell (by an earth-goddess), the
* Hecanavaiya, the Tusayan deity called the Ancient of the Six World-quarters, is a
very elusive deity or supernal pernonage in Tusayan mythology. I incline to the be-
lief that he is simply an attributal name of some other god, and since I made out that
the sun determines the four cardinal world quarters by solstitial horizon points the
theory suggested itself that the ancient of the six points was simply Tawa. the Sun.
The Snake Hero was told in the underworld that he should bo called Hecanavaiya, aod
liis representative, Wiki, is today ceremonially called by the same name. (See Snake
Legend, Journ. Amer. Eth. and Arch., vol. iv.)
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April 1895] SIA AND TUSAYAN SNAKE CEREMONIALS 125
earth being preexistent. Among the Tusayan Indians the earth
is always spoken of in cosmogony as existent, and save when
foreign influences can be readily traced, I find no knowledge of
a spiritual being who created the earth. The Sia cosmogony
be^ns with a created earth.
The hero offspring of the earth gods and sky gods are the Twin
War-gods, a conception which is widespread through the pueblo
region, where these personages are generally culture heroes.*
Among the Sia they are called Maasewe f and Nyuuyewe, and in
attributes closely resemble the Tusayan heroes, Piiiikonhoya and
Palanhoya. Their many deeds, such as killing monsters (Skoyo),
which form such a large proportion of their folk-lore, coincide
even in details with those of the Tusayan culture heroes. In
Sia mythology they are reputed to be the children of Ko'chinako
from an embrace by the Sun ; and the Spider woman, their
grandmother, is their constant mentor and helper. The Tusayan
Indians have been so little influenced by Christian teachers that
it is not surprising they have no equivalent of Poshaiyanne,
Poshyomo, or Poshaiank'ya, around whom so many biblical
stories cluster. The word Pocbutu retains its original meaning
of shaman and is applied to medicine-men who by exorcism
relieve the sick. I have found no special Pocwympkiya or
PocbutCl who has been deified by the Hopi or given special
supernal powers. Moctezuma is also unknown even by the
Tusayan Tanoan " thinkers,'^ which fact, together with the pov-
erty of stories of Christian origin about any special shaman,
would show how much less the Tusayan have been affected by
Catholic priests than any of the eastern pueblos.
WORLD-QUARTER GODS.
The cultus of the world-quarter gods occupies a prominent
place in Sia, as in other Pueblo myth and ritual. The gods of
the world-quarters are referred to six cardinal directions — north,
west, south, east, above, and below. In ceremonials in which
they are addressed the sinistral circuit is practiced, and the
sequence b^ns with the north. Examples of this circuit are
♦ It would form a roost interesting article to compare the Sia and Tusayan stories of
their many adventures in Tisiting the Sun, their father, and in killing the monsters,
but I have not space to enter upon that subject here. There is a close resemblance or
even identity in the Sia and Tusayan conceptions of these culture heroes.
fNote the similarity in sound to Masauwilh, the Tusayan war-god.
17
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126 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
mentioned in asperging, in ceremonial smoking, etc. There is a
similar association of colors with cardinal world-quarters to that
in Tusayan, and the same assignment, with the exception of the
color for the above and below.
The cardinal world-quarters and corresponding colors are said
to be the following :
TiiT' } north,* yellow.
PoSami } west, blue.
irami}--th,red.
Hamr }-^>-^^^-
Six world-quarter serpents are mentioned :
Skatowe (plumed), Serpent of North.
Kaspaima, ''
Koquira, **
Quissera, "
Huwaka, **
Yaai,
The Tusayan people make use, in a ceremony called the Palii-
liikonti, of six effigies of their plumed serpent, one correspond-
ing to each world-quarter, but I have not obtained their names,
nor do I think there is any great difference in their nomen-
clature, except in the addition of the corresponding word for
color as a prefix. It will be seen that no similarity in radicals
exists in the above names of the Sia plumed serpents.
Six world-quarter warriors are mentioned by Mrs. Stevenson :
Samaihaia,t Warrior of the North.
West.
South.
East.
Heavens.
Earth.
Shinohaia,
" " West.
Yumahaia,
** " South.
Ahwahaia,
" ♦' East.
Peahhaia,
" ** Zenith
Sarahaia,
** " Nadir.
♦ The magnetic north is not ceremonially recognized by the Tusayan Indians; their
cardinal points are solstitial horizon points of the sun.
f The element haiay which is common, would seem to mean warrior ; but as there is no
similarity in the other elements and the prefixes of the plumed serpents of the world-
quarters I am at loss to interpret them. I find the same want of uniformity of the pre.
fixes of the trees of the cardinal points.
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The Asperger (Nahaipiima) before the kisi in the Walpi snake
dance called out (p. 92, op. cit.), as he threw charm-liquid to
the cardinal points," Tcamahia, awahiye, yomahiye, tcimahaiye."
These words are incomprehensible to the Hopi, and are possibly
Keresan in derivation, invocations to the warrior gods, which
would be most appropriate at that time.
The women of the six world-quarters are stated to be :
Kochinako, Yellow Woman of the North.
Merrinako, Blue " " West.
Kiirkanflinako, Red " '* South.
Kashinako, AVhite " " East.
Quisserrinako, Slij^htly Yellow Woman of the Zenith.
Munainako, Dark Woman of the Nadir.
The animals of the six world-quarters are given as :
Mokaitc, Cougar of the North.
Kohai, Bear *
* West.
Tuopi, Badger *
* South.
Kakan. Wolf
' East.
Tiami, Eagle '
' Heavens
Maitubo, Shrew *
* Earth.
The trees of the six world-quarters are given as :
Shakaka, Spruce of the North.
Shwitirawana, Pine of the West.
Maichina, Oak of the South.*
Shwisinihanawe, Aspen of the East.
Marshtitamo, Cedar ** Zenith.
Morritamo, Oak " Nadir.
The birds of the six world-quarters are stated to be :
Hatee, Bird of the North.
Shasto, •*
" W^est.
Mapeun, '*
'* South.
Shuwakai,**
•* East.
Tiami,
Heavens (the Eagle).
Chaska, ** '
* Earth.
These six direction supernaturals, whether god, warrior, man,
animal, or tree, are of early origin in Sia cosmogony, as will be
• I do not understand why the word for ** oak " of the south is so different from
**oak" of the nadir, and do not detect in them a common radical for oak. The Oak
clan (extinct) is elsewliere (p. 19) called Hapanf\i, in which it is also difficult to distin-
gaish a common radical.
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128 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
seen from Mrs. Stevenson's article, and a similar conception is
common to all the Pueblos and to many other peoples.
Why, it has been asked, is world-quarter worship so widely
distributed among different people ? No satisfactory answer has
been given, but the theory that it is a direct outgrowth of suri
-worship at solstitial risings and settings is not more absurd than
many explanations which have been suggested.*
ANIMAL SUPERNATURAL BEINGS.
In this category I place the following from Sia, which are
mentioned by Mrs. Stevenson, with their Hopi equivalents : f
Shurtsftnna, Coyote Isauwiih.
China, Mole Muyi.
Chaska, Chapparal cock Hocboa.
ffir}^°'f ^—
MokaiL jCo-^'^'- Tohodh.
Keowuch Kohone.
Kohaira ]
Xohai > Bear Honaawi!lh.
Kohaiya j
Ta^iie, Deer Sowinna.
Tuopi )
Tupina >- Badger Honani.
Tuope J
Sisika, Swallow ',
Ishits, Scarabseus Hohoyaiih ?
Sika, Locust
Shuahkai, Small black bird with white wings
Skoyo, Cannibal giants Natacka, etc.
Kurtz, Antelope Tcubio.
SLaJEaBle Kwahu.
Maitubo, Shrew
The above list included the animal supernatural beings, except
those previously mentioned, from Sia and their equivalents from
♦ The Tusayan names of the bird skins corresponding to the six directions are given
in my account of Naacnaiya, and later in the article on " The Tusayan New Fire Cere,
naony."
fMany of these are personified in Tusayan ceremonials when they are called
Katcinas. The supernatural being personified and the dance or act of personification
are called by the same name, Katcina.
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April 1895J SI A AND TUSAYAN SNAKE CEREMONIALS 129
Walpi. It needs but a glance, however, to show that if the Sia
list is supposed to be comprehensive it does not include a tithe
of those which might be mentioned from Tusayan. Even such
important animal supernaturals as Hawk (Kese), Kwataka (Man
Eagle), Bee (Tatafiaya), Butterfly (Hokona), Owl (MonwCl), and
Mountain Sheep (PanwCl), which play most essential roles in
Tusayan ritual, are absent. All these in Tusayan, with many
others, are called Katcinas, a conception implied in the Sia Kat-
suna, which in Mrs. Stevenson's memoir are not clearly defined.*
The following groups of peoples are likewise powerful in Sia
rituals. These are especially interesting in relation to world-
quarter worship in the snake ceremonies :
Kopishtaia —
PQrtuwishta, Lightning people.
Kftwmotfi, Thunder "
Kaahtiarts, Rainl)ow **
Kachard, aoud "
The Paiatamof include, with other supernaturals, the Koshairi
and Querranna, the former of which are represented by an effigy
on the tiponi altar of the Sia snake ceremony.
I find it quite difficult if not impossible for me to bring my
observations of Tusayan mythology into harmony with those of
Mrs. Stevenson on the lesser deities of Sia, nor is it essential that
this part of the complicated subject be discussed here. Exactly
what relation there is between the cloud-chiefs and cloud-people
is very difficult to say, and I am not able to shed any light on
this and many other difficult questions of similar character. In
the lack of knowledge, which ignorance seems e(iually dense in
the minds of other conscientious students of Pueblo mythology,
I liave passed over the subject in a very unsatisfactory way,
awaiting more opportunities for observation.
*A diecaasion of the Pueblo conception of the Katcinas cannot be undertaken here
on account of its intricacy On the same ground I must eliminate also Hoch&nmi and
Saiahlia, the Sia equivalents of Hotcani and possibly Pokemil of the Hopi. My object
is not to compare the Sia and Tusayan pantheons, but simply those members of it
which are necessary to be acquainted with as a preparation to the study of the snake
ritual. Hochanni of the Sia (Hotcani in Hopi), according to Mrs. Stevenson, is the
** high ruler of the cloud people of the world." I do not know who the Tusayan Hotcani
is, alihough 1 am well acquainted with his symbolism. (See my Tusayan Dolls.)
fThis word recalls PaiakyamQ, the TaQoan gluttons, who are clowns, "delight-
makers,** Koshairi or Koshare.
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130 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The personages whom I have called PaiakyamCl or Tewan
gluttons and fio;ured (in vol. ii, Jour. Amer. Eth. and Arch.),
have many points of likeness to the Koshare or " Delight
Makers" described by Bandelier. These, I likewise suppose,
are the Koshairi of Sia. I am not sure what Tusayan person-
ages correspond to the Querranna of Mrs. Stevenson (Cuirana
of Bandelier), and have not yet been able to identify their rain
ceremony with any of those which I have seen in Arizona.*
I am in much doubt about the limits of the three divisions
said to be creations of the Spider woman, viz :
'* 1. Paiatamo : All men of Ha'arts (the earth), the sun, moon,
stars, Koshairi and Querranna.
" 2. Kopishtaia : The cloud, lightning, thunder, rainbow, peo-
ples, and all animal life not included under the first and third
heads.
" 3. Katsuna : Beings having human bodies and monster
heads, who are personated in Sia by men and women f wearing
masks."
There is certainly something very obscure here, and new ob-
8er\'ations must be made or more exact statements before the
above classification can be of much value to the student of com-
parative ceremoniology ; or, if the separation of two and three,
as here defined, is a good one, the Sia system is so widely dif-
ferent from that of Tusayan that comparisons of the Katsuna J
and the Katcinas are impossible.
* I confess my inability at this writing to fathom the meaning of that strange organi-
zation, the Tusayan Tcukuwympkiyn, which includes the clowns, mud-heads, and
gluttons. Their strange antics I have repeatedly observed, but no adequate explana-
tion has yet been given me of them. "While the Koshare," says Bandelier, "are
specially charged with the duty of furthering the ripening of the fruit, the Cuirana
assist the sprouting of the seed. . . . While on certain occasions the latter are
masters of ceremonies also, they never act as clowns or official jesters." (Delight
Makers, p. 143.)
'•Whenever the Katsuna appear," says Mrs. Stevenson (p. 116), "they are accom-
panied by their attendants, the Koshairi and Querr&nna, who wait upon them . . .
making the spectators merry with their witty sayings and buffoonery."
1 1 have never seen a woman in a Hopi ceremony wearing a Katcina mask ; women
Katcinas are personated by men.
X After a faithful ntndy I do not know Wliat Mrs. Stevenson means by a Katsuna, as
she seems to me to use the term In several different meanings. No doubt I am equally
vague in my use of the Hopi term Katcina. I have, however, tried t^ define this won),
more accurately than is possible here, in an article in a forthcoming report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology. Practically all masked dances are Katcina dances,
beginning in January and ending in August.
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With these preliminary remarks on Sia and Walpi mythol-
ogy let us pass to a consideration of the Snake ceremony in the
two pueblos, as an instance of the similarities of the ritual. The
Sia, as the Tusayan snake observance, is a ceremonial for rain,
and participants in it prepare themselves for their duties by
bodily purifications and other rites.
We are told that the Sia Snake ceremonial is performed " after
the ripening of the corn ; " the Tusayan takes place in August.
(For dates see my Snake memoir.)
For a proper comparison of this weird ceremony in the two
pueblos I shall follow the headings adopted in my account of
the Walpi snake dance, drawing my material from the Sia
memoir. The following have served me as convenient head-
ings for comparative purposes :
1. The Altar.
{Ceremonies at the tiponi altar,
a, Making charm liquid.
6, Invocation to world-quarter deities.
I Ceremonies with live reptiles,
a, Snake hunts.
6, Ceremonies at the " log house.**
c, Public dance (rites at the ''grotto").
I do not follow Mrs. Stevenson in the predominance which
she has ascribed to ** initiations " in the third heading. The
primary object of this component, especially the rites at the
"grotto," is not an initiation but rather comparable with the
Tusayan dance at the Cottonwood bower in the plaza. It is the
acme of the snake ceremony with a distinct purpose ; novel to
a novitiate ; possibly so worn down that but little remains but
the initiation ceremony, an episode, not the main object of the
performance.
THE TIPONI ALTAR.
In a comparative study of the Tusayan altars in their many
variations, with all their modifications, I find one object which is
always present in kiva observances. To this object fetishes,
sand pictures, reredos, in fine paraphernalia of all kinds, are ac-
cessories. This constantly present object, indeed that which
makes the altar, is the society '' mother " called by the Hopi the
tiponi. Two of these palladia are used on the altars of the
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132 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Walpi snake ceremonials, one representing each of the societies
which participates in it. Six tiponis (iarriko) were placed on
the Sia altar, four of which belonged to the chief (honaaite).
A large part of the distinctive characteristics of the altars of
different societies is made up of accessories, of which the follow-
ing may be mentioned : 1, Sand pictures ; 2, Reredos; 3, Images,
fetishes ; 4, Pahos, prayer feathers, sacred meal,* and pollen ;
5, Paraphernalia used in other rites, as nakwipi (medicine bowl,
corn, aspergill, etc.).
The accessories of the tiponi altars of the Sia and Tusayan
snake ceremonials differ considerably, showing evidences of con-
solidation or want of differentiation or both. The two altars,
that of the Snake and that of the Antelope, are possibly repre-
sented in Sia by a single tiponi altar.
Two sand-pictures are found combined in the Sia altar, one
of which is comparable with the Antelope sand-mosaic, the
other with the Snake.
I have in my article on ** The Tusayan New Fire Ceremony " t
pointed out the distinction between a tiponi altar and a cloud-
charm altar. Any altar, simple or compound, upon which a
tiponi stands is a tiponi altar, but the tiponi is not necessarily on
the altar used in the making of the cloud-charm liquid or the
invocation to the world-quarter deities or supematurala.
These are represented on plate xiv of the Sia memoir. The
former, instead of four sets of four different-colored semicircles,
representing rain-clouds of the world-quarters, form different
colored lightning symbols ; and a quadruple border surrounding
the whole is represented in two colors, black and white, consist-
ing of three white rain-clouds; and four black lightning symbols,
the whole destitute of a border.
The second sand-picture of the Sia altar approaches more
closely that of the sand-mosaic of the Snake priests at Walpi,
but in its design the colors are differently arranged, and the
lightning snakes extend radially from the corners of the border
instead of parallel with the sides. The place occupied by the
outlines of four snakes in the Walpi Snake altar is filled in the
Sia by four triple rain-cloud symbols, each triplet different in
* Sacred meal is of course in a Nense not an accessory ; there in no altar without it,
but it docs not, like the first three, distinguish the character of the altar,
t Proc. Host. Soc. Nat. History, January 2, 1893.
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April 1895] SIA AND TUSAYAN SNAKE CEREMONIALS 133
colors. The mountain lion, which is drawn within a rectangle,
is common to both the Sia and Tusayan Snake sand-mosaic*
The altars of both the Antelope and the Snake societies at
Walpi are destitute of an upright frame or reredos which forms
such a conspicuous feature (plates xiv, xv) back of the Snake
altar at Sia. The third group of accessories, fetishes in human
or animal form, as represented at Walpi by the seven animal
effigies mentioned in my account, but there are no effigies cor-
responding to the following, said to be found on the Sia altar :
Kochinako, " Yellow Woman of the North ; " f Maasewe and
UyuunyewS, Twin Gods of War ; Six Warriors of the Six Moun-
tains ; Three Koshairis (clowns ?) ; Fetish of White Stone Bear ;
Two Coiled Stones representing snakes ; Cross J (decorated with
feathers).
The simple fact that a cross occurs on the altar is not neces-
sarily an evidence of Christian influence, although in this case it
may be probable. Cross-shaped paho were used by the Pueblo
people when they were visited by Coronado in 1540 and were
described by Castafieda (p. 239, Ternaux-Compans) : " A Acuco,
nous trouv^mes pr&s d'une fontaine une croix de deux palmes
de haut, et d'un doigt d'^paisseur. Le bois en etait carr6, et il
y avait autour beaucoup de fleurs sSches et de petits batons
orn6s de plumes. " A Tutahaco, nous trouv^mes sur une sepul-
ture [pahoki] qui paraissait r^cente une croix faite de deux
raorceaux de bois attaches avec du fil de coton, et orn^e de fleurs
dessechtes.*"
The rows of crooks (gneliikpi), which surmount the sand-
mosaics of the Antelope and Snake altars at W^alpi, appear not
to be represented at Sia, unless we find their equivalents in *' two
* The arraDgemeni of the different colored sands as represented in plate XIV would
greatly offend a Uopi Snake priest, with whom the sequence is always, whether in cir-
cuit or on borders*, yellow, green, red, and white. I question the accuracy of the ar-
rangement of colors in the second sand-picture of the Sia altar figured on plate XIV of
the memoir.
1 1 suspect that (his effigy of Kochinako is an attributal name of some earth god-
dess.
I A paho in the form of the cross was, however, made and deposited in the fields
during the Walpi Snake ceremonials, as I have described (op. cit., p. 51). In the winter
solstitial rites (Soyalui^a) a similar cross-shape paho is likewise manufactured, and
called a wu-ka-si paho, or by some a Ka-wai-kn (Keresan) paho. On being asked if this
cruciform object had not the same significance as that placed by the Castiiians over
their missions, the maker responded, " No; I make it because I wish an ox I I want
oxen with spotted bodies, and the spots I paint on the shafi of the paho represent those
which I wish on the animal." The cross on the Sia altar shows Christian influences,
according to Mrs. Stevenson.
18
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134 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [ Vol. VIII
wands of turkey plumes standing in clay holders." The fine
old stone implements (tcamahia) of the Antelope altar are com-
parable with "two finely polished adzes, 12 inches long," and
" two stone knives." *
The paho, sacred meal, and pollen are common to all altars
and are to be expected both at Walpi and Sia on the Snake altars.
More will be said of the first of these objects when I speak of
their delivery to the couriers.
For the arrangement of the objects on the altar I have followed
the description which unfortunately does not agree f with the
figure (plate xv). Only two of the six tiponi are figured and the
position of one of the sand-pictures is not clear to me. 1 am
therefore obliged to limit myself to generalities and cannot carry
a comparison into details.
Of minor objects peculiar to the Sia altar may be mentioned
the following :
Tawaka, " gaming blocks and rings for the clouds to ride
upon ; " Maickdriwapai, six direction's birds' feathers (see bird
skins in my account of the Tusayan New Fire Ceremony) ;
*' sacred honey jug (a gourd) ; *' shell with corn pollen ; rattle-
snakes' rattles ; nakwipi (medicine bowl) ; miniature bow and
arrow before each tiponi ; bear-leg skins and necklace of bear
claws.
Any or every sacred object efficacious to bring rain is naturally
placed on the altar at Walpi, and, unless I am greatly surprised,
the next ethnologist who describes the Antelope Snake sand-
picture will find upon it a large specimen of the horseshoe crab
(^Linmlus polyphemus)^ "giant tadpole," which I presented the
priests in 1893.
CEREMONIES AT THE TIPONI ALTAR.
That part of the Sia snake ceremony which is described on
pages 79-84 bears evidence of being composite, including at least
♦As these are the same that the "medicine-maker" strikes togotlicr in making
" medicine water," even Kakapti's act of beating the floor with a tcamahia (p. 2:<, Snake
Dance), is not without a parallel at Sia.
fMrs. Stevenson explains thiH difference in the following way: "Unfortunately, Ihe
flash-light photographs of the altar of the Snake society made during the ceremonial
failed to develop well, and, guarding against possible failure, the writer succeeded in
having the homiaite arrange the altar at another time. The fear of discovery induced
such haste that the fetishes, which are kept carefully stored away in different houses,
were not all brought out on this occasion."
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two elements which are differentiated at Walpi, the invocation
to the six world-quarter gods and the making of the cloud-charm
liquid. The former of these necessarily presupposes the latter,
and it is not unusual in other Tusayan rites (as Niman Katcina)
to find them consolidated, although in elaborate observances like
the Walpi snake dance they are distinct. I have tried to separate
the elements of each in the Sia altar ceremony. The following
acts, among many, I would refer to the making of the " medi-
cine :"
1, Gourdfuls of liquid pounded into the nakwipi (medicine
bowl), with preliminary dedication by passes to the world quar-
ters ; 2, Pebble fetishes, six in number, dropped in turn into the
liquid with similar intent ; 3, Dipping knives into the liquid ;
4, Addition of tochainitiwa (" a certain herb used by cult so-
cieties to produce suds ") ; 5, Addition of meal or pollen ; 6,
Smoking* above or into the liquid ; 7, Songs (incantations) and
prayers.
Mrs. Stevenson says (p. 81) : " The preparation of the medi-
cine water began with the opening of the seventh stanza." I
suggest that it began earlier or when the " maker of medicine
water " " proceeded to consecrate the water " (p. 80).
These elements of the Sia f ceremony about the altar I would
compare with the making of the medicine in the Monkiva at the
beginning of the snake ceremony at Walpi, where (as described
on page 15 of my memoir) they are celebrated with modifica-
tions in detail, but as a ceremony distinct from the sixteen-song
ceremony enacted later in the day. In the remaining acts of
this composite rite about the Sia sand-picture I find traces of
what I have called in my Snake memoir the Sixteen-songs cere-
mony, which is a consecration of pahos and
INVOCATION TO THE RAIN GODS OF THE SIX WORLD-QUARTERS.
The ceremonial acts referable to this component are like those
of the same at Walpi: 1, Asperging to the world -quarters and
upon objects of the altar ; 2, Striking stone implements on the
floor or together; 3, Prayers and ceremonial smokes; 4, Purifi-
cations ; 5, Delivery of the pahos to the couriers.
* Ceremonial smokes are constant features at the opening and close of the making
of the elouil-charm liquid in every great ceremony at Walpi.
t At Sia the making of the charm liquid (medicine) is accompanied by posturing and
dADcing. This has escaped me in Tusayan observance, in which this liquid is made.
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136 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The vein of similarity which runs through these and like com-
ponents of the Sixteen-songs ceremony is so easy to trace, even
when so much modified, that 1 have simply pointed out the ex-
istence of similarities, but the prime essential of this component
of the invocation is the prayer-stick, the paho, which may be
said to be consecrated by these acts.
In the paho of both Sia and Walpi societies we have tangible
objects to compare, and an account of them naturally precedes
a notice of their delivery to couriers.
The Sia paho (of the snake ceremony ?), judging from Pis.
XI, XII, and xiii,* differ somewhat from the Walpi (cf. pp.
27, 71). No Walpi Snake or Antelope paho has a face or incised
ferule cut on either shaft, and every paho has a package of
meal (nuciata) tied to it, and a turkey-tail feather, a corn-husk,
or the herbs pamnavi and kdrnyCl. These appendages are not
represented on any of the paho figured in the Sia memoir. There
are many other differences, but as the figures in plates xi, xii,
and XIII are not specially described I am unable to carry my
comparisons into details. The figures on plate xiii show a single-
stick paho, but differ widely from the Snake paho and that of
Masauw(ih, which are the only single-stick pahos used in the
Walpi snake ceremony (see p. 27)t ; all the others are double.
Sacred meal and corn pollen are used in the Sia as in the
Tusayan rites. The latter is sprinkled on the head of the snakes
by all the members in the ceremonials of the fifth day (p. 87")
at Sia, and is used for the same purpose in the Walpi snake
dance (p. 40, Walpi ceremony). In the legend of the Snake
Hero it is said (p. 116) that the Snake people ate corn pollen for
food. At certain times in the Sixteen-songs ceremony the altar
is sprinkled with corn pollen, although meal is generally used.
At the close of the Sixteen-songs ceremony at the altar of the
Walpi Antelopes the pahos are given to a single courier (Kakapti)
to deposit in the world-quarter shrines. Two bearers receive
* Mrs. Sfcevenson does not state that the paho represented on plates XI, XII, and XIII
are distinctively Snake paho, but figures them as hachamoni (paho) with or without
feathers. As no one of them is distinctly referred to the Snake society, my compari*
sons must be as general as her references to them.
t My cut of this paho was drawn by an accomplished artist, Mr. S. F. Denton, from
an original iL my collection, which was made for me in the kiva, with the others, by
the Antelope priest, Masiiimtiwa. Dr Matthews' fear (Amer. Anth., October, 1894, p. 422)
that it is faulty is perfectly groundless, as any one may see by inspection of the original
and the copy.
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April 1895J SIA AND TUSAYAN SNAKE CEREMONIALS 137
them, with a "litany," in the Sia celebration (pp. 84, 85). As
nothing is said in regard to the place where the Sia pahos are
deposited, I will simply refer the reader who wishes information
on this point in the Walpi rite to my memoir (p. 35).
The final event in the life of the altar was ita dismantling and
the wrapping up of the fetishes and tiponi, between which there
is a general similarity at Sia and Walpi. The efficacy of the
sand and the use which is made of it has the same meaning in
Tusayan and Sia, and pertains to many such pictures, as can be
seen by consultation of my articles on other ceremonies.
A paho is said to have been made for Spider woman in the
Sia snake dance. Although I have not learned that the Tusayan
Snake priests made one of these prayer emblems to this person-
age, the details of the story of the Snake Hero would seem to
call for one at their hands. Masauwuh is remembered at Walpi,
as I have elsewhere recorded.
CEREMONIES WITH LIVING SNAKES.
Our knowledge of these rites at Sia is imperfect, and what
has been recorded seems to have been derived from hearsay.
The phraseology and kind of type used in the Sia memoir in
the " account of the initiation of a member into the third degree
of the Snake order " (p. 86) leaves me in doubt whether that
which is recorded on page 87 was seen by the author or reported
by the "vicar." The limitation of the first person singular of
the personal pronoun to the smaller type implies that the larger
type was a result of personal study, while the context indicates
that all the "initiation " (pp. 86, 88) was given by the "vicar."
I do not regard the rites described as primarily initiation cere-
monials, but incline to the belief that we have in them frag-
ments of several ceremonials, possibly worn down so much that
the " initiation " is most prominent.* Every ceremony in which
a novice participates for the first time he may regard as an
initiation, as it is from his point of view.
The following component rites are recognizable in the Sia
"initiation:" 1, Snake Hunts; 2, Ceremonials (in log house)
about an altar ; 3, Ceremony at the " cornstalk " bower, " grotto."
* Of course it may be that in the more elaborate Walpi ceremony these have been
differentiated from a ceremony like that of the Sia.
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138 THE AMERICAN ANTHUOPOLOGIST [Vol, VIII
The snake hunts at Sia took place, as at Walpi, on successive
days in sequence corresponding to the north, west, south, and
east world-quarters, and pahos were deposited in these at Snake
shrines. The number of reptiles used at Sia is very small, but
the signification is the same. The part which the novices ])lay
in these hunts is not clear to me and I have never been allowed
to witness the capture of a reptile on the snake hunts at Walpi.
As at Sia there are " three members " of the Snake society, only
the north, west, and south are visited for the collection of snakes,
but the members must go to the east and deposit hachamoni
(paho) to the snake honaaite * of the east.
The snake hunts at Sia last four days, and on the fifth day we
have the Sia abbreviation or representation of the Walpi ninth
day.f The first of these are the rites in the " log house " about
an altar (sand-picture), part of which is comparable with that of
the Snake priests in the Wikwaliobi kiva. Different as the two
ceremonials appear to be, I believe that this rite at Sia.is com-
parable with the Walpi snake washing, when the reptiles are
taken from the jars and violently thrown across the kiva. In
the " log house " they are simply laid on the floor. ** The ritual
begins with the rattle and song, and after the song the honaaite,
passing before the line of women on the north side, takes a snake
from a vase, and, holding it a hand's span from the head, ad-
vances to the east of the sand-painting (which is similar in
plate XIV, with the addition of two slightly diverging lines, one
of corn pollen, the other of black pigment, extending from the
painting to the entrance of the house) and lays it between the
lines with its head to the east."" J " The snake is then placed
around the throat '' of one of their number " novitiate,*' and later
deposited in a jar. This is repeated with the other snakes.
It seems incredible but by no means impossible that the weird
snake washing at Walpi has a counterpart in this quiet rite, but
there are several likenesses which lead one on to compare them.
Both are highly modified, perhaps from an ancestral presenta-
* Although it is not distinctly said who this Snako chief (honaaite) is, I think it will
be found to be the equivalent of the Plumed Snake of the East, comparable with
Palulukon.
t With some elements of the seventh day, viz, the initiation ceremony in the
Wikwaliobi kiva (see pp. 6it-65).
X No mention is made of bathing the snakes, an essential feature in this ceremony
at Walpi. I can only account for the women in the ceremony by supposing elements
of the seventh day's initiation at Walpi are introduced.
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tion, but it seems to me that these modifications are not too great
to render it improbable that they are the same.* If we remember
that the Walpi use in their biennial snake dance sixty reptiles,
it will readily be seen that it would take a long time to lay each
snake by the altar, place it on a novice, and put it back in a jar.
Allowing five minutes for this act with each reptile would make
a ceremony five hours long at a minimum calculation. The
germ of the idea which pervades both the Sia and the Walpi
component is an introduction of the reptile to its home, the
altar, and a sanctification of their prayers f by its presence.
None of the Sia components thus far considered have any hint
of the Walpi snake dance on the open plaza, when the hideous
reptiles are carried in the mouths of the participants, the hor-
rible acts which have furnished so much welcome material for
sensational newspapers. Has the Sia celebration a component
to compare with the public dance at Walpi ?
The exercises near the grotto J are, I belive, comparable with
those at the Walpi kisi (cottonwood bower) on the ninth day.
At this time, however, at Sia, the reptiles are not carried in the
mouth, but borne in the hands or passed into the hands of
others. While they take place, songs are sung and rattles
sounded, and at the close the reptiles § are released, one to each
world-quarter.
I cannot do better than to quote from Mrs. Stevenson's ac-
count of the Sia snake dance to give an idea of this ceremony :
** Upon the opening of the song and dance the ho''naaite procures a
snake at the entrance of the grotto and holding it horizontally with both
hands presents it to the novitiate, who receives it in the same manner,
clasping the throat with the right hand ; the ho^'naaite and novitiate pass
back and forth north of the line from the grotto four times. . . . The
ho^naaite then takes the snake and returns it to the man in the grotto."
At the close of this portion of the dance two or more men " are requested
•If the Sin prients had sixty instead of three reptiles to place on the floor by the
altar they might find it difficult to manage them, and find it expedient to throw tlie
reptiles on the sand picture as the Walpi Snake priests do today.
t The purport of the prayers to the snakes is an exhortation to them to intercede
with the Cloud gods to bring the desired rains. I fail to find any more snake worship
in the Sia than in the Walpi observance.
{ This I suppose to be another name for "a conical structure of cornstalks bearing
ripe fruit," which Is erected 70 feet east of the log house <p. 87). If I am right I would
further compare this " grotto" with the cottonwood bower or Kisi at Walpi.
SThe Sia Snake society is called Shuwi Chainn. Note the similarity of the Keresan
word shuwi with the Hopi word for snake, tcua.
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140 THE AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGTST [Vol. VIII
by the ho^'naaite to enter the grotto and receive the vases from the man
inside. These they carry to a cave and . . . take out each snake
separately. . . . The first snake is deposited to the north, the second
to the west, the third to the south, and the fourth to the east ; this is
repeated until all the snakes are disposed of" (p. 89, op. cit.).*
Widely different as the acts at the Sia snake " grotto " are
from the stirring events of the Walpi snake dance, with its
fearless carrying of reptiles in the months, the many exciting
episodes, and the wild rush of the participants t at its close to
the four-world quarters, there still remains a likeness between
tlie two.J
Whether the resemblances between the Sia and the Tusayan
snake dances are close or remote, it seems to me that it would
be much better not to call the ceremonials at the *' log house "
and "grotto" initiation ceremonies unless we are prepared to
designate the Walpi snake dance by the same name. Mrs.
Stevenson's informant called them so, perhaps, because he
thought they were ; in fact, to him they were initiation novel-
ties, but they bear marks of being veritable rites for rain.
This examination of what is known of the Sia snake cere-
mony has convinced me that what is needed most of all for
future comparisons is a reinvestigation of this ritual and a veri-
fication of many doubtful points. Personal studies of the cere-
monials at the " log house " and " grotto " ought to reveal much
more than we have. Mrs. Stevenson has done valuable pioneer
work in her studies of Sia and is to be congratulated on the re-
sults, and it is to be hoped that she or other ethnologists will
* I confess I am at a loss to know how many snakns were used by the Sia, but this
quotation leads me to believe a considerable number. On page 86 I read, "the number
of snakes required depending upon the membership, the ratio being equal to the '
number of members. There must be a snake from each of the cardinal points, unless
the membership is less than four, which is now the case."
t The dress of the " Snake division" (p. 88) differs from the paraphernalia of the Snake I
priests at Walpi. The Sia priests wear ** fringed kilts of buckskin with the rattle- ,
snake painted upon them, the fringes being tipped with conical bits of tin." The Walpi '
snake kilts are of cloth, fringed with triangular pieces of metal, also bent into cones, ^
with the headless body of a snake upon them. The moccasins of the Sia Snake priests
are said to be painted with kaolin, those of the Tusayan are covered with red (iron I
oxide). Plate XVII gives a picture of a Snake vice honaaite on whose kilt a head of i
the snake is depicted. The head is absent and only the body remains on the kilt of
Tusayan Snake priests (p. 79). |
X ludefinite stories are current in Tusayan that eastern Pueblos have a snake dance i
but do not carry the snake in the mouth. The Sia celebration would seem to show the I
truth of these stories. I
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rescue still more of the survival of the Sia ritual before it passes
away forever. The ritual of the Pueblo Indians is praclieally
virgin soil for the investigator and its cultivation is sure to
yield valuable results.
From the preceding discussion of material available on the
Sia and Tusayan snake ceremonies, one conclusion of impor-
tance is thrown into clear outlines. This ceremony at Sia and at
Walpi has so many elements in common that we can conclude
that they are parts of related rituals. Their identities mean
contact, and cement stronger than has yet been possible the
eastern and western Pueblo peoples. In connection with lin-
guistic and documentary evidences, they show that in essentials
the Arizonian and New Mexican Pueblo culture is the same.
The fastnesses of Tusayan have received many groups of families
from the Rio Grande region and assimilated with them. From
them Hopi,,Tanoan, and Keresan fugitives have returned to their
old homes. The Pueblos have been churned together over and
over again too many times to allow the ethnologist to be able to
distinguish ^* Moquis " from " Pueblos."
One more word. Sia is said to belong to that linguistic group
of Pueblos called Keresan. Acoma, where Espejo saw dancers
with reptiles in 1582-'83, is of the same stock. Legends say that
the snake dance is the cult of the oldest people of Tusayan.
These facts mean something or, rather, several things, one of
which is that the original Tusayan cult has kinship with that of
the Keresan, the oldest of the linguistic stocks of the Pueblos.
19
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142 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
THE FIRST DISCOVERED CIT7 OF CIBOLA
BY F. W. HODGE
Through the labors of Mr. Adolf F. Bandelier* it has become
quite definitely established that the region now known as Ari-
zona was first visited by whites in the middle of the year 1538,
when Fray Pedro Nadal and Fray Juan de la Asuncion (or de
Olmeda) penetrated the southern part of that territory. . There
the friars learned that to the northward were many-storied
pueblos inhabited by people who wore clothing and possessed
an abundance of turkis. This was probably the first news of the
Pueblo Indians to reach Mexico, for although Nufio de Guzman
about nine years previously (in 1529) heard of the existence of
" seven towns " in the northern country, it is possible that the
subsequently discovered " Seven Cities of Cibola " were quite dis-
tinct from these. Indeed, mention of a suppositional group of
" seven caves " in the new country was made soon after the
Columbian discovery, while a legend of seven cities originated
in the Old World as early as the ninth century, was imported to
the New, and coincidently found its realization in the so called
Seven Cities of Cibola.
In September, 1538, or very shortly after the return to the
City of Mexico of the two monks above mentioned, Marcos de
Niza, a Franciscan friar, set out from the capital under authority
and instruction from Antonio de Mendoza, then viceroy of New
Spain, to explore the inhabited region of the far north. There
accompanied Niza, as guide, a negro named Est^van or Est6-
vanico, who had been a companion of Alvar Nuilez Cabeza de
Vaca, Andr6z Dorantes, and Alonzo de Castillo Maldonado.
These four survivors of the ill-fated expedition of Narvaez,
which about 1529 was wrecked in the Gulf of Mexico west of
the Mississippi delta, found their way to the Mexican capital
after seven years' wandering and untold suffering.
* Contributions to the History of the Southwestern Portion of the United States: Arch.
Inst. Papers, v, 1890. Documentary History of the Zufii Tribe^ in Jour. Am. Ethnol. and
Arch., edited by J. Walter Fewkes, iii, 1892. "
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April 1895] FIRST DISCOVERED CITY OF CIBOLA 143
The story of Niza's journey has been more than twice told ;
hence it is not necessary to repeat it in detail here.* The negro
was sent in advance with a number of Indians, who were joined
by others as they proceeded on their journey. While among
the Opatas of Sonora, Estevan sent to Niza the first information
regarding Cibola ; and as the friar hastened onward, being hospi-
tably received by the Piman natives, through whose territory
he was now traveling, the news of the populous and wealthy
nations of the north received through runners sent by the negro
grew more and more promising. The so-called despoblado, now
covered in part by the White Mountain Apaclie Jeservation, was
soon crossed, but when within two or three days' journey of
Cibola the friar was astonished at meeting one of the Indians
who had accompanied Estevan and learning from him that the
negro and a number of his Indian companions had been killed
by the Cibolans, and that those who had escaped were fleeing
for their lives.
It is not necessary to enter into details concerning the death
of Estevan, nor to relate the causes which led to it. Friar Marcos
held a parley with his natives, hoping to induce them to accom-
pany him to Cibola, but they were so overcome by fear as well
as so incensed at the death of their kinsmen, for which they
held Niza responsible, that they not only refused to accompany
him, but threatened his life. The judicious distribution of some
articles which Fray Marcos had brought with him, however, dis-
suaded the Indians from executing their threats, and he even
finally succeeded in inducing them to continue the journey ; but
when within a day's travel of the first village they encountered
two more fugitives from Cibola, sorely frightened and covered
with blood. The sight of the wounded and abject Indians re-
newed the anguish of their brethren and it took Niza a long time
to soothe them.
Himself threatened with death by his Indian companions, the
friar had no hope of entering Cibola, yet he was bent on obeying
the orders of the viceroy, if his life should be spared, by at least
looking upon the town. At last, accom panied by his own Indians
*For fuller accounts see Bandelier, op. cit. ; also his "Discovery of Neto Mexico by
Fray Marcos of Nizza^^ in Mag. Western History, September, 1886. Early Explorations
of New Mexico, by Henry W. Haynes, in Winsor's Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am , vol. ii, chap,
vii. W. W. H. Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico. Reference to original docu-
ments are given in these treatises.
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144 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
and two chiefs of the tribe* whose people had been killed with
Estevan, the obedient Niza made his way to the heights over-
looking one of the towns. Here he erected a small cross, form-
ally took possession of the country, and hastened back to Mexico.
Upon his arrival he submitted to the viceroy a narrative of his
exploits.
Careful attention was apparently not given by the officials to
Niza's reladoiij for there was a notable lack of discrimination be-
tween the record of his personal observations and of the stories
which were communicated to him by the Indians whom he
encountered concerning the country and its wonderful riches.
Consequently, when Coronado and his army, guided by Niza, in
the following year found that Cibola comprised several villages
of stone and mud, with no gold or other metals, their disappoint-
ment knew no bounds, and the anger of the soldiers and the
maledictions they uttered against the defenseless friar are men-
tioned by both Coronado and Castafieda, neither of whom forgot
to contribute his share of calumny.
Mr. Bandelier has established quite satisfactorily that Niza was
honest in his assertions, the fabrications concerning Cibola being
recorded by the friar as having come to him through hearsay.
It is regarding the identity of the village at which Estevan lost
his life and which Niza observed from a distant height that ques-
tion has arisen. The name of one of the Cibolan villages the friar
learned from an old Zufii whom he found living with one of the
Piman tribes and who had been a fugitive from Cibola for many
years. This name was Abacus, and is identical with Ilawikuh, a
pueblo occupied by the Zunis until about 1670, when the Apaches
compelled its abandonment. It should be remembered, however?
that the name Abacus was not applied by Niza to the pueblo
visited by Estevan and seen by himself, nor indeed to any other
j)ueblo ; hence the question as to which of the cities of Cibola
was first discovered.
The place of the killing of the " Black Mexican " is fixed by
Zuni tradition at K'iakima, and this tradition Mr. Bandelier
has attempted to substantiate by applying thereto the descrip-
tion by Niza as well as by other documenUry testimony bearing
on the point. It is my j)urpose to show that not K^iakima but
* Probiibly the Sobaf puri PapHgos.
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April 1895] FIRST DISCOVERED CITY OF CIBOLA 145
Hawikuh was the town of Cibola discovered by Niza, that the
latter village alone corresponds substantially with the settle-
ment described by the friar, and that Zuiii traditional accounts
of events which occurred over three centuries ago are not worthy
of consideration as historical or scientific evidence.
In order that there may be no difference in terms employed I
will recite Mr. Bandelier's own translation from the Spanish of
the description of the Cibolan village seen by Niza when he took
possession in the name of the King of Spain of the territory
now forming Arizona and New Mexico.
Reviewing that portion of the friar's narrative relating to his
desire to continue onward to Cibola after the death of Est^van
and some of his companions, Mr. Bandelier says : " His Indians
were unwilling to accompany him. They not only resisted his
entreaties, but threatened his life, in atonement for the lives of
their relatives slaughtered at Cibola. He pleaded and remon-
strated, but they remained stubborn. At last two of their num-
ber — ^ principal men,' he says — consented to lead him to a place
whence he could see Cibola from afar. [Then quoting Niza :]
* With them and with my Indians and interpreters I followed
my road till we came in sight of Cibola, which lies in a plain
on the slope of a round height. Its appearance is very good for
a settlement, — the handsomest I have seen in these parts. The
houses are, as the Indians had told me, all of stone, with their
stories and flat roofs. As far as I could see from a height where
I placed myself to observe, the settlement is larger than the city
of Mexico.' . . . Here, again, in sight of Cibola [now con-
tinues Bandelier], his Indian guides reiterated the statement that
the village* now in view was the smallest one of the seven, and
that Totonteac [Tusayan] was much more important than the so
called Seven Cities. After taking possession of Cibola, Totonteac,
Acus, and Marata for the Spanish crown, raising a stone heap,
and placing a wooden cross on top of it with the aid of the na-
tives, and naming the new land the * New Kingdom of Saint
Francis,' the friar turned back, * with much more fright than
food,' as he very dryly but truthfully remarks.''!
♦The statement In his Gilded Man (p. 166) that Niza and his companions "at last
reached a hill whence they looked down into a valley in which lay several villages**
is an error ; but one village was seen.
t Bandelier, Contributions, op. cit , p. 160, 161.
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146 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The natural approach to Zufii from the south westward, the
direction whence Niza came, is by way of Little Colorado and
Zuiii River valleys. Any other route from that direction would
lead through a region of utter desolation, extremely difficult of
travel by reason of its broken and arid character. The valley-
through which Zuni river flows on to the Little Colorado part
of the year, is easy to travel, and it may be reasonably assumed
that water was abundant at or within easy reach of the sandy
river bed when Niza's little force wended its way toward Cibola
late in May of the year 1539. To have left the valley would have
increased the distance which the barefoot friar must traverse,
besides leading him over an indescribably dreary and rugged
stretch. It therefore would seem that Niza, as well as Est^van,
approached Zufii by the valley route over which Coronado,
guided by Niza, went a year later — a route leading directly to
Hawikuh, the southwesternmost of the Cibolan towns, and one of
the two largest of the group. From the southwest K'iakima,
which lies at the southwestern foot of T^aiyalone or Thunder
mountain, in the eastern part of the plain, can be reached only
by the tortuous route alluded to. Moreover, K'iakima was the
most remote of all the Cibolan pueblos when approached from
the southwest, Matsaki alone excepted.
In the light of these facts, then, what would have been Niza's
object in visiting KHakima, particularly when guided by unwill-
ing natives, who evidently had visited Cibola before? Had he
made a detour before reaching the vicinity of Hawikuh for the
purpose of viewing K'iakima from the adjacent mesas, Niza
scarcely would have used the words : " I followed my road until
we came in sight of Cibola ; " * that is, the road he was follow-
ing ; the only road.f
The friar describes the pueblo as b'ing *' in a plain at the slope
of a round height.'' This is one of the most significant points in
the narrative in favor of Hawikuh. This ruin was surveyed by
*The term Cibola is Bpeciflcally employed by Friar Marcos to designate the single
village which he saw.
t "Thnre existed, in 15)9, and prior to it, quite an intercourse between ZuQi and the
land-tilling aborigines south of the Gila river. That intercourse took the form of jour-
neys made by the Opatas, the Southern and Northern Pi mas, and poHsibly the Rudeve.s
and Jovas, to Cibola-ZuHi, for the purpose of acquiring turquoises and buffalo hides.**
Bandolier: Documentary Ilist.^ op. cit., pp. 3, 4. This being the case, there must
have been a well-used trail for Niza to follow via ZuQi valley to Hawikuh, the only prac-
ticable route.
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April 1895] FIRST DISCOVERED CITY OF CIBOLA 147
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleflf, and a carefully prepared ground-plan is
reproduced in the memoir "Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola,"
by Victor Mindeleff, in the eighth annual report of the Bureau
of Ethnology. This author describes (p. 80) the ruin of Hawikuh
as " occupying the point of a spur projecting from a low rounded
hill," a description coinciding precisely with that by Niza. More-
over, Hawikuh is so situated in a plain as to command a view
for miles in every direction * a situation worthy of the enthu-
siasm of even the undemonstrative Niza, who described it as
" the handsomest I have seen in these parts." K'iakima, perched
on its inconvenient knoll of talus and cowering under the pro-
tection of old Taaiyalone,t could not have conjured up this out-
burst of praise from the honest old friar.
K'iakima, it will be seen, is not in a plain. A view toward
that pueblo from the southern heights is completely closed by
Thunder mountain, which here seems to wall the very universe.J
Furthermore, I am confident, through personal observation, that
the mountain does not appear to be round from either the west
or the south.
Niza could never have been so deceived in the appearance
of K'iakima as to have said : " Where I placed myself to ob-
serve, the settlement is larger that the city of Mexico." Such a
comparison might truthfully have been made with Hawikuh,
however, situated as it was in a broad plain, with no beetling
height to belittle it.§
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, who made a careful survey and study
of the K'iakima ruin, informs me that in all probability the
houses did not exceed one story. Those of Hawikuh, in the
language of Mr. Victor Mindelefi", considering " the large amount
of debris and the comparative thinness of sucli walls as are found,
suggest that the dwellings had been densely clustered and carried
to the height of several stories." In this connection it is of
*See plates xlvii and xlviii of the Mindeleff paper referred to. The ruined church
dates from about 1629.
fSee Mindeleff, op. cit., plates lii and liii.
}The view of the mountain shown in plate lix of Mindeleff's paper is from the west.
K'iakima is situated near the corner at the right of the picture, Matsaki at the corner
to the left.
I Mr. Bandelier believes that the population of the City of Mexico could not have
exceeded 1,0UO at this date. Hawikuh in 1510 numbered 200 warriors (Coronado says
houses) or between 800 and 900 souls. Judging from the extent of the ruins of K'iakimn,
its population could not have been half as great.
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148 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
moment to observe that Niza speaks of the houses as " all of
stone, with their stories and flat roofs," a reference that under the
circumstances could not pertain to K'iakima.
The reiteration of the Indians " that the village now in view
was the smallest one of the seven " I believe to have been mere
braggadocio, and contained as much truth as their allegation
in the same breath that Tusa3^an was much more important
than Cibola. Any statement to the effect that the smallest
village of the Cibolan group was larger than the City of Mexico is
incredible.* Niza has shown himself to have been a man of
truth. The many groundless assertions of the Indians as re-
corded throughout this and subsequent Spanish narratives
speak for themselves.f
Yet the clause " the village now in view " is of the utmost im-
portance. Indeed, if there were no other evidence that Hawi-
kuh was the village seen by Niza this would suffice, for inas-
much as K'iakima is visible only from the southeast and south,
there is no point of view from these directions that would not
include Halona J (the site of the present Zufii), and from any
point farther westward along the southern eminences Matsaki
also would have been seen. From the heights south of the plain
on which Hawikuh was situated, however, one village only was
observable in the sixteenth century. That village was Hawi-
kuh, and the massive walls of the ruined adobe church erected
in the seventeenth century still rise above the plain. T'kanawe §
(a triple pueblo of which Kechipauan formed a part), on the
*The Postrerade Sioola (1540) says the largest village of the province "may have
about 200 houses, and two others about 200, and the others somewhere between 60 or 60
and 30." According to Vetancurt, Halona and Hawikuh were the largest villages a few
years before the revolt of 1680, with 1,600 and " more than 1,000 " inhabitants respecti\roly.
In Coronado's time Matsaki was regarded as the largest of the Cibolan pueblos, but it
had degenerated during the following eighty or ninety years. Accepting the figures of
the Fostrera, that three villages (Halona, Hawikuh, and Matsaki) had 200 houses each,
the largest of the remaining four pueblos could not have exceeded 60 houses, or about
260 inhabitants, while the smallest of the seven cities had but 30 houses with about 160
occupants. The population of K'iakima therefore must have been between 150 and
260, a figure far below what would have been regarded a fair comparison with the Mex-
ican capital.
fit will be remembered that the Quivira delusion was due to the misrepresentations
of the Indian Rigotes.
I And also Pinawa if that village was one of the group.
g Tkanawe is the '* Canabi " of Oi^ate (1698), and was one of the Cibolan rities. It con-
tains the standing walls of a stone church which in all probability was never finished
or used. The village is not mentioned by Vetancurt, consequently it appears to have
been abandoned between 1629 and 1670, the latter being the approximate dat« of the
abandonment of Hawikuh.
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April 1895] FIRST DISCOVERED CITY OP CIBOLA 149
mesa to the southeastward, the nearest settlement to Hawikuh
when that village was inhabited, could be seen neither from the
valley below nor from the adjacent heights. Hawikuh, there-
fore, necessarily must have been " the village now in view."
Mr. Bandelier's belief that K'iakima was discovered by Niza
is, it appears, based mainly on tradition. Concerning the visit
of Est^van to the Zufiis, two accounts have been recorded by Mr.
Gushing,* each of which places the scene of the killing at K'ia-
kima. The text of one of these stories is approximately accu-
rate ; the other maintains that the wise men of the K^-kA order
took Est^van " out of the pueblo during the nightf and gave
him a powerful kick that sped him through the air back to the
south, whence he had come." A tradition so contorted by its
authors that it bears but little semblance of its original form is
worthy of serious consideration only in so far as it aids in estab-
lishing the maximum age at which the authenticity of Zufii
tradition ceases.
Regarding the seven cities of Cibola, also, tradition is seriously
lacking. The early Spanish names of five of the towns are :
Magaquia (Matsaki), Coquimo (K'iakima), Aquico (Hawikuh),
Canabi (T'kanawe or K'ianawe), and Alona (Halona). Thus
far the identification is simple; but neither Mr. Bandelier nor
Mr. Cushing has been able to identify satisfactorily the Aquinsa J
mentioned by Onate in 1598, while the Zufii name of the seventh
pueblo (the Spanish equivalent of which was never recorded)
will in all probability never be definitely determined.§ It is
quite apparent, then, that without the aid of Spanish records
we would not know the names of any of the pueblos occupied
by the Zufiis three centuries and a half ago (with the possible
exception of Halona, the most recently occupied of the group),
for the only names which the Indians are now able to give are
those which bear close resemblance to the names preserved in
Spanish records. Where these fail native tradition also fails.
♦Arch. Inst PApers, op. cit, p. 154.
t According to all the Spanish accounts, Est^ran was killed in the morning while at-
tempting to escape.
I Mr. Bandelier suggests Apinawa (= Pinawa) ; Mr. Cushing gives Ketchlna with a
qnery, and Kwakina in different writings. See Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch., vol. iii ;
Compte Rendu Congrds Int. des Am6r., 7me. sess. (18d8), Berlin, 1890 ; The Millstone,
Indianapolis, April, 1884, p. 55.
I Mr. Cashing has suggested both Hampassawiin and Pinawa, the latter being Bande-
lier^s Aquinsa. Bandelier (Con<ri6utton«, op cit, p. 171) mentions Ketchipauan doubt-
fully in connection with the seventh village.
20
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150 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
In further illustration of the untrustworthiness of Zufii tradi-
tion, especially when dating from such a remote period as the
one referred to, it may be remarked that the Messrs. Mindeleff,
while endeavoring to gather from the Zufiis traditional data re-
garding the coming of Coronado for use in connection with their
archeologic studies in Zufii and Tusayan, found that they were
acquainted only with the Spanish version, and uttered state-
ments concerning incidents of the march that Indians could
have learned only from recent contact with whites acquainted
with the Spanish history of the discovery. Again, the Zuilis
claim to have preserved a tradition of a visit to them by Cabeza
de Vaca before the " Black Mexican " came.* That such a story
could have gained foothold in Zufii only in recent years scarcely
needs proof, for the question arose but twenty-five years ago, and
since 1886 Bandelier has repeatedly and incontrovertibly proven
that Vaca's route lay hundreds of miles away.
In view, then, of the untrustworthiness of Zufii tradition, as
above exemplified, can the persistent myth of the natives that
K'iakima was the pueblo where Est^van met death stand in the
way of such overpowering testimony to the contrary ? Should
the story of the negro who by a powerful kick was sped through
the air back whence he had come — a story suspended by a single
strand of truth — ^take precedence as historical evidence over the
statement of Jaramillo, who visited Hawikuh with Coronado
only a year later and specifically recorded that " here was where
they killed Estevanillo," or of the declaration in 162G of Fray
Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, who " mentions Hawikuh posi-
tively as the Oivola of Fray Marcos and of Coronado " .? f It is true
Jaramillo wrote these words some years afterward ; but would
he have been more likely to err in such an important matter
than would the unwritten story of the natives ? Furthermore,
Jaramillo is supported by Castafieda, who, in Mr. Bandelier's
language, " makes no direct mention of the locality, but it is
plain that he labors under the same impression." Such an im-
portant event in history as the scene of the murder of the actual
discoverer of the ** new country," the strange forerunner of civili-
zation in the Southwest, the first black man the Indians had ever
seen, could not have been forgotten in a year. Coronado, writing
♦ Haynes, op. cit., p. 483.
t Bandelier, Contributions, op. cit., p. 171.
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April 1805] FIRST DISCOVERED CITY OF CIBOLA 151
frvm Bawikuh in 1540, says : " The death of the negro is perfectly
certain, because many of the things which he wore have been
found, and the Indians say that they killed him here."
In 1893 Mr. Bandelier's GrUded Man appeared. Most unfortu-
nately for the author, who was in South America at the time of
its publication, the editing of the volume and the revision of the
proofs were left to others, whose knowledge of Southwestern
history was so scant that many errors were suflTered to creep in-
Among these is a statement, contradictory of all the evidence
presented in Bandelier's previous writings, to the efifect that
Coronado did not go to Hawikuh, " fifteen miles southwest of
Zuni, the village nearest to him,* but to * Oa-quima ' [K'iakima],
hecauae [in the words of Jaramillo] the negro was hilled there.^^ I
cannot believe that Mr. Bandelier would have allowed this state-
ment to remain, since he has always declined as evidence the
assertion of Jaramillo f concerning the village at which the
n^ro was killed, on the ground that it was written years after
his visit. If Mr. Bandelier 's statement is intentional, then it
further substantiates the evidence which I have above presented,
that Hawikuh was the pueblo at which Est^van was killed, as
the Traslado de las Nicevas (Col. Doc. Indias, xix, p. 529) will
attest. This document maintains that on the 19th day of July
(1540) Coronado went *' four leagues J from this city [Granada]
to see a rock where they told him that the Indians of this prov-
ince had a stronghold, and he returned the same day." That
the stronghold is the great rock mesa of T^iyalone, or Thunder
mountain, on a knoll at the base of which stood K'iakima, needs
no proof. It is the only impregnable height in the vicinity
suitable for habitation, contains on its summit the ruins of de-
fensive structures, is well known through direct statements in
Spanish history under the name of the " Rock of K'iakima " as
a place of refuge when the inhabitants of Cibola-Zufii fled from
their villages in the valley in fear of Spanish or Indian invaders,
and, as approximately stated by the Traslado, is situated four
* Note the statement ** the village nearest to him," which also must have been the
village nearest to Nisa and Est^van.
t " En pocos dias de camino llegaron & la primera poblacion de Cibola, adonde mata-
ron & E^tevanico de Orantes. "--i7«rrera, dec. K/, lib. tjtr, cap. xi, p. t05. Y aqui mataron
4 Estebanillo el Negro, que habia venido con Dorantes, do la Florida, y volvia con fray
M&rcos de Niaa."— JaramiWo Relacion^ in Col. Doe. de Jndia$^ XIV, p. SOS,
I The distances given are somewhat underestimated.
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152 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
or five leagues from Granada or Hawikuh — not K'iakima, which
stood at its hase.
Again, in the Gilded Man (p. 160), alluding to the mesas south-
ward from Thunder mountain, from which, as Mr. Bandelier be-
lieves, Niza first caught sight of Cibola, occurs the reference :
" There, too, the remains of a wooden cross were visible till a few
years ago. It has been supposed that this was the cross which
the monk erected ; considering the dry atmosphere of the re-
gion, the supposition, even if it is not probable, is not to be
wholly rejected."
My personal regard for the author refuses to make me be-
lieve that this statement is made seriously.* The fact that the
friar was possessed of " more fright than food," and had been
reduced to the extreme of necessity, precludes the thought that
he remained on the spot longer than was necessary to break the
limbs of a tree with which to form a cross t (its arms, in all
probability, being secured by a shred of his cassock), and to
heap around its base a pile of stones. Could even a more stable
structure have stood the snows of three hundred and fifty Zufii
winters ? If a cross stood on this spot in recent times, we may
more safely attribute its erection to the death by the wayside of
some unfortunate Mexican, for such is the custom of his people.
That Hawikuh was the village first seen by Est^van, who there
met death ; that it was the " city of Cibola " rising from the plain
which Niza and his Piman guides viewed from the southern
heights in 1539, and that it was the pueblo which Coronado
stormed in the summer of the following year, seems indisputable.
* It will be observed that Mr. Bandelier does not claim that he saw the cross, nor does
he gire the source of information. As no mention is made of it in any of his previous
writings, I am inclined to believe that the reference is the work of the editor.
t ** With the aid of the Indians, I erected on the spot a great heap of stones and placed
on top a small cross, not having the tools necessary for making a larger one." (Nisa,
quoted by Bandelier: Documentary History^ op. cit., p. 17.)
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OF CANYON DE CHELLY 153
CLIFF RUINS OF CANTON DE CHELL7. ARIZONA
BY COSMOS MINDELEFP
Although Canyon de Chelly * is one of the best cliff-ruin regions
in the United States, it is not easily accessible and is practically
unknown. At the time of the conquest of this country by the
"Army of the West" in 1846 and the rush to California in 1849,
vague rumors were current of wonderful " cities " built in the
cliffs, but the position of the canyon in the heart of the Navajo
country apparently prevented exploration. In 1849 it was found
necessary to make a demonstration against these Indians, and
an expedition was sent out from Santa F6 under the command
of Colonel Washingtoil, then governor of New Mexico.
The expedition camped in Chin Lee valley, outside the can-
yon, and Lieutenant Simpson, who accompanied it and who was
much interested in the archeology of the country passed over,
made a side trip into the canyon itself. He noticed a number
of ruins, and one, subsequently known as Casa Blanca, he de-
scribed. This is the first and practically the only description
we have until the field was entered by the Bureau of Ethnology
in 1882. Although at least two visits were made to the canyon
in the intervening years, nothing came of them, and Bancroft
could find no better or fuller description than that of Simpson.
The canyon was surveyed by the writer in 1883 and all the ruins
located, and late in 1893 some study of the ruins themselves was
made, upon which the following remarks are based.
The ancient Pueblo culture was intimately connected with
and dependent upon the country where its remains are found.
The limits of this country are closely coincident with the bound-
aries of the plateau region, except on the south — so much so
that a map of the latter, slightly extended around its margins,
will serve to show the former. Tsegi is almost in the center of
this country, on the western slope of the Tunicha mountains, in
northeastern Arizona.
On the east these mountains break down abruptly into the
* CommoDly so termed. Its proper name, in Navajo, is Tsegi or Tsegihi.
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154 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
broad valley of the Chaco. On the west they descend more grad-
ually, through a series of slopes and mesas, into Chin Lee valley.
The canyon has been cut by a group of small streams, which,
rising near the crest of the mountains, combine near the head of
the canyon, and flow in a westerly direction. The main canyon,
known to the Navajos as Tsegi and to the whites as Chelly, is
about twenty miles long, but it is joined near its mouth by a
branch, coming in from the northeast, which is over fifteen miles
long, so that there are practically two canyons. The second one
is called by the Navajos Enatsegi, and on the maps Canyon del
Muerto. There is another important branch, which joins the
main canyon about thirteen miles above its mouth, coming in
from the southeast. It is about ten miles long, and has been
named Monument canyon. There are also numerous small
branches, ranging in size from deep coves to real canyons one or
two miles long.
The Rio de Chelly, so called, flows through the canyon, which
forms its upper course, and aft<er passing through Chin Lee
valley discharges into the San Juan ; but except at the time of
the autumn rains, and in the spring when the mountain snows
are melting, the streams are not powerful enough to carry water
even to the mouth of the canyon, the flow being absorbed by the
deep sand which forms the stream bed. Ordinarily it is difficult
to procure even enough water to drink less than 8 or 10 miles
from the mouth of the canyon, but occasionally the whole stream
bed, at places over a quarter of a mile wide, is occupied by a
raging torrent, impassable to man or beast. Such ebullitions,
however, seldom last more than a few hours. Usually water can
be obtained anywhere in the canyon by sinking a shallow well
in the sand, and it is by this method that the Navajos, the
present occupants of the region, obtain their supply.
The walls of the canyon are composed of brilliant red sand-
stone, discolored everywhere by long streaks of black and gray
coming from above. At its mouth it is about 500 feet wide and
the cliffs are only 20 or 30 feet high. Higher up the walls some-
times approach to within 300 feet of each other, elsewhere broad-
ening out to half a mile or more, but everywhere the wall line
is tortuous and crooked in the extreme, and while the general
direction of Tsegi is east and west, the traveler on the trail
which runs through it is as often headed north or south. Del
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April 18951 CLIFF RUINS OP CANYON DE CHELLY 155
Muerto is even more tortuous than Tsegi, and in places one
could almost throw a stone across it.
Near the mouth of the canyon the walls descend vertically to
a wide bed of loose white sand absolutely free from talus or
debris. Three miles above, at the junction of del Muerto, the
walls are 200 feet high, but the rise has been so gradual as to be
unappreciable ; 13 miles above, at the junction of Monument
canyon, the walls reach a height of over 800 feet, about one-third
of which consists of slopes of talus and broken rock. The rise
in the height of the walls is so gradual that the traveler who
enters at the mouth of the canyon loses the mental scale by
which distances and magnitudes are estimated, and the most
ludicrous guesses result. At first he fails to realize the stupen-
dous scale upon which, the work was done, and when he does
realize it he swings to the opposite side and exaggerates. An
upright pinnacle or needle of sandstone at the junction of Mon-
ument canyon has been variously estimated at 1,200 to 2,500
feet high, although its base is less than 200 feet square ; it is
actually less than 800.
The rock of which the canyon walls are formed is a massive
red sandstone in which the lines of bedding are almost obliter-
ated. It is rather soft in texture, and has been carved by atmos-
pheric erosion into grotesque and sometimes beautiful forms.
In places great blocks have fallen off, leaving plane, vertical sur-
faces extending from the top almost to the stream bed, 400 feet
or more in height and as much in breadth. In the lower parts
of the canyon the walls, sometimes of the character described,
sometimes with the surfaces and angles smoothed and rounded
by flying sand, are generally vertical and often overhang, de-
scending sheer to the canyon bottom without talus or interven-
ing slopes of debris. Higher up the talus becomes more and
more pronounced, generally taking up from one-fourth to one-
third of the height of the cliff, the upper part of which is always
bare, vertical rock. At only one place in either canyon can a
horse be driven in or out, except, of course, at the mouth ; but
the Navajos have numerous foot-trails running over the bare
rock, which slopes so sharply that they have to pick out little
pits or holes for the hands and feet, and in one or two places
they even drive flocks of sheep and goats over these trails ; but
such travel is a matter of habit and practice ; certainly no man
who wears boots would attempt it.
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156 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Near its mouth the whole bottom of the canyon consists of an
even stretch of white sand, extending from cliff to cliff. A little
higher up there are small areas of alluvium or bottom land in
recesses and coves in the walls and generally only a foot or two
above the stream bed. Still higher up these areas become more
abundant and of greater extent, forming regular benches or ter-
races, generally well raised above the stream bed. At Casa
Blanca ruin, seven miles up the canyon, the bench is 8 or 10 feet
above the stream. Each little branch canyon and deep cove in
the cliff is fronted by a more or less extensive area of this bottom
land. Ten miles up the talus has become a prominent feature.
It consists of broken rock, sand, and soil, generally overlying a
slope of massive sandstone, which occasionally crops out on the
surface. With the development of the talus the area of bottom
lands dwindles, and the former encroaches more and more until
a little above the junction of Monument canyon the bottom land
is limited to narrow strips and small patches here and there.
These bottom lands are the cultivable areas of the canyon bottom,
and their occurrence and distribution have dictated the location
of the villages now in ruins, as they have also the sites of all the
Navajo settlements in the canyon. Only a very small proportion
of the available land is utilized by the Navajos, and not all of it
was used by the old village-builders.
Tsegi was until recently the great agricultural center of the
Navajo tribe, and large quantities of corn, melons, pumpkins,
beans, etc., were and are raised there every year. Under modem
conditions many other localities now vie with it and some sur-
pass it in output of agricultural products, but not many years
ago it was regarded as the place par excellence. It will be
clear, therefore, that prior to very recent times Tsegi would be
selected as a stopping place by almost any tribe moving across
the country, and, barring a hostile prior occupancy, would be
considered the most desirable place for many miles in any direc-
tion for the pursuit of horticultural operations. The vicinity of
the Tunicha mountains, which could be reached in half a day
from any part of the canyons and which must have abounded in
game, for even now some is found there, would be a material
advantage. The position of the canyon in the heart of the
plateau country and of the ancient Pueblo region would make it
a natural stopping place during any migratory movement, either
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OP CANYON DE CHELLY 157
north and south or east and west, and its settlement was doubt-
less due to this favorable position and to the natural advantages
it offered. This settlement was efifected probably not by one
band or tribe nor at one time, but by many bands at many times.
Probably the first settlements were very old ; certainly the last
are very recent.
The essential uniformity of types which prevails over the im-
mense area covered by the ancient pueblo ruins is a remarkable
feature, and any system of classification which does not take it
into account must be considered as only tentative. What ele-
ments should be considered and what weight assigned to each
element in preparing such a scheme is yet to be determined ;
but probably one of the most important is the character of the
site occupied with reference to its convenience and defensibility.
There are great differences in kind between the great valley
pueblos, located without reference to defense and depending for
security on their size and the number of their population, of
which Zufii and Taos are examples, and the villages located on
high mesas and projecting tongues of rock ; in other words, on
defensive sites, such as the Tusayan villages of today. Within
each of these classes there are varieties, and there are also sec-
ondary types, which pertain sometimes to one, sometimes to
the other, and sometimes to both ; such are the cliff ruins, the
cavate lodges, and the single-house remains.
The unit of pueblo architecture is the single cell, and in its
development the highest point reached is the aggregation of a
great number of such cells into one or more clusters, either con-
nected with or adjacent to each other. These cells were all the
same, or essentially so, for while differentiation in use or func-
tion had been or was being developed at the time of the Spanish
conquest, differentiation in form had not been reached. The
kiva, of circular or rectangular form, is a survival and not a de-
velopment.
The differences between the largest examples of villages on
defensive sites and the smallest appear to be only differences of
size. Doubtless in the early days of pueblo architecture small
settlements were the rule. Probably these settlements were lo-
cated in the valleys, on sites most convenient for horticulture,
each clan occupying its own village. Incursions by neighboring
wild tribes or by hostile neighbors and constant annoyance and
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158 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
loss at their hands gradually compelled the removal of their little
villages to sites more easily defended, and also forced the aggre-
gation of various related clans into one group or village. At a
later period the same motive, considerably emphasized, perhaps,
compelled a further removal to even more difl5cult sites. The
Tusayan villages at the time of the Spanish discovery (1540)
were located on the foothills of the mesas, and many pueblo vil-
lages at that period occupied similar sites. Actuated by fear of
the Utes and Comanches, and perhaps of the Spaniards, the in-
habitants moved to the top of the mesa, where they now are.
Many villages stopped at this stage ; some were in this stage at
the time of the discovery — Acoma, for example. Finally, whole
villages, whose inhabitants spoke the same language, combined
to form one larger village, which, depending now on size and
numbers for defense, was again located on a site convenient for
horticulture.
The process sketched above was by no means continuous.
The population was in slow but practically constant movement,
much the same as that now taking place in the Zufii country ;
it was a slow migration. Outlying settlements were established
at points convenient to cultivable fields, intended to be occupied
only during the summer. Sometimes these temporary sites
would be found more convenient than that of the parent village,
and it would gradually come about that some of the inhabitants
would remain there all the year. Eventually the temporary
settlement might outgrow the parent and in turn would put out
other temporary settlements. This process would be possible
only during prolonged periods of peace, but is known to have
taken place in several regions. Necessarily hundreds of small
settlements, ranging in size from one room to a great many,
would be established, and, as the population moved onward,
would be abandoned without ever developing into regular vil-
lages occupied all the year. It is believed that many of the
cliff ruins belong to the same category.
The cliff ruins are a striking feature, and the ordinary traveler
is apt to overlook the more important ruins, which sometimes,
if not always, are associated with them. The study of the cliff
ruins of Tsegi has led to the conclusion that the cliff ruins
there are generally subordinate structures, connected with and
inhabited at the same time as a number of larger home villages
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OF CANYON DB CHELLY 159
located on the canyon bottom, and occupying much the same re-
lation to the latter that Moen-kopi does to Oraibi, or that Nutria,
Pescado, and Ojo Caliente do to Zufii, and that they are the func-
tional analogies of the " watch towers " of the San Juan and of
Zuiii, the cavate lodges of the Rio Verde, the San Juan, and the
Rio Grande, and the brush shelters or " kisis " of Tusayan ; in
other words, they were horticultural outlooks, occupied only dur-
ing the farming season, and not continuously then.
It might be expected that the ruins of Tsegi, considering the
topographic peculiarities of the region, would hardly come
within a scheme of classification based on those found in the
open country, and here, if anywhere, we should find corrobora-
tion of the old idea that the cliflf ruins were the homes and
last refuge of a race harassed by powerful enemies and finally
driven to the construction of dwellings in inaccessible cliffs,
where a last ineffectual stand was made against their foes, or the
more recent theory that they represent an early stage in the de-
velopment of pueblo architecture, when the pueblo builders were
few in number and surrounded by numerous enemies. Neither
of these theories are in accord with the facts of observation. The
still later idea that the cliff dwellings were used as places of refuge
by various Pueblo tribes, who, when the occasion for such use
was passed, returned to their original homes, or to others con-
structed like them, may explain some of the cliff ruins, but if
applicable at all to those of Tsegi, it applies only to a small
number of them.
The ruins of Tsegi show several periods of occupancy, extend-
ing over considerable time. They fall easily into the classifica-
tion suggested and exhibit various types, but the earliest and
latest forms are not found. In a general way they may be classi-
fied as follows :
I — Old villages on open sites. II — Home villages on bottom
lands. Ill — ^Villages located for defense. IV — Cliff outlooks or
farming shelters.
I. In the upper part of the canyon and extending into what
we may call the middle region, there are a number of ruins that
seem out of place in this locality. They are similar to hundreds
of ruins found in the open country, such, for example, as the
older ruins in Tusayan, located on low foot-hiUs at the foot of
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160 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
the mesa. The peculiar topographic characteristics of the loca-
tion have not made the slightest impression on them. The ruins
are located on gentle slopes, away from the clififs, the foot-hills
of the talus as it were, and are now marked only by scattered
fragments of building stone and broken pottery. The ground
plans are in all cases indistinguishable. In only a few instances
can even a short wall line be traced. The villages seem to have
been located without special reference to large areas of cultivable
bottom, although they always command small areas of such land.
