Skip to main content

Full text of "American diplomacy in the Orient"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 






Up STo^n W. Joftet 

DIPLOMATIC MEMOIRS, a rob. Illottnted. 




Being a Brief Review ct the Foreign Relap 
tions ci the United States, 1776-1876. With 

Boston and Nbw York 

mHA-^JOa I i n 








^1^ KAntfibt ]ht^rf Cmbdbgt 




i)tli ia 1954 


Puhtttktd Pitruary, /90J 


Althouob ihete is a vast amoiiDt of literatnre on 
Asiatic subjects, there exists a recognized need of a vork 
covering the topics embraced in the present volume. 
The great development of the industrial resources of 
the country, the necessity of larger markets in Asia, 
and the recently acquired territorial possessions in the 
Pacific Ocean, have given new interest and importance 
to the international relations of the United States vitib 
the Far £ast. Under these conditions, it seemed desir- 
able to have in consecutive order a brief history of 
the diplomatic intercourse of this government with the 
Orient, in order to form a correct estimate of the policy 
which has controlled the American people in their con- 
tact with the countries in that quarter of the globe. 

The author has the more cheerfully undertaken the 
task from a conviction that a narrative of that intei^ 
course would reflect great credit upon bis country, and 
in the hope that it might stimulate the patriotism of 
its citizens, and lead them to a more ready support of 
their government in the discbaige of its difficult and 
enlarged responsibihties. 

The treatment in a single volume of a subject, em- 

J. lie J-urlvish Empire has not been 
rrative, for the reason that its capita 
LTope, and its relations are controlled 
re by the European concert of powe 
ewise been omitted for the latter reasc 
the slight diplomatic and commercial 
) United States with that country. 

7abhingtok» January, 1903. 




The oommeieial spirit of the United States 
Obstnicted by policy of ezclusion in Asiatic countries 
Freedom of early Japanese and Chinese commerce • 
Early Portogaese intercourse . . • • 

The Dutch intercourse 

The British intercourse 

Closing of Chinese ports as a result of this intercourse 
Early European intercourse with Japan 
Introduction of Christianity into Japan . . • 
Embassy of Japanese Christians to Rome 
Persecution of Christians and expulsion of foreigners 
Commerce with Dutch only at Nagasaki 
Dutch relations with Japanese authorities • • 
European embassies to Peking . • • . 
iirst European treaty with China (Russia), 1689 

Russian embassies to Peking 

Lord Macartney's (British) embassy to Peking • 
Failure of Lord Amherst's (British) embassy • 




















America's tirst zntkbooubsx 

DiiBcnlUes encountered by American commerce • • • • 26 

Arrival of first American vessel in Chinese waters • • • 27 

Testimony to American enterprise 29 

Course of China trade and armament of vessels • • • • SO 


The fur trade mostl j in Amerioan oontrol 81 

Samoel Shaw, at Canton, first consol in the East • • • • 82 

His report on manner of early trade at Canton • • • • 83 

Amount and character of the American China trade • • • 86 

The profito of the trade 87 

Action of first Congress of the United States respecting China 

trade 88 

American commerce troubled by British emisers in war of 1812 • 89 

The *< Terranova " affair 40 

Improvement in methods of trade at Canton 42 

Embarrassments attending it 43 

first effort of United States to establish diplomatic relations with 

the East 45 

Arrival of American envoy, Mr. Roberts, at Canton • • • 47 

Roberts's fruitless negotiations with Annam . . • • . 48 

Treaty with Siam, the first made with an Asiatic power • • 60 

Treaty negotiated with the Sultan of Muscat • • • • • 61 

The death of Mr. Roberts 65 



The failure of exclusion 56 

Lord Napier's arrival as British superintendent of trade . . 57 

His troubles with the Chinese authorities 58 

His failure and death 62 

J. Q. Adams's opinion that China's action justified war . . .63 

The opium trade and efforts of China to prohibit it ... 64 

Commissioner Lin and seizure of British opium • ... 68 

The •* Opium War " and its results 70 

The moral aspects of the war 72 

Interest of United States in the contest 74 

Commodore Kearney secures " favored nation " treatment . . 75 

Caleb Cushing sent to negotiate treaty with China ... 79 

His success in the treaty of 1844 86 

The terms and effect of the treaty 87 

The principle of exterritoriality inserted in it 87 

Sketch of Mr. Cushing's career 94 

Legation established at Canton. — Cushing's successors . • .96 



xudxfkndsnt hawaiz 

Geographical importance of the islands •••••• 96 

Earlj American trade with Hawaii ..•••• 99 

Rendezvous for the fur traders • • 100 

Importance of the American whaling industry • • • . 102 

American monopoly of Hawaiian trade 104 

The advent of American missionaries 106 

Their success and influence • . . 109 

Their service in aid of diplomacy 110 

Early attempts of European governments to possess the islands . Ill 

First official intercourse of the United States .... 113 

Ito treaty of 1826 114 

Intercourse of American naval officers with the government • 115 

French attempt to overthrow the government 119 

Secretary Webster's declaration as to independence of the islands 122 
British-French proposition of tripartite guarantee declined by the 

United States 124 

British attempt to annex the islands 124 

Unsatisfactory state of treaty relations with foreign powers . . 127 

Treaty of 1849 with the United SUtes 128 

Further troubles with the French 130 

Independence finally established ..•••• 132 



Benefit of the exclusion policy 133 

Opening of Japan a sequence to Chinese treaties • • • 134 

Mr. Seward's prophecy as to the Pacific 135 

Early efforts of United States to establish intercourse • . 136 

Mr. Roberts's unexecuted commission 140 

Treaty with Borneo, 1850 142 

Commodore Riddle's visit to Japan in 1846 143 

Imprisonment of American sailors 144 

Decision of American government to open the country . • • 146 


Commodore Perry's appointment and niling of expedition . • 147 

Arrival in the Baj of Yedo 150 

Preliminary negotiations and departore of sqnadron • • • 152 

Effect of visit on the ooort and ooontfy • • • • ^* • 159 

The return and final negotiations 100 

The signing of the treaty and its terms 162 

The valae of the Perry missioa 166 

Its appreciation by Japan 168 



Japan's acceptance of the new relation • 170 

Appointment of Harris as oonsnl-general 172 

His arrival and reception at Shimoda • 173 

He negotiates treaty of 1857 175 

His visit to Tedo to present letter of President . • • . 176 

His reception by the emperor 177 

Negotiation of treaty of 1858 and its impoitanoe • • • • 180 

Followed by treaties with European powers . • • • 183 

Visit of first Japanese embassy to Washington .... 184 

Retirement of Harris and valne of his service .... 185 

Effect of the treaties on the Shogon and Mikado .... 187 

Anti-foreign disorders 188 

The Shimonoseki affair 192 

Recognition of treaties by the Mikado 197 

Reorganization of government under the Mikado as supreme ruler 198 

Revocation of decrees against Christianity 200 

The new order of affairs and its effect abroad • . . . 201 



The cause of China's conservatism .••••.. 203 

John W. Davis minister — his services 204 

Minister Marshall and his troubles vrith Teh 205 

His unsatisfactory intercourse with naval officers . . . 206 

The Taiping Rebellion 208 

Minister MoLane — Lis uusuccessf ul efforts at intercourse • • 213 


Dr. Ftoker in eharge of legation 219 

Second BritiBh-Chinese war .•••••• 223 

United States naval attack on Canton forts 225 

Other American complications daring the war • • • • 227 

Peaceful policy of United States 229 

Minister Reed goes to Tientsin with British and French forces to 

secure reyision of treaties 235 

American and other treaties signed 238 

Defeat of allies at the Peiho — American complication in . • 247 

Minister Ward visits Peking — exchange of treaties . • • 249 

Allied forces capture Peking 264 



Reorganization of govemment after capture of Peking . • . 256 

Anson Burlingame minister, his services 257 

Sen Ki-yu and eulogy on Washington 259 

Burlingame appointed Chinese ambassador and visits America and 

Europe 262 

His treaty with the United States in 1868 265 

The audience question 269 

Chinese youths sent to America for their eduoatioa • • • 272 

Dr. Williams's services and retirement 273 

The coolie trade 275 

British and American legislation against it 280 

Chinese immigration to California and Burlingame treaty . • 282 

Sentiment in favor of prohibition — reasons for and against • 285 

Radical legislation vetoed by President 294 

Negotiation of treaty of 1880, limiting immigration . • 295 

Opium prohibition treaty ineffective 297 

Legislation under the immigration treaty 299 

Recent legislation, failure of extreme measures • . • • 304 



Its early subjection to China and Japan ••••.. 307 

¥int intercourse with the West 306 


Ifanacn of Catholic miinoBtriM ud iMMlOitiM vilb F^ . 80Q 

Dettmetion of Amerieaii ilup Geoenl SheniMyi • • • • SIO 

American naTal and diplomatie ipaditioa aad its fiulnn . 818 

FntOe effoita of Earopean govetamtnti for ntsnouaa S18 

The Japanese treatj 890 

Effort! of the United Statea to open the eooatiy itaaSij ■■iiiiMifal 

in treatj of 1882 828 

American minisier reeeiTed and emhaaij aeBi to UBited StidM • 828 

China's nnsnocessfnl ohjeetioo to diplomatie velatiQaa 827 

Toleration of Christianitj 880 

Causes of China-Japan war 882 

Interyention of United States for peaoe 884 

Good offices of United Statea to helliferanti • • • • 885 

Peace negotiations 880 

Results of the Japanese triumph 818 



Thralldom of Japan under the treaties 844 

Embassy to America and Europe for treaty rerision . • 845 

Failure of embassy, and reforms inaugurated . • • . 848 

Serrices of Americans in reorganizing the goremment 350 

Progress and character of reform measures 351 

Effort in 1878 to secure a reTision of treaties . . • . 358 

Hardsliips suffered on account of the treaties .... 353 
Friendly conduct of United States and opposition of European 

powers 356 

Failure of rerision in 1878, and renewed efforts in 1886 . . 357 

Overthrow of ministries and conserratiTe reaction • 358 

The effect of the Chinese war on treaty rerision .... 360 
Great Britain accepts rerision ; followed by other European gor- 

emments 361 

Abolition of exterritoriality and treaty tariffs • • . • 361 

Fears of foreign residents not realized 363 

Japan attains equality among nations 364 






The deTelopment of the Paoiflo States, its infloence on Hawaii • 365 

Secretary Marcj's project of annexation 366 

Reciprocity treaties of 1855 and 1867 fail of ratification . • 367 

Line of Kamehamehas extinct, race dying ont .... 369 

Ratification of reciprocity treaty of 1876 and its effects . . . 370 

Renewed in 1884, with cession of Pearl Harbor .... 372 

Ealakana's reign 375 

Queen Liliookalani and ber attempt to orertbrow constitution . 376 
Dethroned, and provisional government negotiates treaty of annex- 
ation to United States 377 

Cleveland vrithdraws treaty and sends commissioner to Hawaii to 

investigate 378 

He seeks to restore ex-qneen, but fails 379 

Republic of Hawaii, its four years' administration . . . 381 

New treaty of annexation in 1897 381 

Japanese protest against annexation 382 

Annexation by joint resolution during Spanish war . • • 383 



Early missionary and commercial relations 
First official intercourse of United States with Samoa 
Samoan envoy visits United States ; treaty of 1878 
Interests of Germany, Great Britain, and United States 
Malietoa, Tamasese, and Mataafa, rivals for kingship 
Quarrels between the consuls ..... 
The conference at Washington in 1887 • 
Germany declares war against Malietoa • 

The conference at Berlin in 1889 .... 
The Berlin Act establishing a joint protectorate . 
Operations of protectorate unsatisfactory 

The joint commission of 1899 

Partition of the group by the treaty of 1899 . 





The war with Spain and Tictozy of Manila Baj . • • • 999 

The prophetic words of Seward 401 

Phases of the question as to the disposal of the Philippines • . 402 
Cession of islands to the United States and zeasooa for demanding 

it 405 

** Boxers ** in China and oanses of moTement 408 

Chinese antipathy to foreigners 409 

Christian missions 410 

Commercial and political aggressions by the powen • • • 412 

£mperor introduces reforms and is dethroned • • • • 417 

Growth of Boxer uprising and siege of legations • • • 418 

Relief expedition occupies Peking 420 

Secretary Hay's note to powers, July 8^ 1900 • • • • 423 

Negotiations for peace commenced 424 

Demands made upon China by powers 427 

The negotiations as to the punishment of ofBdals and indemnity . 428 

Provisions of the treaty of peace 430 

United States influence in negotiations, and its ** open door " policy 431 

The future of the Chinese Empire .••... 434 

The powers predominant in the Pacific 436 


A. Protocol between China and the Treaty Powers, September 7, 

1901 441 

B. The Emigration Treaty between China and the United States, 

1894 450 

C. Treaty between the United States and Japan, 1894 . . . 453 

D. Joint Resolution for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the 

United SUtes, 1898 463 

£. The Samoan Treaty between the United States, Germany, and 

Great Britain, 1899 466 

F. Protocol between the United States and Spain, August 12, 1898. 

— Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain, 1898 468 

Index 477 

■k«_> — . -r-l.. j_ 






The people of the United States of America, as soon 
as they had achieved their independence in 1783, man- 
ifested a notable spirit of commercial and maritime 
adventure. Within two years after peace was secured 
the flag of the new nation had been carried by Ameri- 
can ships into all the waters of the globe. When they 
reached the Pacific Ocean in quest of avenues of trade, 
they found almost all the ports of the countries of Asia 
closed against them. Within the brief lifetime of this 
young nation a great transformation has been wrought 
in that region of the globe, which is vitally affecting the 
political and commercial relations of many nations. In 
this transformation the United States has borne a con- 
spicuous and an honorable part. A narrative of its par- 
ticipation in the events which have brought about this 
change in the affairs of the world will be the subject of 
this volume. 

For two hundred years before the beginning of the 
nineteenth century and for a considerable time after 


that date^ the free access of foreigners to most of die 
countries of Asia was prohibited^ and commerce was 
carried on under very burdensome and restricted con- 
ditions. This state of affairs may be attributed mainly 
to two causes : first, the gross ignorance of those coun- 
tries respecting the rest of the world ; and, second, the 
violent and aggressive conduct of the Europeans who 
visited them soon after the maritime discoveries of the 
fifteenth century. A review of these conditions will 
enable us the better to understand the difficulties en- 
countered by the Americans in their early relations with 
the countries of the Orient, and the important part 
taken by the government of the United States in bring- 
ing them out of their seclusion and opening them up 
to commercial and political intercourse with the outside 

An examination of the history of the Asiatic nations 
shows that the restrictive policy was of comparatively 
modem origin. The earliest records of Japan give ac- 
counts of embassies and intercourse with Korea and 
China dating from two thousand years ago to recent 
times. Japanese mariners had sailed their ships to all 
the regions of Asia, and from the time the first Euro- 
peans came into the Pacific, throughout the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries, Japanese vessels carried on 
commerce with Tndia, Siam, Malacca, the Philippines, 
China, and Korea, and had even reached the coast of 

Chinese records contain reference to intercourse with 
the people of the West as early as the Greek invasion 
of Asia under Alexander ; and the classic writings, both 


Chinese and Latin, show that there were some trade rela- 
tions with Rome in the time of the early emperors. Dur- 
ing the period of the Byzantine empire quite an overland 
traffic was maintained, and we find accounts of frequent 
embassies to and from Arabia and India from the be- 
ginning of the Christian era onward through the medi- 
SBval period. But the most authentic and detailed 
narratiyes are those of Arab travelers and merchants in 
and after the ninth century, showing an extensive trade 
by sea from the ports of Arabia and the Persian Gulf ; 
and even at that date Chinese junks were making voy- 
ages to India, Ceylon, and still farther west. As indi- 
cating the state of intercourse during the Mohammedan 
ascendancy, it may be noted that in 1420 a Chinese 
embas^ was commissioned to go to all the nations of 
the Western Ocean extending as far as Arabia Felix, 
and the record is that it was well received by them.^ 
When European vessels began to visit China foreign 

^ 1 Catbaj and the Way Thither, translated by Colonel Ynle, London, 
printed for the Haklnjt Society, 1866, preliminary essay, sections i.-v. ; 

1 The Chinese, by Sir John F. Davis, New York, 1837, chap. i. ; 

2 History of China, by Charles Gutzlaff, New Tork, 1834, chap. xz. ; 
Arabs and Chinese, by Dr. £. Bretschneider, London, 1871 ; Ancient Ac- 
eoont of India and China, by two Mohammedan travelers, by E. Renandot 
(translation), London, 1733. See review of same in 1 Chinese Reposi- 
tory, Canton, 1833, p. 6. 