There is a remarkable uniformity in ruins of this class, in char-
acter of site occupied, outlook, and general appearance. They
are always close to the stream bed, seldom more than 10 or 12
feet above it, and the sites were apparently chosen without any
reference whatever to their defensibility. In fact, they are often,
if not generally, commanded by higher ground in the immediate
vicinity. Although as a rule ruins of this class are found in the
upper part of the canyon, one of the largest examples occurs in
the lower part. At the junction of del Muerto, three miles above
the mouth of Tsegi, a large mass of rock stands out alone and
extends nearly to the full height of the canyon walls. On the
south it is connected with the cliffs back of it by a low tongue of
rock, sparsely covered in places by soil and sand, and on top of
this tongue or saddle, which is of considerable area, there is a
large ruin of the type described, but no ground plan can now be
made out.
Possibly the obliterated appearance of this ruin and of others
of the same class is due to the subsequent use of the material,
ready to hand and of the proper size, in later structures. It is
known that a similar appearance was produced in Tusayan by
such a cause. The old village of Walpi, on a foot-hill below the
mesa point, presents an appearance of great antiquity, although
it was partly occupied so late as fifty years ago. When the move-
ment to the summit of the mesa became general the material of
the old houses was utilized in the construction of the new ones>
and at the present day it might almost be said that not one stone
remains above another.
If similar conditions j)revailed in Tsegi there might be many
more ruins of this class than those so far discovered. Even those
found are not readily distinguished and might easily be passed
over. Possibly there are small ruins of this type scattered over
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OF CANYON DE CHELLY 161
the whole canyon bottom. At one place an example was found
which shows no trace on the ground surface except some pot-
sherds, which in this locality mean nothing. The site is a low
hill or end of a slope, the top of which is perhaps 25 feet above
the stream bed but separated from it by a belt of recent alluvium
carpeted with grass. The hill itself was formed of talus, covered
with alluvium, all but a small portion of which was subsequently
cut away, leaving an almost vertical face 15 or 18 feet high. In
this face the ends or vertical sections of several walls can be seen.
One of them is nearly three feet thick and extends four feet below
the present ground surface. Several other instances were found
much resembling this.
The filling of these ruins to a depth of four or five feet and the
almost entire absence of surface remains or indications does not
in itself necessarily imply a remote antiquity, although it sug-
gests it. During the fall and early winter months tremendouif
sand-storms rage in the canyon. The wind sweeps through the
gorges with an almost irresistible power, carrying with it such
immense quantities of sand that objects a few hundred feet dis-
tant cannot be distinguished. These sand-storms were and are
potent factors in producing the picturesque features of the red
cliffs, but they are constructive as well as destructive, and cavi-
ties and hollow places in exposed situations on the bottom are
soon filled up. The stream itself is also a powerful agent of de-
struction and construction. During flood periods banks of sand
and alluvium are often cut away and sometimes formed ; yet
there can be little doubt that the old village ruins on open sites,
now almost obliterated, mark the first period in the occupancy
of the canyon, perhaps even a period distinctly separated from
the others. Excavation on these sites would probably yield
valuable results.
II. Ruins comprised in the second class are located on the
bottom lands at the bases of the cliffs and without reference to
the defensibility of the site. They are, as a rule, much broken
down, and might perhai)S be classed with the ruins already de-
scribed, but there are some distinctive features which justify us
in separating them. Ruins of this class are always located either
at the base of a cliff* or in a cove under it, and sometimes at a
considerable distance from the stream bed. The ground plans
can generally be distinguished, and in many instances walls are
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162 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
still standing, sometimes to a height of several stories. The
ground plans reflect the character of the site they occupy, and
we would be as much surprised to find plans of this character in
the open country as we are to find plans of class I within the
canyon. Unlike the ground plans of class I, these of this group
were laid out with direct reference to the cliff behind them, and
which formed, as it were, a part of them.
In point of size, long period of occupancy, and position, these
villages were the most important in the canyon. The ruins often
cover considerable areas, and almost invariably show the remains
of one or more circular kivas. Sometimes they are located di-
rectly upon the bottom land ; more often they occupy low swells
next the cliff, rising perhaps ten feet above the general level
and affording a fine view over it; sometimes they are found in
alcoves at the base of the cliff, but they always rest on the bot-
tom land, which extends into the alcoves and forms the floor.
Ruins of the last-mentioned type merge insensibly into the next
class, village ruins on defensive sites, and the distinction between
them is partly an arbitrary one, as is also that between the last
mentioned and the cliff ruins proper.
The largest ruin in the canyons is of this class. It is situated
in del Muerto, on the canyon bottom, at the base of a cliff, and
is known to the Navajos as Pakashi-izinni (the blue cow), prob-
ably from a pictograph of a cow, done in blue paint on the can-
yon wall back of it. Traces of walls extend over a narrow belt
against the cliffs about 400 feet long and not over 40 feet wide.
Over this area many walls are still standing, and scattered over
the site are a number of large bowlders. No attempt was made
to remove these, but walls were carried over and under them,
and in some cases the direction of a wall was modified to corre-
spond with a face of a bowlder.
About fifty-five rooms can now be made out on the ground,
in addition to three kivas. There may have been altogether
eighty-five or ninety rooms, but even this liberal estimate would
give a population of only twelve or fifteen families, or, say, sixty
persons. It seems, therefore, that, owing to the peculiarities of
the conditions under which they lived and of the ground plan
which resulted, one of the largest settlements in the canyon, ex-
tending over 400 feet in one direction, afforded a home to a very
limited number of people. As it is probable that each family had
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April 1895J CLIFF RUINS OF CANYON DE CHELLY 163
one or more outlooks, occupied in connection with their horti-
cultural operations, it will readily be seen that only a small
number of inhabitants might leave a large number of ruins, and
that it is not necessary to assume either a large population or a
long period of occupancy.
One of the most striking and most important ruins occurs in
Tsegi, seven miles above the mouth. This is the ruin seen
by Simpson in 1849, and subsequently called Casa Blanca; it is
also known under the equivalent Navajo term, Kini-na ekai, or
White House. At first sight this ruin appears not to belong to
this class, or rather to belong both to this class and the succeed-
ing one, villages located with reference to defense ; but, as will
appear later, it has nothing in common with the latter.
In its present condition the ruin consists of two distinct parts:
a lower part, comprising a large cluster of rooms on the bottom
land against the cliflf, and an upper part, which was much smaller,
occupying a cave directly over the lower portion and separated
from it by a vertical cliflf about 35 feet high.
The lower ruin covers an area of about 150 by 50 feet, raised
a few feet above the bottom land by its own debris. Within this
area there are remains of forty-five rooms on the ground and one
circular kiva. On the east side there are walls still standing to
a height of 12 and 14 feet. It is probable that the lower rum
comprised about sixty rooms, which, with a liberal allowance for
the rooms in the cave, would make a total of eighty. This would
furnish accommodations for a maximum of ten or twelve fami-
lies, or a total population of fifty or sixty persons. It is prob-
able, however, that this estimate is excessive, and that the total
population at any one time did not exceed thirty or forty persons.
The principal walls of the lower ruin occur in the eastern part,
where some of them are two feet thick and still standing to a
height of over 10 feet Wherever a wall rises to a height of more
than one story the lower part is massive and the upper walls set
back five or six inches, reducing its thickness by that amount.
All the heavy walls occur either about the kiva or east of it, and
this part of the ruin is directly under the cave above. The cliflT
back presents an almost smooth face, slightly overhanging, and
on this face there are marks which show that formerly there were
upper stories, the rooms of which are outlined upon it. The
rock sur&ce was coated in places with a thin wash of clay, doubt-
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164 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
less to correspond with the other walls of the rooms, but this
coating was necessarily omitted where the partition walls and
roofs and floors abutted on the rock. Although the marks are
now so faint as to be easily overlooked, at a certain hour of the
day, when the light falls obliquely on the rock, they can be clearly
made out. At one point the structure was three stories higher
than it is now, and the roof was within four feet of the floor of
the cave and under a gap or gateway through the upper front wall.
The kiva, which occurs nearly in the center of the lower ruin,
was placed directly against the cliflf. This is an unusual arrange-
ment ; but as the room walls in front of it are of a different char-
acter from those on the east, it is probable that originally it
formed the margin of the settlement on that side and opened to
the air.
West of the kiva there are remains of stone walls which differ
in character from those on the east. They are 12 to 15 inches
thick, and the lines are very irregular. South of the kiva, in the
center of the ruin, there are other stone walls even thinner and
more irregularly placed than those on the west, but most of the
walls here are of adobe. As the use of adobe is not aboriginal, the
occurrence of these walls is a matter of much interest, especially
as they are so intimately associated with the stone-work that it
is not always an easy matter to separate them.
Adobe walls are not found in subordinate positions, dividing
larger rooms, except perhaps in one instance. Apparently this
method of construction was employed when it was desired to add
new rooms to those already built. No room constructed wholly
of adobe can be seen, but adobe walls closing one side of a room
are common, and such walls forming two or even three sides are
not uncommon. There are instances in which part of a wall is
stone and part adobe, and also instances in which the lower wall,
complete in itself, is of stone, while the upper wall, evidently
added at a later period, is adobe.
The mere occurrence of adobe here is evidence of the occu-
pancy of this site at a period subsequent to the sixteenth century ;
we might almost say subsequent to the middle or end of the seven-
teenth century ; but its occurrence in this peculiar way and in
such intimate association with the stone walls suggests that the
occupancy of the site was continuous from some time prior to the
introduction of adobe until a period long subsequent to it. This
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OP CANYON DE CHELLY 165
hypothesis is supported by other evidence, among which may
be noted the occurrence of four chimney-like structures in this
ruin, all constructed of adobe, and all, except the one pertaining
to the kiva, attached to adobe walls.
The principal room in the upper ruin is situated nearly in the
center of the cave and is the one which has given the whole ruin
its name. The walls are of stone, two feet thick, twelve feet high
in front, and seven feet high inside and on the sides. The ex-
terior was finished with a coat of whitewash, decorated with a
band of yellow. West of the principal room there is a smaller
addition, which appears to have been added at a later period.
The walls of this room are only about seven inches thick, of
adobe on the side and back and of small stones in front. The
coat of whitewash and the yellow band with decorations is con-
tinuous over both rooms, but the white coat was applied also to
the exterior west wall of the main room probably before the
smaller room was built.
In the western end of the cave there is a single or separate
room whose front wall is eleven feet high outside and five feet
inside. The lower portion of this wall is stone, the upper por-
tion and sides are of adobe, and the side walls rest on nearly
two feet of straw, ashes, etc. Against the front wall there is a
buttress of stone, and the wall itself, which is slightly battened,
rests on horizontal timber-work, a feature which is repeated in
several walls in the main cluster.
The use of timber laid horizontally under masonry is not an
uncommon feature in the ruins here, although it seldom accom-
plished the purpose designed. But the use of a buttress is an
anomalous feature which it is difficult to believe was of aborigi-
nal conception. Its occurrence in this ruin, together with so
many other features which are either not aboriginal or doubtful,
is suggestive.
With the exception of the principal room and the rooms in
front of it, all the walls in the upper ruin are of adobe or have
adobe in them. These walls in the upper ruin generally rest
on the rock, sometimes on ashes and loose debris ; in the lower
ruin they rest generally on stone foundations.
The village ruins, containing each one or more circular kivas,
were the home settlements of the people, inhabited at the same
time that the cliflf outlooks were in use. It is probable, fi-om
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166 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
evidence which cannot here be detailed, that some of them — the
Casa Blanca, for example — were the last settlements to be aban-
doned in the canyon, and that this final abandonment took place
long subsequent to the beginning of the historical period, prob-
ably considerably less than two centuries ago.
III. The third class of ruins, the remains of villages in the
location of which more or less regard was paid to the defensibility
of the site, comprises a large number of examples, including most
of the very striking ruins in the canyons. There is no well-
defined line between this and the preceding class, but between
selected ruins of the two classes there is a wide difiference. In a
general way it may be stated that ruins of class II are always
located on the canyon bottom or but slightly above it, while those
of class III are never located directly on the bottom, but always
at a greater or less elevation above it. There are some ruins of
class III where, owing to the character of the site selected, access
is now possible only with artificial aids, such as ropes and ladders.
The number of these, however, is very few, not more than half
a dozen in a total of one hundred and forty ruins, and there is no
evidence that such aids were found necessary or were used by
the builders.
The sit^ occupied by defensive villages are of two kinds : one
consisting of sites in coves in the rock corresponding to the
examples already described, but higher up and approached along
a narrow bench or over slopes of bare rock ; the other at the top
of the talus. This division is artificial, however, and of no signifi-
cance as regards the ruins. By far the greater number of ruins
are located on the top of the talus, which often consists of a nar-
row bench or platform forming a convenient site for habitations
and affording a commanding outlook over areas of cultivable
land below it.
The best ruin of this class, and one of the largest in the canyons,
occurs in the upper part of del Muerto and has been called
Mummy Cave ruin. There are two caves, or more properly coves,
in the rock, joined by a narrow ledge about 110 feet long. The
western cove is about 100 feet across and 75 feet deep, and shows
fourteen rooms on the ground. The connecting ledge shows ten
large rooms, and the eastern cove, which is over 200 feet across
and 100 feet deep, shows forty-four rooms and three or four kivas
on the ground, the rooms occurring on a bench about 50 feet
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OF CANYON DE CHELLY 167
wide. There may have been ninety rooms altogether, many of
which could have been used only for storage. The total popula-
tion may have been sixty persons.
The rooms occur on a ledge or bench running around the backs
of the coves. There are no traces of a kiva in the western cove,
which could be approached only from the eastern part, over the
intervening ledge and partly through the rooms which occupied
nearly all its surface. The eastern cove, which is perhaps 80 feet
above the ground, is of easy access over a slope of debris. In
fact, a burro carrying a pack was driven up to and into it.
The principal portion of the ruin is contained in the eastern
cove. Many of the walls are still standing to a considerable
height and exhibit a fair degree of skill in masonry. One of the
kivas also is exceptionally well constructed. The rooms on the
intervening ledge are exceptionally large and the walls are espe-
cially heavy. The structure was continuous and its eastern
portion still stands to a height of three stories, carrying its roof
intact. The walls to the west are broken down to one story,
but marks on the cliff wall show the former existence of an ad-
ditional story over part, if not all, of the ledge. The masonry of
this part of the ruin is exceptionally well finished, but, strangely
enough, the front wall and the tower rest on compacted sheep
dung about half an inch thick, and many of the walls in the
eastern cove rest on heavier deposits of the same substance. As
sheep were introduced into this country by the Spaniards, the
occurrence of these deposits under the masonry is important.
A fine example of this class of ruin occurs just below the
mouth of del Muerto, on the north side of Tsegi. The cliflf
here is about 300 feet high and the ruin is located on a ledge in
a cove about 70 feet above the stream bed. Although apparently
very difficult, the ruin is of comparatively easy access without
artificial aid. The strata within the pocket where the site occurs
are inclined at an angle of about 45 degrees, and their edges have
weathered out so as to form a series of little benches a few inches
wide and tilted at an angle. By the exercise of some agility one
can ascend along them.
The bench on which the ruin occurs is about 250 feet long
and generally about 20 feet wide, the surface being almost flat.
The structures are on the northern and the southern ends, but a
considerable portion of the intermediate area was not occupied.
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168 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Many of the walls in the northern portion are apparently under-
laid by a foot or more of ashes, sheep dung, and domestic refuse
well compacted.
There were two circular kivas in the village, one of which was
unusually small, being but ten feet in diameter, and benched in
part only. The interior is coated with a number of washes of
clay, applied one after another, and now forming a coating nearly
three-quarters of an inch thick. This has fallen off in places,
and in the section thus exposed eighteen coats, generally about
one-thirty-second of an inch thick, can be made out. These
coatings or successive plasterings are separated from each other
by a thin film of smoke-blackened surface. This feature of suc-
cessive coatings in kivas is quite common in the canyon.
The south end of the ledge was occupied by a structure whose
use at first sight is not apparent. The front wall is very thick,
slightly curved, and built partly over the sloping rock forming
the back of the cove. There are no openings in it, although it
still stands to a height of 5 feet above the rock. The structure
measures 15 by 5 feet inside, one side being formed by the slop-
ing rock. It is so situated that the sun shines on it only a few
hours each day, and it seems more than probable that it was a
reservoir, filled by carrying or lifting water from the stream below.
This hypothesis is strengthened by the occurrence on the cliff
wall back of the structure of pictographs representing tadpoles
and other water symbols, which do not occur elsewhere on this
site. This structure is especially interesting, as it is the only
evidence found in the canyon of provision for the storage of
water.
Near the center of the site there are remains of a small struc-
ture, apparently anomalous in the canyon. The bed-rock, which
slopes slightly, has been removed over an area nearly 4 feet
square, so as to leave a flat foundation, and on this there was a
dome-shape structure about 3 feet in diameter, composed of
mud and sticks, with a scant admixture of small stones. The
walls were about 3 inches thick, and, from their slope, the struc-
ture could not have been over 3 feet high. They were composed
of mud, held together by thin sticks or branches curved with
the wall, apparently some kind of vine twisted together and in-
corporated in it.
If this structure was a dome-shape oven, and it is difficult to
Imagine it anything else, its occurrence here is important. It is
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OF CANYON DE CHELLY 169
well known that the dome-shape oven, which is very common
in all the Pueblo villages, in some being almost numbered by
hundreds, is not an aboriginal feature, but was borrowed out-
right from the Mexicans. If the example described was used
as an oven, it is clear evidence of the occupancy of these ruins
within the historic period. No other structure of this kind was
found in the canyon, however, and it should be stated that the
ovens of the Pueblos are, as a rule, larger in size and constructed
of masonry. There is a suggestion here, which is borne out by
other evidence, that only the idea of these structures was brought
into the canyon, without detailed knowledge of how to carry it
out, as if, for example, they were built by novices from descrip-
tion only.
IV. Ruins comprised in the class designated as cliff outlooks
or farming shelters are b3' far the most numerous in the canyon.
They are located on various kinds of sites, but always with ref-
erence to some area of cultivable land which they overlook, and
seldom if ever was the site selected under the influence of the
defensive motive. The separation of this class of ruins from the
preceding, village ruins, while clear and definite enough in the
main, is far from absolute. The sole criterion we have is the
presence or absence of the kiva, as the sites are essentially simi-
lar ; but this in itself is a sufficient test. Settlements occupied
only temporarily have no kivas, while those which were regu-
larly inhabited must necessarily have had one or more. It
might happen that the kiva would be so far obliterated as to be
no longer distinguishable, but the number of cases in which this
might have occurred is small. Moreover, the walls of the kivas,
as a rule, were more solid and heavy than those of the dwellings,
and in some cases have survived when the latter have almost
disappeared.
Remains of this class comprised, as a rule, only one or two
rooms ; seldom as many as four. The masonry is generally good,
sometimes excellent, and openings are arranged wherever con-
venience dictated. Often there is evidence of an enlargement or
addition of one or more rooms at a period subsequent to the
completion of the first structure. Some of the sites are 300 or
400 feet above the bottom ; others not more than 10 or 12 feet. An
example of the latter occurs at a point opposite the mouth of
del Muerto. Here there is a large mass of rock connected with
the cliflf back of it by a low saddle, also of rock. The edge of
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170 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
this rock, which may be 30 feet high, is bare and descends sheer
or with an overhang to the bottoms or to the stream bed. On
the western side, facing north, there is a little cave about 12 feet
from the ground and overlooking a large area of cultivable land
which lies before it. The cave is very small, but was divided by
cross- walls into three parts. The back part is a completely
enclosed space, dark, and not large enough to contain a human
body, unless it was carefully packed in. 'i'he interior was wet
and mouldy when examined (in winter), but in the summer time
is probably dry enough.
The masonry is fair and the surface was finished with mud
plaster. In front of the little back room there is an open space,
divided by a wall into a smaller and a larger part. The roof of
this space and the outer wall of the back room are much black-
ened by smoke, as though the inhabitant, for there could hardly
have been more than one, cooked his food here and used the
small room only to store his utensils and implements. The site
is an ideal one for a lookout, but not well suited for habitation.
There are numerous examples where, like this, the restricted
area of the site precludes any possibility that they formed part
of larger settlements since partly obliterated.
Many sites which bear unmistakable evidence of occupancy
at some period are entirely bare of walls or wall remains ; many
others are marked by storage cists and burial cists of the Navajos.
It seems probable that some of these were used just as they are
now, the overhanging cliff affording such shelter as was neces-
sary for the use to which they were put.
There are many interesting details and much evidence to sup-
port the hypothesis which has been advanced here, which can-
not even be touched in this article. To properly present all the
evidence would require much space. It is remarkable that,
notwithstanding all that has been written about the cliff ruins,
there is little direct evidence to support the hypothesis that they
are defensive structures. Few, if any, examples can be cited
which show anything that can be construed as the result or the
effect of the defensive motive, except the general impression pro-
duced on the observer. Nor, on the other hand, do these ruins
as a whole give any support to the theory that they represent an
intermediate stage in the development of the Pueblo people.
Some few do perhaps, but more than 99 per cent., if studied by
themselves and without a reasonably full knowledge of modern
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OF CANYON DE CHELLY 171
pueblo structures, would lead rather to the conclusion that the}'
are the ultimate development of pueblo architecture, for they con-
tain evidence of a knowledge of construction equal if not superior
to that exhibited in many of the modern villages. The only thing
anomalous or distinctive about the cliff ruins, considered as an
element of pueblo architecture, is the character of the site occu-
pied. If this were dictated by the defensive motive, it would
seem that the same motive would have a further influence, affect-
ing to some extent at least the arrangement of rooms or the
character of the masonry, but there is no evidence of this.
An hypothesis as to the order in which sites of the various
types of ruins were occupied cannot be based on the present
condition of the remains. It is more than likely that the older
ruins served as quarries of building material for succeeding struc-
tures erected anywhere near them, and probably some of the
cliflf ruins themselves served in this way for others. The Navajos
have contributed their part to the destruction, for, notwithstand-
ing their horror of contact with the remains of the dead, quite a
number of buildings have been erected by them constructed of
material derived from adjacent ruins ; and it is evident that to
gather this material would be a much lighter task than to quarry
and prepare it, no matter how roughly the latter might be done.
In a study of the ruins of the valley of the Rio Verde made
some years ago, a suggestion was made of the order in which ruins
of various kinds succeeded one another, a sort of chronologic
sequence, of which the beginning in time could not be determined.
Studies of the ruins and inhabited villages of the old province
of Tusayan (Hopi or Moki) and of Cibola (Zufii) and a slight
examination made of ruins on Gila river show that they all fall
easily into the same general order. This order is somewhat as
follows : 1. The earliest form of pueblo house is doubtful. As
a rule, in most localities the earliest form found is already well
advanced. As it is now known that the ancient Pueblo region
was not inhabited by a vast number of people, but by a compara-
tively small number of little bands, each in slow but practically
constant movement, this condition is what we would expect to
find. It is probable that the earliest settlements consisted of
single houses or small clusters located in valleys convenient to
areas of cultivable land and on streams or near water. 2. The
next step gives us villages, generally of small size, located on
the foot-hills of mesas, overlooking areas of good land, which
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172 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
were probably under cultivation. This class comprises perhaps
more examples than any other, and many of these examples
come well within the historic period. 3. In some localities*
though not in all, the small villages were subsequently moved to
higher and more inaccessible sites. This change has taken place
in Tusayan in the historic period, and in fact was not com-
pleted even fifty years ago. The pueblo of Acoma was in this
stage at the time of the Spanish conquest and has remained so
to the present day. As a rule, each small village preserved its
independence, but in some cases they combined together to
occupy a high defensible site. 4. The final stage in the develop-
ment of pueblo architecture is the large, many-storied or beehive
village, located generally in the midst of broad valleys, generally
near some stream, and depending on its size and population for
defense. In this class of structure the defensive motive, in so far
as it affected the choosing of a site, entirely disappears, although
in general it was at this period that it exerted its strongest in-
fluence. The largest existing pueblo, Zufii, made this step at
the beginning of the eighteenth century. Taos, the next largest,
was in this stage in 1541, and has remained so since. In some
cases villages on foot-hill sites (2) have passed directly into
many-storied pueblos on indefensible sites (4).
There is another step in the process of development that is
now being taken by many villages which, although an advance
from an industrial point of view, is degeneration to the archi-
tectural student. Many of the Pueblo Indians have built single
houses in the valleys and on the bottom lands, wherever most
convenient to the fields under cultivation, and this movement,
which commenced but little over ten years ago, is proceeding at
a steadily accelerating pace. Its ultimate result is of course the
complete destruction of pueblo architecture as a phase of Indian
culture, and whatever we wish to know of that architecture we
must learn now, for two generations hence probably nothing will
remain of it.
This hasty sketch will illustrate some of the difficulties which
lie in the way of a complete classification of the ruins in the
Pueblo country. It is impossible to arrange them in chronologic
sequence, because they are the product of different tribes who
at different times came under the influence of analogous causes,
and results were produced similar in themselves but different in
time. It is believed, however, that the classification suggested
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April 1895] CLIFF RUINS OF CANYON DE CHELLY 173
exhibits a cultural sequence and probably a chronologic sequence
within each tribe.
No mention of the cliff ruins has been made in this classifica-
tion. These structures belong partly to the class of villages on
defensive sites (3), but principally to a subclass which pertains
more or less to all the classes. In the early stages of pueblo
architecture the people lived directly on the land they tilled ;
later the villages were located on low foot-hills overlooking the
land, but in this stage some of the villages had already attained
considerable size and the lands overlooked by them were not
sufficient for their needs. As a consequence, some of the inhab-
itants were compelled to work fields at a distance from the
home village, and as a matter of convenience small temporary
shelters were erected near the place of work. In a still later
stage, when the villages were removed to higher and more easily
defended sites, the number of farming shelters must necessarily
have increased, as suitable .sites which also commanded large
areas of good land could not often be found. At a still later
stage, when the inhabitants of a number of small villages com-
bined into a single large one, this difficulty was increased still
more, and it is in this stage that the construction of farming
shelters received its maximum development. Often whole vil-
lages of some size, sometimes many miles from the home pueblo,
were only farming shelters. These villages, like the single-room
shelters, were occupied only during the farming season — not con-
tinuously, but periodically. In the winter the inhabitants aban-
doned them entirely and retired to the home village. Such is
the practice also today.
It is significant that none of these subordinate villages possess
a kiva. It is believed that the cliff ruins and cavate lodges,
which are merely variants of each other, due to geological con-
ditions, are simply farming shelters of another type produced
by a certain topographic environment.
The absence of any attempt to improve the natural advan-
tages of the sites used is remarkable, if we accept the hypothesis
that the ruins were defensive structures. No expedients were
employed to make access more difficult; the cavities in which
the ruins occur are always natural ; they are never enlarged or
curtailed in the slightest degree, and very rarely is the cavity
itself treated as a room, although there are some excellent sites
for such treatment.
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174 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST fVol. Vlll
The settlements were al\va3'8 located with reference to the
canyon bottom, and access was never had from above, notwith-
standing that in some cases access from above was easier than
from below. There are many instances where slight works on
the approaches to sites would increase their defensive value a
hundredfold, but such work was never done. Regarded as })laces
of habitation, the cliff ruins are an^^thing but ideal sites, and it
would certainly seem that an influence strong enough to bring
about the occupancy of such inconvenient and unsuitable sites
would also be strong enough to bring about some modification
in the architecture, such as would render more suitable sites
available. Moreover, there is but one instance in the canyon, so
far as known, where provision was made for the storage of water ;
yet without water the strongest " fortress " in the canyon could
not withstand a siege of forty-eight hours.
There are many difficulties in the way of the hypothesis that
the cliff ruins were defensive structures. If, however, we con-
sider them farming outlooks, occupied during the farming sea-
son, and then only for a few days or weeks at one time, after the
manner that such outlooks are used by the Pueblo Indians to-
day, most of the difficulties vanish. The apparent inaccessi-
bility of many of the sites disappears on close examination ; and
we must not forget, moreover, that sites really difficult of access
to us would not necessarily be so regarded by a people accus-
tomed to that manner of life.
Finally, as bearing on the antiquity of these ruins, it may be
stated that there is good evidence of an occupancy within historic
times, probably in the seventeenth and perhaps in the eighteenth
century. Moreover, nearly every one of the clans who compose
the Hopi tribe and who reached Tusayan from various directions
and at various times, some within the historic period, claim to
have lived at one time or another in Tsegi. Further, there is
a tradition among the Navajos, now confined to a few of the
old men, covering the occupancy of the canyon, and the ruins of
Mummy cave. White House, and one other are pointed out as
places where monks were stationed. To more than ninety-nine
in a hundred Navajos, however, this tradition is unknown, and
if asked what became of the dwellers in the cliffs they will say
that a great wind arose and swept them all away. The wind
failed, however, to sweep away the internal constructive and
architectural evidence, which confirms the older tradition.
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April 1805] OBIT I' A HIES 175
OBITUARIES
Robert Henry Lamborn
In the American ANTiiROPOLdoiST for A[)ril, 1893 (volume vi,
page 223), the following announcement a[)pearecl : **A member
of the Anthropological Society of Washington has placed in the
hands of the Treasurer of the Society a sum of money, to be
awarded in prizes for the clearest statements of the elements that
go to make up the most useful citizen, regardless of occupation."
Later numbers of the journal contained announcements of the
selection of a distinguished Board of Commissioners of Award,
and of the awarding of prizes to two out of the forty-two essays
received under the terms of the com})etition from seventeen
states of the Union and five foreign countries. The name of
the founder of the prizes was not given in any of these notices.
It is a melancholy pleasure to announce that the founder was
the late Dr. Robert H. Lamborn, of New York.
Robert H. Lamborn was born in 1836, near Kennett Square,
Chester county, Pennsylvania. After acquiring a liberal educa-
tion in this country he matriculated at the University of Geissen,
in Germany, where he made special studies in mining and metal-
lurgy and obtained the degree of Ph. D. ; afterward he took a
course in the Ecole des Mines, Paris. Returning to this country
in the early sixties, he engaged in railway business in Pennsyl-
vania, and subsequently became interested in the construction
of railways in southwestern states, and was an active promoter
and large owner of the Mexican Central Railway. Through
these enterprises he amassed a fortune, and later, on retiring
from active business about 1887, devoted himself to scientific
and literary studies.
For many years he was secretary of the American Iron and
Steel Association, and his earlier publications were chiefly tech-
nologic; among them are "A Rudimentary Treatise on the Metal-
lurgy of Copper," London, 18G0, and **A Rudimentary Treatise
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176 TJiE amp:rican anthropologist [Vol. Vlll
on the Metallurgy of Silver and Lead," London, 186L Numerous
editions of the latter work have appeared. His later years were
occupied in travel and in study of a wide range of subjects ; he
was an indefatigable collector and generous distributor of mate-
rial pertaining to the fine arts, history, ethnology, biology, geol-
ogy, and mineralogy, and his donations have enriched the Metro-
politan Museum of Art and the American Museum of Natural
History in New York, the Museum of Archeology in the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, and other institutions, including the
United States National Museum in Washington. His private
library, numbering several thousand volumes, and certain special
collections were deposited in the University of Pennsylvania.
Through personal encouragement of investigation and through
the establishment of funds, he did much to promote research
concerning scientific subjects. He was connected with numer-
ous learned societies. His later studies were devoted largely to
art ; his last important publication was a work on " Mexican
Painting and Painters,'' New York, 1891.
Dr. Lamborn's business associations in earlier years and ex-
tensive journeyings in later years brought him in contact with
all classes of men, and he became a keen student of men and
institutions ; and his opportunities, coupled with a kindly dis-
position, served to render him a philanthropist whose energy
and means were devoted in large yet provident measure to the
welfare of mankind. The anonymous founding of the Citizen-
ship prizes of the Anthropological Society was but a character-
istic incident of his career. Many such incidents might be noted,
though there is reason to opine that most of his philanthropic
acts were so modestly performed as to leave no record save in
the minds of the widely dispersed beneficiaries. Industrious,
energetic, and sagacious. Dr. Lamborn was a successful business
man; amiable, upright, and generous, he was a useful niember
of society ; in all ways he was a noteworthy contributor to the
material and intellectual progress of the world. By constant
activity throughout his adult life he contributed more to than
he absorbed from his country, and was thus in himself a model
of citizenship, and in his death the progressive nineteenth-cen-
tury world lost one of its makers.
Dr. Lamborn died unmarried January 14, 1895; a brother
and sister survive him. W J McGke.
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April 18J)5] UBITUAIUKS 177
Franklin Austin Seely
A serious loss has befallen Ainerican anthr()])olo<j:y in the death,
at Washington, February 6, 1895, of Franklin Austin Seely, in
the sixty-first year of his age.
Colonel Seely was born in Seely ville, Pennsylvania, April 4,
lHt34, graduating at Yale college in the class of 1855. During
the war of the rebellion he was assistant quartermaster of volun-
teers, and was discharged in 18G7 with the brevet rank of lieu-
tenant colonel. In 1876 he entered the civil service as assistant
examiner in the United States Patent Office. In April, 1877, he
was appointed chief clerk of the office, surrendering the position,
however, in June, 1880, to accei)t the appointment of principal
examiner, having charge of the philosophical division, to which,
upon his accession, was added the division of trade-marks. In
1887 the United States acceded to the International Union for
the Protection of Industrial Pro})erty, and to Colonel Seely was
assigned the task of reviewing the Convention of Paris. His
interpretations of that technical convention have been univer-
sally accepted, both in this country and abroad. It may safely
be said that the mind of Examiner Seely was the only one in
this country which by previous experience and training was
adapted to follow with clearness and precision the scope and
significance of the many questions arising within the office or
referred to it touching the international relations of these recon-
dite property interests. During the terms of Secretaries Bayard
and Blaine the De])artment of State frcfjuently had occasion to
.seek the aid of his opinions. In recognition of his eminent fit-
ness for the duty, Secretary Blaine, in 1890, designated him as a
delegate from the United States to the International Patent Con-
ference held at Madrid during the summer of that year. His
writings on the international protection of industrial property
and allied subjects for use before patent congresses and conven-
tions have been widely distributed.
But it is in his researches in tKe fields of anthropology that
the name of Colonel Seely is best known. While he was not a
charter member of the Anthropological Society of Washington,
which was founded in February, 1S79, the records show him a
member of the Board of Managers in the following year, and for
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178 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VI Jl
ten successive years he gave his best services to the Society as
secretary to this working body of the organization. In this forma-
tive period of the Society's existence his trained faculty of analysis
and investigation was highly instrumental in laying broad and
strong foundations for the future growth of anthropology in this
country. As a contributor to the proceedings of the Society, both
in stated papers and in discussions, he was always ready, accu-
rate, and convincing. His mind was eminently practical, and
the reabn of industrial technology opened to him an inexhausti-
ble field of investigation. His treatise on " The Genesis of In-
ventions " will long remain one of the clearest expositions of the
science of eurematics. The records of the Society show other
papers upon cognate topics, such as that entitled "Time-keeping
among the Greeks and Romans,'' a most felicitous monograph
upon a hitherto little considered subject.
Versatile, accomplished, practical, wise, the pages of his busy
life are marked with monuments of work in many fields faith-
fully done. The tribute of the Latin poet is eminently his:
Inteyer mtae scelerisque punts,
P. B. Pierce.
Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta
Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta was born at the Mexican capital
August 21, 1825, and died in his native city November 2G, 1894.
His father was Eusebio Garcia, of Spain, and his mother a Mex-
ican lady of Spanish extraction from the Vas(|ue provinces. In
the year 1829 his family came to the United States, where they
remained for some time, and from there went to S]>ain, return-
ing to Mexico in 1886.
Young Icazbalceta received very little education ; his youth
was spent mainly in his fiither s mercantile establishment, and
most of his learning he gained at home. He early devoted him-
self to the study of the English language, and his peculiar apti-
tude enabled him soon to translate Prescott's " Conquest of Peru,"
to which he added an appendix bringing the history to date.
Before this time, however, he published an analytical criticism
of Prescott's work, under the initials F. M., in " El .Album Mexi-
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April 1895] OBITUARIES 179
cano," a work that reflected his rare talent for investigation and
analysis and preeminent ability as an impartial and conscien-
tious historian.
Senor Icazbalceta participated in the publication of the " Dic-
cionario Historico y Geografico Universal," in ten volumes, the
first of which appeared in 1852. His biography of Columbus
has been highly commended, and his history of the press in
America (it is well known that in Mexico the printing press was
first established in the New World) is one of his most esteemed
works, for he did not limit himself to the subject that the title
implies, but wrote about the first publications that were made,
their object, importance, destiny, and other biographic notices
as curious as interesting.
His marvelous critical talent, coupled with rare judgment and
notable sagacity, gave Icazbalceta a keen appreciation of the just
value of the materials with which he had to deal, so that his
store of knowledge was ever rich.
In 1858 and 1866, respectively, appeared the two volumes of
his " Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," a
work well known for the rare value of its contents.
In the year in which the second volume of his collection of
documents was printed he also issued from his own home (for
he was collector, copyist, proof-reader, and in many cases type-
setter) sixty copies of a rare little book bearing the title " Notes
for a Catalogue of Writers in the Native Languages of America,"
which has been so well regarded by European and American
scientists that it readily brings from twelve to fourteen dollars.
It contains 170 pages, describing 175 works.
In 1875 Icazlnilceta reprinted a book, first published in Mexico
in 1554, containing three dialogues by Francisco Cervantes Sala-
zar relating to historical events mainly in the city of Mexico. At
the time of his death he was preparing a Mexican bibliography
of the sixteenth century, besides a dictionary of Mexican pro-
vincialisms, of which latter work he left corrected proofs up to
the letter F (about 800 pages). These two works alone are a
monument to this indefatigable worker, who could not be an
instant idle, and who often exclaimed when finishing a work :
" I shall do no more; I am tire<l. This is the last that I pub-
lish I "
J. C. Pilling.
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180 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VTII
Charles Candee Baldwin
The subject of this sketch, the son of Seymour W. and Mary
E. Candee Baldwin, was born at Middletown, Connecticut, De-
cember 2, 1834, but while an infant his parents removed to
Elyria, Ohio, where his mother died in 1836. His father, re-
marrying, returned to Connecticut in 1847, but in 1856^ removed
again to Elyria. In 1855 Charles was graduated with honors
from Wesleyan University at Middletown, entered Harvard I^aw
School, receiving therefrom the degree of LL. B. in 1857. The
same year he was admitted to the bar at Cleveland, Ohio, enter-
ing the offices of S. B. and J. F. Prentiss, which firm, after many
changes, became in 1878 Baldwin & Ford.
As a lawyer Charles C. Baldwin stood high in his profession,
and his career was marked by rapid and brilliant success. In
1884 he was elected judge of the circuit court, which position he
retained until his death on February 2 last. Judge Baldwin
was active in many educational enterprises, was at one time a
trustee in two colleges, and was one of the founders of the
Western Resei've Historical Society, being its president at the
time of his death. His work in Ohio archeology extended over
many years, and the published results of his research under the
auspices of the Society of which he was a parent are widely
known.
Judge Baldwin was actively connected with numerous insti-
tutions of learning throughout the continent, and was a corre-
sponding member of the Anthropological Society of Washington
for a number of years.
F. W. HoDGE.
James Owen Dorsey
In the death of the Reverend James Owen Dorsey, at Wash-
ington, February 4, 1895, anthropology has lost one of its fore-
most and most promising workers in the domain of American
linguistics and sociology.
By the collection and acquirement of facts knowledge is in-
creased and thereby human culture is broadened. The intel-
lectual triumphs of the race and the memorable event^s in history
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April 1895] OBITUARIES 181
are one and all intimately associated with the names of great
and good men — men and noble workers in whom the divine and
eternal are brilliantly reflected — who have wrought unselfishly
to give them being. Of this band of noble workers one of the
most modest, conscientious, and painstaking was James Owen
Dorsey. Scientific research, through its numerous collaborators,
is busy by day and by night, seeking to fathom the reasons of
things* and encouraging its workers to gather, systematize, and
interpret facts and data whereby Philosophy may test her ca-
pacities in demonstrating them and the sum of human knowl-
edge made greater. In the field of American linguistics and
sociology Mr. Dorsey collected many facts and much data, which
are a permanent addition to our heritage of knowledge.
It is due, perhaps, to this more than to any other reason that
man intuitively offers to the memory of the eminent and illus-
trious dead the fadeless wreaths of commemorative tribute and
eulogy, wrought from the buds and flowers of the worth, genius,
and virtue of the departed. By this means are exalted the good
deeds and noble aspirations of those most eminent in the vari-
ous departments of human conduct, and the successes, triumphs
over obstacles, and, it may be, reverses, of these men are made
to teach others what to imitate and what to avoid, and to em-
phasize what may be regarded as their contribution to the wel-
fare and culture of the race.
The subject of this brief sketch was born in Baltimore October
31, 1848. He acquired his primary education in the schools of
his native city. At an early age he evinced a marked precocity
in the acquirement of language by learning the Hebrew alphabet
at six and by reading that language at ten years of age. During
1862-'63 he attended the Central high school (now City College),
taking the classical course. When a member of the class of the
second year illness constrained him to abandon his studies. In
September, 1867, he entered the preparatory department of the
Theological Seminary of Virginia, and the junior class in 1869.
On Easter day, 1871, he was ordained a deacon of the Protestant
Church by the Bishop of Virginia, and in May of the same year
he began mission work among the Ponkas in Dakota Territory ;
but serious illness in July, 1872, and again in the following year,
compelled him to abandon his mission work in August, 1873,
which was soon after he had acquired the ability to converse
with the Indians without an interpreter. Having returned to
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182 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Maryland, he was engaged until July, 1878, in parish work.
Then, under the direction of Major J. W. Powell, he repaired to
the Omaha reservation, in Nebraska, for the purpose of acquir-
ing additional linguistic and other anthropologic material, re-
maining among this people until April, 1880. In the mean-
time, upon the organization of the Bureau of Ethnology in 1879,
he was chosen one of its scientific corps, being up to the time of
his last illness continuously and arduously engaged in linguistic
and sociologic work. Subsequent to 1880 he made several field
trips to Indian reservations, visiting, in addition to those of the
Siouan stock, that of Siletz, on which he was able to collect im-
portant vocabularies and valuable grammatic notes and material
pertaining to the Athapascan, Kusan, Takilman, and Yakonan
stocks.
His grasp and comprehension of the principle of the genesis
of words and the development of vocabularies is well and abun-
dantly illustrated in his excellent paper, '' Siouan Onomatopes,''
and in his Athapascan studies. In the forementioned essay is
seen his complete mastery of a wealth of etymologic detail, which
is marvelous even to the linguist. In his paper on '* The Com-
parative Phonology of Four Siouan Tongues '' we are introduced
to a discriininating study of the i)honologic wealth of the various
dialects of the Siouan family. No one but a trained phonologist
can appreciate the difficulties to be overcome in such a study.
His great modesty and his strong conviction that the views of
a student should be moulded by facts prevented him from formu-
lating subjective theories by which to judge the value of his facts.
In the later years of his studies in linguistic morphology he
began to feel the inadequacy of the venerable agglutination theory
to explain all the facts of word-structure prevailing in the lan-
guages he was studying, and he came to look upon adaptation —
the infusing with a new meaning or function an element which
before had or had not any definite signification— as an important
and potent factor in the genesis and development of morphologic
structures. His mastery of the wealth of forms in the languages
he studied enabled him to illustrate copiously the working of
this principle. His linguistic acumen and painstaking accuracy
are brought out in his interlinear translations of numerous and
voluminous texts, both in print and manuscript.
In addition to numerous essays dealing with linguistic and
other anthropologic matters which appeared from time to time
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April 1895] OBITUARIES 183
in various periodicals, Mr. Dorsey published under the auspices
of the Bureau of Ethnology the following excellent and sugges-
tive memoirs : ^'Omaha Sociology," '^Osage Traditions,'^ "A Study
of Siouan Cults," " Omaha Dwellings, Furniture, and Imple-
ments," " Omaha and Ponka Letters," and ^' The Dhegiha Lan-
guage, with Myths, Stories, and Letters." He also edited the
" Dakota-English Dictionary " and " Dakota Grammar, Texts,
and Etlinography " of the late Rev. S. R. Riggs, forming, respect-
ively, volumes vii and ix of Contributions to North American Eth-
nohgy. At the time of his death he had completed a paper on
Siouan sociology. Among the papers and articles of marked
importance published in extra-governmental media may be men-
tioned: '* Migrations of Siouan Tribes,' with maps, in the -4m^i-
can Naturalist^ volume xx, No. 3 ; " Comparative Phonology of
Four Siouan Languages," embodied in the Smitlisonian Report
for 1883; "An Account of the War Customs of the Osages,"
American Naturalist^ volume xviii, No. 2, and ^'' Mourning and
War Customs of the Kansas," in the July, 1885, issue of that
magazine.
Although he published many essays in various media, by far
the larger and most important part of the material collected and
elaborated by him during the years of his active and successful
career remains unpublished, but much of it is well on toward
completion.
As a worker Mr. Dorsey was methodical, rapid, and untiring,
accomplishing in a given time an amount of labor that was
astounding in its extent and accuracy. His marvelous aptitude
in discriminating, grasping, and retaining sounds enabled him
to obtain with great ease accurate vocabularies and texts and to
detect differences of meaning and function through differences
of sound. His freedom from subjective theories, his deep erudi-
tion, and enlightened conservatism made him one of the fore-
most authorities in American linguistics.
By reason of the purity and unselfishness of his motives and
the warmth and sunshine of his amiable nature, he won the
esteem of all who had the pleasure of meeting him, and, being
ever kind, affable, and cheerful to his colleagues, ever willing to
aid and advise them, James Owen Dorsey was sincerely and
cordially loved and revered by all.
J. N. B. Hkwitt.
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184 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
William Bower Taylor
Mr. Taylor was bom in Philadelphia in 1821, and was a grad-
uate of the University of Pennsylvania. He first practiced law
in Philadelphia ; was then an examiner and afterward librarian
of the Patent Office. In 1878 he became connected with the
Smithsonian Institution as editor of its publications. He was
specially known as the editor of the scientific writings of Pro-
fessor Joseph Henry ; also by his work on Henry and the Tele-
graph. He was a well-known member of the Anthropological
and Philosophical Societies of Washington. He died in Wash-
ington, February 25, 1895.
Mr. Taylor, although primarily a physicist, was widely in-
formed on all the deeper topics of general science. His mind
possessed a delicate sensibility to suggestion from others, and
was influenced wholly by the inherent merit of the suggestion
and not at all by the supposed competency or incompetency of
the person making it. Still, on most questions he had settled
convictions, and on nearly all important subjects he possessed
original ideas, ther result of prolonged independent thought. His
conversation was particularly charming from the fact that it com-
bined great learning and originality with the utmost simplicity
and a complete absence of dogmatism. In a word, his entire
character illustrated how extremely liberal genuine wisdom can
afford to be.
Lester F. Ward.
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April 1895 J BOOK NOTICES 185
BOOK NOTICES
As to Copper from the Mounds of the St. Johns River j Florida, from
Part II of Certain Sand Mounds of the St. Johns River, Florida.
By Clarence B. Mooi^e.
Taken in connection with his admirable and thorough treatise
on the sand mounds of Florida, of whicli it forms so conspicuous
a part, this chapter by Mr. Clarence B. Moore "As to Copper
from the Mounds of the St. Johns River " is in certain essentials
one of the most satisfactory and conclusive records of archeologic
research that has been made during the year just ended.
As Professor Douglas furnishes a review from the standpoint
of the metallurgist, and a clear statement of the main argument
of the author, which is based upon chemical analyses of the
ancient copper specimens in question, compared with analyses
of other examples, both native and European, little remains to
be said as to the final and authoritative nature, apparently, of
this argument in proof of the aboriginal character of these
Floridian and, presumably, of most other like mound remains
of the copper art.
Since analyses of this sort are, however, deemed liable, despite
every precaution, to mislead, unless supported by other data, it
may be well in passing to call attention to the ample archeologic
and technologic evidence with which Mr. Moore also supports
his conclusions, by which, indeed, it is easy to believe he was
first led to not a few of them. In the nature of such evidence
are the observations carefully made and recorded by him indi-
cating the primary and, generally speaking, prehistoric character
of the mound burials with which these copper remains were
found associated, and the still more significant fact that the latter
not only bear trace of just such operations as I performed with
stone and horn appliances in the experimental reproduction of
ancient sheet-copper figures in native metal, but also that the
rods of copper intended to be solid enough to serve as " piercers,''
etc., were made up of bits of the metal economically beaten very
thin and rolled and hammered compactly together in a way
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186 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
which I find would be impossible with brass of any grade or with
the ordinary copper of commerce. This applies also and espe-
cially to the remarkable rivet-patched plates of large size figured
and described by Mr. Moore. They are so obviously made up
from small natural masses of copper beaten out, and thus, with
minimum waste, as nearly as possible welded together by over
and underlapping and the riveting to form solid plates of larger
size than could have been shaped from any single piece the
makers of them possessed, that one must needs infer, first, the
purely aboriginal nature of the work as being that of artisans
unacquainted with fusing or soldering; second, the very ancient
character of this aboriginal work itself as having originated
probably in the effort to use small nodules or bowlders of drift
coi)per such only as was at first accessible to the mound-building
Indians before they became acquainted with and worked in the
great copper leads of the Lake Superior region, and such as they
continued to use for a long time afterward, as indicated by the
finds of Powell, Putnam, and other competent observers, even in
far southern mounds and graves; and, finally, one must also
infer the native origin of the extremely ductile and pure material
used in such working, else piecing so perfect as to be unrevealed
save by the most careful examination could not have been accom-
plished by such methods as are above mentioned.
Leaving other j)oints which might, were space available, be
noticed with equal propriety, it will suffice if I simply quote
the general conclusions reached by Mr. Moore and compre-
hensively summarized at the close of his essay, and merely add
that each claim made in this brief summary is satisfactorily
suj)ported by his more detailed studies bearing on or leading up
to it, as set forth in the body of the work. These claims (and
others less generally, but equally significant, might safely have
been adduced by Mr. Moore) are, as stated by him, " after a
careful survey of the field," as follows :
" 1. That the so-called copper found with objects of European
make along the St. Johns and, we may add, in other portions
of the United States, is almost universally not copper, but brass;
and, conversely, that brass does not occur with original deposits
of copper in mounds otherwise containing only objects of un-
questioned aboriginal origin.
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April 1895] BOOK NOTICES 187
" 2. That the workmanship on the copper of the mounds of
the St Johns is ahoriginal.
**3, That the copper itself is of aboriginal production, the
proof being mechanical, archeological, and chemical.
"4. That such being the case, if copper plates cannot be pro-
duced without recourse to annealing, then we must concede to
the aborigines a knowledge of that art.
"5. That the copper of the mounds of the St. Johns is native
copper, as shown by its high percentage of copper, a percentage
not obtainable by early smelting processes, and by its freedom
from arsenic and antimony in some instances, and the very small
percentage in others of these impurities, which are found to a
much greater extent in the early copper from the sulphide ores of
Europe. In addition, lead, used in smelting processes of Europe
and not eliminated from many of the ores, is present in earlier
sheet copper, and is, without exception, absent from native cop-
per and from the copper of the mounds.
"6. 'ITiat the Florida copper may have been derived from
various sources, possibly in part from Mexico, New Mexico, or
Arizona, and probably to a certain extent from Cuba,* but that
the main supply was obtained from the Lake Superior region,
most of whose copper is non-arsenical.
" 7. That copper in which silver is visibly present has, so far
as is known, for its only source of supply on this continent the
Lake Superior region.
" 8. Incidentally, that mound copper from other localities,
including the copper of the famous Etowah plates of Georgia
and of the no less well known Hopewell mounds of Ohio, is, like
the Florida copper, aboriginal, having nothing in common with
the products of the impure European sulphides and imperfect
smelting processes of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth
centuries."
It would be advantageous, I think, to take this work of Mr.
♦This discovery of Cuban copper in the Floridian mounds ih of great importance, as
bearing also on possible trade relations of the aboriginal inhabitants of Florida and the
Mississippi valley, not only with the inhabitants of Cuba, but also, though perhaps in-
directly, with those of Yucatan, for I am now inclined to believe (from evidence which
has come to hand since my paper on " Primitive Copper Working" was published in
the Akthropolooist of January, 189i) that such far-reaching trade relations did exist,
and that to Nomo slight extent they influenced the arts of both these metal-working
peoples.
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188 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Moore's not only as a model of its kind, but also as a precau-
tionary example, in our studies of other questions still more or
less mooted ; such, for instance, as the occurrence of art products
or symbolic designs supposed to be too highly developed to have
originated solely with our aborigines or from their resemblance
to certain products of old-world art and culture regarded as de-
rived therefrom. It seems not unlikely— and the present work
marks a decided step in this direction — that we must ere long, as
heretofore urged by such authorities as Major Powell and Dr.
Brinton, concede the entire independence in general of American
cultures. That the institutions and arts and even the minor art
products in the main, no less than the languages of our in-
digenous tribes, have developed here and alone. It may be true
that at many points these native tribes have been touched ; that
there may be found here and there traces— mere waife — of old-
world things among their ancient remains. Yet, even so, this
has nowhere given rise to a single new art or, until within the
last century or two. modified to any considerable extent an old
one. Its influence could have been but superficial at best, so
evanescent, unless continuously exerted, that in no place can its
presence in effects be positively affirmed to the satisfaction of all
discriminating inquirers ; such influence, indeed, having wrought
only seeming changes beyond mere externals, even within recent
times, on such peoples as the Pueblos, whose cultural moods and
art usages remain practically unchanged by all its intermittent
pressure through full three centuries. Yet, notwithstanding all
this, these questions of foreign influence are, on one plea or
another, continually being brought forward to the detriment of
true progress toward their solution either one way or the other.
Now, it is to just such work as this of Mr. Moore's that we are
to look for the evidence we need for putting these contested
questions to rest, for it is evident from a perusal of the pages of
his work as a whole that he started out without prejudice or
predilection, simply from honest interest, and at first merely as
a follower in the footsteps of his eminent predecessor, Dr. Jef-
freys Wyman ; but that he soon cut a trail for himself through
quite unbroken ground, and has ended by making of this simple
trail a finished highway, over which we may all travel easily
and safely to very definite dcvsti nations. F. II. Gushing.
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April 1895] BOOK NOTICES 189
Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology: Washington,
1893.
This volume is devotod to the picture-writing of the American
Indians, and is the crowning work of Colonel Garrick Mallery's
life. It is very seldom that a man in contemplating his studies
may say on laying down his pen, they are finished.
Colonel Mallery's observations on pictography and sign lan-
guage began simultaneously during his military service among
the Dakotas. He then formed the hypothesis that gesture-
speech, though never exclusive of oral speech in the expression
and transmittal of ideas, was developed into fitness for general
and practical use among early men before oral speech had ad-
vanced so as to form a system. This is paraphrased, that at a
supposed period in the history of man gesture-speech often was
used independent of oral language, when among the same men
oral speech was inadequate without concomitant and explana-
tory gestures. The gestures were at first purely ideographic,
when not merely pantomimic ; of course they were transient,
and the attempt to make them durable for records, notices, mes-
sages, etc., was by ideographic markings and devices — i. e., pic-
tographs. This hypothesis was strengthened by observing some
glyphs bearing skeleton outlines of gestures with apparently the
same significance as that which the gestures indicated. The sup-
posed era therefore produced, by gestures, idea-speaking, and,
by pictographs, idea-writing. When oral language advanced it
was much more conventional, the sounds being far less than
gestures, directly expressive of ideas ; indeed, except in a few
cases of onomatopoeia, the sense cannot be deduced from the
sound. Written syllabaries and alphabets, being applied only
to designate sounds, were still more conventional and may be
styled sound-writing as contrasted with picture or idea writing ;
yet the devices used in syllabaries and alphabets to express
sound were often the same which had earlier been used in pic-
tographs, and thus had become familiar. The observed facts
suggested that in picture-writing of North American Indians
and other races the beginnings of our modern manuscripts and
principal books were to be found. This cause of observation
and reflection led to the studies presented in this volume, in
preparing which, however, collateral matters came into view.
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190 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
In the explanation of these views Colonel Mallery has with
great diligence for many years ransacked the earth for material,
and it is presented in the book before us in a very practical
form. The author, having devoted a great deal of attention dur-
ing his early years to literary matters, gives the reader the ben-
efit of his style in the text.
The author's modesty is also apparent, since it would be im-
possible to find the first personal pronoun, except as a quotation,
in all these pages. Another literary feature of the book which
commends itself is the absence of foot-notes and obtrusive refer-
ences of authorities. The authora quoted, together with their
works, are given in an appendix and referred to in the text by
convenient numbers. It is for the reader to decide whether, in
thus giving to the book a more tasteful literary form, the author
has not put the reader to considerable trouble in referring back-
ward and forward from text to list.
The plan followed by Colonel Mallery is not without prece-
dent in the volumes of very distinguished authors. Colonel
Mallery has also wisely abstained from philosophizing too ex-
tensively in this work, which is rather a descriptive than philo-
sophic production. The enormous mass of material gathered
together will make it possible for those who take up the subject
in the future to draw any conclusions they may please there-
from.
In the prompt publication of this material the Bureau of Eth-
nology has not only done the world a favor, but built a lasting
monument to Colonel Mallery, who had scarcely laid down his
pen ere he was called away from his earthly labors.
0. T. Mason.
The Tmayan New Fire Cerennony, By Dr. J. Walter Fewkes.
HeDxenway Expedition, Proceedings of the Boston Society of
Natural History, vol, xxvi, pp, i22-458.
Dr. Fewkes has given in this paper a very satisfactory account
of the '* new fire ceremony " of the Hopi. While a great deal
has been written upon the occurrence of this world-wide cere-
mony in other countries it has been only cursorily noticed in
America. Here it has survived, perhaps, in a fragmentary state
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April 1895] BOOK NOTICES 191
in the Green Com dance of many tribes and the White Dog
feast of the Iroquois; but among the Pueblos has been semi-
dramatized and surrounded by an amazing liturgy, which taxed
Dr. Fewkes' endurance to follow.
Curiously the Hopi ceremony is followed by the casting away
of the fire and not by its distribution to the domestic hearths,
as is usual.
The modesty of Dr. Fewkes in generalizing from his careful
observations of this ceremony is worthy of emulation. There
seems, however, from the bringing in of the Dawn Woman and
the God of Germs, sufficient basis for concluding that the Hopi
had perceived the analogy between fire and life or germination
and its relation to light or dawn, as did the Vedie Aryans.
Walter Hough.
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192 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
NOTES AND NEWS
The Snake Ceremonials at Walpi. — I have recently had the
pleasure of reading Dr. Fewkes' admirable presentation of the
snake dance of the Moquis * and perhaps no higher compliment
could be paid the author than to say that he made the fullest
use of his advantages, which latter I understand were largely
due to the munificence of that noble-hearted patroness of Ameri-
can anthropology, the late Mrs. Mary Hemenway. But while
passing over page after page of this most interesting monograph
it was impossible for me not to keep in mind the wonderful in-
crease, and the very intelligent increase, of popular interest in all
that relates to our aborigines since my first acquaintance with
our southwestern tribes, twenty years ago.
When I first saw prayer-sticks and stone prayer-heaps in 1870,
and a little later when it was my good fortune to be admitted
into a kiva, the impression became strong within me that the
Moquis were truly a curious people, well worthy of study, and
just as deserving of our attention as they were of that which
Brigham Young was giving them.
Nearly ten years had elapsed before my next visit to the Moqui
country, where it was my great good fortune to be the first white
man to attempt to describe the weird rite of the snake dance.
Although the country had been materially encroached upon by
civilization (for newly constructed railroads terminated within
less than two hundred miles of Ream's ranch), the dense crust
of our ignorance had not yet been broken. A few adventurous
spirits had penetrated to Zuni and the adjacent country, confi-
dent that there was much to be discovered and described ;
among these were Joseph Wasson, long since deati ; C. E. Cooley,
Charles Franklin (who lived in Zuni for several years), James
Stevenson, of the Bureau of Ethnology ; Dr. Washington Mat-
thews, and Mr. F. H. Gushing. But the ecjuipment of all these
men was wretchedly inadecjuate, and public opinion not infre-
quently regarded them as uncanny. My own scientific outfit,
* Journal of American Ethnology and Archseology, toI. iv.
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April 1895] NOTES AND NEWS 193
when I started to investigate the snake dance of 1881, consisted
of a couple of lead pencils and a pad of paper. If ever chill
penury repressed noble rage it was in those days, which we may
now happily call the early days of North American anthropology.
Yet it is to such dauntless spirits as the late Lieutenant General
Philip H. Sheridan, Major General George Crook, Major John
W. Powell, Lewis H. Morgan, Dr. Francis Parkman, Dr. E. N.
Horsford, George Peabody, and others of that class that North
American anthropology owes its rise upon the basis of exact,
painstaking observation in the houses of the aborigines them-
selves. Today American anthropologists are receiving appre-
ciative attention from scholars in the old world, who recognize
that all observations of primitive society now made on our side
of the ocean are more or less applicable to what primitive society
must have been centuries ago in Europe and elsewhere.
From the appearance of my own work on the snake dance
interest in the subject grew apace, the horizon of investigation
widened, and there are now in existence as many as five hundred
descriptions of the ceremony, written by more or less competent
hands and with more or less exactness, but each of them more
reliable and more vivid than any description of ophiolatry which
have come down to us from ancient times.
Dr. H. C. Yarrow, U. S. A., made a journey to the snake dance
of 1883 especially to determine the noxious or innocent charac-
ter of the snakes employed, and later Mindeleff did the same
thing. Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, of Philadelphia, an authority on the
subject, lending his assistance. The late Mr. James Stevenson
passed some days or weeks among the Moquis and brought from
them everything in sight, especially all that he could induce
them to part with, which had any connection with their religious
or festive observances. Major-General McCook, U. S. A., took in
a large party of army officers and others in 1891, and Mr. Lund-
gren, of Cincinnati, after long and critical study upon the ground,
writes me that he is now almost ready to begin his life-size paint-
ing in oil of this perhaps the greatest of our surviving sacred
dramas.
Great as has been the work accomplished, it is not yet per-
fected. Connection must be established between the Moqui form
of the snake dance and any variants which may exist, as I am
inclined to suspect they do still exist among the people of
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194 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Acoma, Sia, Jemez. or Zufii, as well as among the Mohave and
Apache. It will be of interest to note that the Apaches took me
to their sacred caves in the Pinal range and the Sierra Ancha,
and on the way we stopped at and prayed to stone heaps exactly
like those described by Dr. Fewkes (p. 41). In these caves the
Apaches showed me phallic symbols in stone, and pointed out
where their medicine-men stood with naked feet and danced
about among rattlesnakes. They also asserted that their medi-
cine-men would take little rattlesnakes in their mouths and
swallow them. Incredible as this may seem, it is strictly in
line with what has been related of the Aztecs by early Spanish
authors.
Having thoroughly worked up the American field, it will be
in order to examine into all that obtains in Whydah and Nag-
pore and among the fanatics of Arabia.
It would be interesting to know whether the Moquis attach
any significance to the sinistral or the dextral ceremonial circuit
around the sacred rock. The Celtic Druids certainly did. It is
even stated bj^ some scholars that the Irish word for " pilgrim-
age " means to march around a rock, from the number of " holy
stones " once so abundant in Ireland. When the Druids wished
an incantation to be beneficent they marched in procession with
the sun — i, e„ to the right ; if it was to be maleficent they marched
to the left.
The use of honey in religious ceremonial (p. 46) inspires the
question : Is there any account of the use of maple sugar in the
same manner by the tribes of the Atlantic coast? What analogy,
if any, is there between this and the use of sugar by the Thugs
of India when offering sacrifice to the Goddess Kali or Bhowani
previous to strangling a victim ?
The Ko-ho-ni-no or Havasupai, mentioned by Dr. Fewkes (p.
51) as bringing presents to the Moqui at the snake dance, brought,
among other things, "a water-worn root of a cottonwood tree
several feet long, which grew in the Grand canyon, on the banks
of the Colorado river." We are not told what this particular
gift meant, and it would be unreasonable to ask for an explana-
tion at a moment when the fullest attention was necessarily con-
centrated upon more important matters. The Havasupai have
close commercial and some slight marriage relations with the
Moqui. 1 found an old, blind Kohonino living and married in
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April 1895] NOTES AND NEWS 195
Oraibi in 1881. When I went down into Cataract canyon every
family of the Havasupai had Navajo blankets, procured in trade
from the Moqui. They used to take over skins of the mountain
lion, an animal held in veneration scarcely inferior to that ac-
corded the snake or the bear.
The Mohaves told me, and they told also Colonel Peirce, who
was their commanding officer, that they originated at Cottonwood
island, in Colorado river, some distance above Fort Mojave, near
the mouth of the Rio Virgen, where they used to get salt.* They
claimed kinship, more or less close, with the Yuma, Pima, Pa-
pago, Cocopa, Opata, and Walapai, and said that long, long ago
they were related to the Moqui. A peculiar feature of their
legend was that the leader who conducted their forefathers
down Colorado river to its mouth and beyond bore the name
Ku-ku-mat, which is suspiciously like Gu-cu-matz, the cultus
hero of the Guatalmaltecs.
In Havasupai canyon I found attached to the rock wall of a
little spring dripping out of the face of the precipice several
feather prayer-sticks exactly like the poles of the Moquis (p.
51). Dr. Fewkes was careful to note that the piece of cotton-
wood root presented by the Kohonino *' was made into a cross-
shaped prayer offering," a pretty sure indication that it was
accepted with particular gratitude and veneration.
The Moquis took pinches of sand from their sand-altars and
carried them to their fields (p. 95), undoubtedly to secure bless-
ings upon the crops. The Apaches and the Indians of Guate-
mala did almost the same thing in curing the sick or casting the
horoscope of a child.
In the purification of the snake priest we read that " Kopeli
filled his mouth with the mixture, went to the priests as they
squatted on the floor, and forcibly squirted the liquid from his
mouth upon their breasts, arms, and legs, where the decorations
once were. When each person had been treated in this way he
rubbed his arms and breast with his hands and then put on his
ordinary clothing" (p. 97). Why did Ko-pe-li do this? The
Sioux medicine-men did the same thing to the victims at the
sun dance, and it may be learned that very nearly the same
•See ** Notes on the Theogotty aud Cosmogony of the Mojavcs" In Journnl of Amer-
ican Folk-Lore, 1889.
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196 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
methods are followed by the Mexicans of the lower Rio Grande
to avert the effect of the evil eye.*
A typographical error on page 120, the only one I noticed in
this beautiful monograph, makes Mr. James G. Frazer, of Trinity
College, Cambridge, the author of " The Golden Bow." Mr.
Frazer's work is "The Golden Bou<?h," a work which every
American student might read with pleasure and profit.
John G. Bourke,
Captaiii, United States Army,
Imperial Russian Geographic Society. — In 1892 there died
in St. Petersburg the Grand Duke Constantino Nicolaevitch,
brother of Emperor Alexander II, the founder of the Imperial
Russian Geographical Society and for nearly fifty yeara its presi-
dent.
The plan of forming this society was first presented by him
in 1845, at a small gathering of prominent scientists, in his private
apartments at the Winter Palace. From its very beginning the
society was not wanting in experienced leaders, for among
its founders were the distinguished Russian navigators Litke,
Krusenstern, Riccord, and Wrangel ; the distinguished Russian
savants in the various branches of natural science Baer, Struve,
and Helmersen ; the statisticians and ethnographers Arseniev,
Keppen, Levshin, and Dabil, and such distinguislied govern-
ment officials as M. N. Monravief and V. A. Perovski.
The young prince took a very active interest in the success of
the society, which never flagged during the forty-eight years of
his connection with it. After his death the society expressed
the wish to have a member of the imperial family for president,
and the Emperor appointed the Grand Duke Nicola Michailo-
vitch to this office. The list of membership on the 1st of Janu-
ary, 1892, included 15 members of reigning families, 22 Russian
honorary members, 6 foreign members, 21 patrons, 6G2 active
members, 213 contributing members, and 30 correspondents.
During the last year the membership has reached a thousiind.
• " Popular Medicine, etc., of the Rio Grande " in Journnl of American Folk-Lore,
1894.
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April 18951 NOTES AND NEWS 197
The Imperial Russian Geographical Society has four great di-
visions, each of which has its own chairman. The branches are
mathematical geography, physical geography, ethnology, and
statistics. The work is carried on separately in the different
sections of tlie empire ; for example, there is the section of East-
ern Siberia, of Orenburg, of Western Siberia, of the Caucasus,
etc. Quite recently a new section has been formed — that of the
Amoor country.
A number of publications are issued yearly by this society,
the principal ones being the bimonthly Geographical News, The
Living Past (division of ethnology), published quailerly; the
Meteorological Journal, and annual reports. There are also re-
ports of the various sections and of the work of expeditions, of
which there were twenty-two in 1892. A Bibliographical Index
has also appeared, as well as Programs and numerous maps.
The society distributes yearly a number of medals for the most
important contributions. Chief in importance among these is
the large gold medal of the Grand Duke Constantine ; another
bears the name of Count Litke ; still another gold medal, bear-
ing the name of Peshevalski, is awarded annually by the division
of ethnology. Julie Mindelkff.
The Beebe Researches. — Major William S. Beebe, of Thomp-
son, Connecticut, has published privately seven portfolios of
views and tables illustrative and descriptive of various subjects
in American archeology to which their compiler has been devot-
ing much research. The text which these portfolios are to ac-
company is now in preparation. The titles of the parts are as
follows: I, General views, Peru. Bolivia. II, Great Dial, Tia-
huanacu, Bolivia ; Cosmic theory of primes. Ill, Series exhib-
iting the influence of the Tia-huanacu dial in both the Americas.
IV, American inscriptions; Mithraic tablet (obverse), Daven-
port, Iowa. V, American inscriptions ; The Pemberton axe. The
Piqua tablets. Primitive alphabetical types — (advance sheets).
B, Numerical evidence in favor of the wide distribution of the
theory of primes (plates). B, part 2, The Mithraic tablet (ob-
verse), found at Davenport, Iowa. Major Beebe has generously
contributed a set of these valuable portfolios to the Anthropo-
logical Society.
26
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198 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Adele M. Fielde, in "A Corner of Cathay," recently issued,
gives the following interesting account of Chinese folk-lore :
" When a child is just one month old the mother, carrying it
in a scarf on her back, induces it to look down into a well.
This is supposed to have a mentally invigorating effect, produc-
ing courage and deepening the understanding. The infant is
always fed from a large bowl to make it a big eater. A bride
may be taken to her husband's house while a coffin is therein,
but not within one hundred days after it has been taken out, or
domestic troubles will surely follow. Moreover, the bride may
not, during the four months after her marriage, enter any other
house in which thore has recently been either a death or a birth
without precipitating a quarrel with the groom. If a fly falls
into the porridge it heralds the coming of a guest, while a cock's
crow between sunset and midnight betokens death in its owner's
family. It is not respectable for an old man to go without a
beard or for a young man to wear one. A sneeze indicates that
some one is thinking of you."
Mr. George F. Black, assistant keeper of the National Museum
of Antiquities, Edinburgh, has in preparation a work dealing
with *' Scottish Charms and Amulets," to be published by Mr.
George P. Johnston, Edinburgh. Mr. Black is desirous of mak-
ing the work as complete as possible, and will be grateful to any
one for information of such Scottish charms or amulets as have
not hitherto been described. AH assistance given will be ac-
knowledged in the work.
ERRATUM
In the article on the Micmac Indians, page 37 of the January
number, the statement that the rattle-altars were found in Yuca-
tan should be read as found in Mexico.
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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
]99
A QUARTERLY BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ANTHROPOLOGIC
LITBRATITRB
COMPILED BY ROBERT FLETCHER, M. D.
Bailliot ( Marcel ) . Du d^tatouage :
differents proc^d^s de destruction
dee tatouages. Pane, 1894, 41 p.
4°. No. 1G6.
Bertillon ( A Ipbonse) . Dae an thro-
pometrische Signalement. 2. Aufl.
mit einem Album. Autorisierte
deuteche Auegabe, breg. von V.
•Sury. Bern « Leipz., 1895, A.
Siebert, 233 p. 8°.
BoKgiani (Guidof. I Caduvei
(Mbaya o Guaycurii) con pre-
fazione ed uno etudio etnografico
dell Dott. G. A. Colini. Roma,
1895, Loeecher & Co., xxv, 339 p.
Brinton (Dan. G.) A primer of
Mayan hieroglyphice. Boston
[1895], Grim & Co., 3-152 p. 8^
Cmnont (Franz). Testes et monu-
mente figures relatife aux mys-
teree de Mithra, publics avec une
introduction critimie. Fasc. I.
Bruxelles, 1894, H. Laraert-in,
184 p. 4?,
Doraey (George A. ) The character
and antiquity of Peruvian civili-
zation. [Reprint from: Denison
Quarteriy.] Granville (O.) L1894],
10 p. 8°.
Crania from the Necropolie
of A neon, Peru. IReprhU from:
Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Sc.] Salem,
1894, 12 p. 8°.
Festschrift zur Begriieeung der
Theilnehmer an der gemeinsa-
men Versammlung der Deutschen
und Wiener Anthropologischen
Gesellwhaft in Innsbruck 24-28
August, 1894. Hrsg. von der An-
thropologischen Gesellschafl in
Wien, redigirt von Franz Heger.
Wien, 1894, Kohler & Hamburger,
108 p., 4 pi. 4^
Fewkes (J. Walter). The Tusayan
new fire ceremon v. [Reprint from :
Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc, xxvi.]
Boston, 1895, 37 p. 8°.
Fortier (Alc^eV Louisiana folk-
tales in French dialect and Eng-
lish translation. Boston, 1895,
Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 9 -f
122 p. 8°.
Koganai. Beitragezurphysischen
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Laurent (femile). Les bisexu^s;
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Paris, 1894, G. Carr^, 230 p. 8°.
Lombroso (Cesare). Entartung
und Genie. Neue Studien gesani-
melt und unter Mitwirkung des
Verfassers deutsch heraus^gel)en
von Hans Kurella. Leipzig, 1894,
G. H. Wigand, 319 p. , 12 pi. 12°.
Maack (Ferdinand). Heimweh
und Verbrechen. Ein Beitrag
zum Strafgesetzbuch. 2 Aufl.
Leipzig, 1894, Bacmeister, 35 p.
8°.
Marsh (O. C.) On the Pithecan-
thropus erectus, Dubois, from
Java. 8° [New Haven, 1895].
Reprint from: Am. J. Sc, N.
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Montelius (Oscar). Les temps
pr^historiques en Suede et dans
les antres pays scandinaves.
Paris, 1 895, Burdin et Ce, vi, 354 p.
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Nordau (Max). Degeneration.
(Transl. from the second ed. of
the German.) New York, 1895,
Appleton & Co., xiii, 560 p. S°.
Preventioa (The) and repression
of crime, being a report of the 5.
section of the International Con-
fress of Charities, Correction, and
•hilanthropy, Chicago, June,
1893, Edited by Frederick H.
Wines. Bait., 1894, Johns Hop-
kins Press, 107 p. 8°.
de Quatrefages ( A . ) The Pygmies.
Transl. by Prof. Frederick Starr.
New York, 1895, Appleton & Co.
12°.
Reclua (filie). Le primitif d*Aus-
tralie ou les Non-Non et les Oui-
Oui. fltude d'ethnographie com-
par^e. Paris [1894], E. Dentu,
1 p. 1., 391 p. 12°.
Royal Irish Academy. Cunning-
ham Memoirs. No.X. The deco-
rative art of British New Guinea :
A study in Papuan ethnography,
by Alfred C. Haddon. Dublin,
1894, Hodges Figgis & Co., 279 p.,
12 pi. 4°.
Sergi (Giuseppe). Studi di antro-
pologiaLaziale. [Reprint.] Roma,
1895, 60 p. 8°.
Ueber die europiiischer Pyg-
maen. [Reprint.] Wien, 1895,
3 p. 4°.
Studier (Th.) und E. Bannwarth.
Crania helvetica antiqua: Die
bis jetzt in den Pfahlbauten
der Stein-und Bronzezeit in
der Schweiz gefundeiien mensch-
lichen Schiidelreste. Leipzig,1894,
J. A. Barth, 63 p., 117 p. 1., fol.
Taylor ( Isaac). L'origine des Ary-
ens et I'homme pf^histcjrique;
expos6 de I'ethnologie et de la civ-
ilisation pr^historiques do I'Eu-
rope. Traduction de I'an^lais par
Henry de Varigny. Pans, 1895,
L. Battaille & ( )ie, 340 p. 12°.
Thomas-Marancourt (Ed.) De
quelques objets protohistoriques
trouv«5s en Angleterre. Fontaine-
bleau, 1894, Bourges, 18 p. 8°.
Weatermarck. Origine du mariage
dans I'espece humaine. Paris,
1895, Guillaumin et Cie. 8°.
von Andrian. Ueber einige Re-
sultate der modernen Ethnologie.
Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch. Gesellsch. f.
Anthrop., etc., Miinchen, 1894, xxv.
57-73.- -Backus (E. M.) Cradle
songs of negroes in North Carolina.
J. Am. Folk- Lore, Bost. & N. Y.,
1894, xxvii, 310.- Backus (Emma).
Weather-signs from Connecticut.
Ibid., 1895, xxviil, 26.— Barbour
(A. H. F.) Some aspects of he-
redity. Edinb. M. J., 1894-5, xl,
602-611.— BatcheIor(S.) The mim-
icry of heredity. New World, Bost,
1894, iii, 735-757.— Berg6. L'action
de la cuisson sur les aliments v^g^-
taux et animaux. Bull. Soc. d' an-
throp. de Brux., 1893^, xii, 191-
217.— Bergen (Fanny D.) Burial
and holiday customs ind beliefs of
the Irish peasantry. J. Am. Folk-
Lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1895, xxviii,
19-25.— Besson. Rites fiin^raires
en usage chez les Betsileos. An-
thropologic, Par., 1894, v, 674-682.
—Beyer (H. G.) The application
of the mean values derived from a
large number of measurements to
the annual physical examination of
cadets of the Naval Academy. Rep.
Surg. -Gen. Navy, Par., 1894, 105-
1 1 0.— Boas ( F.) Sagen der Indianer
an der Nordwest-Kiiste America's.
Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An-
throp., Berl., 1894, 281-306.— Bol-
ton (H. C.) The Porta Magica,
Rome. J. Am. Folk-Lore, Bost. &
N. Y., 1895, xxviii, 73-78, 1 pi.—
Bourke (J. G.) The folk-foods of
the Rio Grande Valley and of
Northern Mexico. Ibid., 41-71. —
Brault (J. ) Ablation des tatouages
par les piqdres serr^es au chlorure
de zinc ; application de la methode
k la gu^rison des nwvi. Ann. de
dermat. et syph.. Par., 1895, 3. s.,
vi, 33.— Brissaud (E.) et H. Meige.
Gigantisme et acromegalic. J. de
m^d. et chir. prat.. Par., 1895, Ixvi,
49-76.— Cabeaa (A.) De8cripci6n
y medidas de una serie de cinco
craneos de micronesios. Rev. de
san. mil., Madrid, 1894, viii, 65;
81 ; 97.— Camuset, De Tabsence
du chevauchement habituel de la
partie ant^rieure des arcades den-
taires com me stigmate de deg^n^-
rescence. Ann. m^d.-psych., Par.,
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201
18W, 7. 8., XX, 361-369.— Capitan.
Le menhir de Clamart. Bull. Soc.
d'anthrop., Par., 1894. 4.8., v, 474-
476. Uue famille de micro-
cephales. MM. mod.. Par., 1895,
vi, 2-4.— Chatelain (H.) African
races. J. Am. Folk-Lore, Bost. &
N. Y., 1894, xxvii. 289-302.
African fetishism. Jbid.y 303. —
Chudsinski (T.) Quelques obser-
vations sur le muscle jumeau de la
jambe. Bull. Soc. d anthrop. de
Par., 1894, 4. s., v, 486-499.— Com-
haire (C. J.) L'age des m^taux en
Belgique. Bull. Soc. d* anthrop. de
Brux., 1893-4, xii, 18-24.— Corrado
(G.) Intorno ad un cranio-cefelo-
metrografo. Gior. di med. leg.,
Lanciano, 1894, i, 242-246, 2 pi.—
Coaillault. Note sur les stations
pr^historiques de Gafsa iTunisie).
Anthropologie, Par., 1894, v, 530-
541.— Dallemagne. Du r61e du
r^ime et de Torganisme dans revo-
lution intellectuelle. Bull. Soc.
d'anthrop. de Brux., 1893-4, xii,
100-119.— Debierre(C.) Le thorax
de riiomme est-il en voie de r^-
j^reaston? Atti d. xi Cong. med.
inteniaz., Roma, 1894, ii, anat., 12-
15. — Dell (J.) Architektonisches
auf den Reliefs der Matres ans Car-
nuntum. Festschr. z. Begriissung.
. . . d. Deutsch. u. Wien. anthrop.
Gesellsch. in Innsbnick, Wien,
1894, 96-98. —De Notariatefani
(R.) La funzione psicologica della
l>ena. Scuola positiva, Roma, 18i>4,
iv, 592-618. — De Pauw (L.-F.)
Contribution k I'^^tude de I'ali-
mentation de I'homme et des an-
thropomorphes. Bull. Soc. d'an-
throp. de Brux., 1893-4, xii, 139;
218.— Dorsey (G. A. ) A ceremony
of the Quichuas of Peru. J. Am.
Folk-Lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1894,
xxvii, 307-309. AU(0, Reprint.— Dxx-
pont (6. ) Le regime frugivore est
le regime naturel de I'homme. Bull.
Soc. d'anthrop. de Brux., 1893-4,
xii, 50-77. Suite de la dis-
cussion sur rinfluence du regime
alimentaire artificiel : 'X ToppoS du
r^ime d 'aliments natureis, le r^
gime d'aliments artificialises par la
cuisson n'est pas dependant de I'or-
ganisation animale. I f/id, , 300-316.
— Continuation de la discus-
sion sur Pinfluence du regime ali-
mentaire artificiel ; la th^rie de
Wallace sur Parrot d'evolution de
Torganisation humaine par I'eifet
des progr^ de V intelligence. / fnd. ,
321-329.— Parrer {Lord). The rela-
tion between morals, economics,
and statistics. J. Rov. Statist. Soc. .
Lond., 1894, Ivii, 595-608.— P6rt
(C.) Note pour ser\iri Phistoire
pathologique des jumeaux. Compt.
rend. Soc. debiol.. Par., 1894, 10. s.,
i, 837-8:^9.-Perrero ( W. ) Suicide
among women. New Rev., Lond.,
1894, xi, 637-646.— Pewkea (J. W.)
The Walpi flute observance; a study
of primitive dramatization. J.Am.
Folk-Lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1894,
xxvii, 265-288, 2 pi.— Pletcher (R.)
Colonel Garrick Mallery, U. S. A.
[A biography.] Am. Anthrop.,
Wash., 1895, viii, 79.— Powke (G.)
and W. K. Moorehead. Rec^ent
mound exploration in Ohio. Proc.
Acad. Nat. Sc., Phila., 1894, 308-321.
— O. (D. B.) La Piedra del OJimpo.
Actes soc. 8c. du Chili, Santiago,
1894, iv, 126-128.- Oarbini (A.)
Evoluzione del senso cromatico
nella in^nzia ; (da esperienze fatte
sopra 600 bambini uegli anni 1891-
92-93.) Arch, per Pan trop.,Firenze,
1894, xxiv, 71 ; 193. — Garofalo.
New theories of criminology. Pre-
vent. . . . crime. In ternat. Cong.
Char, [etc.], Bait. & Lond.. 1894,
48-57.— OiglioU (E. H. ) Di alcuni
ornamenti discoidali di conchiglia
in uso presso i)Oj)oli della Melanesia.
Arch, per Pantrop., Firenze, 1894,
xxiv, 221-229. Du interes-
santi e rari amuleti dalle isole Salo-
mons /Wd.,231-234.— OigUoIirH.
H.) Notes on some remarkable
specimens of old Peruvian "Ars
plumaria " in the Mazzei collection.
Internat. Arch. f. Ethnog., Leiden,
1894, vii, 221-226, 1 pi. -Godfrey
(G. C. M.) The Indian woman in
labor. Med. Rec.,N.Y., 1894, xlvi,
(W.^ Gray ( W. ) Some notes on the
Tannese. Internat. Arch.f. Ethnog.,
Leiden, 1894, vii, 227-241, 1 pi.—
Ore* (D. B.) Escritura de los Col-
chaquis. Actes Soc. pc. du Chili,
Santiago, 1894, iv, 92-110.
La Piedra de la Huaca. I hid., 116-
126. I^ escritura entre los
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
LVol. Vlll
Cafiaris. Ibid. , 162-1G8.— Ounder
(R. S.) Ancestor worship in China.
Fortnightly Rev., N. Y. (Lond.),
1895, Ivii, 225-237. — Oundobln
(N.) [The inner life of the child at
breast.] Feld8cher,St. Petersb.,1894,
iv, 538-551.— Haacke (W. ) Uel)er
Wesen,' Ursachen und Vererbung
von Albinism us und Scheckung und
iiber deren Bedeutung fiir verer-
bungstheoretische und entwick-
lungsmechanische Fragen. Biol.
Centralbi., Leipz., 1895, xv, 44-78.
— Haberlandt (M.) Die Einge-
borenen der Kapsulan-Ebene von
Formosa. Festschr. z. Begriissung
. . . d. Deutsch. u. Wien. an-
throp. Gesellsch. in Innsbruck,
Wien, 1894, 30-39. - Hager (S.)
Micmac customs and traditions.
Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1895, viii,
31^2.-Hamy (E.-T.) Les iraita-
teurs d' Alexander Brunias ; John
Milton, Pierre Freret, M.-L.-A.
Boizot ( 1 788-1794). Anthropologie,
Par., 1894, v, 542-553. — Hayes
(S.) Another Miami valley skele-
ton, including a description of
two rare harpoons. J. Cincin. Soc.
Nat. Hist., 1895, xvii, 235-240.—
Hein (W.) Die geographische
Verbreitung der Todtenbretter.
Festschr. z. Begriissung. . . . d.
Deutsch. u. Wien. anthrop. Ge-
sellsch. in Innsbruck, Wien, 1894,
56-71. Aho: Mitth. d. anthrop.
Gei^cllsch. in Wien, 1894, n. F., xiv,
211-220, 2 1)1.— Hoernea (M.) Aus-
grabungen auf dem Castellier von
Villanova am Quieto in Istrien.
Festschr. z. Begriissung. . . . d.
Deutsch. u. Wien. anthrop. Ge-
sellsch. in Innsbruck, Wien, 1894,
l-2*.>.— Houa6. Les effets du r(»gime
artificiel sur le developpement in-
tellectuel ; Puree dans les types
humains et les classes sociales; la
taille et Pinstruction ; usure den-
taire des classes inferieures. Bull.
Soc. d' anthrop. de Brux., 1893-i,
xii, 12()-139. - Hoyer (II.) Beitr-ag
zur Anthropologie der Nase. Mor-
phol. Arb., Jena, 1894, iv, 151-177.
— Hyatt ( A. ) Phylogeny of an ac-
quired characteristic. Proc. Am.
Phil. Soc. 1893, Phila., 1894, xxxii,
349-647, 16 pi.— Jacques (V.) I^s
origines ethniques des Juife. Bull.
Soc. d'anthrop. de Brux., 1893-4,
xii, 153, [Discussion] 233.— Jot-
trand. Note sur I'^volution du re-
gime alimentaire de I'homme pri-
mitif. Ibid., 90-100.— Kidd (B.)
Social evolution. Nineteenth Cent.,
N. Y. (Lond.), 1895, xxxvii, 226-
240.-Kidd (W.) The position of
the theory of evolution. Lancet,
Lond., 1894, ii, 1581.— KoUmann
(J.) Sur I'existence des pygmies
dans le temps n^olithique en Eu-
rope. Atti d. xi Cong. med. inter-
naz., Roma, 1894, ii, anat., 58-60. —
Krauaa (F. S.) Wie Mohammed
KOpriilii Vezier geworden. Ein
Guslarenlied der slavischen Mo-
hammedaner im Herzogtum. Proc.
Am. Phil. Soc, Phila., 1894, xxxiii,
293-325.— KusnezawiS.K.) Ueben
den Glauben von Jenseits und
den Todt^ncultus der Tscheremis-
sen. Internat. Arch, f Ethnog.,
Leiden, 1895, viii, 17-23. — Le
Doable (A.l Sur le muscle pr^-
sternal. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. de
Par., 1894, 4. s., v, 480-483.— Le-
toumeau. L'esclavage dans le
r^gne animal. [Abstr.] Rev. mens,
de Pficole d'anthrop. de Par., 1894,
iv,356-367.— Lewin (L.) DiePfeil-
gifte; historische und experimen-
tel le Untersuch un gen . A rch . f. path .
Anat., etc., Berl., 1894, cxxxviii,
283-346.— Livi (R.) Contributo alia
geografia antropologica d'ltalia ;
carte della distribuzione dei biondi
e dei bi*uni. Arch, per I'antrop,,
Firenze, 1894, xxiv, 149-1 ()5, 2
maps. Essai d'anthropo-
m6trie militaire ; r^sultats obtenus
du depouillement des feuilles sani-
taires des militaires des chisses 18.59
^ 18(k^, fait par I'Inspwtion de Hant6
militaire de Parm^e italienne sous
la direction du Dr. R. Livi, capitaine
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de statist., Rome, 1894, vii, 273-
285.— Louisiana folk tales. [Rev.]
J. Am. Folk-Lore, Bost. & N. Y.,
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W.) The Bertillon system for iden-
tification of criminals. Prevent.
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Martin (C.) The stiniggle for the
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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
203
r (M.) El senio es hereditario?
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mil., Madrid, 1894, viii, 33-36.—
M^linand (C.) Pourcjuoi rit-on?
Etude 8ur la cause physiologique du
rire. Rev. d. deux mondes, Par.,
1895, cxxvii, 612-<):J0.— Meringer
(R.) UeberSpuren romischer Dach-
conatmctionen in Carnuntum.
Festechr. z. Begriissung. . . . d.
Deutsch. u. Wien. anthrop. Ge-
sellsch. in Innsbruck, Wien, 92-95;
— Minakata (K.) The antiquity of
the finger-print method. Nature,
Lend., 1894-5, li, 199.— Mivart (St.
George.) Heredity. Harper's N.
Month. Mag., N. Y., 1895, xc, 631-
641.— Moore ( Ruby A. ) Supersti-
tions from Georgia. II. J. Am.
Folk-Lore, Host. & N. Y., 1894,
xxvii, 305.— Morris (J. C.) The
etiiics of Solomon. Proc. Am. Phil.
Soc, Phila., 1894, xxxiii, 310-332.
— de Mortillet (A.) Statuette en
ivoire de la grotte du pape a Bras-
sempouv (Landes). Rev. mens, de
I'ecole d'anthrop., 1895, v, 66-68.—
de Mortillet (G.) Palethnologie et
anthropologie de la Bosnie-Herc^-
govine. Rev. mens, de I'ficole d'an-
throp. de Par., 1894, iv, 377-392.—
N. Sirabolismo geom^trico de la
vida. Siglo m^d.. Madrid, 1894,
xli, 707; 738; 754.— N. (W. W.)
Folk-tales of Angola. II. J. Am.
Folk-Lore, Bost. & N. Y., 1894,
xxvii, 311-316. -Neave (J. L. ) An
agency doctor's experiences among
frontier Indians. Cincin. M. J.,
1894, ix, 875-881.— Newell ( W. W.)
Theories of diffusi(m of folk-tales.
J. Am. Folk-Lore, Bost. & N. Y.,
1895, xxviii, 7-18.— Niederle (L.)
Bemerkungen zu einigen Charak-
teristiken aer altslawischen Grilber.
Festschr. z. Begriissung. . . . d.
Deutsch. u. Wien. anthrop. Ge-
sellflch. in Innsbruck, Wien, 1894,
40^55.- Gloria (F.) Distribution
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Espagne. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop.,
Par., 1894, 4. s., v, 520-524.— Orn-
atein (B.) Noch einmal iiber die
Vererbungs-Frage individual er-
worbener Eigenschaften. Cor.-Bl.
d. deutach. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop.,
etc., Munchen, 1894, xxv, 49. —
Papillaalt. Photographie d'un
homme chien. Bull. Soc. d' an-
throp. de Par., 1894, 4. s., v, 471.
Note sur dix crAnes de Vel-
leches (Vienne). Ibid., 472-47L—
Patrick (J. J. R.) Examination of
prehistoric crania. Dental Cosmos,
Phila., 1895, xxxvii, 1-24.— Patter-
son (G.) Notes on the dialect of the
people of Newfoundland. J. Am.
Folk-Lore, Bo8t.& N.Y\,1895,xxviii,
27-40. — Peakind (A.) Heredity
and crime; its preventicm and treat-
ment. Cleveland M. Gaz., 1894-5,
X, l<)9-204. - Picard (E. I Notice
sur quelques vt^tiges megalithiques
et autres de la Campine limbour-
geoise beige. Bull. Soc. d' anthrop.
de Brux., 1893-4, xii, 222-232.-
Piette (E.) Races humaines de la
p^riode glyptique. Bull. Soc. d'an-
throp. de Par., 1894, 4. s., v, 381-
394. -« Pilling (J. C.) The writ-
ings of Padre Andres de Olmos in
the languages of Mexico. Am. An-
throp., Wash., 1895, viii, 43 60.—
Pontnau (R.j et B. Cabi6. Un
cimetiere gaulois il Saint-Sulpice.
^Tarn.) Anthropologie, Par., 1894,
V, 6^41-657.- Porter (J. H.) Caste
in India. Am. Anthrop., Wash.,
1895, viii, 2:3-:iO.— Powell (J. W.)
Stone art in America. Ibid.y 1-7.—
Putnam (Helen C.) Physical train-
ing as a reformative agent. Food,
N. Y., 1894-5, V, 196-202.— Rechia
(E.) The evolution of cities. Con-
temp. Rev., N. Y. [Lond.J, 1895,
Ixvii, 210-231. - Reeve (C. H.)- The
philosophy of crime. Prevent. . . .
crime. Internat. Cong. Char, [etc.],
Bait. & Lond., 1894, 28-47.— Reg-
nault (F.) L'exageration en esthe-
tique. Rev. scient., Par., 1895, 4.
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pierre grossi^rement taillee au
Congo fran^ais. Bull. Soc. d' an-
throp. de Par., 1894, 4. s., v, 477-
480.— Rogers (A. C.) State care
of the feeble-minded. Care . . .
feeble-minded. Internat. Cong.
Char, [etc.], Bait. & Lond., 1894,
8-13.— Scott (S. M.) The Huacos
of Chira valley, Peru. Am. An-
throp., Wash., 1895, viii, 8-22, 2 pi.
—Short notes in anthropology.
Eighteenth Year Hk. N. Y. State
Reform., Elmira, (1893), 1894, 152-
181.— Sighele (S.) ed B. Perrl. In-
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204
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VIII
telligenza e moraliU della folia;
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— Sirena (S.) Osservazioni ana-
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— Szombathy (J.) Neue figiiral
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Deutsch. u. VVien. anthrop. Ge-
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et sur les animaux. Atti. d. xi Con^.
med. internaz., Roma, 1894, ii,
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maniera di compenso nelle anoma-
lie numeriche vertebrali dell'uomo.
Arch, per Pantrop., Firenze, 1894,
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Some Indian fishing stations upon
Ix>ng Island. Brooklyn Daily Kagle
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Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1895, viii,
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THE
American Anthropologist
Vol. VIII WASHINGTON, D. C, JULY, 1895 No. 3
THE GOD •• D ' IN THE CODEX CORTESIANUS *
BY J. WALTER FEWKES
In his most valuable contribution to the study of Mayan
codices Dr. Schellhas ('86, passimf) has suggested a nomenclature
for their pictures of gods most advantageous in the study of
their symbolism and worthy the recognition given it by the fore-
most students of Mayan pictography. He proposed to designate
the figures of deities in these aboriginal " books " by the letters
A, B, C, D, etc. Following that nomenclature, the pictographs
considered in this article are those referred to D, taken from that
fragment of the Codex Tro-Cortesianus called the Cortez codex.
The resemblance of D to B and G has led me to discuss all three
together, although G does not occur in Codex Cortesianus, as I
regard them all related gods. I shall preface what I have to say
of D with a brief reference to B, which I have already considered
elsewhere ('94).
B — Loiig-nose God.
This god, identified by Schellhas as Kukulcan, by Brinton as
Itzamna, has snake and rain attributes, as already pointed out,
and is associated with symbols of all four cardinal points. It is
a beneficent deity, and is never represented as hostile or as a
captive. He frequently occurs engaged in planting, and in some
instances bears one or more torches, suggesting a god of light, as
the sun. The symbolism of his mask or ceremonial helmet I
have already pointed out, and need not be repeated. As, how-
ever, one of the marked peculiarities of B in Cod. Cort., which
♦Injustice to the author, the editors desire to say that owing to his absence in Ari-
zona It was not possible for Dr Fewkes to read the proofs of this paper.
fSee bibliographic references at the end of this paper.
27 (205)
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206 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
was there emphasized, appears to have been overlooked in a
subsequent publication of a recent writer, I will again refer to
this character. " The god B," says Brinton ('95, p. 51), " is
associated with the signs of the east, and his especial and invari-
able {sic) characteristic are two long, serpent-like teeth, which
project from his mouth, on^ in front, the other* to the side and
backward." As I have elsewhere ('94, p. 263) shown in my
criticism of Schellhas' diagnosis of B, the so-called portion of the
tongue (*' serpent-like tooth," (?) Brinton), in front f of the
mouth is not an invariable characteristic of B, but is always (in
the shape referred to) absent in Cod. Cort., and, I will now add,
in Cod. Tro. as well. In Cod. Dres. it is likewise often wanting.
Although I find it somewhat difficult to prove from Cod. Tro-
Cort. alone that B is a sun god, the symbolism and association
of figures of him in Cod. Dres. lean, no doubt, on this point.
As I have already ('94, p. 272) pointed out, the features which
distinguish the god D from B in Cod. Cort. are the absence of
the teeth in the upper jaw and the want of a backward curving
oral object or appendage of the mouth. The remainder of the
mask or ceremonial helniet,J with unimportant variations which
are not constant, is similar in the figures of the gods B and D.
* The homology of this object, identified as part of the tongae by Schellhas and called
tooth by Brinton, is doubtful. It occurs in figures of certain animals, serpents, and
quadrupeds, where its homology with a tooth is doubtful.
t Brinton is also mistaken in ascribing the second figure of his fig. 14 C95, p 53) to the
Dresden codex. He evidently copied this from an erroneous one by Schellliaa (*86,
taf. HI, fig. 7), which was rightly referred to Cod. Cort., p. xi 6, by the latter author. As
1 have elsewhere (*(M, p. 263) shown, this copy is erroneously drawn, for the *'part of
the tongue " (Schellhas), ** tooth " (Brinton), in front of the mouth has been modified
as compared with ihe original, which it little resembles. Brinton's fig. 12 ('95, p. 52) of
B has the union of the lateral " tooth " with the upper jaw inaccurately copied. This
faulty figure is a copy of B from Cod. Tro. xxvii, where, ti» in all figures of B from Cod.
Tro-Cort., the line of the jaw extends across the base of this oral object (see Brasseur,
'80). By the omission of this line in the copy the object is thus made to resemble a
** tooth" more than it does in the original. The true teeth of B in God. Tro-Cort are
regular and prominent, and the backward curving body at the side of the mouth may
or may not be a "tooth." Until, however, it can be shown that this lateral body is a
" tooth," the reference of B to Cogulludo's god with teeth " muy desformis " is doubtful,
so far as this object is concerned.
X From the fact that it was customary in Central America, as in many other places,
for divinities to be personified in ceremonials by men wearing grotesque masks with
the symbolism of those divinities, it is possible to speak without valid objections of the
heads of these divinities depicted in the codices as ceremonial masks or representa-
tions of the same. The terms ** masks" and "ceremonial helmets" are significant
words to use in thi.s connection, against which nothing of value has yet been urged.
The use of masks in certain Mayan dances still survives, and according to Valentini
('95) the tapir mask is still employed in a "ballet" of the " Zayi' dance. This latter
fact, as mentioned by this author in connection with a cephaloglyph of B, is interesting,
as the nose of K has been compared to the snout of the tapir by several authors.
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July 1895] GOD ** D " IN CORTEZ CODEX 207
The following features are common to all the figures of D in
the Cod. Cort. :
1. Nose prominent, not hanging below the lower lip, pointed,
not continuous with an upper lip, but separated from it by a
notch ; * end of nose not curving upward.
2. Eye bounded by a scroll with marginal blocks.
3. Upper jaw toothless ; single tooth in lower jaw.
4. No curved oral object at the corner of the mouth.
5. No scroll over the nose.
6. Headdress present but variable.
The following table gives suggestive associations of D :
Associated with the symbol kan (maize) 11
kan in the hand 4
kan inix in the hand 3
kan on ground before him 2
seated on kan 1
Associated with it. 1
Associated with kin f 2
Associated with akb<il t
Associated with ahau i
Associated with snake 3
Associated with fallings; water 1
In an analysis of this table we are struck by the large number
of figures of D associated with the sign kan, maize.|| D is, we
should judge from associations, a beneficent, not a malevolent,
god connected with life, and the association of the snake with D
and the existence of the kin sign on the head and at the feet
suggest the sun. A figure of D is found once at least in the
*Thi8 notch is absent in all figures of B in Cod. Cort. Attention is called to the fact
that the sign akbal is wanting on the head of D in Cod. Cort. In figures of D in Cod.
Dres. it is sometimes present, as shown by Sohellhas.
t In one instance on the head, in another on the ground before him. In some of the
cephaloglyphs of D is a half circle which resembles a conventional sign of the sun.
X The existence of akbal on the forehead of ihe cephaloglyph of D wiU be discussed
later. This sign occurs in the hieroglyphs of D in Cod. Cort., but not on the figures
themselves.
I Although associated with D in other codices, I find it with this god in Cod. Cort. only
in one or two doubtful cases.
1 Many English equivalents of kan have been pointed out, but there is a singularly
uniform acceptance of the belief that one of these is corn or maize. Some of the deriv-
ative meanings are not diflUcult to explain, as, for instance, ** wealth " (abundance), etc.,
on the ground that kan^ yellow, or corn is a primary translation. The Tusayan Indians
use in the same way the word ka-tf maize, which has a startling phonetic resemblance
U> kan.
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208 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
neighborhood of the hieroglyph for west, and once near that of
east. He is frequently seated in a house marked with a cross.
The hieroglyph * ascribed by Schellhas ('86, p. 57) to G occurs,
in Cod. Cort., over D on page xxix a 1. The cephaloglyph of D
occurs over D in xvi a l,t xxi c 1 (xxi d 3 without akbcd^ but with
dots), XXX b 1 (?), xxvi c 2, xxviii b 1. It is found over another
god in XXX iii b 2 and xxix, xx c 1. Modifications of the cepha-
loglyph of D with nkbcU surrounded by dots occur over animals
or gods not identified as D in xxx a 1, xxix c 1.
Idmtifications of D,
It is natural that a pictorial element which forms such a con-
stant and extensive element in the illustrations of the codices
should be thought to represent an important deity, and it is not
strange that D is identified with one of the most important of
the deities mentioned by Spanish writers. Three identifications
have more or less in their favor, viz., Itzamna, Moon god, and
Kukulcan, and it is believed the evidence is good that it belongs
to one or another of these three.
One of the first steps taken to identify D was by Schellhas
('86), who in his earliest publication pointed out some of the
main features of symbolism, but assigned no definite name be-
yond the letter *' 1) " and " God with the face of an old man."
Later, however, he became convinced tbat it is a '* Moon god."
From Schellhas' first descrii)tion ('86, p. 57) I quote as follows :
**Geschicht eines alten Mannes mit eingefallenen, Zehnlosem
Munde, verziertem Auge wie die Gott mit der Schlangenzunge "
" vor (]i}n Gesicbt hurabhangenden Koppsmiick der das Tages-
zeichen akbal J enthiilt."
♦The form of this hieroglyph given by Schellhas ('92, p. 104, first figure of U) does
not occur with D in Cod. Cort., so far as I can find.
t Unfortunately the pages of the Rada y Delgado fiicsimile of the Cod. Cort. are not
numbered, so that for uniformity with the enumeration of the pages of Cod. Dres. I
have used Roman numerals, adopting the pagination of Rosny's copy. While, how-
ever, there was no other course to follow in referring to the Cod. Cort., I fjelieve as it
and Cod. Tro. are undoubtedly fragments of one large codex, that a simpler paging of
the Cod. Tro-Cort., taken together, is called for and must be devised to insure con-
venience of references as research progresses.
J This feature must have \>een overlooked by Brinton when he identified a figure of
D with the akbal on the head as Kin ich ('95, fig. 74). The proper identification of the
middle figure of fig. 74 (op. cit.) is not Kin ich, but the god I), if we limit Kin ioh as
Schellhas and Brinton have in their articles.
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American Anthropologist
July, 1895
Pi^aTK I.— The God " D," after Codex Cortesian us
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July 1895] GOD "d" IN CORTEZ CODEX 209
In later publications ('87, p. 19; '92, pp. 110-111) the same
author said of D that it " ist unzweifelhaft den Mondgott,"
which is the first of the identifications that I shall discuss. In
following his argument stress is laid on the presence of akbal
surrounded by dots, especially in the hieroglyph which is as-
cribed to D. In the figures of D in Cod. Cort. I have never
found the sign akhal hanging down before the face as in figures
of D in Codex Dresdensis.*
Granting, as we may with reasonable faith, that the hiero-
glyph of D is rightly assigned, it is well to attempt an interpre-
tation of the component akhalf as a significant factor in the iden-
tification of D. The word akhal signifies darkness or night, and,
according to Seler ('89, p. 58), the Mayas still use akab, akabil,
and akbil to designate night. Others, as Kiche-Cakchiquel, use
d'kab^ d*ka, a^kbal for the same, and the Ixil akbal, according
to the same authority. The Nahuatl equivalent, calli, means
*' house," which I may anticipate by saying it may refer simply
to the sun-house or place where the sun sets, which, as the
Nahuas associate with the west, refers to the western house, or
place of sunset.
The Tzendal equivalent is Votan, which, according to Seler
('89, p. 57), is not the proper name of the sign, but that of a
Cultus hero, the celebrated Votan, to whom the sign is conse-
crated. If we follow him in his derivation of uo^an and find the
etymologic meaning to be " H^art of expansion " or " Heart of
the surface," it is possible that the root tan, "expansion," may
refer to the sky, and the heart to the sun, possibly the same as
the Kiche uc^xcah, the heart of the sky, of the Popol Vuh.
The presence of akbal on the cephaloglyph J of the Bat god
(Seler, '94) and in the name of the Bat month (Landa, '81) adds
little one way or the other to the interpretation of I) as a Moon
god, but conveys the same idea of darkness as in the cephalo-
glyph of D. The association of the Bat god with the under
• In figures of D the lower Jaw is furnished with one tooth and is not toothless in Cud.
Tro-Cort.
fThis is not limited to the cephaloglyph of D.
t The term cephaloglyph is applied to those hieroglyphs which are simply conven-
tionalized pictures of heads, either of gods or animals, and are readily distinguished
from dny signs (hemeroglyphs , numerical signs (metroglyphs), and others. The
hieroglyphs of the different gods ofien contain as an important component the cepha-
loglyph of that god, as B, C, etc.
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210 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
world as a subterranean cavern is in harmony with the idea of
the solar interpretation of D, for the sun in setting sinks into the
under world in the conceptions of many American tribes.
Manifestly, if the etymologic analysis given above is correct,
or approximately so, we find naught in akbal, except the mean-
ing " to become dark," to suggest the moon, and this can be ex-
plained on the supposition that akbal refers to the sun of the
under world or the sun sinking into his western house, calll,
followed, as suggested by Seler, by the Cihuateted, daughters of
the Earth goddess, into whose home the sun goes.
An examination of other arguments presented by Schellhas
that D is a Moon god has not carried conviction. The associa-
tion with the snail in the light of the relationship of this animal
to the winter solstice recalls not a Moon god, but rather a Sun
god. This author says ('87, p. 19) : " Dass die in sorgfaltig aus-
gefiihrten Varianten der Hieroglyph e des Gottes (wie die oben
abgebildete) unterhalb des Mondgesichtes befindliche bogen-
fbrmige Figur den Mond in seinem Viertel darstellen soil. Es
spricht dafiir noch die interessante Thatsache, dass in Landa's
Alphabet eine ganz ahnliche mondviertelformige Figur gegeben
ist, mit dem phonetischen Werthe U. U heist der Mond in
Maya." In an examination of this argument we must bear in
mind that Landa gives two signs for U, one of which, to be sure,
might be called a crescent (a moon symbol), but the other is a.
simple spiral, recalling the coil in caban. Surely the crescent
sign for the letter u is not always a prominent element of the
hieroglyph assigned to D.
Sciiellhas ('92, p. 110) points out that there is "einer unbe-
kannten Beziehung " between D and a " Water goddess, I," who
has a serpent headdress. I think we may accept the belief that
a goddess with a serpent headdress is a serpent being or in some
way related to such a one. The association of D and I is not
obscure if D be regarded a Sun god, as sun and serpent symbol-
ism are almost inseparable in American mythologies. On the
theory that D is a Moon god, it is difficult to explain the anom-
alous association with a goddess bearing the serpent.*
♦One figure of D in Cort. Cod. carries in (he hand ft serpent object (aspergil? or
rattle?), and ihere are in the other codices other instances of serpent symbols associ-
ated with D.
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Dieseldorff has added an important bit of evidence to the
theory that D is a Moon god in his remarks on the decoration
of a jar from Cohan.
After pointing out the presence of the snail (which, I believe,
does not militate against, but rather supports, the claim that D
is a solar god), he says ('93, p. 380): "Das Zeichen Akbal,
welches Nacht bedeutet, wird bei dem Stirnschmuck durch die
Mondsichel ersetzt, von welcher Biischel niederfallen, in denen
ich vermuthe, dass Regen dargestellt sein soil (vergl. Dresd. 74) ;
auch sitzt der Gott an einem Wasserlauf." The figure referred
to as attached to the forehead is certainly crescentic in form , and
therefore not unlike a moon, and there is a likeness between the
water falling from the dragon's head of the celestial tablet in
Dres. 74, and, we might add, from the rain-clouds below it, and
the " biischel " which fall from the crescentic figure of the fore-
head of the decoration of the Coban jar. Notwithstanding, how-
ever, these coincidences, all can be explained on the theory that
D is a solar god, except the crescentic body. Supposing that the
crescent in this figure has the same position as akbal in figures
of D in Cod. Dres., we may compare the " biischel " with the ap-
pendages to akbal in those figures of D in Cod. Dres. which had
this sign above the head. In such figures, of which there are
several, there is little resemblance between the appendage and
water ; so that there may be a doubt whether the " Biischeln '' of
the Coban jar really represent water, as supposed by Dieseldorff.
If, moreover, the symbol akbal, night or darkness (to become
dark), refers to the moon, there still remains to be interpreted that
example of D which has the kin (sun) sign on the forehead and
those like Cod. Dres. xv c, which carry kin (sun) in the hand,
which are readily explained on the theory which follows, that D
is a solar deity.
The reasons, which appear to me to be valid, for the identifica-
tion of D as Itzamna have been exhaustively stated by Seler ; but
while I have no new evidence, it seems to me that a few addi-
tional facta available add some weight to the conclusion that it
is a Sun god of the hieroglyph akbal surrounded by dots. He
says ('89, p. 64) : " I^a figure 366 \_akbar\, le symbole du dieu
Itzamn^, me paralt indiquer la lumi^re qui descend de Tob-
8curit6 de la nuit, le ciel 6toil^." On the supposition that D is a
solar deity, I should regard it as well symbolized by akbal, the
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212 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
(lark sun (under world sun) surrounded by the dots represent-
ing sunrise or sunset rays.*
Seler's studies of the Maya calendar have yielded important
results in regard to the meaning of ahmi, which are highly in-
structive, considering the association of the god D with the sign for
east. Ahau signifies ** king," " master," according to this author-
ity, and '* in this acceptation is employed not only in the Maya
of Yucatan, but also in the different languages of Guatemala."
He derives it from the masculine prefix ah (prefix denoting pos-
session). " La signification fondamentale de ahau est, en tous
cas, homme, maitre; les deux racines ah et vw, qui ont la m^me
signification, paraissent concourir k la formation de ce mot (Seler,
'89, p. 110)."
The meanings of ahau given by Brasseur (70, p. 132) are
"Siegneur, prince, roi, souverain." According to Seler, this
author translated it '* mattre du collier," master of the coUar.f
One " master," *' king," or " sovereign " sometimes referred to
by ahau is undoubtedly the sun, and the interpretation of the
Kiche myth of Hunahpu and Xbalanque by Seler is highly in-
structive in this connection. Comparative studies also indicate
the same, and Seler finds that Hunahpu " r^pond au mexicain
C€ xochitl qu'on rencontre dans le Cod. de Vienne 23, comme
symbole certain du dieu du soleil, ou, plutot, comme le nom
m^me du dieu du soleil. Le soleil 6tant le roi des dieux,
ehau et hunah pu s'accordent parfaitement avec le mexicain
xochiiV^ In view of the application of the hieroglyph ahau
to the sun, the reader's attention is called to the conventional
Tusayan sun symbol as figured in my account of the Paliilukonti.
The upper segment of the disk of Taxva (Sun) is separated from
the lower by a horizontal line, from the middle of which arises a
vertical which divides the segment into two parts, comparable
with soms variants of ahaxi. (Seler, '89, p. Ill, figs. 848-851,
871-873.)
*No one in discussing the theory that D Is a Moon god seems to have called attention
to the paucity of references to a Moon god in Spanish or semi-Spanish accounts of Maya
or Kiche mythology. In D we have a god pictured almost as many times as the most
numerous A or B. If it is a Moon god, is it not strange that it is so seldom referred to in
Spanish writings ? Brinton ('95, pp. 37-45), in his account of the Maya mythology, does
not mention a Moon god, justly, I believe, on account of its insignificance in the Maya
Olympus, and we look in Popol Vuh (Brasseur, '61, pp. 5, 7, etc.) in vuin for a Moun
god among the powerful deities. Does not this fact convey a word of caution to the
observer against a^.^igning to the Moon god the figures of D, which are among the
most numerous in the codices?
t A god with an ahau on the head and collar on the neck is referred Co later.
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Plate II.— The God "D," after Codex Cortesianus
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July 1895J GOD " D " IN CORTEZ CODEX 213
As shown by several authors, as, for instance, Thomas ('93,
p. 248), the upper part of the sign for east is probably ah(iu. If
the word for east (likin) is expressed by ahaa kin (master sun),
the figure of D below it is not explained by the hypothesis that
D is the setting sun, provided, of course, this symbol is rightly
assigned to the east, as I believe it is. But evidence drawn from
the argument that D is in the west world-quarter in the Tableau
is offset by that drawn from the existence of D in the opposite,
or east, world-quarter in the same Tableau. Evidently little
light on the question of whether D is a setting sun can be de-
rived from the position of D in the Tableau, so far as the element
ahau in the east world-quarter sign is concerned. Furthermore,
if the bound figure in the south world-quarter is the same as the
right-hand upper figure of Cod. Cort. xix h, who has an cikau on
the head, new corn plications arise ; for if it is to be interpreted the
moon on the forehead of the sign of D, why not likewise call it a
moon sign on this figure? This question, of course, might also
be asked : If aitau is regarded as a sun sign, why is not the yellow
figure with the high collar and ahau sign a sun god ? Ahau is a
common prefix or suffix for many and diverse gods and exists
in their names, " Cum Ahau," " Lord of the Vase " (probably
Itzamnd — Brinton, '95, p. 42), Hunahpu, Ahraxahak, Ahraxa
Trel (Brasseur, '61), etc., and does not in all instances refer to
a sun god.
Ahau is said (Seler, '89, p. 113) to form an important com-
ponent in hieroglyphs referring to gods of light,* life, and pros-
perity, but is completely absent in those of hostile powers, the
divinities of death. It is natural to refer such to solar rather
than to lunar deities (which are more often sinister and dark in
nature), gods of the under world, death, and hostile powers.
Seler ('89, p. 57) states his views that D represents Itzamna so
clearly in his interpretation of some of the sitting figures in the
Tableau des Bacabs that I will quote him at length : ** Sur la
fameuse feuille 41-42 du Codex Cortez que Cyrus Thomas a dis-
cut4e dans sa r^cente publication, nous voyons au milieu des
quatre points cardinaux, deux divinites assises sons un arbre
(le yax che le ceiba ?) ; nous avons certainement reconnu I'an-
cien dieu, Itzamnt\, le dieu pc^re, d'apres Hernandez, et sa com
* By compamtive stiidit^s of the other co«li«'os I find that thero is good ground for the
belief that the Hign ahau is aMsociated with D in several instances.
28
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214 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VllI
pagne (Ixchel, la mfere de Chibiriac, la mSre de Bacab). Les
memes divinites se trouvent en haut de I'image, parmi les signes
du ciel qui, d'apr^s I'hypoth^se habituelle, designent rorient,
mais peut-^tre la direction du sud. Au milieu de la figure, le
dieu tient une pile de trois signes ik (fig. 253) ; devant la divinity
se trouve une autre pile (fig. 254) qui montre, en dessous, le
symbole du vase, en dessus le signe ik, et enfin une figure d'ani-
mal peinte en rouge * qui fait penser au signe imix, le symbole
de la fecondit6. "
A third identification of D is by Brinton ('95, p. 56), who
diflfers from all others in referring it to Kukulcan. He mentions
the several characteristics of D, and regards them as *' traits coin-
ciding " with the myths of Kukulcan. I regret that he has not
discussed the different interpretation of the same characteristics
by Seler and Schellhas, and, as I find no distinctive feature
among those mentioned to prove that D is Kukulcan, his argu-
mentation does not appear to me conclusive, or is at most
incomplete.f
Schellhas has^ shown ('86, p. 58) that the god D has an appen-
dage to the chin comparable with a beard, and claims that it is
absent in all other figures: "Er (beard) kommt bei keiner
anderere Figur der Handschriften vor." Notwithstanding this
feature is not universal in figures of D, indeed occurs in but one
figure of D in Cod. Cort., Brinton ('95, pp. 56, 57) gives it weight
in an attempt to identify D as Kukulcan, and says : " When we
perceive that he, and he alone of all the deities, is occasionally
depicted with a beard under his chin, just as Cuculcan wore in the
legend, the identification becomes complete."
We find a figure of the head of D emerging from a " green
dragon " in one page of Cod. Dres., and this fact has been ad-
duced in evidence that D is Kukulcan. It is said in Popol Vuh
(p. 315) of Gucumatz, the Kiche equivalent of Kukulcan, that
every seven days he took on the nature of a snake and was veri-
* Id my copy of the Rada y Delgado facsimile of the Codex Cortez the part of the
pile of three signs mentioned as a figare of an animal is not peints en rouge and is of
the same color as the other two.
t This author says that D generally bears the sign akbcU *' because he is the setting or
night sun; for which reason his headdress is often the horns of the eared owl." I
readily subscribe to the view that D is a Sun god, possibly in cases where he has akbaly
the darkened sun, but know not the evidence that the horn sometimes represented on
the heads of this and other deities is the horn of the '* eared owl/' and reserve an ex-
pression of opinion on that point.
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tably a snake, and it is natural to use a figure with a serpent
body in support of the theory that it represents Kukulcan. The
force of the argument is, however, that D is Kukulcan is some-
what diminished when we remember that in two instances in
Cod. Cort. a figure of a snake bears the head, not of D but of B,
and the reptile figured with D in Cod. Dres. differs from a snake
in having legs.
While Brinton finds that Itzamnd is generally connected with
Yaxche, '* The Tree of Life," which he, as Seler, believes to be
represented in the middle of the Tableau des Bacabs, he identi-
fies the god under it in this instance as Kukulcan. and does
not refer to Seler's strong argument from this very association
that it is Itzamn&. So far as I can follow the evidences brought
forward to identify D as Kukulcan, they do not seem to me to
overthow those of Seler that D is Itzamnd.
The exact relationship between the text and the accompany-
ing pictorial elements or components of the codices are more or
less indefinitely known, and it is commonly supposed that there
is a connection between the two. In some instances, however,
I think I can show that this connection is distant. Let me illus-
trate by a figure (Cod. Cort. xxxix b 2) which I have identified
as D. Saville ('94) has shown that pis. xxxi-xxxviii plus the
lower half of xxxix (Cod. Cort.) is a tonalamatl. This tonala-
matl consists of eight full pages divided in the middle of a
horizontal red band. In the upper half there are sixteen figures,
and in the lower the same number, making thirty-two figures in
all in these eight pages. Over each of the thirty -two figures there
are six hieroglyphs, of which that in the lower right-hand corner
is the same in all the thirty-two clusters. Whatever this series
of thirty-two groups of six glyphs means, each group closes with
the same sign, verb, substantive, or what not.
Taking now a fresh start and looking at the lower series of
sixteen groups, of six hieroglyphs each, we find that the seventh
and eighth groups (xxxiv 6, Cod. Cort.), counting xxxi b as the
first, have all the six hieroglyphs (cephaloglyphs and other com-
ponents) identical with the sixteenth. In other words, a lesser
series of eight closes with the same six glyphs, followed by a dif-
ferent series of eight, likewise closing with the same six signs.
In this repetition we may have a coincidence, but it is interest-
ing that it is connected with the number eight. From a point of
view of comparative ceremoniology , this continual and rhythmic
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216 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
repetition suggests songs, incantations, invocations, or prayers
rather than histories or accounts of rituals.*
Again, the figure of D drawn below the eighth group of the
lower series (xxxiv b 2) of the tonalamatl has, as shown above,
the same six glyphs above it as a Black god (op. cit. 1) and a
figure of the turtle in the sixteenth group (xxxvii b 2). Evi-
dently, therefore, the text embraced in the six glyphs of each of
these three is not illustrated by the same pictorial component.
None of the three sets of six identical hieroglyphs contains the
cephaloglyph ordinarily ascribed to D or that of the Turtle, al-
though the glyph for earth is present in all and the cephaloglyph
of B and one other is universal. Recognizing an absence of
knowledge of what the whole series means, we are not denied
the statement that there is a want of harmony between the text
of the lower parts of plates xxxiv and the second part of plate
xxxviii and the accompanying pictorial elements. I venture
the suggestion that the series of thirty-two groups of glyphs re-
ferred to as a recitative invocation or prognostic and the pre-
dominance of the cephaloglyphs of solar deities implies that it
pertains to these deities. The character of the pictorial elements
does not prevent an acceptance of this theory or one of a related
nature.
Similarity in Symbolism to God G,
Both B and D have masks which are similar to that of G,t
which is generally recognized from the presence of the sign kin
on head, arms, and thighs, and in the hieroglyph as a Sun god.
As Schellhas has pointed out, there is no figure in Cod. Cort.
which corresponds with god G as described by him. It would
therefore naturally not be considered in this article, but from
the fact that symbolically it can only with difficulty be separated
from B or D, the one feature, the sign kiii mentioned as distin-
* It is a suggestive fact in this connection that the glyph pax, which Brassear trans-
hkted as a musical instrument and Brinton identifies as a drum, occurs many times in
the series, in most instancns just before the final glyph common to all, never, so far as
can be seen, as an initial sign in the series.
t It is evident that there is such a close likeness between G (Kin ich ahau) and
Itzamn& that it amounts to an identity, and Landa speaks at least twice (pp. 89, 97) of a
ceremonial idol which was called Cinchahan YzamnA or Chinchan Yzamna. Here in a
reason for a belief that Kin ich ahau in so closely allied to Itzamn& that Spanish account^^
confuse them. The symbolism of B, D, and G as expressed in the codices is so close
that I doubt whether we are justified in separating G from the other two, and the evi-
dence that G is a midday sun, while Band D are sunrise and sunset attributable names,
is not wholly satisfactory.
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rV-*
Pi^ATK III.--Suiiinier Solstice, after Codex Cortesianus
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July 1895] GOD " I) " IN CORTEZ CODEX 217
guishing it, being insufficient. As this is said to be one of the
easiest gods to identify, and as the above statement is a departure
from the interpretation of Schellhas, an examination of figures
of G in other codices is called for in evidence of the validity of
my conclusion ('92, p. 113.)
Schellhas' diagnosis of G is as follows : " Charakterisch fiir
seine Darstellungen ist ausser dem sonnenzeichen kin, das er
auf Korper triigt, eine eigenthiimliche Nasenverzierung (fig. 43)
die wie man aus einem Vergleich mit anderen ahnlichen Darstel-
lungen im Dr. Sieht nichts anderes ist, als ein grosser und beson-
ders kuntvolles Nasenflock." It would seem that the one
essential characteristic of G is the sun (^m) symbol on the body,
arms, or head, or in a hieroglyph which is associated with G.
According to Schellhas ('86, p. 62), there is one characteristic
of G which never fails, viz., ** die gebogene Verzierung auf der
Nase," an appendage easily recognized from a figure of it which
he has given in another article ('92). As this appendage or any
well identified figure of G is not found in Cod. Tro-Cort, let us
turn to Cod. Dres. for figures with this appendage. We find it
well marked in xi 6 1, xi c 2, xv a 1, xxii 6 3, all of which have
the sign kin on back, thighs, arms, or head, and all have the
curved ** tongue " in the angle of the mouth like B. The ho-
mology of the curved nasal appendage is shown in xiii a 1,
where we find it comparable with the body above the nose in B.
In looking over the 130 figures of B in Cod. Dres. I find twenty-
five, more or less, decorated with what might be called kin signs
on body, thighs, arms, or head, not half of which have the nasal
body in the form said to be characteristic of G, while many do
not have the hieroglyph referred to the same god.
A result of my examination of G in Cod. Dres. has therefore
convinced me that, instead of being the "easiest of all to iden-
tify," it is one of the most difficult, and I have been led to doubt
whether the so-called diff'erences in symbolism between G and
B are important enough to always separate them. The theory
that G represents the " Mid-day Sun," while possible, has cer-
tainly not been shown to be so beyond doubt by the evidence
presented.*
* According to Schellhas (*92, p. 113), in no other codex except Cod. Drefi. is there
found a figure of a god (except G) which has the sun sign (kin) on the body, but in Cod.
Cort. there is a fijcure of D with kin on the head, as I have shown in this article.
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218 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The diversity of opinion in regard to the proper identifica-
tions of B and D as Kukulcan and Itzamn4 or vice versa, which-
ever may be right, still allow us to consider both solar deities,
as indicated by the contents of the codices.
Some of the evidences which may be mentioned indicating
the solar nature of B, D, and G are —
1. Association with the signs kin and ahau (except B).
2. Association with all cardinal points (D generally with
west).
3. Association with snake (plumed) and falling water.
4. Association with or engaged in beneficent acts, planting,
pouring water or kan (maize field, corn, etc.).
5. Torches in one or both hands.*
The lower half of plate xix (Cod. Cort.) is instructive to study
as a whole in connection with the theory that B and D are solar
deities, as they and the other deities in the series forming the
tonalamatl f (pi- x, xxxi-xxxix) figure in it. An explanation
of this picture as a whole may be as follows :
In the middle we find a house represented, perhaps a sun-
house (earth, under world). Meandering on each side of this
house and entering it, or passing behind it, is a cord (serpent?),
the symbol of the path of the sun. The Maya artist placed on
this path the symbol kin (sun) as if to show what he meant, and
to it joined by a kind of umbilical attachment four gods (B, A,
the Black god, and a god with an enormous collar and afiau on
the head), thus indicating how intimately these gods were con-
nected with the sun. At the point where the pathway (cord)
enters or leaves the house is the Turtle,! emblem of the sum-
* I do not regard it iieccMsury to draw from comparHtive mythology facta in biipport of
the worship of several Biins (see Spencer's Synthetic Philosophy, I, p. 377), nor do I feel
called upon to account for the " cultus hero" element of Kukulcan except to say that
it would be perfectly natural for primitive man, as ha.« happened again and again inde
pendently, to ascribe the beneficent attributes of one luminary or even his name to a
religious reformer, teacher, or great leader.
t Although the enumeration of the four rows of day si^ns on pp. xxxi-xxxix is not
the tonalamatl (260 days), possibly such was intended by the writer.
^ In a later publication on the Death god. A, the following resemblances between it
and the Turtle as a i<ymbol of the solstices will be discussed:
1. The globular bodies ("eyes," ••bells," etc.) on the heads.
2. The zigzag lines ("spear-point") crossing each other on the head of A and the
carapace of the turtle.
3. The bands on the body.
4. Short, stumpy tail of Home pictures of A.
6. Shape of eyes of A and those of the Turtle.
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mer solstice (Forstemann, 392 a), with the yax sign to denote the
sun's force at that point. The god D,like the other four, grasps
the cord (the umbilical attachment not visible).
The two lower gods are A, Death god, and the Black god
(Ekchuah?), both gods of the under world. Two of the three
of the upper half we know as B, Kukulcan ; D, ItzamnA. But
what of the third ? Glancing at the Tableau des Bacabs, we see
in the world-quarter with the symbol for south a similar per-
sonage bound and seated, but with no sign of ahau on the head,
although a halo is not wanting. Here also, if we consider the
Death god as north, this god is south, diagonally opposite the
north. Considering that the four gods united to the cord are
four world-quarter gods, beginning at A and following a sinistral
circuit, we would have A, Death god (north ) ; B, Kukulcan
(east) ; " Bearer of the collar '' (south), and Black god (west) ;
or, if we regard B as god of a fifth direction and include D in
the circuit, we would have N., W., S., E., and B (middle, above).
This lower half of plate xix (Cort. Cod.) closes a tonalamatl, of
which it is the eighth (significant) page, the preceding bearing
the four rows of day-signs which constitute that epoch. Every
page of the section of eight, of which it is the last except itself,
has falling rain depicted on it. There are six snakes on the
seven preceding pages, so arranged that every page has the head
or part of the body of one of these reptiles. We are, so far as
can be judged from pictorial components of these pages, dealing
with a rain occurrence of some kind, in which Kukulcan, the
plumed serpent, and falling water figure conspicuously. I^et us
suppose that the lower part of page xix represents the summer
solstice or the Turtle month, Kaiab, whose cephaloglyph has a
turtle's head in composition (see Landa). If the preceding
seven pages refer to a ceremony, to what one, using Landa's cal-
endar, shall we look ? According to I^anda, in the month of
P(ix was celebrated the Pacumchac, in which the rites of Ku-
kulcan performed in November were repeated. In this month
(May) the rains in Yucatan begin. The plumed snakes spread
over pages xii-xviii, the figures of B Kukulcan, the falling water
on every one of the seven pages, the culmination of the eighth
page in a picture with a turtle and the sun's coui*se, as I have
theoretically interpreted page xix, may not refer to ceremonials
described by Landa at the summer solstice and the month be-
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220 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
fore it, but there are many circnmstantial coincidences between
them, connected, doubtless, with cycles of time and movements
of heavenly bodies.
If, however, the seven pages refer to astrologic or astronomic
events, as the character of plate xix would imply, we may have
represented simply the position of certain celestial bodies, evi-
dently prominently the sun, whose symbol is so constant.* But
if the symbols in the Celestial Band are rightly assigned to
planets by Forstemann, possibly this series deals with the planets
Venus, the moon, and possibly others. The astronomical ex-
planation rather than the ritualistic appeals to me when I study
the symbols, but the association of ceremony and position of the
sun, planets, stars, etc., was so close that the ritualistic element
is not absent from these plates.
The so-called Tableau des Bacab, which relates to a ritual
period of 260 days, as indicated by the day-signs and accompa-
nying dots, has three figures of D, one of which is seated under
a yak'che or tree of life in the center, one seated in the eastern,
and one in the western world-quarter. The one in the eastern
houset faces a female or Earth goddess, before whom is a symbol
of kan (field of maize), upon which falls either the lightning (the
fertilizer?) or the fierce rays of the sun.
In conclusion, I would state that some of the results of ray
studies of the three gods B, D, and G are —
1. They represent solar deities referable to those described by
Spanish writers as^TCukulcan, Itzamnii, and Kin ich ahau, or
the latter combined.
2. The symbolism is very similar and characteristic, differing
considerably from that of other gods, and indicating close rela-
tionshij) in the supernatural person depicted.
3. While evidence is good that B may be identified as Kukul-
can and D as Itzamna, it falls short of proof of this or of the reverse
theory. The argument that D is one of these personages is
stronger than that it is a Moon god pure and simple.
• Brinton haw already pointed out that the upper series of xiv, xv, xvi " may repreHeni
positions of certain celedtial bodies l)eforethe summer solstice (indicated by the turtle,
p. 7)," but I regard the summer solstice as pictured in p. xixb for the lower series.
^The cross on the upright of these houses, which occurs so frequently in the codex,
may refer to the sun or the sun-house (see Seler, '89, p. 58, where the cross is spoken of
in the figs. '^)i>-2!)8). It is an interesting fact that a similar cross, as I have elsewhere
shown, among the Tusayan Indians is a syml>ol of Cotokmuflwa, the Heart of All the
Sky. In the discussion of akbal by Seler it seems that a crobs has relation to the heart
of expansion in Mayan mythology.
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Pirate IV.— After Codex Cortesianus
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July 1895] GOD " D " IN CORTEZ CODEX 221
4. The lower part of page xix (Cod. Cort.) is an example of
picture-writing representing the summer solstice and the coui-se
of the sun with world quarter gods.
Spanish accounts of the peculiarities of Kukulcan and Itzamna
are so vague and the differences indicated so doubtful that little
information is added to our knowledge by affixing one of these
names to B in preference to D, or vice versa ; but the recognition
of B, D, and G as solar deities, if supported by the good authority
of facts, is a step forward in the interpretation of the pictorial
elements of the codices.
I have introduced on the fourth plate seven pictures of an
Earth goddess associated with the god D in several cases. The
jTToper identification of this personage is as yet doubtful, but I
incline to Seler's view that the}*^ represent Ixchel. In those in-
stances which are intimately associated with D, as in Tableau
des Bacab, it would seem that here we have one form of the
Earth mother, as, in a way, the Sun god D is the father ; but this
view may be subject to modification on more extended studies.
This goddess is identified by Brinton as the ** Evening Star in
her epiphany as Mother Earth, source of life, ancestress of the
race." He calls her ('95, p. 63) by her Kiche name, Xmucane,
drawing emdencefrom analogy of the Kiche mythology of Popol Vuh
and that of the writers of the codices The two figures in the
middle of the Tableau des Bacabs he identifies as " Cuculkan " and
Xmucane, and considers the latter (op. cit., p. 64; the " female
counterpart of Cuculcan " or ** consort '' of the same. These two
he calls (p. 49) " our first parents "—evidently male and female.
He states that Gukumatz, however, " is positively said to be the
bisexual principle of life represented by the male Xpiyacoc, and
the female Xmucane, ancestor and ancestress of all that is." I
find it difficult to hannonize these two statements if Gukumatz
and Kukulcan are the same or like conceptions, as I think they
are.
Articles Quoted,
Brasseur de Bourbourg. *61, Popol Vuh.
70, Manuscript Troano, vols. I and IT.
Brinton, D. G. *95, A Primer of Mayan Hieroglyphics.
Codice Maya denominado Corteeiano. Facsimile in color and form.
Madrid, 1892.
2J)
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222 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
DieseldorfF, E. P. '93, Aiisj^rabangen in Coban. Verh. der Bed. Anih.
GeselL, October 28, 1893.
'94, Ein Thongefass mit Darstellung einer Vampyrkopfigen Gott-
heit. Verh. der Berl. ArUfi. GeM., 18J)4.
Fewkes, J. Walter. '94, A Study of Certain Figures in a Maya Codex.
Amer, Anth,, July.
Forstemann, E. '92, Die Maya-Handschrift der Koniglichen offent-
liclien Bibliothek z\\ Dresden.
'92*, Schildkr5te und Schnecke in der Mayaliteratur. Zur Ent-
zifferung der Mayahandschrifben III.
Landa, Diego. '81, Kelacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, 1666. (Edition,
Dios de la Rada y Delgado.)
Saville, M. H. '94, The Ceremonial Year of the Maya Codex Corte-
sianus. Amer. Anih., October, 1894.
S<!hellhas, P. '86, Die Maya-Handschrift der Koniglichen Bibliothek
zu Dresden. Zext. far AiUh. Eth. u. Urgesch., 1886.
'87, Maya-Hieroglyphen. Verh. d. Berl. Anih. GeseU.j Jan. 15.
'90, Vergleichenden Studien auf dem Gebiete der Maya Alter-
tiimer. Int. Arch.
'92, Die Gottergestalten der Maya-Handschriften. Zeit. fur Anih.
Eth. u. Urpesch., 1892.
Seler, E. '86, Maya-IIandschriften und Mayagotter. Zeit. fur Anth.
Eth. u. Urgesch., 1886.
'87, Ueber die Namen der in der Dresdener Handschrifl abge-
bildeten Mayagotter. Verh. d. Berl. Anth. GeseU.j 1887.
'88, Der Charakter der Aztekischen und der Maya handschriften.
Zeit. fur Anth. Eth. u. Urgesch., 1888. French translation.
'89, Caractere des Inscriptions Aztt*ques et Mayas. Revue d'Eth-
nogrnphie^ i889.
'iH, Fledermaus-Gott der Maya-Stiiniuie. Zeit. fur AiUh. Eth. u.
Urgesch., 1894.
Thomas, Cyme. '93, Are the Maya Hieroglyphs Phonetic? Amer.
Ariih.f July.
Valentini, P. J. J. '95, Analysis of the Pictorial Text inscribed on two
Palenque Tablets. Proc. Amer. Anliq. Soc., October, 1894.
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July 1895J THE EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 223
THE EARLir NAVAJO AND APACHE
BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE
The oldest clan of the Navajo, according to the great creation
and migration tradition of that tribe, an outline of which has
been published by Dr Washington Matthews * is theTse*jinkini,
the House-of-the-dark-cliffs people. These are the descendants
of the fii-st two human pairs, who had their origin in the San
Juan mountains, the first pair having been created by the gods
from two ears of corn brought from the cliff houses in Tse^gihi,
a cation somewhere in the country north of the Rio San Juan,
perhaps the Mancos or the McElmo. The Navajo estimate, as
interpreted by Dr Matthews, fixes the time of the creation of
this couple between 500 and 700 years ago, or seven ages of old
men. Historical comparison, however, seems to establish the
genesis at a more recent date.
According to the tradition, seventeen years elapsed ere the
Tse*jinkini were joined by the Tse*tlAni or Turn-in-a-cafion
people. In fourteen years these two peoples were joined by the
D8ilnao9flni or Dsilnao^flCinef (Dsilnaoyil-mountain people).
Seven years later, or 38 years after the creation, the Qack^"-
qatso-Cine or Yucca peo[)le united with the others, thus forming
a fourth clan. Fourteen years after the accession of the Yucca
clan (52 years after the creation) these combined people moved
to Chaco canon, near the ruin of Kintyeli, where they were
joined by the Naqopi'-dine, from the salt lake south of Zufii.
The tribe now moved to the San Juan. Six years afterward
(58 years after the creation) a sixth band came — the Tsinajini
or Black-horizontal-forest people. As yet they had no herds,
and they made their clothes mostly of cedar bark and other
*Jour. Am. Folk Lore, vol. iii, no. ix, p. 90 et seq., 1890. Dr Matthewa has now in
preparation for publication the complete legend as it was related to him by the Navajo
shamans. The importance of such a produftion may readily be conceived by any one
familiar with this scholar's admirable record of the Navajo »* Mountain Chant," in the
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for 1883-'84, which, so far as I can recall,
was tiie first complete record of an Indian ceremonial ever published.
f The character C used throughout this paper approaches in sound the English id
and is equivalent to the 4 of Dr Matlhews.
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224 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
vegetal fibers. Eight years after the appearance of the Tsina-
jini came the Qqa^nesa^ni, so named from the place where they
were first found in camp by the Navajo. This was 66 years
after the creation of their first people, or, perhaps we had better
say, after the appearance of the primal couple or couples.
After a period of five yeai-s succeeding the adoption of the
(^'qa*nes&*ni, the Dsiltld^ni people were incorporated, and five
years later (76 years after the creation) an important accession
to the population of the tribe was gained from a place called
Qqa*paha-qalkai, near the present town of Santa F6. These
people were therefore named 5qa*paha*-^ine, and their chief was
G6"tso or Big Knee.
Years after the Qqa*paha*-^ine joined the Navajo a band of
Utes were adopted, and about the same time a party of these
Utes made a raid on the Mexican settlements somewhere in the
neighborhood of Socorro, on the Rio Grande, and captured a
Spanish woman, whose descendants form the People-of-the-
white-stranger or Mexican clan of the tribe. At this period Big
Knee, the chief of the Qqa'paha, was still alive, but he was very
old and feeble. As the age of an old man is definitely fixed by
the Navajo at 102 years, the number of counters used in their
game of ke^itd, and as the genesis tradition calls particular atten-
tion to the age and feebleness of Big Knee, it will be reasonable
to assume that he was, say, 120 years of age at the time the Ute
clan (NoyilCine) raided the Mexican settlement near Socorro.
Prior to 1598, the date of Juan de Oiiate's journey from Mex-
ico for the purpose of colonizing the new country, no Spaniards
dwelt in New Mexico excepting the missionary left by ('oronado
at Pecos, who was never afterward heard of, and the two frailes
killed at Tiguex before 1582. In 1617 there were only 48 soldiers
and settlers in the province.* In 1630 Fray Alonzo Benavides
reported that 250 Spaniards dwelt at Santa Fe ; f but this town
had been founded as the capital only about 20 years previously
and was the sole settlement of Spanish origin in the entire
province. Aside from Santa F6, and exclusive also of the few
missionaries scattered among the Indian pueblos, it is quite im-
probable that there were any other Spaniards in New Mexico in
1080. In 1680, the year of the great Pueblo revolt, a few over
* Bancroft, ArizoDa and New Mexico, p. 159, after early document.
t Ibid., p. Ifi2, after Benavides.
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July 1895] THE EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 225
400 Spaniards (including 21 missionaries) were killed, and some
1,950 escaped southward with Governor Otermin to El Paso.
Twenty-three hundred and fifty souls, therefore, represented ap-
proximately the number of Spanish inhabitants early in 1680 —
a growth of but 2,100 in half a century — a population scattered
along the Rio Grande for over 200 miles.
It is highly improbable that Spanish settlements existed along
the lower Rio Grande earlier than the middle of the seventeenth
century ; certainly none were there in 1630. El Paso was set-
tled by the Spaniards in 1659, and Albuquerque was reputed to
have been founded as early as 1658, but regarding the latter
authorities fail to agree. At any rate, Mexican settlements ex-
isted along the Rio Grande in 1680, when Otermin retreated from
Santa F6 to El Paso, for along the way he observed several
haciendas that had been destroyed by the Indians, " with evi-
dence that the occupants had been killed." Spaniards also ap-
parently lived in Indian pueblos at the time named, for at San
Juan three Spanish women were kept alive and bore children
during their captivity. According to Escalante there were one
Spanish villa (Santa F6) and several small Spanish settlements
in New Mexico before 1680.*
Assuming, then, that the raid of the Spanish settlement near
Socorro by the No9Aeine clan of the Navajo occurred about 1650
(while Big Knee was still alive), that the old chief was 120 years
of age at that time, and that he had reached the age of at least
30 years when his people were incorporated by the Navajo, the
date of the last-mentioned event must have been some 90 years
previously, or approximately in 1560. It already has been seen
that the accession of Big Knee's people as a clan of the Navajo
took place 76 years after their creation ; hence the date of the
reputed divine origin of the primal coui)les, according to native
traditional chronology, must have been about the year 1485.
It also has been shown that the Naqop^*eine from the salt
lake south of Zufii became a part of the Navajo 52 years after
the creation, which from our calculation would fall in 1536.
It will be remembered that Friar Marcos of Niza, on his way
toward Cibola, in July, 1539, encountered among one of the
Piman tribes of northern Sonora an old Cibolan (Zufiian) In-
dian, who informed him of the existence, in the north, of the
*See Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, pp. 168, 17U, 181, 182, 190, 214.
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226 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
provinces of Acus, Marata, and Totonteac. Acus has been
identified with Acoma, Totonteac with Tusayan, and Marata
with the group of pueblos called by the Zufii Mak'yata or
Mat'yata. near the salt lakes about sixty nniles southeast of Zufii
pueblo. Marata was inhabited at the time the old Cibolan fugi-
tive left his tribe years before, and he was, naturally enough,
under the belief in 1539 that it was still an occupied pueblo, al-
though his people had been at war with those of Marata. It
appears that Marata had been abandoned on account of Zufii
hostility not very long before the conquest of Cibola by Coro-
nado in 1540, the year following Niza's visit to the country, for
while on their way to Acoma from Hawikuh by the southern
route some of Coronado's followers observed the walls of a pueblo
ruin still standing to a height of thirty-six feet.* This could
not have been the case had the pueblo been abandoned more
than a few years. From these circumstances it would therefore
appear that the NaqopA*-5ine clan of the Navajo, who " came from
a place south of where is now Zuni, near the salt lake called
Naqopa*," were the former inhabitants of the villages or '* prov-
ince'' called by the Zuni Mak'yata and recorded by Niza as
Marata, and that they were forced from their old home by the
Zuni, the main body, at least, joining the Navajo about 1536.t
There is other evidence toward fixing this year (1536), or per-
haps better this decade (1530-'40), as the time of the abandon-
ment of Marata and the adoption of its people, tlie Naqop^*-Cine
or NaqopAni, by the Navajo: About 1542 the Black-horizontal-
forest people made their appearance, but the Navajo "had as
yet no herds ; they made their clothes mostly of cedar bark and
otber vegetal fibers and built some store houses among the
cliffs." A statement so explicit at this point in the legend nat-
urally leads to the conclusion that about this i)eriod occurred a
most important chapter in the history of the tribe — the intro-
duction of sheep and cattle. In the more detailed part of this
legend given by Dr MatthewsJ it is related that the first sheep,
* Relacion de lo que Hernando de Alvarndo y Fray Joan de Padilla desctibrieron, etc.,
1540, in Doe. Ined. de IndiaSj iii, p. 511.
1 1 have been informed by Mr F. H. Cushing that some of the Mak'yata people were
adopted by the ZuDi, and that certain wordn of their language are still preserved in
vSome of their saored rituals. Examination by Mr Gatschet of such terms an Mr Cush-
ing found it possible to record seems to indicate Koresan affinity.
X Noqoilpi, the Gambler: A Navajo Myth, in Jour. Am. Folk Lore, vol. ii, no. 6, 1889,
p. 89.
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July 1895] THK EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 227
asses, horses, swine, goats, fowls, and manufactured cloth, as well
as the first Mexicans, were created l)y Bekotci^^^e, the God Who
Carries the Moon, for a legendary hero named Noqoilpi, who,
after his visit to BekotciCe in the sky soon after the Navajo ap-
peared atKintyeli, which pueblo was then in process of build-
ing, descended far to the south of his former abode and reached
the earth in old Mexico. " Naqoilpi's people [the Mexicans or
Spaniards] increased greatly in Mexico," runs the legend, " and
after a while they began to move toward the north and build
towns along the Rio Grande."
That one part of the legend should so thoroughly support
other portions in point of time is remarkable, and emphasizes
the weakness of Zufii tradition when compared with it.* The
coming of the Naqop^*-Cine, the subsequent accession of the
Black-horizontal-forest peoi)le, and the advent of the Mexicans
under the guidance of Noqoilpi with their horses, sheep, cattle,
and bayeta, of which they make their finest blankets, all tend
to show that the Marata people were incorporated about the
year 1536, and that the Spaniards came with their civilizing in-
fluence a few years later. The first flocks and herds were
brought to New Mexico by Coronado's army late in 1540, and
there seems to be every reason for believing that the then insig-
nificant Navajo obtained their first supply of livestock through
the Pueblos soon after the army left the country in 1542, as the
legend indicates.f
Some twenty-four years after the adoption of the NaqopjV-t'ine
from the salt lake, or about the year 1560, the first Apache came
from the south in a large band and joined the Navajo, forming
the Tsejintii\i (Black-standing-rocks) people. Between the latter
date and the occurrence of the Socorro episode of 1650, above
referred to, the Cestcini (Red-streak) and Tlastcini (Flat-red-
ground) Apache peoples were incorporated. These three clans
formed a phratry. The Navajo tribe now had nineteen clans,
distributed about as follows :
One Athapascan (the original Navajo ; evidently cliff'-dwellers).
Three Apache, one being mentioned as a large band.
Two Yuman, evidentl}^ Mojave orWalapai, and Havasupai.
♦ See "The First Discovered City of CiboiR," in Am. Anthrop., April, 1895.
t The army lea Compostela with 5,()00 sheep and 150 cows of Spanish breed; theHe
were tlie first that were brought into the country now forming the United States.
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228 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
One Marata, evidently of Keresan stock.
One from north of the San Juan, possibly Shoshonean.
A single Ute family, who joined the Qqd*paha, besides one
girl, whose descendants formed a new clan.
One from near Santa F6 (in two bands), with whom some Zuni
were afterward affiliated without forming a separate clan. This
is the ^qA'paha and was regarded as populous. Doubtless of
Tanoan stock.
Three miscellaneous Pueblo clans, including one from a Rio
Grande pueblo, one from near Jemez, and another clan men-
tioned as potters and basket-makers.
Six of unknown origin.
We may safely assume, I think, that at this period the lan-
guage as well as the institutions and industries of the Navajo
underwent the greatest and most rapid change. Dr Matthews
has determined, by careful comparison with northern Athapas-
can vocabularies, that the original Navajo was remotely con-
nected with the same stock. The adoption of the Pueblo * pot-
ters, basket-makers, and weavers taught them new arts, but the
introduction of sheep, which made them a pastoral people, evi-
dently tended to cause their basketry and pottery industries to
decline, yet advanced the art of weaving among them even be-
yond that of their Pueblo teachers. So with the language of
the tribe : It is known that on the arrival of the important
Qq&*paha no evidence of relationship between that people and
the Navajo was discernible ; so the two bodies dwelt apart, but
on friendly terms, for twelve years ere the (Jqk^paha. were re-
ceived into the tribe. Now, as to the difference in language of
the two divisions. In his outline of the tradition Dr Matthews
remarks :
" Up to this time all the old gentes spoke one common tongue,
the old Navajo; but the speech of the Qq4*paha was different.