The Chinese Repository, one of the most valuable publications extant 
eonceming Chinese matters, was founded in 1832 by Rev. E. C. Bridge- 
man, the first American missionary sent to China, — a gentleman of de- 
eided literary merit, who was enabled to render useful diplomatic service 
to his own country and devoted his life to the elevation of the Chinese. 
With him was associated in the publication of the Repository Dr. S. 
Wells Williams, to whom frequent reference will be made in this volume. 
Tlie pnblieation continued through twenty years. 


vessels, seeking trarle and bearing 
emperor of China. Delay and disap 
perienced by the envoy, and the pres 
soon created sospicion, which was f 
sion with the Chinese navy. Other \ 
visit of the fleet, and Portugal, then 
its power, pushed its commerce witi 
the coast, establishing entrepots at I 
By their violent conduct they brough 
within a few years the hostiUty of 
Ningpo, in one assault alone, eight hu 
were slaughtered and thirty-five ships 
the charges of lawlessness which brou{ 
of vengeance was that the Portuguese 
to send armed parties into the neighbc 
bring in the women who feU into theii 
Holland early became a formidable p 
In 1622 a Dutch squadron of seventeet 
off the coast of China, and after being i 
by the Portuguese, with whom they y 
seized the Pescadores Islands, lying b( 
land and Formosa, established themi 

MiMBrtOMiaBHtortHrtMieii^aAariia^Hb - 


began to erect fortifications. This led to hostilities with 
the Chinese^ and they finally withdrew to Formosa, of 
which they took possession, with the design of making 
it a permanent Dutch colony ; but after a constant war- 
fare of twenty-eight years with the Chinese and the 
natives, they were finally expelled.^ 

The British made their first visit to Canton in 1635. 
Four vessels fitted out by the East India Company, 
commanded by Captain Weddel, entered the river, and 
were halted at the Bogue forts. A parley ensued, in 
which they insisted on proceeding up to Canton, but 
were asked to await the consent of the authorities. Dis- 
regarding the port regulations and the .mming cannon 
shot of the Chinese, the whole British fleet, quoting the 
narrative of the voyage, ^^ did on a sudden display their 
bloody ensigns, and . . . each ship began to play furi- 
ously upon the forts with their broadsides." Within 
two or three hours the forts were silenced, a force of 
men landed, occupied and destroyed the forts, ^^ put on 
board all their ordnance, fired the council house, and 
demoliBhed what they could." The fleet then moved 
up to Canton, and demanded the privilege to trade, the 
vessels being filled with merchandise. The authorities 
still hesitating, the fleet again began hostilities, ^^ pil- 
laged and burnt many vessels and villages, . . . spread- 
ing destruction with fire and sword." An agreement 
was finally reached whereby the British were allowed to 
land and trade. Sir George Staunton, secretary of the 
first British embassy to China, in recording this event 
says : *^ The unfortunate circumstances under which the 

1 1 Tbe Chinesey Dayii, 42 ; 2 History of China, Gutzlaff, chap. zzii. 



English first got footing in China must have operated 
to their disadvantage, and rendered their situation for 
some time peculiarly unpleasant." ^ It was thirty years 
thereafter before another British vessel visited Chinese 
waters for purposes of trade. 

The Spaniards occupied the Philippines in 1543, and 
their cruel treatment of the Chinese who were estab- 
lished there operated to the g^eat prejudice of the for- 
mer at Canton and other ports, and their trade with 
the country never was of any considerable value. The 
French, in the early European intercourse with the 
East, never sought to establish trade with China ; but 
the French missionaries entered the country more than 
two centuries before the European vessels reached it. 
They were not only successful in their missions, but 
had attained much influence with the authorities of the 

In the sixteenth century the Chinese empire and its 
dependencies extended from Korea to India. Its rulers 
did not fail to note the aggressive spirit of the Portu- 
guese, Dutch, and Spaniards, who had taken possession 
by force of the Philippines, Java, and other islands, and 
had acquired a foothold in India and the Malay Penin- 
sula. The early intercourse in its own ports with these 
nationalities and the English, so marked by violence 
and bloodshed, led the Chinese authorities to stringent 

^ Embassy to the Emperor of China, by Sir George Staunton, London, 
1797, p. S ; 2 Hist. China, Gatzlaff, ehap. xziii. ; 1 The Chinese, Davis, 
ohaps. ii. and iii. 

' For early Nestorian missions, see 1 Cathay, by Colonel Yule, pre- 
liminary essay, see. vi. ; for Roman Catholic missions, 2 Cathay, Yule, 
529 ; 2 Hist. China, GnUlaff, 43. 

jS'. JL '. V..Jir 


measures in the seventeenth century^ which resulted in 
the closing of all ports except that of Canton, and even 
at that port foreign intercourse was conducted under 
yery onerous conditions.^ 

From the beginning European commerce encountered 
two serious obstructions. The emperor and the ruling 
classes recognized no equality in other nations, and all 
who held intercourse with them were regarded as sub- 
jects of vassal nations, and their envoys as tribute- 
bearers. This led to very humiUating demands upon 
foreigners, and in part explains the earty conflicte. The 
Europeans, also, in their contact with the Chinese ofi&- 
eials, found in existence a system of bribery and corrup- 
tion which constituted a heavy tax upon trade, and was 
the cause of much dissatisfaction. 

The experience of the Japanese with the early Euro- 
pean voyagers and merchants was somewhat different 
from that of the Chinese, but it ended even more disas- 
trously to the newly established relations. The Island 
Empire was discovered by the Portuguese navigator 
Pinto in 1542, and he was soon followed by merchant 
vessels, which met vnih a welcome from the native 
princes, and within a few years a profitable trade was 
maintained. The Portuguese were followed by the 
Spaniards, who were likewise freely admitted. The first 
Dutch vessels came in 1600, reaching Japan in distress. 
The captain returned to Holland to report on the new 
found land of trade, but the pilot Adams, who was an 

^ 1 The Chineiie, Dayis, 28, 32 ; Narrative of Yojages, by A. Delano^ 
Boston, 1817, p. 531 ; Chiua and the Chinese, by Rev. J. L. N. Nevius, 
New Tork, 1869, p. 299 ; A History of China, by 8. Wells Williams, 
•ditad by F. W. Williams, New Yorl^ 1897, p. 55. 


Englishman, remained in the country, teaching ihe 
natives the European art of shipbuilding and becoming 
a great favorite at court. Other vessels arrived in 1609, 
and from that date they began to divide the trade with 
the Portuguese, who had heretofore enjoyed almost a 
monopoly of it. The English established themselves in 
1613, and within a few years had factories at Hirado^ 
Nagasaki, Osaka, Yedo, and various other ports.^ 

While in China there was a constant drain of silver 
from Europe to maintain the balance of trade, in Japan 
gold and silver were plentiful, as also copper, which was 
then a scarce metal in Europe* During the seventeenth 
century the Dutch exported bom Japan 43,482|250 
pounds sterling in gold and silver, principally gold, and 
in that and the next century 206,253 tons of copper. 
For nearly one hundred years Europeans enjoyed a free 
and lucrative trade with the empire, but an influence 
was at work in the country which was destined to create 
an effectual barrier to trade and intercourse. 

^ One of the meet frequently cited works on the early intercourse of 
Europeans with Japan is Dr. E. Kaempfer's History of Japan. He was 
attached to the Dutch factory at Deshima. The following are accessihle 
translations and abstracts : History of Japan, by E. Kaempfer, translated 
by J. J. Scheuchzer, London, 1727, 2 vols. ; abridged edition, London, 
1853 ; J. A. Pinkerton's edition, London, 1811 ; abstract by R. G. Wat- 
son, Transactions of Asiatic Society, Japan, vol. ii., Yokohama, 1874. As 
to Kaempfer, Things Japanese, by Professor Chamberlain, London, 1891, 
p. 242. Histoire du Japon, par le P. Fr. de Charlevoix, Paris, 1754, 6 vols. 
Memorials of the Empire of Japon, by T. Rundall, London, Hakluyt 
Society, 1850. 6 Chinese Repository, pp. 460, 553 ; 7 ib. p. 217. Diary of 
Richard Cock, 1615-1G22, by E. M. Thompson, London, 1883. letters of 
William Adams, 1611-1617, reprinted from Hakluyt Society, Yokohnmn, 
1878. Extracts from Cock and Adams will be found in Ruudall's Me- 
morials above cited. As to Adams, Chamberlain's Things Japanese, 13. 


With one of the earliest Portuguese ships came the 
great missionary apostle of the Jesuits^ Francis Xavier, 
who landed at Kagoshima in 1549. He was kindly 
received^ and during his short sojourn his labors were 
attended with wonderful success. Other laborers fol- 
lowed, and the toleration was so complete that in a few 
years the Christians numbered hundreds of thousands, 
and within fifty years it was estimated that they had 
increased to nearly two million adherents.^ Among 
them were found princes, generals, and the flower of 
the nobility. Both in regard to religion and commerce 
it may be said that the government of Japan at that 
period exhibited more liberality to the nations of Eu- 
rope than the latter exhibited to each other. Yelasco, 
the governor-general of the Philippines, in an account 
of a visit which he made to the country in 1608, re- 
lates an anecdote of the Shogun, who was urged by 
the Buddhist priests to suppress the Christians. ^^ How 
many sects may there be in Japan ? " he asked. ^' Thir- 
ty-five," was the reply, referring to the many Buddhist 
sects. ^ Well," he said, " we can easily bear with thirty- 


In 1582 three of the nobility, representing as many 
of the Christian princes, attended by a suite befitting 
their station, made a visit to Rome to pay their respects 
to the head of the Catholic Church. They were received 
with distinguiBhed attention by the crowned heads and 
people in their journey through Portugal, Spain, and 

1 Memoriftlfl of Japon, Haklayt Sooietj, pref aoe, ▼. ; The United States 
•od Japan, by L Nittobe, Baltimore, 1891| p. 10. 
* IfemorialB of Japon, 184. 


the various states of Italy. They were welcomed with 
all possible pomp and ceremony by the aged Pope, who 
at the close of the aodience pronounced the words o£ 
Simeon : Nunc dimittis. Throughout Catholic Europe 
their visit was accepted as the assurance that Japan 
was soon to become a Christian nation. They reached 
Nagasaki in 1590, after an absence of eight years. 
They were received in audience by the Shogun and told 
their marvelous story. It was anticipated that it would 
have a favorable effect on the government, but events 
were taking place which were to bring about other 

For forty years the Catholic missionaries were freely 
permitted to carry on their propaganda, and the native 
Christians enjoyed the same treatment by the authori- 
ties as the Buddhists. In 1587 the first indication of 
trouble with the government arose, when the Shogun 
dispatched commissioners to make investigations of 
charges brought against the Christians. These com- 
missioners reported that they were overzealous in press- 
ing their faith on the people, that they had destroyed 
national temples, insulted and ridiculed the Buddhist 
priests and assaulted their monasteries, and that Chris- 
tian traders were carrying away the natives into slavery. 
Based upon this report, the Shogun issued an edict 
expelling the priests, but exempting the traders so long 
as they observed the laws of the empire. But the order 
was not generally put into force, and the missionaries 
were able to evade it. 

^ Histoire da Japon, Charlevoix. An account of the embassy based 
upon Charlevoix will be found in S Chinese Repository, 273. 

tt jmA^mtm**sm^^mMmv*m^'i *m a -■ 


The country was filled i^^ith friars of various orders ; 
their conduct and habits were not always exemplary^ 
and they were not politic in making prominent their 
devotion to the Pope. Their claim of a superior obedi- 
ence to a foreign potentate and the visit of the Japa« 
nese embassy to Rome alarmed the imperial authorities, 
and orders were issued for a strict enforcement of the 
edict This caused a rebeUion of the native Christians^ 
which was with great difficulty suppressed. Incensed 
at these events, the Shogun issued a second edict in 
1637, expelling, not only the missionaries, but all for- 
eigners, prohibiting their entrance into the country, and 
forbidding the Japanese to go abroad. In the lan- 
guage of the Dutch historian of the period, ^^ Japan was 
shut up." By 1639 not a single Portuguese or Spaniard 
— merchant or missionary — remained in the country, 
and it was supposed that every native Christian had 
recanted or been slaughtered. Only the Dutch, not of 
the "evil sect," were permitted to remain, and they 
were confined to the little island of Deshima in the 
harbor of Nagasaki. Thenceforward for more than 
two centuries the Hberal policy of foreign intercourse 
was reversed, and only through this small Dutch factory 
did the Japanese government and people communicate 
with the outside world.^ 

Merchants of all nationalities for a century had found 

^ 1 History of Japan, Kaempfer, passim ; 3 Histoire du Japon, 
Charlevoix; Letters of William Adams. A fall discussion of the 
aeconDts of the perseeation, by Kaempfer (Protestant) and Charlevoix 
(Catholic), will be found in the preface to Memorials of Japan, already 
eited. The Mikado's Empire, by W. E. 6ri£Bs, New York, 1876, pp 



a free and open market^ and the ports of Japan had 
famished a friendly harbor for all vessels. The mar- 
ket had been not only free but very remunerative^ as 
one hundred per cent, profit was not an unusual return.^ 
The testimony of all writers of the period is that the 
Japanese in their intercourse with foreigners were dis- 
tinguished for high-bred courtesy^ combined with refined 
liberality and generous hospitality. On the other hand^ 
the merchants and mariners with whom they came in 
contact were usually of bad manners and morals, over- 
reaching, avaricious, and cruel; the missionaries were 
often arrogant, ambitious, and without proper respect 
for native customs ; and the naval and other ofi&cials of 
foreign governments were haughty, actuated by a spirit 
of aggression, and unmindful of the comity of nations. 
The history of the time shows that the policy of exclu- 
sion adopted by Japan in the seventeenth century was 
not inherent in the constitution of the state or the chai^ 
acter of the people, but that it was adopted in conse* 
quence of the unfavorable character of the relations 
with Europeans. 

It will be of interest to note the conditions under 
which the limited intercourse with the Dutch factory 
was carried on. The island of Deshima, artificially 
built in the harbor of Nagasaki, six hundred feet long 
and two hundred and forty feet wide, was surrounded 
by a high stone wall, which permitted only a distant view 
to its inmates. It was connected with the mainland by 
a stone bridge girded by Japanese police and had only 
one other outlet, the sea gate. Both of these gates were 

^ MemoriaU of Japon, p. Iy. ; Cbamberlaia*! Things Japanese, 296» 

j>i,inajiMMM**JMh*fcrf— jJSfc— JM*Mi»^B*MMi^^- " 


dosed and guarded by night. In this veritable prison 
eleven Dutchmen were permitted to reside. They were 
occasionally allowed to pass beyond its walls for exer- 
cise^ but only on written application to the governor of 
the province twenty-four hours in advance^ and then 
always accompanied by a numerous police retinue. 
Owing to the bitter hostility of the Dutch to the Gath« 
olic missionaries and merchants^ the Japanese supposed 
that the Christians worshiped two Chnsts^ and when it 
was found that both sects acknowledged the same Grod^ 
the Dutch at Deshima were prohibited from observing 
the Sabbath and were carefully to abstain from any 
manifestation of their faith. The Japanese assistants 
and servants employed by them were not permitted to 
remain on the island overnight ; and before entering 
on their duties they were obliged to sign^ with their 
blood, an oath to contract no friendship with the 
Dutch, to afford them no information, and have no 
communication with them except in their recognized 
functions. No persons except these employees and 
government officials were ever admitted to the island.^ 

Two Dutch vessels annually were permitted to come 
to the factory, but under the istrictest surveillance. The 
cargoes when landed were delivered to Japanese author- 
ities, who sold the imported merchandise, fixed the price 
on the goods to be exported, and gave in their un- 
checked accounts to the Dutch president of the fac- 
tory. The trade thus carried on was comparatively 

1 A nmilar establishment was allowed certain Chinese merchants in 
another quarter of the harbor of NagasakL For account of Chinese trader 
9 Chinese Repository, 378. 


document that they woiihl iieit. 
aiiv intercourse with the Portuo- 
the authorities of any hostile < 
which came to their knowledge. 

No direct intercourse was helc 
of the Netherlands, except thr< 
India Company at Batavia. On 1 
presents had to be given to the 
yinee ; and a visit and tribute pai< 
capital, Yedo, at first every year 
century the visit was made once 
the tribute continued to be sent 
anese nobility and higher authoi 
contempt for trade, and it was th< 
direct intercourse with the Dut< 
many of the factory presidents it 
with the language, they never cot 
authorities directly. In his inter 
dent the governor spoke to his se 
repeated his words to the interpr< 
the latter translated it to the pres 


to the Shogon was made in great state. Two other 
Dutchmen and a number of Japanese officials accom- 
panied him, and the entire retinue consisted of about 
two hundred persons. They visited on their journey 
the local princes, with whom they exchanged presents. 
On the arrival of the embassy at Yedo they were kept 
in strict confinement, and permitted to go out only on 
visits of ceremony. The audience of the Shogun was in 
the following form. When the president entered the 
hall of audience, they cried out " Holanda CajntaUy^ 
which was the signal for him to draw near and make 
his obeisance. Accordingly, he crawled on his hands 
and knees to a place indicated, between the presents he 
had brought ranged on one side and the place where 
the Shogun sat on the other ; and then, kneeling, he 
bowed his forehead quite down to the ground, and so 
crawled backwards like a crab, without uttering a sin- 
gle word. The stillness of death prevailed during the 
audience, which lasted scarcely sixty seconds. The 
Dutch chronicler's comment is: ^^So mean and short 
a thing is the audience we have of this mighty mon- 
arch." ^ Although cut off from the outside world, Jap- 
anese commerce did not languish. Kaempfer, writing 
in 1692, says that confined within the limits of their 
empire the people enjoyed the blessings of peace and 
contentment, and did not care for any commerce or 
communication with foreign parts, because such was 
the state of their country they could subsist without it. 

^ 1 Hijtory of Japan, Kaempfer. An account of the Dntch factory at 
Dethima, taken from Kaempfer and other Datch and German anthoritiesi 
will be found in 9 Chineae Bepoeitory, 291. 