In order to reconcile the differences, the chief of the Tsinajini
and the chief of the Qq&*paha, whose name was Gd*tso, or Big
Knee, met night after night for many years to talk about the
two languages and to pick out the words of each which were
the best. But the words of the Qq&*paha [according to a mem-
ber of that clan] were usually the plainest and best, so the
•The original Navajo, indeed, judging by their name, "House of the Dark Cliffs
People," appear to haye been a pueblo people, or at least cliff-dwellers, although not
potters nor basket-makers.
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July 1895] THE EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 229
present Navajo language resembles more the old QqjVpaha than
the old Navajo."
The effect of the language of the newly incorporated clans on
the " old Navajo " prior to the Q(ja*paha accretion was probably
very slight, as the new clans were small. We find, however,
that the effect of the Qqa^paha tongue on that of the Navajo
was great — so great, indeed, that it may be traced even today.
This fact is mentioned as tending to show that had not the
Navajo, prior to the Qq&*paha accession, been a very small tribe
this newly adopted people could not have made a lasting im-
pression on the Navajo language. Dr Matthews is evidently of
the same opinion regarding the former insignificance of the
tribe, for he says: "The myth speaks of these cliff-dwellers as
gods ; but it is not difficult to believe that the rude Athapascan
wanderers, in the days when they subsisted on small mammals,
such as prairie dogs, and on the seeds of wild plants (as their
legends relate), may have regarded the prosperous agricultural
cliff-dwellers as gods."* In this connection it also should be
mentioned that Big Knee's people wandered in the country of
the Navajo for eighteen days before any of the latter people
were encountered.
From a study of the early history of the southwestern Atha-
pascan and neighboring tribes, one is at once convinced that the
Apache group, at present much smaller, but always more aber-
rant, than the Navajo tribe, were of such little importance until
after the middle of the seventeenth century that they occupied
a very limited and not definitely determinable area ; that by the
continual addition of small bands of foreign or kindred peoples
during the succeeding few decades, in a manner similar to the
various Navajo adoptions, their importance to the surrounding
tribes gradually increased with their numbers, and their ag-
gressiveness with both.
About the time of the adoption of the first three Apache clans
who had come from the south, and their organization into a
phratry of the Navajo, the first known Spanish reference to the
Apache tribe was made by Juan de Onate.f This was in 1598.
* Some Illustrations of the Conaectioa between Myth and CevQinony, Memoirs Int,
Cong. Anthrop., Chicago, 1894, p. 249.
t Ofiate, Obediencia y vasallaje de San Juan Baptista, 1598, in Doe. Inkd. de Indiaa, xvi,
p. 114 : " Todo9 lo« Apaches desde la Sierra Nevada haoia la parte del Norte y Poniente."
Farther on, after speaking of the Jemez: . . . "y ma?, todos los Apades {sic) y Co-
coyes de sus sierras y comarcas."
30
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230 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOOIST [Vol. VllI
The Apache then resided in the *' Snowy mountains " of New
Mexico, probably not more than seventy-five miles south of the
San Juan home of the Navajo, and not in the southern country,
in the White mountain section northward from the Gila — the
despoblado, or uninhabited region, as Coronado's chroniclers aptly
termed it. I believe that if any Apache were in the southern
country in the sixteenth century they were about the headwaters
of the Gila, in the present New Mexico, where Benavides found
them 30 leagues (80 miles) from Senec6,and where, indeed, a mis-
sionary is said to have established himself as early as 1628. It ap-
pears more likely, however, that the Apache, like the Navajo,
gradually increased in population, and about the date last given
had already become broken up into bands, mainly for hunting
purposes, which were termed Apaches de Xila (Gila) and
Apaches Vaqueros (buffalo hunters). The Navajo were now
classed with the Apache, and are for the first time called Apaches
de Navajo.*
When in 1539 Niza crossed the desert between the Gila and
Cibola, the present Apache country, he encountered no resident
strangers, nor were any seen either by Coronado or Jaramillo in
tlie year following. None of these chroniclers, moreover, men-
tion any difficulty existing between the Zufii and Apache or
any other people in the south except the villagers formerly at
Marata, or indeed between the Apache and the various Piman
tribes — inveterate enemies in later times. Had the Apache been
in this section the narrators could not have failed to notice them.
The only suspicion of the occupancy of the southern Arizona
country by the Apache is that aroused by a statement of Casta-
fieda to the effect that in the region round about Chichilticali —
which Mr Bandelier has placed " where now is Fort Grant, on
the south of the Rio Gila, near the Arivaypa" — dwelt a " gente
mas barbara de las que bieron hasta alii biuen en rancherias
sin poblados biben decasar y todo los mas es despoblado."t
If Mr Bandelier's determination of the location of Chichilticali
is correct, and there can be no reason for doubting its accuracy,
then that ruin must have been in the heart of the Sobaipuri
*See Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, pp. 162, 163, 1889.
t Through the courteay of Mr George Parker Winship, of Haryard University, I haye
been enabled to consult his copy of the narrative of Cascnfteda, now in Lenox libmry.
New Yoric city, as well as kindred documents which, with English translations and
copious notes, will shortly be published. All references to unpublished documents
throughout this paper were made possible by Mr Winship's generosity.
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July 1895] THE EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 231
country, and these or the congeneric Opata were in all proba-
bility the savages to whom Castaneda alludes. The Sobaipuri
during the mission period occupied San Pedro, Santa Cruz, and
Arivaipa valleys and the adjacent part of the Gila. They were
driven from their stronghold by the Apache in 1762 and forced
to join the Papago, of whom they were a direct offshoot.* The
fact that they are referred to as dwelling in isolated cabins, as
being savage, and as living by the chase, is not at all surprising ;
indeed, these characteristics pertained quite as well to some of
the early Piman tribes as to the later known Apache. The follow-
ing remarks of the Viceroy Mendozaf support this belief in part :
** Melchior Diaz says that the [Piman] peoples whom he found
along the way do not have setded location anywhere except in one
valley, which is one hundre<l and fifty leagues from Culuacan,
which is settled and has houses with platforms, and that there
are many people along the way, but that they are not good for
anything except to make them Christians.''
The early writings concerning the Piman tribes are replete
with references to their intertribal warfare. Castafieda records
that these people were ** all at war with one another." The
name of the Opata, a tribe of Piman stock, signifies en^my, and
was applied to them by their kindred, the Pimas Altas. The
ferocity of the Piman tribes at this early date is further demon-
strated by their destruction, in 1541, of the newly established
Spanish town of Corazones. Jaramillo calls attention to the fact
that " at first the Indians [Pimas of Sonora valley] were peace-
ful and afterwards not, but instead they and those whom they
were able to summon thither were our worst eneinles. They have
a poison with which they killed several Christians." This chroni-
cler speaks of no Indians, hostile or otherwise, in the vicinity of
Chichilticali, although he mentions the trivial circumstance of
having seen, a few days later, an Indian or two at his Rio Ver-
mejo (the Colorado Chiquito), " who afterwards turned out to be
from the first settlement of Cibola." Concerning this neighbor-
hood, Coronado,J shortly after his arrival at Cibola, says: ** No
Indian was seen for the first day's march [from Chichilticali to-
ward Cibola], after which four Indians came out with signs of
peace, saying that they had been sent to that desert place to say
♦ Bourke in Jour. Am. Folk Lort, in, p. 114, 1890. Bandelier, Final Report, part i, p.
102, 1890.
t Letter to the King, April 17. IMO. J Letter to Mendoza, August 3, IMO.
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232 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
that we were welcome, and that on the next day all the tribe
would provide the whole force with food. The army-master gave
them a cross, telling them to say to the people in their city that
they need not fear, and that they ought to have their people
stay in their own houses."
Coronado could not have been mistaken in these Indians.
They were, as he thought, men of (/ibola, and they were prepared
for him when, some days later, he reached that place and found
the houses at Hawikuh defended by the natives, the roofs being
abundantly supplied with stones, which were freely and effectu-
ally used by the Indians against these first white invaders.
Castafieda does not mention, in his account of Coronado's
journey in advance of the main army, anything concerning a
wild tribe having been seen in the locality under consideration.
He merely remarks that Chichilticali " had been built by a civil-
ized and warlike race of strangers who had come from a dis-
tance."* He, however, describes Gallego's journey from Culiacan
to meet Coronado, having traveled a distance of 200 leagues " with
the country in a state of war and the people in rebellion, having
encounters with them every day, although they had formerly
been friendly towards the Spaniards. "f
The statement of the Reladon del Suceso also is opposed to the
theory of the occupancy at this early date of the southern Ari-
zona country by the Apache. This anonymous document
relates : " This whole way [from Culiacan] up to about 60
leagues before reaching Cibola is inhabited, although away from
the road in some places." It is gathered from this that in 1540
the Piinan settlements were as continuous toward the northeast
as they were just before the Sobaipuri became extinct as a tribe.
The occupancy of the country the entire distance from the south
left no place for the Apache, who have always been regarded as
the hereditary enemy of the Piman tribes.
The circumstances attending the return of Coronado's army in
1542, after leaving Cibola, were similar to those of the journey
northward. The wilderness or dettpobladoy the present White
Mountain Apache country, Castaneda says, " was crossed with-
out opposition ; " but when the troops departed from Chichilti-
cali to make their way into Sonora — that is, through the
Sobaipuri and Opata country — ** in several places yells were
heard and Indians seen, and some of the horses were wounded
* RelacioD, part i. f Ibid , part m. cap. 7.
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July 1895] THE EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 233
and killed, until Batuco* was reached, where the friendly
Indians from Corazones came to meet the army and see the
General. They [the Eudeve and Nevome] were always friendly
and had treated well all the Spaniards who had passed through
their country." f
The Casa Grande of the Gila and the other extensive but
now ruined pueblo structures of Gila and Salado valleys are
claimed by the Pima to have been the homes of their ancestors.
The destruction of these settlements, however, is not attributed
by them to the Apache, but indefinitely to " enemies who came
from the east in several bodies," and who compelled their aban-
donment ; " but the settlements at Zacaton, Casa Blanca, etc.,
still remained, and there is even a tale of an intertribal war be-
tween the Pimas of Zacaton and those of Casa Blanca after the
ruin of Casa Grande. Finally, the pueblos fell one after the
other, until the Pimas, driven from their homes and, moreover,
decreased by a fearful plague, became reduced to a small tribe." J
Had the Apache been responsible for this destruction the Pima
could not have failed to note it in their tradition.
This subject has been dwelt on thus extendedly in order to
show that the statement of Castaneda concerning the ** gente
mas barbara " might have referred rather to one of the Piman
tribes, notably the Sobaipuri or Opata, than to the Apache, and
consequently that the Apache were not in southern Arizona or
northern Sonora at this early date.
Indications of Apache and Navajo § hostility toward the
* There were two vilhiKes of Batuco, one occupied by the Teguis diviaion of the
Opatn, the other by the Eudeve. The latter, situated on the Rio Montezuma, u tribu-
tary of the Yaqui, in latitude 29^, was the first village of the Eudeve going from the
north after passing through the country of the troublesome Opatas, and is the Katuco
referred to by Castaneda.
t Castaneda, Relacion, part in.
t Bandelier in 6th Ann. Rep. Arch. Inst. Am., pp. 80, 81, 1884. The eastern enemies
referred to may have been the Toboso, a very warlike tribe, formerly of the lower Rio
Grande. This long range is not at all improbable, as even the Comanche from Texas
raided Piman ranch erias during the present century.
gl do not use the terms Apache and Nnvajo in the same sense as did many of the
earliest writers and cartographers, who referred to the latter as the Apaches Navajos or
Apache de Navaio. The name Apache is probably of Yuman origin, the term e-pateh
being the Kuchan and Maricopa name for " man." Navajo is possibly from the Spanish
nav<\ja^ a knife, properly a clssp-knife, and I am informed by Mr James Mooney that
the name was evidently applied to this people because in former times they were ac-
customed to carry long stone knives, the simulation of the action of whetting which
was their tribal sign in Indian gesture speech. The Spanish term navfijo signifies a
pool ; also a level piece of ground.
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234 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. Vlll
Pueblos appear in history about a quarter of a century after
they became known to the Spaniards, for in 1622 the missionary
field was enlarged through endeavors to approach the Navajo
and Apache. '* They were successful only for a short time, but
saved the tribe of Jemez from utter destruction by those hered-
itary foes of all civilization. The villages of the Jemez had
already been abandoned in consequence of the forays of the
Navajos,"* although not many years afterward the Apache ap-
pear in the r6le of allies of the Jemez, Tewa, and Piros against
the Spaniards.f
The pueblos in closest proximity were naturally the first prey
of the Apache and Navajo ; consequently Jemez, the western-
most of the Rio Grande villages, hence the nearest to the Apache
group in northwestern New Mexico, was the first to suffer. Em-
boldened by their success, their incursions were extended to
other directions, and as the tribe grew they conducted their dep-
redations more successfully by dividing into bands, which later
became known by the names of the country forming their re-
spective ranges, as Pinaleno, White Mountain, Chiricahui (im-
properly called Chiricahua), Gilefio, etc., or from some personal
characteristic, as Mescalero, Coyotero, Vaquero, etc.
The effect of these depredations on the life of the Pueblos was
very great. At the time the Apache appear in history many of
the village Indians, notably the Jemez, Zuni, and Sia, dwelt in
several scattered towns situated mainly with reference to con-
venience to the fields. So far as is known, none of the Pueblos
west of the Rio Grande were molested by warlike nomads prior
to the seventeenth century, although the sedentary Acoma, ac-
cording to Oastaneda, " were robbers, feared by the whole country
round about." J On the Rio Grande proi)er, however, seven vil-
lages had been visited and destroyed prior to 1540 by Indians
'* who painted their eyes, and who lived in the same regions as
the cows [buffaloes], and that they have houses of straw and
corn:"§ Who these warlike plains tribes were matters little in
the present paper. There is no evidence, however, that they
were Apache, altiiough it has been asserted that Coronado's
* Bandelier, after Benavideu and Vetancurt, in Doc. HiHt. Zufti Tribe, Jour. Am. Eth.
and Arch.^ J. Walter Fewken, editor, vol. iii, p. 96, 1892.
t Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, p. 167 et seq., 1889.
X Relacion, part i. g Alvarado, op. cit.
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July 1895] THE EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 235
Querechos were identical with the later Apaches Vaqueros. Mr
James Mooney, during a long period of study among the plains
tribes, has discovered that Querecho is an old Comanche name
of the Tonka wa, who ranged the buffalo plains of western Texas
and eastern New Mexico.
Although the western Pueblos apparently enjoyed immunity
from predatory enemies, yet they had defensive structures. As
the Zufii, for instance, for reasons above given, could not have
been molested at this early date by the Apache and Navajo, and
as they were much too far from the plains tribes to have been
harassed by them, we must look in another direction for the
meaning of their defensive structures. I think it will not be
denied that nearly if not quite all the Pueblos are composite
peoples, the component bodies having belonged to different
stocks and having migrated from different directions, in a.
manner similar to the various gentile groups of the Navajo, so
thoroughly set forth by Dr Matthews, as Dr Fewkes has well
shown was the case of the Tu8ayan,*and as is well known to be
the case of the modern pueblo of Laguna. Yet these peoples
had their intertribal broils, and villages were divided in conse-
quence.f Thus may be accounted for the defensive character of
the Zufii pueblo of Matsaki, of which Castafieda J says :
" In this village particular houses are used as fortresses. They
are higher than the others and set up above them like towers,
arid there are embrasures and loopholes in them for defending
the roofs of the different stories, because, like the other villages,
they do not have streets, and the flat roofs are all of a height
and are used in common. The roofs have to be reached first,
and these upper houses are the means of defending them. It
began to snow on us there and the force took refuge under the
wings of the village, which extend out like balconies, with wooden
pillars beneath, because they generally use ladders to go up to
those balconies, since they do not have any doors below." Such
a village might have withstood an Indian siege, but how long
it would have taken the Spaniards to capture it may be answered
by the fate of the Zuni pueblo of Hawikuh, into which had as-
* Fewkes, "The Kinship of a Tanoan-ftpeakiDg Commuoity In Tusayan," Am. An-
throp., Apr , 1891. ** The Kinship of the Tusayan Villagers." Ibid , Oct., 1894
fSee, for instance, Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., vi, p. 363, who shows how the pueblo ol
Awatobi was destroyed by other Tusayan villagers.
X Relacion, part i.
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236 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
sembled the entire warrior population of a tribe of some 3,0(X)
souls, when Coronado compelled its surrender within an hour
with 75 companions on horseback and 80 footmen * notwith-
standing *• the crossbowmen broke all the strings of their cross-
bows and the musketeers could do nothing, because they had
arrived so weak and feeble that they could scarcely stand on
their feet."t Such a poor stand against Coronado's weakened
little force shows quite clearly that the Zuni were unaccustomed
to predatory warfare, for they knew of the advance of the Span-
iards and were prepared to meet them.J This, however, was not
the case of the Pueblos on the ^io Grande, who were exposed
to the ('omanche and Tonkawa particularly ; for, although Coro-
nado's army stormed Tiguex and cruelly butchered hundreds of
innocent natives, they held their village against the whites for
fifty days, when an armistice was declared.
Such was the condition of aflfaii-s in the sixteenth century.
In 1622, as above cited, the Jemez were compelled to abandon
their villages on account of Navajo raids from the northwest ;
in 1670, Hawikuh, one of the two most important of the six
Zuni villages and the southwestern most of the group, was com-
pletely abandoned on account of Apache depredation, and
within five years from that time the six villages of the Salinas
east of the Rio Grande, including the famous Tabira, or " Gran
Quivira," were also destroyed and their inhabitants compelled
to seek refuge among their kindred along the lower Rio Grande.
For nearly two hundred years after the coming of Ofiate the
history of the Pueblo tribes is one of Apache rapine. In 1680,
soon after the destruction of the Tiwa and Piro pueblos of the
Salinas, began the great Pueblo insurrection against Spanish au-
thority, which, strictly speaking, continued until 1692. To wliat
extent the Pueblos were harassed by the Apache during tliis
hiatus in Spanish sway there is of course no record, but after
the revolt we do not find the old villages reconstructed in their
former unprotected situations ; but, on the contrary, each tribe,
who occu|)ied several villages before the rebellion, now erected
♦This is according to the Traalado de las Nuevas (1640). The Relacion d^ Suceso nays
80 horsemen, 25 foot soldiers, and some part of the artillery. Jaramiilo says 70 horse-
men.
fCoronado'H letter to Mendoxa, August .% 1540.
J The Zuiii are termed Sara-ide, " cowards," by the Tiwa of Isleta. It Is the only name
by which they are known among that people.
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July 1895] THE EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 237
and dwelt in a large communal structure. Such, for example,
is the present Zuiii. Today, with hut two exceptions, no puehlo
in New Mexico occupies the site it held in the sixteenth and
eiirly in the seventeenth century * or before, let us say, the in-
ception of Apache invasion. The exceptions are Acoma and
Isleta. The former pueblo occupies the mesa which it held
when Coronado passed through the country. The reason is
plain : the mesa was not continuously occupied on account of
its impregnable character, but because of the inexhaustible
water supply for domestic use in a natural cleft near the sum-
rait. While Isleta stands on its prehistoric site, as determined
by Mr Lummis, the habitancy of the pueblo has not been con-
tinuous.
We may now properly assume, I think, that selection of vil-
lage sites by the Pueblos prior to 1680 was made mainly with
reference to convenience in their agricultural pursuits, which
depended on irrigation — that is, the selection was environmental
and not made with regard to predatory enemies (although the
defensive motive, on account of intertribal difficulties, entered
into the construction) ; and from 1080 until the subjection of
the Apache and his Navajo cousin — the period of the single
communal village — pueblo architecture, if not site selection, be-
came seriously affected by the incursions of these aberrant
tribes. In view of this fact, then, one may, in these days of
absolute freedom from Apache raids, look for a further change —
the segregation of the single village into many small villages
similar to those occupied when the Spaniards first came. This
transition is already in progress. Lagunaf is being gradually
abandoned, and what were its summer villages a few years ago
are now permanently occupied ; likewise at Zufii, where Nutria,
Pescado, and Ojo Caliente, farming settlements a decade ago,
are now inhabited the year around, and most new houses at
Zufii proper are built a short distance away from the great hive
rather than as additions to it.
The etymology of the name Tusayan, as generally interpreted,
makes it at first appear that the Hopi came in contact with the
Navajo or Apache early in the sixteenth century, and that the
*Bandelier, Pinal Report, i, p. 34. Lummis, Man Who Married the Moon, p. 54.
t Laguna Indian Villages, in Am. Anthrop.^ October, 1891, p. 346.
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238 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
name reached the Spaniards indirectly through one of these
Athapascan tribes. This term, as applied to the Hopi country,
became known to history in various fonns in 1540, when the
Zufii informed Coronado of the existence to the northwestward
of a province of that name containing seven towns. Several
attempts to determine the etymology of the name have been
made. Dr Matthews suggests the Navajo To^caiya, " water under
the sand ; " ToHse^ya, ** water under the rocks," and Casad^
(iS = td), "lying on top," said of something lying on a shelf.
The last name is in part applied to a hill which the Navajo call
Dsil-(^asa4', and which is recorded on the more recent maps as
Zilh Tusayan. Captain Bourke gives Tuslanapay l\i8la, Taslango,
TiC'Sahn^ and finally Ihisayan, the somewhat elastic name of an
Apache clan, signifying " plenty of water." According to
Mr Gushing, the Zufii name of a former group of pueblos
at or near Tusayan j)roper was Usaya. The similarity in
the Athapascan terms given by Dr Matthews and Captain
Bourke to the name Tusayan as applied to the Hopi tribal
range seems to be fortuitous, especially when their etymology is
analyzed. Usaya was evidently the Zuni form of Asa, the native
name of the important Tansy Mustard clan and phratry of the
Hopi, whose " valley " is mentioned in the writings of Espejo in
1583 as Asay and Osay. This element in the name T(usay)an
is quite apparent. The failure of the Spaniards to meet the
Apache or Navajo until 1598 renders it impossible for the name
Tusayan, as applied in 1540 to the Hopi tribal range, to be of
Athapascan origin, notwithstanding the appropriateness of some
of the terms suggested. Even if the Zufii and Navajo had inter-
course at this early day, the former, in all probability, would not
have borrowed the Navajo name of the Hopi country. There
was frequent intercourse between the Zufii and Hopi at this date,
the former obtaining most, if not all, of their cotton from Tu-
sayan.
From the foregoing discussion the following conclusions are
drawn:
1. The creation and migration tradition of the Navajo is re-
markably accurate regarding the chronologic sequence of the
events recorded therein, as attested by historical comparison.
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July 18951 THE EARLY NAVAJO AND APACHE 239
2. The appearance of the ancestors of the Navajo tribe in San
Juan valley not earlier than the latter part of the fifteenth cen-
tury is established beyond reasonable doubt.
3. The original Navajo, being remotely of Athapascan stock
and making their appearance at the time given, were probably
a cliff-dwelling people. As the first accessions from the Apache
were not made until many years after the advent of the primal
couple in the San Juan region, the Navajo cannot be regarded
as an offshoot of the Apache, as previously supposed.
4. At the time the Navajo appeared in the southwest the
Apache were already there, forming, as judged from the various
branches thereof which joined the Navajo at an early date, a
more populous body than the Navajo ; but each of these tribes
was very insignificant in point of population.
5. The Apache did not occupy the region of southern Arizona
or northern Sonora nor the plains of Texas in the middle of the
sixteenth century, but more probably limited areas in north-
western and southwestern New Mexico.
6. The Navajo were a composite people even before the
eighteenth century, the tribe then embodying remnants of the
Athapascan, Tanoan, Keresan, Zunian, Shoshonean, Yuman,
and possibly other Indian linguistic stocks, in addition to a
slight admixture of Aryan.
7. Owing to their weakness and consequent lack of agressive-
ness, the Navajo and Apache did not molest the Pueblo tribes
I)rior to the seventeenth century.
8. The Navajo acquired their first flocks and herds through
the Pueblos soon after 1542, an event which changed their mode
of life and formed an epoch in their tribal history.
9. The accession of at least one foreign clan by the Navajo
had a marked effect on the language of the tribe— a fact that
should be considered in the classification of all linguistic groups.
10. The defensive character of at least the western pueblos
previously to 1680 was due not to predatory nomads, but to in-
tertribal broils.
11. The time of the abandonment of Niza's province of Marata
is established with reasonable accuracy.
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240 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
12. The village of Kintyeli in Chaco cafion was built shortly
after 1542.
13. Indian tradition, when preserved in a manner that insures
approximate accuracy of detail, particularly as r^ards numbers
and chronologic sequence, and when recorded without interpola-
tion and carefully employed, may be used to substantiate histori-
cal events.
14. Indian tradition, although apparently bearing evidence of
great antiquity, may be of very recent origin.
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July 1895] S0C10Lf)Gy AND ANTHROPOLOGY 241
REI.ATION OF SOCIOLOaT TO ANTHROPOLOQT
BY LESTER F. WARD
Almost any subject may be classified in more than one way.
Anthropology is the science of man, and taken in ite broadest
sense it embraces everything that concerns the human race. It
first received prominence at the hands of Paul Broca, the emi-
nent student of man in his physical relations. Owing to his in-
fluence, it was long restricted to the study of the human body ;
but so appropriate a term could not be thus bound down, and
to-day it has come to receive the broadest meaning of which it
admits. The Anthropological Society of Washington, which
was founded in 1879, introduced into its constitution the follow-
ing classification of the science :
1. Somatology ; 2. Sociology ; 3. Philology ; 4. Philosophy ;
5. Psychology, and 6. Technology. These subdivisions were
adopted, after prolonged and careful consideration, by such men
as Maj. J. W. Powell, Director of the United States Bureau of
Ethnology, Colonel Garrick Mallery, the eminent student of
sign language and kindred subjects, and Prof. Otis T. Mason,
Curator of Ethnology for the United States National Museum.
It has been found during sixteen years' experience that every
subject proper to be brought before the Society could be classed
under some one of these heads.
Here, as will be seen, sociology is made a subdivision of an-
thropology, and properly so; but this does not in any way in-
validate an entirely different classification in which sociology is
made the generic science, and anthropology is looked upon as
in some sense a part of sociology. It all depends upon the point
of view. As man is the being with whom sociology deals, that
science, of course, belongs to the science of man ; but if we look
upon sociology as embracing everything relating to associated
man, a large part of the facts and phenomena of anthropology
overlap upon its domain, and it becomes iniportant to consider
the relations subsisting among these phenomena. Moreover,
the phenomena of association are not exclusively confined to
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242 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
man. Sociologists are coming to pay more and more attention
to phenomena among animals analogous to those displayed hy
men, and animal association is a well-known fact which is re-
ceiving increased attention ; so that sociology is not wholly in-
cluded in any view of anthropology.
But when we examine the two sciences closely we perceive
that they differ generically. Anthropology, in dealing with
man — i, e,, with a particular being or species of animal — is pri-
marily a descriptive science. It is not concerned with laws or
principles, but with material facts. Sociology, on the contrary,
deals primarily with association and whatever conduces to it or
modifies it. But association is not a material thing ; it is a con-
dition, and the science that deals with it is chiefly concerned
with the laws and principles that produce and affect that con-
dition. In short, while anthropology is essentially a concrete
science, sociology is essentially an abstract science. The dis-
tinction is very nearly the same as between biology and zoology,
except that anthropology is restricted to a single species of
animal. Thus viewed, it is clear that it becomes simply a
branch of zoology with classificatory rank below ornithology,
entomology, mammalogy, etc. ITiere is no other single species
or even genus that has been made the subject of a distinct
science, as might obviously be done — e. g., hippology, the science
of the horse, or cynology, the science of the dog.
It comes, however, wholly within the province of social philos-
ophy to inquire into the nature of this being, man, whose asso-
ciative habits form the chief subject of sociology. First of all,
his position in the animal world needs to be understood. No
possible good can come from ignoring the true relations of man
to the humbler forms of life around him, while, on the other
hand, if this relation is correctly understood, it furnishes one of
the principal means by which man can learn to know himself.
Accepting, therefore, the conclusions of the masters in zoology,
among whom, as to the main points, there are no longer any dif-
ferences of opinion, we must contemplate man simply as the most
favored of all the '* favored races " that have struggled up from
a remote and humble origin. His superiority is due almost ex-
clusively to his extraordinary brain development.
Very few have seriously reflected upon the natural conse-
quences of this one characteristic — a highly developed brain.
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July 1895] SOCIOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 243
Without inquiring how it happened that the creature called
man was singled out to become the recipient of this extraordi-
nary endowment, we may safely make two fundamental propo-
sitions, which tend to show that this question is not as important
as it seems. The first is that if the developed brain had been
awarded to any one of the other animals of nearly the same size
of man, that animal would have dominated the earth in much
the same way that man does. The other is that a large part of
what constitutes the physical superiority of man is directly due
to his brain development.
As to the first of these propositions, it is true that man be-
longs systematically to the highest class of animals, the placental
Mammalia. It would have looked somewhat anomalous to the
zoologist if he had discovered that the dominant race to which
he belonged must be classed below many of the creatures over
which he held sway, as would have been the case if the organ
of knowing had been conferred, for example, upon some species
of large bird or reptile ; but in fact something a little less anom-
alous, but of the same kind, actually occurs. The line along
which man has descended is not regarded by zoologists as by
any means the most highly developed line of the mammalian
class. It is a very short line and leads directly back through
the apes and lemurs to the marsupials and monotremes, animals
of much lower systematic order, the last named forming a par-
tial transition to birds. Most of the other developed mammals,
such as the Carnivora and Ungulata, have a much longer an-
cestry, and have really attained a far higher stage of develop-
ment. In the matter of digits it is maintained that true progress
is characterized by a reduction in their number, and that the
highest stage is not reached until they are reduced to one, as in
the horse. In this respect man is a slight advance upon the
apes in having lost the thumbs of his feet. No one can deny
that the power of flight would have been an immense advantage
to man, yet few mammals possess this power, and it is chiefly
confined to creatures of low organization.
It is difficult to conceive of a being entirely different in form
from man taking the place that he has acquired ; but if any one
of the structurally higher races possessed the same brain de-
velopment it would have had the same intelligence, and although
its achievements would doubtless have been very different from
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244 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
his, they would have had the same rank and secured for that
race the same mastery over animate and inanimate nature.
This will hecorae clearer when we consider the second of the
ahove propositions, which we may now proceed to do.
To what extent has brain development reacted upon man's
physical nature ? I cannot, of course, go fully into this question
here, but nothing is better known to anatomists than that the
erect posture is not the natural or primary one. It has been
acquired by man within comparatively recent time. It is a
legitimate inference that it is chiefly due to brain development:
physiologically as a means of supporting the enlarged and cor-
respondingly heavier head, which it would be difficult to carry
in the horizontal position, and psychologically as the natural
result of a growing intelligence and self-consciousness, which
seeks to lift the head and raise it to a position from which it can
command its surroundings. It is a common observation that
those persons who possess the greatest amount of self-esteem
stand straightest, and it is this same principle that has operated
from the beginning to bring the human body more and more
nearly into a vertical position.
Pari passu with this process has gone on the diminution of the
craniofacial angle. The same influences that tended to raise the
body from the horizontal to the vertical position tended also to
carry the brain and upper part of the face forward and the jaws
and mouth backward. It is not claimed that this reaction of
the developing intelligence upon the physical form is sufficient
alone to account for the development of the entire type of ph^'s-
ical beauty attained by the most advanced human races. Esthetic
considerations are needed to com])lete the process, and especially
the powerful aid of sexual selection ; but even the sense of beauty
must be in great part ascribed to mental increase and refinement.
Nothing is more certain than that the faculty of speech is a
product of intelligence. Both by direct effort and by hereditary
selection the organs of speech received increment after incre-
ment of adaptation to this end. The means of intercommuni-
cation was the indispensable requirement, and this would be
secured by any intelligent creature, np matter what the physical
organization might be. Oral speech is by no means the only
way in which such intercommunication is secured, and even if
no organs had existed by which sound could be produced, some
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other means would have been adopted. But man possessed
sound-producing organs in common with nearly all animals.
There is no evidence that he was specially favored in this respect.
In developed man the larynx is more complicated than in most
mammals ; but this may be com[)aratively recent. In many
animals it is greatly specialized. In birds it is far more elabo-
rate than in man, being double and sometimes, as in the crane,
enormously elongated and coiled into a trumpet Who can
doubt that with such an organ all birds could talk if they
possessed ideas to communicate? The parrot and many other
birds actually do distinctly articulate the words of human
speech by imitation, but they lack the power to clothe them
with thought. It would be easy to add a great number of other
proofe of the all-sufficiency of the one leading characteristic of
the human species — his superior brain development — to account
for all the important features that distinguish him from the lower
animals, but those already mentioned must suffice in this place.
Before leaving the general subject of the relation of man to the
lower animals, it may be well to inquire more specifically into
the qualities that are alleged to be distinctively human. As
sociology deals chiefly with man, it is desirable to arrive, as
nearly as possible, at a correct idea of what man is — not the
loose conventional idea which, as we have just seen, is not only
crude but in great degree false — but a true and fundamental
idea, based on attributes that are not superficial, but that lie deep
in his essential nature. Even if we are obliged to conclude that
there is no direction in which man's superiority is not quantita-
tive rather than qualitative — i e., a matter of degree rather than
of kind — it will be worth while to consider this difference of de-
gree. There are no hard and fast lines in nature, and the great-
est leaps that seem to have been taken in cosmic evolution are
such only when statically considered, and blend together when
viewed in their dynamic or historical aspects.
Nothing is more frequently met with in literature than the
statement that some particular quality under consideration con-
stitutes an essential distinction between man and the lower ani-
mals, r have for many years been accumulating such state-
ments, most of which readily yield to analysis. A few, however,
are worthy of serious consideration, and we shall see whether
32
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246 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
the claim that there exists anything distinctively human can be
regarded as established. It is difficult to classify all these al-
leged distinctively human attributes in any logical order. I
shall exclude, except in their collateral bearings, all physical
differences and confine myself to those which can be called
mental in the broad sense of the word. Thus circumscribed
the natural subdivision would seem to be into affective and in-
tellectual qualities ; but in attempting such a subdivision I en-
counter many difficulties arising out of the interaction of these two
great departments of the mind. Indeed, from what has already
been said, it is obvious that the great distinction is intellectual, .
and that the developing intellect has reacted alike upon the
physical form and the nervous system (sensory and emotional
apparatus). If I were simply continuing the preceding argu-
ment and seeking to show that increased brain development is
adequate also to account for observed psychic modifications I
should, of course, reverse the order here employed; but that
would perhaps be too much to prejudge the case. I shall there-
fore consider the lower faculties first and endeavor to rise suc-
cessively in the scale.
One of the most modest claims is that of Comte, that it is
only in man that we find the purely vegetative functions of life
subordinated to the distinctively animal functions. The lower
animals and, as he admits, the lowest types of men, according
to this view, simply vegetate — ?. c, they do nothing but live —
while the higher types of men not only live, but live for some-
thing, are conscious of living, which, he says, is the noblest con-
ception we can form of humanity as distinct from animality.*
It is easy to see that he here refers to feeling as an end of life,
but the same logic which prevents him from recognizing psy-
chology as distinct from biology debars him from saying this in
so many words.
Man is said to be the only animal that laughs, and if we re-
strict laughter to the modifications made in the facial muscles,
this distinction is one of the most complete of all that have been
insisted upon. But every one knows that the eye is strongly
expressive of the sense of amusement, and certain animals, as
the dog, express emotions with the eye that are closely akin to
mirth. But men laugh from a number of motives, among which
• Phil. Po8. Ill, 1869, p. 494.
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are joy and gladness, and it is these last that animals chiefly
manifest. The psychologic basis of wit and humor is something
very different from this, and belongs to the intellectual group of
characteristics.
Crying, in the sense of a vocal manifestation of the sensation
of pain, is, of course, common to man and most of the higher
animals. Reptiles, and even fishes, also occasionally utter such
sounds ; but in the sense of weeping, usually accompanied by
the shedding of tears, crying is as exclusively a human attribute
as laughing. Schopenhauer, than whom no one has more acutely
analyzed the mind, denies that we ever weep from the pain ex-
perienced, but only from its ** repetition in reflection," and he
defines weeping as " sympathy with one's self or sympathy re-
flected back upon its source."*
Sympathy proper — i. e., sympathy for others, to which the last
remark seems to lead — is certainly not an exclusively human
affection. While it may be a question whether the defense of
their young by nearly all animals is anything more than an in-
stinct developed through natural selection for the protection of
races, neither is it certain that the same instinct manifested by
the human mother rises far above this. The pure article is
therefore to be looked for between individuals that are not bound
together by such powerful ties of interest ; but there are many ac-
counts of what seems like genuine sympathy on the part of dogs,
and it is even less doubtful in the case of monkeys.
Sympathy, as the word implies, is a real though representa-
tive feeling, usually painful, and consists of a " realizing sense "
of suffering in another being. There are two prerequisites to the
existence of sympathy, viz., the experience of a similar pain to
the one sympathized with, and the power of recalling the sen-
sation experienced. Still another condition might be added,
which is distinct from these. The creature sympathizing must
be able to derive from the facts observed an idea that the creature
sympathized with is suffering pain. This last condition is a
form of reasoning, while the remembrance of past painful states
requires some degree of perfection in the structure of the brain.
It is not therefore to be wondered at, that only the highest animals
are capable of manifesting sympathy.
* Welt als Wille u. Vorst., Leipzig, 1859, Vol. i, p. 444.
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248 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The question whether sympathy increases with intelligence
has been much discussed. To those who hold that it does so
increase, it has been answered that among enlightened people it
is not the most intelligent who manifest the most sympathy ;
that philosophers and wise men are often not sympathetic, while
many women not possessed of abundant wisdom are intensely
so. I have never felt that this was a sufficient answer, and if
this were the proper place I would attempt to point out its falla-
cies ; but as it does not directly bear upon the question of sym-
pathy in animals, it must suffice to refer to the patent fact that
altruism has steadily increased with the progress of civilization —
i, e., true sympathy is almost directly proportional to intelli-
gence.
The quality which is of course most frequently referred to as
peculiar to man is what is commonly called the moral sense.
It is believed by many that man possesses a special faculty by
which he can unerringly distinguish right from wrong. This,
of course, represents a crude stage of philosophy, in which ob-
servation plays no part. But some very respectable philosophers
have maintained that there is an abstract right and wrong which
may be known and upon which a science of pure ethics can be
based. Not to speak of Kant's rather obscure statement of this
doctrine, it is worth noting that Herbert Spencer set out from
this point of view and defended it in his Social Statics, but in his
later works repudiated it as not sustained by the great body of
facts that he had gleaned from the history of all races.
Paley maintained that the power to distinguish good from
evil grew out of the expectation of reward and j)uni8hment, and
Darwin has shown that the moral sense iis thus defined cerUiinly
belongs to some of the higher animals. In most civilized men
the "categorical imperative*' is so strong that it is no wonder
that it should be regarded as a special endowment of human
nature; but every one knows in his own experience with the
world that there are many fully civilized men who lack the
ethical sense on certain subjects, even though it may be fully
developed as regards all others. Who, for example, does not
know certain persons who make it a principle of life never to
surrender money until compelled, whatever may be the obli-
gation to do so? The saying that "if you wish to make an
enemy of a friend, lend him money " is based on the common
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observation that a full moiety of mankind consider it a hard-
ship to have to return money that they have borrowed and used
witliout giving any equivalent. This is only one of a long list
of bad traits in human nature, these being simply cases in which
the ethical sense is not fully developed. So prevalent is this
that it is a common remark that one only occasionally finds
a person who is thoroughly upright in all matters. There is a
"screw loose" somewhere in almost every one, so that it is
considered necessary to praise one who always does as he
should do.
Bishop Whately strikes the keynote in the parenthetical part
of the following remark : " The moral faculty, or power of dis-
tinguishing right from wrong (which appears also to be closely
connected with abstraction, without which it could not exist),
is one of which brutes are destitute." *
It is probably true that brutes are destitute of the power to
represent the pains of others to any great extent, and it is this
power that forms the basis of the moral sense ; yet I have my-
self frequently observed in the case of dogs which I knew had
never themselves been shot, but had seen many other animals
killed and wounded by shooting, that they always recoil when
a gun is pointed at them. They certainly must conclude that
the gun if discharged when pointed at them will produce the
same effect on them that it does on other animals. There is no
room for instinct or automatism here, and I cannot doubt that
they actually represent to themselves the pain that they see
wounded animals manifest. What impressions they may de-
rive from the frequent sight of animals thus rendered lifeless is
only a matter for speculation, but there is no doubt that one of
the first facts about which a dawning intellect would reflect is
death.
We may next consider the faculty of volition. Says Dr Car-
penter : " Whilst we fully recognize the possession by many of
the lower animals of an intelligence comparable (up to a cer-
tain point) with that of man, we find no evidence that any of
them have a volitional power of directing their mental oi)era-
tions at all similar to his." f It is not, of course, denied that
animals possess will and are governed by it in their actions,
* Logic, Appendix No. 1, 1 xxiii, American edition, 1854, p. 253.
t Mental Physiology, p. 106.
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250 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
but it is supposed that man has a power, not possessed by them,
of deciding among many conflicting motives which one to obey.
This need not necessarily involve the acceptance of the doctrine
of free will in the popular sense. Schopenhauer, who, while
defending a form of that doctrine, denies the liberam arbitrium
indiffermtise^ remarks :
"Although animal and man are determined with equal neces-
sity by motives, man possesses over the animal a perfect power
of choice (Wahlentscheidung), which is often regarded as a free-
dom of the will, although it is nothing but the possibility of a
fully fought out conflict between several motives, of which the
strongest necessarily determines his act." *
A discussion of the question of free will would obviously carry
me much too far afield ; but there is one aspect of this question
which is so important and so little insisted upon that it may ap-
propriately receive mention. I will introduce it by quoting a
passage from that acute thinker, Professor Joseph LeConte.
He says :
** There are four planes of matter, raised one above the other :
1. Elements; 2. Chemical compounds ; 3. Vegetables; 4. Ani-
mals. Now, there are also four planes of force similarly related
to each other, viz., physical force, chemical force, vitality, and
will. . . . With each elevation there is a peculiar force
added to the already existing, and a peculiar group of phenom-
ena is the result. As matter rises only step by step from plane
to plane, and never two steps at a time, so also force, in its
transformation into higher forms of force, rises only step by step.
Physical force does not become vital except through chemical
force, and chemical force does not become will except through
vital force. ... I might add still another plane and an-
other force, viz., the human plane, on which operate, in addition
to the lower forces, also free will and reason." f
This just and luminous conception I have myself elaborated
in an article on ** The Natural Storage of Energy." J Its appli-
cation here is this : Every creature, including man, is undoubt-
edly determined by this concourse and storage of forces, and in
this sense a man's acts are indeed products of his constitution ;
• Welt ftls Wille, i, 350, 351.
fPop. Sci. Monthly, vol. iv, p. 167.
t The Monist, vol. v, pp. 247-263.
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July 1895] SOCIOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 251
but it is possible to abstract all these antecedent agencies and
contemplate man solely with reference to the future. I^ookcd
at for just what he is, regardless of how he became so, he ap-
pears as a source of independent energy, and in this sense his
will is free. But this helps us little to distinguish the human
from the animal will, for, except in the degree of this initiative
power, the same seems to be true of the one as of the other.
Dr Carpenter attempts to draw the line between children and
adults; but this is obviously to beg the question, since no age
can be fixed at which any wholly new power is added.
The last of the affective faculties to be considered is the sense
of beauty. Have animals any esthetic sentiments? Half a
century ago this question would have received an almost unani-
mous negative answer. To-day every well-informed person
knows that the true answer is an affirmative one. The two
great facts of sexual selection among animals and the cross-
fertilization of flowers by insects have abundantly shown that
nearly or quite all living creatures have tastes and admire cer-
tain forms and colors. Not only is this so, but, while the tastes
of animals, like those of men, differ widely, there is a general
standard which is substantially the same for both. The ostrich
feathers, which are the admiration of the social world, are the
products of a sense of beauty in the ostrich. The peacock, the
pheasant, and the bird of paradise owe their beauty to sexual
selection. The antlers of the stag, that can engage the attention
of a Landseer, are secondary sexual characters, utterly useless
except as pure ornaments with which to win the favor of mates
that have created them by withholding their favors from those
in which these ornaments fell below their ideals of beauty.
And what is considered more beautiful than flowers? Yet
every flower is an expression of some insect's ideal of beauty ;
otherwise it could never have come into existence. Paleon-
tology teaches that plants with showy flowers appeared on the
earth simultaneously with nectar-seeking insects; and the more
we study the flowers and insects now living the clearer it becomes
that the same process is still going on, determining size, form,
color, and fragrance.
But, it may be said, man is the only creature that artificially
adorns himself. M. de Quatrefages has laid great stress on this
fact, and deservedly so, for, although he did not understand it.
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252 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
this involves one of the most important principles of both an-
thropology and sociology. The principle is none other than the
one upon which I have so often insisted, that the environment
transforms the animal, while man transforms the environment.
Though it is much broader in its scope, we may here restrict it
to the esthetic sense. Both animals and men possess this sense.
The former satisfy it by acts which, in the course of generations,
produce physical modifications in their organic structure. The
latter, unwilling to wait the slow process of organic change, create
the objects of their admiration. Bodily ornamentation is prob-
ably the earliest form in which the esthetic sense of man found
expression. Strange, grotesque, absurd, and even injurious as
this form of art has been in its rudest stages, it is still the product
of man's efforts to satisfy whatever sense of beauty he possessed.
In the course of its development it at last assumes the form of
fine art, and is extended beyond the body and carried into all
the great fields of natural beauty. Says Professor Huxley :
"Among the many distinctions which have been drawn between
the lower creatures and ourselves, there is one which is hardly
ever insisted on. . . . It is this, that while, among various
kinds of animals, it is possible to discover traces of all the other
faculties of man, especially the faculty of mimicry, yet that partic-
ular form of mimicry which shows itself in the imitation of form,
either by modeling or by drawing, is not to be met with. As
far as I know, there is no sculpture or modeling, and decidedly
no painting or drawing, of animal origin."*
This is all very true, and it certainly constitutes one of the
most trenchant distinctions between men and animals. Its ex-
planation is not far to seek. Having now passed in review
all the more important affective attributes, we may next pro-
ceed to examine those which belong to the intellectual side of
man's nature, in the hope that they may furnish the key to the
various questions involved in the class already considered.
First and foremost among these stands the attribute of ration-
ality. Do animals reason ? This is the old question, and it
must be frankly admitted that the answer which flows from all
the facts is an affirmative one, at least so far as concerns the
most highly developed animal races, especially those that have
been longest associated with man, as the dog and horse. Rata,
♦Science and Education ENsays, London, 1893, pp. 27f»-277.
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July 18951 SOCIOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 253
too, which must constantly scheme to escape from man, are ex-
ceed inj^ly sat^acious. But such wholly wild animals as wolves
show scarcely less intelligence, and the wisdom of the elephant
is proverbial. Length of life seems to have much to do with it,
and to show that acquired experience is utilized as it is by man.
Now, if we look over the whole field we find that the several
affective attributes above enumerated and numerous others
chiefly confined to man, but faintly displayed by certain ani-
mals, are confined and ascribed to the same animals that are
believed to exhibit the beginnings of reason. Is there a causal
connection between the two? I maintain that there is, and
that the possession of the affective powers is the direct conse-
quence of the corresponding power of reason. In nearly every
case I have discussed I have carried it to the point where this
hypothesis not only would apply, but seemed necessary to com-
plete the explanation. We saw that sympathy and the moral
sense in general depends absolutely upon a power of represen-
tation sufficiently strong to react upon the centers of feeling,
and this representative power is purely intellectual. We saw
that volition, to rise at all above the mere animal impulse, de-
pended upon a power of choice between motives, which is noth-
ing else than to say that foreseen future or remote benefits in-
fluence action more strongly than immediately present ones.
This, again, is a form of reason. And finally we saw that artistic
production depends upon the power to frame and execute an
ideal, and therefore has entirely to do with ide^s as distinguished
from the mere feelings which actuate the lower animals.
In my Psychic Factors, Part II, I have endeavored to set forth
the manner in which the rational faculty took its rise, primarily
as an aid to the will in better securing the ends of existence, and
have then followed its progress through its incipient stages and
onward in its remarkable development until it wholly lost sight
of this original egoistic function and became the servant of
humanity in general, even to the sacrifice of self. And it is in
these higher stages that we find the most marked cases of purely
human powers — powers of which animals, even the highest,
scarcely manifest a rudiment. Language, properly so called,
consists of symbols for things, actions, and relations, and these
are all rational abstractions. Every name or common noun is
an embodied idea and may embrace any number of individuals.
33
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254 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
It is doubtful whether any animal could perform the mental
operation required in saying dog, horse, mountain, river. All
the nouns in an animal's language would be proper nouns, the
names of particular dogs, horses, mountains, and rivers. The
same would be true of verbs. Indeed, the ruder human lan-
guages show a tendency in this direction. The word go is a
very abstract term, and certain Indian languages have no such
word. All verbs of going must specify the manner of going, as
to go-over-the-mountain, to go-to the river, to go-on horse-back,
etc. — i. e., early languages, for want of the power of abstraction
on the part of the people possessing them, become kolophrastic.
Such people speak in phrases instead of words. This idea
might be followed out much further.
After language, which is itself an art, we find man developing
other arts, not merely the arts of decoration, already considered,
but the arts of self-protection and self-preservation. These de-
pend on inventive power, which, though wholly rational, is a
power very early developed. Art of every kind is exclusively
human. Man is the only creature who uses tools. The tools
and weapons of all animals are a part of themselves, and are
genetic products ; those of man are part of their environment,
and are mechanical products. Everything that pertains to cult-
ure is of this last class. Civilization is exclusively artificial and
exclusively human. Art is essentially teleological — i, e,y it is a
product of design — and there is no evidence that animals possess
this faculty. Many of the lower creatures do indeed lay in
stores for the future, but it is always the result of an instinct
genetically developed as a condition to survival. Clustering
round this idea of prevision there is a large class of phenomena
which seem to be especially human. Besides purpose, inten-
tion, and provision, there are the states known as anticipation,
ambition, and aspiration, which all grow out of the power to
forecast the future. It is not believed that the lower creatures
live in the future in any such sense. They have their wants,
even yearnings, no doubt, and they have expectations, and per-
haps hopes, but they have no anticipations in the sense of feel-
ing the pain or pleasure of experiences that are not present.
This is a representative power which is wholly intellectual.
Men really both suffer and enjoy more in anticipation than in
participation. Imagine the criminal condemned to death, or, to
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take a simpler case, think how much of the pain of a surgical
operation is due to the antecedent realization of what must be
undergone. It is the same with enjoyments, not merely the
simpler physical ones, but especially the remote mental ones,
and the sacrifices of a long and laborious life are cheerfully made
in anticipation of the foreseen results.
Self-consciousness is often referred to as a distinguishing char-
acteristic of man. Many, however, fail to gain a clear concep-
tion of what this faculty is. Dr Carpenter confounds it with
the " power of reflecting on their own mental states,"* while
Mr Darwin associates it with abstraction and other of the deriva-
tive faculties. It is certainly something much simpler than in-
trospection, and has an earlier origin than the highly derivative
speculative faculties. If it could only be seized and clearly un-
derstood, self-consciousness would doubtless prove to be the
primary and fundamental human attribute. Unlike reason, it
has no roots in the animal stage ; but neither do all men possess
it. Our language seems to lack the proper word to express it in
its simplest form. " Think " approaches this most nearly, and
man is sometimes described as a *' thinking being." The Ger-
man language has a better word, viz., beainnen, and the substan-
tive Besonnenheit seems to touch the kernel of the problem.
Schopenhauer says : " The animal lives without any Besonnen-
heit, It has consciousness — i. e., it knows itself and its weal and
woe ; also the objects which produce these ; but its knowledge
remains constantly subjective, never becomes objective : every-
thing that it embraces appears to exist in and of itself, and can
therefore never become an object of representation nor a problem
for meditation. Its consciousness is thus wholly immanent.
The consciousness of the savage man is similarly constituted in
that his perceptions of things and of the world remain pre-
l)onderantly subjective and immanent. He perceives things in
the world, but not the world ; his own actions and passions, but
not himself As now, through infinite gradations the light of
consciousness rises, Besonnenheit enters more and more into it,
and thus it gradually comes about that occasionally, though
rarely, and with very different degrees of clearness, the question
flashes through his head, ^ What does it all mean ? ' or, * How
has it been brought about ? ' The first question, when it attains
♦ Mental Physiology, p. 102.
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250 THK AMERICAN ANTHJIOPOLOGIST [Vol. Vlll
great clearness and persistency, makes the philosopher; the sec-
ond, the artist or poet ; and thus the high calling of both these
has its roots in the Beaoniienheit, which first of all springs from
the clearness with which they become conscious of the world,
and are thereby led to the contemplation of it. But the whole
process is due to the intellect gaining the ascendant and at
times breaking loose from the will, whose servant it originally
was."
This self-orientation or incipient reflection is thus seen to be
something quite different from self-consciousness in the usual
sense. It is not so much self as it is the outside world of which
the intellect becomes conscious. It is not a subjective but an
objective phenomenon, and in so far as self is concerned, it is
objectively contemplated as part of the world. This early in-
tellectual state is succeeded by those higher powers of introspec-
tion, speculation, reflection, abstraction, and generalization which
characterize the developed mind of man, and all this is accom-
panied by the general differentiation of the faculties and refine-
ment of the mental and moral organization of the race. Among
the more important of these powers are those of creating new
wants and of increasing the supply necessary to satisfy tliem.
No animal accomplishes this. The animars wants are adjusted
by the slow process of adaptation to the sources of supply, and
even when these wants are all supplied it is not probable that
any higher ones arise. Not so with man. The moment the
coarser and more essential physical wants are supplied he feels
new ones, both physical and mental, arise, and he proceeds to
supply these.
To what extent the fact of association has been a factor in pro-
ducing this last fundamental difference between men and animals
is one of the leading questions in sociology. For my own part,
I am disposed to attribute it, directly or indirectly, almost wholly
to this cause.
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July 18a5] THE NAMK CIIICKAHOMINY 257
THE NAME CHICKAHOMIN7. ITS ORIGIN AND
ETTMOLOGT
BY WILLIAM WALLACE TOOKEtt
This well-known name acquired considerable celebrity in the
days of the Rebellion for the reason that the geographical i)Osi-
tion of the river made it one of the natural bulwarks of defense
for the capital of the Confederacy. Over two and a half cen-
turies prior to this historic epoch it constituted one of the bar-
riers of Wahunsonacock or Powhatan, when he immured him-
self and his treasures far up in the swampy wilderness at its
source in order to escape the close proximity of the Jamestown
people.*
It is not, however, the strife and turmoil of war, neither is it
the jealous vagaries of Powhatan, that is now the theme of our
story, but of an earlier period, in the very dawn of its annals —
a point of time in the calendar of the past from which in reality
we may date the genesis of our country. Inasmuch as Professor
Edward Arber has justly observed, there can be no doubt what-
ever had Captain John Smith and his companions failed to have
survived the winter of 1607-*8 it would have delayed all settle-
ment from English sources for many years. Therefore the sur-
vival of the colony had a very marked bearing on the events
which followed, and that led finally to the creation of this great
commonwealth — the United States of America.
As the subject of my study, as applied to a i)eople, is inti-
mately concerned in having contributed more than their quota
to these events, their story is more than worthy of being retold
and analyzed — in fact, the name Chickahominy deserves to be
enshrined in letters of gold on the pages of our colonial history ;
for we cannot find a counterpart where a tribe of Indians, in
its consequent results, did more for an English settlement than
the friendly natives whom Captain John Smith found dwelling
on the stream now bearing their name.
The early recital of the Jamestown colony is a narmtive of a
• Arber's Smith, p. 80.
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258 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
struggle for existence— a struggle for their very lives, which we
at this late day cannot realize, nor can we adequately appreciate
it. The long and weary voyage of over five months' duration,
in the most inclement of seasons, had its share in weakening the
energy and ambition of the colonists, as it was also one of the
main causes for the exhaustion of their food supply. The un-
healthfulness of theirchosen plantation soon showed itself, and
in the very hot summer ensuing they dropped off one by one,
until out of one hundred and five persons only fifly-nine re-
mained wlien September arrived. This sickness, quarrels, and
fear of the Indians had so unnerved the survivors that they were
unable to plant or to properly provide themselves with food
sufficient to last through the winter, which now confronted them.
Their tents were decaying, and their temporary shelters were but
poor substitutes for their English homes. Many of the colonists
were gentlemen, totally unused to manual labor and to their new
modes of living. Smith, however, was inured to hardships and
to privation, and by his own example and unbounded personal
resources induced them to build and to thatch their houses for
the winter. Time was onward flying, all were on a limited allow-
ance, having but fourteen days' food supply left. Lots were cast
as to who should command a party to trade among the natives
for the actual necessaries of life. The chance fell to our heroic
English captain, who unselfishly was ready and willing for any
emergency.
After a trip to several places on the James river with almost
barren results, on the 9th of November, 1607, he set forward for
the "country of the Chikahamania."* Tliat evening, while
'' staying the ebb " in tlie bay of Paspahegh, ** at the mouth of
the river," he was hailed by certain Indians, one of whom, being
of " Ohikahamania," offered to conduct him to their country.
He started by moonlight, under guidance of this Indian, and at
midnight arrived at the town. The next morning he began his
bartering of copper and hatchets for corn, each family endeavor-
ing to give him all he wanted. They caused him to stay so long
that one hundred at least finally assembled exj)ecting trade.
What he desired he purchased ; but in order that they should
not i)erceive his great want, he went higher up the river. Smith
remarks : " This place is called Manosquosick [= \Vanas(iua-
•Arber's Smith, p. U.
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July 1895] THK NAME CIIICKAHOMINY 259
es-ick, at or on the top of a hill], a quarter of a mile from the
riuer, conteinincr thirtie or fortie houses, vppon an exceeding high
land : at the foote of the hill towards the riuer, is a plaine wood,
watered with many springes, which fall twentie yardes right
downe into the riuer. ... A mile from thence is a Towne
called Oraniocke. I further discouered the townes of Mansa,
Apanaock, Werawahone, and Mamanahunt.''
Smith was very kindly received at all of these villages, espe-
cially so at the last named, which was about the center of the
habitations on the river, where he found assembled two hundred
people, with such an abundance of corn that he might have
loaded a ship ; but he, having in his mind the great need of his
associates remaining at their plantation, went back, where he
arrived at midnight. The. next morning he unloaded seven hogs-
heads of corn into their store. On November 13 he was back
again at Mamanahunt, where the people, having heard of his
visit, had gathered there with three or four hundred baskets,
little and big, and soon he was enabled to load his barge again.
He says : " So desirous of trade wer(e) they, that they would fol-
low me with their canowes ; and for any thing, giue it me, rather
then returne it back.* So I vnladed again 7 or 8. hogsheads at
our fort."
Having thus provided a store amounting altogether to sixteen
hogsheads, he, for the third time, went up the " riuer of the
Chikahamanias." He discovered and visited eight or more
towns ; but he found their plenty of corn had decreased, al-
though he was enabled to load the barge again.
Others beside Smith bear testimony as to his visits vp the
river. Wingfield says: * " The 10th of December, Master Smyth
went up the Uyuer of the Chechohomynies to trade for corne."
This was Smith's last voyage that season, on which occi\J3ion he
was taken prisoner by neighboring tribes for being too adven-
turous, although the attempt was urged upon him by the colo-
nists.f It will be observed from Wingfield's statement that he
was aware that the appellation properly belonged to the people
and not to the stream.
Thomas Studley t says : § " But in the interim, he made 3 or 4.
iournies, and discovered the people of Chickahamine. Yet what
♦ Arber's Smith, p. Ixxxv.
t Arber'M Smith, p. 98.
I Arber'8 Smith, pp. 80, 411.
g Ibid., p. 97.
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260 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
lie carefully provided, the rest careles(8)ly spent. . . . The
Spanyard never more greedily desired gold then he victuall:
which he found so plentiful in theriuer of Chickahamine, where
hundreds of Salvages, in diuers places, stood with haskets ex-
pecting his coming."
This extract is taken from the second part of John Smith's
map of Virginia, with a description of the colony, etc., which
was the condensed vindication or manifesto of thirty or forty
gentlemen and soldiers who, under Smith, saved the colony.
In this portion of Smith's works I find the terminal dropped,
and the name there given as Chickahamine or Chickahamina,
which affords strong evidence in favor of the etymology that I
shall present.
The highest inhabited town on the river was called Apocant,
at the edge of the swampy wilderness, only forty miles from its
junction with the James ; consequently all of these towns that
contributed so willingly to the necessities of the colony, and
undoubtedly saved them from the horrors of starvation, were
situated within a short distance of each other. The peaceful
and un warlike character of the tribe is accounted for by several
facts. First, that they were under a different form of govern-
ment from their neighbors, and had no war chief; second, that
they were industrious agriculturists and a sedentary people at
the time of Smith's visits ; third, that the isolated position of
the rivei*, totally unnavigable, even by canoes, from the west^
surrounded by almost impenetrable and uninhabited thickets,
made their homes a place secluded and safe from the more
nomadic and warlike tribes of the north and west.
In my essay on the name Susquehanna * I gave an analysis
of its earliest form, Sasqu-emh-anovgh (= people who break into
small pieces ; hence by connotation " people of booty "), corrob-
orated by historical facts and paralleled in several dialects of
the Algonquian language. After further extended research and
study, I am still more firmly convinced that this derivation is
the true one; and that its demonstration can be much further
augmented and proven, I quote it again, at this time and place^
because I believe its terminal -anoaqh and verb -eaah enter into
the composition of our present study.
In searching Smith's works I find that Chechohomyniea,
^American Antiquarian, vol. 15« p. 28G.
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July 1895] THE NAMK CHICKAHOMINY 261
Checka Hamania, Chikahamania, Chickaham mania, Chicka-
haminos, and the form before mentioned are among the most
marked of its variations. The name, as well as the greater num-
ber of those terms applied to the principal Virginia tribes, belongs
to the class formed from verbs, as participials or verbal nouns,
denoting according to its terminal a place where or a people by
whom the action of the verb was performed. In the proper in-
terpretation of such cluster words we must find a clue, either his-
torical or traditional, which will assist in unlocking its synthesis.
The key was discovered in the case of my studies of the " Kus-
karawaokes of Captain John Smith,"* ** The Algonquian Terms
Patawomeke and Massawomeke,"t *' On the Meaning of the Name
Anacostia," J and it has been found in the foregoing relation left
us by Captain John Smith and his associates, as will be observed
later.
In our modem form of Chickahominy we have the original
sounds, as indicated by its early variations, of Chick-akdm-mhi'
anotigh. The special aflBx or verb -ahdm implies " he beats or
batters " the object min\ after the manner of the root-word or
prefix chick, and it is the Powhatan equivalent of the Massachu-
setts -etaham ; Delaware, Ateh'm ; Cree, -tahu^m ; Narragansett,
-m^oAmw, " he beats." This verbal affix is the inanimate third
person singular in all these dialects,§ and is in common use in
all four, as well as in other dialects of the same linguistic stock.
The verb, however, becomes animate in such words as the Massa-
chusetts m'etah ; Cree, m'iteh, ** the heart," i. e., " the beater; "
Narragansett, w'nttah, " heart," i e,, " he beats." The prefix chick
or Vchick, " it is large, great," i. c, " coarse, in distinction to fine,"
implies, with its verb -aAam, "he beats coarse," t. e., ** coarse-
pounded." The object min or mXin denotes any kind of small
berry, fruit, or grain,|| but when used in compound words with-
out a special prefix refers to corn. The terminal in -iVw, -nnids,
or 'OS I regard as a softened or abbreviated sound of the generic
^ancmgh, " nation or people," with the mark of the English posses-
sive added. Thus we have a synthesis of K^chick-ahdm-mm'-
anough, " coarse-pounded corn people," or, as it might be rendered
* American Anthropologist, vol. vi, p. 409.
tibid., vol. vii, p. 174.
: Ibid., vol. vii. p. 3'«9.
^ Howse Grammar of the Cree, p. 87.
I LeuAp^ and Their Legends, p. 48, Brinton.
34
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262 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VlII
by a free translation, " hominy people." The term was probably
applied to them by neighboring tribes for the reason that it was
one of their products of trade, or, as was more probable, their
principal article of sustenance, as it remains today among certain
classes in the Sunny South.
Some analogous terms are Scheechgdnim!* "shelled corn
coarse-pounded.'' [Chaff? Zeisberger.] This word is identical
in meaning with our k'chick-ahav}rmin\ sche being an explosive
sound and a variation of k'clie or I^chick-echgdn, being another
verbal signifying to beat [with a hand instrument], -'im' a contrac-
tion for min', com. Powhatan (Strachey), rokohamin = rok-
ohdm-mm, " parched corn ground small." Allowing for the al-
ternating sounds of its initial, rok is undoubtedl}' the same
verbal noun as the Narragansett n6kehick, " parched meal,"
nokhik (Eliot), " meal," ** flour," ** ground corn." Wood says : f
"Nocake (as they call it), which is nothing but Indian corn
parched in the hot ashes, . . . beaten to powder." Ushuc-
co?iomen, " to beat corn into a meal ; " icsketehamu, '* meal miule
of gynny wheat." Strachey here gives us two distinct forms of
the same verbal in words having the same meaning, for " gynny
wheat" was another name for maize.J The verb in the first
-ohom has the Powhatan characteristics, while the latter -eteham
resembles the Massachusetts and Delaware forms. The reason
for this is probably found in the fact that tusketehamu, " fine-
beaten corn," belongs to a dialect other than the Powhatan.
Compare the Narragansett iackhumviw, ** to grind corn ; " tack-
humiinnea^ " beat me parched meal." From these cluster words,
including that of our subject, is derived our common name
" hominy," of which it is a contraction for ease of utterance
among the English. Here I differ somewhat from Dr J. Ham-
mond Trumbull, with good reasons, for the name "hominy"
was given to the grain dried and pounded.
He says : § " Hominey is a form of minne with an emphasiz-
ing aspirate -Kminne^ to denote the grain par excellence — t. e.,
maize; but in Virginia and New England this name was re-
stricted by the English to one, and the most common prepara-
* LenAp^ Diet., Brinton.
t N. E. Prospect, p. 2, chap. 6, p. 76.
J Hariot*s Narr., p. 21, Qaaritch Ed.
I On some Words derived from Language of the North American Indians, p. 6.
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tioii of maize. In Norwood's ''Voyage to Virginia, 1649, * homini '
is described as the corn of that country beat and boiled to mush."
Josselyn in " New England Rarities," page 53, says that '* after the
first flour had been sifted from the pounded com the remainder
they call ^homminy,' which they boil upon a gentle fire till it
be like a hasty pudden." Consequently, as will be observed, the
k^ is not an emphasizing aspirate except as it is so much of the
AJgonquian verb ** to beat," as erroneously used by the English.
Rev. John Heckewelder, in his " Names which the Lenni
Lennape or Delaware Indians gave to rivers, streams, and local-
ities within the States of Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland,
and Virginia," presents a translation of the name which has
been and is still frequently quoted, viz., '' Chickahominy, cor-
rupted from Tschikenemahoni, signifying ' a turkey-lick, a lick
frequented by turkeys.'" It does not require much argument
to show that such a derivation is entirely out of place, as applied
to these people, and that this suggested etymology is entirely
contrary to its early forms, therefore unworthy of further exam-
ination or reiteration.
Again, some one has suggested that Chickahominy denoted
" great com," which Dr Trumbull * says " does not stand for
' great com,' because ' com ' does not designate place or imply a
fixed location, therefore cannot be made the ground -word of a
place name." Dr Trumbull is undoubtedly correct in this
statement so far as a " place name " is concerned, but he was
evidently unaware that ** Chickahominy, as I have demon-
strated, was not originally 'a place name,' although it became
one by its bestowal on the river by the English, without consid-
eration for its true meaning." In proof of this fact, the tribe
offered to relinquish the appellation of '* Chickahomania and to
be called Tassantessus [= strangers], as they call us."t There-
fore the analysis which I have presented, although it does not
exactly stand for " great corn," is in accordance with Algonquian
grammar, and, as I firmly believe, beyond question, its true
etymology.
♦ iDdmn Geographical Name^, p. 49.
t Arber'8 Smith, p. 515.
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264 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
A TUMA CREMATION
BY G. R. PUTNAM
Opposite Yuma, Arizona, on the California aide of the Colorado
river, lies the reservation of the Yuma Indians, and here, scattered
through the bottom lands, live some three thousand of the tribe.
They are a comparatively harmless people, few finding their way
into the territorial penitentiary at Yuma. At San Quentin, in
California, however, there are several of the tribe who got them-
selves into trouble by carrying out an old traditional privilege —
the right of the relatives of a person who has died to kill the
medicine man in case the deceased is the third patient lost
Another and rather more rational custom they have is that of
burning the dead, and the following notes are written to describe
one of these rites witnessed by the writer in March, 1892, while
engaged in work for the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey.
Antonio (for most of these Indians are known by English or
Spanish in addition to their native names), a well-formed young
man of about twenty-seven, had been suddenly taken sick early
in the morning while at work in the town, and by 11 o'clock was
dead, despite the efforts of the medicine man. Although the
Indians now usually resort to an American physician, in this
instance the doctor was not called until all was over, when he
pronounced it a case of apoplexy. The body was carried across
the river to the meeting-house of the tribe, an open structure
composed simply of a roof of cut boughs supported by symmet-
rically placed poles, the sides being entirely open, save a small
room at the back. This house stood a few rods behind that of
McGill, the chief of the tribe. The latter was a more pretentious
structure than the ordinary Indian hut, being built of rough
lumber, with low flat roof, but with no floor and few openings
and looking much like a large dry-goods box.
The body, rolled in a blanket, was laid on the ground near the
front of this open lodge, and the Indians, who had gathered from
far and near, grouped themselves about. Close to the corpse stood
the old men and women, usually very slovenly dressed and often
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July 1895] A YUMA CREMATION 265
with hideous faces. On these seemed to fall the principal burden
of lamentation, and for hour after hour they kept up a succession
of unearthly groans and wails, interspersed sometimes by remarks
about the deceased made by the men in a loud tone. Only in a
few instances were real tears seen. On the right stood a few of
the young men, a class not well represented, however. Among
these were to be seen some handsome faces. Their dress was a
pair of blue overalls and a white undershirt, without hat or shoes.
They never wear anything on the head, depending entirely on
their luxurious growth of jet black hair for protection from the
fierce sun of Yuma. This is their chief ornament and their
greatest pride. It is allowed to fall over the shoulders, and is
then cut off straight across the back. It hangs behind in cords
formed by rolling when wet. In front it partly covers the face,
a characteristic motion being a jerk of the head to throw it back
from the face. Their faces were usuall}' clean shaven, and some-
times ornamented with streaks or blotches of paint, or with orna-
ments in the nose. The young men were generally silent at this
ceremony, as were also the young squaws, who were seated on
the left of the group. These were dressed in red or blue calico
prints, and wore their hair much as the men, save that it was
less carefully kept, and was cut straight across the forehead
similar to the modern bang.
Early in the afternoon the chief selected a half dozen strong
men, and with axes on their shoulders they went to the woods
to cut the timber for the funeral pile. This was erected a few
rods south of the lodge. A shallow square hole was first dug in
the sandy soil. On each side of this was driven an upright stake,
standing some three feet above the ground, and at one end a
half dozen stakes. Across the hole and between the two side
stakes were then laid a number of heavy green willow logs, about
eight feet in length, the logs being piled higher on each side so
as to leave a trough in the middle to receive the remains. At
one side was another pile of logs, which were to form the cover-
ing when the body had been placed in position. The upright
stakes at the head were intended to support these logs at one
end, so that their weight would not rest on the head of the corpse.
Around the whole evenly cut brush was placed, standing on end.
Everything was arranged neatly but simply.
Without the slightest intermission the wailing in the lodge
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266 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
continued throughout the afternoon and on into the night As
evening came on the scorching heat of the day was succeeded by
a teniperature so much cooler that many little bonfires were
kindled here and there in the neighborhood, and those Indians
who were not taking active part in the ceremonies gathered
about in picturesque groups ; others wrapped their blankets
about them and lay down to sleep, with perhaps a log or a tin
can for a pillow. The relatives of the dead man lived at Algo-
dona, about twelve miles down the river, and the ceremonies
were not proceeded with until the messengers had returned with
them. When all had arrived the medicine man took charge of
the remains. A space was cleared about the body, and the
lamentations became more subdued. For nearly two hours the
medicine man went through various rites. He inhaled the
smoke of a cigarette and blew it into the mouth, eyes, nose, and
ears of the corpse, and occasionally blew it up toward the stars.
He rubbed and pressed the body and now and then straddled
grotesquely up and down over it. He finally sang with a clear
voice a rude incantation, a repetition of a few short sentences.
As his efforts ceased, one of those from Algodona b^an to speak
and continued for many minutes in a calm, dignified, and most
pleasing tone. He was followed by McGill, the chief of the
Yumas, who spoke in much the same style, though not such a
gifted orator. McGill was dressed much as his fellow Indians,
save that he carried a cane and wore shoes and a ribbon in his
hair. He was a fine-looking man, with a kindly and intelligent
face.
As these ceremonies ceased the circle again closed about the
])ody, and the lamentations, which had continued through all,
iv^'din increased in volume. Nothing more was to be done until
tiie moon rose, about 2 o'clock in the morning. Many again
stretched themselves on the ground, and as the hours passed
away the scene gradually assumed a quieter aspect. But over
the mesa in the east a faint light appeared ; gradually the sky
was illumined, and the beautiful moon arose, throwing its light
over the turbid yellow torrent of the Colorado. When it had
mounted half an hour into the sky the scene suddenly became
more animated, the wails and moans were redoubled, all were
on their feet, and four strong men took up the body, bearing it
by the blanket in which it was rolled, and carried it to the
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funeral pile. Here it was carefully placed in the center of the
logs and a blanket spread over it, and then the heavy logs were
{)iled above, supported on the upright stakes, so as not to touch
the head, but resting on the feet The chief stood at one side
and directed all. When completed, the pile was about four feet
high, four feet wide, and eight feet long, containing therefore
about a cord of wood.
On top were placed the possessions of the dead man — in this
case but a single blanket, for he was poor. If he had owned a
house that would have been burned also. A fagot was brought
and applied to the dry brush in many places, and in an instant
all was ablaze. As the heat increased the circle gradually
widened until there was a great ring of Indians about thirty feet
from the burning pile, as near as the heat could be endured.