^^ How much/' he remarksi '^ is carried on between the 
several provinces and parts of the empire I how busy 
and industrious the merchants are eveiywhere; how 
full their ports of ships ; how many rich and mercantile 
towns up and down the country I There are such mul- 
titudes of people along the coasts, and near the sea- 
ports, such a noise of oars and sails, and numbers of 
ships and boats ! " One of the presidents of the Dutch 
factory, in giving an account of his visit to the Shogun, 
states that there were as many as a thousand vessels in 
the bay of Yedo. 

The measures of exclusion adopted had the effect to 
deter the European nations bom further attempts at 
intercourse, either commercial or political, with Japan, 
but not so as to China. The trade of that vast empire 
was greatly coveted, and the profits which were derived 
from the limited commerce through Canton, even with 
its burdensome conditions, only whetted the appetite of 
the avaricious merchants for greater facilities. Dur- 
ing the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries repeated 
attempts were made by the governments of Portugal, 
Holland, Great Britain, and Russia, by imposing em- 
bassies sent to Peking, to secure greater trade privileges. 
The embassies of the first three governments were in- 
variably attended with failure.^ Russia, however, oc- 
cupied a different relation. She was not seeking for 
maritime intercourse. Her vessels of war did not come 
into Chinese waters to awaken alarm and commit out- 

^ As to PortDgtiese embassies, 2 Hist. China, Gatzlaff, 129, 137, 130 ; 
as to Dutch embassies, 2 Hist. ChiDa, Gntzlaff, 152, 159 ; as to earlj 
European embassies, China, by R. Montgomery Martin, London, 1847, pw 

tttt^mtmmi^ama^mm^mAmi^^mimmatt^i^mtmm- . 


rages. Her commerce had to be established over a long 
land route. Besides, Russia had become a coterminous 
neighbor of China^ and it vras necessary to establish 
some kind of poUtical relations. By 1637 the Cossacks 
had advanced across Siberia and stood on the shores of 
the Pacific at tbe Sea of Okhotsk. The Amur River 
had become a part of the boundary^ and Mongolia and 
Manchuria touched the Russian frontier. The aggres- 
sive spirit of the Czar's representatives soon brought 
them into conflict with the Chinese, resulting in a state 
of war, in which the Russians were worsted and sought 
for a peaceful adjustment. This brought about the 
treaty of Nipchu or Neverchinsk, signed in 1689 ; and 
as it was the first treaty negotiated by the emperor of 
China upon terms of equality with a European power, it 
calls for more than a passing notice. 

The negotiations took place on the frontier, and in 
the presence of the armies of both contestants. The 
Chinese plenipotentiaries were accompanied by two Cath- 
olic missionaries, who acted both as advisers and in« 
terpreters, and exercised ai^ important influence on the 
result. The negotiations were quite prolonged, each 
party indulging in very wordy discussions. The final 
scene of the signature of the treaty was enacted in a 
tent erected for the ceremony, midway between the 
two armies. The treaty was read aloud, and each party 
signed and sealed the two copies that were to be de- 
livered to the other, viz., by the Chinese, one in their 
own language, and a second in Latin ; by the Russians, 
one in their language, and a second in Latin ; but the 
Latin copies only were sealed with the seals of both 


nations. The contracting parties, as described by the 
priest Gerbillon, then ^^ rising altogether and holding 
each the copies of the treaty of peace, swore in the 
name of their masters to observe them faithfully, tak- 
ing Almighty God, the sovereign Lord of all things, to 
witness the sincerity of their intentions." The ex- 
change of copies of the treaty followed, and the parties 
embraced each other, trumpets, drums, fifes, and haut- 
boys sounding all the while. On the next day presents 
were exchanged and the plenipotentiaries separated, 
bearing their respective copies of the treaties to their 

The treaty fixed the boundaries of the two coun- 
tries, Russia agreed to withdraw from the Chinese ter- 
ritory which it had occupied for some years, free trade 
across the frontier was stipulated, and provision was 
made for ihe extradition of criminals and fugitives. 
The Chinese emperor then reigning was Kang-he, one 
of the most celebrated of the Manchu dynasty. He 
took great credit to himself for the treaty, saying of his 
reign, ^^ Since I ascended the throne I have directed 
military operations to a great extent. I have crushed 
rebels, I have taken possession of Formosa, I have 
humbled the Russians." ^ 

The exchange of ratifications of this treaty did not 
take place till four years after its signature, when Peter 
the Great sent an envoy to Peking attended by a large 

1 Description de rEmpire de la Cbine, etc., par J. B. da Hald^, 1735. 
For text of treaty, Treaties, Conventions, etc., between China and 
Foreign Courts, prepared by Inspector-General of Customs, Shanghai, 
1887, p. 3; also Archives Diplomatiqacs, Pans, t. i. p. 270; 2 Hist. 
China, Gntzlaff, 247 ; 8 Chinese Repository, 417. 


ratinne, and a year and a half were required for the 
journey.^ The treaty of 1689 did not secure satisfac- 
tory results^ and in 1719 another ambassador^ Ismailoff^ 
was sent to Peking to secure by treaty better trade facil- 
ities. When his train reached the frontier a curious 
incident occurred illustrative of an oriental peculiarity. 
Some of the Russians had brought their wives with 
tiiem. ''We have women enough at Peking/' the 
Chinese official said. Appeal was made to the emperor^ 
many weeks were lost, and at the end the women had 
to be sent back. The same exclusion was observed at 
Canton, where no European women were admitted even 
to the foreign factories until just previous to the Brit- 
ish war of 1840. A similar rule was enforced by 
the Japanese at the Dutch factory at Deshima. It is 
recorded that in the year 1817 a new president of the 
factory arrived, bringing with him his young wife and 
their new-bom babe ; and that it threw the whole town 
of Nagasaki — population, government, and all — into 
consternation. It was made the subject of a court 
council at Yedo, and the young wife was forced to re- 
turn to Holland.^ 

On his arrival at Peking, Ismailoff was notified that 
he could transact no business until after his audience 

^ From Moseow OrerlAad to China, hj £. Y. Ides, Amlwssador from 
the Ciar of Momotj, translated into English, London, 1706 ; Journal 
of Russian Emhassj Orerland to Peking, by Adam Brand, Secretary of 
the Embassy, 1696 ; 2 Hist China, Gntzlair, 24S ; 8 Chinese Repository, 


* 2 Hist China, Gntdaff, 251 ; 9 Chinese Repository, 297 ; Narmtiye 
of Voyages, A. Delano, Boston, 1817, p. 540 ; A Cycle of Cathay, by 
W. A. P. Martin, New York, 1896, p. 20. 



of the emperor, at which he mnsfc perform the obeisance 
known as the kotou or kowtow. To this he strongly 
objected; as derogatory of the dig^ty of his sovereign^ 
and protracted discussions followed, but in the end he 
was forced to yield. A detailed account of his recep- 
tion is given by Father Ripa, a Catholic missionary, 
who acted as interpreter. After describing the emperor 
and the gorgeous display with which he was sur- 
rounded, he says Count Ismailoff on entering the hall 
immediately prostrated himself before the emperor, 
holding up the Czar's letter with both hands. Hia 
majesty ^^ now thought proper to mortify him by mak- 
ing him remain some time in this particular posture. 
The proud Russian was indignant at this treatment^ 
and gave unequivocal signs of resentment by certain 
motions of his mouth and by turning his head aside, 
which, under the circumstances, was very unseemly." 
The emperor, however, soon relieved him from his em- 
barrassment, received the letter from him on his knees, 
and held some conversation with him. The narrative 
states that ^^ after the presentation of the letter the 
ambassador, attended by the master of ceremonies, 
returned to his former place in the open vestibule ; and 
behind him stood his principal attendants. When all 
^.ere marshaled, at particular signals given by the 
master of ceremonies, they all went down on their 
knees, and, after the lapse of a few minutes, bent their 
heads thrice to the ground. After this all arose upon 
their feet, then again kneeled down and prostrated 
themselves three times. In this manner they kneeled 
thrice, and performed nine prostrations." 

i^^M II I II' iif r'li'^rrf"^-- — -^ 


After all this abasement the ambassador was refused 
his treaty, but assurances were given that the caravan 
trade should be allowed^ and that his secretary might 
remain at Peking as a permanent charg^. But ob- 
stacles continued to be thrown in the way of trade by 
the Chinese authorities, and another embassy had soon 
to be sent to Peking.^ 

In 1727 a new treaty was made between the two 
empires, which reestablished the boundaries, fixed more 
accurately the trade relations, and provided for a per- 
manent ecclesiastical mission. Caravans were to be 
dispatched every three years, and six priests and four 
lay members were permitted to remain at Peking to 
learn the language, thus furnishing interpreters and 
secretaries for the Russian government. This treaty 
continued in force for more than a century, and was 
only displaced by the treaty of 1858. Under it a lim- 
ited trade was maintained, the traffic being mainly 
the exchange of furs for tea. But that was of an un- 
satisfactory character, being subject to frequent im- 
pediments on the part of the Chinese government. 
The acquisitive spirit of Russia also caused trouble 
on the border, and the Czar dispatched successive en- 
voys to Peking to negotiate in respect to these matters, 
but they were either turned back at the frontier for 
refusal to make the prostrations, or failed to effect any- 
thing at the capital. An attempt was made in 1806 to 
open a trade at Canton by Captain Krusenstern of the 

^ TniTels of John BeU of Antennonj, 1763 ; Father Ripa'a Residence 
at the Court of Peking (Extract in U. S. Foreign Relation!, 1S73, p. IdS) ; 
2 Hiat China, Qutslaff, 25a 


Russian navy, but he was ref used, the edict being ihat 
the trade of that nation should be confined to the over- 
land traffic.^ 

The commercial supremacy of Great Britain was 
becoming more pronounced throughout the world dur- 
ing the eighteenth century, and English merchants 
under the East India Company were enjoying the 
greater share of the Chinese trade allowed through 
Canton, but it was conducted under the most embar- 
rassing conditions. For this reason it was resolved 
that a special effort should be made at Peking to secure 
for British commerce freer facilities in the empire. 
Lord Macartney, governor-general of India, a noble- 
man of considerable diplomatic experience, was chosen 
as the head of an embassy, which was notable for its 
personnel and the display with which it was sought to 
impress the Chinese government and people. It was 
dispatched in a man-of-war, accompanied by two ships 
laden with merchandise for barter. The embassy dis- 
embarked at Tientsin, and ascended the Peiho in boats, 
from which the Chinese displayed flags bearing the 
words, ^^ Ambassador bearing tribute from the country 
of England." ^ As it passed overland from Tung^hau 
to Peking it presented a most striking appearance. The 
ambassador, his secretary, and other officers of his suite 
were carried in palanquins, they were followed by sixty 
carts conveying the escort of British soldiers and ser- 
vants, with a much larger train for the private baggage, 

^ For text of treaty of 1727, Treaties, Conyentlonsy etc., of Chi]ia» 
Shanghai, 1887, p. 8 ; 2 Hist China, GatzlafiP, 257-264. 
* 2 Hist. China, GutzlafF, 195 ; Staunton's Embassy, 300. 




and four hundred coolies, employed to transport the 
effects of the embassy and the presents to the emperor 
and high officials.* 

It was received with the highest marks of distinction 
by the Chinese authorities ; but when Lord Macartney 
met the emperor's representatives to ask for an audi- 
ence, he was told that he would be required to make 
the prostrations observed at all ceremonies attending the 
audience of tribute-bearers. Much time was taken up 
in the discussions on this point, but finally it was agreed 
that the ambassador should be received by the emperor 
kneeling only as he delivered the king's letter. The 
emperor was at Jehol, an imperial hunting lodge some 
distance north of the Great Wall, and thither the em- 
bassy had to wend its way. When the audience was 
over. Lord Macartney was told that the business of his 
mission would be discussed with the emperor's ministers 
on his return to Peking. But he had scarcely arrived at 
the capital when he was ordered to depart and quit the 
country. No opportunity was afforded him to dispatch 
or even to discuss the business which had brousfht him 
on this long and expensive journey, and the entire em- 
bassy had been kept constantly under close surveillance 
during its stay. The departure was effected almost with 
precipitation. The author of one of the narratives of 
the embassy writes : ^^ We entered Peking like paupers ; 
we remained in it like prisoners ; and we quitted it like 
vagrants." ^ The return journey was made overland to 
Canton, attended by high mandarins and a display of 

> Narrative of Briiiih Emboflsj, Andenon, PhUadelphia, 17d5, p. 12a 
• lb. 237. 


Chinese etiquette all along the route. It is said that the 
expenditures of the imperial government alone for the 
entertainment of the embassy amounted to $850,000.^ 

One of the principal objects of the mission was to 
obtain the privilege to trade at NingpO; Chusan, Tientsin, 
and other ports besides Canton. So far from granting 
this permission, no conference respecting it was held ; but 
the emperor, in his letter of reply to the one from the 
king of England handed him by Lord Macartney, stated 
that the trade must be confined to the port of Canton. 
He adds : ^^ You will not be able to complain that I had 
not clearly forewarned you. Let us therefore live in 
peace and friendship, and do not make light of my 
words." Notwithstanding this rebuff, the king of Eng- 
land sent return presents to the emperor in 1795, which 
were received at Canton and transferred overland to 
Peking, and it was recorded that tribute had been sent 
by the king of England to the " Son of Heaven." It is 
said that the English were henceforth registered among 
the nations who had sent tribute-bearers, and that the 
embassy was regarded by the Chinese as one of the 
most splendid testimonials of respect that a tributary 
nation had ever paid their court.^ 

The embarrassments to British trade at Canton did 
not cease ; and the English government, not discour- 
aged by the ill success of its last embassy, resolved to 
dispatch a second one, in the hope of securing the 
establishment of a permanent mission at Peking and the 

^ TniTels in China, bj John Banow, London, 1804. 

• 2 Hist. China, Gatilaff, 194 ; 1 The ChineM, Dayis, pp. 75-79 ; Hia- 
tory of China, Williams, 102 ; Letter from the Emperor of China to 
King George UL, Nineteenth Centniy, Jnlj, 1896^ p. 46. 


opening of other ports to trade. In 1815 a British 
man-of-war with two consorts arrived off Tientsin, hav- 
ing on board Lord Amherst, governor-general of India, 
an able corps of assistants, and a numerous suite. They 
were received in great state en route, and escorted to 
Peking. On his arrival there Lord Amherst was in- 
formed that he must perform the kotou. This he re- 
fused to do, pleading the precedent of Lord Macartney's 
visit, but to no purpose. The Chinese were obdurate, 
and he returned to his man-of-war, and sailed away with- 
out seeing the emperor or discussing his business with 
the imperial ministers.^ 

This ended the efforts of Great Britain to establish 
diplomatic relations with China until an accumulation 
of causes brought the two nations into armed conflict, 
and marked the first step in the forcible opening of the 
great empire to intercourse with the outside world. It 
was the aggressive spirit and the violent conduct of the 
European nations which led the Chinese to close their 
ports against foreign commerce, and, after two centuries 
of seclusion, it was a like influence of aggression and 
violence on the part of the same nations which was des- 
tined to compel the Chinese to reverse their policy and 
again to open their ports to the world. The first act 
of the drama was played before the United States had 
an existence. It will be our task to study the part 
which the young republic has taken in the second act. 

1 Joomal of EmbMsy to China, by Henry Ellii, London, 1817 ; 2 Hist 
China, Gutslaff, 207 ; 1 The Chinese, Dayis, 06. 


amebioa's first iktebooubsb 

The two most important factors in bringing the 
United States into contact with the countries of the 
Orient have been commerce and Christian missions. 
The influence of the latter will receive attention in a 
subsequent chapter. The extension of American com- 
merce into the Pacific Ocean was obstructed by the 
policy of exclusion which had been in operation for two 
centuries, and in the few ports where foreign intercourse 
was tolerated it was conducted under very adverse condir 
tions. The cause of this state of afiEairs has been indi- 
cated in the preceding chapter, so far as China and Japan 
were concerned. Much the same conditions existed in 
the other countries, brought about by similar causes. 

Several of the Eiuropean nations had taken possession 
by force of various islands in that ocean, occupied by 
many millions of people, and had effected permanent 
lodgment on the continent in India and the Malay 
Peninsula. From these places it was possible to estab- 
lish a large trade with the enormous population of Asia ; 
but at the date of the independence of the United 
States and for many years thereafter the European gov- 
ernments sought to reserve the trade of their colonies 
und dependencies to themselves. Hence it was a serious 
Undertaking for a new nation, with a novel form of 


gOYemment and undeveloped resources, to enter into 
competition for its share of the commerce of the islands 
in and the countries bordering on the great ocean. But 
the hardy American mariners, who had been trained in 
the fisheries and the colonial trade, and had had their 
courage tested in the Revolutionary War by a contest 
with the greatest maritime power of the world, entered 
upon this competition with a spirit of enterprise rarely 

In the first year after the treaty of peace and inde- 
pendence with Grreat Britain was signed, on the 30th 
of August, 1784:, the American ship The Empress 
of China, of New York, commanded by Captain John 
Green, with Samuel Shaw as supercargo, bore the flag 
of the United States for the first time into the port of 
Canton, China. The record of the voyage and the 
reception of the vessel in China, as found in the pub- 
lished narrative and the report made to the govern- 
ment is full of interest. In a letter to the Secretary 
of State, transmitted to the Continental Congress, the 
supercargo communicates, '^ for the information of the 
fathers of the country," an account of ^Uhe respect 
with which their flag has been treated in that distant 
r^on, . . . and the attention of the Chinese attracted 
toward a people of whom they have hitherto had but 
very confused ideas ; and which seemed to place the 
Americans in a more conspicuous point of view than 
has commonly attended the introduction of other na- 
tions into that ancient and extensive empire." ^ 

> Samael Sbaw'i Joarnal, with Memoir by Josiah Quincy, 1847 ; Report to 
Seesetary Jajr,3 Diplomatic Correspondence of the U. S. 1783-1789, p. 76L 


Nothing eventful occurred on the outward voyage till 
they met; in the Straits of Sunda, two French men-of- 
war, also bound for Canton, whose commander greeted 
them in the most affectionate manneri and under the 
convoy of ^^ our good allies " the vessel safely traversed 
the unknown Chinese seas.^ On its arrival at Macao 
and Canton the vessel was welcomed by salutes from 
the ships of all nations in those ports and by visits from 
the officers and the chiefs of all the European establish- 
ments, and ^^ treated by them in all respects as a free 
and independent nation." The letter says : ^^ The Chi- 
nese were very indulgent toward us, though our being 
the first American ship that had ever visited China, it 
was some time before they could fully comprehend the 
distinction between Englishmen and us. They styled 
us the new people ; and when by the map we conveyed 
to them an idea of the extent of our country, with its 
present and increasing population, they were highly 
pleased at the prospect of so considerable a market for 
the productions of theirs." It concludes : " To every 
lover of his country, as well as to those more immedi- 
ately concerned in commerce, it must be a pleasing 
reflection that a communication is thus happily opened 
between us and the eastern extreme of the globe." 

Other vessels followed this venture into Chinese waters, 
and within a few years they were successfully sharing 

^ The attentioiiB of the French commodore were brought to the notice 
of the Continental Congress hj Secretary Jay, and Mr. Jefferson, the 
minister in Paris, was instructed to oonyey the thanks of Congress to the 
French government for the yaluable serrices of its nary. 3 Diplomatio 
Correspondence, 1783-1789, p. 767. 



in the traffic. Gutzlaff, the German historian, writing 
of this period, says, ^^ the Americans ploughed the wide 
ocean in every direction. The high principles they 
cherish, the excellent constitution under which they live, 
the industrious spirit which pervades the whole nation, 
imparted vigor and perseverance to the American mer- 
chant/' ^ As evidence of their daring, he cites the ship 
Alliance which sailed from Philadelphia in 1788. She 
was not furnished with any charts on board, but made 
her voyage to China solely with the assistance of a 
general map of the world, and never let go an anchor 
from the time she left Philadelphia till she reached 
Canton. Captain Erusenstem, of the Russian navy, 
who, under orders of Alexander I,, made a voyage 
around the world in 1803 and spent much time in the 
North Pacific, speaks in high praise of the early Amer- 
ican mariners and merchants. ^^The spirit of com- 
merce," he says, ^^ is perhaps nowhere greater than in 
America. Being skillful seamen, they man their ships 
with a smaller crew, in which respect it appears almost 
impossible to excel them. Their vessels are, besides, so 
admirably constructed that they sail better than many 
ships of war. . • • The Americans avail themselves 
quickly of every advantage that is offered them in 
trade." ^ As indicating the state of interconmiunieation 
before the era of steam we note his statement of what 
was regarded as a remarkable evidence of speed and 
skill in navigation, that he met American captains in 

1 2 Hist China, Gatzlaff, 266. 

* 2 Voyage Roand the World, under Capt. A. J. Ton Krusenstenit 
tianflation, London, 1813, p, 832. 


Canton who had made the voyage from thence to the 
United States and return in ten months. 

At the time under consideration our vesseb in the 
China trade did not always pursue a direct course b^ 
tween the home port and Canton. Not infrequently 
they took on cargo and cleared for the east coast of 
Africa, the Persian Gulf, the British or Portuguese 
stations in India, or the Dutoh East Indies, where they 
bartered American goods for articles of those countries 
wanted in China, and reaching Canton, received in 
exchange teas, silks, and porcelains. In such voyages 
they were often exposed to danger from savage tribes 
or the pirates who infested the Pacific seas. The ves- 
sels engaged in this trade carried quite a formidable 
armament of cannon and small arms. Delano, who was 
one of the earliest voyagers to the Pacific, gives an 
account of the construction of a ship in Boston in 
1789, the Massachusetts, ^^ built expressly for the Canton 
trade." He says : " Our ship was pierced for thirty-six 
guns, but our armament was twenty six-pounders and 
musketry." He describes the outfitting of other vessels 
destined for Canton after a sealing voyage : " The Per- 
severance mounted twelve six-pound cannon, and the 
Pilgrim mounted six guns, from nine-pound carronades 
to four-poimd fortified cannon, having all parts of their 
armament fitted in the best manner to correspond with 
their number of guns." ^ 

An enterprise which largely interested the early Amer- 

1 47 North American Review, 414 ; Shaw's Reports, 3 Dip. Cor. 774» 
777, 778 ; A Narrative of Voyages, etc., bj A. Delano, Boston, 1817, pp. 
21, 25, 33, 420 ; Harper's Magazine, October, 1898, p. 739. 


ican traders was the China fur trade. Before their 
advent into these waters, the Chinese supply of f urs, 
which were greatly in demand in that country, came 
through Europe. The Americans later almost entirely 
monopolized the fur trade. Their practice was to clear 
for the South Seas, where at that period the fur seals 
greatly abounded, slaughter the animals, load their ves- 
sels with the skins, take' them to Canton and exchange 
them for tea and other Chinese commodities, which were 
carried to the United States and Europe. The other 
source of supply of sealskins was in the North Pacific. 
The Russians had for many years a monopoly of that 
supply, but not being permitted to trade at Canton they 
were forced to carry the furs overland, via Siberia, to 
Kiakhta, and thence to Chinese markets. Within a 
few years after independence the American vessels were 
largely engaged in the traffic in seal and otter skins 
and other furs from the northwest coast of America to 
Canton, and it proved most profitable. The statistics 
of Canton show that in 1800 the American vessels 
engaged in the fur trade, in addition to large importa- 
tions of otter and other furs, brought 325,000 seal- 
skins; in 1801 the import of sealskins was 427,000; 
in 1802, 343,000 ; and it is stated that the tonnage 
employed in procuring skins for these periods was nearly 
one half of the whole tonnage in the China trade.^ 

On the return from Canton of the pioneer vessel, a 
report of her voyage was made to John Jay, then secre- 

1 A Statistical View, etc., of the United States, by Thomas Pitkin, New 
York, 1817, p. 249, and Appendix yii. ; 3 Chinese Repository, 657 ; 
Delano's Voyages, 906. 


taiy for foreign affairs of the Continental Cong^resS; by 
Major Samuel Shaw, supercargo of the Empress of 
China, as already stated. Secretary Jay transmitted 
this report to Congress, and on June 23, 1785, he 
informed Major Shaw ^'that Congress feel a peculiar 
satisfaction in the successful issue of this first effort of 
the citizens of America to establish a direct trade with 
China, which does so much to honor its undertakers and 
conductors." Under date of January 20, 1786, Secre- 
tary Jay called the attention of Congress to the fact 
that American merchants were beginning to turn to the 
China and India trade, and that in the course of that 
year several vessels would probably be engaged in it, 
and he submitted to the consideration of Congress the 
propriety of appointing a consul and vice consul general 
for Canton and other ports in Asia. 

Prompt and favorable action on this recommendation 
was taken by Congress, in the election of Major Shaw 
as consul at Canton on Januaiy 27, and on the 30th of 
the same month Secretary Jay transmitted to him his 
commission. In his letter of transmittal he says, 
^^ Although neither salary nor perquisites are annexed 
to it, yet so distinguished a mark of the confidence and 
esteem of the United States will naturally give you a 
degree of weight and respectabiUty which the highest 
personal merit cannot very soon obtain for a stranger 
in a foreign country." ^ The appointee was a man 
worthy of the honor. He had served with the rank of 
major of artillery on the staff of General Knox during 
the Revolutionary War, and was held in high esteem 

3 Dip. Cor. 766» 769 ; 3 Secret Journals of Congress, 605. 



by the general and his brother officers. After the war 
he visited India and China, and on his return from that 
voyage entered the War Department, under General 
Knox, as a clerk, and was holding that position when 
appointed consul at Canton. Captain Delano, who 
knew him well both at home and in China, writes: 
^' He was a man of fine talents and considerable cultiva- 
tion ; he placed so high a value upon the sentiments of 
honor that some of his friends thought it was carried 
to excess. He was candid, just, and generous, failMul 
to his friendships, an agreeable companion, and manly 
in all his intercourse." ^ 

Consul Shaw's first report, December 31, 1786, gives 
an account of the manner of conducting the trade at 
Canton. From it and from contemporaneous sources 
thefoUowing facts are obtained. Vessels arriving in 
Chinese waters to trade were required first to report at 
Macao, a Portuguese establishment, located on a penin- 
aula near the mouth of the river on which Canton is 
situated. The Portuguese in the middle of the six- 
teenth century secured the privilege of occupying the 
point of land, and built up a considerable settlement 
there with the right to control their own local affairs, 
under the supervision of a resident Chinese official. 
They were, however, not permitted to exercise sover- 
eignty over the territory, and were required to pay an- 
nually a ground-rent to the Chinese government. For- 
eign vessels, upon reporting to the native authorities 
at Macao, were granted permits to ascend the river to 
Whampoa, fourteen miles below Canton, where all of 

^ Delano's Voyages, 21. 


them were moored. At this point the supercargoes made 
the necessary arrangements with the customs officials for 
disposing of their cargoes, the first step being to pro- 
cure ^fiador, a person to become surety for the pay- 
ment of the government duties and fees. This person 
was a licensed Chinese merchant. It was also neces- 
sary to secure a linguist^ a Chinese, who acted as 
ship's broker and interpreter in all transactions with 
the custom-house, which was in the city where no for- 
eigners were admitted, and he attended to the discharge 
and transportation of the cargo to Canton. 

The trade or bartering of the merchandise brought 
by the ships was conducted by the co-hong , which con- 
sisted of a body of from ten to thirteen Chinese, called 
the hong merchants. These men ranked among the 
most wealthy and respectable inhabitants of Canton ; 
they paid largely for the privilege of entering the co- 
hong, and when admitted became permanent members 
of it ; they had extensive establishments and numerous 
and convenient warehouses ; and the co-hong was made 
the medium of all communication o£ the authorities of 
Canton and the imperial government with the foreign 
merchants and other foreigners. The cargoes were un- 
loaded at Whampoa into Chinese boats and taken to 
the landing outside the walls of Canton. Here the 
merchandise was transferred to the hong merchants, 
who agreed on the prices at which they would pur* 
chase, and fixed those of their own goods in return. 

Notwithstanding the great power and advantage con- 
ferred upon the co-hong by this system. Consul Shaw 
reports to the Secretary of State that they ^^ are a set 


of as re^>ectable men as are commonly found in other 
ports of the world. They are intelligent, exact account- 
ants, punctual to their engagements, and, though not 
worse for being well looked after, value themselves 
much upon maintaining a fair character. The concur- 
rent testimony of all the Europeans justifies this re- 
mark." Forty years later a well-known citizen of the 
United States, a junior partner in an American house 
at Canton in 1834, John M. Forbes, of Boston, spoke 
in the highest terms of the strict honor of the Chinese 
merchants, and said, '^ I never saw in any country such 
a high average of fair dealing as there.'' 

Among other requirements of the trade was the em- 
plojrment by every ship of a comprador ^ a person who 
furnished the provisions, supplies, and other necessities, 
which must all come through him, and at prices fixed 
by him, which was a source of much imposition. While 
the hong merchants maintained a high reputation, the 
small dealers were reported to be crafty and dishonest, 
and the trade was greatly embarrassed by the prevail- 
ing bribery and smuggling. The regular salary of the 
hoppOj or collector of customs, was about $4000 per 
annum, though his income was reported to be not less 
than $100,000. 

In the time of Consul Shaw and for many years 
thereafter no foreigner was allowed to remain on Chi- 
nese territory at or in the vicinity of Canton, but as 
soon as the exchange of commodities was over and the 
vessels ready to sail on their return voyage, the foreign 
merchants, supercargoes, and agents had to go to Macao 
and remain there for the rest of the year or till another 


vessel arrived. Consal Shaw says that ^^ on the whole, 
the situation of the Europeans is not enviable, • . . and 
it must be allowed that they dearly earn their money." ^ 
The American commerce with Canton, the only port 
in China with which any trade was permitted, soon asr 
sumed considerable proportions. The second year after 
the first vessel reached Canton, 1786, five American 
merchant ships arrived in port, and three years later, 
1789, fif teen, which made the trade of the United States 
second only to that of Great Britain. In 1800 twenty^ 
three American vessels visited Canton, and the value of 
their export cargoes was $2,500,000; and in 1801 
thirty-four vessels with exports valued at $3,700,000. 
For the year 1805, the exports to the United States 
from Canton amounted to $5,300,000, and the imports 
to $5,100,000, and for the four years ending with 1807, 
the exports averaged annually $4,200,000, and the im- 
ports $4,100,000, and the average arrival of vessels 
was thirty-six.^ The entire commerce of the United 
States at that period was comparatively small, and the 
trade with China constituted a very considerable part 
of it, and was relatively much greater then than at the 
present day; but the foregoing figures may give a 
somewhat exaggerated idea of the aggregate trade. 
No statistics are available in the Treasury Department 

1 3 Dip. Cor. 781 ; 1 The Chinese, Dayis, 34 ; 2 Chinese Repository, 
301, 302 ; 1 Letters and Recollections of John M. Forbes, Boston, 1899, . 
p. 86 ; 2 Remarks on China and the Chinese Trade, by R. B. Forbes, 
Boston, 1844. For account of Macao, An Historical Sketch of the Por- 
tuguese Settlements in China, by A. L. Jungstedt, Boston, 1836. 

* Statistical View of U. S., Pitkin, 246 ; 2 Hist. China, GutzlafF, 270, 
and tables of appendix ; 2 Chinese Repository, 300. 


of the commerce with China before 1821^ and the fore- 
going figures are taken from the returns of the Canton 
custom-house. But we have seen that American ves- 
sels were at that early period engaged in an indirect 
trade^ and in addition it is known that they were also 
carrying on a considerable traffic from Canton with 
Mexico^ Peru^ and Chili ; but if the large amount of 
smuggled goods is estimated^ which do not appear in 
the returns, the relative proportions will not be mate- 
riaUy changed. One reason for ike enterprise and snc 
cess of the American trade in the East may be found 
in its entire freedom from governmental restraint, while 
that of the European countries was controlled by the 
monopolies of the various East India companies. 

It is difficult to arrive at any accurate estimate of the 
profits of the Chinese trade, but a reading of the narra- 
tives of early voyages and of other contemporaneous ac- 
counts shows that it was usually large and that it was 
highly prized. Consul Shaw states that the privilege 
of private trade was allowed to English captains in the 
East India Company's service, and that in a vessel of 
eight hundred or one thousand tons this privilege was 
worth from $25,000 to $35,000 per voyage. Captain 
Krusenstem mentions in his voyages meeting in Can- 
ton an American vessel of less than one hundred tons 
which in a single voyage from the northwest coast of 
America, with a cargo of furs, realized $60,000 on an 
investment of $9000. Other voyages are given where 
a capital of $40,000 yielded a return of $150,000; and 
one of $50,000 gave a gross return of $284,000. The 
merchants of the New England ports in the early part of 


the last century reaped a rich harvest from this traffic 
In Boston alone the foundation of large fortunes was 
laid in the Canton trade. A list of the names of its 
merchants having houses in that place will indicate 
tbis^ among whom are found the well-known names of 
Perkins^ Cabot, Sturgis, Forbes, Russell, Gushing, and 

The attention of the first Congress of the United 
States assembled under the Constitution of 1787 was 
called to the importance of affording encouragement 
and protection to American commerce with China, and 
the second act passed by that body imposed a discrimi- 
nating duty on tea and other goods imported in vessels 
other than those owned by American citizens. The in- 
terest of our merchants in that trade is also shown by 
petitions to Congress from New York, Philadelphia, and 
other cities, 'Spraying the protection and encourage- 
ment of the general government, either by prohibiting 
foreigners from interfering in the trade, or making a 
greater distinction than now exists between the duties 
imposed upon goods imported immediately from Asia 
and those brought by the way of Europe." 

Consul Shaw died in 1794, while en route to the 
United States on a visit, and was buried at sea off the 
Cape of Good Hope. He was succeeded by Samuel 
Snow. The business which seemed most to occupy the 
latter's attention, judging from the consular records in 
the Department of State, was obtaining the permission 

^ 3 Dip. Cor. 781 ; 25 N. A. Rev. 458, 464 ; Stargis*s Northwest For 
Trade, Hunt's Mag. xiv. 536, 537 ; Hist. Northwest Coast, Baociofti 
873) 376 ; 1 Forhes's Recollections, chaps. 3 and 4. 


of the Portuguese government for him to reside at 
Macao. As stated, all foreigners were prohibited from 
remaining at Canton, none could reside at Macao with- 
out the express permission of the Portuguese govern- 
ment, and it was necessary that it should be secured for 
the consul upon the application of the Secretary of State. 
It does not appear that the permit was ever received, but 
he continued his residence on sufferance.^ 

Edward Carrington was consular agent in 1804:, and 
for several years his chief occupation seems to have 
been to put forth ineffectual efforts to obtain the 
release of sailors taken from American ships in the 
ports of Macao and Canton by British warships and 
impressed into the naval service, a state of affairs, he 
remarks, ^^ so humiliating to every friend of his coun- 
try." It appears that the far-away waters of China 
were no more exempt than those of the Atlantic from 
the high-handed violence and disregard of maritime 
rights by Great Britain which brought on the war of 
1812.^ And the effects of this war were likewise felt 
on the coast of China. The American trade was nearly 
suspended, only an average of six vessels arriving annu- 
ally during the war. The consul reports the exchange 
of prisoners in the port of Macao between an Ameri- 
can '' private armed vessel " and a British warship, and 
at another time of the release by the commander of 
the Doris, and the receipt given by the consul, of the 

^ 1 U. 8. Statutes at Large, du^. 2, p. 25 ; Annali of Congress, 1791-3^ 
pp. 427, 431 ; Consular Archives, Department of State, 1802-3. 