Various articles of clothing were thrown on the pile, some being
removed on the spot and others brought for the purpose. This
clothing the spirit was supposed to take to the other world,
where it will be claimed by the original owner on his death.
Those who spoke earlier in the evening now spoke again for an
hour or more, uttering detached sentences with long pauses be-
tween. The groans and wails continued, and some of the old
squaws and men went around the circle, laying their hands on
the shoulders or heads of others. Some of the squaws had been
wailing continuously for fifteen hours (since the preceding noon),
and as a consequence their voices were almost entirely gone, and
their efforts to use them now were almost ludicrous. A most
weird and impressive scene was this, the flames leaping high in
the air and lighting the dusky faces of the great circle of Yumas,
seated or standing, some now with rather scanty attire, the un-
earthly wails and the solemn words of the chief, with the moon
looking down on all. As the pile slowly crumbled the sounds
ceased and many silently moved away in the earl}' dawn.
The next day there was nothing, save a few mesquite beans
scattered over the surface, to show where this remarkable cere-
mony had taken place. The ashes had been carefully gathered
into the hole below and the ground smoothed over.
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268 THE A^fERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
AUSTRALIAN ROCK PICTURES
BY R. H. MATHEWS
Aboriginal drawings, more or less artistic, have been observed
throughout Australia, but until recently no systematic attempt
has been made to copy and describe them in detail and to fix
their position on public maps.
In the Journal of the Royal Society of New South Wales, vol-
ume XXVIII, now in press, 1 have described and illustrated a
number of rock carvings and paintings in New South Wales,
and have also contributed an article on the same subject to the
Royal Society of Victoria, which appears in their *' Proceedings."
volume VII, n. s., with illustrations and descriptions.
I have described the paintings contained in three caves, all
of which are of an interesting character, containing a variety of
figures, including men, women, animals, birds, fish, and other
objects. Figures 1 and 3, plate i, are exact reproductions of the
pictures on the rock, in their correct relative positions. In figure
2, as stated in the description, the different paintings have been
placed close together, regardless of their position on the cave
wall. All the objects shown are in black, the predominating
color in native drawings, but they are also frequently found iji
large numbers in red and in white. In a few instances I have
seen small objects, such as hands, drawn in yellow. For an
average specimen of the difierent kinds of drawing, and the
colors used, see plate viii of the " Proceedings of the Royal
Society of Victoria," volume vii, n. s.
Plate II shows 36 figures, all of which are described separately
in the letter-press. Figures 1, 2, and 3 represent groups of sev-
eral objects exactly as they appear on the surface of the rock.
Figures 4 to 36 are placed on the sheet in such manner as to
take up no more space than is necessary to exhibit them clearly,
without regard to their relative positions.
All the paintings and carvings treated of in this paper are
original, with one exception, and I have drawn attention to that
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July 1895] AUSTRALIAN ROCK PICTURES 269
exception in my description of it. The figures are drawn to
scale from careful measurements and sketches taken by myself,
and the position of each on the Government maps is also stated
in the descriptions, so that they can be readily found.
Rock paintings are met with in all the Australian colonies,
but rock carvings on an extensive scale have been seen only in
New South Wales and West Australia.* Regarding the latter, I
will quote from Captain Wickham's " Notes on Depuch Island,"
published in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,
London, 1842, vol. xii, pp. 79-83 :
Depnch island, latitude 20° 38'' S., longitude 117** W E., is one of a
string of small islands called the Forrestier group, lying from one to three
miles off the coast of West Australia. The island is connected with the
main land by ridges of sand, which in many places become quite dry at
low water and afford facilities to the natives for reaching the island for
the purpose of procuring? turtle, as well as for the exercise of their talent
for drawing on the smooth surface of the rocks.
From the vast numbers of specimens of art, the natives seemed to have
amused themselves in this way from time immemorial ; and from the
verj' hard nature of the stone and the accuracy with which many animals
and birds are represented, they deserve great credit for patient persever-
ance and for more talent and observation than is usually bestowed on
the natives of New Holland.
The method pursued in tracing the different objects appears to be by
cutting the surface of the rock with sharp-pointed pieces of the same
stone ; and as the exterior of all parts of it is of a dark reddish brown
color, the contrast becomes great when that is removed and the natural
color of the greenstone is exposed. It is difficult to conjecture what
many of their drawings are intended to represent, but others are too well
done to admit of a moment's doubt. Probably many of the inferior per-
formances were the work of the children. In some of the drawings the
surface of the stone was entirely cut away ; others were only in outline.
Captain Wickham forwarded to the Royal Geographical So-
ciety at London ninety-two specimens of these carvings, describ-
ing the various objects represented. Many of these are illustrated
in the journal mentioned. Captain J. L. Stokes, in his " Dis-
coveries in Australia," published in 1846, volume ii, pages 168-
172, also mentions these carvings, but his description is not so
full and exact as that of Captain Wickham.
•Some simple marks or scratchings have been observed on rocks in a few places in
South Austi-alia and Queensland, but nothing of this kind has, so far as I knovr, been
seen in Victoria. In the latter colony, however, I know of some paintings in caves in
the counties of Dnndas and Borung.
35
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270 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
As a remarkable instance of the small amount of inquiry
hitherto bestowed on Australian rock pictures, I may point out
that these carvings have been referred to as paintings. In
Smyth's "Aborigines of Victoria," volume i, page 292, he says :
" On Depuch island Stokes found a large number of paintings."
The Rev. J. Mathew, in the " Journal of the Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain," volume xxiii, page 42, speaks of " the
paintings on Depuch island." I hope that this mistake will not
again be made when referring to these native drawings.
In the papers which I contributed to the Royal Societies of
Victoria and New South Wales, respectively, I have fully de-
tailed the way in which paintings and carvings were executed
by the native artists, the different styles of drawing, their geo-
graphic range, etc., so that it is unnecessary for me to treat of
these parts of the subject in the following pages.
For the sake of clearness, aboriginal rock pictures should be
described under two heads — paintings and carvings. In the
former the pictures are painted on the walls and roofs of caves
or rock shelters in various colors. In the latter the drawings
are in the nature of outline engravings or carvings cut or ground
into the surface of the rock. In my previous papers I have
separated the subject under the two heads indicated, and will
continue this distinction in the present memoir.
I will now describe the plates illustrating my original work,
and hope that the information which I have collected may prove
of some interest and value.
Description of the Plates.
PLATE r — PAINTINGS.
Figure 1. — The cave or rock shelter in which these drawings
appear is 29 feet long, 8 feet 6 inches from the front inward to
the back wall, and averages about 8 feet high. The floor is
sandy soil, and there are traces of smoke on the roof, showing
that the cave has occasionally been used as a camping place by
the natives. It faces the east.
As the spectator stands facing the paintings on the back wall
of the cave, the first figures on his left are those of a man and a
woman, the former 25 inches, the latter 17 inches in height.
Next is an animal which appears to be intended for a dog, al-
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Julyl81>5] AUSTRALIAN ROCK PICTURES 271
though much larger than the human figures alongside of it.
I have often observed this want of uniformity of scale in
native drawings. Scattered along the back wall of the cave are
six more rude delineations of men, all of which are in the atti-
tude usually assumed by the natives when dancing the cor-
roboree. A few feet in front of the dog are two objects which
may have been intended to represent the sun. The upper one,
averaging a little over two feet in diameter, has fourteen rays.
The other one, which is not complete, has nine rays. Near the
right-hand upper corner is a female kangaroo, 16 inches long,
from the pouch of which a young one is in the act of jumping.
This is an interesting drawing, and I have seen it in but one
other instance. There are also four paintings of birds, apparently
of the cursorial tribe, and two tracks of bird feet. The last ob-
ject on the right is 16 inches in diameter, and may have been
intended to represent the moon. All the above drawings are in
black outline, and all are shaded within their margins with the
same color, with the exception of one of the human figures and
what I have supposed to be a representation of the sun. Inter-
spersed among the other figures, and in some instances partially
covered by them, are seven human hands, done in white in the
" stencil method '* of drawing.* The only right hand amongst
these is shown in the shut position, which is rather uncommon.
The escarpment of Hawkesbury sandstone in which this
shelter is situated is about four or five chains west from Harris
creek and about a mile and a half northerly from portion No.
17, of 40 acres, in the parish of Eckersley, county of Cumber-
land.
Figure 2. — This cave is a few yards northerly from the one
last described, in a continuation of the same escarpment, and
faces the same direction. It is 25 feet long and the average
depth inward is about 8 feet. The back wall leans forward
at an angle of about 30** from the perpendicular, and the height
at the entrance is about 8 feet. Owing to the irregular way the
figures are scattered over the wall, I have departed from my
usual custom of showing them in their relative positions and
have fitted them on the plate regardless of their position on the
rock.
* For de8criptioD8 of the differeDt methoils of native paiDting and illustrative Hpeci-
mens, see Ptoc. Roy. Soe. Vic, vii, n. s., pp. 144-6, plate viii.
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272 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The most interesting object in this figure is an emu 3 feet 9
inches long from the point of the bill to the end of the tail.
The neck is too short and the legs too thick near the feet, but I
feel certain the picture was drawn to represent the emu. There
is a large eel 7 feet 2 inches long and 12 inches wide, with a
smaller one in a bent position beside it. There are two fish
with four fins, three with one fin, and two without fins. The
large snake-like animal in the upper right-hand comer of the
figure and the object near the tail of the emu I cannot further
describe. There is a small quadruped which appears to belong
to the mt or bandicoot tribe. Under two of the small fish, and
produced previously to them, are two left hands stencilled in
white. All the other figures are outlined in black and shaded
with the same color within their margins. In this cave, as well
as in that represented in figure 1, there are several other draw-
ings, almost obliterated and too indistinct to be copied with
certainty.
Figure 8. — The large cave containing these paintings is at the
base of a precipitous escarpment of Hawkesbury sandstone about
five chains easterly from the right bank of Georges river, within
portion No. 1, of 640 acres, in the parish of Eckersley, county of
Cumberland, and about 55 chains southeasterly from the north-
west corner of that portion. Its length is 78 feet, depth from
the front inward 20 feet, and its height about 30 feet. The roof
is stained with smoke, and the shelter appears to have been used
by the aborigines as a camping place for a considerable period.
Fish were plentiful in Georges river, close by, and there were
good hunting grounds all around.
The cave faces S. 70° W., and therefore the sun does not shine
into it very much in winter; consequently the disintegration of
the sandstone is more rapid than it would be in a dryer situa-
tion. Here and there throughout a considerable extent of the
back wall traces of the former existence of paintings are dis-
cernible ; but those shown on the plate are the only ones which
can now be copied with any degree of certainty, and even these
are becoming faint, owing to the natural decay of the rock.
An emu 4 feet 10 inches from the point of the bill to the tail,
apparently sitting on its nest, is shown in solid black. There is
a cavity in the rock just under the bird's breast which I think
w^as there at the time the figure was drawn. About a foot above
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July 1895J AUSTRALIAN ROCK PICTURES 273
the tail of the emu is a kangaroo, likewise in black, its whole
length being 1 foot 9 inches, and having what appear to be in-
tended for two spears sticking into its back. The same want of
proportion in the relative sizes of these animals is observable
as in the painting of the dog in figure 1.
PLATE II — CARVINGS.
Figure 1. — The group of six emus here shown appears to be
intended for the cock and hen and four young birds. The cock,
which is the largest figure of an emu which I have yet seen, is
10 feet 6 inches from the point of the bill to the end of the tail
and 11 feet 3 inches from the bill to the end of the foot. What
I have supposed to be the hen, or mother of the brood, measures
9 feet 3 inches from the bill to the tail. Similar measurement
of the smallest bird of the group is 4 feet 3 inches. This figure
is an exact reproduction of the group of birds as they appear
on the rock. In all the native carvings of emus which I have
yet seen only one leg is delineated, and the foot is a straight
continuation of the leg. In paintings of this bird I have seen
the two legs shown, but the foot has been depicted in the same
way as in the carvings. See the emu in plate i, figure 2.
This group is carved * on a large flat rock of Hawkesbury
sandstone, about two acres in extent, elevated only a few feet
above the level of the surrounding land, in the parish of Spencer,
county of Northumberland. It is situated on a bridle track (or
trail) leading from Mangrove creek to Hawkesbury river, on the
top of the range dividing the waters of these two streams.
Figure 2. — This group of carvings is situated on a flat sand-
stone rock, slightly elevated above the surface of the ground, on
the western side of the road from Pymble to Cowan cre6k, a
tributary of Hawkesbury river, about half a mile southerly
from Bobbin trigonometrical station, in the parish of Gordon,
county of Cumberland.
The carving represents a man and woman in the attitude as-
sumed by the natives in performing a corroboree or native dance.
The eyes and mouth are delineated, but the nose is missing in
both. Each has a belt round the waist, and the man has a band
•For explanation of how earrings are executed, see Proe. Roy Soc. Ktc, vii, ». s.,
pp. 146-8.
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274 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
round each arm near the shoulder. The male figure is very
much the larger of the two, a disparity often found, but not
universal, in native drawings. Seventeen ray-like lines rise
from the head of the man and eight from the head of the woman,
which may be intended either for hair or for ornaments stuck
in it — probably the latter. There is a carving evidently intended
to represent a native ** dilly " bag, but the usual disregard of
proportion between it and the human figures is observable.
Close to the woman's Hght hand is an object which may have
been intended either for another bag or for a human foot-mark.
There are three or four representations of human foot-markS
above and close to this group which I have not included. They
are about 1 foot 2 inches long by 6 or 7 inches wide, the distance
between the strides varying from 4 feet 2 inches to 5^ feet 9
inches. I have observed representations of human foot-marks
among other carvings and also in native paintings.
I have reproduced this group and the description from my
paper published in the " Proceedings of the Royal Society of
Victoria," volume vii, n. s., pages 152, 158, and plate ix, figure 8,
for the purpose of enabling a comparison with other native
drawings.
Figure 3. — The group here delineated is situated on the road
from French's forest to Pitt Water road, joining the latter at
portion No. 64, of 640 acres, in the parish of Narrabeen, county
of Cumberland. The carvings are on a flat rock on the eastern
side of the road, a short distance southerly from the southern
boundary line of the portion referred to, which line also forms
the boundary between the parishes of Narrabeen and Manly
Cove, the carvings being, therefore, just within the latter parish.
The central figure represents a man who, if the legs were
straight, would measure about 7 feet 6 inches. He wears a belt,
and there is a band round the left arm at the shoulder. Part of
the right arm and hand, as well as the fingers of the left hand,
are barely distinguishable. Beside him is the figure of a woman,
about the same height, whose body is marked by a number of
stripes extending from the breast to the feet, the left foot being
rather indistinct. The mammae are delineated in the way usu-
ally observed in native drawings. The eyes and mouth are
shown in both figures. Above the heads of the man and woman
is the representation of a shield 2 feet 4 inches long and a foot
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July 1895] AUSTRALIAN BOCK PICTURES 275
wide in the middle, with three transverse bars cut upon it. On
the right of the man is an animal somewhat resembling the
kangaroo, but it may have been intended for a dog. It meas-
ures 5 feet 10 inches from the end of the tail to the nose. There
is a line marked on the body of this animal, extending from the
neck about 2 feet 6 inches towards the tail.
The man and woman are in the attitude of dancing, and the
lines on the body of the latter may be intended to represent the
stripes painted on the bodies of the natives on these occasions.
This group, taken in connection with figure 2, is very interesting,
as showing some of the positions assumed by the dancers. R.
Sadleir, in his "Aborigines of Australia, ' page 19, says : " There
are many kinds of Corroborees. All have the song and the
dance ; both are at times very libidinous, especially the dance
of the women. . . . Their bodies are striped in white, and
their heads fancifully adorned."
The tabular mass of sandstone containing this group is on a
level with the surface of the surrounding land, from which the
water oozes in wet seasons and in time of rain and flows over
the rock, thus keeping it very damp, causing it to disintegrate
more rapidly than if kept dry. The erosion caused by the ac-
tion of the water has partly obliterated some parts of the figures
and made the whole group ^somewhat indistinct. It was very
fortunate that I discovered it and rescued it from oblivion,
because in a few more years it will be altogether indistinguish-
able.
Figure 4. — This carving of a man 5 feet 7 inches tall, with an
abnormally long body and short legs, appears on the same rock
as figure 1. The eyes and mouth are shown, and also the nose,
which is rare in these native drawings. There is a necklace and
a belt round the neck and waist, respectively, both of which form
part of the native dress.
Figure 5. — A rude figure of a man 4 feet 7 inches tall is de-
picted on a flat rock about 5 or 6 chains northwesterly from figure
3. There is a band round both arms, a belt round the waist, six
ornamental lines rising from the head, and the eyes, but no other
features. The feet are not shown, the 1^ terminating like the
left leg of the woman in figure 2.
Figure 6. — This is another rude figure of a man, 5 feet 4 inches
tall, carved on a southerly continuation of the same rock as that
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276 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
on which the last-described figure appears. There are nine lines,
averaging about 10 inches long, radiating from the head and
bands round each of the arms near the shoulder. Part of a leg
and part of an arm on one side have been obliterated by the
natural decay of the rock.
Figure 7. — This unique little figure of a man 3 feet 3 inches
tall is delineated on a large flat rock about half a mile south-
westerly from Jones trigonometrical station, parish of Manly
Cove, county of Cumberland. The fingers are shown, but not
the feet, and there are four lines radiating from the head. There
are bands across the arms, a belt round the waist, and two bands
reaching from the belt to the shoulders, but crossing each other
somewhat like a pair of braces.
Figure 8. — Another rude human figure, with a very long body
and having the legs spread almost at right angles to it. The
eyes are shown and there is a belt round the waist. This carv-
ing is on the same rock as figure 1.
Figures 9, 10. — These are two shields, the dimensions of the
smaller being 3 feet 7 inches long and 1 foot 5 inches wide, and
those of the larger 4 feet long and 1 foot 7 inches wide. Each
has a longitudinal and two transverse bars cut upon it.
Figures 11 to 17. — These seven small objects are probably in-
tended for the echidna, or hedgehog, the length of the smallest
being 1 foot 3 inches, and that of the largest 2 feet 5 inches.
They are on the same rock as figure 5, and each is within a few
yards of the next.
Figure 18. — This small animal, 1 foot 10 inches long, which
is on the same rock as the last described, may be intended for
the flying squirrel or opossum, or perhaps for some of the rat
tribe.
Figure 19. — It is difficult to decide whether this strange carv-
ing is intended for a man or for the skin of a kangaroo, but 1
think the former is the more probable. I have seen somewhat
similar grotesque native drawings in which other detail showed
unmistakably that they were intended for human beings. This
carving is in one of the small gullies at the head of Deadman
creek, within portion No. 19, of 960 acres, in the parish of Eck-
ersly, and is about two miles northerly from Woronora river.
Figure 20. — This is a fairly well executed fore part of a kanga-
roo or wallaby, and is on the same rock as the last described.
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July 1895] AUSTRALIAN ROCK PICTURES 277
The remainder of the figure has been carried away by the nat-
ural wasting of the rock.
Figure 21. — This is another rude carving of a man, but all the
lower part has disappeared, owing to the decay of the rock. It
is on the same flat rock as the last two figures.
Figure 22. — This shield, 4 feet 9 inches long and 1 foot 9 inches
wide, is carved on the same rock as figure 6. There are one
longitudinal and two transverse lines upon it.
Figure 23. — Represents a snake 4 feet 11 inches long and 2i
inches across the body. It is on the same rock as figure 1.
Figure 24. — This small figure, which is only 18 inches long,
may be intended for a dog or a native cat, and is on the same
rock as the last described.
Figure 25. — This small figure of a man is on the same rock as
the last two figures and is 2 feet 6 inches tall. He wears a belt
and a band round one arm near the shoulder.
Figures 26, 27. — These represent the Australian boomerang.
The former is on the same rock as figure 1 ; the latter is near
figure 5.
Figure 28. — This represents the aboriginal weapon known as
the nulla-nulla. It is 2 feet 4 inches long and 4 inches across
the widest part. It is on the same rock as figure 1.
Figure 29. — Another shield, 2 feet 8 inches long and 16 inches
wide, with a longitudinal and two transverse bars. Near it is a
small oval object, 9 inches long by 4J inches wide, which I am
unable to identify. These are on the same rock as figure 5.
Figure 30.— This curious figure, which I assume to be intended
to represent a black fellow sitting down on a log or a rock, with
his cloak made of opossum skins wrapped around him, is carved
on the same sandstone rock as figures 19 to 21. It is 4 feet 10
inches from the top of the head to the wavy line, which I have
supposed to represent the folds of the lower end of the cloak.
The legs, with the bent knees and feet, are fairly well drawn,
but the arms resemble those seen in native pictures of kangaroos,
except that in the latter there is usually only one limb delin-
eated. The head is oval and two eyes are shown, but no other
features. This is the only figure of this description I have yet
met, and is therefore unusually interesting. If it is not intended
for a human figure it may have been drawn to represent some
monster of the native artist's imagination, connected witli some
tribal legend.
30
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278 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Figure 31. — A kangaroo 7 feet 10 inches from the nose to the
end of the tail is here depicted. Only one fore leg and one hind
leg are shown, the usual mode adopted hy the natives in draw-
ing figures of kangaroos. It is carved on the same rock as
figure 1.
Figures 32, 33. — Native drawings of boomerangs are generally
shown about the natural size, but those under notice measure
5 feet 1 inch and 4 feet 4 inches, respectively, in a straight line
from end tc^end, which induces me to think that possibly they
were intended to represent the moon. This is only thrown out
as a suggestion. It is quite common to find drawings of men,
animals, and other objects very much exaggerated in size.
These carvings occur on the same rock as figure 7.
Figure 34. — This circular carving, 1 foot 10 inches in diameter,
is on the same rock as figure l,and unless it is intended to rep-
resent thQ moon, I cannot offer any other explanation. I have
occasionally found such circular objects carved on rocks, and
also in caves. See figure 1, plate 1, of this paper; also " Pro-
ceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria," volume vir, n. s.,
plate viii, figures 2 and 5.
Figure 35. — The large representation of a kangaroo here given
measures 11 feet 1 inch from the end of the tail to the tip of the
nose, and both as to correctness of figure and in detail is a great
advance on similar drawings of this animal. Lines or bands are
shown on the nose, neck, hind leg, and tail. Both ears are de-
lineated and the eye is not forgotten. The animal is in the
attitude of running. This carving is on a large mass of Hawkes-
bury sandstone, trending north and south, on top of the dividing
range between Macdonald river and Webb creek, about where
the boundary line between the parishes of Macdonald and
Wonga, county of Hunter, crosses that range.
Figure 36. — This rude representation of what appears to be
intended for a sting ray is carved upon*the same rock as figure
1. The length of the body proper is 12 feet 9 inches, but, in-
cluding the tail, the total length of the fish is 22 feet 1 inch, and
its greatest breadth 9 feet 9 inches. The weight of some of these
fishes may be readily understood by quoting from Captain Cook,
when he visited Botany bay, New South Wales, in 1770. " I
observed several large sting rays and caught one weighing 336
pounds after his entrails were taken out."
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July 1895] SOME PRINCIPLES OF NOMENCLATURE 279
SOME PRINCIPLES OF NOMENCLATURE
BY W J MCGEE
Many of our common family names, or surnames, such as Smith
and Carpentel", Hunter and Weaver, stand for occupations ; others
suggest personal characteristics, such as White and Brown for
complexion, Small and Long for stature. Good and Meek for
disposition ; ,still others suggest place or condition of residence,
such as Seaman and Hillman, Warman and McGee (MacEagh,
or Child of the Mist). Many other family names represent either
surnames or prenames with diminutives added; and these de-
rived names may either indicate paternity, like Smithson and
McDonald, Johnson and Fitzgerald, or they may stand simply
as undefined diminutives, such as Smithie, Wilcox, and Peter-
kin ; and the diminutives may be either prefixed as in O'Neil
and Apthorp, or suffixed as in Clarkson and Wilcox. Many of
our family names are derived from other tongues in which sim-
ilar meanings may be found ; and in yet other cases meanings
are not at first apparent, yet are ascertainable if traced back-
wards tlirou;<h successive generations to the days when language
was less definite than now and when every man was a law unto
himself in matters of orthography and pronunciation. Thus
most family names are found to have meanings, but the mean-
ing is seldom recognized, and would commonly convey a false
impression if it were.
In like manner certain prenames stand for character or con-
dition, like Peter (rock) and Theophilus (god-beloved), though
m most cases the signification is doubtful or completely lost ;
but analogy with the later-developed surnames and inference
from the known meaning of certain prenames, either in the
English or other languages, alike indicate that all such names
originally carried associated meanings, and were indeed applied
to express personal characteristics or other ideas connected with
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280 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VI II
the individuals, just as is the case among those savages who have
risen to the plane of applying names to persons and things.
Similariy a part of our geographic names, like Blue ridge.
Long island, Rocky mountains, and I^ke Superior, express
ideas associated with the features to which they are applied ; yet
many of the names of our rivers, lakes, and mountains are of
aboriginal derivation, and while they conveyed poetic or prosaic
meanings to the Red Men, are meaningless to us. So, too, in
the older countries many names of places were originally com-
mon nouns, as indicated by the modern meaning (e. ^., Norfolk
and Cambridge), by the retention of articles (e. g., Le Havre and
La Haye— Havre and The Hague in English), or by more ob-
scure relations brought to light through antiquarian research.
Thus, inference from known cases and analogy with family
nomenclature and with the proper names of primitive peoples
all indicate that geographic designations originally conveyed
associated meanings ; and this conclusion is in no way weakened
by the fact that in most cases the original meanings are lost.
Accordingly, examination of the proper names applied to
persons and places in this and other countries during the last
three or five centuries indicates (1) That proper names originally
expressed ideas collateral to or associated with the person or
place named ; (2) That as time passed these collateral or asso-
ciated meanings were lost; and (3) That concurrently with the
loss of the original by-meanings there has grown up a system of
applying and using proper names as simple designations of, or
labels for, the persons and things named. This differentiation
in nomenclature has been effected witliin a few generations, and
was evidently not only unforeseen but strongly opposed at every
step by the tendency to apply names of associated meaning to
new-born persons and newly discovered places— a tendency com-
monly failing only when invading races accepted names current
among the conquered peoples, which, being of strange tongues,
carried no associated meaning.
These conclusions concerning the evolution of place names
are in harmony with the evolution of language as expounded
by Whitney, Sayce, Powell, Mallery,and other scientific linguists.
In the beginning certain ideas were doubtless conveyed by signs,
as they are in some measure among the lower animals ; and as
ideas multiplied, the signs, whether movements, gestures, or
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July 1«)5] SOME PRINCIPLES OF NOMENCLATURE 281
postures, increased in number until the sign once standing for
a group of ideas was differentiated into a group of signs, each
more or less definitely expressing its own idea. So, too, it is
certain that in the primitive vocal language words were few, and
while each represented perhaps a fairly definite central idea, ill-
differentiated by-meanings also clung about it; and that as time
passed, new words were invented or evolved to express the asso-
ciated meanings, and thus the original words gradually became
definite. In like manner the primitive written language was
pictographic and represented animals, plants, and other objects
to which associated meanings clung ; but as the mind of man
expanded the pictographs were replaced by symbols or ideo-
graphs, which expressed ideas directly rather than by associa-
tion; and still later the more or less fanciful ideographs were
pruned and molded into purely arbitrary characters expressing
ideas only by combination — the process throughout represent-
ing change from a multiplicity of meanings toward simplicity.
The general process of evolution in language, vocal and written,
continues today, and nearly all of its stages are recorded in con-
temporary history of different peoples as well as in classic writ-
ings. Thus, there is a stage in the development of definite lan-
guage in which more or less obscure by-meanings cling to words,
and this is the stage of mysticism or dialectics, or esoteric ideation,
from which we are not yet completely emancipated ; and there
is another stage in which by-meanings are expressed through
modification of primary terms by inflection and by combination
of elements, this being the stage of grammatic differentiation
from which only the English language is at all emancipated. It
is to be observed, however, that the tendency of the times is
toward tlie elimination of complexities of both sorts and toward
the abandonment of the more complex languages ; and this
would appear to be a reason for the ascendency of the simple,
tangible, and definite tongue and writing of the Anglo-Saxon.
Possibly the Anglo-Saxon blood is more potent than that of
other races ; but it is to be remembered that the Anglo-Saxon
language is the simplest, the most perfectly and simply sym-
bolic, that the world has ever seen, and that by means of it the
Anglo-Saxon saves his vitality for conquest instead of wasting
it under the Juggernaut of a cumbrous mechanism for convey-
ing thought. Accordingly, on tracing the evolution of language,
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282 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VllI
it appears that signs, words, and symbols followed the course of
late pursued by proper names ; at first the expressions covered
a multitude of meaninors, but the liy-meanings have gradually
fallen away until the principal linguistic elements have come to
stand for simple dissociated ideas.
II
The evolution of nomenclature has now reached a stage .in
which it is not only possible but needful to discriminate two
classes of proper names : The first or primitive class includes
those having collateral or associated meanings, and maybe called
connotative or connotive ; the second class embraces simple desig-
nations without collateral or associated meanings, and may be
called denotative or denottve.
Placing these classes in the order of their development, it is
found that the connotive names are ancient, the denotive names
modern. During earlier centuries nearly all place-names, as
well as most surnames and many prenames of people, were con-
notive, while today, and particularly in this country, most place-
names and nearly all person-names are practically denotive; for
even when an etymologic or ethnologic or antiquarian meaning
clings to a name this by-meaning conveys no impression to ordi-
nary users of the term ; Mr Miller is a man, tall or short, rich or
poor, merchant prince or county pauper, as rnay happen, but
neither the owner nor the driver of a mill ; and Harpers Ferry
is a village or town, large or small, refined or rude, but never a
strumming musician or a ferry. The forefathers infused their
own indivi<luality and that of their neighbors into their proper
names, and thus developed an anthropomorphic nomenclature ;
but their busier descendants will have none of it.
Yet, while in general connotive names have given place to
denotive names, there is a noteworthy exception to this tendency
of the times. In the cities of two centuries ago the street names
were given in commemoration of men, trees, birds, streams and
the like, and bore no relation to each other, while the houses
were designated by their owners or by fanciful names ; but in
this century city houses have come to be designated by num-
bers and, particularly in this country, the streets receive names
or other designations designed to indicate their relation. So the
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July 1895] SOME PRINCIPLES OF NOMENCLATURE 283
modern city nomenclature is connotive rather than denotive. It
is to be observed, however, that this development of denotive
nomenclature is not a reversal to the primitive condition, since
the by-meanings are not accidental but designed, not random
but systemic, and adapted to a definite end. In brief, the
general tendency in the evolution of place-names is in the di-
rection of denotive designations for independent units, and in
the direction of connotive designations for interdependent parts.
The extended and vigorous growth of systemic place-names
and person names during the last five centuries is a striking
feature of our civilization and is worthy of careful considera-
tion. Its cause would appear to be simple. As energy takes
the path of least resistance, so the mind seeks to encompass its
end with the minimum expenditure of energy ; and thus it hap-
pens that men refuse, albeit unconsciously, to employ a complex
idea when a simple one will do, and eventually fall into the
habit of not only expressing themselves, but even thinking, in
the most economical ways. Now, the idea conveyed by a con-
notive name is complex, while the idea conveyed by the deno-
tive name is simple ; the one is a more or less elaborate impres-
sion, the other a single definite mark ; the one a pictograph or
hieroglyph, the other a simple arbitrary symbol. So, however
strongly sentiment may cling to the complex connotive mean-
ing, economy of energy leads gradually, through instinct rather
than definite consciousness, to the simplification of the idea,
until finally it is intuitively stored, used, and conveyed in its
most economic form. Hence economy in thought and utterance
would seem to be the key-note to the evolution of proper names.
It is to be observed that the same cause will explain the growth
of language in general from the associative to the dissociative
forms; for it is economy (including much more than the " lazi-
ness " of Sayce) that forms the key-note to linguistic evolution.
Ill
The function of science is three-fold : (1) to discover that
which is ; (2) to ascertain that which was in terms of that which
is now ; and (8) to find courses of action in that which is and
that which was, and thus to determine what is to be. Accord-
injrly, the astronomer first observes the positions of the cosmic
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284 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
bodies, next compares these positions with those observed by
his forefathers and thus obtains a measure of cosmic movement,
and then determines eclipses and conjunctions and occultations
for decades in thp future, and all modern ships are guided by
his predictions. In like manner the chemist first ascertains the
properties of a substance in a given form, next examines it under
other forms and compares its different forms, and is then able to
formulate laws of chemic action and predict changes going on
with changed conditions to the extent that modern industries
and household economy are based on his predictions. To a less
degree the same order is pursued in the biotic sciences, though
vital phenomena are more complex, so that prediction is less
certain ; yet the breeding of stock represents observation, com-
parison of stages, and prevision, so that domesticated animals
and fowls represent in some measure the outcome of biotic
prediction. The anthropologist has to deal not only with the
animal body, but with the still more elusive and complex mind,
so that his methods and results are still less exact than those of
the biologist ; yet even the student of man and his institutions
profits greatly by the scientific method so useful in the ancillary
branches of knowledge.
Now, when the scientific method is applied to personal and
geographic names, it is first found that some names have asso-
ciated meanings and others not ; next, on comparing the present
with the past, it is found that the meanings associated with cer-
tain nan)es are constantly disappearing, and with further study
that the by-meanings disappear through an instinctive tendency
toward economy of thought and expression ; and accordingly it
is easy to predict that denotive names must come to prevail over
connotive names. The principles thus suggested must guide the
application and use of personal and geographic names ; they
will not indeed be recognized by all individuals, many of whom
will employ the primitive method of giving more or less com-
plex connotive names; but in the end economy of thought and
expression in the hundred or thousand will outweigh the whim
of the one, and thus the work of the obstructionist will come to
nought, however strongly it be guarded — the child loves to re-
member that two apples and two apples are four apples, but the
busy adult soon comes to remember only that 2 + 2 = 4. The
principles indeed will govern nomenclature, whether they are
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July 1895] SOME PRINCIPLKS OF NOMENCLATURE 285
recognized or not, in the future as in the past; they represent a
law of nature which it were folly to oppose.
On applying these principles to the subject of American geo-
graphic nomenclature, a significant fact appears : Many of our
rivers and mountains and some of our cities and towns bear
aboriginal names. Now, while these names bore a meaning to
the Red Man, and while in some cases the ethnologist or anti-
quary is able to interpret them, they are meaningless to the vast
majority of people. Thus they are typical denotive terms.
Moreover, a characteristic of the American people is directness
of method in thought and expression ; and in this way denotive
nomenclature has been stimulated more than in other countries.
For both of these reasons our American geographic nomenclature
is largely denotive and to only a limited extent connotive; and
since the denotive form is the higher in the evolution of proper
names, it follows that our geographic nomenclature is superior
to that of any other nation. And for this nomenclature we are
indebted to the Red Men, whose homes we have despoiled and
whose lands we have confiscated, and sentiment argues the rear-
ing of a monument to a passing race by retaining the original
names wherever possible. Be it remembered, too, that the re-
tention of such names is but the extension of that denotive
nomenclature which makes for further weal by simplifying
thought — for it is not enough to say that Americans seek deno-
tive nomenclature because of our national directness of method ;
here as elsewhere in nature tendencies are cumulative, and
mental directness is increased and progress gained by reason of
the simpler nomenclature.
Many local applications of the principles of nomenclature
might be made, and some of these are worth stating. The best
names for hills, valleys, rivers, and towns are denotive, since
these features are not related, and since therefore the independ-
ent designation is the most economical. But streets and ave-
nues, squares and houses, are parts of a unit and stand in rela-
tions to other parts which it is commonly economical to express.
It is for this reason that while older cities gave unrelated desig-
nations to streets and houses, modern cities apply connotive
street namas and connotive house numbers. This is particularly
true in America, where national characteristics have so largely
led to the conscious or unconscious development of economic
37
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286 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
methods ; and it is especially noteworthy in the more modern
cities. The simplest and thus the best application of the con-
notive method in street designation is found in numbering
streets ; another application is found in lettering them, and the
l)erfection of street designation along two different but related
lines is found in Washington, where the streets are numbered
one way and lettered the other, and in Salt I^ke City, where
the streets are numbered both ways. Less desirable applica-
tions of the connotive method are found in the designation of
streets by names of related meaning, whose initials are arranged
alphabetically, so as to indicate their position with respect to a
starting point. An excellent example of this method is found
in certain suburbs of Washington, where streets take the names
of American cities — Albany, Boston, Cincinnati, etc. Similarly
streets may be designated by the names of trees arranged alpha-
betically — Aspen, Beech, Chestnut, etc, — or by the names of
rivers — Atchafalaya, Brandywine, Colorado, etc. It is to be re-
membered, however, that use of names of cities, trees, or rivers
in this way represents a return toward the primitive connotive
nomenclature, which has been tried in the crucible of time and
found bad ; it is a reversal of normal development, a social
atavism, and it is too much to hope that the arrangement will
serve any other useful purpose than that of permitting repeti-
tion of the alphabet without danger of confusion. Another ap-
plication of the connotive method by means of the alphabet is
found in the use of names of celebrities arranged alphabetically ;
but this method is not only bootless, except for permitting the use
of the alphabet in a distinctive way. but is perhaps objectionable
in that it tends to degrade honored names without commemorat-
ing individuals — for Washington market, Jefferson place, and
Adams street are but labels, and not one in ten who use them
is reminded thereby of the founders of the nation, and many
there are who never know their meaning. Viewed in the light
of the evolution of proper names, the system of numbering
streets and houses is the best that can possibly be devised, and
next in excellence is the system of lettering streets ; and any
departure from these systems is a step backward.
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July 1895] NOTES AND NEWS 287
NOTB8 AND NITWS
"The Early Navajo and Apache." — The deductions pre-
sented by Mr F. W. Hodge in the present number of the "An-
thropologist " ("The Early Navajo and Apache," July, 1895)
seem to be somewhat hastily derived, either from the authorities
he cites or from other sources of information which he has not
cited.
Unfortunately I am so situated here that it will be impi>S8ible
for me at this moment to quote from notes which have been left
in Washington, but I may at least be permitted to express an
opinion upon a subject with which in times past I endeavored
to familiarize myself, reserving for a later date the duty of a
more elaborate examination of Mr Hodge's arguments.
To make my remarks as succinct as possible, I take issue with
Mr Hodge in his conclusion, that the Apache tribe is of com-
paratively recent entrance into our southwest territory (i. «.,
Arizona and New Mexico), a conclusion based upon the fact
that one or two of the earlier Spanish writers, whom he names,
do not specifically allude to the Apaches or to having encoun-
tered opposition from any hostile tribes during their progress
northward.
Mr Hodge is honest in his methods and fai? in his application
of the material at his disposition, and he also frankly quotes
the contrary convictions of Surgeon Washington Matthews, who
gives the Navajo myth estimate of a trifle more than seven
hundred years as the period of Navajo-Apache occupancy of the
region in (juestion.
To begin with the latter part of Mr Hodge's proposition first.
Negative evidence as to the existence of the Apaches at any
particular time in any particular region infested by them is very
unsatisfactory evidence.
Simply because Castafieda de Najera does not allude to any
such tribe in or about 1540-1541 does not prove anything.
Castaneda's narrative may be found in Hakluyt. He was
attached to the expedition of Vasquez de Coronado, moving
out in search of the cities of Cibola, an expedition of most im-
posing dimensions. I forget the exact figures of its organization,
but some idea of its strength may be inferred from Mr Hodge's
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288 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
own statement, that it was accompanied by no less than " 5,000
sheep and 150 cows of Spanish breed '' (p. 237).
No one possessing the slightest acquaintance with Apache
tactics needs to be assured that Coron ado's force of mail-clad and
escmipiled Castilians and aborigines was not likely to be molested
by the wary savages scanning their every movement from the
hilltops.
Before arriving at conclusions in regard to the period of savage
migrations, every possible source of information should be
scrutinized and exhausted.
In the case of the Apache-Navajo these sources would a])pear
to be for us :
1. The traditions of the natives themselves.
a, of the Apache and Navajo.
6, of contiguous tribes.
2. Historical data, whether as narratives of early missionaries,
reports of military and exploring expeditions, municipal records,
where such exist, church records, or history, properly so called.
In the matter of history, the first is not always the best. In
many cases writers of a later epoch are able, from force of cir-
cumstances, to present conclusions much more just than the
assumptions, often arbitrary and fantastic, of the earlier com-
mentators. A case in point is that of the Zunis of New Mexico.
A government publication can be named, dated about 1857, in
which it is solem-nly stated that Zufii must once have been in-
habited by pigmies because the doors are generally so low.
The traditions of the tribes adjacent to the Apaches are singu-
larly harmonious in regard to the long-standing and consistent
hostility dis})layed by that people toward all whom they met
in their i)rogress southward and southeastward.
No aboriginal tribe on the American continent — not even the
Irocjuois orAraucanian — knew so well how to apply the old
Roman maxim of *^ Divide and rule." In moving down among
the sedentary Indians, the Apache took good care to be always
at peace with some while making forays upon others. Thus
they kept on good terms and even intermarried with the Pueblos
of Picuris, New Mexico, and came, in a friendly way, to trade in
the first days of its foundation in front of the church of Our
Lady of the Angelo of Porciuncula, whose ruins are still to be
seen amid those of the pueblo of Pecos, fully described by Ban-
delier.
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July 1895] NOTES AND NEWS 289
In passing, it may be noted that this fact was related by a
Benavides, apparently the same (juoted by Mr Hodge.
And, strange to add, he says that they came with dog sledges,
which would show that they were plains Apaches, and had
been long enough on the plains to have become accustomed to
the dog, which their brethren and the other tribes to the ex-
treme west (Pimas, Opatas, Chimahuevis, Yumas, Cocopahs,
etc.) never employed as a beast of burden.
They maintained relations of intermittent friendliness with
the people of Tucson, close to which town as many as 3,000 of
them are said to have been congregated at one time ; and yet,
about the very same period, they made an attempt to burn
down the church of the Pimas at San Xavier del Bac, nine miles
up the river Santa Cruz.
A number of writers, among whom, I think, was Humboldt,
have commented upon this phase of their nature. They would
go so far as to plunder the settlements in Sonora and take the
proceeds to the Rio Grande to sell to the Mexicans living along
that otream. At various times peace has been made and kept
precariously with Janos, Fronteras, Santa Cruz, Baviske, Basa-
raca, and other insignificant towns, and even at the date of the
killing of the gallant Captain li^mmet Crawford, Third Cavalry,
United States Army, in 1886, the Opata mountain hamlets of
Nacori and Bacodeguachi were exempt from persecution because
the Apaches wished to keep open some source of information as
to what the Mexican troops were doing.
Apache-Navajo tradition, and Pueblo tradition as well, are
concurrent in giving the Navajo country as the place of refuge
sought by many of the Rio Grande Pueblos at the period of the
great revolt, or, perhai)s it might be better to say. at the period
of the suppression of that revolt (1692-1694).
An archeologist might find in one valley the ruins of a village
destroyed by the Apaches several centuries ago and not ten miles
away come upon the traces of another which had managed to
maintain some kind of relations with them until within a gen-
eration or two.
Thus Fronteras and Santa Cruz, already mentioned, were sev-
eral times abandoned on account of Apache inroads, and then
reestablished.
In 1866 I was taken by a party of Apaches to the ruins of a
pueblo on the southern flank of the Sierra Acha, Arizona. " This
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290 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
town was destroyed by a party of our peoi)le led by my grand-
father, who was then a very young man. He destroyed this
town in the night, carrying oflf the women and children. Our
I)eople used to keep at peace with those living over there" (on
the foothills of the Sierra Matitzal and along the Rio Tonto).
My informant was the chief known to the Americans as " John
Daisy " — i. e., Pi-cha-indezi = Him, or His, Ear, Long — ^that is
to say, "The Mule."
The eighteenth century was more than half advanced before
the Apache drove the Sobaipuri branch of the Pima tribe out
of Aravaypa canon.
A scholar who made very painstaking and learned investiga-
tions into the former relations existing between Apache and
Papago (Christian Pima) was the Right Reverend John B.
Salpointe, who, when I first met him (1870), was the Roman
Catholic bishop of Arizona.
So much for Indian tradition, of which more could be given
were it not from fear of occupying too much space.
The measure of value to be assigned to Indian tradition is a
vexed question, which each student must decide according to
his own experience. I am willing to accept it in all cases as
true, having due regard for the constant coefficient of ignorance
attaching to every story related by people who have inadeqate
means of recording time or whose knowledge of the arts and
sciences is meager; but it would be harsh and unjust to reject it
altogether.
The Roman soldiers returning from the early Punic wars re-
ported that the enemy had advanced up(m them with beasts of
burden which had snakes for hands (anguimani). We would
call such animals elephants.
An Indian, who had made a hurried trip with a white friend
from New Mexico, saw in the river below Saint Louis an animal
with eyes of flame, vomiting steam from its nostrils and groan-
ing more loudly than a wounded buffalo. He was telling about
a steamboat. In 1881, at the ruins of " Tolla-hogandi," Arizona,
a Moqui told Mr Thomas Keam and myself that here had been
a town of the Moquis, destroyed by the other Moquis because it
was full of *' singing men " and would not live like its neighbors.
I ventured the surmise (in " Snake Dance of the Moquis ") that
the " singing men " were Roman Catiiolic friars chanting vespers,
and that " Tolla-hogandi " must be the old Christian Pueblo of
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July 1895] NOTES AND NEWS 291
"Aguatubi," a surmise which Dr J. Walter Fevvkes at a later
date demonstrated to be beyond a doubt correct.
The Spanish history of North America may be said to be^in
with the expedition of Vasquez de Coronado from Culiacan
northeast to the Arkansas or the Platte, as the scholar may elect.
Of this expedition we have accounts by Coronado himself, by
Jaramillo, and by Castaneda de Najera, and we also have the
relations of Cabeza de Vaca and of Father Marco de Niza. Pre-
vious to this — that is, from the year that Cortes obtained control
of Teiiochtitlan until 1540 — the reports of Cortfe and the early
missionaries describe facts in the present capital of Mexico with
more particularity than those of any other point.
This was not all that the Spaniards were doing, but it was the
principal part. Juan de Zumanaga, the first archbishop of
Mexico, brought over the German Crombauer, with his printing
press and set him to work at printing catechisms and "Artes "
of the Aztec language, and a private citizen (name unknown)
established, in 1543, for the education of Tarascan youth, a col-
lege which by 1583 had been raised to the dignity of a university,
whose grand ruins are still to be seen on the island of Tzintzon-
tzin, in Michoacan ; but from the moment that Spanish writers
began to direct their attention to the north, then we hear the cry
of the Chichimecs ! No words are too strong to delineate the
diabolical character of the Chichimecs. They were wanderers
from the north, going almost naked, and lurking in the suburbs
of the largest towns and cities, at one time throwing Zacatecas
itself into a panic.
Dr Gustav Bruhl, who devoted much thoughtful attention to
the matter, translates " Chichimec " as " Mescal-eater."
Now the mescal, or American aloe, is and has been emphat-
ically the food of the Apache. Furthermore, Torquemada (** Mo-
narquia Indiana," Madrid, 1709, lib. v, cap. 40) says that the
Apaches were the Chichimecs, although, for the sake of avoiding
discussion, I am willing to include under the same head the
Tarahumaris, the Comanches, and any other fierce tribes to the
north.
But the word Apache itself, so far as now known, does not
appear in any Spanish writing until we approach 1580-'81,
when Antonio Espejoled an expedition from the mines of San
Bartalom6 to rescue two Franciscan friars who had penetrated
up the Rio Grande certainly as far as the pueblo of Puay, not
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292 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
far from which that of Sandia now stands. Torquemada relates
that these two friars, Francisco Lopez and Agostin Rodriguez,
were killed hy the Chichimecs, who neither knew nor respected
God, heing like another Pharaoh. (Mon. Indiana, lib. xxi, cap.
14, p. 627.)
From this writer we get the name of the **Faraones" (Pha-
raohs) Apaches, a designation so long a blind to investigators.
Possibly from the Spaniards, too, has been derived our game
of faro, which has been as great a scourge to us as the red-skinned
Faro's or Faraones were to the Rio Grande.
Mr Hodge tells us that " the first Spanish known reference to
the Apache tribe was made by Juan de Onate. This was in
1598 " (quoting from Onate, " Obediencia y vassalaje de San
Juan Bantisha," 1598, in Doc. Ined. de Indias, xvi, p. 114, where
the word occurs as plain as day). Under the name '^Apichi "
they will be found spoken of in the accounts of Esi)ejo's expedi-
tion, 1581-'83.
In most of the Spanish or Mexican references to this tribe
they are arbitrarily designated as " Coyoteros," '' Mescaleros,"
**Jicarillas,'' *' MogoUons," etc., terms which are unknown to the
Apaches and which are as illogical and misleading as Bancroft's
classification under the one general head of " New Mexicans."
Escudero in (" Noticias Estadisticas del Estado de Chihuahua,"
Mex*., 1834, p. 212) gives a list of nine " parcialidades " which
correspond both to clans and to local groups (see my " Gentile
Organization of the Apaches," p. 125, in J. of Am. Folk-I^ore).
The sixth of these, which he writes ^'Sejenne or Mescaleros," is,
oddly enough, without doubt, Doctor Matthews' " Tse*jinkini,
the Ilouse-of-the-dark-cliffs people. These are the descendants
of the first two human pairs, who had their origin in the San
Juan mountains, the first pair having been created by the gods
from two ears of corn brought from the cliff houses in Tse'gihi,
a canon somewhere in the country north of the Rio San Juan."
But Escudero 's "Sejenne" (pronounce the Mexican j like hk)
is the Apache ** Tzekinne," or people who live in the Aravaypa
cation, or in the houses of stones there to be found. Tze = a rock,
kin = house. This would imply an admission in Apache or
Navajo myth that " the first two human pairs " were a rock-
house people or cliff-dwellers, and that the Apache himself was
an intrusive element.
No fault can be found with Mr Hodge's view that the Apache-
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July 1895] NOTES AND NEWS 293
Navajo movement to the southward gained in momentum with
the conquest of the Rio Grande Pueblos and their subsequent
revolt from the Spanish yoke, but still more did it derive strength
from the weakness of Spanish vice-regal rule and the anarchy
and turbulence immediately following the separation of Mexico
from the mother country. Torquemada laments that the Kmg
of Spain has been for years compelled to maintain over four
thousand dragoons to watch this tribe alone. (This has been
fully exi)lained in " On the Border with Crook.")
Mr Hodge is also correct when he describes the Apaches as a
composite people, but all tribes and all nations, civilized or
savage, are that.
The Apaches have solid bands, as among the Tontos, who not
merely admit their foreign blood, but speak two languages — the
Apache proper and the Mojave, closely related to the Hualpai,
and claiming kinship with Pima and Cocopah. A Tonto chief,
" Patchin," had a second name in the Mojave language, " Pula-
Sara-trapa," or *' the White-spotted Forehead " (Gentile Organ-
ization of the Apaches of Arizona, p. 113). Other members of
the same band could be mentioned in the same manner, were it
necessary.
The very name Tonto is a free translation of the Apache word
I^ifietinne, spelled ^*Vinietinnenne'' by Escudero, meaning stupid
head or fool, and given by the other Apaches because they sjmke
so barbarously.
" Eskiminzin," one of the head chiefs of the Apaches, is of
part Mexican blood. The tribe is full of Mexicans, with occa-
sional Pima, Opata, and Tarahumari captives, not a few of whom
have risen to power and influence among their captors.
But as the Roman — born in Spain, in Mantua, Capua, or
Lutelia — no matter what might be the nationality of one parent,
always claimed to be a Roman, so the Apache is the dominant
blood at all times among this savage people, and Apache each
and every one claims to be and is.
In the literature of this subject there is a very important and
interesting rei)ort by Don Hugo O'Conor, an insi)ector-general
of the Si)anish army ; another by a certain Colonel Castro, who
lived among the Apaches for seven years, was acquainted with
their dialects, and had an intelligent appreciation of their pecu-
liarities, both in peace and war; there is a shrewd letter con-
cerning Moquis and Apaches by Father Eusebio Kino, and some
38
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294 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
information of value in Father Alegre's History of the Com-
pany of Jesus in Mexico, itself based upon the work of his pre-
decessors in the missionary field, hut not always exact in the
matter of dates. John G. Bourke,
Captain Third Cavalry^ U, S, Arniy.
Reply of Mr Hodge. — It is for some reasons to he regretted
that Captain Bourke has taken occasion to criticise certain pas-
sages of *' 'J'he Early Navajo and Apache " before consulting the
notes to which he alludes, for over-reliance on his memory has
led him to err in a number of statements.
A careful perusal of my paper will show that the mere fact
that Castaneda (whose narrative does not appear in Hakluy t, as
Captain Bourke supposes, but in Ternaux-Compans) fails to
mention any tribe that can be identified with the Apache, not-
withstanding his detailed description of every noteworthy occur-
rence, is only a small part of the evidence presented in support
of my argument that southern Arizona and northern Sonora
were not occupied by the Apache in the sixteenth century. It
will also show that even in the early part of the seventeenth
century the sedentary peoples of New Mexico and Arizona were
not molested by the Apache or Navajo ; tlierefore the " tactics "
of the Apache of early times were quite different from those
with which Captain Bourke has had such a wide and thrilling
experience. Even had the Apache taken to the heights on the
approach of the Spaniards, the latter could not have failed to
observe signs of habitation in the despol)lado between the CJihi
and Zufii, had there been any.
Cai)tain Bourke i)resents no evidence, so fiir as I can see, of the
early occupancy by the Apache of the Wiiite Mountain region
in Arizona. The fact that " the traditions of the tribes adjacent
to the Ai)aches are singularly harmonious in regard to the long-
standing and consistent hostility displayed by that people" is
of little moment. " Long-standing '' hostility to the Indian
may mean a period not exceeding a century or so, for in many
instances the Indian's conception of chronometry beyond a very
brief period is quite vague. For example, the Tiwa of Isleta re-
late a tale of " The Man Who Wouldn't Keep Sunday," the home
of this impious individual having been a prehistoric pueblo ; and
another regarding the destruction of Pecos, which bears every
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July 18951 NOTES AND NEWS 295
indication of antiquity, yet it is known that Pecos has been
abandoned only about half a century. It should also be re-
membered that the association of the Apache with Pecos and
Picuris, to which Captain Bourke refers, occurred nearly a hun-
dred years after the coming of Coronado, and it would have
been strange had they neglected to follow other nomads (the
Querecho or Tonkawa, for example, who traded with the Pueblos)
in the use of the dog as a beast of burden, for the plains tribes
had that animal under domestication before the Spaniards came.
Captain Bourke is mistaken also in his supposition that the
first actual Spanish reference to the Ai)ache was made prior to
1598. The two Franciscan friars mentioned, accompanied by
Chamuscado, went, in 1580, as missionaries to Puaray (Coro-
nado's town of Tiguex), where Bernalillo now stands, but were
killed by the inhabitants of that village in the same year.
Eighteen years later Ofiate there discovered on the walls of a
room a partially effaced painting representing the killing ; hence
the " Cliichimecs " — a term applied in Mexico to any wild In-
dians — to whom Torquemada attributed the killing, were in this
case not Apache, but only "peaceful" Pueblos. The name
Faraones, as applied to a division of the Apache, was not em-
ployed until the eighteenth century, while the name "Apichi"
(really '^Apiches "), mentioned by Captain Bourke, occurs not in
Espejo's narrative, as he supposes, but in Ofiate's letter of March
2, 1599, published in the Documentos Ineditoa del Archivo de
Indias, xvi, p. 808.
The bare fact that the Apache and Navajo are composite
peoples is unimportant, save in so far as it is possible to trace
the mixture in their kinship to a very early date, and another
perusal of my paper will, I think, remove any impression that I
have been endeavoring to establish what is already well known
to every one. The writings of O'Oonor, Castro, Kino, and Alegre
are all comparatively recent ; hence shed no light on the early
Navajo and Apache, to whom alone my little paper is devoted.
If on future examination of his notes Captain Bourke suc-
ceeds in gaining further information regarding the ancient hab-
itat and condition of the Apache, I shall be very glad, but in
view of the numerous errors into which my critic's memory has
led him, I see no reason whatever for changing any of my i)re-
viously published conclusions. F. W. Hodge.
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296 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Alexandra V. Potanine, who died in China in 1893, was a
most indefatigable traveler, having accompanied her husband,
Grigorii Potanine, in his journeys through Siberia, Mongolia,
Tibet, and China for nearly twenty years. She was an active
and efficient assistant of her husband in his work of exploration,
particularly in meteorological observations, in keeping the jour-
nal, and in having charge of the collections, for which latter
work the Imperial Russian Geographical Society awarded her
a gold medal. She also has done much independent work in
studying and describing the life of the peoples among whom she
lived, and her writings, published from time to time in Russian
periodicals, form a valuable contribution to our knowledge of
the life of the Orient. She died a victim of her zeal for the work
of exploration. Having been taken sick with fever, she insisted
on continuing the newly planned route and died on the way
before reaching Pekin. Her remains were interred at Kiahta,
on the Russian frontier.
The Russian Geographical Society has honored her memory
by publishing, in a separate volume, a collection of her works,
with the addition of a biographical sketch and a portrait of the
author.
Mme. Potanine's writings consist principally of ethnological
sketches of the native inhabitants of northeastern Siberia and
central Asia, and her descriptions of the customs, religion, and
mode of life of these peoples are remarkable in their clearness
and impartiality. Her powers of observation were very keen,
her sympathies broad, and her mind cultivated and well in-
formed. Her style is extremely simple and popular. Some of
these essays were written expressly for publications intended for
the instruction of young people in Russia, as, for instance, the
story of "Dorgie, the Booriat Boy," and the article " Mongolia
and the Mongols."
Her description of Tibet and the government of the Dalai-
Lama is valuable and interesting in its details. The study of the
religion of Tibet is most exhaustive. She had personally visited
two large Tibetan monasteries, and spent a whole winter in that
of Gumbum, in northern Tibet. Julie Mindeleff.
A SECTION of anthropology has been organized in connection
with the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. Dr
Harrison Allen is chairman.
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July 1895J NOTES AND NEWS 297
The Allentiac Language of Argentina. — Mr J. F. Medina,
the well-known Chilian archaeologist, lias discovered and repub-
lished the only copy known to exist of the Jesuit Father Luis
de Valdivia's ** Doctrina Arte Voc," etc., of the Allentiac lan-
guage, now extinct, but formerly spoken by the Guarpe Indians
of Cuyu. The famous missionary published his book in Lima
in 1607, and it is a most precious little volume in every sense.
The Guarpes seem to have been cave-dwellers. Their word
for " water " is caha, a possible representative of the well known
root word co\ so general in South America. The personal pro-
nouns are : cm, I ; ca^ thou ; ep, he, she, it ; cucha^ we ; cacha,
you ; epcha, they. <ni, I, makes cuch, my, and in this state is
used as the possessive prefix ; e. g., each p/a, my father, and so
on of the rest; ep goes into epech for phonetic reasons.
The verbs require an auxiliary, and, with it« personal ending,
it forms the flectional suffix ; e. g., quilletc, love (as verb); stem,
quilletc-a; quillelc a-nen^ I love. The other personal suffixes are :
(2) -npen; (3) -nn; (pi. 1) -cnen; (2) -mnecpen; (8) -vina. The
adjective precedes the substantive.
Interrogative and negative conjugations differ slightly in their
affixes from the others, and the same thing happens when the
accusative of the personal pronoun is affixed. The principal of
these are: Que, queunmite, me; xque, quex, xqueanmite, us; en,
caye, thee; xca, cax.xcaunmi, ye; pu, him ; pux, xpu, them.
The auxiliary or substantive verbs are several, and their roots
are he, a or ha, ca, ma^ Ita.
Lpu is the prefix of past time.
The vocabulary is like nothing else we know in this country ;
but we are following traces of the grammatical i)articles. The
pnmouns seem very like something in the Chaco-Guaycuru'
grouj), and the postposition Ta is too general to be passed over
as a chance analogy.
It is to be regretted that Mr Medina has printed only 200
copies of his beautiful edition. He is to be heard of at Seville.
The undersigned has almost ready for the press an essay on
this most interesting language, with a translation of the cate-
chism, etc.. and an inversion of the vocabulary into Allentiac-
Spanish.
Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo.
PiLciAo, Argentina.
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VIII
A QUARTERLY BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ANTHROPOLOOIC
LITERATURE
COMPILED BY ROBERT FLETCHER, M. D.
Anoutchine (D. N.) L'amulette
crilnienne et la trepanation des
cnXnes, dans les temps anciens en
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18 p., 3 pi. 4°.
Belloni (Cesare). L'indice cranio-
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Pavia, 1804, xvi.] Pavia, 1895,
tip. Slice. Bizzoni, 7 p., 1 pi. 8°.
Berger (P.) M($moire sur une in-
scription phenicienne de Nar-
naka, dans Tile de Chypre. Re-
print from: [Rev. d'assyriol, etc.,
Par, 18<M, iii, 09-88.] I^aris,
1895, Marcean, 22 p. roy. 8°.
Boas (Franz). Chinook texts.
Washington, 1894 [1895], Gov't
Printing Office, 278 p., 2 pi. 8°.
Buckley (Edmund). Phallicisra
in Japan. Chicago, 1895, Univ.
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Clodd (Edward). The story of
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Corre (Armand) et Paul Abry.
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De Letamendi (J.) EI Iiombre en
accion. Ks])ozo de una teorfa
general del trabajo, en su triple
aspecto, vit{d,econ6mico v liberal.
Madrid, 1895, N. Moya, 71 p. 12°.
Deniker (J.) Sur les ossements
humains recueillis i)ar M. Diguet
dans la Biisse-Californie. [Reprint
from : Bull, du Mus. d'hist. nat. ,
1895.] 1895, Paris, Imp. nat.,
3 p. 8°.
Dyer (II.) The evolution of in-
dustry. New York, 1895, Mac-
millan & Co., 303 p. 12°.
Elworthy (F. T.) The evil eye:
an account of this ancient and
widespread superstition. New
York, 1895, Scribner's Sons, 470 p.
8°.
Escuder (J. M.) Locos y anom-
alos. Madrid, 1895, 324 p., 1 1.,
1 pi. 12°.
Ferri (Enrico). Uomicidio nell'an-
tropologia criminale (omicida
nato e omicida pazzo) con atlante
antropologico-statistii'o. Torino,
1895, frat. Bocca, 747, 339 p., 2 tab.,
6 pi. 8°.
Fowke (Gerard). Archeologic in-
vestigations in James and Poto-
mac valleys. Washington, 1894,
Gov't Printing Office, 80 p. 8°.
Oeorgeokis (G.) et L6on Pinean.
Le Folk-lore des I^esbos. Paris
[1894], Maisonneuve, xx, 375 p.
10°.
Oiannelli (Luigi). Topografia
cranio-Rolandica nei plagiocefali.
Siena, 1894, 18 p. 8°.
de la Orasserie (R.) De Torigine
et de revolution premiere des ra-
cines des langues. Paris, 1895,
Maisonneuve, 2 p. 1., 174 p. 8°.
Kelly (Vxlmond). Evolution and
effort, and their relation to re-
ligion and politics. New York,
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Knowles ( VV. J.) Irish flint saws.
[ ReprinJ from : J. Proc. Roy. Soc.
Antiq. Ireland, 1894.] [Dublin,
1894,] pp. 341-348. 8°.
Prehistoric pottery from the
siindhills and it« antiquity. [Re-
print from : J. Proc. Roy. Soo.
Antiq. Ireland, 1894.] [Dublin,
1894,] pp. 243-255. 8°.
Sepulchral pottery, [n. p.,
n. d.,]8p., 4pL 8°.
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July 1895]
ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
299
Lagnean (Gustave). Influence du
milieu sur la race ; modifications
m^sologiques des caracteres eth-
niques de notre i)opulation.
[Fram: Compt. rend. Acad. d. sc.
morales etpolit.] Orleans; Paris,
1895, Picard et fils, 50 p. 8°.
LombroBO (Cesare). Die Anar-
chisten. Eine kriminalpsycho-
logifiche und sociologische Studie.
Nach der zweiten Auflage des
Originals deutsch herausgegeben
von Dr. Hans Kurella. Hamburg,
1895, viii, J 39 p., 1 map. 8°.
MacDonald (Arthur). Abnormal
woman, a sociologicand scientific
study of young women, including
letters of American and European
gjrls in answer to personal adver-
tisements, with a bibliographv.
Washington, 1895, x, 189 p. 12°.
Martin (A.) Exploration arch6-
ologiquedansleMorbihan. [Rev.
arch^ol.] Angers, Paris, 1895,
Burdin et Cie. , Leroux, 30 p. 8°.
Martin (Rudolph). Kritische Be-
denken gegen den Pithecanthro-
pus erectus Dubois. [RepriiUfrom :
Globus, Brnschwg., 1895, Ixvii.]
Braunschweig, 1895, 5 p. 4°.
Mooney (James). Siouan tribes
of the East. Washington, 1894
[1895], Gov't Printing Office,
101 p., 1 map. 8°.
Petitot (femile). La station n<5o-
lithique de Mareuil-les-Meaux
(iSeine-et-Marne). Meaux, 1895,
Mai^uerite-Dupre, 30 p., 5 pi. 8°.
Reygasse (J.-B.) L'humanit^: son
Evolution depuis la creation jusqu*
k la fin des temps. Orleans,
Paris, 1895, Morand, I^thielleux,
361 p. 16°.
RockhlU (W.) Notes on the eth-
nology of Thibet. {Prom : Rep.
U. S. Nat. Mus., 1893.1 Wash-
ington, 1895, Gov't Printmg Office,
83p.,53pL 8°.
Valentin! (P. -J.- J.) Analysis of
the pictorial text inscribed on
two Palenque tablets. Worcester,
1895, C. Hamilton, 24 p., 2 pi. 8°.
"Worms (R(^ne). La sociologie et
le droit. [Reprlni from : Rev. in-
ternat. de sociol., 1895, iii.]
Beaugency, Paris, 1805, J.aff'ray,
Giard et Bri^re, 22 p. 8°.
Allbutt(8. C.) Nervous diseases
and modern life. Contemp. Rev.,
Lond., 1895, 210-231. -Allen (J. H.)
The alleged sympathv of religions.
New World, Bost., 1895, iv, 310-321.
— An dree (R. ) Die Sudgranze des
siichsischeu Ha uses im Braun-
schweigischen. Ztschr. f. Ethnol.,
Berl., 1895, xxvii, 25-36, 1 pi.—
Angiolella (G. ) Sullo stato attuale
dell'antropologia criminale a propo-
sito di un recente lavoro del Kirn.
Riv. sper. di freniat., Reggio-Emilia,
1895, xxi, 173-182.— Antonini (G.)
Due gozzuti cretinosi criniinali.
Arch.di psichiat, etc., Torino, 1895,
xvi, 554-559.— Ardu Onnis (E.)
Di un indice barot^ubico como carat-
tere sessuale. Atti. d. Soc. rom. di
antrop., Roma, 1894, i, 273-291.
— Baer (A.) Tatouage des crimi-
nels. [Transl.] Arch, d'anthrop.
crim., Lyon & Par., 1895, x, 153-174,
4 pi.— Bailey (L. H.) The plant
individual in the lijiht of evolution ;
the philosophy of bud variation,
and its bearing upon Weissmann-
ism. Science, N. Y. & Lancaster,
Pa., 1895, n. s., i, 281-292.— Balfour
(H.) On the bow as a musical in-
strument. Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv.
Sc, Lond., 1894, 778.— Barfurth
(D.) Ein Zeugnis fiir eine (leburt
von Siebenlingen l)eim Menschen.
Auat. Anz., Jena., 1894, x, ASO-
:i32. — Baring- Oould (S.) Eng-
lish folk song. Proc. Roy. Insl.
Gr. Brit. 1894, Lontl., 1895, xiv,
28(5-288.— Barr (M. W.) Consan-
guinity of parents in relation to
idiocy. Phila. Polyclin., 1895, iv,
124.— BarteU ( M. ) Ein Menschen-
schwanz. Verhandl. d. Berl. He-
sellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 1894,
(453-455). Siebenlinge. Ihid ,
(452).— Barth61emy (P.) Ste. Marie
de Madaga.scar et ses matelots nial-
gaches. Arch, de ni^'d. nav.. Par.,
1S95, Ixiii, 110-119.— Batuyeflf (N.-
A.) [(leneral morphological pecu-
liarities of the crown of human
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
teeth as compare<l with those of | 1895, n. s., i, 2.')3,
other inanimalia and lower vert<»-
brata; dependence of thene uecu-
liarities ui)on the physiolojjicai des-
tination of the ttH3th and their an
Variations
th ro|X)logirtil significance.] Trudi
antrop. Obsh. ]>. Imp. Vovenno-
Med. Akad. 189:5, S.-Peterb.', 1894,
i, 2(>-101.— de Baye {le Baron). Note
sur I'ltge de la pierre en Ukraine.
Anthropologie, Par., 1895, vi, 1-17.
— Bedaoe (J.j On complexional
differences between natives of Ire-
land, with indigenous and exotic
surnames resjHictively. Rep. Brit.
Ass. Adv. Sc, Ix)nd., 1894, 775.—
Beick (W.) Das Reich der Man-
niier. Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch.
f. Anthrop., 1894,(479-488).-Bergeii
(Fanny D. ) Burial and holiday
customs and beliefs of the Irish
peasantry. J. Am. Folk-Lore, Bost.
<& N. Y., 1895, xxviii, 19-25.
Survivals of sun-worship. Pop. Sc.
Month., N. Y., 1895, xlvii, 249-256.
— BerghauB. (irc)sse und Starke
desmodernen Menschen. (iesund-
heit, Frankf. a. M., 1895, xx, 148.—
Boas (F.) On Dr. Wilham Town-
send Porter's investigation of the
5 growth of the school children of St.
>ouis. Science, N. Y. & I^ncaster,
Pa., 1895, n. s., i, 225-230.
The growth of first-born children.
/Wf/., 402-404. Human fac-
ulty as determined by race. Proc.
Am. Ass. Adv. Sc, Salem, 1895, xliii,
301-327. The Indian tribes
of the l-,<jwer Fraser River. Rep.
Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc, Lond., 18<H,
454-4():i, 1 tab.— Bodio (L.) R«Hai
de statiHtiqueanthroj>om^*tri(ine du
Dr. Rodolphe Livi, capitaine mode-
cin. [Rt*v,J Arch. Ual. de biol.,
Turin, 1895, xxiii, 1 59- IW.— Bolton
(H. (/.) The game of g(K)se. .1.
Am. Folk-Lore, Bost. cV: N. Y.,
1895, viii, 145-150. — Brabrook
(E. \V.) et a!. Ethnograpliical sur-
vey of the Unite<l Kingdom. Rep.
Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc, Lcmd., 1894,
419-42<).-Brinton ( I ). G.) On cer-
tain morphologic traits of .\merican
languages. Proc. Am. Ass. Adv.
Sc. 1894, Salem, 1895, xliii, 330.
The significance of varia-
tions in the human skeleton.
Science, N. Y. & I^mcaster, Pa.,
in the human skeleton and their
causes. [Abstr.] Proc Am. Ass.
Adv. Sc, Salem, 1895, xliii, 32t).—
Buchanan (W. J.) Cbuiparative
heights and weights of prisoners in
Bengal jails. Indian M. (Jaz., Cal-
cutta, 1895, XXX, 144, 1 ch.— Btich-
ner (L.) Tertiary man. Med. Mag.,
Lond., 1895, iv, 551-5(56.— Balleid
(A.) The lake village at Glaston-
burv. Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc,
Lon'd., 1894, 431-434.-Bundey (W.
H. ) The punishment of criminals.
Rep. Australas. Ass. Adv. Sc, 1893,
Sydney, 1894, v, 539-556. - Bnateed
(J. B.) The Korean doctor and his
methods. Korean Reposit., Seoul,
1895, ii, No. 5.-CampbelI (J. A.)
Note on " heavy brains." Lancet,
Ix>nd., 1895, i, I511.-Capu8 (G.)
Tatouage en Bosnie-IIerc^govine.
Bull. Soc d'anthrop. de Par., 1894,
4. 8., v, 625-(v?3. — Carrara (M.)
Sullo svilup^M) del terzo dente mo-
lare nei crinnnali. Arch. di psichiat.,
etc, Torino, 1895, xvi, 15-28. —
Cermak (K. . IJelwr die Fundstelle
der geschweiften Becher in Caslau
(Bohmen) und das Alter der dor-
tigen jiingeren Lixsschichten. Ver-
handl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An-
throp., 1894, 4mj-470.— Chalke(E.
1j. ) A curious ciuse of human sacri-
fice, its medico-legal bearings as to
identification and mummification.
Indian M. Rec, ('alcutta, 1895, viii,
47 49.— Chamberlain (A. F.) In-
corporation in the Kootenay lan-
guage. Proc Am. Ass. Adv. Si?,
1894, Salem, 1895, xliii, 340 IWS —
Clodd (K.) Prt»sidential acidress.
[Folk-lore.] Folk-Lore, I^nd.,
1895, vi, 54-81.— da Costa Dorea
(J. R. ) A idade e o sexo em materia
criminal. Gaz. med. da Bahia,
1S93-4, 4. s., iv, 385; 433.— Cun-
ningham (I). J. ) Dr. Dubois' so-
cjdled missing link. [Abstr.] Na-
ture, Lond., 1894-5, li, 428.— Da-
guillon. Contribution il I'^tude du
tatouage chez les alienes. Arch.
d'anthr(»p. crim., Lvon& Par., 1895,
X, 175-199, 6 pi.— De Bla8io(A.)
Ulteriori ricen»he intorno al ta-
tuaggio dei camorristi na{)oletani.
Arch, di psichiat., etc, Torino, 1894,
XV, 510-5-29. — Dedichen (H.) De-
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ANTHROrOLOGIC LITERATURR
301
generations-antropologiens betyd-
ning for den praktiserende Ivej^e.
Tidskr. f. d. norske Laegefor.,
Christiania & Kjobenh., 1893, xiii,
318-328.— Deniker. Trois micro-
c^phales vivants. Bull. Soc. d'an-
tlirop. de Par., 1894, 4. s.. v, 587-
502.-Dick8on (Emily W.) The
need for women as poor law guard-
ians. Dublin J. M. Sc, 1895, xcix,
309-314.— DieseldorflfCE. P.) Ein
Thongefiiss mit Darstellung einer
vampyrkopfigen Gottheit. Ver-
handl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An-
throp., 1894, (576).-Diguet (L.) Note
8ur la pictographie de la Basse-Cali-
fornie. Anthropologie, Par., 1895,
vi, 160-1 75.— Dor8ey(G. A.) Crania
from the Necroi>oli8 of A neon, Peru.
Proc. Am. Ass. Adv.Sc 1894, Salem,
1895, xliii, 358-361.— Dorsey (J.
O.) Kwapa folk-lore. J. Am.
Folk-Lore, Boat. & N. Y„ 1895,
viii, im— Duckworth (W. L. H.)