* Consular Archives, 1801-e ; H. £x. Doo. 71, p. 4, 26th Cong. 2d Sess.; 
Delano^s Voyages, 530. 


passengers and crew of a Boston vessel, ^^altho/' he 
writes the department, ^^ I did not consider them prison- 
ers of war, they having been taken under the Chinese 
flag and in neutral waters." 

This action of the Doris, in cruising off the port of 
Canton and seizing American ships in Chinese waters, 
gave great offense to the local authorities, who ordered 
the man-of-war to leave, saying that if the English and 
Americans '^ had any petty squabbles," they must settle 
them between themselves and not bring them to China. 
Upon a refusal of the Doris to depart, all trade with 
the British merchants was temporarily suspended. The 
American consul not only complained of the bad con- 
duct of the conimander of the Doris, but he reports 
that it was ^^ equaled by the pusillanimous conduct of 
the governor of Macao," who allowed that port to be 
made a base of operations for the British to prey upon 
American commerce.' 

After the war was over the commerce soon revived, 
and nothing occurred to disturb it until the event in 
1821 known as the ^'Terranova affair/' which attracted 
general attention on the part of foreigners. An Ital- 
ian sailor of the crew of an American vessel anchored in 
the river dropped or threw an earthen jar overboard, by 
which a Chinese woman in a boat was killed. It was 
contended that the deed was accidental. The authori- 
ties demanded his surrender for trial. The captain of 
the vessel stoutly refused to deliver him, but agreed to 
his trial by the authorities on the ship, in order to insure 

^ 1 The Chinese, Dsvifl, 93 ; Williams's Hist. China, 105 ; Consular Ar- 
chives, 1812-15. 


a fair decision. The ship was invaded and surrounded 
by Chinese forces^ and there was no alternative but his 
surrender. It was followed by the mockery of a trial, 
he was executed, and his body was returned to the ship. 
While the dispute was pending the American trade was 
suspended. After the execution, the viceroy of Canton 
issued an edict, saying that as the Americans had ^^ be- 
haved submissively, it is proper to open their trade 
in order to manifest our compassion. The Celestial 
Empire's kindness and favor to the weak is rich in an 
infinite degree ; but the nation's dignity sternly com- 
mands respect, and cannot, because people are foreigners, 
extend clemency. • . . Now it is written in the law 
when persons outside the pale of Chinese civilization 
shall commit crimes they too shall be punished accord- 
ing to law. I, therefore, ordered them to take the said 
foreigner and, according to law, strangle him, to dis- 
play luminously the laws of the Empire. In every sim- 
ilar case foreigners ought to give up murderers, and 
thus they will act becoming the tenderness and gra- 
cious kindness with which the Celestial Empire treats 
them." The government of the United States was 
severely criticised for taking no action in the matter.^ 

After this event American affairs at Canton passed on 
without occurrences of moment, the trade being main- 
tained with satisfactory results. In the course of time 
the Chinese relaxed somewhat the strictness of the reg- 
ulations. In the narratives between 1830 and 1840 
we find that foreign merchants had been permitted to 

1 1 The Cbineie, DaTii, 105 ; Williams's Hist. Chiiia» 108 ; 2 Hiai 
ddiia, Gntxlaff, 267; H. Ex. Doo. 71, pp. 9-^2, 26th Gong. 2d Sess. 



establish themselves on the bank of the river just out- 
side of the walls of Canton, and occupied substantial 
and commodious establishments of brick or g^ranite, and 
the settlement was assuming a permanent foreign char- 
acter, with churches, newspapers and other adjuncts. 
In 1832, when the port was visited by Mr. Roberts, the 
American envoy en route to negotiate treaties with Siam 
and Muscat, he reports, besides the East India Company's 
establishment, nine British mercantile houses, seven 
American, one French, and one Dutch ; and one British 
and one American hotel. The style of living was quite 
luxurious, with an abundance of servants, but there was 
said to be lacking one essential element to make domes- 
tic enjoyment complete — the Chinese forbade the pre* 
sence of foreign women. This prohibition, however, was 
removed soon after that date. The Chinese plenipo- 
tentiaries who negotiated the first treaty with Great 
Britain gave the emperor the following reason for this 
concession : '^ The barbarians are influenced by their 
women, and governed by natural affection. The pre- 
sence of females at the ports would therefore soften 
their natures, and give us less anxiety as to outbreaks. 
If they are settled at our ports with all that is dear to 
them, and with storehouses full of goods, they will be 
in our power and prove more manageable." ^ 

Notwithstanding the somewhat improved condition 
of the trade just indicated, the Americans, in common 
with all foreigners, labored under many embarrassments. 

^ Embnsflv to Eastern Courts, by Edmand Roberts, New York, 1837, 
p. 130 ; 5 Chinese Repository, 426 ; 1 China during the War, etc, by Sir 
John F. Davis, London, 1852, p. 300 ; Delano's Voyages, 640. 



Bribery and smuggling were conducted with the con- 
nivance of the authorities. No direct means were 
afforded the foreigners to communicate directly with 
the local or imperial authorities for redress of their 
grievances, as all intercourse with them was conducted 
through the hong merchants. The consuls were not 
recognized in any way by the authorities, nor were 
they even allowed to communicate with them. They 
affected to despise trade as unworthy of their exalted 
station. The consuls were looked upon as the mere 
chi^s of the mercantile houses, and possessed no power 
or jurisdiction over their citizens or subjects frequent- 
ing the ports other than such as the latter chose to 
concede to them. As late as 1839 the consul at 
Canton, in writing to the Secretary of State, called 
attention to some humiliating demands of the author- 
ities sought to be required of him in the form of his 
correspondence, and says : ^^ These trifles seem to show 
their determination never to permit a foreign nation to 
presume on an equaUiy with their own." The arbitrary 
course frequently taken by the authorities of Canton 
against foreign shipping and merchants is explained by 
the fundamental maxims of Chinese intercourse with 
foreigners, some of which are as follows : " The bar- 
barians are like beasts, and not to be ruled on the same 
principles as natives. Were any one to attempt con- 
trolling them by the great maxims of reaso^, it would 
tend to nothing but confusion. The ancient kings 
well imderstood this, and accordingly ruled barbarians 
with misrule.'* The term ^^ barbarian " was the usual 
epithet applied to all foreigners, much in the same 


spirit in which the term was iised by tihe andent Greeks 
as including all who were outside of their civilization 
and culture. For instance^ in an official report of a 
customs employee of Canton we find such expressions 
as the following : ^^ The barbarian Marks, [a merchant] 
residing in the English devil factoiy; • . . the bar- 
barian Just^ residing in the French devil factory/' 
Twenty years later Lord Elgin, backed by a British 
fleet and army, in a dispatch informing his govern- 
ment that he had made the Chinese retract the word 
^^ barbarian '' in an imperial decree, candidly says : '* I 
confess that I very much doubt whether they have any 
other term which conveys to the Chinese population the 
idea of a foreigner." * 

We have seen that the British and other European 
governments had made vain efforts, by imposing em- 
bassies sent to Peking, to establish political intercourse 
and secure greater facilities for trade. The govern- 
ment of the United States occupied a more favorable 
position with the Chinese authorities than those of 
Europe because of the fact that its intercourse had 
been marked by no violence or offensive disregard of 
the imperial policy or regulations, and that it had man- 
ifested no disposition to despoil the nations of the 
Pacific of their territory. But the Chinese government 
had shown such a deep-rooted prejudice against for- 
eigners and so determined a policy of exclusion that it 
seemed useless for the United States to attempt to open 

1 CoDftular Arohives, 1839 ; 1 The Chinese, Davis, 68 ; N. A. Review, 
1860, p. 163. As to American consols and their status, 5 Chinese Re- 
pository, 219 ; 6 lb. 103. 

':ii' r" — >^- -*-— -^- — MLj -f. .1 _■. - -■ 


up political relations, notwithstanding the great neces- 
sity felt by American merchants for better protection 
and freer commerce. But the trade with the Pacific 
countries had become so important and profitable, and 
was in such an unprotected condition, that the govern- 
ment found itself impelled to the adoption of measures 
for the improvement of its commercial relations with 
these coimtries. 

The exposed condition of this commerce attracted 
general attention because of the murder of the crew 
and the plundering of the ship Friendship, of Salem, 
Mass., in 1831, by the natives of Sumatra. The melan- 
choly event was twice referred to by President Jackson 
in messages to Congress, and was the immediate cause 
of the dispatch of a special agent by the government, 
with two naval vessels, ^^ for the purpose of examining, 
in the Indian Ocean, the means of extending the com- 
merce of the United States by commercial arrange- 
ments with the Powers whose dominions border on 
these seas.*' ^ Edmund Roberts, of New Hampshire, a 
large ship-owner, who had spent much time abroad 
engaged in mercantile pursuits, and who had visited 
the Eastern countries and become acquainted with the 
condition of affairs in that distant region, had, through 
Senator Woodbury, of his State, previously urged upon 
the government the propriety and timeliness of mea- 
sures for the enlargement and better protection of 
American commerce in the Pacific. The President was 
to action by the unfortunate disaster to the 

^ 2 Messages and Papers of the Presidents, by J. D. Richardson, Wasb- 
ingtoD, 1896, pp. 551, 596 ; Treaties of tbe U. S., 1887, p. 1380. 


Friendship, and Mr. Boberts was selected and dis- 
patched on his mission in the United States ship Pea* 
cock, accompanied by a naval schooner, in 1832. Trade 
had already been established with Siam and Muscat, 
but was conducted under embarrassing conditions. As 
early as the middle of the seventeenth century a liberal 
monarch of Siam had entered into relations with the 
English, Dutch, and French. Louis XIY. of France 
had sent imposing embassies to Siam and negotiated 
with the king treaties of amity and commerce ; ^ and 
when the United States attained independence its ad- 
venturous seamen profited by this established commer* 
cial intercourse, but the trade was subject to pecuniary 
extortions and vexatious impositions. It was deter* 
mined that the first efforts towards treaty negotiations 
should be with Muscat, Siam, and possibly Annam, 
leaving China and Japan to a later and more propitious 

Clothed with full powers to negotiate treaties and 
bearing autograph letters from the President of the 
United States to the sovereigns of the countries named, 
Mr. Roberts passed the Cape of Good Hope and sailed 
first for Manila and Canton, and thence to the countries 
to which he was accredited. Upon his return to the 
United States he writes that the unprotected state of 
the trade from the Cape to the eastern coast of Japan 
was painfully impressed upon him. Not a single man- 
of-war was seen waving the national flag over its exten- 
sive commerce in that wide region ; the merchantmen 

^ Relations de la France et da Royanme de Sianii Lanier, Ye 


were totally unprotected. He cites the fact that in a 
single year one hundred and one American ships visited 
the ports of Java^ and he looked hopefully forward to 
the time when the hardy sons of the ocean^ while filling 
the coffers of their country, might enjoy the protection 
of their country's flag. 

The treatment of the Peacock on the arrival of Mr. 
Roberts at Canton illustrates the spirit of the authori- 
ties at that single commercial port of China. As soon 
as the imperial commissioner was informed of her 
arrival off the port, he issued an edict, in which he 
stated that ^' having ascertained that the said cruiser is 
not a merchant-ship, nor a convoy, and that she has on 
board an unusual number of seamen, cannon, and 
weapons, she is not allowed, under any pretext, to 
anchor, and create disturbances. Wherefore, Let her he 
driven away. And let the hong merchants, on receiv- 
ing this order, act in obedience thereto, and enjoin it 
upon the said nation's tae-pan [captain] that he order 
and compel the said ship to depart and return home. 
He is not allowed to frame excuses, linger about, and 
create disturbances, and so involve offenses, that would 
be examined into and punished. Let the day fixed for 
her departure be reported. Haste ! Haste ! A special 
order." Mr. Roberts states that no notice was taken 
of this edict, and the ship remained for six weeks after 
it was issued. The inefficiency of the Chinese navy at 
that time was such that, he says, the Peacock alone 
eonld have destroyed the whole ^' imperial fleet," and 
have passed up to Canton and back with a leading 
wind, without receiving any material injury from the 


f orts^ as their guns were finnly imbedded in stone and 
mortar, and coidd only be fired in one direction.^ 

From Canton Mr. Roberts sailed to a port of Annam 
or Cochin-China, in order to communicate with the seat 
of government at Hue. He was met at the coast by 
officials of the government, and frequent parleys and 
correspondence ensued^ which resulted in &ilure. Mr. 
Roberts records the spirit of these as follows : ^^ The 
insulting formalities required as preliminaries to the 
treaty by the ministers from the capital of Cochin-China 
left me no alternative, save that of terminating a pro* 
tracted correspondence, sing^ularly marked from its 
commencement to its termination by dupUcity and pre- 
varication in the official servants of the emperor." The 
first obstacle encountered was in the effort to secure the 
transmission of a copy of President Jackson's . letter to 
the emperor. The officials stated that ^' the President, 
being elected and promoted by the people, and not pos- 
sessing the actual title of king, it behooved him to write 
in a manner properly decorous and respectful ; on which 
account it was requisite for the translation to be exam- 
ined in order to expunge improper words." They also 
insisted upon seeing the original letter, which was sealed. 
Mr. Roberts refused to comply with these demands, the 
negotiation was broken off, and he sailed away. 

During the conferences the officials raised some ques- 
tion as to the right of Mr. Roberts to communicate 
with the minister of state, because of his lower rank. 
When they asked him what were his titles, he replied 
that there was no order of nobility in the United States. 

> Roberts's Embassj, 431. 



They insisted, however, that a person who held such an 
important position under his government as he must 
have titles, and they were desirous to know them in 
order to ascertain if they were equal in number to those 
of the minister of state. Mr. Roberts concluded to 
humor them. The principal deputy, having prepared 
his Chinese pencil and a half sheet of paper, sat down 
to write. Mr. Roberts remarked that it would require 
a whole sheet, which surprised them, as their minister's 
titles would not require a half sheet. He thus began : 
Edmund Roberts, a special envoy from the United 
States, and a citizen of Portsmouth, in the State of New 
Hampshire. He then proceeded to add to his titles the 
names of all the counties in the State. The scribe's 
paper was full, but it had taken much time owing to the 
difficulty of translating the names into Chinese, and 
many counties yet remained. It was his purpose, when 
the list of counties was exhausted, to proceed with the 
names of the towns, mountains, rivers, and lakes of New 
Hampshire. Fresh paper was obtained, but the official 
said that the list already exceeded the titles of the 
highest person in the empire. The scribe looked weary, 
and, as the ship was rolling, he complained of a head- 
ache. Further record of the titles was postponed till 
the next day, and no more objection was made on the 
score of the American envoy's rank.^ 

Mr. Roberts met with a more favorable reception in 
Siam, where a fair degree of liberality towards foreign- 
ers had prevailed for two centuries. Within twenty- 
two days all the formalities of reception, giving of 

* Roberta's Embassy, chap. ziiL 


presents^ and exchange of visits required by the oriental 
customs had been complied with, and a trealy of amity 
and commerce signed. The trealy bears the date of 
March 20, 1833, and is the first diplomatic instrument 
ever executed by the United States with a ruling power 
of Asia. The preamble to the treaty states that ^' one 
original is written in Siamese, the other in English ; but 
as the Siamese are ignorant of English and the Ameri- 
cans of Siamese, a Portuguese and a Chinese translation 
are annexed, to serve as a testimony to the contents of 
the treaty. It is signed on the one part with the name 
of the Chan Phaya-Phra-klang, and sealed with the 
seal of the lotus flower (of glass); on the other part 
it is signed with the name of Edmund Roberts, and 
sealed with a seal containing an eagle and stars." ^ 

By the terms of the treaty the obstacles to trade and 
impositions upon it were in great measure removed, a 
barbarous penalty as to debts was abolished, fixed cus- 
toms and port charges were agreed upon, and the gen- 
eral results of it were to place American commerce with 
the country upon a more friendly footing. The pre- 
sents for the king on signing the treaty consisted of 
silks, elegant watches set in pearls, and silver filigree 
baskets with gold rims and enameled with birds and 
flowers, besides gifts to officials of the court. And be- 
fore his departure Mr. Roberts was informed that upon 
the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty the king 
would expect the following additional presents : Five 
pairs of stone statues of men and women, some of natu- 
ral and some of larger size, clothed in various costumes 

^ Treaties of United States, 092. 


of the United States ; ten pairs of vase lamps of the 
larg^t size, of plain glass ; one pair of swords, with 
gold hilt and scabbards, — the latter of gold, not gilt, 

— shape of blade a little curved.^ 

On the way from Siam to Muscat, to whose sultan 
Mr. Roberts bore a letter from the President, the Pea- 
cock touched at one of the ports of the Malayan Penin- 
sula. In exchange of civiUties with the ofi&cials, the 
captain of the man-of-war made a present of some to- 
bacco to one of the Mohammedan princes, who expressed 
his thanks in a letter, from which, as illustrative of 
the style of correspondence of the place and period, 
the following extract, in translation, is made : ^^ By the 
mercy of God : This friendly epistle is the dictate of a 
heart very white, and a face very clean, written under 
a sense of the greatest respect and most exalted love, 
permanent and unchangeable as the courses of the sun 
and moon ; that is from me — a gentleman — Tumbah 
Tuah of Bencoolen, Rajah, &c. Now may God the 
Holy and Almighty cause this to arrive before the face 
of his glorious excellency. Colonel Geisinger, the head 
man who commands in the American ship-of-war, which 
is now at anchor off Rat Island. Furthermore, after 
this, the object of this letter is to acknowledge the 
present of American tobacco sent to me. Wherefore 
I return praise to God and my expressions of gratitude 

— thus much!"* 

The sultan of Muscat at that day ruled over a large 
extent of territory in the Indian Ocean, extending from 

1 RoberU'i Embassy, 247, 314, 318. 
s Ibid. 429. 


the Persian Gulf in Arabia to and including Zanzibar 
in Africa, and bis resources were more than adequate 
to the wants of his government. His subjects were 
very enterprising, and carried on a traffic in their own 
vessels to the southern extremity of Africa, to India, 
Ceylon, Java, and Manila. His navy was the most 
formidable of any of the sovereigns of Asia, consisting 
of about eighty vessels, carrying from four to seventy- 
four guns. With these thriving people the American 
mercantile marine carried on a considerable trade. Dur- 
ing the eighteen months preceding Mr. Roberts's visit 
thirty-two vessels of the United States had visited its 
chief port, while the entire navigation of Europe was 
confined to nine vessels for the same period. In order 
to protect and develop this trade Mr. Roberts was in- 
structed to effect a trealy of amity and commerce. 

The sultan received the American envoy with every 
mark of consideration and friendship. Mr. Roberts ob- 
served a noted improvement in the court ceremonies over 
those of the countries farther to the east under Chinese 
influence. He says, ^^ Here was to be seen no abasing, 
crawling, and crouching, and ^knocking head,' like a 
parcel of slaves; but all was manly, and every one stood 
on his feet." The sultan was a humane and just ruler, 
and entertained liberal views as to commerce. No ob- 
stacles were interposed to a treaty, which was speedily 
concluded, granting trade without any vexatious condi- 
tions under a tariff of five per cent., with no port 
charges of any kind. When the usual provision was 
submitted by the envoy providing for the care of ship- 
wrecked American seamen at the expense of their own 


goyemment, the sultan insisted that this article should 
be amended so that he would protect^ maintain, and 
return them at his own expense^ as, he said, the stipula- 
tion was contrary to the usage of the Arabs and to the 
rights of hospitalily. Though the sultan's kingdom 
has long since been broken up, the convention still 
appears in the compilation of treaties of the United 
States, and in its fifth article will be seen this insertion, 
^'for the sultan can never receive any remuneration 
whatever for rendering succor to the distressed." ^ 

To the letter of the President, the sultan replied in 
most expressive terms, the opening paragraph of which 
reads as follows : ^^ In the name of God, amen. To the 
most high and mighty Andrew Jackson, President of 
the United States of America, whose name shines with 
so much splendor throughout the world. I pray most 
sincerely that on the receipt of this letter it may find 
his Highness, the President of the United States, in 
high health, and that his happiness may be constantly 
on the increase. On a most fortunate day and at a 
happy hour, I had the honor to receive your Highnesses 
letter, every word of which is clear and distinct as the 
sun at noonday and every letter shone forth as bril- 
liantly as the stars in the heavens: your Highness's letter 
was received from your faithful and highly honorable 
representative and ambassador, Edmund Roberts, who 
made me supremely happy in explaining the object of 
his mission, and I Le complied in every respect with 
the wishes of your honorable ambassador, in conclud- 
ing a treaty of friendship and commerce between our 

1 TreaUes of the United States, 745. 


respective countries, which shall be faithfully obserred 
by myself and my successors, as long as the world en- 
dures." ' 

These treaties were submitted by the President to the 
Senate, and ratified by that body, and Mr. Roberts was 
sent out a second time in a man-of-war to exchange the 
ratifications. The ceremony attending the discharge of 
the duty in Siam was quite impressive. A procession 
was formed of the officers of the two naval vessels of the 
United States, which composed the expedition, headed 
by the envoy, and preceded by the ship's band, and in 
this pomp and display, the treaty was borne in a box 
by two officers to the bank of the river. An eye-wit- 
ness of the ceremony continues the narrative: ^'Mr. 
Roberts took the trealy in his hand, and, after holding 
it up above his head in token of respect, delivered it to 
a Siamese officer. He also held it above his head, and 
then, shaded by a royal white silk umbrella borne by a 
slave, passed it into the boat, where it was received 
upon an ornamented stand, and, after covering it with 
a cone of gilt paper, it was placed beneath the canopy. 
At this moment our band ceased, and that of the Siam- 
ese began to play. The boat shoved off, and we turned 
our steps homeward to the merry tune of Yankee 
Doodle." 2 

From Siam the squadron went to Canton, where the 
vessels received a warning from the Chinese authorities, 

1 Roberts's Embassy, 360, 430. 

^ 3 Presidents' Messages, 53. A Voyage round the World, including 
an Embassy to Muscat and Siam, by Dr. Rnscbenberger, Philadelphia^ 
1838, p. 319. 


similar to the one on the former visit, and to which no 
attention vr&a given. An oriental plague had broken 
out in the vessels, and Mr. Roberts waa one o£ its 
victims, dying at Macao, June 12, 1836. He had ac- 
quitted himself with great credit on his deUcate and 
difBcult mission. He had at all times sustained the 
honor and dignity of the country in his intercourse 
with the governments of the East, which had been 
accustomed only to abasement and servihty on the part 
of foreigners ; but he also secured their good-will by a 
proper respect for established customs. He sacrificed 
hJa life for his country as truly as the soldier who dies 
upon the field of battle. His countrymen in recogni- 
tion of bis services hare erected a monument over 
his grave at Macao, and a memorial window adorns 
St. John's Church, Portsmouth, N. H., the place of his 
birth. He has the honor of being the pioneer in the 
oriental diplomacy of the United States. His servico 
was the opening chapter in the pohtical intercourse of 
the nation with the peoples of Asia and the islands 
of the Pacific, which was destined to exercise a potent 
influeDce upon America and the world. 



It was not possible for the great empires of China 
and Japan to maintain permanently their policy of 
seclusion described in the preceding chapters. The 
maritime commerce of the world was rapidly increasing. 
The ships of Western nations were traversing all seas. 
The application of steam to navigation was beginning 
to bring the distant parts of the globe nearer together. 
It was contrary to the spirit of the age that a vessel in 
distress or requiring aid and supplies should be treated 
as an intruder in the ports of any people. The ex- 
change of commodities was coming to be regarded as 
not only a legitimate transaction, but as one from which 
no nation had a right to exclude its inhabitants. 

The efforts of China to resist the progress of the 
world in shipping and commerce were destined to an 
early and humiliating failure. The trafi&c carried on 
through Canton 9 notwithstanding its vexatious condi- 
tions, was increasing ; and the Chinese people, realizing 
its advantages, were showing a marked interest in its 
growth. The unsatisfactory methods by which this 
trade was conducted could not fail, however, sooner or 
later, to bring about a conflict between the authorities 
and the foreign merchants or their governments ; and it 
was plain that a radical change could be accomplished 


only by force, as the Chinese authorities would not will- 
ingly make the necessary reforms. All the indications 
pointed to Great Britain as the power most likely to 
undertake this needed task. Her commerce was greater 
than that of any other, her growing possessions in India 
gave her increasing interest in the China trade, and 
her naval supremacy made her the natural champion of 
the world's commerce. 

An event occurred at Canton in 1834 which pointed 
unmistakably to this result. The British East India 
Company, which had maintained a monopoly of the 
English trade with China up to that time, withdrew its 
agents from Canton on April 22 of that year, and ceased 
to exercise control. By virtue of an act of Parliament 
William IV. nominated a commission to regulate the 
trade '^ to and from the dominions of the emperor of 
China, and for the purpose of protecting and promoting 
such trade." The commission consisted of Lord Napier 
as chief superintendent, and two associates, together 
with a numerous corps of agents and clerks. They 
reached Macao June 15, and ten days afterwards they 
landed at Canton, without having made the usual appli- 
cation from Macao to the Chinese customs authorities 
for the privilege to come to Canton. 

On June 25 a copy of the king's commission to Lord 
Napier and his associates was published in the Canton 
^ Register," and on the same day Lord Napier addressed 
a communication in the form of a letter to the governor 
of the city, informing him of the arrival of the com- 
mission, empowered to protect and promote British 
trade, and that he was ^^ invested with powers, political 


and judicial/' and he asked for a personal interview at 
which he would more fully explain the object and 
duties of the commission. While this communication 
was being translated. Lord Napier was called upon by 
two of the hong merchants, in execution of an instruc- 
tion from the governor that they should inform him of 
the existing regulations as to intercourse, which must 
be carried on through the hong merchants. Lord Na- 
pier summarily dismissed them, with the statement that 
he ^^ would communicate immediately with the viceroy 
in the manner befitting his Majesty's commission and 
the honor of the British nation." 

After the hong merchants took their departure. Lord 
Napier's letter to the governor was sent to the city gate 
of Canton by one of his staff, accompanied by several 
British merchants. At the gate they encountered Chir 
nese officers, to whom they tendered the letter for de- 
livery to the governor, but all of them refused to receive 
it. A messenger was dispatched to the governor re- 
porting the situation, and after several hours other offi- 
cers appeared, but none of them would even touch the 
letter, and the British official was forced to return with 
it to Lord Napier. 

The reason given for the refusal to receive the letter 
to the governor was that it did not have on the super- 
scription the usual word employed in Chinese official 
correspondence, to wit, " pin " (petition), which Dr. 
Martin, a high authority in such matters, says is ^'a 
word which in Chinese expresses abject inferiority."^ 
The governor, in reporting the event to the emperor, 

1 A Cycle of Cathaj, W. A. P. Martin, New York, 1896, p. 21. 


also calls attention to the fact tliat on the envelope 
^Hhere was absurdly written the characters Ghreat 
English Nation^ In the communications of the gov- 
ernor to the hong merchants, the contents of which 
were to be made known to Lord Napier, attention 
was called to the fact that he had disregarded the 
rules of the trade in not applying from Macao for a 
permit to come to Canton ; that only a taerpan (super- 
cargo or agent) had been allowed to represent the for- 
eign merchants, and that an eye (superintendent), an 
official above the merchants in dignity, could not pre- 
sume to exercise his functions without the consent of 
the imperial government, and for which a respectful 
pin must be sent. A recapitulation of the rules gov- 
erning the visit and stay of foreigners was given, and 
the governor says : ^^ To sum up the whole matter, the 
nation has its laws. Even England has its laws. How 
much more the Celestial Empire ! How flaming bright 
are its great laws and ordinances. More terrible than 
the awful thunderbolts I Under this whole bright 
heaven, none dares to disobey them. Under its shelter 
are the four seas. Subject to its soothing care are ten 
thousand kingdoms. The said barbarian eye [Lord 
Napier], having come over a sea of several myriads of 
miles in extent to examine and have superintendence of 
affairs, must be a man thoroughly acquainted with the 
principles of high dignity." 

On the day after the rejection of the letter the hong 
merchants called again on Lord Napier to induce him 
to change the address, but he refused to superscribe 
the word ^^ petition." Other visits from them followed 


on the next and subsequent days with edicts and com* 
municationB to the hong merchants from the governor, 
but the British superintendent refused to change his 
position. In these documents Lord Napier was re- 
quested to return to Macao, there to petition to be 
received as a superintendent^ and to await the emperor's 
decision. He was told that the laws of the Celestial 
Empire did not permit ministers and those under au- 
thority to have intercourse by letter with outside bar^ 
barians^ especially in commercial affairs, and that any 
communications to them must be made through the 
hong merchants in the form of a petition, to which the 
barbarian merchants had always yielded willing and 
obedient submission. " There has never been/' wrote 
the governor, ^^ such a thing as outside barbarians send- 
ing a letter. ... It is contrary to everything of dig- 
nity and decorum. The thing is most decidedly im- 

In the matter of commerce, the governor defined the 
attitude of his government in very decided terms. 
" The barbarians of this nation [Great Britain] coming 
to or leaving Canton have beyond their trade not any 
public business ; and the commissioned officers of the 
Celestial Empire never take cognizance of the trivial 
affairs of trade. . . . The some hundreds of thousands 
of commercial duties yearly coming from the said na- 
tion, concern not the Celestial Empire to the extent of 
a hair or a feather's down. The possession or absence 
of them ia utterly unworthy of one careful thought." 
These declarations were followed by a notice that un- 
less Lord Napier desisted from his efforts to hold direct 


intercourse and withdrew to Macao^ the trade with the 
British merchants would be stopped. 

The controversy contmued through the months of 
July and August with increasing irritation. The au- 
thorities encouraged the exhibition of every possible 
annoyance to the commission and the English residents ; 
in communications of the honor merchants to Lord Na- 
pier, at the instigation of the governor, he was ad- 
dressed as ^^laboriously vile;" and Chinese laborers 
and servants were forced to leave British service. Lord 
Napier's correspondence with his government shows 
that these annoyances were leading him to lose his tem- 
per. Li referring to the governor he used such epi- 
thets as ^^ petty tyrant " and ^^ presumptuous savage." 

Having been rebuffed in his efforts to establish inter- 
course with the officials, and it becoming apparent that 
his nussion was to prove a failure, he published in the 
Chinese language and caused to be circulated a docu- 
ment, in which he reviewed the government's edicts, 
dosing as follows : ^^ Governor Loo has the assurance 
to state in the edict of the 2d instant that ' the Eong 
(my master) has hitherto been reverently obedient/ I 
must now request you to declare to them (the hong 
merchants) that his Majesty, the King of England, is a 
great and powerful monarch, that he rules over an ex- 
tent of territory in the four quarters of the world more 
comprehensive in space and infinitely more so in power 
than the whole empire of China; that he commands 
armies of bold and fierce soldiers, who have conquered 
wherever they went ; and that he is possessed of great 
ships, where no native of China has ever yet dared to 


show his face. Let the governor then judge if such a 
monarch will be ^ reverently obedient ' to any one/' 

Finally, Lord Napier showing no disposition to retire 
to Macao, an edict was issued stopping all trade with 
the English. This brought on such a threatening state 
of affairs that a British force was sent up from the 
warships at the mouth of the river and lodged in the 
British factory. The next day the British squadron 
cleared for action, moved up the river, and as they 
passed the Bogue forts they were fired upon and re- 
turned the fire. Two days afterwards the firing was 
renewed between the forts and vessels, but after much 
parleying between the hong merchants and the British 
residents a truce was arranged. The result of this was 
that Lord Napier, out of regard for the merchants 
whose trade was stopped, and, in view of the hopeless- 
ness of bringing the governor to intercourse on terms 
of equality, decided to withdraw to Macao and there 
await instructions from his government. The warships 
were to leave the river, and trade was to be reopened. 

The commission took its departure for Macao, August 
21, in two boats provided by the Chinese authorities, 
the British vessels having already left ; but the indigo 
nities did not cease. Lord Napier, who had fallen ill, 
owing to the great strain upon his nervous system, was 
twice detained en route by the Chinese, and subjected 
to exposure which it is alleged greatly aggravated his 
illness ; and he did not reach Macao until four days after 
leaving Canton. He died at the former place, Septem- 
ber 11, 1834. His physician certified that his illness 
was wholly attributable to the severe labor and anxiety 


which deyolved upon him, and that his death was has- 
tened by the needless and vexatious detention and 
exposure to which he was subjected by the Chinese 
authorities. The governor reported to the emperor 
that the barbarian eye had been sent away, and the 
English ships had been driven out of the river. 

On leaving Canton, Lord Napier, in a letter to the 
British residents, expressed '^ a hope that the day will 
yet arrive when I shall be placed in my proper position, 
by an authority which nothing can withstand." At 
the same time he wrote to Lord Palmerston, secretary 
for foreign affairs, that the viceroy had committed an 
outrage on the British crown which should be chastised, 
and he implored his lordship to force the Chinese to 
acknowledge his authority and the king's commission, 
stating that such a course would result in opening the 
ports. The American consul sent to the Department of 
State a report of the affair in detail. He regarded war 
between Great Britain and China as imminent, and sug- 
gested that it might be to the interest of the United 
States to become a party to the contest, at least to the 
extent of making demand, accompanied by the display 
of a naval force, for terms in every respect as advan- 
tageous as those England might obtain.^ John Quincy 
Adams a few years later, in a public address, declared 
that the conduct of the Chinese authorities justified 

^ The official doenments relating to Lord Napier's commission will be 
fouod in the British Blue Book, or Parliamentary papers, of the period. 
Tbej are quite fully reproduced with all the details of the affair in 
3 Chinese Repository, 143, 186, 235, 280, 324 ; 11 lb. 25, 65. See, also, 
Williams's Hist. China, chap. iii. ; 47 N. A. Review, 403 ; Consul Shilla- 
ber, September 25, 1834, Consular Arohiyes. 


war on the part of Ghreat Britain. But the British 
cabinet failed to approve the action of Lord Napier^ 
and stated that it was its purpose not to establish com- 
mercial intercourse with China by force^ but by concil- 
iatory measures. 