Notes on skulls from Queensland
and South Australia. J. An-
throp. Inst., Lond., 1894-5, xxiv,
213-218.— Ella (S.) The origin of
the Polynesian races. Rep. Aus-
tralas. Ass. Adv. Sc. 1893, Sydney,
1894, V, 133-143.— Ernst t A.) Drei
Nephrit-Beile aus Venezuela. Ver-
handl. d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. An-
throp., Berl., 1895, (36-.38).— Ether-
idge (R.), jr. A highly ornate
** sword " from the Coburg Penin-
sula, North Australia. J. Anthrop.
Inst., Lond., 1894-5, xxiv, 427-430,
1 pi.— Evans (A.J.) The Rtjllright
stones and their folk-lore. Pmk-
Lore, Lond., 1895, vi, (>-53, 4 pi.
— Falkenhorst (C.) Riitselhafte
Veranderungen des menschlichen
Haares. Gartenlaube, Leipz., 1895,
114.— F6r6 (C.) Les gestes m(^ta-
phoriqueschez lesanimaux. Coinpt.
rend. Soc. de biol., Par., 1895, 10. s.,
ii, 270. — F6r6 et Busquet. Sur
Taction physiologique d'un poison
des fleches du Soudan frangais.
Ibid., 232-2a=>.— Ferrero (G.) La
crainte de la mort. Rev. scient.,
Par., 1895, 4. s., iii, 361-367.—
Fewkes (J. W.) A comparison of
Sia and Tusayan snake ceremonials.
Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1895, viii,
118-141. The destruction
of the Tusayan monsters. J.
39
Am. Folk-Lore, Bost. & N. Y.,
1895, viii, 132-137.— Fillmore (J.
C.) What do Indians mean to
do when they sing, and how far
do they succeed? Ibid., 138-142.
— Fison (L.) The classificatory
system or relationship. J. An-
throp. Inst., Lond., 1894-5, xxiv,
360-371.— Flau. ^influence des
odeurs sur la voix. Gaz. de gyn4c. ,
Par., 1895, x, 113-118.— Fletcher
(M. H.) What a dentist saw in
examining R\e hundred crania.
Dental Rev., Chicago, 1895, ix, 355-
363.— Fornasari di Vexce (E.) II
matrimonio e le generazioni future.
Arch, di psichiat., etc., Torino, 1895,
xvi, 57-69.— Fritsch (G.) Venm-
staltung der Genital-Organe im Ori-
ent. Verhandl. d. Berl. Gesellsch.
f. Anthrop., Beri., 1894, (455-458).—
Oarson (J. G.) Anthropometric
laboratory. Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv.
Sc, I^jnd., 1894, 444-453.
Early British races. Notices Proc.
Roy. Inst. Gr. Brit., Lond., 1894-5,
xiv, 248-258. -Oiglioli (E. H.) Di
alcuni strumenti di pietra e di osso
tuttora adoperati in Italia nella
lavorazione delle pelli e del cuoio.
Arch, per Tantrop., Firenze, 1894,
xxiv, 245-250. — Oowland {\V.)
Notes on the dolmens and other
antiquities of Korea. J. Anthrop.
Inst, Lond., 1894-5, xxiv, 316-^30,
1 pl.~ Graves (A. P.) Old Irish
song. Proc. Roy. Inst. Gr. Brit.
1894, Ix)nd., 1895; xiv, 169-177.—
Oreenlees ( T. D. ) Insanit j^ among
the natives of South Africa. J.
Ment. Sc, Lond., 1895, xli, 71-78.—
Oreenley (T. B. ) How long under
certain conditions could the average
longevity of man be maintained?
Tr. Kentucky M. Soc, Louisville,
1894, n. s., iii, 30-39.— Oregor (W.)
Notes on Beltane cakes. Folk-Lore,
Umd., 18a5, vi, 2-5.— Haliburton
(R. G.) Survival of dwarf races in
theNewWorid. [Abstr.] Proc Am.
Ass. Adv. Sc, Salem, 1895, xliii,
337-344.— Hammond iG. M.) On
tbe proper method of ascertaining
the chest expansion by measure-
ment. Med. Rec, N. Y., 1895,xlvii,
380.— Harley(L. R.) Race mixture
and national character. Pop. Sc
Month., N. Y., 1895, xlvii,86 ^t-
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Helm (O. ) Chemische Untereuch-
iiiiK westprtnissLscher vonjeschichtr
Hclier Bronze II iiiid Kupferlegi-
ruiigen, in8l)esoii(iere des Antiinon-
gelialtes dersi^ltHJii. Zt«chr. f.
Ethiiol., Berl., 1895, xxvii, 1 ; 37.—
Henry (W. O.) Relations of dis-
ease, crime and vice. J. Am. M.
Ass., Chicago, 1895, xxiv, 302-305.
— Herv6 (G.) I^s brachyc^phales
neolithiques. Rev. mens, he I'ficole
d'anthrop. de Par., 1894, iv, 393;
1895, V, 1 8. Les populations
lacustres. Ibid., 1895, v, 137-154. —
Hewitt I J. N. B.) The Iroquoian
concept of the soul. J. Am. Folk-
Lore, Bost. & N.Y., 1895, viii, 107-
UH.-Hodge (F.W.) The first discov-
ered city of Cibola. Am. Anthrop.,
Wash., 1895, viii, 142-152.— Ho ve-
lacqae (A.) et O. Herv6. Notes
sur Tethnologie du Mor\^an. Rev.
mens, de I'Ecole d' anthrop. de Par.,
1895, V, 117-122.— Hutchinson (J.)
Two cases of dwarfdom with ar-
rested development of skin and
apj>endages. Arch. Surg., Lond.,
1895, vi, 140-143.— Jackson (F. G.)
and A. Montefiore. Notes on the
Samoyads of the Great Tundra. J.
Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 1894-5, xxiv,
338-410, 3 pi.— Joest. Der Haar-
mensch Ram-a-Samy. Verhandl.
d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl.,
1894, (43:^-435). —Johnston (C.)
Race et caste dans I'lnde. Anthro-
pologie. Par., 1895, vi, 17r>-181.—
Jones (G. H.) The relations be-
tween lK)dy and mind as expressed
in early fanguages, cu8t<jms and
myths. Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc,
Lond., 1894, 779.— Joshi (P. B.)
On the rite of human sacrifice in
ancient, mediaeval and modem
India and other countries. J. An-
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300.— Kaarsberg (II.) Same, Nor-
(lens sidste Nomade. [The Samoy-
ads, the last nomades of the north.]
Ugeskr. f. La?ger, Kjobenh., 1895,
5. R., ii, 217; 241; 269.— Kaden
(W.) Die Gebiirdensprache der
Siiditaliener. (iartenlaube, I^ipz.,
1895, 272-275. —ten Kate (H.)
Beitriige zur Ethnographie der
Timorgnippe. Internat. Arch. f.
Ethnog., Leiden, 1894, vii, 242-249,
5 pi. ; 1895, viii, l-Hi, 4pl.— Keller
(R.) Dr. Paul Sarasin und Dr. Fritz
Sarasin, die Wedda's von Ceylon
uu<l die sie umgel>enden Vofker-
schaften, ein Versuch, die in der
Phylogenie des Menschen nihen-
den iSitsel der Losung naher zu
bringen. Biol. Centralbl., I^eipz.,
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Deutsche Rev., Stuttg., 1895, xx,
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physischen Anthropologic der Aino.
Mitth. a. d. med. Fac. d. k.-jap.
Univ., Tokio, 1893-4, ii, 1; 251,
11 pL, 9 tab. ^tw. Reprint.— KoU-
mann (J.) Pygmies in Europe.
Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc., Lond.,
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Gleicrhzeitigkeit des Menschen mit
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throp., etc., Miinchen, 1894, xxv,
139-144. — Laborde (J. V.) I^
microcephalic vraie et la descend-
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freres mici*oc^phales et d'un jeune
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liche Osterbriiuche in deutschen
Landen. Gartenlaube, Leipz., 1895,
227, 2pl.— Lameere(A.) L'origine
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V, 189-199. -Lang (A.) Ghost-
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270.— I*e Oendre (P.) Des divers
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des caract^Tes sp^cifiques ; influence
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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
303
criminale nei rei Helvatrgi. A rch. di
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Rev. de m^d. l^g.. Par., 1895, ii, 70-
76. — M. Pithecanth ropus erectus.
Science, N. Y. & I^ancaster, Pa.,
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Cormick (J. H.) IMmitive tre-
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N. Y., 1895, X, 437-442.— Macleod
(K.) Remarks on the physical re-
quirements of the public service.
Brit. M. J., Lend., 1895, i, 1021-
1025.— Magarey (A. T.) Smoke
signals of Australian aborigines.
Rep. Australas. Ass. Adv. Sc. 1893,
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kowsky (A.) Spuren des Menschen
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Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc, Ix>nd.,
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105. — Marchoux. Porto Novo et
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valley of the Amazon, including
those on the banks of the main
stream and of all its tributaries.
J. Anthrop. Inst., Loud., 1894-5,
xxiv, 2:^6-284.— Martinez Baca (F.)
e M. Vergara. I criminali del Mes-
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[Abstr.] Arch, di psi(;hiat., etc,
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Maska. Vorliiufiger Bericht iiber
den Fund diluvialer Mensc'hen-
skelette in Predmost. Cor.-Bl. d.
deutsch. (lesellsch. f. Anthrop., etc,
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—Mathews ( R. H.) The Bora, or
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Sex bund rede og halvfemsindstyve
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1895, 7. R., vi, 125-145.— Middle-
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i, 1432-1434.— Mies. Uelwr das
Gehirngewicht des heranwachsen-
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Gesellscth. f. Anthrop., etc., Miin-
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Charms or amulets for some
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A few ancient beliefs al)out
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30(). — Moggi iii.) Cenni sopra tre
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304
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VIII
Ass. Adv. Sc, Loml., 1894, 784.—
Nikolski ( D.-P. ) [ Review of Rus-
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Ottoleughi (S.) Sulla sutura lac-
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Gior. d. r. Accad. di med. di
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Peuta (P. ) Di alcune piii impor-
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Grihya Sutra, or household prayer
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318 337.— Piette (E.) La sUition
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Anthropolugie, Par., 1895, vi,
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d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl.,
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antrojKjlogiche sui Sardi. Gazz.
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Pitzorno (P. A.) II foro lacero-
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trop., Roma, 189-1, i, 2(>l-272.—
Powell (J.W.) The interpretation
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Questionnaire de folklore. Rev.
univ., Brux., 181W-5, v, 42.— Ques-
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grilbniss-Stiitten in der Eifel und
an der Lii)j)e. Verhandl. d. Berl.
(lesellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl., 1895,
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schenahulichen Affen und uber die
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perhaltung des Menschen vom Ge-
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f. Anthrop., etc., Miinchen, 1894,
XXV, 154-157. —von Rath (O.)
Ein Fall von scheinbar bewiesener
Telegonie. Biol. Centralbl., Leipz.,
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Rev. scient.. Par., 1895, 4 s., iii,
714-718. —Recollections of M.
Boucher de Perthes. -Blackwood's
Mag., Lond., 1895, clvii, 939-948.—
Richer (P.) La station sur les
handles. Rev. scient. Par., 1895,
4. 8., iii, 52(5-530.— Robinson (L.)
On the anthropological significance
of ticklishness. Rep. Brit. Ass. Adv.
Sc, Lond., 1894, 778.— Rosenbaum
(A. B.) Malthuzianizm. Ejened.
jour. Prakt. Med., St. Petersb., 1894,
1, 453; 485; 501 ; 5()5; 583. -Ryder
(J. A.) A dynamic hypothesis of
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caster, Pa., 1895, n. s., i, 597 ; 617.—
Sabatier (A.) L'immortalite du
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Salmon (P.) Denombrement des
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liev. mens, de rK<'oled'anthrop. de
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Sanderson (IL S.) Notes (m ('oreai
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Schellhas (P.) Die Moundbilders
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tenlaube, Leipz., 1895, 80-84.—
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Verhandl. d. Berl. (n«ellsch. f. An-
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(E. ) Fledermaus (lott der Maya-
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July 1895]
ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
305
Ueber die europiiischen Pyjjiniien.
Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch., Gesellsch. f.
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148-151. Studi di antro-
pologia laziale. BuU. d. r. Accad.
lued. di Roma, 1895, xxi, 28-85.
Varietil umane della Ru8.sia
e del Mediterraneo ; catalogo siste-
matico. Atti d. Soc. rom. di an-
trop., Roma, 1894, i, 231-252.—
SoIiB Varela (L. A.) Algunas
raedidas del craneo y de la cam
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Bcient. dii Chili, Santiago, 1894, iv,
125; 137, 2 pi.— Spearman (E. R.)
Women in French prisons. Nine-
teenth Century, Ix)nd., 1895, 798-
812.— Squire (A. J. B.) An atyp-
ical albino. Lancet, Lond., 1895,
i, 282.— Starr (F.) Archax)logy in
Denmark. Pop. Sc. Month., N.Y.,
1895, xlviii, 12-25.— Stephenson
(F. B. ) Congenital spots on Anna-
mites ; a means of racial identifica-
tion ; and remarks on linguistics in
connection with migration of peo-
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— Btuhlmann (F.) Ein Wahehe
Skelet und die ethnologische Stel-
lung der Lendii. Verhandl. d. Berl.
med. Gresellsch. f. Anthrop., Berl.,
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of childhood; fear. Pop. Sc.
Month., N. Y., 1895, xlvii, 1-11.—
Szombathy. Bemerkungen iiber
den gegenwiirtigen Stand der prii-
historischen Forscliung in Oester-
reich. Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch. iie-
selisch. f. Anthrop., etc., Miinchen,
1894, xxv, 97-103.— Talko-Grint-
aevich (L D.) [Anthropology of
the races in Lithuania and White
Russia.] Tnidi antrop. Obsh. p.
Imp. Vovenno-Med. Akad. 1893,
S. Peterb.*, 1894, i, 15(V-188, 1 ch.—
Tarenetski { A. ) [Post mortem in-
juries to the skull.] JhUl. ^xyi. 1, 19-
24, 1 pL— Thomson (B. H.) Con-
cubitancy in the classificatory sys-
tem of relationship. J. Anthrop.
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The Kalou-Vu (ancestor-
gods) of the Fijians. Ihid., 340-359.
—Thurston (R. II. ) The animal as
a i)rime mover. J. Frankl. Inst.,
Phila., 1895, cxxxix, 1; 100; 1(51,
1 tab.— Toldt (C.) Zur Somatologie
der Tiroler. Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch.
Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., etc., Miin-
chen, 1894, xxv, 87-95.— Turner
{Sir W.) On M. Dubois' descrip-
tion of remains recently found m
Java, named by him Pithecanthro-
jms erectus; with remarks on so-
called transitional forms between
apes and man. J. Anat. and Phy-
siol., Lond., 1894-5, xxix, 424-445.
Tylor (E. B. ) On the occurrence
of ground stone implements of Aus-
tralian type in Tasmania. J. An-
throp. Inst., Lond., 1894-5, xxiv,
335-340, 1 pi.— Verneau(R.) L'Age
des sepultures de la Barma Grande
pr6s de Men ton ; (r^ponse k M.
d'Acy). Anthropologie, Par., 1895,
vi, 152-159.— Virchow (R.) Eroff-
nungsrede. Cor.-Bl. d. deutsch.
Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., etc., Miin-
chen, 1894, xxv, 80-87.
Ueber Zwergrassen. Ibid. , 144-148.
Festrede des Ehren-Priisi-
denten. Verhandl. d. Berl. Ge-
sellsch. f. Anthrop., 1894, (497-513).
Schiidel aus Sud-America,
insbesondere aus Argentinien und
Bolivar. Ibid., (386-408), 1 pi.
Ein Massai-Knabe. Ibid., 1895,(74-
78). Schiidel aus einer
Hohle in Transvaal. iiW(/., (69-73).
Der Schiidel eines Herer6.
Ibid., (73). Die Schiidel
zweier Wassandani. Ibid., (64-69).
Das Skelet eines Mhehe.
Ibid., (59-()4).— Vincent (J.-B.) Les
Canaques de la Nouvolle-Caledonie
(esijuisse ethnographicjue). Gaz.
liebd. d. sc. med. de Bordeaux,
18<>5, xvi, 98; 110; 122; 134.—
Wiigungen und MessungcMi der
Kinder. (Tartenlaube, Ix'ipz., 1895,
303. — Waldeyer. Ueber einige
Gehirne von Ost-Afrikanern. C^>r.-
Bl. d. deutsch. GeHellHcth. f. An-
throp., etc., Miinchen, 1894, xxv,
151-154.— Wallace (A. R.) The
method of organic e vol ution . Fort-
nightly Rev., Ix)nd., 1895, Ixvii,
211; 435. -Ward (II.) Ethno-
graphical notes relating to the
Congo tribes. J. Anthrop. Inst.,
I^nd., 1894-5, xxiv, 285-299.—
Warner (F.) et nl. Physical and
mental deviations from the normal
among children in public, element-
ary, and other schools. Rep. Brit.
Ass. Adv. Sc, Lond., 1894, 434-438.
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30<^
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
— Watter8(T.) Some Corean cus-
toms and notions. Folk-Lore,
Lond., 1895, vi, 82-84.— Weir (J.),
jr. The sexual criminal. Med.
Rec, N. Y., 189o, xlvii, 581-58,3.—
Wells (F. H.) The habiU*, cus-
toms, and ceremonies of the abo-
riginals in the Diamentina, Her-
l)ert, and Eleanor rivers, in East
Central Australia. Rep. Australas.
Ass. Adv. Sc. 1893, Svdnev, 1894,
V, 515-522. -Windle' (W.) et al.
Anthropometric work in schools.
Kep. Brit. Ass. Adv. Sc, ]x)nd.,
1894, 4:^J-448.— Yatea (O. V.) The
nortljern Balochis; their customs
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Digiti^ecibrQjOQSle
^wv.s«>a^a.^sSUL;i>
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THE
American Anthropologist
Vol. VIII WASHINGTON, D. C, OCTOBER, 1895 No. 4
THE ARROW*
BY FRANK HAMILTON GUSHING
I
ITS ANTIQUITY
One of the most ancient of the things men have made is the
arrow. There is no weapon the lineage of which can be un-
brokenly traced further or to a simpler beginning. We have
been apt to lose sight of this through associating as inseparable,
alike in origin and use, the bow with the arrow. But I think it
can be shown that the arrow had been perfected in well nigh all
its parts, had attained rank as the chief weapon and one of the
supremest possessions of man, and had given rise to a surprising
variety of things and uses long ere the simplest bow had been
conceived of or fashioned.
If this be true, then the arrow in it« ancestral or embryonic
form at least, was as old as either the stone axe or the shaped
knife of flint, if not older; was, in fact, coeval with the knotted
clubs and rough stones men picked up at need in the wilds they
earliest traversed ; and we can see that through javelin and dart
and harpoon it was sprung from the spear and lance, as they
from the fire-sharpened pike, and this from the mere pointed
stick — made sharp not by art, but by use — for digging or hurling,
by turns.
* Vice-Presidential address before Section H of the American AHsociation for the
Advancement of Science, read at Springfield meeting, August 20, 1895.
40 (307)
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308 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIlI
II
ITS INFLUENCE
Again, there is no weapon and no single thing that for ages
held sway so potent over the minda or the destinies of men, or
wrought more varied influence over their institutions and cus-
toms than did the arrow ; for I think I can also make clear the
fact that as it was the chief reliance and resource of primitive
man in the two main activities of his life, war and the chase, it
speedily became his first, and ever remained, by representation
at least, his highest, instrumentality for divining the fate or for-
tune its use so often decided, and in this way came to affect as
no other single object of art ever did, the development and his-
tory of mankind in general the wide world over.
There is far more basis, then, than mere romance and beauty
of comparison, for the poetic meaning of the arrow of literature,
from Biblical and classic allusions, to Shakespeare's own. " Jove's
thunder-bolts " or " Cupid's darts," " Diana's arrows " or the
" shining shafts " of Apollo, or of ** Death " and " Destiny," were
real arrows to the men of old time, for to them the love pang
was an actual wound from a random and puny childish shot.
The sharp pain of mortal throe or the slow anguish of fleshly ill
was from a veritable stroke of the cold, breath-sent shaft of ghostly
foeman, or was the ceaseless rankling of some venomedbarb of
envious wizard or gaunt hungering demon.* The fire streak of
the skies, the bright rays of the sun, the stinging flight of the
sand-blast or hail-storm, and the sudden frost-bite — ^all of these
were, indeed, to them the very counterparts and relatives of their
own man-made but magically fashioned and feathered missiles.
*' Straight," *' true," or " quick " as " an arrow," " sure as a shot,"
meant more to them than to us, for the force of such phrases
never wore out so long as archers held their sway and men spake,
like Homers heroes, with " winged words."
♦ Thus the Zuili name for a swelling is shc/lina (from 8h</ole, an arrow, and i*na, the
content, the innermost element, quality, substance, or cause of a thing), and literally
rendered means " arrow in it" or " arrow-caused." Thus, too, rheumatism is called by
the Zuflis the " sholitoe evil " or " disease of arrows;*^ and In treating this malady their
medicine men try, after due manipulation of the affected part, to pluck forth the misty
arrows or barbs they suppose are within, with magical snare-wands of eagle-feathers,
blowing lustily the while to cast out these poison-missiles tind thus keep them from
harming others or themselves.
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Oct. 1895] THE ARROW 309
III
ITS RELATION TO ANTHROPOLOGY
In presenting to you, then, a study of the arrow, I am not de-
parting so far as might seem from the requirements of the high
office you have so kindly called upon me to serve, for I would
offer something characteristic, not so much of a field, as of a
method and standpoint of investigation which I believe to be
peculiarly adapted to the needs of our science ; and I would
illustrate, and hope I can measurably demonstrate herein, how
special lines may and should be followed to general, and as far as
can be, to universally applicable conclusions, these tendered not
dogmatically, but suggestively ; that we may select, say, single
phases and arts of humanity and even local manifestations of
them, and should not only present, but study them, subjectively
rather than objectively ; not externally and categorically or as
isolated phenomena, or as mere examples of racial similarities
and dissimilarities, nor yet, primarily, even as to whence they
came ethnically, but rather, as to how and why they became at
all, and originally, — as illustrations, that is, of the laws and prin-
ciples which have governed man's development under all sorts
of circumstances and in every age and land.
It is in this spirit, at least, that I treat of the arrow ; not as a
weapon merely, not descriptively to any greater than needful
extent, but in its relation to the history of man and his culture-
growth ; as an illustration equal to any, I believe, of how certain
few human things and activities have been born (often so simply
as to have been inevitable wheresoever man chanced to dwell),
and of how they have grown, also very naturally and independ-
ently of at least deliberate devising, and in so doing have some-
times given rise to multitudinous other and diverse things and
activities, thus profoundly affecting man's psychological as well
as racial development, and hence contributing inexorably both
good and evil lessons and influences to his culture everywhere,
and everywhere similarly.
If, moreover, I am at times seemingly too personal in style of
statement, let it be remembered that well-nigh all anthropology
is personal history ; that even the things of past man were per-
sonal, like as never they are to ourselves now. They must, there-
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810 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
fore, be both treated and worked at, not solely according to
ordinary methods of procedure or rules of logic, or to any given
canons of learning, but in a profoundly personal mood and way.
If I would study any old, lost art, let us say, I must make myself
the artisan of it — must, by examining its products, learn both
to see and to feel as much as may be the conditions under which
they were produced and the needs they supplied or satisfied ;
then, rigidly adhering to those conditions and constrained by
their resources alone, as ignorantly and anxiously strive with my
own hands to reproduce, not to imitate, these things as ever strove
primitive man to produce them. I have virtually the same
hands he had, the same physique, generally or fundamentally
the same activial and mental functions too, that men had in
ages gone by, no matter how remote. If, then, I dominate my-
self with their needs, surround myself with their material con-
ditions, aim to do as they did, the chances are that I shall restore
their acts and their aiis, however lost or hidden; shall learn
precisely as they learned, rediscovering what they discovered
precisely as they discovered it. Thus may I reproduce an art
in all its stages ; see how it began, grew, developed into and
affected other arts and things — all because, under the circum-
stances I limit myself to the like of, — it became and grew and
differentiated in other days.
If the subject be in paths somewhat different from this, as, for
example, some portions of my present essay are, I shall also think
of it as it related to primitive men in primitive state of mind.
I would divine how the men of old felt about their arrows, and
what, therefore, they did to them and with them. They were
simple, like little children, given to looking on their favorite
things as the children of today look upon favorite toys, with a
vast deal of personal feeling, emphasized in their case, to huge
proportions, by the tremendous part these arrows bore in their
lives. They had no knowledge of physics to guide them. Anal-
ogy was their explanation of relations, and the dramatic inter-
pretation of these relations and the phenomena thereof their
only logic, and so, behold, the arrow was for ages looked on as
a wand of enchantment to those who made and used and lived
by and loved it ; was to them a symbol — a veritiible portion and
potency of the mightiest forces and beings that they thought the
world and four quarters, the sky, or the under earth held ; was
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thus transcendent over the skill of their deftest archer ; was a
thing of magic, and was willful, as like to obey the wind-bird
with whose feathers they had winged its shaft withal, the god
in whose breath it wavered, as to obey themselves or him who
wrought and loosed it ; for itself would decree his luck or his
fate, not he who sped it, else why all so vainly at times, however
great his skill or his effort, did he speed it? Therefore it played
as large a part in their theoretical and mythical as in their prac-
tical life, and must be theoretically and imaginatively, no less
than practically and experimentally, studied.
IV
MY DISCOVERY OF ARROW-MAKING
I tell you in detail, then, how, through making many arrows,
I have studied the arrow and its development practically ; how,
by using it unweariedly and consorting long with those who
used it actually with natural purpose and method, as well asi
pondering deeply upon it in the most primitive moods I could
muster, I have studied, theoretically, too, its meanings and re-
lations ; the place it held in men's hearts and minds ere ever
they knew of goodlier friend or deadlier foe.
When I was a boy less than ten years of age, my father's
hired man, while plowing one day, picked up and threw to me
across the furrows a little blue flint arrow-point, saying : ** The
Indians made that; it is one of their arrow-heads." I took it
up fearfully, wonderingly, in my hands. It was small, cold,
shining, and sharp — perfect in shape. Nothing had ever aroused
my interest so much. That little arrow-point decided the pur-
pose and calling of my whole life. It predestined me, ladies
and gentlemen, to the honor I have in addressing you here to-
day, on Arrows; for I have studied archeology far more, alas,
than anything else — ever since I treasured that small arrow
blade on the lid of an old blue chest in my little bedroom, until
the cover of that chest was overfilled with others like it and
with relics of many another kind.
I was fortunate enough, not long after, to find in a neighbor-
ing field a place where some of these blades had been made. I
could see that they had been fashioned in some way by chip-
ping, for the scales lying there were like those I had been wont
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312 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
to strike off to see the sparks fly. When in course of time I
had gathered a collection of some hundreds of relics from all
over central and western New York, I began a series of experi-
ments to learn how these arrows had been made. No one could
tell me, and I had no books on subjects of anthropology then.
There was a farmer in our neighborhood who, when young,
had gone to California. It was in the days of " Forty-nine," and
he had been pricked in the shoulder by an Indian arrow. He
may not have killed the Indian, but had, at any rate, his whole
sheaf of arrows — quite as perfect a set as I ever saw. They were
all pointed with obsidian tips, like mine in shape and finish,
but smaller. In recognition of my passion he gave me two of
them. I thought the points were of glass, and forthwith added
all the thick pieces of bottle-glass and window-plate I could
gather, to my store of raw material for practice. With this I
worked, now and then, throughout a whole season, but the
products of my hammerings, though fair, were but crude com-
pared with those of the field.
When nearly fourteen years of age I discovered in the woods
south of Medina, New York, an ancient Indian fort. I built a
hut there, and used to go there and remain days at a time, dig-
ging for relics while the sun shone, and on rainy days or at night
in the light of the camp-fire, studying by experiment how the
more curious of them had been made and used. One evening I
unearthed a beautiful harpoon of bone. I had a tooth-brush.
I chopped the handle off and ground it down on a piece of sand-
stone to the shape of the harpoon blade, but could not grind the
clean-cut barbs in its edge. I took my store of flint scales and
set to work on it, using the flint flakes in my fingers, or clamping
them between 8])lit sticks, saw-fashion. The flint cut the bone
away as well as a knife of steel would have cut it, but left the
work rough. Now, in trying to smooth this I made a discovery.
No sooner had I begun to scrape the bone transversely to the
edge of the flint than the bone began to cut the flint away, not
jaggedly, as my hammer-stone would have chipped it, but in long,
continuously narrow surface flakes wherever the edge was caught
in the bone at a certain angle. I never finished that harpoon.
I turned it about and used it as an arrow-flaker by tying it with
my shoestring to a little rod of wood for a handle and pressing it
at the proper angle to points on the flint which I wished to re-
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move. I made arrow after arrow thus, in the joy of my new dis-
covery, until my hands were blistered and lacerated, in one place
so deeply that the scar remains to this day, and, worn down to
a mere splinter,! still preserve my first tooth-brush flaking tool.
(Fig. 1.)
I did not know at that time that archeologists the world over
were ignorant, as I had been, of just how flint implements had
been made, and 1 did not learn until my now so lamented friend,
Professor Baird, called me to the Smithsonian Institution, in 1875,
that I was the first man, or rather boy, of our day who had prac-
tically discovered how to make implements of glass and flint
flaked from side to side, and in this indistinguishable from those
made by primitive peoples.
I have told this history as it occurred for a three-fold reason :
first, to instance the manner in which I discovered flint-flaking,
by chancing all ignorantly to follow precisely the course primi-
Fio. 1.— Experimental flint-chipper of bone.
tive men must have necessarily followed when and as soon as
with the hardest and sharpest stone they could get, which was
fractured flint, they tried to scrape and fashion bone or horn ;
and, secondly, to convey to you the lesson this boyish experience
taught me ; that I could learn more by strenuously experiencing
with savage things and arts or their like than others or I could
have learned by actually and merely seeing and questioning
savages themselves about such things and arts. Long before I
went to the Smithsonian or lived in Zufii I had elaborated from
the simple beginning I have chronicled here, some seven or eight
totally distinct methods of working flint-like substances with
Stone-age apparatus, and subsequently have found that all save
two of those processes were absolutely similar to processes now
known to have been sometime in vogue with one people or
another of the ancient world, and I confidently look to finding
that the other two, and yet additional methods since experi-
mentally made out, were somewhere followed by men before me.
And, thirdly, there is another lesson of later development this
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314 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
experience has taught me: that paleolithic man, of the French
caves at least — that man who is said to have known no other
art of working stone than by rudely breaking it into shape by
blows of other stones — could not have existed in such primary
status of art for more than a few seasons at most ; for even the
casts of these cave remains that I have seen show carvings in bone
and reindeer horn finished to such nicety and cut so elaborately
that with the splendid true flint of Europe, experience in making
any one of them would have given birth to the wit of making
and applying a hundred flaking tools. As might be expected,
therefore, I find among the casts of the French cave objects in
our National Museum and in the University of Pennsylvania
several fine and well-worn flint-pressers, a flaker or two, and
rep>roductions of even one knap per of horn, and all these things
are polished with art as of polished stone.
THE TYPICAL ARROW
Before I briefly relate and show how arrows of the ancient
world were made I must need describe them, but not in all
their variety and detail.
Those of the American Indian are, as a whole, fairly repre-
sentative of all others, and to the student who would become
familiar with the characteristics of nearly all classes of these I
would recommend that most excellent and admirably illustrated
** Essay on North American Bows, Arrows, and Quivers," written
by Dr Otis T. Mason and published in the Smithsonian Report
for 1893, to which I am myself so much indebted.
You are all familiar with the toy and target arrows of our
time, but you may not be aware that all toys, wherever found,
with the slight exception of but a few very modern and mongrel
mechanical devices, are survivals of either the weapons and uten-
sils or else of the religious paraphernalia of antecedent times,
and that this familiar arrow of the archery clubs is no exception
to the rule, but is an excellent representative in all essentials,
save only for its blunted pile, of the arrow that won our pre-
eminent place in the world — the arrow of the Norman Conquest,
of Cressy, Poitiers, and Agincourt, of old England's matchless
bowmen. But still it is not quite typical of its prehistoric kind.
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THE ARROW
315
The arrows of the Age of Stone may be best
represented, I think, by one of their most highly
developed forms — that of the famous Cliff-dwell-
ers of the southwestern canons, for in this we
find combined the features of nearly all other
kinds. In that matchless collection of very an-
cient remains from the cliffs gathered by the
Wetherell Brothers and the Jay Smith expedi-
tion and now owned by Colonel C. D. Hazzard,
of Minneapolis, which is on exhibition, I am
happy to say, in the Museum of the University
of Pennsylvania, are many specimens of this
arrow (Fig. 2). They are from thirty inches to
nearly a yard in length; are tipped with deli-
cately flaked, diminutive points or piles of
chalcedony or obsidian. Some are barbed and
tanged ; others are merely triangular ; but each
is set into a nock or deep notch at the point
of a tapering, hard-wood fore-shaft, and firmly
attached thereto by alternate cross-wrappings
of sinew. The fore-shafts are about half as long
as the shafts or steles, which consist of medium-
size reeds or canes, and are fitted with should-
ers and thence tapered sufficiently to be let
into these slightly smaller ends three or four
inches— far enough to rest against the stop or
septum of the first joint — and are held in place
by a seizing or binding of sinew around the
shafts at the points of insertion.
The steles or bodies of these cane rear-shafts
are some of them grooved with long, straight,
or wavering lines, and are not only winged at
the shaftments or base ends with feathers, but
are also footed — that is, the extremities have
been split slightly at four, sometimes only three,
equidistant points, and plugs of wood have
been set into them and bound in place by sinew
to receive the nock for the bowstring, somewhat
as strips of hard wood are let into slots of our
spruce target arrows to keep them from split-
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316 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
ting when drawn or loosed. Each of these arrows is winged
with three half-plumes, mostly split from the first six pinion
feathers of eagles or falcons (for they happen, with one or two
exceptions, to be war arrows), which are laid equidistantly along
the shaftment the length of one's palm and forefinger down to
within an inch, more or less, of the footing, and seized at the
ends with sinew and glue. One of the plumes of each arrow,
called the *' tail " by the Indians and the ** cock feather " by the
old English archers, was placed so as to stand out exactly at
right angles with the nock of the arrow, and, as I shall pres-
ently show, was most significantly tufted and notched, prima-
rily to denote that it was to be uppermost when the arrow was
nocked, so that neither of the opposite feathers or " wings "
should touch the bow when the arrow was loosed from the
string.
Finally, around the shaftment, between the feather-seizings,
bands or ribands of color were painted, red and black, chiefly,
and variously disposed, also most significantly, as we shall
soon see. Arrows of the kind I have just described are called
"compound." Arrows with shafts made from single rods of
wood are called " self" arrows, and, strangely enough, although
apparently simple, they more often than not have tokens of
derivation from the compound kind, and the successful making
of them was much more difficult.
VI
THE MAKING OP ARllOWS
As shown by my experiments of many years, by the scatter-
ing allusions of travelers, and, more than all, by my life with an
archaic, very archaic, people, the steps in the manufacture of
arrows, of their points of flinty stone, which men of primitive
days most widely followed, were few and simple, yet exceedingly
curious and ingenious.
They first sought the material, mined it arduously from buried
ledges with fire, mauls, and skids,* or, preferably, when the coun-
try afforded, sought it in banks of bowlder-pebbles, digging such
as were fit freshly from the soil, if possible, and at once blocking
* The reader is referred to the various masterly essays on this subject by Mr. Wm. H.
'Holmes and one by Mr H. C. Mercer, published in former issues of this magazlii«t.
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THE ARROW
317
^<D
Fio. 3.— Splitting spalls or flakes from mass for
blade-blanks.
out from them blanks for their blades by splitting the pebbles
into suitable spalls, not by free-handed percussion, but by hold-
ing them edgewise on a hard base and hitting them sharply and
almost directly on the peri-
pheries, but with a one-sided
twist or turn of the maul or
battering stone. With each
deft stroke (Fig. 3) the spalls,
sometimes twenty from a
single cobble or block of
moderate size, were with
almost incredible rapidity
trimmed to the leaf-shape
basis of all primitive chipped
tools by knapping them with
a horn, bone, or very soft,
tough, granular stone ham-
mer mounted in a light
handle. For this the spall was placed flatwise on the knee or
on a padded hammer-stone, so called, and held down by the
base of the thumb of one hand (Fig. 4) and rapidly struck along
the edge transversely and obliquely to its axis lengthwise, with
the outwardly twisting kind of
blows used in the splitting. The
blanks thus formed were then car-
ried home for leisurely or op-
portune finishing, and carefully
buried in damp soil, not to hide
them, as has been usually sup-
posed, but to keep them even-
tempered or uniformly saturated
(** full of sap and life, ' these an-
cients thought), whence the so-
called " caches " of numerous leaf-
shape blades which are now and
then found, for example, through-
out old Indian ranges.
In finally forming arrow-points from these trimmed blanks,
the smallest of them only were chosen. The first care in fash-
ioning one of these was to remove protuberant points from its
Fio. 4.— KnappinK or shaping blade-
V>lank from spall.
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VIII
edge and sides and to thin it down by means of a pitching-tool
of buck-horn. This was effected in several ways, usually by
clamping it in a folded pad of buckskin under the knee against
a hammer-stone or notched wooden block, so that the projecting
edge rested over the margin or else over the pit of the stone, or
notch if a block or log were used, and with one hand holding the
point of the pitching-tool very lightly and slantingly and at a wide
angle, against or just over the points to be chipped, sharply tap-
ping the tool with a maul or with a knapping hammer (Fig. 5).
Thus the blade was quickly thinned down and made almost even-
edged. It was now further shaped, sharpened, nocked, or barbed
or serrated, according to intended use, and tanged, with a rounded,
fiat bodkin of horn (seized to a stick or handle for leverage at one
end and taper-
ing therefrom
to a curved,
blunt point),
either by lay-
ing it on folded
buck-skin, over
the hollow of a
hammer - stone
(Fig, 6) or the
palm of the left
hand, pressing
it downwardly
along the edges
at nearly right
angles, and al-
ways slantingly to its length, or else by holding it edge uj)
between the thumb and all the fingers of the left hand and
freely flaking it, with the rod held in the right hand (Fig. 7),
with liandle braced against the ribs for steadying, by pressing the
sharp edges until they caught in the point or blade of the bod-
kin, and twistingly wrenching them off by a most dextrous
motion, which I can exhibit, but not adequately describe or
illustrate.
All this sounds complicated and tedious, but I have succeeded
from the time I found a suitable pebble of fine-grained, ringing,
cold and fresh quartzite, in making seven finished knife and arrow
Fig. 5.— Pitching or trimming blade.
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THE ARROW
319
blades in exactly thirty-eight minutes, and I have often made
from obsidian or glass a very small and delicate arrow-point —
the most easily made, by the way — in less than two minutes.
When a number of the
points had been finished
they were warmed by the
fire and rather ceremoni-
ously enwrapped in buck-
skin or fur, not more to
keep them safe than to J/ — "^ y^^ ]
"'■ cure " them of all this ff ^ Vv / <
rough handling and win
them to favor and
strength, for by the very
clink of the perfect ones
it was known now that . ^.^
they were full of life, each v^^j
of its own — the life and
fireof the lightning,which '''''' «-c»»^pp*«« ^^ ^^^^^^^^ p^«»««^«-
could be seen at night when they were rubbed or struck against
one another or ground on a sharpening stone.
When war work was
impending these old-time
artisans or fletchers went
forth ** sprout making
and cane-cutting," as
they called their gather-
ing of reeds and twigs ; or
when later, as the Pueb-
los did, they abandoned
the compound arrows of
their ancestry and took
to horse and short bows,
they called it " cane-
sprouting " when they
gathered, all green, their
shaft twigs, or ^'browsing"
when they designed them
to serve for the chase. These twigs were cut with due sacrifice
to the wood sprites, were brought in head or upper ends fore-
Fio. 7.— Chipping And nocking by cross pressure
or wrenching.
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
most, passed over the store of poiats to make them acquainted,
and laid down with their tip ends to the east or south if for the
peaceful hunt, to the west or north if for war. They were peeled
upwardly, or from butt to tip, that their way of working be not
balked ; scraped and shaved to uniformity, also from the butt
upwards, and placed alongside a hot fire or buried in moist, hot
sand to soften or ** ripen " them ; and then, after being bitten
straight in the most crooked places (Fig. 8) — it did not much
matter how crooked they were at first — each in turn was clamped
between one nether, grooved piece of sandstone or sanded wood
Fia. 8.— Shaft-biting for preliminary straightening.
and one small flat piece held over it firmly in the left hand,
and was shoved and pulled twistingly back and forth until
smoothed and rounded and further straightened (Fig. 9).
Finally, each was both seasoned and polished, then straight-
ened to a nicety by passing it, under heavy pressure, over a
smooth grooved piece of very hot soapstone, or else, better still,
by heating it and " stretching '' it through a veritable draw-
plate of bone, horn, or hard wood (Fig. 10) furnished with
a single medium hole or with several beveled perforations.
While being stretched the shaft was wrenched with a quick turn
here and there at remaining crooked places, then smoothed
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THE ARROW
321
down by additional and gentler stretching, that it might be
coaxed to keep straight. When fully stretched, it was grooved
along three or sometimes four places on its circumference with
the tusk of a puma or wild cat (of fiery eye) if for war, with
elk, beaver, or other gentler kind of tooth if for the peaceful
chase. With the point of this tooth the shaft was pressed along-
side of the stretching plate as it was being finally pushed through
from tip to shaftment place (Fig. 11) or feathering point — twist-
ingly for at least every alternate groove — that a wavering trail
might be made for the lightning to traverse from point to quill
when the feathers whistled, speeding the sure flight of the arrow.
Fia. 9.— Shaft smoothing by grinding.
The shaft came forth from this operation lengthened consid-
erably, polished, groove-marked, straight in the main, but bent
perhaps along its full length. If so, it was warmed along the
inner curve of the bend, held, tip outward, in the left hand, the
butt grasped by the right (Fig. 12), and was bent a little this
way and that till true, held so a moment, and laid down close
to the fire, where it speedily dried to rigid straightness, until
perchance rained on. The shaft was nocked at the lower end
first by notching it deeply with a flint sawed across (but more
or less with) the grain and by rasping out the bottom of the
notch with a blunter-edge knife or sanded string and by heat-
ing, and spreading the flanges thus formed with a rib or other
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Fig. 10.— Shaft *• stretching" or finjil straighten-
ing with draw plate.
hard edge or with a hot stone. If a split appeared or was likely
to appear, the foot was whipped with sinew.
Now it was ready for
feathering. Three pinion
feathers, all from the right
> or all from the left wing of
eagle, hawk, or turkey
were chosen and cleft from
tip to base by splitting and
pressing the quill apart
along its inner groove or
mid rib. The featherings
— I — -^^^ 1 I ^ were all chosen from cor-
j \ » k / / responding sides of the
^^ '^^^^^v^^^j*^ — ^ mid rib, that they might
/ ^ > ^^ ^1 " be uniform. The pith was
" "^^^ *^ ■ scraped out of the lower
parts of the quills until
they were thin and flexi-
ble, and the edges of them were pared away. They were now
laid flat along the shaftment, the bases of the quills toward the
tip, first the right-wing
quill, then the left-
wing quill, so called ;
finally the tail quill;
the latter transversely
to the nock to serve
as a cock feather.
All were seized on
with filaments o f
mouth -moistened
sinew, one end held
in the teeth until a
turn or two of the ^
wrappings had been
taken to keep the
feathers in place.
Then one end of the
shaft was held under
the left arm, the other between the thumb and forefinger of the
Fio. 11.— Shaft grooving with tooth and draw plate.
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THE ARROW
323
left hand (Fig. 12 a b, a). The thumb and the fore and middle
fingers of the right hand were moistened, and with them the
shaftment grasped over the first wrapping. The sinew filament
was drawn taut and held so between the middle, little, and ring
fingers and the edge of the palm, and the shaft rapidly twirled
with the thumb and fingers of the left hand (Fig. 12 a b, 6).
Thus the bindings of sinew were pressed flatly and tightly on as
it was wrapped, and, being moistened and very fine at the ends,
adhered without further fastening.
Now the lower ends of the featherings were similarly fastened,
some of the pluming or ate being usually seized on together
Pio. 12.— Shaft-truing.
with the quill to strengthen and tuft it, and the plumes being
stripped down once or twice spirally with a double motion to
make them lie flat, were finally pulled through at the ends to
straighten them, and flatten them still more.
After all the shafts had thus been feathered the whole bunch
was taken in hand, the butts struck against the ground or a
stone, then reversed and righted, and with a puff" of the breath
thrown down, ends forward. According as the arrows rebounded
and fell, they were carefully sorted into groups, and with the more
highly developed tribes, like the Zufii, the cock or tail feathers
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
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of each group were notched, trimmed, and tufted differently
from those of the other groups, to denote their classes as being,
one set of the north, another of the east, and the others, respect-
Fio. 12 a b. —Feathering and seizing; a, position in holding ; b, of fingers
in twirling and binding.
ively, of the south and west. The top- and mid-most shaft was
reserved as a personal arrow for special treatment, and thedoubt-
ful shafts were left unfinished. At last, in correspondence to the
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THK ARROW
325
kinds of shafts as indicated by the cock feathers, the points were
selected, the keenest and deadliest for the north and the west, the
broadest and shortest for the south and the east. The tips of the
shafts were nocked and rasped, each with the base of the point de-
signed for it ; and the points were then seized on free-handedly
with sinew, as I have described heretofore. All these increas-
ingly solemn operations were concluded by the orderly riband-
ingof theshaftments with the colors of death and blood— black
and red,— or with the yellow of magic, or the green or blue, of
life and victory.
The arrows were finally laid out to the west or the east and
breath-endowed with lives of their own; then placed with
their parent, the fire arrow*
(all save its consort, the per-
sonal one), in their quiver,
heads downward, feathers up-
ward, that the lightning run
not out nor the feathers speak
before their time, but sleep till
wakened for war council and
** feeding " or medication.
I find evidence that the Cliff-
dwellers followed much these
same methods, save that the
fore-shafts were made differ-
ently, and the order of proceed-
ings, as evidenced dingily by
traces on these old-time shafts,
inspected in old-time mood,
was accordingly different.
The fore-shafts were, for instance, tapered and rounded, cham-
fered, and the shoulders cut on them all by twirling (either with
the fingers or with the hand on the thigh) between gritty
stones (Fig. 13) — as early a kind of lathe-work as I have learned
of, this ! Moreover, before the cane-shafts were grouped to the
^This was not always an arrow, properly, but a Hhaft carried ever ready for use as a
fire-stick or drill, in the quiver. It was usually, however, made from a well-tried arrow,
and was called fire-reed or arrow, by the ZuRi. I am assured by that distinguished
Arabic scholar, Dr Talcott Williams, of Philadelphia, that such must have formerly
been the practice of the Arabs, for he finds that their terms for arrow and fire-stick
are likewise similar.
Fio. 13.— Turning or chamfering of fore-
shaft.
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326 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
four quarters and the points chosen for them, the tips were
fastened to the fore-shafts, as belonging to them, — being their
slianks. This and many other interesting, highly significant
details, I have made out ; how, I cannot pause to relate, but
with Zuni lore and language, as well as reason, on my side.
Nor is there time for analyzing all of these customs and ex-
plaining how many of them are survivals of originations so
practical and simple withal that they must have been measur-
ably similar and universal in given conditions of culture-growth ;
but it may be well for me to explain that, being survivals of
ages and successions of experience, we must eliminate one after
another, the more elaborate of them as we think backward in
time ; that we must do the same with the working processes I
have been earlier describing also ; and if you will bear with me
during a few moments more of detailing, I will try thus to lay
bare not all the stages in stone-working and arrow development,
but what seem to me to have been their primal beginnings.
VII
ORIGIN OP EARLY ART AND OF LANCE-FORM TOOLS
In a series of lectures given last spring at the Drexel Institute
of Philadelphia, and in other papers, I have brought forward
some of the many reasons which have induced me to suppose
that man began his art development — his really manual and
therefore mental and human development — on the coast of the
sea of some tropical or temperate Old-world land. I cannot
enter into the matter here much farther than to state that this
human ancestor could not well have developed the habit of erect
walking until forced from his earliest arboreal habitat and com-
pelled to fend for life with his own hands, and thus taught to use
them more for seizing and doing than for climbing and merely
clutching, and thus also taught by his hands to devise, and with
them to devise purposefully.
Now, in this period of transition from forest to open, from a
condition all but as artless as that of the higher tree-dwelling
Quadrumana to a condition demanding rudimentary art at least,
man could not have subsisted, it seems to me, in any other en-
vironment away from his fruit-giving trees, than near to the food-
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327
teeming sea, which, in dry season and wet, in cold and in warmth,
ever abounded in easily taken creatures and things edible. The
universal craving or liking man has for salt — especially with his
meat food — would seem to point to some such profound and
primal experience-period of the race as that. The well-nigh
universal association of the sea-shell with fire ceremonials, would
indicate that thus, too, on the coast of the sea he first learned to
fear fire little enough to capture and keep or carry in shells, its
seed or young; to loose and feed them, for protection at night,
and from cold, and thus also to use them — the all-devourers—
for half eating for him, food else too tough, too cold, or other-
wise too hurtful for his eating. And, finally, the universal dis-
tribution of our kind coastwise, it would seem, the whole world
over, ere ever language even had been developed vocally from
hand usage and gesticulation far enough to remain steadfast or
undifferentiated structurally in every great continental area,
would also, along with much evidence of the arts, not least of
them the arrow arts, still more strongly evidence the same sort
of thing.
We can readily enough conceive that it was on the old ocean
shore man learned to crack food things — shell-fish and bones —
against the convenient stones of the beach ; then to crack them
with stones, and thus to crack stones against other stones in
order to make them in turn crack these food-things the better,
and at last to crack such cracking-stones with other stones,
wherein he became a tool-making creature — that is, used tools
with which to make other tools or with which to imitate and
better mere use-made tools; and this was, and here ended, his
true paleolithic period.
It was there, too, in the soft sand or mud of the seashore, that
we most naturally think he learned to dig (for shell-fish and the
like) with sticks, wearing them sharp thereby, and thus learning
also to wear them sharp intentionally, in order to make them
sharp ; and from prodding the sand away from his food, it was
but a step for him to prod his fellows — or anything else that
stood in the way of his food — and thus-wise would begin the de-
velopment of the pike, the lance, and the spear; the harpoon,
the dart, and the arrow. The seeming likelihood of all this
would lead me to linger yet a little longer by the seashore with
my earliest man. Moreover, I think I can thus explain better
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328 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
than elsewise quite other things about the arrow than merely
its beginning, and can perhaps make it evident that I am not so
fanciful as would seem, in this speculation.
First, as to the stages of tool and weapon making, there are
three examples of the way in which awkward-handed, experi-
enceless-minded beings b^an making (or, rather, using) things
as tools. They are to be found in the acts of monkeys, imbe-
ciles, or very young children. I have watched and experi-
mented with all three studiously and long. If they would break
a thing, they cannot — or at least they never do— dissociate the
thing to be broken from the breaking of it. They hit it against
something bigger. My friend, Thomas Eakins, the scientist-
artist, of Philadelphia, has a pet monkey named Bobby. As
Mr Eakins is honoring me by painting my portrait, I have had
opportunities for observing Bobby, Now, if you give Bobby a
large, hard nut that teeth will not crack, he instantly looks about
for a stone or other hard object (he one day chose — literally hit
upon — my head) and proceeds to maul the nut against it until
broken. Although his master has surrounded him with con-
venient stones and sticks, he never uses them against the nut,
but ever the nut against them, and if his curiosity be aroused
as to any one of the nut-like stones, he hammers belike this stone
against another, until it — not the stone he hammers — is broken,
or if accidentally he breaks the stone he is hammering upon, he
gains no lesson therefrom, but promptly seeks another stone on
which to hammer the one he would break.
Very little children, if untaught or non-observant, do things
in this way, and as far developed as the Tasmanians were above
this stage of art, they still practiced edging their hard pebble-
choppers (Fig. 14) by seizing them with both hands— the more ac-
curately to direct them — and whacking them until chipped sharp
obliquely against other stones, and in this they were, but a few
generations ago, in the true paleolithic period of their develop-
ment.
There are also three contemporary examples of the early
use of a prod as a weapon — of at least the chase These are :
Bobby again, young children, and (I say it not gracelessly)
women trying to drive chickens or cattle or other frightful crea-
tures. Bobby hates a certain too curious cat, and is not suffi-
ciently scared by her to fear showing fight whenever she appears.
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If the cat happens to steal near, but keeps beyond the reach of
his tether, he does not throw a stone at her; but he has a long
stick with which he hauls things toward him when put beyond
his reach and with which he scratches them up when they are
buried nearby. While it never occurs to him that he can reach
the cat with a stone by hurling it at her, yet he tries to reach her
with the stick by lunging it at her. He has thus learned that
if he cannot punch her in this way, nevertheless he can hit her,
and educe the desired and delightsome squall by lungingly
hurling it at her, and he does this now with increasing skill and
frequency; never by
actually throwing
it, but by lurching
it forward with both
hands, and as much
with the body as
with the hands
and arms. If you
ever see awkward ^'°* ^^-'^u^^^^® ^^^ section of Tasmantan
chopper-pebble.
women or children
after anything with a ** sharp stick " you will observe that they
throw it, if they cannot catch up, in much the same fashion —
lurchingly, not overhand, as a spear should be thrown, for that
would discontinue the initial movement.
And now, I will trace the arrow up from this lowly and slow-
paced infancy, to his manhood and marriage with the home-
staying bow, for whom he has ever since so swiftly obeyed and
run errands.
VIII
DEVELOPMENT OP ARROW-FORM MISSILES
From such breaking of shells, stones, and bones such as I have
characterized, and much cutting of his fingers thereby, primal
man must have learned speedily enough to do all sorts of cut-
ting, scraping, and scratching with the sharp fragments thus pro-
duced. For long, however, he probably used these fragments
unmounted, grasping them, perchance, with wads of seaweed or
grass, or, when large, winding or clasping them in wisps of fiber
or rolls of integument for holding, as I have grasped the stone
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here exhibited (Fig. 15), with a fold or two of buckskin, in mak-
ing with it the shaft-polishers and other like tools I have needed
to use in ray recent experiments for these demonstrations.
But by lodging such blades in wood or often wedging sharp
things into the end of his pike-form digging stick, he must have
learned in time that the stick, so long as thus armed, dug better
(and cut his contestants or his prey better, too) than ever merely
with its wooden tip, no
matter how well seasoned
by heat or favored by
long-tried use this was.
Then he tied or otherwise
attached suitable chips to
his digger, which he may
have sharpened in the
old way — at the other
end (Fig. 16)— as the Tas-
manians used to, but which we may imagine he now shortened —
having more of use for its peaceful than for its offensive pur-
poses * — until, at need for the capture or the fight, he got a reed
from the seaside rivers or marshes, straight and long and light
enough to punch withal or fling, if it but had a point, and
Fio. 15.— Makeshift haft of haminerstone.
Fio. 16.— a, Tasroanian knife-pointed digging stick ; b, mounted in reed
shaft as spear.
mounted his stone-bladed picker in one of its hollow ends, thus
again lengthening it, at will. Lo! the fore-shafted spear, twin-
changeling of the shaft-handled dirk atid knife ! Thus was born,
with many another first form of the things we use, the ancestor
*The diggiug-»ticks of the Australian women (of the interior) were, unless tipped
with stone, often six or seven feet long, and were used not only as implements, but
also as weapons, either as quarter*staffs, sidewise ; or as pikes or headless lances,
endwise.
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alike of the retrieving arrow and of our familiar pocket com-
panion — pencil and wit-sharpener of those who write — ^long be-
before man was weaned from the skirts of his Gray Old Nurse,
the sea— born there, in time to drift with him, ere yet he left her
side, over the whole shore-land world.
We have but to note the long and tapering forms of prehis-
toric stone knife-handles everywhere pointed — not quite usefully
otherwise than as survivals of an early use — to believe in this
thought as not improbable. Then, too, we may note the un-
earthed knives and harpoon-heads of the early coast- and island-
dwellers of California, or of the ancient fisher-folk of Peru and
Chili (Fig. 17), to see that each is so like the other as to puzzle
Fio. 17.— Knife-harpoon heads; a, CHlifornia; 6, Peru; e, Cliff-dweller.
the sharpest observer. The handle of each, though preserving its
ridges at either end, alike useful for grip-guard or reed-shoulder
or tying (6), may not denote that each was used at so late a time
indifferently for either purpose, but it seems to say that its an-
cestor was so used for very long. When, some time early, man
found that the slim-handle knife, getting loose in the shaft of
his spear, pulled out with the fish he had struck, but that if tied
with a long enough string held its prey quite as well as the whole
spear when held by a string in his hand, he had but to transfer
his retrieving line, which always had hindered the fling, from
hand-hold to mid of the shaft, and from thence to the hilt of the
head, to have formed a perfect harpoon. (Fig. 18.)
Imagine how men in those old days thought of the sharp-
43
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332 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
beaked shafts they cast at fishes and water fowl ! They must
have longed every day to emulate the osprey and the fish-hawk '
But although they made their harpoons hook-beaked with barbs
(or had made them so already) and claw-headed with recurved
bone prongs, yet their flights of them were none the better for all
that ! Then why not tie hawk feather or eagle plume to the body
Fio. 18.— Knife-headed harpoon.
of the missile? How such feathers flew and flew, whether with
the bird they belonged to, or when dropped in the wind I Forth-
with, you may be sure, they tied wing feathers to their shafts, two
at first, midway ; but lower down after awhile, and with a third
feather, the " tail," for the smaller shafts, to keep them straight
and headwise. Primitive man never, until after the time of
Homer, got over this believing (as his kind believe today), that
the flying quality of the feather and of the bird it came from
gave light swiftness and sharp sureness to his bird-bolts, not the
feathering in itself
IX
ORIGIN OP THE DART-FLINGER AND BOW
Using spears and harpoons with irregular poles, or shafts of
jointed cane, man found a mighty advantage in those which had
knobs or joints
^ , . —Si S L^^'-^ -^ "^^ '^^^^ enough to
^'V ' afford sure grasp
to the hand in
throwing, espe-
X , ^^^/j^^__ 113 cially men of the
' '"■'- water side, where
their things were
so often wet and
slippery ; and still greater advantage they gained from this ex-
perience later, when with plaited girdles or bands of other sort
Fia. 19.— Shaft-girdle and clutching-knob.
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they enlarged these joints at the grasping point or bound to the
shafts, knobs or catches, of ever better and better device for
the special work in hand (Fig. 19). They found, too, that for
Fio. 20.— Finger-throw.
far throwing and small quarry the light javelin was best, and
that he who had the longest arm could hurl it the farthest ; he
who had the strongest fingers and could launch his missiles with
one or another of them used as a lever behind, like a hook
Fio. 21.— Spear-noose or slinging strap throw.
against or inside of its hollow butt (Fig. 20), was surest of aim
and sliarpest of stroke.
So presently they began to fit the shafts with straps or tlieir
fingers with slinging-nooses (Fig. 21) to farther the flight. From
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the soreness which came of much or constant use of such firat
appliances (I have tried them and know), it was needful to make
them ever better and better, until the loops became rings for
the fingers, more rigid, and joined together; and these, in turn,
became palms of rawhide for the throwing-hands, or of wood
hollowed straightly and fitted with holes at the sides for the
thumb and great finger, and with a groove underneath extend-
ing to the rear end, at which was a notch or a hole for this finger
when stretched back along the groove and thrust up through
the hole or over the notch to hold the noose of the sling-strap
(Fig. 22) or press against the shaft-butt, so as to project with
force the spear when, if long, it was thrown with both hands.
F108. 22, 28.— Spear-palm and slingiDg strap.
Of such early devices as these spear-palms or graspers, so to
call them, I have happily been able to find two historical ex-
amples, and doubt not others will yet be found. One of these,
although a true spear-thrower, is quite such a palm as I have
described, save only that it is a little too long and is furnished
with a rude catch of bone in place, as it were, of the fore-finger-
nail. It was rescued from the Santa Barbara Indians, ere they
became extinct, by that great voyager Vancouver.* There was
found, too, some years ago, another of these things, even more
archaic, a veritable spear-palm, such as I have described, but
*Thi8 specimen has been discribed in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute
of Great Britain, vol. xxi, London, 1891, by Mr Charles H. Reed, of the British Mnseum ;
and both rediscribed and figured by Professor Mason in his little paper on "Throwing-
sticks from Mexico and California,** published in the proceedings of the National Mu-
seum, Tol. xvi« No. 932.
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beautifully iulaid with bits of haliotis shell. I saw it in a col-
lection of remains from the islands of the same region, but did
not know, and no one at the time knew, what it was. I have
now, however, identified it and reproduced a plain one like it
(Fig. 23) and used it successfully. Perhaps the most interesting
historic relics showing survival, I believe, of such uses of the
spear-palm device as are here referred to are to be found in col-
lections of Etruscan and early Roman remains.
At the Washington meeting of this Association, as may be re-
membered by some, my friend, that brilliant and many-sided
naturalist, Professor Edward S. Morse (who did more for the
study of " arrows " as a subject than any one previously, in his
Fio. 24.— Finger position in
spear-pAlm clutch.
Fio. 25.— Etruscan •' bow-stretcher ; '"
probably spear-clutch.
striking and oft-quoted work on '* Arrow Release ")> held up
before our section and discussed some of these remarkable little
bronze relics, telling us that they were called " bow-stretchers "
or " bow-stringers," ordinarily, in European museums ; that,
however, antiquarians were not satisfied, nor was he, that they
were such, and that all sorts of opinions, equally inconclusive,
had been advanced as to their possible use. He then, seeing me,
handed the specimen to me, remarking very kindly that " if any
one could make out their meaning. Gushing could." Although
then I was dubious, today I am grateful for both the compli-
ment and the opportunity ; for, comparing this old Etruscan relic
with such a double spear-ring or clutch or such a spear-palm as
I have described (Figs. 24, 25), one sees that the spikes or prongs
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
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on it so resemble the fingers when thrust up through the holes
of a spear-palm like the Santa Barbara restoration, that they
seem to have been made to replace them, as if to receive a spike
at the butt of the spear, and thus enable the warrior to reserve
the strength of his whole grasping hand for gripping and brac-
ing the spear in close work or in projecting it far and with force
when he would hurl it at the breast of the foe (Fig. 26). With
this in mind, one sees, too, on re-examining the specimen, how
the rings fit the fingers exactly for such use, and how they, and
the prongs also, show wear only inside, where they should be
worn if used as I have supposed. Finally, in the ornaments of
Fio. 26.— spear-clutch throw.
the particular specimens I have examined, one can see plain
survival of the double-bent bands, the knotted fastenings of
rawhide, and the prongs, of horn or bone, with which like spear-
clutchers might have been made long before the age of bronze.*
« Discussing this and my succeeding paper at the recent meeting of the American
Association for the Advancement of Science, in Springfield, Professor Morse questioned
the soundness of my theory regarding the primal use of these so-called " bow stringers "
or " stretchers.** Referring to the great number of such relics which he had examined
and Hketched, he called attention to the fact that on some of them the prongs were
replaced by mere knobs or protuberances. He further argued that such use as I
asHigned for them, although so important, was nowhere mentioned in classical writ'
ings.
In replying, I stated that even this later or bronze form of the objects in question
was in the two specimens I had examined so perfectly adapted to the fingers for use in
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Yet these early kinds of spear-palms and clutchers, while giv-
ing secure grasp and great power in the holding or hurling of
heavy weapons, did not greatly increase the distance of their
flight. So long as they only were known, there still remained the
superiority of the long-armed thrower. But let us suppose that
Fio. 27.— Throwing with spear.
a man holding an extra spear in the hand (point backward) with
which he hurled another, happened now and then to catch the
butt of the one thrown on the barb of the one held (Fig. 27), he
would not fail to find that this gave great additional force to
his cast. I conceive that it was thus, or in some like simple
Fio. 28.— Throwing with throw-gpenr.
way, that it was found expedient to lengthen out, backwardly,
the rear- or finger-end of the spear-palm, if the spear-palm had
come into vogue before that, and if not, to make an imitation
powerfully clutchinic and casting, say, a spear, that I was inclined still to belieTe even
the knobbed examples he graphically sketched for us could well have served such
purpose, or may at least have outlived such use originally in somewhat analogous uses.
I would add also that while classical writers do not, indeed, expressly mention, so far
as I know, the use of these bronze articles at all, nevertheless some of them, notably
Xenophon in his Anabasis, do incidentally refer to straps and other devices for fling-
ing spears, in connection with which these pronged and knobbed rings would have
served admirably.
Be all this as it may, the general argument of the paper is not materially affected by
this single illustration in it. I acknowledge that the small number of specimens I
have studied, though typical, hardly afford basis for more than a suggestion as to their
use or derivation, and I am grateful to Professor Morse, therefore, for his words of
caution.
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338 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
th rowing-spear, so to call it — ^a mere spindle or flattened shaft with
a barb or hook at the end of it, like, for example, the throwing-
sticks of the Australians (Fig. 28). The spear-throwers of the
Eskimo (Fig. 29), so instructively classified and described by Pro-
fessor Mason in his paper on " Th rowing-sticks in the National
Museum " (Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1883), are re-
garded as the most highly developed forms of that apparatus in
the world. They certainly are the most elaborate ; beautifully
shaped to fit exactly the grasp of the throwing hand, and are
provided with efiective shaft-grooves and butt spurs or catches of
ivory or bone. But there are some peculiarities of these throwing-
sticks which relate them apparently to an undeveloped form, —
quite directly to spear-palms somewhat like those of Santa Bar-
bara and their greatly lengthened out descendant, such as is
figured and described by Professor Mason (op. cit.) as having
been found in use and collected near Lake Patzcuaro, Mexico, by
our well-known, scholarly, and indefatigable writer on anthro-
pology, my friend, Captain John G. Bourke, of the United States
Anny.
On examining any typical collection of Northwest-coast throw-
ing-sticks, or the illustrations of Professor Mason's paper relative
to those of the National Museum, one will be surprised to note
how many are marked or grooved down the backs or under sides
(Fig. 30). The grooves, thus placed, have no apparent use ; were
put there, evidently, for some traditional or notional reason. In
other words, they would seem to be survivals, for some are mere
scratches, and all lead either directly from the finger holes or
pits (or else from the side on which these or their substitute
clasping notches or pegs occur) to the spur insertion or to be-
yond, being always painstakingly cut or scratched into or across
the base of this hard ivory spur-block.
It is this groove particularly which appears to relate these
sticks to one of the earliest forms, the palm-and-finger form (like
Fig. 23), for they seem to be survivals of the finger-groove, length-
ened out, perhaps, to accommodate the string, which was held
noosed to the backwardly bent middle or fore finger and extended
to the end of the stick, there to hold the butt of the spear or catch
thereof until a bone finger (artificial finger-nail, as it were) was
inserted, after which, as was fit in savage use, the groove was kept
as a channel from the finger end to this extra end or nail, as n
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Fio. 29.— Front of Eskimo spear-
thrower, showing shaft-groove and
spur (see also section).
44
Fio. .30.— Reverse of Eskimo
spear-thrower, showing back
groove (a in figure and section).
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
" way trail," so to say, through which the
strength of the forefinger might reach the
spear-butt or catch. I would like to refer
to some examples of this groove as having
probably been transferred in turn even
from the th rowing-stick to later forms,
when these displaced its supremacy in use,
as may be seen on certain bow -arms of the
northwest region, the bellies of which are
quite as uselessly grooved from grip, to
horn or nock.
The element next higher in the develop-
ment of the dart-flinger is not present, how-
ever, to any great extent, in the Eskimo
forms, but it is to be found very decidedly
exemplified in the throwing-slat or atlatl,
quite independently identified by Profes-
sor Mason and myself in the remarkable
Cliff'-dweller collection I have before re-
ferred to.
Through the courtesy of my friend Mr
Stewart Culin, Director of the Archeologi-
cal Department of the University of Penn-
sylvania, I have been enabled to study out
experimentally the original form of this
interesting flinging-slat or -stick, and to re-
produce it in its original condition, accu-
rately and in working form. This little
apparatus (Fig. 31) is made from a very
slender and flexible sapling, of light and
springy but hard wood, such as the Cliff-
dweller bows were made of, the half or one
arm of the more finished sort of which it
almost exactly resembles — that is, the
small handle is straight or slightly up-
turned from the ingeniously attached,
spectacle-like finger loops or rings of hide,
and thence toward the spur end it curves
first downward, then rather sharply up-
ward to the groove, which is short and
shallow, and to the terminal spur-sink,
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341
which is only an inch or two long and is relatively deep. Thence
to the end, a couple of inches more, the stick is curved down again
so as to throw up the spur or catch and the little groove at the end
of which it is cut ; and thus the whole in profile and upside down
resembles the arm of a Cupid s bow, save that the end or " horn ''
is thick.
Just above the handle and finger-loops is a heavy binding,
first of sinew, then of yucca fiber, lastly of brown yarn, which at
the outer end firmly seizes to the rounded (or under and back) side
of the implement a fragment of beautiful black slag or limonite —
the blood-clot of giants slain in Creation time with lightning of
the gods of war, according to Zufii lore. On the opposite or flat.
Fig. 32.— Cliff-dweller atlatl or th rowing-stick In use.
ui)per, and front side, also at the outer end of the bindings or
packings, a beautifully ground and polished chalcedony knife-
blade (the tip only of which protrudes) is bound on and prob-
ably served to divide the feathers, or as the " father of lightning ''
(to increase which it was doubtless ground at night), precisely
as the lightning knives of the Zunis are on their badges of
war. Finally a little tusk of the wildcat is inserted into the
packing on the same side, its protuberant point laid close against
the finger looj), strap, or fastening, so as to hold it from slip-
ping. I find that originally feather-work was whipped into the
surface of the packing near either end— of red, yellow, and blue
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VIII
<i:53B
plumage, probably taken from the jay and the red-headed wood-
pecker of the south or from humming-birds. All this was both
fetishistic (the life portion of the flinger) and to brace the knuckles
so that the spear could be easily held high when flung. Thus
the shaft of the dart did not lie along'the upper face, as in other
and long-grooved examples, but merely touched the counter-sink
near the spur or catch at its end. As the result of this method
of release and of the
curved and flexible
style of the flinging-
stick, the spear or dart
could be sped with a
spring, which added so
greatly to its force that
with my reproduction
of the cliff specimen I
can throw the harpoon
twice as far (Fig. 32) as
with my Eskimo speci-
men, with less trajec-
tory and hence more
accurately.
Among a people
armed with such effec-
tive flingers, I do not
wonder that their use
survived that of the
bow, even away from
the appropriate habitat
of the spear-thrower —
the water side; nor
need one wonder that
the famous atlatl of
the ancient Mexicans
made famous anew by the amazingly convincing and beau-
tiful study of it Mrs Zelia Nutall has given us in the first
volume of the Archeological and Ethnological Papers of the
Peabody Museum (Harvard University, 1891), and which atlatl
is, I belive, the lineal descendant of this one of the Cliff-dwellers,
featlier-work, fetishistic element, and all; nor that it should also
Fio. 33.— a, Miiya repreaenttUioa of crozier-form
atlatl held close, with strap, for throw; 6, ditto, re-
leased, straps flying (Dresden Codex); c, c, Maya and
Mexican crozier-shaped throwing-sticks ; d, Maya
spear with holding strap; e, ancient Peruvian sheaf
of darts, shield, and symbolic throwing-crook (from
Chimu vase painting).
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Oct. 1895]
THE ARROW
343
have been even more highly valued for special purposes by the
Aztecs than was the bow, for in its many southern forms, as
figured by Mrs Nutall, are to be found still higher developments.
I refer especially to the crozier-shape ones and to those " with
straps " (Fig. 33, a, 6), recalling Fray Diego de Landa's most
significant description of the Maya forms seen by him in the
sixteenth century.
Now, the crozier-shape or bent form of the spear-flinger (Fig.
33, cc, e) was, as my experiments have indicated, a veritable com-
bination of the bow and the spear-thrower. In it the spring of
Fro. 34.-Zuni plumed prayer-stiok of war sacrifice, or " Bearer of the reed of war."
the bow already appears. It is simply a stringless bow, used
backward, while in the still more elaborated form of it, that of
the Mayas, the string also appears, only it was loose at one end
(Fig. 33, rt, />) or else attached to the spear shaft itself (Fig. 33, ci), as
shown by the plates in the Dresden Codex (which has opportunely
been sent me within the last two weeks by that generous patron
of anthropologic research. M. le Due Loubat). Were I uncer-
tain of the meaning of these forms I might be reassured by
certain evidences furnished by the Zufii. The Zuni still have
traditional knowledge of the use of the spear-thrower and its
appropriate hoop or net shield by their cliff-dwelling ancestry ;
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344 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. Vlil
and the truthfulness of their vague traditions is substantiated
by certain survivals among them. One of these, as exemplified
in certain spear and ring games, I shall refer to in the following
part of this paper. The presently significant one is apparent
in their little crooked or crozier-shape prayer wands or staffs.
Some of these are actual staffs in miniature, and symbolize the
prayer journey and a number of other things ; but the warrior
and hunter symbol and sacrifice of this shape, difiers from these
in being supplied with a holding string. It consists of a split
twig about a foot long, the upper end of which is bent far over,
like the head of a shepherd's crook (Fig. 34), and tied at right
angles to the main part of the shaft with a taut string, on the
middle of which is a double knot or a dab or two of black paint.
Fia. 3> —Restoration of aacieat stringed spear-crook or throwiag-bow (from Zafli
prayer-stick of war) .
It is plumed on the handle portion or near the base, and at-
tached to it inside, so as to lie along it and against the string
at the ** knot '' or paint dab, is a sprout or stem of cane or reed-
grass. If this little "carrier of the cane" or "war-staflf" be
but enlarged or restored (as I have experimentally restored it)
and used with a notched spear-dart like those of the Dresden
Codex, with or without straps, and if then the missile be pressed
back against the string and held with fingers (or by its strap)
until released with a fling, the rebound of the string, as well as
the spring of the flinging-staff, adds treble velocity to it. And
it seems to me that the steps are few and short from this already
strung but reversed flinging-bow (Pig. 35) to the bow of archery.