This occurrence strengthened the Chinese government 
in its policy of exclusion and of maintaining the trade 
regulations. It has been seen in the extracts from the 
edicts and its conduct towards Lord Napier that it re- 
garded all foreign nations as subject to the emperor, 
and that their ofi&cials could only approach and hold 
intercourse with his authorities as vassals. So strongly 
was this policy imbedded in the imperial system that 
it could only be eradicated by the rude argument of 
force. War with Great Britain was for the time de- 
ferred, but the treatment of his Majesty's commission 
had its influence on the decision of the British govern- 
ment a few years later to resort to hostilities. It is to 
be regretted, for the sake of our Christian civilization, 
that the conflict which came in 1840, known as the 
'* Opium War," could not have had as just a provoca- 
tion as that growing out of this insult to the British 
nation and the death of its representative. 

Opium was introduced into China in the thirteenth 
century by the Arabs, but its use was confined exclu- 
sively to medicinal purposes, as in most other countries, 
and when the European ships began to visit the East it 
had no importance as merchandise. As late as 1773, 
when the Portuguese were supplanted in the supremacy 
of the market by the English, the importation of the 
drug had never exceeded 200 chests annually. As a 


result of the victory of Olive at Plassy, the British 
East India CompaDy secured the exclusive privilege of 
opium cultivation, and it soon became its most impor- 
tant article of exportation. Three years after the East 
India Company obtained this monopoly, its importation 
to China had increased five fold, and in 1790 it had 
mounted up to 4000 chests, or twenty fold.^ 

By that time it was fast coming into popular use for 
self-indulgence as a narcotic, and its evil effects were 
so apparent in the vicinity of Canton that the governor 
of the province memorialized the emperor for its exclu- 
sion. He stated that it was ^^ a subject of deep regret 
that the vile dirt of foreign countries should be received 
in exchange for the commodities and money of the em- 
pire, .. . and that the practice of smoking opium 
should spread among the people of the inner land, to 
the waste of their time and destruction of their pro- 
perty." In response to this memorial the emperor issued 
an edict in 1796 prohibiting its importation, and thence- 
forward the imperial authorities sought to suppress the 
traffic. The governor of Canton, in making proclama- 
tion to the foreign traders of this prohibition, told them 
that the Celestial Empire did not presume to forbid the 
people of the West to use opium and extend the habit 
in their dominions; ^* but," he said, ^^ that opium should 
flow into this country where vagabonds clandestinely 
purchase and eat it, and continually become sunk in 
the most stupid and besotted state, so as to cut down 
the powers of nature and destroy life, is an injury to the 
^,.i n>.noer. .1 .en o£ L g»..«e l^^i, ; 

^ Enoyolopedia Britannica, Artiolei Opium, 


and therefore opium is most rigorously prohibited by 

The profits on the sale of the article were so large 
that, notwithstanding the interdiction^ the importation 
continued to grow. The supply came exclasively from 
India and every chest bore upon it the stamp of the 
East India Company, as its sale in India was a govern- 
ment monopoly. The trade was encouraged by that 
company, regardless of the fact that it had been made 
unlawful by imperial edict, and British ships were 
mainly used in its transportation, although those of 
other nationalities were to a limited extent engaged in 
it. Between 1820 and 1830 the importation to China 
had risen to 17,000 chests, and the smuggling was con- 
ducted along the coast from Tientsin to Hainan. Such 
a large and extended trade could not be carried on 
without the complicity or connivance of the local au- 
thorities, and it was apparent that the customs officials 
and even others higher in power were reaping private 
gain from the smuggling.^ 

The ineffectual efforts of the government to suppress 
the importation of opium led many intelligent Chinese 
to advocate its legalization under strict regulations as 
to its domestic sale, and memorials to that effect were 
sent to the emperor ; but the court at Peking was so 
thoroughly satisfied that the use was a national evil of 
alarming proportions that it refused to listen to sugges- 
tions for a license system. While many mandarins at 
the ports were compromised in the illicit traffic, there 
is no doubt that the moral power of the empire sym- 

^ 6 Chinese Repository, 513 ; 7 lb. 162 ; 2 Hist China, Gutzlaff, 217. 


pathized with and supported the emperor in his sincere 
and earnest efforts for its suppression. 

More stringent orders were sent to Canton on the 
subject, and the arrests for violation of the prohibitory 
law became more frequent. One that attracted much 
attention was that of a Mr. Innes, a British merchant, 
and a Mr. Talbot, an American, in 1838, charged with 
complicity in the landing of opium at the factories. 
Both men were ordered to be expelled ; but the Ameri- 
can, upon investigation, was declared innocent. Owing 
to the hesitation of the British superintendent to exe- 
cute the order of expulsion of Innes, a strong feeling 
of resentment was stirred up in the Chinese population, 
and the factories were threatened with mob violence. 
To show that the authorities regarded the foreign mer- 
chants as responsible for the opium traffic, they ordered 
a Chinese who had been detected in receiving the drug 
to be executed in the foreign quarter, and the officials 
were in the act of carrying into effect the sentence of 
strangulation of the culprit in front of the American 
consulate when they were driven away by a sudden on- 
slaught of the foreign merchants. A short time after- 
wards another execution was successfully performed on 
the factory premises, which so outraged the residents 
that the consuls of all nations hauled down their flags, 
and for a time the trade was entirely suspended.^ 

At this period it would seem that the unlawful im- 
portation had become so open and notorious that the 
opium, which had in previous years been smuggled into 

1 For faU report by U. S. Consul Snow, H. Ex. Doc. 119, p. 2, 26th 
CoDg. Itt Self. 


the province from Lintin^ at the mouth of the river, was 
now being brought into the foreign &ctorie8, and its 
introduction effected vrith the knowledge of the officials. 
The American consul reported that the amount imported 
in 1838 was about thirty-five thousand chests, of the 
value of $17,000,000. The emperor, learning that his 
edicts were not being properly enforced, determined to 
resort ta more radical measures, and selecting one of 
his most trusted and energetic viceroys, Lin, he dis- 
patched him to Canton as a special commissioner, bear- 
ing the great seal of the emperor, with full powers to 
put a stop to the importation, sale, and use of the 
vicious and hated drug. 

It is said that the commissioner received his instruc- 
tions in person from the emperor, who recounted to 
him the evils that had long afflicted his children by 
means of the ^^ flowing poison," and, adverting to the 
future, paused and wept ; then turning to the commis- 
sioner, said, ^^ How, alas ! can I die and go to the 
shades of my imperial father and ancestors until these 
direful evils are removed ? " ^ Within a few days after 
his arrival Lin issued an edict, especially directed to the 
foreign merchants, in which he said tiiat the emperor's 
wrath had " been fearfuUy aroused, nor will it rest tiU 
the evil be utterly extirpated." He thereupon ordered 
that the further importation of opium cease, under 
penalty of death, and that all of the unlawful article 
in their possession be delivered up to the authorities. 

This order spread consternation among the mer- 
chants, the greater part of whom were engaged in the 

^ H. Ex. Doo. 119 (cited), p. 13; 7 Chinege RepMitoxy, 610. 

. A ju •«i.'r- 


illicit business* After some days of delay and negotiation 
throogh the hong merchants, fully determined to have 
every chest of opium on the ships or in the factories 
delivered up. Commissioner Lin caused the factory set- 
tlement to be entirely surrounded. On the water side 
were stationed a fleet of armed boats, and on the land 
side a double row of soldiers, while all the streets were 
walled up, leaving only one exit. The books and ac- 
counts of the merchants were seized ; the Chinese clerks 
and servants were taken from them ; no intercourse was 
aUowed with the outside world, — even the supply of 
provisions was cut off ; and the foreigners were held in 
their factories as strict prisoners. The British superin- 
tendent protested and threatened, but to no purpose. 
At last he delivered over to the Chinese authorities 
every chest of opium in the settlement, amounting to 
22,283 chests, of the estimated value of $8,000,000. 
Of this number 1540 chests were held by the American 
merchants, but the consul reported that they were all 
British property, and as such surrendered to the British 

After the delivery of the opium, trade was again 
opened ; but under the direction of the superintendent 
all the British residents left Canton. The American 
consul sympathized ^th the British in this movement ; 
but his countrymen did not see proper to follow that 
course of action, and remained in Canton actively en- 
gaged in business till the British blockade of the port 
was established. The blockade and active hostilities 
did not begin till about a year after these events ; but 
the British government at once began warlike prepara- 


tioDS to avenge what it alleged to be the insult to its 
representative and the destruction of the property of its 

The British superintendent, upon delivering up the 
opium, communicated to his home government his con- 
viction that the Chinese authorities would cause the 
confiscated property to be sold, and profit by the sale ; 
but the entire quantity was wholly and completely de- 
stroyed, and for the time being an end was put to the 
hateful traffic. The commissioner had thoroughly exe- 
cuted the orders of his sovereign, but in doing so he 
had initiated a conflict with the Western powers which 
was destined to vex the empire for many years to come, 
and ultimately to transform its relations with the out* 
side world.^ 

It is beyond the scope of this volume to enter upon 
a detailed account of the ^^ Opium War." No formal 
declaration of war was made by the British government, 
and no official explanation of its cause or purpose was 
given to the public other than an order in council to 
the Admiralty, stating that ^^ satisfaction and reparation 
for the late injurious proceedings of certain officers of 
the emperor of China against certain of our officers 
and subjects shall be demanded from the Chinese gov- 
ernment." A blockade of Canton was established June 
22, 1840, and hostilities began July 5. After some 
indecisive operations along the coast, the fortifications 
which defended Canton were destroyed, and that city 

^ For American consal's report and official documents, H. Ex. Doc. 119 
(cited), 13-85. For chronological order of events and citation of doen- 
ments, 11 Chinese Repository, 345, 101. 


was ransomed from assault by the payment of ^G^OOO,* 
000. Amoy, Ningpo, and Shanghai successively fell 
into British hands. Chinkiang was taken by assault, 
sacked, and destroyed with horrible slaughter. Nanking 
was invested, and when about to be attacked the Chinese 
sued for peace. 

All the boasted prowess of their generals had come 
to naught. They had been overwhelmingly defeated 
in every encounter with the British, and to save their 
ancient capital from destruction the emperor's pleni- 
potentiaries made haste to accept the terms dictated by 
the victors. The treaty, signed August 29, 1842, pro- 
vided for the opening of the ports of Canton, Amoy, 
Fuchau (Foo-chow), Ningpo, and Shanghai to British 
trade and residence ; the island of Hongkong was ceded ; 
$21,000,000 was to be paid as a war indemnity, of 
which $6,000,000 was for the opium destroyed, and 
$3,000,000 for debts due British subjects ; a tariff of 
import and export duties was to be agreed upon, and 
official correspondence was to be conducted on terms of 

A singular feature of the treaty was that no attempt 
was made in it to adjust the matter which had been the 
immediate occasion of the war, — the importation of 
opium. After the treaty was signed it appears that 
there was some discussion of the subject between the 
n^otiators, initiated by the British plenipotentiary, who 

^ For treaty, see Treaties, Conventions, ete., Chinese Customs Edition, 
107; for documentary history of the war, Chinese Repository, vols. 8 to 
12 ; China during the War, eto«, Sir John F. Davis, London, 1852 ; Nar- 
rmtire of Events in China, hy Captain G. G. Loch, London, 1843 ; Wil- 
liaoia's Hbt. China, chap. iv. 


referred to ^^ die g^reat cause which produced the dis- 
turbances which led to the war^ viz.^ the trade in opium." 
The Chinese plenipotentiaries asked why the British 
^^ would not act fairly towards them by prohibiting the 
growth of the poppy in their dominions, and thus effec* 
tually stop a traffic so pernicious to the human race." 
The British answer was that this could not be done in 
consistency with their constitutional laws ; that even if 
they ceased to bring opium to China the Chinese would 
procure die drug from some other source ; and that it 
would be better to legitimatize the importation under 
proper regulations. But the Chinese replied that '^ their 
imperial master would never listen to a word on that 
subject/' And after the war the illicit practice con- 
tinued, to the physical and moral injury of the Chinese, 
and to ihe great financial profit of the British.^ 

The moral aspects of the war were at the time and 
have been since much discussed. The general judg^ 
ment may be stated to be in condemnation of the British 
for the encouragement and maintenance of the trade, so 
injurious to the Chinese people, and so strongly con- 
demned by their authorities. They were not justified 
in inaugurating hostilities because of the seizure and 
destruction of the opium, — an article made contraband 
by the laws of China and subject to confiscation. On 
the other hand, a conflict was recognized as inevitable 
and necessary to compel the Chinese government to treat 
other nations and their officials upon terms of equality, 

^ Narrative of Events, eto., by Captain Loch, 173 ; 1 China during the 
War, etc., by Davis, 18. As to condition of trade after the war, 2 Mont- 
gomery Martin's China, chap. vi. 


and to establish intercourse vntii the world in accordance 
with modem methods. Dr. W. A. P. Martin, a close 
student of Chinese affairs and a resident of the couutij 
for half a century, says that nothing could be more 
erroneous than to charge England with waging the war 
for the sole purpose of compelling the Chinese to keep 
an open market for the product of her Indian poppy- 
fields ; but he adds, referring to the treatment of Lord 
Napier in 1834 and to other similar events, ^^ interest had 
to combine with indignation before she could be aroused 
to action/' Dr. Nevius, an American missionary long 
a resident of China, wrote : ^' Justifiable or not, it [the 
Opium War] was made use of in Grod's providence to 
inaugurate a new era in our relations with this vast 

John Quincy Adams, in the address referred to be- 
fore the Massachusetts Historical Society in November, 
1841, took the ground that Great Britain was entirely 
justified in the war. The prevailing sentiment in the 
United States will be seen by the following extracts 
from Mr. Adams's diary : " Nov. 20, 1841. They [the 
Parliamentary papers] all confirm me in the view taken 
in my lecture . • • which is so adverse to the prevail- 
ing prejudices of the time and place that I expect to 
bring down a storm upon my bead worse than that 
with which I am already a£9icted." He records the 
refusal ^^in a very delicate manner" of the North 
American Review to publish the lecture, and adds, 
December 3, 1841, ^' The excitement of public opinion 
and feeling by the delivery of this lecture far exceeds 


any expectation that I had formed; although I did 
expect that it would be considerable." ^ 

The British historian, Justin McCarthy, says : '^ Be* 
duced to plain words, the principle for which we fought 
in the China War was the right of Great Britain to 
force a peculiar trade upon a foreign people in spite of 
the protestations of the government and all such public 
opinion as there was of the nation." He proceeds to 
say that during the controvert, on some questions the 
British government was in the right, and on them had 
the issue been joined war might have been justified. 
^^ But no considerations of this kind can now hide from 
our eyes the fact that in the beginning and the very 
origin of the quarrel we were distinctly in the wrong. 
We asserted, or at least acted on the assertion of, a 
claim so unreasonable and even monstrous that it never 
could have been made upon any nation strong enough 
to render its assertion a matter of serious responsi- 

The government of the United States was not un* 
mindful of the interests of its citizens during the con- 
test, and it kept a naval squadron continuously in 
Chinese waters until some months after the conclu- 
sion of peace. The commanding officer, Commodore 
Kearny, exhibited both firmness and skill in his inter- 
course with the authorities, and induced the governor 

^ Martin's Catbaj, 21 ; China and the Chinese, by John L. NeTios, 
New York, 1869, p. 300 ; 11 Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, 30, 31. For 
Adams's address, Boston Transcript, Nov. 24, 1841 ; 11 Chinese Reposi- 
tory, 274. 

* 1 A History of Our Own Times, by Justin McCarthy, London, ISTO, 
pp. 165, 166. 


of Canton to pay damages to the amount of several 
hundred thousand dollars for injuries suffered by Amer- 
icans during the war on account of mob violence and 
illegal arrests. But he rendered a much more valu- 
able service to his own and other nations^ and for 
which he has received scant credit. By the British 
treaty it was provided that a tariff and new trade regu- 
lations should be agreed upon. On learning of this 
provision, Commodore Kearny addressed a communi- 
cation to the governor of Canton, in which, referring 
to the expected arrival at that place of the imperial 
commissioners to arrange commercial affairs with the 
British, he asked that citizens of the United States in 
their trade should ^^ be placed upon the same footing 
as the merchants of the nation most favored.'' In 
previous correspondence the governor had borne testi- 
mony to the fact that the American merchants at Can- 
ton had confined themselves ^^ to legitimate and honor- 
able trade," and in his reply to the commodore he said 
of them, ^^ that they have been respectfully observant 
of the laws is what the august emperor has clearly 
recognized, and I, the governor, also well know. . . . 
Decidedly it shall not be permitted that the American 
merchants shall come to have merely a dry stick" — 
that is, their interests shall be attended to. And he 
assured the commodore that the emperor would be 
memorialized, in order that the imperial commissioners 
might be instructed on the subject. 

Having received these assurances from the governor, 
Kearny prepared to take his departure, whereupon the 
American consul protested that he should not leave 


until the commissioners arrived^ as the presence of a 
large man-of-war in the vicinity would have a henefidal 
effect upon the deliberations. He urged that ^'ihe 
magnitude of our trade ... of far greater extent than 
the whole South American trade/' called for special 
attention at that critical time. The commodore was 
induced to remain for seven months longer, and had 
the great satisfaction of receiving the assurance from 
the commissioners that American citizens should par- 
ticipate equally with the British in the new tariff and 
trade regulations. Of this matter a member of the 
British commission wrote: ^^The Chinese government 
promised, on the representation of the American com- 
modore, Kearny, previous to the treaty of Nanking^ 
that whatever concessions were made to the English 
should also be granted to the United States. The 
throwing open the ports of China to Europe and 
America was not, therefore, the result of our policy, 
but had its origin in the anxious forethought of the 
Americans, lest we might stipulate for some exclusive 
privileges." It is pleasing to have the testimony of so 
high an authority to the efficient and useful service of 
an American officer. 