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Oct. 1895]
THE ARROW
345
That such steps were actually taken, not in one land and by
one people alone, but in many lands and by many peoples (and
from differing forms and styles of throwers to differing develop-
ments of the bow), can, I think, already be shown. In the first
place, the Zuni name for the bow is significant. It is pH-hlan-ne^
from pi'y " a string " or " stringed " (emphatic form) ; ^hlam, ** a
slat," " stave," or " staff," and a'-rw, " to go," or aln-a-nCy " go-
thing " — that is, " a stringed go-staff " or " stringed ^ro-slat." " To
•::^v..:s^
Pio. 36.— The ** Tartar bovr/' as drawn, released, and reversed when braced with
slack string.
shoot " (with an arrow) or " to hunt " is ^hahf-ta — that is, " slat-
direct " or " staff-aim " — whereas the name for an arrow is sho'-o-le
C* cane " or ** reed "), and is not, it will be seen, referred to in this
etymology. Again, to hit or pierce with an arrow is ^hlat-k^xiy from
'hMm, " a staff " or " slat," and (e-k'n, " to stick into "—that is,
*• to slat-stick " or " slat pierce," in the sense of piercing or stick-
ing into from or by means of, not with, the slat. Now, all those
terms, especially the latter two, were formulated, I take it, from use
of the throwing- or flinging-staff, not from use of the bow in its
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346
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
later form ; and they would indicate that with the Zuni ancestry,
at least, the th rowing-stick both antedated and gave rise to their
later present form of bow. Of th is there is far more additional evi-
dence than I can offer here. Nor can I enter into the intensely in-
teresting results of my experiment study of Mexican and Mayan
forms of the throwing-stick, all indicating even more strongly the
same thing, and indicating also the directness of derivation from
our own great south-
west, of art elements,
at least, in these old
cultures of the south.
I must, on the con-
trary, turn a few mo-
ments to other lands.
In old world coun-
tries, language tells
much the same story
in, for example, Chi-
nese and Korean terms
and characters, accord-
ing to Mr Culin's pro-
found studies of these
peoples and their lan-
guages, and in the
Arabic, — of which that
brilliant and universal
scholar, Dr Talcott
Williams, tells me
archery terms are ap-
parently quite as dis-
sociated in derivation
from an original use of the bow with the arrow as are those I
have above analyzed.
When talking on this subject with my lamented friend, the
artist, Thomas Hovenden, who went to his noble and heroic death
but a few days ago, he did not at first understand and quite be-
lieve in my theory, but pushed a canvas toward me, and handing
me a charcoal stick, bade me draw the form of thrower I then
thought was the connecting link between flinger and bow. I
Fio. 37.— Primitive crotch-bow, wide antlers.
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Oct. 1895J THE ARROW 347
drew one — a long, slender twig, with a fork at the end, and a string
attached to the crotch, both for catching the spear and for bend-
ing the stick to give it spring when loosed. He looked astounded
for a moment, then delighted. " Do you know," said he, " that
as a boy I played with such a sling-stick as that, as other boys
commonly did when bird hunting on the Irish marshes ; " and in
the morning he made me one. It was my hypothetical connect-
ing link between spear-flinger and bow.
Dr Williams informs me also that when he was a boy the young
Indians of central New York used some such apparatus, half
Fio. 38.— Mode of bracinK and releasing bow-crotch.
toy, half weapon, and that his father once made one for him. You
are all familiar with the dart-springing stick, which is stuck in the
ground and while held by one hand is pulled back by the other to
fling the dart. Certainly every one is acquainted with the " slap-
jack," destroyer of so many window-panes in school-rooms and
on city streets. You approvingly remember also, I hope, what
I have said on an earlier page, of toys; but I wish to explain
for a moment the development of a throwing-crotch resembling
these things, in a part of the world wliere its study serves to ex-
45
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348
THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
plain more than merely the origin of its appropriate form of the
bow. I refer to the vast area of the so-called " Scythian " or
** Tartar bow.'' Any one who examines one of these extraordi-
nary bows, and especially who notes the manner of its use, will
not find much difficulty, it seems to me, in tracing it back to
what appears to have been its ancestral form in a simple forked
twig or flinging-crotch, the steps are so obvious and few.
The Tartar bow (Fig. 36) is a built-up bow, excessively flexed,
not toward the belly, as are bows usually, but toward the back,
its ends or horns being still more backwardly flexed, so that they
even approach each other when the bow is slacked. The string-
nocks are deep and slanting, and at the base of each horn or ear
is attached, on the belly side, a bone or other hard block, chiefly
to catch or slip the string when rebounding, but pierced trans-
Fio. 39.— Primitive bow-crotch, narrow antlers.
versely in some specimens, Througli these blocks the ends of
the string used sometimes to be passed from one side before
being noosed to the nocks or else it was knotted one-sidedly to
the nock of the upper arm. Thus when the bow was drawn, not
only were the arms reflexed more than twice as far by a pull of
but the same distance to the rear of the grip or bow-hand than
they would be on the ordinary bow, but the string pulled more
to one side than the other, so that the curious overhand release
sometimes observed among Tartar, and, I am told, some other
Mongolian tribes, was not only facilitated, but in these cases waa
rendered inevitable. Thus an arrow was half shot, half flung, or
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Oct. 1895]
THE ARROW
349
cast from such a bow, and it is this which makes the thumb-ring
pull and the overhand release natural and which challenges our
attention ; for the motion of the release (Fig. 36), no less than the
form of the bow. seem both to have been directly derived from
a wide-antlered, two-hand dart-flinging crotch (Fig. 37) — half
slinger, half bow — which probably suggested a still wider-armed,
spliced and haftless crotch or bow,
and thus almost immediately pre-
ceded it in development. With such
a crotch, if stringed between the two
antlers or branches and grasped in the
left hand by the handle at their base
or juncture, while with the thumb of
the right hand the string was drawn
back — the dart meantime being held
thereto with the fingers of the same
hand and thus braced for release
(Fig. 38) — one can see that with a
sharp fling the dart would be dis-
charged over the crotch and the
string fly over the bow-hand, much
as it does in the Tartar bow-release,
so to call it. Tliis form in turn is
but an improvement on the one less
spread and depending on both out-
ward and forward release- spring in
its antlers (Fig. 39) ; and this, finally,
is but little better than one in which
the spring of its still less separated
branches was forward alone, and
was its sole advantage over the
long-branched and flexible but one-
handed throwing-crotch (Fig 40, a),
recalling in some ways the unre-
lated Celtic form my iriend Hovenden made, and the primal
short-branched sling-crotch (Fig. 40, 6) in which it would seem
was the germ of this peculiar sort of built-up and compound
ancestor of the Mongolian bow.
[to be continued]
Fio. 40.— Durt-fliuger crotches ; a, de-
veloped form ; b, early form.
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350 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
THE BEaiNNINa OF AaRICULTURE
BY W J MCGEE
The following pages record a few observations and generaliza-
tions made incidentally in the course of an expedition through
the little-known region in Arizona and Sonora (Mexico) called
by Spanish-Americans " Papagueria," or land of the Papago In-
dians. The primary purpose of the expedition, which was made
under the auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology in con-
formity with plans of the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institu-
tion, was the making of a collection representing the arts and
industries of the Papago Indians. In part the observations re-
corded herein pertain to subjects concerning which no expert
knowledge is claimed; in so far as they relate to plants and
animals they are merely such as any intelligent traveler through
a region of pronounced peculiarities might be expected to make;*
but the observed relations of plants, animals, and men, among
each other and to their common environment, were studied with
care and generalized with some fullness. Throughout the expedi-
tion the question as to the influence of a peculiar environment
on mankind, individually and socially, was constantly borne in
mind ; and it was this question that directed the observations and
generalizations. The principal conclusion is in accord with the
o])inion of Powell and some other students concerning primitive
agriculture, but the generalizations and inferences are independ-
ent, and the line of induction is new.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE REGION
Papagueria is an indefinite territorial unit varying with the
migrations of a nomadic people, and thus with human whim and
seasonal succession. In a general way, it lies south of Gila river
in southwestern Arizona, west of the great Sierra Madre of western
Mexico, and northeast of the Gulf of California. Its northern
* It iu a pleasure to acknowledc^e obligations to Mr Wm. Dinwiddle, the photographer
of the expedition, for excellent photographs of the plant forms referred to, and to Mr
F. v. Coville and Dr J. N. Rose for identifying several species therefrom.
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Oct. 1895] THE BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 351
and eastern limits were originally fixed by interaction against the
Apache and other predatory peoples, or rather by an assemblage
of geographic conditions involving the presence of water in suffi-
cient quantity to maintain hunter and robber tribes ; the western
boundary is the limit of habitability to the desert-loving tribe,
par excellence, of North America ; while on the south the land
of the Papago merges into that of the Opata, Nevome, and
Yaki or abuts sharply against the domain of the bloody Seri.
From the Gila on the north to the rancherias beyond Rio Sonora
on the south, Papagueria measures some 400 miles ; on the inter-
national boundary it is nearly 200 miles broad, narrowing south-
ward ; the area in round numbers may be 50,000 square miles.
From the foothills of a massive mountain range the land of
the Papago slopes southwestward as an undulating plain with
many minor mountain ranges rising sharply from its surface
along lines generally parallel with the great Sierra. Streams
gather in the Sierra and in the higher embossed ranges, and the
larger of them flow in the intermontane valleys northward and
southward from a subcontinental divide coinciding closely with
the international boundary ; but in their middle or lower courses
these stronger streams trend southwestward across the valleys
and athwart the axes of the minor ranges toward the Gulf of
California. The great streams heading in the Sierra Madre —
** Mountain Mother [of waters] '' — carry vast floods in their mid-
dle courses during the rainy seasons, while at ordinary stages
they are but slender brooks ; and between the Gila-Colorado and
the powerful Yaqui (the Indus of Mexico, whose far-reaching
affluents with their hundreds of tributaries drain most of the
high Sierra) even the freshet waters are absorbed by the dry air
and the thirsty soil, and none of the rivers reach down to the
sea. The smaller streams are more erratic in direction, but the
smaller and the larger are alike in general character ; all head
in the mountains and, gathering volume from tributaries, flow
along or athwart the intermontane valleys for longer or shorter
distances, and then dwindle or disappear as the waters evaporate
or sink; for a few hours or days after the storms of the rainy
seasons all are rushing torrents, and then for days or months they
are but slender brooks or broad wastes of sun-parched sands.
All the waterways are deep and rugged gorges or gulches — the
" barrancas " of the Mexican vernacular — toward the sources.
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352 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
broad steep-banked and sand-lined arroyos in the upper valleys,
and expanded deltaform silt sheets in the lower valleys ; and in
all permanent streams the midlength arroyo of the upper valley
is cut out and maintained by the brimming floods of the rainy
seasons despite the feeble sedimentation of the narrow streamlet
wandering over the channel bottom during the dry season.
Papagueria, with its western borderland skirting the Gulf of
California, is perhaps the most arid region of equal extent on the
western hemisphere. The annual precipitation over the portion
lying in Arizona, according to the latest charts of the United
States Weather Bureau, ranges from about three to something
over ten inches, the maximum occurring only in the Sierra Madre
on the east ; the average west of the Sierra is probably less, and
toward the gulf much less, than five inches. On the Sonoran side
of the subcontinental divide the rainfall is undoubtedly a little
-greater, though trustworthy figures are lacking. Within the re-
gion the districts of January-February and July-August rains
overlap, and there are thus two rainy seasons during each year.
To this circumstance many of the characteristics of Papagueria
may be ascribed. In the first place it is probable that if the
rainfall were concentrated in a single season, the storm freshets
would be greater and a part of the scant water supply would
escape into the gulf, rendering the region more desert than it is ;
in the second place the semi-annual watering and checking of
evaporation vivifies the flora and doubtless enables many plants
that could not survive a ten-month drouth to maintain them-
selves — certainly the semi-annual rain is a condition to which
the vegetal and animal life is adjusted, as shown by the two
seasons of leafing and flowering of different forms.*
The higher ranges near the Sierra are thinly clothed with pines,
oaks, and their associates ; the larger foothills as well as the lesser
ranges and the higher portions of the intermontane plains are
still more scantily mantled with cactus, yucca, agave, several mim-
osas, acacia, paloverde, and meager thickets of chaparral ; many
of the great alluvial aprons which characterize this region of sub-
aerial j)lanation are given over to cacti and related plants of many
genera and species, with scattered stems of grasses and occiisional
* Johannes WHither has shown that the flora of the American deserts is richer than
that found in the deserts of the Eastern Hemisphere. Nat. Geog. Ma^., vol. iv» 1893,
p. ICG.
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Oct. 1895] THE BEGINNING OF AGRlCULTtTRE 353
tufls of greasewood and rabbit-brush ; the intennontane valleys
are sparsely dotted with mesquite and related mimosas, and an
occasional paloverde and the creosote bush in season, intervening
with vast treeless glades supporting nothing but widely scattered
blades of silver grass, or with stretches of greasewood and other
})rickly shrubs ; while the barrancas and the midlength arroyos
of permanent streams are flanked by cottonwood, willow, giant
mesquites 40 to 75 feet high, sycamore, ash, and other trees, with
a rank undergrowth of shrubs, grasses, canes, and vines, all grow-
ing in tropical luxuriance. Viewed collectively, the flora is fairly
rich in species, wretchedly poor in individuals ; by reason of the
vegetal extravagancies of cactus, agave, yucca, and aberrant tree-
type, the flora is multiform when individuals are viewed, but by
reason of a prevailing tendency in the differentiation of distinct
types it becomes monotonously uniform when viewed collectively.
Leaves are lacking or small and close-folded ; stems and trunks
are prevailingly gray-green and waxy, and thorns abound on all
the floral forms ; yet, though many mountains are almost barren
and many valleys are nearly bare, vegetation is never totally
absent save from a few shifting sand wastes and the coastward
malpais — ^the " bad land " of Mexico.
The animal life is largely nocturnal and crepuscular, and the
day traveler sees little of the fauna. The most conspicuous ani-
mate creature, by reason of its works and the number of indi-
viduals to be seen, is the farmer ant, whose well-kept fields and
clean threshing-floors dot the great alluvial aprons and some of
the higher intermontane valleys by tens of thousands — indeed, a
quarter, if not a third, of Sonoran Papagueria has been reclaimed
by these thrifty husbandmen for their own uses, so that a full
half of the grass to be seen in a day's journey is that which the
farmer ants have, apparently, cultivated and fertilized. In the
lower valleys, along with the scattered mesquites, the southwest-
ern ground squirrel abounds ; in the annually flooded deltas, as
well as along the mountain slopes, the California quail and a
variety of smaller birds, with a few of larger size, are found ;
hawks and, in Sonora, eagles are often seen, while the jack rabbit
and coyote are never far away ; lizards, bright-colored and somber,
are hourly in view ; the horned toad is seen now and then ; spiders,
including the tarantula, are plentiful save in the driest valleys ;
scorpions are common, and in some localities rattlesnakes abound.
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354 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. Vlll
Though the diurnal fauna is rather meager, it is probable that
the fauna as a whole is, like the flora, fairly rich in species though
poor (yet hardly so poor relatively as the flora) in individuals.
CHARACTERISTICS OP THE VEGETAL LIFE
Perhaps the most conspicuous feature of the flora, except on
the higher mountains, is the dearth of foliage. The distinctive
desert types — cactus, yucca, agave — are leafless. The mesquite,
the prevailing arboreal form, is indeed leaf-bearing, but away
from the naturally or artificially irrigated valleys the leaves,
always small, are so reduced in number and size as scarcely to
conceal the twigs and branches, and during the long dry seasons
the oppositely arranged pinnate laminoe are so closely folded as
to display little verdant surface; the greasewood (^Atriplex of
several species) and rabbit-brush are also small-leaved and their
foliage, like that of the mesquite, folds up or falls off" during the
four-month drouths. Most of the paloverdes are leafless through-
out the greater part of the year, some of them are said to be
always ; and whole acres of chaparral are almost entirely leafless
during the drier months, displaying only a greenish gray or
bluish brown wilderness of trunks, branches, thorns, and naked
petioles. Even in the valleys where the trees drink from the
sands below rather than from the air above, and where trunks,
stems, and fruits are luxuriant, the dry-season foliage is scanty
and the leaves are folded or rolled in such manner as to present
a minimum surface to the air and to view — the pinnate leaves
fold along the midrib, the palmate leaves of the sycamore roll
themselves into slender cylinders, while other trees shed a part
of their leafage soon after the end of each rainy season, to send
forth a fresh foliage with the beginning of the next. Away from
the watercourses the smaller shrubs are leafless brambles ; and
even the grasses are strong-stemmed with short and naiTow
blades. The humid lands of the lower latitudes are clothed
with the foliage of trees, grasses, and other annual and perennial
plants during most of the year; but in Papagueria, as in other
semi-desert regions in some measure, this mantle fails and the
land is naked or at best thinly veiled by earth-colored stems and
branches, so that the plains and hillsides are more barren in
api)earance than in reality and often belie their own fertility.
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Oct. 1895] THE BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 355
Nearly as conspicuous as the absence of foliage is the presence
of aberrant typas, chiefly of robust, pulpy forms, peculiar to the
desert. The great saguaro (Cereus giganteiis), rising 20 to 60 feet
in a single stem 1 to 3 feet in diameter or in a massive candela-
brum, bare in the distance as a carved monolith, is the dominant
form ; and its huge waterlogged stems, ghostly grayish by night
and ghastly greenish by day, are unlike the typical plant forms
of the earth and impress the traveler as incongruous with nature.
In Sonora the congeneric pitahaya abounds; with its great
curved branches, each a tree-trunk in size and a mushroom in
texture, it is nearly as extravagant in comparison with typical
plant forms as the saguaro. Over the lower plains the closely re-
lated and equally monstrous cina (^Cerem schotti) takes the place
of saguaro and pitahaya, and dominates the shrubbery. The
okatillo (^Fouqaiera splendens) with its bare, wide-branching stems
approaches somewhat more nearly, and the tree-okatillo {Fou-
quiera spinosa ?) still more closely, normal arboreal forms ; but
the nopal and nopalito (Opuntin, diflferent species of the flat-
stemmed type) are no less aberrant, though less conspicuous
than the saguaro. The cholla (^Opuntia with cylindrical and
prismatic stems) and other arborescent cacti are fairly congruous
with trees and shrubs in general habit, though not in texture,
and thus contribute measurably to the strangeness of the land-
scape. The agaves and yuccas are only less striking than the
cacti ; and the pale green, bare-branched paloverde {Parkinsonia
ton-eyana), with slender needles or minute pinnate leaves in lieu
of normal foliage, is hardly less aberrant. This assemblage of
incongruous plant forms gives character to the desert landscape.
Another conspicuous feature of the flora of Papagueria, like
other desert regions, is the abundance of thorns, with which
nearly all the plants are beset. The saguaro and pitahaya and
their kind are armed with lines of chevaux-de-frise extending
from base to summit ; the nopal and the cholla are set with wide-
branching bunches of barbed needles ; each branch of the okatillo
bristles with a thousand spines, and the water-bearing visnaga
(Echinocaciaa wlsllzeni leconlel) is crowned and clothed with an
impenetrable armor of natural bodkins and fishhooks. The
yuccas and agaves abound in serrated and plain knife edges, and
in many s|>ecies the needle-tipped and spike-fringed fronds turn
outward and downward in serried armature. The chaparral is
46
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356 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPoLOOlSf [Vol. Vlll
a wilderness of thorns; the dwarfish oak trees on the mountain
sides are beset with needle-pointed knobs; the mesquite and
smaller mimosas on the more arid plains bristle with thorns, and
during the dry season the shriveled and case-hardened petioles
are transformed into cruel spikes; the greasewood and other
eh rubs are crowded with irritating spines and bristles, and even
the mild-aired paloverde is armed with pointed and sharp-edged
processes. Certain ephemeral plants that spring up about the
burrows in the shadow of the mesquite trees have holly-like
thorns at the serrate leaf-tips, and the grass blades are knife-edged
and needle-tipped, while the seeds are enclosed in spiked hulls
or fringed with spiny awns. In all the land of the Papago there
are few indigenous plants that are not armed with thorns or spikes
or spines, or all combined.
The thorniness of the desert plants is associated with a peculiar
modification of the surface of stems, leaves, and fruits, often in
the direction of cutinization, sometimes in the direction of hairy
coverings.* From root to terminal twig the paloverdes are glazed
with a resinous epidermal tissue ; the pulpy stems of the saguaro
and its congeners are enclosed in a thin but strong waxen skin,
grading into the natural lacquer coating the spines ; the mature
leaves of the arborescent flora on the mountain sides and along
the waterways alike are thickened and harsh rather than velvety
of surface, and many appear to be coated with natural varnish ;
a few trunks are rough-barked, but usually the branches and
twigs are smooth and case-hardened. The seeds of the saguaro
imbedded in the pulp of the fruit are hard and shining of sur-
face ; the mesquite beans are firmly implanted in woody pods, yet
are smooth and hard, and the smaller mimosa over the Sonoran
slopes bears beans in a thin-walled pod that are as hard and glossy
as lacquered lignum-vitaj ; and the fruits and seeds of annuals
are so hard as to form a favorite material for beads among the
Papago women and children. Many of the shrubs bristle with a
stiff pilage from root to petiole, and sometimes the leaves are
hairy or coarsely furred, particularly as the moister season
wanes; and many of the bristles are barbed and brittle, and
hardly less forbidtling than the thorns and spines.
Another noteworthy characteristic of the plants of Papagueria
is the green color of the stems and trunks. In humid lands the
*Tlio hairiness of the desert plants has boon noted by Coville in Death valley.
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Oct. 18951 THE BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 357
foliage is green, the trunks and stems generally gray or brown or
black, the grasses green throughout, while in the arid regions,
where the foliage is largely lost, the verdure pervades the perma-
nent body of the plant ; the nopal may become purplish or yel-
lowish and the okatillo gray or brown, the trunk of the cholla
may turn dark brown, but in all there is an element, and gener-
ally a predominant element, of green, and when the setting sun
reddens the chance cloud banks even of the dry season the com-
plementar}'^ green of the cacti-clothed landscape becomes almost
brilliant. The yuccas and agaves are green, greenish gray, or
greenish yellow, yet never without the element of green ; the
paloverdes are a soft and sickly green from root to topmost twig ;
all of the minor and many of the main branches of the mesquite
and chaparral are tinged with green ; the creosote bush (Larrea
tridentata or mexicniia) is a dark rich green, especially during the
winter months ; even the silver grass is seen in the reddened rays
of the setting sun to show a greenish shade. The predominant
tone of the desert landscape is gray, the color of bare earth and
rock ; but there is a strong undertint of green coming from the
tenuous veil of stark and thorny albeit leafless vegetation.
In much of Papagueria these features are partially masked
and the landscape transformed during the rainy season. Even
a casual dry-season storm produces a decided change : The pin-
nate leaves of mesquite and paloverde and smaller shrubs open
and fresh leaflets appear, and the foliage-bearing plants partially
eclipse the cacti ; in the arroyos the willow and ash leaves expand
to their widest, the sycamore leaves unroll, and the yellowish
green foliage of the cottonwood brightens ; with the expansion
of the old leafage and the burgeoning of the new the prevailing
thorns are concealed ; the desert varnish softens and stretches
with the growth of trunks and branches; the silver-gray grasses
assume a greener tinge, and in the general verdure the sickly
green of the cacti and agaves pales by contrast.
The seasonal changes no less than the dry-season characteris-
tics of the desert flora suggest a meaning for the assemblage of
distinctive features. The seasonal changes indicate that certain
features, like the dearth of foliage, are partly, perha])s largely,
individual or oncogenic ; while the persistence of certain features,
such as the development of aberrant forms, the permanence of
thorns, and body verdure, appear to be essentially phylogenic.
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358 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
The chief function of the leaf is transpiration ; but in the
heated air and long drouth of the arid land a constantly trans-
piring plant soon withers and dies. So it would appear that in
some way, through the law of natural selection, plants of luxuri-
ant foliage have been eliminated (save along the lines of abun-
dant groundwater), leaving plants of scanty foliage to dominate
the soil. Moreover, under natural selection, as it would appear
from comparison either of given species or of the floral assem-
blage with those of humid regions, an individual plasticity has
been developed whereby the functioning of the foliage is ren-
dered periodic in an exceptional degree ; and those individuals
persist and leave most progeny that are best able to adjust the
rate of transpiration to the varying conditions of season. The
adaptive devices developed in this hard environment are many
and suggestive. Compound pinnate leaves fold easily, and so
plants bearing this type of foliage abound, and some, like that
of the mesquite, have become so delicately adjusted to external
conditions as to fold under shock even in the humid season —
indeed sensitive plants abound throughout the deserts. The
rolling up of the palmate leaves might almost be termed an in-
genious device and interpreted as an index of high intelligence
in the tree; and the prompt burgeoning of new leaves as the air
grows humid and the rain comes down is an almost pathetic
expression of gratefulness, and indicates a wonderful delicacy of
adjustment between organism and environment. The leaf-bear-
ing plants of Papagueria are conspicuously characterized by cer-
tain collective habits rather than by classific features ; it is by
means of these habits that they are enabled to survive the nearly
continuous drouths ; and thus while the habit is individual in
expression, it is undoubtedly hereditary in the perfection of its
development. The inference from the foliage- bearing trees is
sustained by the facts of the development of other plant forms^
like the cacti and the paloverdes, in which leaves are lacking.
The cacti represent an aberrant type, but the paloverdes are
trees in all characters save the color and texture of the bark and
the dearth or absence of foliage ; they prevail only in arid re-
gions, and in the drier localities displace even the deep-rooted
mesquite and the abstemious greasewood ; and they are un-
doubtedly the product of a long-continued process of adaptation
through natural selection to an arid environment.
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Oct. 1895] THE BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 359
The predominance of thorns may in part be correlated mechan-
ically with the elimination of foliage, for as the lamina withers
the petiole or axillary processes sometimes shrink and case-
harden and become potential thorns ; but the vast multiplication
of real thorns cannot be so explained. An explanation appears
when the relations of the plants and herbivorous animals are
studied. The thornier plants are better protected from the ani-
mals, and thereby their chances of survival and procreation are
enhanced. Moreover in the arid region, unlike the humid land,
the struggle among species is not territorial or numeric but indi-
vidual;* it boots nothing to the plant to yield ten thousand
seeds where only ten young plants can be supported ; and it is
of no avail to a species in the unconscious efifort of vegetal vital-
ity to cover its vicinity with progeny so abundantly as to exclude
other species, since the parched soil will support but a few plants,
and parents and progeny alike would famish. In the humid
land the species is perpetuated through multiplication of indi-
viduals, and within limits through territorial dominion ; but in
the arid land the relations are changed, and perpetuation of the
species is secured chiefly or solely through prolonging the life
of the individual. Thus the thorny armature is doubly bene-
ficial ; for it first prolongs the life of the individual, which is
preeminently essential to the perpetuity of the species where
only a few individuals can exist, and then increases the chances
of long-lived progeny in sufficient yet not redundant numbers.
These relations suggest that the desert plants should be found
exceptionally long of life and exceptionally scant of seeds ; and
while further observation on these points is needed for demon-
stration, and while some other relations enter, there is reason to
opine that long life of individuals and either limited numbers
or small size of seeds are characteristic of the desert flora — e, (/.,
the typical saguaro bears minute seeds, though in considerable
numbers, and is exceedingly slow of growth. The many adapt-
ive devices of plant effort for wide distribution of seeds and
phy tons (for the choUa and perhaps other cacti seem to have re-
*Coville, speaking of the flora of Death valley (Contributions from the U. S. National
Herbarium, vol. iv, p. 43), says: " It is evident • * * that desert shrubs essentially
present in their environment the anomaly of a struggle for existence, not against
other plants, but against nonorganic physical forces alone." This admir.ible report
was not seen until after the expedition to Papagueria, nor indeed until after these
paragraphs were written.
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360 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
vertod to the mode of reproduction by vegetative propagation *)
must be passed over ; it suffices to note that the development of
a protective armature of thorns in arid lands seems to be natural
and necessary and the outcome of phylogenic modification. It
is significant that in the case of thorns, as in the case of scant
foliage, a characteristic habit of unrelated plants rises above si^-
cific aflfiliations — taxonomically the flora is widely diverse, but
in this as in several other characters it is singularly uniform in
habit, so that the specific differentiation of the ages is partly
masked by a conspicuous unification in a certain direction.
The laccjuered and pilose surfaces of desert plants affect transpi-
ration. With the cutinization of leaves the stomata are contracted
or covered, with the exudation of resinous or waxy substances the
twigs and trunks become coated with an impervious varnish, and
with the natural lacquering of the seeds they are preserved unto
the ensuing moister season when the lacquer softens and the germ
(juickens ; the barbed bristles of leaves and stems protect them
from at least the smaller herbivores, the harsh or soft pilage
catches and holds the moisture from the rare rains and dews, and
the pubescence measurably protects the plant against changes in
temperature.f Thus it is evident that the cuticular modification
of the desert plants is beneficial individually and hence phylo-
genically ; and the noteworthy development of these modifica-
tions, like the other characteristics of the flora, may be explained
as adaptations through survival of the fittest.
The cactus is essentially a reservoir of water pumped from
beneath and confined l)y a thin yet impervious shell, protected by
an armature of thorns; and though of different form, the agave
and yucca are essentially similar in plan. So the aberrant plant
tyi)e.s characteristic of the desert are most -conspicuously, if not
prciMuinently, adaptive devices for the storage and presumptively
for the most eff*ective use of water; in them the energy of the
plant is mainly expended not in the multiplication and diffiision
of individuals, nor in energetic growth of individuals, nor in the
development of permanent structures (for the cacti are notable
for their paucity of woody or other permanent tissue), but in
storing a single substance against the time of scarcity that the
♦Toiim«>y has recently described the mode of reproduction of Opuntia in southwest-
ern Arizona by the distribution of joints or fragments.
t The hwt-named function of the plant hairs is specifically recognized by CoTille.
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Oct. I89.ij THE BEGINNING OV AGRICULTURE 361
individual may maintain a lowly and feeble vitality for a long
period. The roots of the pulpy desert plants are long and often
large ; yet when these plants are compared with the vegetal organ-
isms of humid lands, it seems manifest that the function of the
water collected by the roots and stored in the stems is peculiar —
the substance appears to perform its duty not so much by flowing
through, as by remaining in, the tissues. Accordingly the desert
plant appears to be an exceptionally efifective mechanism for
utilizing the power of water, a high-power chemical engine rather
than a low-power hydromotor; and the predominance of these
forms may be ascribed to the selection and development of this
peculiar quality through survival under adverse conditions. The
phylogeny of the pulpy desert plants is obscure ; but it is probable
that the genera and species were developed with relative rapidity
during the later geologic periods to fit the peculiar assemblage
of conditions found in arid lands. Yet although geologically
modern, they are in many respects allied to primitive plant types,
and are in many ways antithetic to the higher types differentiated
during the ages to fit the conditions commonly prevailing over
the lands of the earth. Thus the forms are aberrant, incongruous
with prevailing vegetation, though accordant with a distinctive
set of conditions ; and in the development of this accordance
they have assumed the habits of leaflessness and thorniness im-
pressed on unrelated forms by the same rigorous conditions ; so
that the adaptive similarities have in some respects eclipsed real
homologies.
The paloverdes are enclosed in an impervious glazed skin or
bark, somewhat resembling the dermal covering of the cactus and
agave ; their conspicuous feature, which they share with the
pulpy desert plants, is the green color due to abundant and widely
diffused chlorophyll. Similar coloration, though generally in less
degree, prevails in the trees and shrubs of Papagueria, where twigs
and smaller branches, if not main stems, are commonly green-
ish, sometimes clearly green as in the paloverde. Now, accord-
ing to Lommeland others, and as taught by Vines,* the function
of chlorophyll is to absorb certain rays of light, and thus to enable
the protoplasm with which it is connected to avail itself of the
radiant energ}'' of the sun's rays for the construction of organic
* Lectures on " The Physiology of Plants," Cambridge, 1886, Lectures ix, xiii, xvii, etc.
t Ibid., p. 157.
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362 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. V^III
substance from carbon dioxide and water.f Considering chloro-
phyll with its associated substances as an adaptive mechanism
for utilizing the energy of light for the behoof of the plant in
which it is produced, then it is especially beneficial to the pieager
flora of the desert; for not only are the individual plants so
widely scattered that the solar rays reach all parts of the organism
above ground level, but the insolation is much stronger than in
humid lands, and is rarely checked by clouds. It seems prob-
able, too, that the exceptionally effective utilization of water in
the pulpy plants is directly connected with the action of the
chlorophyll ; but whether this is the case or not, the abundant
development of chlorophyll in the stems and trunks of leafless
or scant-leaved plants is unquestionably adaptive through the
survival of the chlorophyll-bearers.
The great lesson of vegetal life in Papagueria is found in the
delicate adjustment of the varied flora to the dominant condition
of aridity. Some species are adjusted to the condition largely
by modified habit of foliation ; other species, like the paloverdes,
represent profound modification of the arboreal type ; while the
dominant forms, cactus, agave, and yucca, represent still more
l)rofound modification of subarboreal, if not primordial vegetal
types ; and all of the plants, howsoever divergent phylogenically ,
are notably convergent in a certain group of characters, includ-
ing leaflessness, waxiness, hairiness, thorniness, and greenness.
By some naturalists the divergent characters of organisms are
classed as natural or biotic, the convergent or composite charac-
teristics as artificial or demotic ; but under this classification the
common peculiarity of the unrelated desert plants would become
ve.:^etal artificiality. This distinction need not be pursued ; it
suffices to note that the desert flora reveals in strong light the
exceeding adjustability of even the more fixed organic types to
environment, an adjustability so delicate that the affinity thereof
masks and modifies consanguinity.
Great interest attaches to the Papago Indians as the inhabit-
ants of a dec?ert ; yet the extent of the interest can be appreciated
only when the exceeding rigor of their environment, as mani-
fested by the flora of the district, is understood. Even if the
Papago were not interrelated with the flora, as will appear later,
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it would be desirable to consider their relations to an environ-
ment which transforms the stabler organisms of the earth.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ANIMAL LIFE
A noteworthy feature of the animal life of Papagueria is the
protective coloring of many of the birds, animals, and reptiles.
The quail and dove are slaty-gray and not easily discriminated
from the gray or ashen earth, rocks, and plants of their haunts ;
the coyote approaches the color of the ground with its scant
vegetal coloring, and is said to change color with the seasons,
becoming darker with the wet, lighter with the dry ; the lizards
are in part bright-colored but in part gray, brown, or leaden, and
some are chameleons, changing color with their surroundings ;
many insects, too, display protective coloring, and some, like the
mantis, have acquired twig-like or leaf-like forms. These charac-
teristics of imitative protection are prominent, yet perhaps not
more constant than in other regions.
Another feature of the animal life is the fleetness and staying
power of a considerable number of animals, including the deer,
antelope, jackrabbit, coyote, and certain smaller mammals, as
well as the bright-colored lizards and some of the hawks. Col-
lectively the fleetness of the fauna may be adventive rather than
characteristic, yet it is of interest in connection with another
feature with which it would appear to be reciprocally related —
L e., the venomous character of various sluggish animals. The
latter feature is one which cannot easily be evaluated by reason
of the frequently absurd popular beliefs on the one hand, and
the antithetic tendency to exclude all evidence of venom on the
other hand. It is certain, however, that the rattlesnake, which
abounds in some localities and is probably the most numerous
ophidian, is both sluggish and venomous ; the dull and slow-
moving Gila monster {Heloderma sicspeclain) is almost certainly
venomous, at least under certain conditions; the indolent but
pugnacious tarantula is undoubtedly poisonous ; the apathetic
scorpion and the clumsy centipede are more or less poisonous ;
the bite of the greatly feared though lazy large-head ant of
Sonora and other Mexican provinces produces festering sores,
whether with venom or otherwise ; there are a variety of wasps,
including one of great size and slow movement, whose stings are
47
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364 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
poisonous ; in southern Sonora the local katydid ia more feared
than rattlesnake or tarantula, its sting being supposed invariably
fatal; and there is a large body of evidence indicating that the
sluggish skunk under certain conditions communicates a poison
akin to that of rabies. Thus a notably large number of animals
are known or supposed to be venomous ; even excluding all con-
cerning which there is reasonable doubt, the ratio of venomous
to non-venomous species would seem to be large. Granting the
presence of venom, it may easily be explained as the prevalence
of thorns among the flora may be explained : In a region capa-
ble of supporting only a relatively small number of organisms
per unit of area, the perpetuity of species is best secured by
the protection of individuals. Now certain lizards, insects, and
birds are protected by mimetic coloring or form, the Phryno-
sor?irt, like the plants, is guarded by a thorny armature, and the
chameleons are shielded by a physiologic mechanism for color-
change ; but it would seem that venom forms at the same time
a more effective and a more economical means of protection,
perfected by phylogenic modification through survival.
At first blush the fauna of Papagueria displays less of modifi-
cation than the flora in the direction of fitness to a rigorous en-
vironment; and this relative immunity may be ascribed to the
power of locomotion, which permits animals to emigrate from
the most arid sections during the driest seasons, so that the
mechanism of locomotion partly replaces the static mechanism
of resistance developed in the stationary plant. On closer ex-
amination it is found, however, that the immunity of the ani-
mals from desert transformation is apparent rather than real j
the animals, no less than the plants, are delicately adjusted to
their environment; but the modification is superorganic or social
rather than organic, as in the case of plants. This faunal modi-
fication is of special interest to the student of desert tribes, in
that it is a connecting link between man and lower organisms.
THE C05PERATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF LIFE
Although the animals and plants of Papagueria display pro-
nounce 1 individuality, and although some of their most prom-
inent features are adaptive devices for securing independence, a
striking peculiarity of the region is the cooperation among living
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Oct. 1895] THE BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 365
things. Along the lines of groundwater the species are measur-
ably or wholly antagonistic to their neighbors of distinct species ;
but over the arid uplands and in the broad waterless valleys all
plants cooperate, not only with plants of distinct species but with
animals, for the maintenance of common existence. Sometimes
the cooperation involves little modification and no loss of indi-
viduality on the part of the agents; this type may be called com-
munal: in other cases the cooperation is so intimate that animals
and plants are not only mutually helpful but so closely interde-
pendent that neither could exist without the aid of the other;
this type may be called cominenaaL
Communality. — A mesquite springs up on the plain ; within
two or three years the birds resting in its branches drop the seeds
of cacti, some of which, like vines, are unable to stand alone ;
and the cactus and the mesquite combine their armature of
thonis for mutual protection. Then wind-blown grass seeds
lodge about the roots, and grasses grow and seed beneath the
sheltering branches ; and next small mammals seek the same
protection and dig their holes among the roots, giving channels
for the water of the ensuing rain and fertilizing the spot with re-
jectamenta. Meantime the annual and semi-annual plants which
maintain a precarious existence in the desert take root in the
sheltered and fertilized soil beneath the growing cactus and mes-
quite, and in season it becomes a miniature garden of foliage and
bloomage. Then certain ants come for the seeds, certain flies
and wasps for the nectar, and certain birds to nest in the branches-
In this way a community is developed in which each participant
retains individuality, yet in which each contributes to the general
welfare. So advantageous is the communal arrangement that
few organisms of the drier portions of Papagueria pursue inde-
pendent careers ; the vast plains are dotted with communities or
colonies from a few rods to sonle furlongs apart, while the inter-
mediate stretches are practically lifeless; and the very soil is
molded into a succession of hillocks with bare glades between,
which persist even after the extermination of the colonies through
climatal change or through human intervention. Thus do a large
part of the plants and animals of the desert dwell together in
harmony and mutual helpfulness ; for their energies are directed
not so much against one another as against the rigorous environ-
mental conditions growing out of dearth of water.
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366 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
This communality does not involve loss of individuality, which
prevails throughout Papagueria — indeed the plants and animals
are characterized by an individuality greater than that displayed
in regions in which perpetuity of the species depends less closely
on the persistence of individuals. By reason of this individual-
ity there is a certain enmity between the animal and vegetal col-
onists. The small birds devour the seeds of the cactus and the
squirrels nibble the beans of the mesquite, yet not all of the seeds
are eaten, else a succeeding generation of birds and squirrels
would starve ; the spiders suck the blood of the flies and the
wasps paralyze the spiders to serve as food for their young, yet
not all of the flies and spiders are slain, else their enemies would
famish ; the hawks and eagles rend the small birds and squirrels,
yet not all of the peaceful creatures are rent, else the birds of
prey would perish ; deer and antelope and, since tl^e coming of
white men, burros and kine crop the grass and browse on the
tender twigs, yet not all the grass and young shoots are consumed,
else the herbivores would suff*er and die. * In some respects the
enmity of the colonists is more bitter than that of antagonistic
species in humid lands; yet it is adjusted and developed into a
marvelous solidarity under which the sum of possible vitality is
increased apparently to a maximum ; singly or collectively the
colonies support more plants than they would be able to support
without the aid of their animal associates in the distribution of
germs and in fertilization ; they support more insects than could
live with a sparser flora; they support more herbivores than
could be kept on a flora not fertilized by insects ; collectively the
colonies support a carnivorous fauna which could not exist if
either the herbivorous things or the plants on which they live
were destroyed. If the vitality of the desert were limited to any
one type the sum would be reduced nearly or quite to nothing-
ness, for few of the plants and none of the animals are independ-
ent of their communal associates. The solidarity of life in the
desert is far-reaching and rises above the antagonism of individ-
uals and species, for its strength is directed against the hard
inorganic environment.
Commensnlity, — Over the great alluvial aprons and in other
tracts of firm but not too stony soil the fields of the farmer ant
abound. Where the soil is particularly suitable the farms adjoin
and cover most or all of the surface over scores of square miles.
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Each farm includes a clean and well-kept threshing-floor and
drying-ground 5 to 30 feet across, with the passageway to the
subterranean habitation in the center, and an annulus 3 to 20
feet wide of luxuriant grass, on whose seeds the ants subsist.
Across these annuli run great turnpikes often a foot wide, connect-
ing farm with farm, sometimes for furlongs. In such a farming
district there is practically no vegetation except the cultivated
grass ; not only are other grasses and weeds kept down, but even
the relatively mighty cactus, grease wood, and mesquite are appar-
ently exterminated — certainly the prevailing plants of the region
are absent from the most extensive and best cultivated farming
districts. Thus the tiny formic farmers have developed an art of
agriculture, have made conquest of the land for their needs, and
have artificialized a plant apparently as completely as man has
artificialized corn and rice; and in the process they have in-
creased and multiplied to such an extent that they would die of
famine in millions if their crop should fail, while it seems almost
, certain that their crop-plant would quickly die out if the culti-
vation and perhaps fertilization by the animals were withdrawn.
Thus the rigorous environment of the desert has developed one
of the most remarkable intelligences of the world, and has ren-
dered two widely dififerent organisms interdependent.
To the traveler the saguaro is, partly by reason of its loftiness,
the most prominent element in the flora. Now the young stem
of this cactus shoots with considerable rapidity as a rather slender
column, at first without flower or fruit. After a period said to
range from 5 to 10 years, and after a height varying from about
5 to 15 or more feet has been attained, the plant begins to bear
and the rate of upward growth diminishes. Thereafter it slowly
thickens and still more slowly increases in height; and in time
branches start out at right angles to the trunk and soon turn
upward to form a giant candelabrum. Now it is noteworthy that
the height at which the saguaro begins to flower and fruit varies
from district to district with the height of the local flora; in a
district of greasewood and scrubby chaparral the flowering may
begin at a height of only 5 to 8 feet, while in a district of vigor-
ous mesquite the flowering may not begin until the stem is 10 feet
higher. It is noteworthy also that in the typical districts the
branches, if not more than 3 to 5 in number, usually spring from
just below the height at which flowering began (the su[)ernu-
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368 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
merary branches spring either sporadically or above the ordinary
level of the tops of the first crop), and that the branches always
grow more slowly than the youthful trunk, perhaps no more
rapidly than the well-grown trunk from which they spring. Thus
the saguaro would appear to be in some way correlated with
the surrounding vegetation, and while the correlation might be
ascribed to soil differences it seems probable that the connection
is more complex. On examining a large number of examples in
many districts the impression is produced that the mindless aim
of the saguaro, through the survival of the fittest, is first to rise
above its neighbors rapidly as possible before expending energy
in reproduction ; that it then rests from the activity of stem-
growth and divides its energy between gradual expansion and
strengthening of the trunk on the one hand and reproduction on
the other, yet continues slowly pushing upward until it domi-
nates the landscape; and that when the main stem becomes ex-
travagantly high the branches consume most of the energy of
growth. A reason for this erratic behavior is found when it is
observed that the flowers are fertilized by insects and that the
seeds are distributed by birds ; for it is manifest that the finding
of the plants by flying things is facilitated by their great stature.
Moreover the flowers are brilliantly white in color and attractive
in perfume, while the fruit is gorgeously red and sweetly sapid-
Still further it is manifest that the typical placing of branches is
the most economical possible at once for the pumping of water
from below and for bringing the flowers and fruits at the ex-
tremities within easy sight of the cooperating insects and birds.
So it would appear that the saguaro is a monstrosity in fact as
well as in appearance — a product of miscegenation between plant
and animal, probably depending for its form and life-history, if
not for its very existence, on its commensals. Whether the small
black insects that suck the flowers and distribute pollen are wholly
dependent on the saguaro for existence, like the yucca moth on
the yucca (as shown by the lamented Riley), is questionable ; and
it is hardly probable that the birds that consume the saguaro
fruit are so dependent on it as to have undergone actual differen-
tiation of characters fitting them to the commensality.
The lesson of cooperation among subhuman organisms in
Papagueria is the solidarity of life to the extent that the vital
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energies of plants and animals are directed primarily against the
inorganic environment, rather than against kindred and alien
organisms, while one of the results of this solidarity is the de-
velopment of strong individuality. By reason of this cooperation
the desert was in part reclaimed and a series of superorganic
organizations— unconscious and undesigned but none the less
beneficial — was developed before the adv^ent of man. In general,
social and other institutions are a product of human intelligence
alone ; and it is of interest to the anthropologist to learn of the
growth of organizations among lower organisms, and of special
interest to study the effect on mankind of an environment so
peculiar as to produce subhuman communality.
CHARACTERISTICS OF HUMAN LIFE
The Papago Indians are the desert people of North America.
They dwell among the cacti, paloverdes, mesquites, and barren
plains of a region in which human enemies cannot survive. They
are semi-nomadic in habit; they migrate northward in spring,
southward in autumn, with tolerable regularity, and remove their
rancherias with the starting and failing of springs and with other
changes in water supply. In the wanderings of generations they
have acquainted themselves with meteorologic conditions and
with every constant and inconstant source of water ; thereby they
have acquired an advantage over the invader, who is soon fain to
retire or famish.
One of the first characteristics of the Papago to strike the ob-
server is his capacity for abstinence : The Papago vaquero will
ride one, two, or even three days without drinking, under a sun
so fierce and in an air so dry that the tenderfoot dies of thirst in
a few hours; and a family of a dozen often confine themselves
for weeks to the contents of a single olla daily for drinking,
cooking, and all other purposes. So, too, they live on reduced
rations of solid food for considerable periods without inconveni-
ence ; indeed their habitual diet is moderate, even allowing for
the condensed and nutritious character of some of their foods.
When the interpreter was asked how the people of a rancheria
were able to subsist for a winter on a certain limited supply of
food, he replied, ** They eat only twice a day, and if there is not
enough they eat only once.'' The abstinence from solid food is
in a measure apparent only, for the Indians are disposed to glut-
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370 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
ionize in idleness when opportunity arises, when their capacity
for consuming is no less striking than their power of abstaining.
This characteristic of the tribe is possessed by other primitive
peoples, perhaps in nearly equal degree ; yet it is noteworthy as
displayed among these Indians.
Another characteristic of the Papago is strength and fleetness :
A withered crone (shown in the photographs of the expedition),
weighing apparently not more than 80 or 90 pounds, arose from
the ground with a kiho containing a stone mortar 196 pounds in
weight, carried this burden more than half a mile over a sandy
road, and then let it down from her back, and this without per-
cei)tible exhaustion or attracting particular attention among her
neighbors. Many equally noteworthy feats of strength and en-
durance might be enumerated. Fleetness is displayed in the
tribal game of kashaneku, or football, in which it is not unusual
for contestants to run, kicking the ball before them, 30 or 40
miles in an afternoon. It should be observed that fleetness has
apparently declined among the Papago since the introduction of
the horse ; yet they and other desert tribes have always been
noted as runners : Bartlett found the Opata couriers to run 40
or 50 leagues (105 to 131 miles) in 24 hours, and Lumholz men-
tions that a Tarahumari Indian has been known to carry a letter
nearly 800 miles in 5 days (these tribes belong to the same family
as the Papago), while the Seri, who have never acquired the
horse, are noted as the runners, par excellence, of this region of run-
ners. Thus, although perhaps not especially distinguished, the
Papago Indians are noted for strength, celerity, and endurance.
A third characteristic is apparent longevity : In every rancheria
wrinkled and gray grandames and grandsires are found, gener-
ally in considerable numbers, and usually engaged in arduous
labors ; it is the aged woman who bears the heaviest burden,
and her consort who performs the hardest field task, for the
family. It is impossible to obtain exact figures concerning the
age of the old people, but the proportion of the active aged is
manifestly much larger than among civilized peoples. In this
respect, too, the Papago is more or less like neighboring tribes,
all of whom claim patriarchs and matriarchs who have far out-
lived the normal span of life.
Combining these and other characteristics of the desert tribe,
it appears that they are in harmony with the characteristics of
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Oct. 1895] THE BEGINNING OF AGRICULTURE 371
the animals and plants ; yet they are not so well developed as to
clearly distinguish the Papago from other tribes, especially from
those of other portions of the arid regions. When the physio-
logic or biotic characteristics of plants, animals, and men are
compared it appears that the plants are most and mankind least
modified in the direction of fitness to environment, the subhuman
animal occupying an intermediate position.
Turning to the institutional or social aspect of the tribe, certain
fairly distinctive characteristics are found, yet they are measur-
ably masked by reason of the transition from the primitive state
to the accultural condition initiated with the introduction of
European crop-plants and stock. Fortunately there is a sufficient
vestige of primitive culture to indicate many of the primitive
customs. The Papago combined the chase for animal quarry
with the search for vegetal foods ; he gathered the fruits of vari-
ous cacti and mesquite beans in season ; he collected indurated
pericarps and berries for beads ; in his southward migrations he
obtained seeds of corn and pumpkin as well as native beans —
indeed it is probable that the primary purpose of the migration
was the collection of seeds, — and on his return in the rainy season
these were planted about the water holes and arroyo deltas, and
in time the crop was gathered. There are indications that a
tribal organization grew out of these customs ; but this question
need not now be pursued. It suffices to note that, as a consumer
of seeds and fruits and as a distributer of seeds, the Papago
entered into the vital solidarity of the desert and contributed
toward the perpetuation of species that were good in his sight.
In this way he made partial conquest of the soil and the produc-
tions thereof for his own behoof, and still further increased the
sum of desert life : yet his conquest of the land at the time of
the coming of the Spaniard was far from complete, apparently
less complete than the conquest made by the farmer ant; and
the historical Papago has never controlled the scant waters of
his domain, but sought them where they chanced to occur in the
hazard of storm and sun, just as he chased game and hunted
wild fruits.
For three and a half centuries the Papago has been in contact
with an alien culture, and there is evidence that during a pre-
ceding century or more hesuff*ered through the repeated invasion
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372 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
of his borders by his hereditary enemy, the Apache ; thus the
indigenous Papago culture can hardly be considered as* inde-
pendently autochthonous or indigenous — the process of culture
development was undoubtedly effected by external influence.
Fortunately the prehistoric remains of Papagueria throw light
on an antecedent culture which appears to have been essentially
indigenous ; and there is reason for opining that the prehistoric
peoples were the direct ancestors of the Papago and certain other
southwestern tribes.
The prehistoric remains comprise greatly reduced ruins of vil-
lages and irrigation works, as well as " las trincheras " (or in-
trenched mountains), with included or associated pottery of fine
texture and finish, and highly polished stone implements ; these
relics being abundant and distributed over a considerable part of
Papagueria. Now, on comparing the ruins with modern artifi-
cial works (including those of the sedentary Mexicans who have
pushed far into the arid district) certain important differences
are found : In the first place the ancient villages were much larger
than the modern rancherias of the Papago ; in the second place
the ruins are much more numerous than the Papago rancherias
and Mexican settlements combined ; again the ancient irrigation
works (of which the Papago have none) are much more extensive
than the modern acequias, dams, and reservoirs of the Mexicans ;
and finally the trincheras are unique. The great extent of the
prehistoric irrigation works is especially impressive; the ancient
acequia in Arivaca valley was raised above the flood-plain and
150 feet in width, the confining banks being occupied by nearly
continuous rows of habitations, while the modern acequia, put in
through American enterprise, is a simple ditch 8 to 10 feet wide ;
and a single one of the many prehistoric villages in the valley
comprised 180 habitations, or fully twice as many as those of the
modern American, Mexican, and Indian inhabitants. It may be
noted also that a village in this valley and one or two others else-
where have remains of what appear to be corrals containing
tanques for water, indicating the domestication of a rather small
animal (perhai)s the vicuna). Viewed collectively, the prehis-
toric remains indicate an ancient population much more exten-
sive than that of the present ; for the great number of the villages
may not be ascribed to successive occupation, since the irrigation
ditches are so large and carried so far up the valley sides as to be
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adequate for the supply of a large contemporaneous population
and at the same time to be inconceivably extravagant if only a
small population were to be supplied at a given time. It is of
course possible that the prehistoric precipitation was greater than
that of the historical period, but there is no special warrant for this
supposition, which is moreover inlierently improbable and also
unnecessary. It may be observed summarily that the archeologic
and ethnologic data in the region indicate a numerous and peace-
ful agricultural population at a period probably between two and
five centuries before the Spanish invasion, and suggest (1) that
this population ]>egan to suffer from forays by a predatory enemy
dwelling in the high Sierra, (2) that the system of forays gradu-
ally grew into warfare for vengeance and reprisal, (3) that the
peaceful folk found a temporary refuge in the trincheras, and
(4) that the irrigation works were finally destroyed, whereby the
valley tribe was all but annihilated and driven partly into the
remoter desert fastnesses, partly into the more northerly valleys
tributary to the Colorado — the desert remnant being the immedi-
ate ancestors of the Papago. It is not necessary to dwell on the
details of this succession or even to affirm its verity beyond the
trustworthiness of a good working hypothesis ; the essential point,
which seems to be indisputable, is that the district supported a
numerous agricultural or largely agricultural population, who
were able to maintain themselves, despite the prevailing aridity,
by means of an elaborate system of irrigation. This population
and culture seem to have been essentially indigenous, and, up to
the time of decadence, not greatly influenced by external condi-
tions. Accordingly, during the prehistoric period represented by
the ruins, the indigenes of Papagueria made conquest, not only
of the soil as do the modern Papago, but of the waters ; and
thereby their culture rose to a higher plane, yet a plane which
may justly be regarded as normal to the desert.
The lesson of human life in the desert is found in the coopera-
tion between men, animals, and plants in such wise that the sum
of vitality is multiplied and at the same time subordinated to
intelligence : Man consumes fruits and seeds, yet distributes the
germs of plants useful to him ; as he advances in culture he
conserves the germs unto the season of germination ; he either
neglects or directly destroys useless and noxious plants ; and in
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374 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
all these ways he improves the flora. Man subsists in part on
game, yet, under the economy of solidarity, he does not exter-
minate the game animals and thereby cut off a supply at its
source, but rather cooperates with them in a communality anal-
ogous to that between the animals and plants ; he aids, albeit
unconsciously, the herbivores in escaping the carnivores, and for
this service they pay tithes in flesh ; he even enters into coopera-
tion with carnivores, such as the coyote, which he spares to be-
come his scavengers, and they reciprocate by forming a semi-
conscious cordon of protectors about the camp or villiige ; and in
these and other ways a partial cultivation of plants and domesti-
cation of animals is brought about collectivelj'', and man enters
into and dominates the solidarity of desert life. Then if peace
persists he begins to transport and preserve water, and this is the
germ of irrigation by which the wilderness is made to blossom
and by which both plants and animals are multiplied and arti-
flcialized.
INTERRELATIONS OF LIFE
When the plants, animals, and men of the desert are compared
with respect to physiologic or ontogenic characters, it is found
that the stationary plants have suffered greatest modification, the
environment-driven animals less, and the environment-molding
humans least of all; but when they are compared with respect
to collective or demotic modification, it becomes manifest that
the moveless plants are least, the moving animals more, and
prevising men most profoundly modified.
When the life of the desert is compared with the vital phe-
nomena of humid regions, it is found that under the pressure
against an adverse inorganic environment, the beginning of
the control of environment springs lower on the stem of phyl-
ogenic development — ;that the desert species, genera, and orders
enter into a mutually beneficial cooperation while yet the rain-
fed organisms are frittering energy in internecine strife. Thus
it would appear that among plants and animals, as among men,
hard necessity is the mother of progress. It would also appear
that among plants and animals, as among men, strength lies in
union ; and progress in combination leads to solidarity.
The great lesson of plants, animals, and men in the desert is
found in the modification of organisms and the development of
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organizations: Under the hard environment, organisms cease
to strive against one another and each strives against inorganic
nature ; under the common pressure they are forced into union,
and thus cooperation is initiated. Now there are three stages
in cooperation ; the first stage is that in which the organisms
merely stand together for mutual protection, but retain undi-
minished individuality — this is communality ; the second stage
is that in which individualities blend through miscegenation be-
tween unlike organisms, as between the yucca and yucca moth —
this is commensalit}' ; the third stage is that of voluntary inclu-
sion and exclusion of organisms for the common welfare of the
solidarity or for the especial weal of the dominant organism,
whether ant or man — this is the stage unwittingly, yet not un-
happily, called agriculture.
The lesson of life in Papagueria may easily, and within limits
safely, be extended to other regions ; for the phenomena and
relations are more or less closely paralleled elsewhere. It may
appear paradoxical to affirm that it is in arid districts, where
agriculture is most arduous, that agriculture began; yet the
affirmation is not gainsaid but rather supported by history, and
is established beyond reasonable doubt by the evidence of the
desert organisms and organizations.
So, whatever its last estate, in its beginning agriculture is the
art of the desert.
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376 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VllI
THE ALGONQUIAN APPELLATIVES OF THE SIOUAN
TRIBES or VIRGINIA*
BY WILLIAM WALLACE TOOKER
The issue, almost simultaneously, of two valuable bulletins
from the Bureau of American Ethnology — " The Siouan Tribes
of the East," by James Mooney, and '*The Archeolocry of the
James and Potomac Valleys," by Gerard Fowke — ^brings to ray
desk such a collation of facts, historical, geographical, and archeo-
logical, that it enables me to supplement their efforts from another
field of research, and at the same time to contribute additional
memoranda to the nomenclature of our native races, by pre-
senting analyses of the Algonquian appellatives of these people,
whose tribal synonymy, confederacy, and migrations have been
carefully discussed by the first, and the archeology of whose
territory, from personal researches and excavations, has been
the theme of the second.
When Captain John Smith and his companions firat discov-
ered the falls of the James river, in May, 1607, the native guides
who accompanied the explorers related remarkable stories of a
nation living farther up the stream toward the mountains,
called the Monacans, who, at the time of the falling of the leaf,
came down and invaded their country. The fear of these
western Indians was such that no inducements the discoverers
made could persuade these Powhatans to guide them to the
habitations of these people. The stories, however, made so deep
an impression upon the minds of the adventurers that in the
following spring Captain Smith was assigned to the command
of sixty men, in order to discover and to search for the com-
modities of the Monacans, so as to load a ship for home. But
so unseasonal)le was the time and so opposed was the captain
of the vessel to load with anything but the " phantastical gold,"
as it is expressed, which he, as well as others, believed was ob-
tainable among the Monacans^ that it caused much ill-feeling to
* Read iK'fore Section H, AmericHD Association for the Advaacement of Science,
ut Springfield, Mass., SeptemY>er 3, 1896.
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Oct. 1895] SIOUAN TRIBAL APPELLATIVES 377
arise among the colonists ; for Captain Smith, having been of a
more practical and conservative nature than many of his asso-
ciates, preferred to load the ship with cedar, which he justly
claimed was a more " present dispatch than either durt or the
reports of an uncertain discovery.'' After considerable delay the
ship was finally loaded with cedar, and the attempt to discover
the country of the Monacans was postponed * In the fall another
effort was made, when Captain Newport, with one hundred and
twenty men, went forth for the invasion of the unknown country.
Arriving at the falls, they marched b}' land some forty miles in
two days and a half, and then returned by the same path. They
discovered two towns of the Monacans, called Massinacack and
Mf/whemenchouch. On their return they were delayed by search-
ing in many places for supposed mines, which was really the
object of the expedition, having with them a refiner, who per-
suaded them to believe that he extracted a small amount of silver
from the rock, and, as they relate, better stuff might be had for
the digging.!
Smith condenses the information which he subsequently
gleaned from the natives as follows: " Vpon the head of the
Powhatans [James river] are the Monacans, whose chiefe habita-
tion is at Rasauweak; vnto whom the Mowhenienchughes, the Mas-
sinnacacks, the Monahassanughs, the Monaskka'panoughs, and other
nations pay tributes. Vpon the head of the river of Toppahanock
[Rappahannock] is a people called Mannahoacks, To these are
contributers the Tauxanias, the Shackaconias, the OntponeaSj the
Tegninateos, the Whonkentenes, the Stegarakes, the Hasslnnangaes^
and divers others, all confederates with the Monacans, though
many different in language, and be very barbarous, lining for the
most part of wild beasts and fruits." X
One of the Mannahoa^ks, belonging to the tribe called the
Hamnnungaes, whom Smith captured upon the upper waters of
the river Rappahannock, when interpreted, said that the Mona-
cans were their neighbors and friends, and did dwell, as they, in
the hilly countries, by small rivers, living upon roots and fruits,
but chiefly by hunting.
This brief summary embraces nearly all the knowledge that
we possess relating to these tribes during the period of settle-
ment. After 1609 — although undoubtedly often in contact with
• Arljcr's Smith, p. 106. f Ibid., p. 438. % Ibid , pp. 306, 367.
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378 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
the settlers through trade and otherwise — nothing whatever was
recorded or preserved relating to them for over sixty years.
Even the significations of these tribal appellatives, correct in-
terpretations of which are absolutely necessary for an exhaustive
and conclusive study of these people, have been forgotten for
many generations.
The questions that now arise, and which I shall endeavor to
answer, are these : First, What were the commodities of the
Monacans that Smith was instructed to search for? Second,
What was it that gave rise to lasting impressions in the minds
of the Virginia colonists that valuable mines of copper, iron,
gold, and silver were to be found in the same region? Third,
Can any of the Mannahoacks be identified with tribes or peoples
of a later historic period ? Fourth, To what language must we
assign these and other names of Captain John Smith ?
Mr James Mooney, in his " Siouan Tribes of the East," has
ably demonstrated by his synopsis of early historical references,
by his identification of the geographical locations of the tribes
in after years, and by his conclusions derived therefrom, that the
Monacans were not the ancestors of the Titscaroras, as has been
accepted ever since the time of Jefferson, the sponsor for this
baptism, but were the progenitors of those people, who were sub-
sequently, by a fortunate series of circumstances, identified by
Horatio Hale as speaking a primitive dialect of the Siouan tongue,
thus indicating that the original home of the Siouan family must
have been in the east. Therefore it is unnecessary at this time
and place to elaborate further on these points that Mr Hale has
so learnedly presented from linguistic sources and which Mr
Mooney has augmented and confirmed from historical channels,
but to accept it as an incontrovertible conclusion that the Mona-
cans and their tribal confederacy as such, including the Manna-
hoacksj must be assigned to the Siouan linguistic stock.
These truths accepted, I will proceed to analyze those terms,
descriptive in their character, which we have found applied to
these people in the early days of the period of colonization.
These appellatives were bestowed upon them by their neighbors
on the east, the Powhatans and their confederates, who are well
known to have been a branch of the Algonquian linguistic stock.
Therefore there ought to arise no question whatever in the mind
of the critical student of Smith's works against the dictum now
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Oct. 1895] SIOUAN TRIBAL APPELLATIVES 379
submitted, that every one of these terms, without a single excep-
tion, are necessarily Algonquian, and consequently should be
analyzed and translated by the aid of that language, no matter
what the nativity of the people themselves may have been. This
declaration will also apply to every aboriginal name occurring
upon Smith's map of Virginia, for he was never in contact with
other than an Algonquian long enough to learn a name. Besides,
the historical evidence would seem to indicate that the greater
number of these tenns were heard spoken from the lips of the
Powhatans long before the colonists saw a Monacan. For in-
stance, Captain Newport's guide and interpreter was a savage of
Powhatans called Namontack,* Newport named a mine six miles
above the falls after him because he discovered it.f Smith's in-
ter))reter while among the MannnkoacksYfas an Algonkin,as was
also his Tockwogh interpreter while interviewing the Sasquesa-
hanoughs. His very brief parley with the Mdssawomecks, as he
relates, was entirely by signs.J Therefore it seems to me that
failure would be necessarily foreordained in seeking for other
than Algonquian elements in any of the aboriginal names of
Virginia as bequeathed to us by Captain John Smith.
William Strachey, secretary of the colony, 1609 to 1612, who
was more or less familiar with the language of the Powhatans
and has left us a valuable vocabulary of that dialect, derives the
name Monacan from Manohdcan (or Monowhauk)^ "a sword," §
while Heckewelder, through the Delaware, translates it as "a
spade or any implement for digging the soil,'' corrupted from
Monahacan,\\ Heckewelder is so rarely correct in his place-name
etymologies that he should have due credit for this suggestion,
for the fact ap[)ears that both of these authorities are correct in
their identification of the verbal element of the name, but not in
the grammar, application, or true analysis of the term as applied
to a people.
The prefix Mona is undoubtedly the verb signifying '' to dig,"
occurring in the same primitive form in many Algonquian dia-
lects, from the Cree Momia, in the far north, to the Narragansett
Mona, on the east, and is reproduced at the south in the Pow-
hatan Monohacan, *' sword," literally a digging instrument, from
* Arber's Smith, p. 438. 2 Mooney, p. 26.
t Strachey, p. 31. |Hecke welder's Names, ed. by Reichel, p. 280.
X Arber's Smith, p. 422.
49
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380 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Mono^ " to dig," prefixed to -hacav^ an inatrunientive noun suffix
used only as a terminal in compound words denotive of things
artificial,* so designated because so used by the Indians when
purchased from the settlers. The same verb figures in other
Powhatan cluster words, thus revealing its identity ; for instance,
in Mondscunnemu, " to cleanse the ground to fit it for seed,'' mak-
ing it the equivalent of the Narragansett Monaskunneinun ; Dela-
ware Muridskamen, " to weede." It will be found by analyzing
carefully the various synonyms of the term Monacans, or Mona-
?iacaws,t with its English plural as displayed, that it resolves
itself into the components of Mond-ackfanongh, from Moim^ " to
dig;" ack, ** land or earth," with its generic plural of -anovgh,
" nation or people " — that is, " people who dig the earth " — the
phonetic sounds of which were shortened into Monacana by the
English, which may be freely and correctly translated as the
*' diggers or miners." The term as such probably designated
the whole confederacy collectively. This abbreviation of the
sounds of tribal appellatives is characteristic of English notation,
as in Mohaioks, from Matiqua^iog ; Mohegans, from Manhlgan-enck ;
PequotSy from Pequttx/og^ and others.
The '^ chiefe habitation " of the Monacans, according to both
Smith and Strachey, was at Rasauweak, or Rassawek—a state-
ment that is fully confirmed by analysis of the name. Its earli-
est notation, however, appears in the Relation of Captain Gabriel
Archer,J which Professor Arber suggests may be the official
report presented by Captain Newport on his first return, in July,
1607, therefore possibly antedating Smith, in the very corrupt
form of Monanacah Rahowacah, which, to follow Smith, should
have been more correctly printed as Monacanough Rassauwek,
thus indicating that there was originally a grammatical con-
tinuity between the words as uttered by the savages of the lower
James. Frequently the sounds represented by w in some of the
northern Algonquian dialects is replaced by r in the Powhatan
and other cognate dialects. Allowing for these alternating
sounds, or what Dr Boas terms alternating apperceptions of one
and the same sound,§ the derivation of Rassaiiwek is probably
from ivdssau, " it is bright, it glistens or shines," which, with a
suffix applicable to the object described,|| was a term much em-
♦ Howae Grammar of the Cree, p. 182. | American Anthropologist, vol. 2, p. 52.
t Smith, p. 2. y Tooker; American Antiquarian, vol. 17, p. 8.
X Arber'a Smith, p. xl?i.
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Oct. 18951 SIOUAN TRIBAL APPELLATIVES 381
ployed by many Algonquian tribes to designate any kind of
white metal or mineral, but which in this case, I believe, for
many reasons, was a synonym for mica* — an article of trade
and highly valued by the tribes of the west and east, as indi-
cated by its discovery in the mounds of Ohio, in the graves of
Virginia, and elsewhere. The terminal affix -wek or -weak (=
Massachusetts wek or week), " house or home," is the conditional
third person singular of the verb — " when (or where) he is at
home." Thus we have, in accordance with this analysis, Mond-
ackfafiovgh'Wassau-wek, "the home of the mica diggers," or
" home of the people who dig the earth for something bright."
Gerard Fowkef informs us: '* Several mica mines have been
opened within a mile of the court-house [Amelia county]. The
miners report that in digging they sometimes discover small
piles of mica which have been detached from the rock and
heaped together. These pieces, usually of poor quality, as if
rejected by the workers, are doubtless from aboriginal excava-
tions, as they lie beneath several feet of accumulated earth, and
there is no tradition of early mica mining in this section by the
whites."
Although this discovery is not exactly in the direction of
Rassauwek, as indicated by Smith on his map, it is in the terri-
tory of the Monacans, and fully confirms the foregoing interpre-
tation, in the fact that mica mining was one of the industries
carried on by the early occupants of this valley. The exact site
of Rassauwek has not been as yet fully established. Smith
locates it between the two branches of the river ; but Mr Fowke,
who has devoted considerable personal attention to the question,
says the point of land between the two rivers is irregular, infer-
tile, rather difficult of access, and nothing is found to show that
it was ever occupied by the Indians. On the other hand. Elk
island, in Goochland county, just below Columbia, bears every
indication of Indian occupancy, and many specimens of steatite
pottery, some rough, others tolerably well finished, have been
found on the island, whereas such are extremely rare elsewhere
in the vicinity. From which he concludes: "Altogether it is
very probable that the main town of the Monacans was on Elk
island." But he describes another Indian settlement, farther
♦ Compare Wdsogolnmin', mica, Micraac (Rand), and W6sei\nWchk, glass,
t " Archeologic Investigations," p. 10.
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382 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
up upon the left bank of the Rivanna, between that river and
the James, which corresponds more to Smith's location. While
suggesting this may have been the site of Rassauwek^ he thinks
the evidence favors Elk island. Smith's location of tribes out
of the horizon of his own researches and explorations must be
regarded as approximate only, although the relations of the
Indians, which were his sources of information as regards un-
known countries, were in the main quite accurate, as later dis-
coveries bore witness. From Mr Fowke's description of the
island, it may have been at one time the abiding place of an-
other wing of the confederacy, which the occurrence of steatite
vessels would seem to indicate.
This wing of the Mormcans^ the Moiiahasaanughes, were noted
down by Smith both on his map and in his works. Strachey *
places them at the foot of the mountains. It will be observed
that we have here precisely the same verbal prefix as in the
former term, and it should unquestionably sustain the same
derivation of Mona, " to dig." Now as to the second component,
'hassan. In the Massachusetts and in some other dialects hdssuv,
hdssin, or dssin, with or without the English aspirate, signifies " a
rock," which, together with its generic plural of -anoagh, " peo-
ple," gives us Mond'hassun'arwiigh, " people who dig the rock " —
that is to say, they were " miners or quarry men," which fully
describes in a most remarkable way those people who excavated
in the steatite or soapstone quarries. Many of these quarries,
situated in the valleys and among the hills and forests once occu-
pied by these })rimitive miners, have been investigated by Mr
F. H. ('ushing, Mr Gerard Fowke, and others. The accumu-
lated debris of the diggings, the abandoned ))ot-forms, the frag-
ments of steatite vessels, and the rude digging implements of"
stone bear witness of aboriginal labor through a long series of
years under like conditions. The quarries, especially of Amelia
county, studied by Mr Gushing, were of considerable extent,
and must have been worked long anterior to the period of
colonization — a })eriod from which we must necessarily date its
decline.
In Nahijssan, of John Lederer, and Hanohnskie, of Batt, we find
synonyms of Mond-hassan^anoughy as suggested by Mr Mooney ;
for the guides and interpretei"s of both of these travelers were
* History of Travail le, p. 48.
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Oct. 1895] SIOUAN TRIBAL APPELLATIVES 383
Alpfonqiiiaiis or spoke the language, and these were forms un-
doubtedly current among the settlers and traders in their time.
Farther to the northwest, as laid down on Smith's mai) and
referred to but once in his history, appears another tribe of the
Afonncans, under the appellative of the Monasukapnnonglis or
Monaakhapanoughs, As is evident to all, we have here displayed
another name with the same verbal prefix, as in the other cases,
signifying to dig. Surely this confederacy well deserved the
title bestowed upon them collectively of being the " diggers."
Analysis of this word, as in the previous terms presented, gives us
Mona-sukapan'anoughy ** people who dig the sukapan or aickapany
What is the '^ sukapan^^ f is the problem that now confronts us.
This is comparatively easy of solution, although seemingly dif-
ficult at the first glance. The native of Hassunungae^ when
interj)reted , stated, among other matters, that the Monacans did
dwell as they and lived upon roots. The generic name for roots,
tubers, or bulbs was pen, varying in some dialets to pun, pan,
pin, pon, or bun. Therefore the " sitkapans " were the tubers of
a plant which these barbarous people dug for food and was
perhaps their staple product. We, no doubt, find the parallel
of " Sukapan " in Sagapon (or Sackapim), a component of a place
name on Long Island, New York, in the term Sagapon' nek, now
applied to a post-office and hamlet in the town of Southampton,
from the first syllable of which the village of Sag Harbor derives
its name. The Micmac (Rand) Seguban, "a ground-nut," is
another parallel. One of the towns of the Kiiskarawaokes (Inter
known as the Nanticokes), on the eastern shore of the Chesa-
j)eake, had the same name. Smith says : * *' Here doth inhabite
the people of Saraplnagh (= ground-nut people), Xause, Arserk,
and Nantaqnack, the best Marchants of all other Salva<?es." On
Long Island the name was applied to the common ground-nut
{Apios tuberosa, a leguminous, twining plant, producing clusters
of dark purple flowers and having a root tuberous and i)leasant
to the taste), which are still to be found in great abundance at a
swamp in the vicinity known as '' Sagg swamp." The prefix
which denotes the species cannot in all cases be identified, hut
the generic name with its localizing affix is easily recognizable.
Not long since, while in conversation with an intelligent Chippe-
way Indian in regard to this particular prefix, he informed me
♦ Arber'sSraith, p. 416.
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384 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
that it denoted a species which were "hard or difficult to get out
of the ground." While the Massachusetts siogkke, " hard or diffi-
cult," may resemble the Long Island sa(/ga (or sacka) in sound,
I am inclined to believe he was mistaken, and that the Long
Island sagga and the Powhatan suka (or sicka) are identical, and
are the parallel of the Cree sugge, "thick, close together"* — a
derivation that full3' describes the tubers of the Apios tuberosa,
which grow close together, strung in clusters on a fibrous root.
It was probably the same plant discovered by Captain Gosnold
on one of the Elizabeth isles, on his visit to the New England
coast in 1602, which John Brierton, one of the voyagers, de-
scribes as " ground nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes,
and 40 on a string, not two ynches vnder ground." f Dr J. W.
Harshberger, of the University of Pennsylvania, informs me
that ^^ Apios tuberosa, or, as it is now called, Apios apios, by the
recent upheaval in systematic names, is a plant of wide distribu-
tion and occurs abundantly in Virginia. I have two recorded
localities for it — Jamestown and southwestern Virginia — and it
is therefore to be found on the upper James." It was un-
doubtedly the same plant seen by Hariot on the Roanoke,J viz :
'"Openauk are a kind of roots of round forme, some of the bignes
of walnuts, some far greater, which are found in moist and marish
grounds, growing many together, one by another, in ropes, or as
tliogh they were fastened with a string. Being boiled or sodden,
they are a very good meate." Asa Gray, the eminent botanist,
said : "' Had civilization started in America instead of Asia, our
ground-nut would have been the first developed esculent tuber,
and would have probably held its place in the first rank along
with potatoes and sweet potatoes of later acquisition. Thus the
Mond-sukapnn'anough were " a people who dig ground-nuts."
Compare Otchipwe (Baraga) Nin Mond apinl, "I dig potatoes."
In the historic name of Saponin as applied to a tribe in the an-
nals of Virginia and North Carolina, and as evident by its
generic pon^ we have all that remains of the original appellative,
and I believe Mr Mooney (p. 27) is correct in suggesting its
derivation therefrom.
The two tribes visited by Captain Newport, and mentioned by
Smith as the Mowhemenchughes (or Mouhemenchoach) and the
Massliincaks, do not seem to come under the same head as the
* Howse Grammar of the Cree, p. 40. f Arber'a Smith p. 334. ♦ NarrAtive, p. 26.
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Oct. 1895] SIOUAN TIUBAL APPELLATIVKS 385
others in being " diggers," although they were confederate or
tributary with them. The description of some as being very
barbarous, living for the most part on wild beasts and fruits,
shows that they were not to any extent agriculturists and fur-
nishes us a clue to the meaning of the term, when divided into
its components of Mowhe-menM itghes. The verbal prefix Mowhe
(or Mouhe) in its sounds is identical with the Delaware mmve,
Narragansett Mom (or Mouwi)^ '* to gather," *' to bring together,"
"to pick up," etc. Mench is evidently the generic for small
fruits or grain, in the plural form, the parallel of the Narragan-
sett weneash, Micmac Menich, Delaware Mlnak, "fruit or berry,"
which gives us with its animate plural affix -nk (or -ugh)^
Mowhe-menMugh, "those who gather fruit" — that is to say, they
were a hunting people, who lived to a great extent on fruit or
wild berries. There is a possibility and I would suggest that
in the Mahoc, who occupied the territory between the falls of the
river and the mountains at the time of Lederer's visit in 1670,
were the survivors of the Moivhe-meuMughes of Smith, and that
in the term " Mahoc " we find a survival of the Algonquian term
for the fruit-pickers.
Mamnacack is marked as a king's residence on Smith's map.
Strachey says : * " The neerest called Moiohemlncke, the farthest
Maa^innncock, distant one from another fourteen miles." Its
other synonyms are Massinnacacks f and Mamnacak.X This term
differs from the others in being simply a place-name, showing no
action as performed by a verb as displayed in the previous inter-
pretations and as evidenced by its locative termination. As to
its analysis, 1 would suggest that m' is the impersonal particle,
asidn, " stones," which, with its substantival ac and locative suffix
ak (= Narragansett auk-it, Massachusetts ohklt, Delaware hacking),
gives us M\i8shi-aC'ak, " at the place of stones." It is quite pos-
sible that it may refer to the " pyramid of stones " which John
Lederer observed in 1670 near the village of Monacan, ten days'
travel above the falls. He was told that it represented the num-
ber of a colony which left a neighboring country because of over-
population, a condition easily reached among hunting tribes.
The emigrants, having been chosen by lot, had come to the present
location under the leadership of a chief called Monack, from whom
they derived the name of Monacan, Mr Mooney comments on
* Hist, of Gravaille, p. 131. t Smith, p. 71. J Ibid., p. 4.38.
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386 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
this statement: * "As the explorer stopped with them only long
enough to learn the road to the next tribe, his version of their
migration legend must be taken with due allowance." This
pyramid of stones was probably erected for reasons similar to
that mentioned in the patent for Livingston Manor, New York,
dated November 4, 1684 : f " Place called by the natives Wa-
icanaquassick (or, better [i)p. 696, 697], Mmoanaquassick = place
where stones are gathered together), where the heaps of stones
lye . . . the said heaps of stones upon which the Indians
throw on another as they passe by from an ancient custom among
them."
The Mannahock or MannaJwack confederacy consisted of per-
haps a dozen tribes, of which the names of the principal eight
have been preserved, although only four of them are shown on
Smith's map. Smith's own acquaintance with them seems to
have been limited to an encounter with a large hunting party
in 1608. Smith, however, was a man who knew how to improve
an opportunit}' ; and having the good fortune to take one of the
Hassinaiuigiies prisoner, he managed to get from him, by the aid
of his guide and interpreter Mosco, a very fair idea of the tribes
and territories of the confederacy, their alliances and warfare,
their manner of living, and their cosmogony, and succeeded be-
fore his departure in arranging a precarious peace between them
and their hereditary enemies, the Powhatan confederacy.
Smith's intepreter on this occasion was a savage of Wighco-
comoco, at the mouth of the Potomac river, and the names of
these Mannahock tribes are of his rendering, and, as the fact ap-
pears, are Algonquian interpretations of Siouan names. Manna-
hock, however, is an exception, and is evidently his descriptive
term for the whole of these people collectively and did not in-
dicate a separate tribe. I would suggest its analysis from the
indefinite particle m' prefixed to the verbal radical an, *'to be
more than," " to surpass," united to the verb hahdnu or ahCinu,
"he laughs;" ahdnuock, "they are merry;" or, as the term
would be rendered in the Massachusetts or Narragansett, M'an-
ahdnaock, " they are very merry, or a very merry people." The
verbal root is probably imitative. Smith remarks, in striking
confirmation of this derivation : J "And so we left foure or five
hundred of our merry Mannahocks singing, dancing, and making
• Siouan Tribes, p. 29. f I>oc't Hist. N. Y., vol. 3, p. 624. X Arber's Smith, p. 429.
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merry." Dr Hale remarks of Nikonha, from whom he discov-
ered the Siouan affinity of the Tutelos:* "A wrinkled, smiling
countenance. Not only in physiognomy, but also in demeanor
and character, he differed strikingly from the grave and com-
posed Iroquois among whom he dwelt. The lively, mirthful
disposition of his race survived in full force in its latest member.
His replies to our inquiries were intermingled with many jocose
remarks and much good-humored laughter." In a verity, his
portrait shows all these characteristics of his race, which, together
with the translation of their Algonquian appellative, is collateral
evidence as to the Siouan affinity of some of these tribes.
There is but little known as to the tribes of this confederacy.
The pressure of the cruel Iroquois on the north and the advance-
ment of civilization on the east probably compelled them to
migrate early to the southward ; therefore I shall devote but a
few words to the less interesting. The savage whom Smith cap-
tured said that f " he and all with him were of HaMininga, where
there are three kings more, like vnto them, namely, the king of
Stegora, the king of Ihtixantania, and the king of Shakahonia,
that were come to Mohaskahod, which is onely a hunting town."
These are the four tribes marked on Smith's map ; consequently
must have been considered the most important.
The Hassinnungaes or Hassinuga is derived from hasaun, " a
rock ; " wonogk, " hole or den," which, with the terminal of the
animate plural, denotes " those who dwelt in caves or holes of
the rocks," thus indicating a low state of barbarism, as Smith
truthfully observes. Its equivalent is found in the Massachu-
setts Hassimnegk, *' cave " (Eliot), Gen, 29 : 7, 17 ; Hd^sunoiiogqut,
'* holes of the rocks," Jer. 16: 16. A number of these caves,
once inhabited by red-men, have been discovered in Virginia.
William H. Holmes X describes one of these typical rock-shelters,
situated in Harrison county, due west from the home of this
tribe. (Strachey, however, states that they lived farther west
than Smith locates them.) This shelter displayed on its rear
wall some interesting petroglyphs, and in the debris of its floor
were found potsherds, arrow points, paint-stones, and other
objects, both natural and artificial. Professor H. C. Mercer, of
the University of Pennsylvania, has explored many of these rock-
♦ Tutelo Tribe and Language, p. 9. J American Anthropologist, vol. 3, p. 217.
t Arber's Smith, p. 427.
50
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388 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
shelters of Virginia, which showed no great antiquity — ^in fact,
he was astonished by the comparatively modern evidence of their
occupancy by the red-men.
The Stegarakles or Stegoras (= stegan-rufanougfis) survived as
the StenkenockSj as mentioned by Governor Spotswood, in 1711,
as one of the tribes living near Fort Christanria, in Virginia,
which the colonial government desired to secure from the further
attacks of the Iroquois * This name is undoubtedly Algon-
quian, as its terminal indicates, but so far I have been unable
to identify its prefix.
The Tauxanies, Tanxslntania, or Tauxuntania were probably
those mentioned by Lederer as the Nuntaneuck^ speaking the
same language as the Monacan, Nahyamn, Saponin and others.
This term in one form, Tauxanies (= Tatix-anaughs), seems to
denote a " people of a short stature ; " Powhatan Tanz or Tanks^
"small, little ; " Delaware Tangitto^ " short, small," while its longer
forms seem to contain the radical -itan, "a flowing stream or
river; " hence Taux-itanUmoughs, *' people of the little rivers," as
referred to by Smith.
The Shakahonia or Shackaconicis were *' the stone people ; "
Shacahocan-anoughs, Powhatan, [Strachey] Shacahocan, [Smith]
Shacqaohocany " stone." This meaning as rendered by these two
authorities is not the literal one, for its instrumentive generic
suffix 'hocan indicates something artificial.f It denoted possi-
bly a stone prepared for slinging, tossing, or rolling, according
to the meaning of its prefix shacka or shacquo-, which I have not
been able to identify to my satisfaction. In the name Shoccories
of Lederer and Lawson we find probably its synonym of a later
period. They were living in close proximity to the Occaneechea
and Eaos. Possibly the latter were but another village of the
Shoccories when visited by Lederer, as they were only fourteen
miles apart, with the same customs. They were devoted to an ath-
letic game, described by Lederer in 1672 as "slinging of stones;"
and in 1701, when seen by Lawson, the two tribes were united,
and had not forgotten their old game mentioned by Lederer,
which may be recognized as the universal wheel-and-stick game
of the eastern and southern tribes ; for Lawson says in his nar-
rative they were much addicted to a sport they call chenco,
which is carried on with a staff and bowl made of stone, which
♦ Mooney, p. 21. f Howse's Grammar of the Cree, p. 182.
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they trundle upon a smooth place, like a bowling green, made
for the purpose.*
The Ontponeaa (= Ontpoii'anoughs) were another ** people of
roots or tubers," as shown by its generic pon. The species indi-
cated by its prefix ont I have been unable to identify. It was prob-
ably but another descriptive term for the sagapon, for Strachey
gives us Oiih'punnawk, " a ground-nut." The Meiponiakey of Gov-
ernor Spotswood, who in 1722 were living, under the protection
of the English, near Fort Christanna, were probably a remnant
of these people.f
The Tegninateos or Tegoneaa, as Smith varies their name, are
but briefly mentioned. They were probably a people dwelling
at that time far ofi* in the mountains or, as Smith remarks, " in
the hilly countries." The name evidently contains the Algon-
quian element -atin, " hill or mountain," and the terminal of
•anough or -ailies, '' people." The prefix Tegni or Tego is seemingly
from the same verbal root as the Narragansett tagu, " to go up,"
and possibly related to the Massachusetts tohkoo, " to climb ; "
hence Tego-atin'aFioughs, people who climb the mountains, or
*' the mountaineers," as we might put it. It is quite possible that
the Totems or Toleras, who are represented in Batt's manuscripts J
as a " mountain tribe," were the descendants of this nation.
The Whonkentyaes or Whonkenteas are another tribe of the Man-
naJiocks, or tributary to them, who are unplaced on Smith's map.
The phonetic sounds of this appellative suggests that they were
probably the ancestors of the Akenatzlea, or Occaneeches, as it is
varied, who were living, as Mr Mooney has indicated, on an island
just below the confluence of the rivers Dan and Staunton, in
Mecklenburg county, Virginia, when visited by John Lederer in
1670. I would suggest that the derivation of the term Whon-
kentf^'ds or Whon-kenchi-aneas as from the Narragansett awdun^
Massachusetts auwon, " there is somebody," i. e., who is strange
or different from those speaking.§ The second component, -kentie,
'kemitzie, or -caneeche, seems to have its parallel in various forms
of the verb '* to talk " or " to speak," as in the Long Island un-
kenchie^ " the strange talker ; " Narragansett awdun-ken' taunchem f
** Who are you that discourses ? " Delaware n'iechsin, '' to speak ; "
Powhatan kehUen, " you tell," which, with its terminal, gives us
» Mooney, p. 83. tiCol. Hist. N. Y., vol. 3, p. 194.
t Ibid., p. 37. §See Trumbull's Atgonkin Names for Man, p. 14.
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390 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
whon-kentie-aflies, " people of a strange talk, or another speech."
This analysis confirms Smith's statement that the Mannahocks
were *^ many different in language." Again, in noticeable cor-
roboration of this derivation, the Occaneeches seem to have been
of a different linguistic stock to their Siouan neighbors. Mr
Horatio Hale, quoting the Virginia historian, Beverley, says : *
" The general language here used is that of the Occaneeches,
though they have been but a small nation ever since those parts
were known to the English ; but in what their language may
differ from that of the Algonkins I am not able to determine.
Further on he [Beverley] gives us the still more surprising infor-
mation that this general language was used by the priests and
conjurers of the different Virginia nations in performing their
religious ceremonies in the same manner [he observes] as the
Catholics of all nations do their mass in Latin." Now, it appears
to me, on careful consideration of this statement of Beverley's in
all its aspects, that it is open to only one construction — that is
to say, if the term Whonkeniies is a translation by an Algonquian
interpreter of a Siouan description of a nation of another or dif-
ferent speech, residing among and tributary to them, and is also,
as I suggest, a synonym for Occaneeche or Akenatzie, it would surely
lead us to infer that the language of the Occaneeches was not
Siouan, but was really nothing more nor less than a dialect of
the Algonquian. It is evident that traders living in the English
settlements, closely associated with the Powhatan Indians and
employing them as guides, would not be likely to speak other
than their language in bartering with the outlying tribes.
So far as the religion of the Virginia Indians is concerned, Mr
Mooney observes : f ^' Lederer s account of their religion is too
general to be definite, and he neglects to state to what i)articular
tribal language the Indian names belong." In answer to this
observation, I would remark, all that is necessary in order to
identify the language to which these names belong is to compare
Lederer's narration with that of Captain John Smith. Lederer
says -.J "They worship one God, creator of all things, whom
they call OkaeP, others Mannith (= Narragansett Manii) ; to him
alone the high priest, or Periku, offers sacrifice, and yet they be-
lieve he has no regard for sublunary affairs, but commits the
♦ Tutelo Tribe and Language, p. 12. X Discoveries, p. U.
t Siouan Tribes of the East, p. 33.
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Oct. 18951 SIOUAN TRIBAL APPELLATIVES 391
government of mankinde to lesser deities, as Qalacosoagh and
Tagkanysough — that is, good and evil spirits. To these, inferior
priests pay their devotion and sacrifice, at which they make
recitals to a lamentable tune of the great things done by their
ancestors."
On the other hand, Smith says : * " This sacrifice they held to
be so necessary that if they should omit it their Okee^ or devel,
and all their other Quiyoughcosughes, which are their other gods,"
etc. The term Okee of these two early authorities is undoubtedly
related to the Massachusetts Ohke, " earth," the passive inani-
mate producer; Ok-as, the passive animate producer or agent
of production.t Spelman J calls this god Cakeres^ seemingly a
variation ; related also to the Delaware ^^Kickeron, who ia the
original of all, who has not only once produced or made all
things, but produces every day," which Dr Brinton terms the
eternally active, hidden part of the universe.§ Hence Smith
may have been in error in assigning to the god Okee the attri-
butes of his Satanic majesty — a god whom Lederer more correctly
termed "the creator of all things." In addition, Smith in his
brief vocabulary gives us Okee, " gods ; " Qaiyoughcosughes, " pettie
gods and their affinities." The latter term, as well as Lederer's
two, with the terminal in -osough, is what Howse|| terms the
form of the adjective animate verb (= Massachusetts -iissu; Nar-
ragansett -isu; Cree, -issu, '*he is or it is"). Hence we have
Quiyoughcosughy "' he is lesser or little," which may be related to
the Massachusetts Ogguhsuasu, " it is lesser or little." To this
god the Powhatans offered yearly a sacrifice of children.^ Tag-
kanynough (= Tackan-issu), " he is of the wilderness," " god of the
forest." This agreement of Smith and Lederer, together with
the analysis of the names, proves beyond question that the gen-
eral language used by the Virginia tribes in their religion, and
in their intercourse with alien tribes, must have been necessarily
Algonquian. The fact that Beverley, as he remarks, was unable
to determine the difference between the language of the Occa-
neeches and that of the Algonkins would indicate to my mind
♦Arber's Smith, pp. 78, 374.
tSee Tnimbull'8 Notes 49, 50„Nftrr. Club, ed. R. Williams Key.
JArber's Smith, p. cv.
g LenApS and their LeKends, p. 133.
J Grammar of the Cree, p. 26.
i Smith, p. 375.
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392 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
that they were practically identical, with only an archaic differ-
ence — a difference similar to that mentioned by Mr Mooney as
existing between the Cherokee language and that used in the
sacred formulas of their shamans. Mr Mooney says : * " They
are full of archaic and figurative expressions, many of which
are unintelligible to the common people and some of which
even the shamans themselves are now unable to explain. These
archaic forms, like the old words used by our poets, lend a
peculiar beauty which can hardly be rendered in a translation.
They frequently throw light on the dialectic evolution of the
language, as many words found now only in the nearly extinct
Lower Cherokee dialect occur in the formulas which in other
respects are written in the Middle or Upper dialect." These
archaic traits have been observed by Hale,t Cushing,t Matthews,§
and by other explorers into the secret rites of tribes of other
linguistic stocks; and all things being taken into consideration,
this solution of the Occaneeche problem is open to fewer objections
than to accept the unlikely supposition that the Algonquian
tribes of Virginia used the Siouan language in their religious
ceremonies.
It is perhaps needless for me to observe, after the foregoing
presentation of the points under discussion, that the questions
as to what were the commodities of the Moimcmis and what gave
rise to thoughts of mines, as well as questions third and fourth,
have been fully answered. The fact that a partial knowledge
])y the colonists of the language of the Powhatans, acquired dur-
ing the first few months of the settlement, gave them but an in-
Hufiicient idea as to what the Monacans dug from the earth, and
as their knowledge increased and they became more familiar with
the language, habits, and customs of the natives, they learned that
the Monacans njined absolutely nothing desirable. As time grew
apace, the truth soon dawned upon their minds that the neces-
saries of life were more preferable than the phantom gold and
other will-o'-wisps of an unknown country, and as these prime
essentials were procurable from the industrious native agricult-
urists nearer home, to this food-quest, more than to any other,
was the remainder of Smith's stay in the colony devoted.
*Seventh Annual Report of the Bureaa of Ethnology, p. 343.
t Iroquois Book of Riteti, p. 46.
X Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnolo;?y, p. 12.
g Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 456.
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Oct. 1805] UPPER ORINOCO VOCABULARIES 393
UPPBR ORINOCO VOCABULARIBS
BY A. EKNST
I obtained lately a manuscript copy of the vocabularies of
some languages spoken on the Upper Orinoco and its affluents
which had been collected by Mr F. Montolieu, a Frenchman,
who for several years acted first as secretary to the governor of
the Venezuelan territory Amazonas and was finally governor
himself (1870 to 1876). The manuscript contains a vocabulary
of each of the following languages: Baniva, Barre, Yavitero,
Puinabo, Tupi, and Piaroa. Montolieu began publishing them
in a Caracas newspaper, El Tlempo (July, 1877), and this part
was afterwards inserted in the eighth volume of the Biblioiheqae
liiiguistique amerlcaine (Paris, 1882), pages 274 to 280 ; but this
comprises only the Baniva, Barre, and the first half of the
Yavitero (as far as letter H). The rest was never printed, and
I have thought, therefore, it would be of some interest to publish
the remainder of the Yavitero, together with the Puinabo and
Piaroa, languages which still today are very imperfectly known.
The pronunciation is Spanish ; eu is to sound as in French,
when written without a diseresis.
I. Yavitero.
Lagartijo (lizard), cuito,
Laolao (a species of fish, of the genus Silurus), muciiri.
Lapa (Coelogenys paca), iafa.
Laurel (laurel), cagnizi.
Lavando (washing), ^//-/aja.
Lejos (far), te ie,
Le&n (puma, Felis concolor), egitune, eguane.
Llevale (take him, conduct hiin),fita gicata-ie.
Loro (parrot), curicuri.
Luz (light), camonajadi.
Madera (wood), caguerand,
Malo (bad), cuinciji
Mama (he sucks), yua.
Mailana (tomorrow), iosinmita.
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394 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Mandioca (cassava plant, Manihot utilissima), machocn,
Mapanare (a snake of the genus Lachesis), vianiplre.
Mato (a large lizard, of the genus Tejus), iafatoto.
Media noche (midnight), faaiyasinari.
Menor (younger son), cadia,
Mercancias (merchandise), caguarci.
Mono (monkey), piiache.
Mono bianco (a species of monkey, perhaps Midas oedi-
pus), agudmi.
Mono chucuto (another species of monkey, genus Brachy-
urus), caroiri.
Monte (forest), nguajo.
Moriche (Mauritia flexuosa, a palm), tegui.
Morrocoy (Testudo tabulata, a land-turtle), cwixi.
Muchacho (boy), macica-io (sic !).
Muchachos (boys), maclcu-io (sic !).
Mujer, mi (my wife), no-jizo.
Mujeres, las (the women), sarn-nai-femt.
Negro (black), momoni.
Nieto (grandchild), no-ia.
Onoto (arnatto, Bixa orellana), oio-maja.
Oye (hear!), mesijejat^ari.
Paga (i)Siy),fide-uena,
Paja (straw), ieguari,
Palo (tree), ala,
Paloma (pigeon), onoca.
Papa (father), nafo.
Para ti (for thee), ^-26.
Paraguatiin (a tree, Macrocnemum tinctoreura), cafisand
Pared (wall), yaini,
Pasado mafiana (day after tomorrow), iasanasajiti,
Pasear a tu casa (to walk to thy house) yTnonitaJijoL
Pauji (a genus of birds, Crax), zoita,
Pauji copete (Crax daubentoni), damoco.
Pauji roncador (another species), itlri,
Pava (turkey-hen), io-cuimani.
Pa von (a fish, Cichla orinocensis), cuna,
Pequefio (small), jmhiji, guichasidjn,
Pereza (sloth), cia-mo.
Perico (small parrot), querequere.
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Oct. 1895J UPPER ORINOCO VOCABULARIES 395
Perro (dog), maidi
Pez (fish), jimaa.
Piapopo (a bird of the genus Rhamphastos), iociie.
Picure (a rodent, a species of Dasyprocta), guaAoto,
Pijiguao (a palm, Guilielma speciosa), maclcuyo.
Pintado (painted), soiimeni.
Pl&tano (plantain, Musa paradisiaca), /am^ma (Span.).
Plato (plate), /arato (Span.).
Playa (beach, bank of river), cajasina.
Poco (little) y juchiaimajd,
Porque (because), fena.
Principal horcon (main post of hut), /o^q/i.
Puerta (door), guaid,
Puntada de cabeza (head ache), cagulnocifo.
Quiero (I will), nujateje.
No quiero (I will not), fata-mijenaiiefi.
Yo te quiero (I love you), nuUiteja.
Que quieres? (what do you want?), mesijejateari.
Rata (rat), marijenajati.
Raton (mouse), alamo, acamora.
Raya (a fish, Trygon hystrix), yajique.
Rayado (another fish, Platystoma fasciatum), coriti.
Regalo, te (I make you a present of . . .), noregarafi.
Regalo (a present I make to you), ie-vale,
Sal (salt), io-qaira.
Salvaje (savage), caiegua.
Sapo (toad), tororo,
Seje (a palm, (Enocarpus bataua), i-a/i.
Seje chiquito (another palm), cofeti.
Tapir (Tapirus americanus), macicili.
Temblador (electric eel, Gymnotus), samai.
Tengo, no para t( (I have not for yon),falaJima.
Terecay (a species of river-turtle, Peltocephalus tracaxa),
siforL
Tienes (thou hast), mejinian,
Tigre (Felis on^a) cuadigitao-minari.
Tierra (earth), cajachi,
Tijeras (scissors), jy?2i.
Tinaja (earthen water- vessel), quanana.
Titi (a monkey, Chrysothrix sciurea), vichece.
Totuma (calabash), aacasL
51
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396 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Trdeme (bring me),fttagutane,fifat(ine,
Tragavenado (Boa constrictor), zorema.
Vamonos (let us go), uasavaua,
Vamos 'k dormir (let us sleep), chlma uisaua.
Vas (you go), ilisajatai-a,
Vaquira (Dicotyles torquatus), afijija,
Venado (deer, Cervus sp.), onatajl-o.
Vendeme (sell me),fiuendene (Span. ?).
Vengo (I come), no-iojiviata.
Verde (green), sifotemi.
Viudita (a monkey, Callithrix torquata), guacuL
Voy (1 go), nusajisaji,
Voy i\ hacer (I am going to do), noTnafitifijL
Vuelvo (I return), no-io.
Yema (egg), inecinaja.
Zorro (fox), inarito.
The Yavitero has many affinities with the Baniva, as pointed
out already by Martins, who reprinted a short vocabulary of it
collected by Wallace (Wortersammlung, pp. 261, 262). Monto-
lieu likewise called it a dialect of the Baniva, saying that it
differs from the latter principally by the frequent use of the
sound F in order to form diaeresis. The first part of his vocab-
ular}'' may be found in volume 8 of the Bihlioiheque linguistiqtte
americaine, pages 281 to 284, and this being arranged in Spanish
and Yavitero, I have followed the same system, but added to
every word its meaning in English and also the scientific names
of animals and plants, as far as these are known to me. It is
unfortunate that Montolieu appeared to have no idea of which
words are most important in making a vocabulary so as to
render it useful for ethnographical classification. We may be
thankful, however, for what he did.
II. PUINABO.
Agua (water), eut (eii like o, but very short).
Ahora (now), da-jo-maL
Algod&n (cotton), de-jii el,
Anzuelo (fish-hook), vm-piju.
Aqui esta (here is), nan.
Araguato (howling monkey), m.
Asi sera (well), jo-te^a.
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Oct. 1895] UPPER ORINOCO VOCABULAKIES 397
A ver (let me see), egle.
Barbasco (plant for poisoning fish), mau.
Beber (to drink), bi-vu-ak,
Bejuco (climbing plant), i-o.
Bonito (pretty), de-jei.
Buenos dias (good day !), am-bije-nuk,
CafLa ((jane), chiirchin,
Caro (dear), awrbi-baje,
Casa (house), mo,
Cazabe (cassaba bread), an.
Cerro (mountain), ujeL
Comer (to eat), acorn.
C6mo te llamas? (what is your name?), bamatan.
Comprame (buy), ba-jln-ci-un.
Cuentas (beads), ni-e-gap.
Dame (give me), acitbugan.
Dividamos (let us divide), donui.
Dormir (to sleep), sogle.
Esta bien (it is well), ejei.
Fuego (fire), deu (eu = o).
Hombre (man), no-sl-ante.
Gracias (thanks), op.
GruUa (crane), tidi.
Lejos (far), aijopec.
Maiz (Indian corn), cojon.
Malo (bad), ejep.
Mandioca (cassava plant), inasaca.
Mono (monkey), cho-o.
Morrocoy (land-turtle), i-jue.
Mujer (woman), noaomi-ao.
No (not), bal-rut.
Pajaro (bird), au-ip.
Pescado (fish), yoi
Pescado pilado (fish, dried and pounded), imut.
Pifia (pine-apple), ijai.
Plumas (feathers), s'll-ip.
Platano (plantain), i-ta.
Qu6 es esto? (what is this?), IndL
Te quiero (I love you), mante.
Rallo (cassava-grinder), el-L
Rayado (a fish, Platystoma fasciatum), ijen.
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398 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VllI
Sombrero (hat), u-ipe.
Tabaco (tohsicco) jjeup.
Tengo hambre (I am hungry), am-uUric,
Tti (thou, you), mam,
Vagre (a species of fish, Platystoma), mund,
Vamonos (let us go), venoc.
V&mos k beber yucuta (let us drink yucuta), am-bon-de-oc.
Vdmos k dormir aqui (let us sleep here), vi-oi-en,
Ven SLck I (come here !), nain vnl-uc,
V6nde me ! (sell me !), a-jin-ci-un,
Ya esta I (it is done), ni-ega-de.
Yo (I), am.
Zarza (sarsaparilla), jm-2<, tan-peup.
One, jai-tun.
Two, jaca-jo.
Three, jai-paL
Four, jaca-junue.
Five, nap'tan.
The Puinavis dwell on the Inirida, an affluent of the Guaviare.
Their language appears to be without affinities (Brinton, Ameri-
can Race, 278). A vocabulary of fifty-three words, as collected
by Crevaux, is published in volume eight of the Biblioth^que
linguistlqiLe avierlcaine (Paris, 1882), pages 255 and 256. Monto-
lieu's vocabulary contains some sixty words, no more than twelve
of which are to be found also in the list formed by Crevaux, viz. :
MoNTOMEu. Crevaux.
1. Water eut, w, eti
2. To drink bi-vil-nk, u asloua (I drink water).
3. To eat (iconic aynoc,
4. Maize co-jon, cana.
5. Plaintain t-ta, saoun,
6. Let us go ve-noc, bino.
7. Come here navn-vai-uc, maiounani arica.
8. One jai-turij un, atam.
9. Two jaca-jo, acao,
10. Three jai-pai, apoui,
11. Four jaca-junue, acaouno.
12. Five nap-tan, daptan.
Of these numbers 1, 6, 7, and the (ivq numerals are evidently
the same, with slight phonetic changes.
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Oct. 1895] UPPER ORINOCO VOCABULARIES 399
III. PlAROA.
The Piaroas dwell on the mouth of the Mataveni, an affluent
on the left bank of the Orinoco. Their language appears to be
unconnected with any other stock (Brinton, American Race, 266).
Dr Cr^vaux collected a short vocabulary of thirty-seven words,
which is published in the eighth volume of the Blhliotheqiie lln-
guistique americaine (Paris, 1882), pages 257 and 258. A more
extensive vocabulary was formed by (Jhaffanjon and inserted in
his UOrenoque el le Caura (Paris, 1889), pages 324 to 326. The
following list, made by Montolieu, contains some additions to
both. The corresponding words from Cr6vaux and Chaffanjon
I have distinguished by the initials Cr. and Ch.
Aji (Capsicum), aoiui ; erate, Ch.
Anzuelo (fishing hook), anfuati; awdche, Ch.
Arafia mono (a large spider, Avicularia blondi), ajuca.
Bien (well), adigtia; adiba, Cr. ; adigiuij Ch.
Cabuya (string), uarate-zapa,
CafS (coffee), aijd ; cawe, Ch.
Camarada (comrade), camarada (Spanish).
Canalete (oar), ziade; guaiguade, Ch.
Camisa (shirt), pnnatd; asca hisata, Ch.
Candela (fire), itfcii; huskuk, Ch. ; ocourn, Cr.
Canto de guerrA (war song), nanaja.
Cafio (branch of a river), aje.
Cana dulce (sugar cane), majd; naha, Ch.
Casaba (cassava bread), inichi; ynisi, Ch.
Cebucan (cassava-press), an-na.
Cerro (mountain), muijaca; ynagiia, Ch.
Conversar (to talk), tryala,
Copahiba (copaiva), guaipa,
Cuchillo (knife), naunde ; naguade, Ch.
Curare (curare, arrow-poison), maiiana; maeaeme, Ch.
Dame (give me),jit-t.
Diablo (devil), anfa-etlsa.
Dia (day), mono; morho (sun), Ch.
Donde (where), ten-nL
No entiendo (I do not understand), enuca-acueae,
Escopeta (gun), aUupa; cuhupe, Ch. (Span, chopo),
Escucho (I listen), eaucu (= I understand).
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400 THE AMKKICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. Vlll
Espejo (looking-glass), tejaloba; tijata^ Ch.
Feo (ugly), suraja.
Hablo (I speak), jttcua-cwa.
Hablas (you speak), jitcua-ta.
Hombre (man), jwrncto; ovo, Ch.
Grande (large), eninaji; buiOy Ch.
Luna (moon), camuja; chawa, Ch.
Machete (cutlas), ureda; curoode, Ch.
Maduro (ripe), itzu,
Malo (bad), chura; suraa hiso (very bad), Ch.
Marima (the inner bark of a species of Lecythis, used as
cloth), dnta.
Mujer (woman), nati ; isaho, Ch.
Nina (girl), pujate; chistiho, Ch.
Noche (night), iodo,
Nosotros (we), u-xwto,
Oro (gold), corao.
Pequeno (small), piquin-dian; ykia, Ch.
Periquito (a small parrot), muekL
Piapoco (a bird, Rhamphastos sp.), pubi,
Platano (plantain), baruru; paruro, Ch.
Puerto (port, landing), tabuara.
Rio (river), paragua.
Ron (rum), nina-ja-ia (ahiia, water, Cr.).
Sol (sun), mono canuja; morho^ Ch.
Sombrero (hat), cadl-uca; kt/uhak, Ch.
Tabaco (tobacco), ja-jeZ-Tii ; W€, Cr. ; haateiy Ch,
Tinaja (water- vessel), ramiri
Totuma (calabash), baraj; makirlba, Ch. ; inourica, Cr.
Tfi (thou, you), u-cu.
Vendeme (sell me), i-it,
Vosotros (you, pi.), u-cuUl
Yeso bianco (white plaster, gypsum), eredcica,
Yo (I), T-ten,
SOME PHRASES.
Vamos k dormir (let us go to sleep), penetn-jd,
Vamos k comer (let us eat), chlratucua ; chuscaa (to eat), Ch.*
Vamonos (let us go), Uiraiimua,
Ven aca (come here!), ichi-ua; thivaa, Ch.
*Cfr. the Chibcha htoscua^ to ent.
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Oct. 1895] UPPER ORINOCO VOCABULARIES 401
NUMERALS.
1, nante.
2, tajo,
3, uameta,
4, imute,
5, imoterua,
6, caramute nante (5 + 1) .
7, caramute tajo (5 + 2).
8, caramute uameta (5 + 3).
y, tanmoreduL
10, tanmorede.
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402 THK AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Ci:.A7 FIOURBS FOUND IN OtlATtiMALA
BY P. J. J. VALENTINt
The last Quarterly of Publications of the Royal Ethnologic
Museum, Berlin, volume iv, 1, contains the result of certain ex-
plorations made by Dr Ch. Lapper in the Central American prov-
inces of Chiapas and Guatemala. The traveler calls attention
to the vast amount of hitherto unknown Indian settlements lying
in ruins on that ancient culture-ground. Although devoid of the
architectural grandeur and the sculptural finish exhibited in the
palatial ruins of Chichen Itza, Copan, and Palenque, the author
says that they nevertheless must not be overlooked by future ex-
plorers. At the slightest scraping of the surface they yielded a
crop of interesting relics, principally of pottery, and when viewed
as a whole they revealed the fact that in culture the people seem
not to have been so absolutely dependent on those larger centers
as was believed ; for each of the now collapsed group of structures
still exhibits that main feature of w^orship, the sacrificial tumu-
lus with its platform on top and steep staircases subtending
often an angle of eighty degrees. In plan, however, the con-
struction appears to conform to their more sumptuous models,
the precincts and the oblong edifices enclosing inner yards, and
these yards lying deeper than the common level. Dr Lapper
found no mortar employed either in the slabs that covered the
tumuli or in such walls as were built to fortify the places and to
make them inaccessible to the enemy. The explorer cites not less
than seventy-one of such places, extending from central Chiapas
to the confines of Honduras and Guatemala. They are shown
on a chart, and views and measurements of twenty of them
also illustrate the text. Those shown on plan 20, representing
the ruins of Socabaja (department of Quiche, Guatemala), are
reported by Dr Lapper as of larger extent and of more interest
than all the others he succeeded in exploring.
One part of the pottery collected on this tour was presented
by the explorer to the Berlin Ethnologic Museum, and carefully
described and commented upon by Dr Ed. Seler, the curator of
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Oct. 1895] CLAY FIGURES FOUND IN GUATEMALA
403
the American department, in sequence to Dr Lapper's article,
pages 21-53. Dr Seler's text, as usual, is full of additional his-
torical information and of suggestive generalizations, proving
again how much he is at home in a district more than three
thousand miles distant from his own.
Among the one hundred and four illustrations given three
attracted our special attention. They represent figures of clay,
pertaining to the Sarg collection, which was made on the ground
explored by Dr Lapper, and which are quoted for the purpose
of certain comparisons. We regret that Dr Seler should not
have dwelt a little longer
on these curious speci-
mens; possibly he ab-
stained because they
have been discussed else-
where, a fact, however,
which has not come to
our knowledge. We re-
produce those specimens
in Figs. I, II, and III,
adding thereto a few
remarks.
Although the speci-
mens were acquired in
Cob an (Verapaz), we
doubt if they were the
product of the tribe of
Indians living in this
department. They seem
to us to be imported. They are of an execution too nice, too
individual, quite too artistic, and deviate too much from the con-
ventional pattern exhibited in the pottery manufactured by the
Indians of the Guatemala- Altos to be modeled by their hands.
Judging from the features of Fig. Ill, it is evident that this head
is not that of an Indian; it shows neither the characteristics
of prominent cheek-bones nor the usual decoration of plumed
head-dress and earrings. We believe it to be the portrait of a
Spaniard — the faithful reproduction of the visage of one of those
stern and haughty **capitanes" who mercilessly made them-
selves masters of person and property and rulers of the soil
52
\
S
&
f^
1-4
^Jfe %
t\
Figure I.
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404 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
they trod. We notice the characteristics of the short-cropped
hair, the deep-cut folds above the nose, which is strong but
sharply modeled ; the energetic mouth, whose upper lip is cov-
ered with a moustache trimmed by scissors, and which, in ex-
pectation of his " portrait being taken," seems carefully waxed
and trimmed at both ends.
We do not venture to state from what part of conquered Central
America this image of one of the Castilian " bravoes " has found
its way to Coban, where it was obtained by Mr Sarg. What we
wish to emphasize is that this head cannot possibly be viewed as
belonging to the indigenous race, and can hardly have been
manufactured on the place or neighborhood where it was ob-
tained. It may be remembered, in this connection, that by
solemn contract made with the chief-
tains of the Verapaz, white men,
save the few missionaries appointed
by the bishop of Guatemala to con-
vert the natives, were forbidden to
visit this province. It is but thirty
years since t^at the Indians of the
Verapaz have permitted white men
to settle among them.
As regards Figs. I and II we also
think these clay relics must be con-
sidered as being imported to the
Verapaz ; there is no doubt, however,
^*^"'^ ^^' that they represent specimens of an
Indian race. This fact is plainly warranted at first sight by the
peculiar cut of the hair, the pearl string around the neck, the
scanty shirt, and the large ear-plates. That the latter are square
and not round, as they are usually represented throughout
Mexico and the whole of Central America, in sculpture as well
as in painting, is a fact so exceptional that it must strike the
eye of every student conversant with the matter.
Tiie clay figure (I) shows a plump little woman sustaining the
weight of a large water vessel on her shoulders. We imagine
her having gone down to the brook to fill it, and that trying to lift
the heavy vessel she found the task to be too hard for her. So she
broke down, musing what to do with her own self and what with
that vexatious burden. Her helplessness is marvelously well
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Oct. 1895J CLAY FIGURES FOUND IN GUATEMALA 405
expressed, and must have been caught in the act itself by the
watchful eye of one of the tribal artists, who really executed a
little masterpiece when he made her leer angrily toward the
cruel foe that keeps her pressed to the ground, and at the same
time contrasted her feeling of despair with that of self-ridicule,
expressed in the laughter of the upturned lips. This highest
apex of art — to depict in the position of the body, and in the
facial lineaments any predominant or mixed feeling, such as
would stir the muscles of the human face under the impulse of
a certain momentary impression — is never seen in any product
of Indian hand from Puget sound down to Patagonia. The
only exception we know of is that of the Chiriquian potter-artist.
Through his work in this line, as shown
in excavated specimens, we feel almost
compelled to say that the Chiriquian In-
dian shows himself the only one of the
many races of the whole continent who
knew mirth and merriment, and who did
not deem it beneath his dignity to repro-
duce these sentiments in his much-beloved
clay. Now, we are far from venturing the
conjecture that our little statuette was im-
ported from the Isthmian straits to the
Altos of Guatemala. What we conjecture
is only this: that it was the product of Figure in.
the hands and of the mirthful bent of mind of those Chiriquian in-
vaders, of whom we read in Burgoa that they had come sailing
in canoes from Nicaragua and farther south to land in Tehuan-
tepec, taking possession of the islands and waging a long war
against the Zapotecas, by whom they finally were absorbed. The
same way, we know, had also come the Mangues, only that this
tribe succeeded in taking permanent hold of Chiapas. There-
fore it would not be preposterous to assume that some families
of those straggling Wablj as they were called by the Zapoteca, or
Caeoa and Coiba, as the Isthmian Conquistadores called them,
had kept up their independence as well as their hereditary talent
in the country of their adoption. The Chiriquians we know of
wore no square ear-plates or any ear-dress at all, but, having
settled among the gorgeous Zapoteca, they may have adopted
the fashion, only that they chose or were forced, for the sake of
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406 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. V^III
individuality, to shape them otherwise ; also the straight fore-
head, the rounded fat face, and the full sensual lips (Fig. Ill)
speak of a race distinct from that among which they had come
to live.
We leave it to thje expert to refute or confirm the conjectures
we have hazarded concerning these clay figures from Coban.
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Oct. 1895] OBITUARY 407
OBITUARY
James Constantine Pilling
The scholarly article on the writings of Padre Andres de
Olmos on pages 43-60 of this volume was the last notable pub-
lication of James Constantine Pilling, bibliographer and admin-
istrative officer; he died July 26, 1895, of locomotor ataxia,
from which he had been a constant sufferer for years.
Despite a painful and hopeless malady, Mr Pilling was an
industrious, prolific, and erudite student of literature relating to
the native American languages. During 1894 he put through
the Government press a bibliography of the Wakashan lan-
guages ; in 1893 he issued a bibliography df the Salishan lan-
guages and a bibliography of the Chinookan languages (includ-
ing the Chinook jargon) ; during the next preceding year his
bibliography of the Athapascan languages was prepared and
issued ; in 1891 he prepared and revised the most extended of
his bibliographies, that relating to the Algonquian languages,
a volume of 625 pages, illustrated by facsimiles of titles of rare
works ; in 1889 his bibliography of the Muskhogean languages
was published, and during the preceding year that of the Iro-
quoian languages was made ready to leave the press ; in 1887
the bibliographies of the Siouan and Eskimo languages were
issued. These nine volumes are a rich store of knowledge per-
taining to American ethnology ; the work is primarily linguistic,
yet the mode of treatment is such that practically all of the
more valuable early literature of the American Indians is listed
and described. The series represents the fruition of the plan
for a bibliography of the languages of the North American In-
dians set forth in a quarto volume of nearly 1,200 pages by
the same, author, issued in the form of proof-sheets in 1885.
This bibliographic work was projected by Major J. W. Powell,
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408 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
and Mr Pilling was placed in charge of it on account of his learn-
ing, accuracy, and literary ability. No class of the scientific pub-
lications of the Government has been received with greater favor
by scholars ; wherever anthropology is cultivated throughout the
world, there Filling's bibliographies are known.
For several years Mr Pilling was chief clerk of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, and also of the United States Geological
Survey, and much of his bibliographic material was accumu-
lated while he was engaged in the performance of the arduous
duties attending these offices. His faculties were such that he
was able to carry forward the literary work without prejudice to
his administrative duties, which were performed with noteworthy
ability and judgment ; indeed, no inconsiderable part of the suc-
cess of the two bureaus is to be ascribed to his skill, tact, and
energy in administrative work.
In early manhood Mr Pilling came in contact with Major
Powell, whom he accompanied into the field and by whom his
bent of mind and subsequent career were measurably deter-
mined. His interest in Indians and in linguistics grew out of this
association. He had already made himself a stenographer of
exceptional skill, and had acquired literary knowledge through
employment in a book store. His education, begun in the pub-
lic schools of Washington, was perfected in Gonzaga Collie.
He was born in Washington November 16, 1846.
In the world of letters James Constantine Pilling was and will
be known as a bibliographer of notable acumen and erudition ;
in the Federal capital he was most widely known as an upright
and courteous administrative officer. Among his more intimate
acquaintances at home and abroad he is remembered as a man
of exceptional integrity and amiability. Powell, who knew him
long and intimately, says : " In all my life I have never known
a man more steadfast to his moral and intellectual convictions,
which were held with that charity for others which is possible
only to those who have strong and well-founded convictions of
their own." His official associates, joining in an expression of
sorrow on receiving the intelligence of his death, said : '* In re-
calling our associations with him we recollect no discourteous
act or word, even when the burden of duty pressed most heavily ;
we recollect.no selfish or narrow decision ; on exchanging ideas
Digitized by
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Oct. 1895] OBITUARY 409
we all, without exception, agree that we have known no man of
higher integrity or better motives. His administrative work
was a model, and its results in the bureaus with which he was
connected constitute a monument."
Mr Pilling left a consort, to whose tireless solicitude through
years of painful decline the completion of so much of his work
is due, and a young daughter.
W J McGee.
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410
THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST
[Vol. VllI
A QUARTERItT BIBLIOaRAPHT OF ANTHROPOItOaXC
LITERATURE
COMPILED BY ROBERT FLETCHER, M. D.
Achelis (Th.) Ueber Mythologie
und Kiiltus von Hawaii. Braun-
schweig, 1895, F. Viewegu. Sohn,
82 p. 8°.
Am^ro ( C. ) Boh^miens, Tziganes
et Gypsies. Mesnil, Paris, 1895,
Firmin-Didot et Cie., 141 p. 8°.
Babington (W. Dalton). Fallacies
of race tlieories as applied to na-
tional characteristics. London,
New York, 1895, I^ngrnans,
Green & Co., xii, 277 p. 8**.
Baessler (Arthur). Sudsee-Bilder.
Berlin, 1895, W. Asher & Co.,
372 p., 26 pi., 2 maps, roy. 8^
Baldwin (James Mark). Mental
development in the child and the
race. London, 1895, Macmillan,
496 p., 10 pi. 8°.
Bielilovski (Cesar Alexandrovich).
[On the anthropological type of
criminals.] S.-Peterburg, 1895,
J. I. Liebermann, 126 p., 3 pi.
8°.
Birnkoff (Boris). [On the inher-
itance of functional changes;
Weissmann's theory of heredity
and S]>encer's criticisms.] S.-
Peterburg, 1895, M. Merkusheff,
31 p. 8°.
Boggiano (Guido). Viag^i di un
artlsta nell' America Meridionale.
I Caduvei (Mbayi\ o GuaycurCl),
con prefazione ed uno studio
storico ed etnografico del dott.
G. A. Colini. Roma, 1895, E.
liOescher, xxii, 339 p., 1 map. 8°.
Clodd (Edward). A primer of evo-
lution. I^mdon, 1895, Ix)ngman8,
198 p. 18''.
County folk-lore. Vol.1. I.Glou-
cestershire, edited by E. Sidney
Hartland. 2. Suffolk, collected
and edited by Lady Eveline Ca-
milla Gurdon ; with introduction
by Edward Clodd. 3. I^icester-
shii"e and Rutland, collected and
edited by Charles J. Billson.
I^ndon, 1895, I). Nutt, 1 p. 1.,
58 p. ; XV, 202 p. ; 2 p. 1., 153 p.
8°.
Contil (L.) Arch^ologie gauloise,
gallo-romaine et fi-anque. I. Ar-
rondissementdes Andelys. Paris,
1895, Leroux, 92 p. 8°.
Cr^pieux- Jamln (J.) L'^ritureet
le caract^re. Paris, 1895, F. Alcan,
442 p. 8°.
Ferriani ( Lino) . Minorenni delin-
quent!. Milano, 1895, M. Kan-
torowicz, 571 p. roy. 8°.
Poa (^douard). Le Dahomey.
Paris, 1895, A. Hennuyer, 430p.,
17 pi., 1 map. 8°.
F5rstemann (E.) Zur Entzifferung
der Mavahandschriften. Dres-
den, 1895, R. Bertling, 12 p. roy.
Galton (Francis) . Finger-print di-
rectories. London, 1895, Mac-
millan & Co. 8®.
Qenning (Karl Avgustovich).
[Data for the study of the influ-
ence of militarv service upon the
physical deve'iopment of sol-
diers.] S.-Peterburg, 1895, A. S.
Khomski & Ko., 112 p. 8°.
aerlni (G. E.) The tonsure cere-
mony as performed in Siam.
Bangkok, 1895, 13 pi. 8°.
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Oct. 1895]
ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
411
Hanffen (A.) Die deuteche Spra-
chinsel Gottsohee: Geachichte
der Mundart, Lebensverhtiltnisse,
Sitten und Gebrauche, Sagen,
Miirchen und Lieder. Graz, 1895,
K. K. Univ.-Buchdr., xvi, 466 p.
8*».
Hewitt (J.) The ruling races of
prehistoric times in India, South-
western Asia, and Southern Eu-
rope. London, 1895, Constable,
417 p. 8°.
Hoffmann (Walter James). The
beginnings of writing; with an
introduction by F. Starr. New
York, 1895, D. Appleton & Co.,
xiv, 209 p. 8''.
Hopkins (E. Washburn). The re-
ligions of India. Boston, 1895,
Ginn & Co., x, 612 p. 8°.
Joest (Wilhelm). Welt-Fahrten :
Beitrage zur Lander- und Volker-
kimde. 3 v. Beriin, 1895, W.
Asher&Co., roy. S°.
Laurent ( ;6mile). Mariages cronsan-
guinsetd^g^n^rescences. Evreux,
Paris, 1895, lib. Maloine, 74 p. 16°.
Le Bon (Gustave). Psychologic
des foules. Evreux, Paris, 1895,
F. Alcan, vii, 207 p. 18°.
laefdvre (Andr^). Origines euro-
p^nnes. Les Indo-Europ^ennes
du Nord. Paris, 1895, Maurin,
31 p. 8°.
Les temps hom^riques:
hommes et dieux, moeurs et croy-
ances. Leyons profess^es tl I'^cole
d' anthropologic. Paris, Orl&ins,
1895, Maisonneuve, 163 p. 8°.
Legrain. D^g^n^rescence sociale
et alcoolisme. Avec une preface
par J.-C. Barbier. Paris, 1895,
Cari^, 255 p. 12°.
Liebbe (Elias). Cinietiere gallo-
romain de Seuil, pr^s Rethel
(Ardennes). Notice relative au
mobilier fun^raire trouv6 dans la
s^jpulture de la matrone de Seuil.
[Reprint frfym : Rev. d' Ardennes
[etc.], 1895, ii.] Sedan, 1895,
l>aroche, 6 p., 1 pi. 8°.
Lombroflo (Cesare). Grafologia.
Milano, 1895, Hoepli, 242 p. i2°.
53
and William Ferrero. The
female oflTender; with an intro-
duction by W. Douglas Morrison.
London, New York, 1895, T. F.
Unwin, D. Appleton & Co., xxvi,
313 p., 26 pi. 8°.
Magnnsson (E.) Odin's horse,
Yggdrasil. [Cambridge Philo-
logical Society, Jan. 24, 1895.]
London, 1895. 8°.
Mason (Otis Tufton). The origin
of invention. London, New York,
1895, W. Scott, Scribner, 419 p.
8°.
Maspero (Gaston). Manual of
Egyptian archaeology and guide
to the study of antiquities in
Egypt for the use of students and
travellers. Translated by Amelia
B. Edwards; Revised and en-
larged by the author. New York,
1895, G. P. Putnam's Sons, xxiii,
360 p. 12°.
Meunier (Victor). Selection et
perfectionnement animal. Paris,
1895, G. Masson, 224 p. 12°.
Meyer (Hermann). Bogen und
Pfeil in Central Brasilien. Leip-
zig, 1895, Bibliogr. Inst. 8°.
Morillot {L.),rA hhe, Une hache
votive en bronze trouv^e ii
Citeaux. Dijon, 1895, Union
typog., 23p., Ipl. 8°.
Mncke (Joh. Richard). Horde
und Familiein ihrerurgeschicht-
lichen Entwicklun^. Eine neue
Theorie auf statistischer Grund-
lage. Stuttgart, 1895, F. Enke,
xix, 308 p. roy. 8°.
Muller (Hendrik P. N. ) Industrie
des Caflfrea du Sud-Ouest de 1' Af-
rique. Collection recueillie sur les
lienx et notice ethnographique.
Description des objets r^presentes
par Joh. F. Snelleman. Leyde
[1895], E. J. Brill, 50 p., 501.,
27 pi. 4°.
Palazzi (G.) L'origine de I'homme.
Paris, 1895, imp. Davy, 64 p. 8°.
Preyer ( W. ) Zur Psychologic des
Schreibens, mit besonderer Ruck-
sicht auf individuelle Verschie-
denheiten der Handschriflen.
Hamburg und Leipzig, 1895, L.
Voss, 230 p., 9 pi., 8 diag. 8°.
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
Ray (Sidney H.) A comparative
vocabulary of the dialects of Brit-
ish New-Guinea. With a preface
by Dr. R. N. Cust. London, 1895,
40 p., 1 map. 8®.
Richer (Paul). Physiologic artis-
tique de I'homme en mouvement.
Paris, 1895, O. Doin, 1 p. 1., 334 p.,
6L,6pl. 8°.
Schlnmberger (Gustave). Me-
langes d'arch^ologie byzantine.
1" s^rie. Le Puy-en- Velay, Paris,
1895, lib. Leroux, 357 p., 16 pi.
8^
Sergi (Giuseppe). Crani antichi di
Sicilia e Creta. [ReprirU from :
Atti d. Soc. rom. di antrop., 1895,
ii.] Roma, 1895, 11 p. 8°.
Shendrikovski (Ivan Ivanovich).
[Data for the anthropology of the
Buriats (inhabitants of the Se-
lenKi).] S.-Peterburg, 1894, G.
A. Bernstein, 135 p., 1 1., 21 p.,
11. 8°.
Starr (Frederick) . Some first steps
in human progress. Meadville,
Pa., 1895, Chatauqua-Century
Press, 305 p. 12°.
Summary of the archaeology
of Iowa. [Reprint from : Proc.
Davenport Acad. Nat. Sc, 1895,
vi.] Davenport, Iowa, 1895, pp.
53-124. 8°.
Snpino (Fel.) Crani peniviani
antichi. [Reprint from : Atti d.
Soc. veneto-trentina di sc. nat.,
Padova, 1895, 2. s., ii.] Padova,
1895, stab. tip. Prosperini, 32 p.,
Ipl. 8^
Tarde (Gabriel). Essais et me-
langes sociologiques. Lyon, Paris,
1895, A. Storck, 429 p. roy. 8°.
Leslois del' imitation. 2.ed.
Paris, 1895, F. Alcan. 8°.
Teutsch (Fr. ) Die Art der A nsie-
delung der Siebenbiirger Sachsen.
[Reprird from: Forsch. z. d.
Landes-u.Volksk. ix.] Stuttgart,
1895, J. Engelhorn, 22 p. 8°.
Tonrnier (VAbhe) et Charles auil-
lon. Les hommes preiiistoriques
dans I'Ain. Bourg, 1895, imp.
Villefranche, x, 107 p., 8 pi. 8°.
Verrier (E.) Du tatouage en Af-
rique; ses vari^t^s, sa significa-
tion ; des survivances du tatouage
en Europe. Paris, 1895, Andr6
etCie.,30p. 8°.
Vishogorod (J. D. ) [Data for the
anthropology of the Kabardines.]
S.-Peterburg, 1895, A. M. Men-
delevich, 94 p., 1 L, 1 tab. 8°.
'Whitaitt (W. H.) The origin of
infant baptism. Louisville, Ky. ,
1895, C. T. During, 42 p. 8°.
d'Acy (E.) Quelques observa-
tions relativement au gisement in-
ter-glaciaire de Villefranche. Bull.
Soc. d'anthrop. de Par., 1895, 4. s.,
vi, 80-87.— Adams (G.) The Chi-
nese drama. Nineteenth Century,
Lond., 1895,497-^15.— von Adrian-
Werburg i F. ) Festrede des Prasi-
denten. [Geschichte der anthro-
pologischen Gesellschaft in Wien,
1870-95.] Sitzungsb. d. anthrop.
Gesellsch. in Wien, 1895, (17-24).—
Angelucci ( A . ) Ancora sulla ma-
niera dei pittori dementi e dei pit-
tori vecchi. Arch, di ottal., Pa-
lermo, 1894-5, ii, 399-408.— Antony
(F.) Le suicide dans Tarm^e alle-
mande. Arch, de m^d. et pharm.
mil.. Par., 1895, xxv, 489-495.—
Arcelin (A.) Quelques problemes
relatife il Tantiquit^ pr^historique.
Rev. d. quest, scient., Bnix., 1895,
2. 8., vii, 5-30. Also, Reprint.—
Bache (R. M. ) Reaction time with
reference to race. Psychol. Rev.,
N. Y. & Lond., 1895, ii, 475-486.-
Ball ( V.) Reputed traces of Negrito
pygmies in India. Nature, Lond.,
1895,lii,80.— Barr6(P.) Lespeuples
qui disparaissent : les Todas de
I'Inde. Rev. scient.. Par., 1895, 4. e.,
iv, 124-126.— de Baye (le Baron),
Note sur T^poque des m6taux en
Ukraine. Anthropologie, Par., 1895,
vi, 374-392.— Beddoe (J.) On the
Northern settlemente of the West
Saxons. J. Anthrop. Inst., Lond.,
1895, xxv, 16-20. — Belloni (C.)
L'indice craniografo. Boll, scient.,
Pavia, 1894, xvi, 104-108.— Benn-
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Adamklissi in der Dobruschda.
(Rundbau Kaiser Trajans mit Tro-
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ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
413
Sitzungsb. d. anthrop. Gesellsch. in
Wien, 1895, (24-29). —Berliner (P.)
Farbig-plaetische Nachbildung von
platykneniischen Tibien, sowie von
verschiedenen Horizontal-Durch-
echnitten derselben. Verhandl. d.
BerL Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., 1895,
(274-279).-Beyer (H. G.) The
growth of U. S. naval cadets. Proc.
U. S. Nav. Inst., Annap., 1895, xxi,
297-333.— Billroth (T.) Wer ist
musikalisch? Deutsche Rundsch.,
BerL, 1895, xxi, 385-407.— Birkner
(F.) Zur Anthropologie der Hand
mit besonderer Beriicksichtigiing
der als Rassenmerkinal angege-
benen Schwimmhiiute. Beitr. z.
Anthrop. u. TJrgesch. Bayerns,
Munchen, 1894-5, xi, 145-204, 1 pi.,
2 diag.— Bixby (J. T.) The sanc-
tion for morality in nature and evo-
lution. New World. Bost., 1895,
iv, 444^58.— Blaikie (J. B.) Te-
legony : some aspects of the influ-
ence of the male in reproduction.
Teratologia, Lond. & Edinb., 1895,
ii, 157-178.-Boaa (F.) Zur Eth-
nologic von Britisch-Columbia.
Verhandl. d. Gesellsch. f. Erdk. zu
BerL, 1895, xxii, 265-270.
Sagen der Indianer an der Nord-
west-Kiiste America's. Verhandl.
d. Berl. Gesellsch. f. Anthrop..
1895, (189-234). Salishan
texts. Proc.Ara. Phil. Soc.Phila.,
1895, xxxiv, 31-48.— Boissier (L.)
L*Afrique romaine: promenades
arch^ologiques en Alg6rie et en
Tunisie. La conqu^te des indigenes.
Rev. d. deux mondes. Par., 1895,
cxxvii, 13-69.— Bonnemftre (L.)
Les pierres gravies de la Nouvelle-
Cal(?donie. Bull. iSoc. d' anthrop.
de Par., 1895, 4. s., vi, 63-72.—
Bosanquet (B.) The evolution of
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1894-5, V, 432-444.— Braune (W.)
und O. Fischer. Der Gang des
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unbelasteten und belasteten Men-
schen. Abhandl. d. math. phys.
CI. d. k. sjichs. Gesellsch. d. Wis-
sensch., Leipz., 1894-5, xxi, 153-
322, 25 pi. Also RepriiU. — Brinton
(D. G. ) The aims of anthropology.
Science, N. Y. & Lancaster, Pa.,
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art and its significance. IMd.f
ii, 265.
The protohistoric
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xxxiv, 3 1-48.— Bruneti6re(F.) La
morality de la doctrine Evolutive.
Rev. d. deux mondes. Par., 1895,
cxxix, 136-162.— Bruni (G.) Mi-
norenni delinquenti. Arch, di
psichiat. [et<j.], Torino, 1895, xvi,
456-459.--CantrelI (J. A.) Ab-
. normalities in the color of the hu-
man hair, with a report of cases.
Med. News, Phila., 1895, Ixvii, 85-
91 . — Capitan. 1 .e milieu ext^rieur.
Rev. mens, de Tfecole d'anthrop. de
Par., 1895, v, 293-308.— Capua (G.)
Sur la taille en Bosnie. Bull. Soc.
d'anthrop. de Par., 1895, 4. s., vi,
99-103.— Carrara (M.) I giuochidei
criminali. Arch, di psichiat. [etc.],
Torino, 1895, xvi, 339-355. Also,
RepriiU. Una mattoide. 76id.,
242-247.— Chamberlain (B.H.) The
Luchu Islands and their inhabi-
tants. Geog. Jour., Lond., 1895, v,
289; 446; 5:{4.-Chervin. La situa-
tion d^mogi'aphique de la France en
Europe. Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. de
Par.. 1894, 4. s., v, 648-686.— Chia-
tokhin (J.) [Contributions to
Mongolian folk-lore.] Izvest. vost.-
sibirsk. otd. Imp. russk. geogr.
Obsh., Irkutsk, 1894, xxv, 134-141.
— Claike (S. E. J.) India and its
women. J. Soc. Arts. , Lond. , 1895,
xliii, 262-276.— Cohn (L.) Sibirische
Alterthiimer. Verhandl. d. Berl.
Gesellsch. f. Anthrop., 1895, (244-
267, 2 pi.).— Collective investiga-
tion: lamily measurements. [Cir-
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and VVeldon.] Med. Times & Hosp.
Gaz., Lond., 1895, xxiii, 450. —
CoUignon (M.) La polychromie
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deux monde^s. Par., 1895, cxxvii,
823-848.— Cope (E. D.) The pres-
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Monist, Chicago. 1894-5, v, 563-573.
— Cnyer (E. ) Les expressions de la
physionomie et leurs origines ana-
tomiques. Rev. scient.. Par., 1895,
4. 8., iv, 33-42.— D'Abundo (G.)
Le impronte digital i in 140 crimi-
nali. Arch, di psichiat. [etc.], To-
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(E.) Osse'rvazioni di antropologia
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THE AMERICAN ANTHUOPOLOGIST
[Vol. VllI
182, 1 pl.—Determinatioii (The)
and rej^iilation of sex in the V)reed-
ing of horses. Veterinarian, lx>nd.,
1895, Ixviii, 491-496.— Duckworth
(W. L. H. ) Notes on a collection of
crania of Esquimaux, exhibited by
Prof. A. Macalister. J. Anthrop.
Inst., Ix)nd., 1895, xxv, 72-74.-
Duerden (J. E.) Discovery of ab-
original Indian remains in Jamaica.
Nature, Lond., 1895, lii, 173.— Ou-
honsset. ifechelle t^nioin pour les
photographies anthropologiques.
Bull. Soc. d'anthrop. de Par., 1895,
4. 8., vi, 53-56.— Durand. Coup
d*ceil r^trospectif sur diverses ques-
tions anthropologiques. Ibid.^ 157-
184. — Barle ( Alice M. ) Flower lore
of New England children. Atlantic
Month., Host, 1895, 1 xxv, 459-466.
— Ehrenreich (P. ) Materialien zur
Sprachenkunde Brasiliens. Ztschr.
f. Ethnol., Berl., 1895, xxvii, 149-
176.— Ellis ( H. ) " Common sense "
and the Elmira Reformatory. Fort-
nightly Rev., N. Y. [Lond'.], 1895,
Iviii, 483.— von Brckert (R. ) Die
Volker des Kaukasus. Verhandl.
d. Gesellsch. f. Erdk. zu Berl., 1895,
50_H2. — Falkenhorat (C. ) Der
"hose Blick" im Lichte der Sug-
gestion, (xartenlauhe, Leipz., 1895,
4:^-439. -P6r6 (C.) Morbid hered-
ity. Pop. Sc. Month., N. Y., 1895,
xlvii, 388-399.— Fermond (J.) La
Cha rente pr^historique : les valines
de Tardoire et du Bandiat. Bull.
Soc. de g^og. de Rochefort, 1894-5,
xvi, 253-271. — Fewke8( J. W.) The
god ** D" in the Codex Cortejaianus.
Am. Anthrop., Wash., 1895, viii,
205-222, 4 pi. — Pornasari di Verce
(E.) Istruzione e criminalita nella
Nova Galles del Sud. Arch, di
psichiat. [etc.], Torino, 1895, xvi,
190-197.-Pletcher ( Alice C.) Hunt-
ing customs of the Omahas: per-
sonal studies of Indian life. Cen-
tury, N. Y., 1895, 1, 691-702.—
Fletcher (R.) Medical lore in the
older English dramatists and poets
(exclusive of Shakespeare). Johns
Hopkins Hosp. Bull., Bait., 1895, vi,
73-84. Also /^fiprmf. — Pogazzaro
(A.) The origin of man and the re-
ligious sentiment. Contemp Rev.,
N.Y. [Lond.], 1895, 6")-88.— Foster
(M.) Thomas Henry Huxley. Pop.
Sc. Month., N. Y., 1895, xlvii, 776-
783.— Pouill6e (A.) La peychologie
des peuples et Tanthyopologie. Rev.
d. deux mondes. Par., 1895., cxxix,
365-396.— Fra8er(E.H.) The fish-
skin Tartars. J. China Branch Roy.
Asiat. Soc., Shanghai, 1894, n. s.,
xxvi. 1-43.— Fritach{G.) Diegraph-
ische Methoden zur Bestimmung
der Verhiiltnisse des menschlichen
Korpers. Verhandl. d. Berl. Ge-
sellsch. f. Anthrop., 1895, (172-188).
— Qalton (F.) La repartition des
peinesd'emprifionnementen Angle-
terre. Rev. sclent. , Par. , 1895, 4. s. ,
iv, 274-27().— aalvanescul (T.) The
altruistic impulse in man ana ani-
mals. Internat. J. Ethics, Lond.,
1894-5, V, 197-205. -Oarnett (Lucy
M. J.) Women under Islam. Nine-
teenth Century, Lond., 1895, 57-70.
— Ghautier ( E. ) Madagascar et son
avenir. Rev. scient., Par., 1895,
4. 8.,iii,431-435.— OeilllC.) Nogle
Hjemevejninger fra Aarhus Asylet.
[Weighing of Drains at Aarhus Asy-
lum.] Bibliot. f. Lseger., Kjobenh. ,
1895, 7. R., vi, 394-418.— von Oott-
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Digitized by
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Oct. 1895]
ANTHROPOLOGIC LITERATURE
415
Bigorre (Hautes-Pyr^n^es). 7Wd.,
369-373.— Hodge (F.W.) The early
Navajo and Apache. Am. An-
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[Discussion], 287-295. — Hoffman
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Modem miracles of healing. Liver-
pool M.-Chir. J., 1895, xv, 274-
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thropologicjues tl propos des tumulus
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Danak il . Anth ropologie, Par. , 1895,
vi, 393-413.— Jubilaum (das 25
jahrige)derMunchenerGesellschaft
fur Anthropologie, Ethnologic und
Ur^schichte am 16 Miirz 1895.
Beitr. z. Anthrop. n. Urgesch. Ba-
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1-38.— Keith (A.) The growth of
brain in men and monkeys, with a
sliort criticism of the usual method
of stating brain ratios. J. Anat. &
PhysioL, Lond., 1894-5, xxix, 282-
303.— Kurella (H.) Neuere Ar-
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f. Nervenh. u. Psychiat., Coblenz &
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Langdon (A. G.) and J. R. Allen.
Catalogue of the early Christian in-
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Archseol. Cambrensis, Lond., 1895,
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Par., 1895, 4. a., vi, 12-47.— Marro
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Renonlt (E,) Psychologie de la
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G. F.) Alte Gebriiuche bei Heira-
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Zur ethnographischen Untersuch-
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THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. VIII
throp. Gesellsch. in Wien, 1895, (4-
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Analysis of the pictorial text in-
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Rev. d. quest, scient., Brux., 1895,
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Ihid., 49-81.— Weir (J.), jr. The
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INDEX TO VOLUME VIII
I»ivgo
Agriculture, the beginning of 350
Akas, poisoned arrows of 94
Allentiac language of Argentina 21)7
America, stone art in 1
Aran islands, ethnography of 93
Argentina, Allentiac language of. 297
Australia, Paleontographical Society of 92
Austmlian rock pictures 2(38
Baldwin, C. E 180
Beebe researches, publication of. 197
Book notices. See end of index.
Bourke, J. G. Snake ceremonial at VValpi, 192; Early Apaches and
Navajos 287
Caste in India 23
Canyon de Chelly, cliff ruins of 153
Chickahominy, the name 257
Chinese origin of playing cards 61
Chiri valley, Huacas of 8
Cibola, city of 142
City of Cibola 142
Clay figures from Guatemala. 402
Cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly 153
Codex Cortesianus, the god ** D " in 205
Cremation, a Yuma 2(51
Culture, similarities in 101
Cushing, F. H. The arrow 307
Customs of Micmacs 31
— , mortuary, in New Hebrides 93
Dorsey, J. 0. (obituary) 180
Ernst, A. Vocabularies of Upper Orinoco 393
Ethnography of Aran islands 93
Fewkes, J. W. Comparison of Sia and Tusavan snake ceremonials,
118 ; The god " D " in the Codex Cortesianus 205
Fletcher, R. Colonel Garrick Mallery, U. S. A 79
54 (419)
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r
418 THE AMERICAN AKTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. YIII
throp. Ge«en.*'h. in Wien, 1895, (4- I (Reg.-Bez. Magdeburg.) Ztechr. t
r^i^^Tggjmg (W. W.) The name Etiinol.. Berl., \h\C^, xxvii. 121-1 ♦
\ W
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420 THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [Vol. Vlil
Page
God ** D " in the Codex Cortesianua 205
Guatemala, clay liirures from 402
Hagar, S. Customs of Micmacs 31
Hodge, F. W. Tiie early Navajo and Apache, 223, 294; The firet-
discovered city of Cibola 142
Huacas of Chira valley 8
Icazbalceta, J. G. (obituary) 178
Imperial Russian Geographic Society 196
India, caste in 23
Laraborn, R. H. (obituary) 175
Mallery, Colonel Garrick (obituary) 79
Miison, O. T. Similarities in culture 101
Matthews, R. H. Australian rock pictures 268
McGee, W J. Some principles of nomenclature, 279 ; The begin-
ning of agriculture 350
Micmac customs 31
MindelefF, C. Cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly 153
Navajo and Apache, early 223, 287, 294
New Hebrides, mortuary customs in 93
Nomenclature, some principles of 279
Obituaries: R. H. Lamborn, Franklin A. Seely, J. G. Iciizbak«ta,
Charles C. Baldwin, J. O. Dorsey, W. B. Taylor, 175; J. C.
Pilling 407
Padre Andres de Olmos, writings of 43
Paleontographical Society of Australia ' 92
Pilling, J. C. Writings of Padre Andres de Olmos, 43; obituary.. . 407
Playing cards, Chinese origin of. tU
Poisoned arrows of the Akas <H
Porter, J. II. Caste in India 23
Potanine, Alexandra V. (obituary) 29()
Powell, J. W. Stone art in America 1
Principles of nomenclature 279
Putnam, G. R. A Yuma cremation 261
Quarterly bibliography of anthropologic literature 95, 199, 298, 410
Quevedo, S. A. L. The Allentiac language of xVrgentina , . 297
Relation of sociology to anthropology 241
Rock picrtures, Australian , 268
Runners, Tanihumari 92
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Oct. I895J INDEX TO VOLUME VIII 421
Page
Scott, S. M. The Huacas of Chira valley, Peru 8
Seely, F. A. (obituary) 177
Similarities in culture 101
Siouan tribal api)ellatives 376
Snake ceremonial at Walpi 192
Stone art in America 1
Sociology and anthropology, relation of. 241
Tarahumari runners 92
Taylor, W. B. (obituary) 184
Tecumseh^s name 91
Tooker, W. W. The name Chickahominy, 257 ; Siouan tribal ap-
pellatives 370
Upper Orinoco vocabularies 393
Valentine, P. J. J. Clay figures from Guatemala 402
Vocabularies, Upper Orinoco 393
Walpi, snake ceremonial at 192
Ward, L. F. Relation of sociology to anthropology 241
Wilkinson, W. H. Chinese origin of playing cards (il
Writings of Padre Andres de Olmos 43
Yuma cremation ■ 261
BOOK NOTICKS
St;itistics of the Negroes in the United States (Gannett), 81.— Human
Bones in the Hemenway Collection (Matthews), 86.— Eleventh Report of
Bureau of Ethnology, 89.— Coi)i)er from the Mounds of the St. John's
River, Florida (Moore), Tenth Report of Bureau of Ethnology, 189.—
Tuj^ayan New Fire Ceremony (Fewkes), 190.
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Vol. VIII
January, 1895
No. 1
ANTmopfflfiosr
PES
aoQc
,tn MTK .Wm. ■JUUL
^'t* i*y
'(?©RITER!1TS-
Stone Art in America, by J. W. PowKix i
The Huacos of Chira Valley. Peru, by SAMrKi. MaTHHWSON
vScoTT 8
Caste in India, by J. H. Porter : 23
Micniac Customs and Traditions, by Stansbury Hagkr 31
The Writings of Padre Andres de Olmos in the Languages of
Mexico, by Jamks C Pim.ing 43
Chinese Origin of Playing Cards, by W. H. W11.KINSON 6r
Col. Garrick Mallery, U. S. A.; an Obituary, by Robert
Fletcher 79
Hook Notices 81
Notes and News 91
Hibmographv of Anthroi»ologic IvITEratttrk 95
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