In accordance with the British treaty, the new tariff, 
averaging the low rate of about five per centum, and 
the trade regulations, were put into operation by a 
notable proclamation of the imperial commissioner. 
" The tariff of duties," he announced, " will take effect 
with reference to the commerce with China of all coun* 
tries, as well as of England. Henceforth the weapons 


of war shall forever be laid aside^ and joy and profit 
shall be the perpetual lot of all." ^ 

It is due to the Chinese government to say that this 
grant of trade to all nations upon equal terms was an 
inspiration of its own sense of justice, as neither the 
emperor nor his commissioner had any knowledge of 
the rule of international law, — ^^the most favored 
nation/' — at that day even imperfectly observed by 
the Christian governments. With this proclamation 
the monopoly of the co-hong and the old system ceased 
to exist, and modem commercial methods began to be 
practiced in the great empire. 

It was not difficult to see that the results of the 
Anglo-Chinese war must result in benefit to the com- 
merce of the world, and the government of the United 
States was not slow to take advantage of it at the 
proper time. The consul at Canton had at the outset 
of hostilities suggested that a favorable time to open 
negotiations for a commercial treaty was near at hand. 
The merchants of Boston interested in China about the 
same time transmitted a memorial to Congress asking 
that a strong naval force be sent to watch the progress 
of the war and protect American commerce, but they 
urged that no envoy be sent to China to negotiate 
until the war was concluded and its results made 
known. Dr. Peter Parker, who had spent some years 
in China as a medical missionary, was in Washington, 
and in April, 1841, he urged Secretary Webster to send 

^ S. Ex. Doo. 180, 29th Cong. Ist Seu. For Mr. Cnshing's views, 
S. Ex. Doe. 67, p. 101, 28th Cong. 2d Sesi. ; 1 Montgomery Martin's 
China, 414 ; 12 Chinese Repository, 443. 


a minister to that country, and consulted John Quincy 
Adams as to his willingness to g^, telling him that Mr. 
Gushing and other members of the Committee on For- 
eign Affairs had suggested his name. Mr. Adams 
replied that if his name was to be considered he could 
not support the motion in the House for an appropria- 
tion, and that he regarded action at that time as pre- 

On the assembling of Congress after receipt of the 
news of the treaty of peace widi Great Britain, the 
President, December 30, 1842, sent a special message 
to that body, giving information as to the terms of the 
treaty, and recommending that an appropriation be 
made to enable the executive to dispatch a special 
mission to that country to negotiate a treaty of com* 
merce. The message, which was written by Daniel 
Webster, then Secretary of State, is an able statement 
of the importance of such a mission and of the relation 
of the United States to the Orient. While the subject 
was pending in Congress the selection of a proper per- 
son to send at the head of the mission was much con- 
sidered. The President in his message had said that 
in view of the importance of the object, ^^a citizen of 
much intelligence and weight of character should be 
employed,'' and to secure the services of such an indi- 
vidual a compensation should be made corresponding 
with the magnitude and importance of the mission. 

Congress soon made the necessary appropriation, and 
Mr. Webster, who was uncomfortable in the cabinet of 

> H. Doo. 170, 26th Cong. Itt Sen. ; 10 Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, 188 ; 
10 lb. 444. 


President Tyler^ and was seeking a creditable means of 
escape from his position, induced the President to nom- 
inate Edward Everett, then minister to Great Britain, 
for the special mission to China, expecting to succeed 
him at the court of St. James. But Mr. Everett pre- 
ferred to remain in London, and another nomination 
had to be made. The choice fell upon Caleb Cushing, 
a member of Congress from Massachusetts.^ 

Mr. Everett was a gentleman of refined manners, and 
possessed a highly cultured mind, but Mr. Cushing, a 
shrewd lawyer and a plain-spoken man, was better fitted 
to cope with Chinese diplomacy. 

Associated with Mr. Cushing was Fletcher Webster, 
son of the Secretary of State, as secretary of the lega- 
tion, and Dr. Peter Parker and Rev. E. C. Bridgman, 
a missionary of Canton, were made Chinese secretaries. 
A surgeon was also attached to the legation, and five 
young men accompanied it as attaches. Mr. Webster, 
in his letter of instructions, had said that ^^ a number 
of young gentlemen have applied to be unpaid attaches 
to the mission. It will add dignity and importance to 
the occasion, if your suite could be made respectable in 
numbers, by accepting such offers of attendance with- 
out expense to the government." A squadron of one 
frigate, a sloop of war, and a steam frigate, was placed 
at the service of Mr. Cushing by the Secretary of the 
Navy to convey the members of the mission to China. 
He thus went to his post with much more display than 
has been usual with American diplomats ; and it is 

^ 4 Pendents' Messages, 211 ; A Century of American Diplomacy, hj 
Jobn W. Foirter, Boston, 1900, pp. 2S9, 296. 


stated that on his arrival at Macao he established him- 
self in the house of a former Portuguese govemori and 
created '^ a profound sensation in the colony by the 
novelty and magnitude of his mission as well as by his 
attractive personal qualities;" although he reports 
somewhat regretfully the arrival at Canton, just after 
he had completed his mission, of a French embassy, 
^^ arranged on a scale of much greater expense than 
that of the United States/' and well adapted for the 
object of making a strong impression on the minds of 
the Chinese.^ 

The letter of instructions was signed by Mr. Web- 
ster, and it shows his wide grasp of public questions. 
He referred to the recent occurrences in China as 
likely to be of much importance as well to the United 
States as to the rest of the civilized world. He anti- 
cipated that the imperial government would not be 
prepared to enter into close political relations ; that the 
mission would be only friendly and commercial in its 
objects ; and he dwelt at some length upon the already 
considerable commerce and the possibility of its enlarge- 
ment. Mr. Gushing was instructed to explain the geo- 
graphical situation of the United States, to state that its 
aims were free from territorial aggrandizement or ag- 
gression , and that neither he nor his government would 
encourage or protect its citizens in violating the laws of 
China as to trade. He was also to make clear that the 
United States would insist upon equality in intercourse, 
that he was not a ^^ tribute-bearer,'' and that it was not 

^ S. Doc. laS, 2Sth Cong. 2d Seas. p. 6; Life and Letters of S. Wells 
Williams, by F. W. Williams, New York, 1889, p. 126. 


die practice of his government either to give or receive 
presents. He was directed to reach Peking, if possible, 
in order to place the letter of the President to the em- 
peror into the hands of that sovereign, or of some high 
official in his presence, and to consult the national pride 
as far as possible, but under no circumstances to do any 
act that would imply the inferiority of his government. 
It was expected that he would make a treaty similar to 
that of Great Britain, and if he was able to make one 
containing fuller stipulations, it would be conducting 
Chinese intercourse one step further towards the prin- 
ciples which regulate the public relations of the Euro- 
pean and American states. 

While the letter of instructions was dignified and 
able, the letter signed by the President and addressed 
to the emperor of China fell much below that charac- 
ter. In the interval between Mr. Cushing's appoint- 
ment and his departure, Mr. Webster had retired, and 
the Department of State passed through ad interim 
hands, during which time the letter of the President to 
the emperor was drafted. Its merit may be seen from 
the following extracts : — 

^^ I, John Tyler, President of the United States of 
America — which States are [here follow the list] — 
send you this letter of peace and friendship, signed by 
my own hand. 

** I hope your health is good. China is a great em- 
pire, extending over a great part of the earth. The 
Chinese are numerous. You have millions and millions 
of subjects. The twenty-six United States are as large 
as China, though our people are not so numerous. The 


rising sun looks upon the great mountains and rivers 
of China. When he sets, he looks upon rivers and 
mountains equally large in the United States. • • • 
Now my words are, that the governments of two such 
great countries should be at peace. It is proper, and 
according to the will of Heaven, that we should respect 
each other, and act wisely. I therefore send to your 
Court Caleb dishing, one of the wise and learned men 
of this country. On his arrival in your country, be 
will inquire for your health. . . . Our minister is au- 
thorized to make a treaty to regulate trade. Let it be 
just. Let there be no unfair advantage on either side. 
• • . And so may your health be good, and may peace 

• 99 1 


The American squadron bearing Mr. Cushing and 
his suite anchored off the Portuguese port of Macao 
February 24, 1844. On the 27th he sent a letter to 
the governor-general of the provinces, of which Canton 
is the capital, informing him that he had arrived, hold- 
ing a commission from the President of the United 
States to negotiate, with a like commissioner of the 
emperor of China, a treaty to regulate the intercourse 
between the two countries ; that he was on his way to 
Peking to deliver to the emperor a letter from the Pre- 
sident ; but that as his vessels must be detained a few 
days at Macao before proceeding to the Pei-ho, he em- 
braced the occasion to address the governor-general, as 
the nearest authority, to express the most ardent wishes 
of his government and himself for the health, the hap- 
piness, the prosperity, and the long life of his Lnperial 

> S. Doc. 138, pp. 1, 8, 28th Cong. 2d Seas. 


Majesty ; and he asked of his excellency the favor to 
be immediately informed of the well-being of the em« 
peror in order that he might communicate it to the 

This communication initiated a correspondence which 
continued for three months. The Chinese are accom- 
plished letter writers, but the governor-general found 
in the astute American lawyer quite a match for him- 
self. The governor responded to Mr. Cushing's first 
note, in which the latter ^^ truly, sincerely, and respect- 
fully inquired after the health and happiness of the 
August Emperor, which evinced respectful obedience, 
and poHteness exceedingly to be praised ; '' and he in- 
formed him that the great emperor was in the enjoy- 
ment of happy old age and quiet health, and was at 
peace with all, both far and near. But as to going to 
Peking, it was not to be thought of till, waiting outside, 
the ^^ August Emperor's will" had been ascertained; 
that for a man-of-war to go hastily to Tientsin was ^' to 
put an end to civility, and to rule without harmony ; *' 
that if the business was to negotiate about trade, the 
emperor must appoint a commissioner to come to the 
frontier; and that the American envoy should await 
at Macao till the emperor was advised of his mission 
and his wishes were made known. 

Mr. Gushing replied that the Chinese government 
had been notified by the American consul several 
months in advance that he was to arrive for the pur- 
pose of negotiating a treaty,^ and if it had been the 
desire of the emperor to negotiate at the frontier, he 

1 Consnl Forbes, Oct 7, 1843» Consular ArchiTes. 


would have sent a commissioner to Canton for that pur- 
pose ; that he had heen instructed to go to Peking and 
deliver the President's letter to the emperor ; and if the 
governor did not think it prudent for him to go to 
Tientsin in a warship, he was ready to proceed to the 
capital overland. 

The governor, in response to this proposition, said 
the way was long overland, the crossing of the rivers 
was inconvenient, and he desired to save the American 
envoy the great trouble and weariness the journey 
would occasion him ; that he would notify the august 
emperor of the envoy's arrival, and memorialize the 
throne for the appointment of a commissioner ; and 
that in the mean time he should ^^ tranquillize himself '* 
at Macao, as otherwise his movements might eventuate 
in the loss of the invaluable blessing of peace. 

There seemed nothing else for Mr. Cushing to do but 
accept the situation, nevertheless he found enough to 
occupy the months consumed in learning the emperor's 
will. The commander of the flagship, the Brandjrwine, 
thought to take a sail up the river to Canton, but he 
was stopped at Whampoa, and^ordered to return to the 
anchorage at Macao. Mr. Cushing protested that it 
was only a friendly visit, but he was told that the Brit- 
ish governor of Hongkong after the peace, in making 
a visit to Canton, left his ship at the mouth of the river 
and came up in a small boat ; that the commander of 
the Brandywine must do likewise, and by a return of 
his ship to Macao he would obey the fixed laws of the 
land, and exhibit the courteous friendliness subsisting 
between the two nations. 


After two and a half months had passed, Mr. Cush« 
ing was advised of the emperor's decision. ^' America 
never as yet having gone through with presenting trib- 
ute," the coming to Tientsin and the capital to nego- 
tiate would be irregular; that he had appointed as 
high commissioner with the imperial seal, Tsiyeng (or 
Eaying) ; and that he was traveling with all speed to 
Canton to meet the American plenipotentiary. The 
appointment of Tsiyeng was a happy one, as he pos- 
sessed fully the emperor's confidence, and had shown 
his fitness for the work in the supplementary treaty as 
to trade which he had a few months before agreed upon 
with the British plenipotentiary. 

On the 9th of June Mr. Gushing received a letter 
from Tsiyeng, advising him of his arrival in Canton, 
and added that ^^ in a few days we shall take each other 
by the hand, and converse and rejoice together with 
indescribable deUght." In view of the many delays 
and tergiversations experienced, doubtless Mr. Cashing 
accepted this as a somewhat exaggerated figure of 
speech. But his relations with Tsiyeng proved in the 
main quite satisfactory. Only one untoward incident 
need be noticed. In the address of two of the com- 
munications of the commissioner, the name of the Chi- 
nese government stood higher in column by one char- 
acter than that of the United States, a Chinese method 
of indicating the relative dignity of the parties to a 
correspondence. Mr. Cushing returned the letters with 
an expression of his belief that his excellency would 
^ see the evident propriety of adhering to the form of 


national equality/' Tsijeng immediately caused the 
address to be corrected and returned/ 

The Chinese high commissioner and his suite arrived 
at Macao on June 16. After a few days spent in the 
exchange of visits and social courtesies, the formal nego- 
tiations were opened on the 21st, by the submission of 
a draft of treaty proposed by Mr. Gushing. The Sec- 
retary, Mr. Webster, and the two Chinese secretaries of 
the legation met three members of the Chinese embassy, 
and discussed the project in detail, with occasional con- 
ferences between Mr. Cushing and Tsiyeng. The treaty 
was concluded without any serious difficulty, and pre- 
liminary to its signature a dinner was given to the Chi- 
nese embassy at the house of the American legation, 
attended by the American ladies residing at Macao. 

On July 3, 1844, the treaty was signed at the temple 
occupied by the Chinese embassy, in a suburb of Macao 
called Wang Hiya. The ceremony of signing was a 
simple one, the members of the legation and embassy 
being the only witnesses, and no presents were made. 
After the execution of the treaty, an entertainment 
was served by the Chinese, and congratulations were 
exchanged on the speedy and happy issue of the nego- 
tiations. A singular fact attended these events. Mr. 
Cushing had not set foot on Chinese territory nor had 
he had personal intercourse with a single high Chinese 
official except the embassy up to the time of signing 
the treaty, and that instrument had been negotiated 
and executed on foreign (Portuguese) territory. 

1 For f uU correspondence, S. Ex. Doc. 67, pp. 2-W, 2Sth Cong. 2d 


Mr. Cosliing having abandoned the idea of going to 
Peking, the letter of the President to the emperor of 
China was delivered to Tsiyeng at the time of signing 
the treaty, upon his assurance that he would respect- 
fully forward it to his august sovereign. 

In transmitting a copy of the treaty to the Secretary 
of State, Mr. Gushing pointed out sixteen particulars in 
which his treaty contained provisions not embraced in 
the British treaty negotiated at the conclusion of the 
war. In his dispatch he says : '^ I ascribe all possible 
honor to the abiUty displayed by Sir Henry Pottinger 
in China, and to the success which attended his nego- 
tiations ; and I recognize the debt of gratitude which 
the United States and all other nations owe to England, 
for what she has accomplished in China. From all this 
much benefit has accrued to the United States. But, 
in return, the treaty of Wang Hiya, in the new pro- 
visions it makes, confers a great benefit on the com- 
merce of the British empire ; • • • and thus whatever 
progress either government makes in opening this vast 
empire to the influence of foreign commerce is for the 
common good of each other and of all Christendom." ^ 

One of the most important of the provisions of the 
dishing treaty was that relating to what is known in 
international law as ^^exterritoriality,'' as appUed to 
non-Christian countries. This principle had been ob- 
served to a limited extent for many years between the 
European and Mohammedan countries ; but in . this 
treaty it was broadened and made more explicit by the 

1 For text of treaty, see Treaties and ConveDtioDs of United States, 
144 ; for correepondenoey S. Ex. Doc. 67 dted, pp. 38, 77. 


skill of an able lawyer. In criminal cases the offender 
was to be tried by the laws and authorities of his own 
country. In civil cases between American citizens in 
China their consuls were to have exclusive jurisdiction, 
and civil cases between Americans and Chinese were to 
be adjusted by the joint action of the authorities of the 
two nations. 

On this subject Mr. Cushing's position was that 
Western nations could not make civilization the test of 
equality of intercourse/ for it was impossible to deny to 
China a high degree of civilization, though, in many 
respects, differing from theirs ; but it is such as to give 
to her as complete a title to the appellation of civilized, 
as many, if not most, of the states of Christendom can 
claim. In an exhaustive review of the subject to the 
Secretary of State, he said: ^^I entered China with 
the formed general conviction, that the United States 
ought not to concede to any foreign state, under any 
circumstances, jurisdiction over the life and liberty of 
any citizen of the United States, unless that foreign 
state be of our own family of nations ; in a word, a 
Christian state. The states of Christendom are bound 
together by treaties, which confer mutual rights and 
prescribe reciprocal obligations. . • . How different the 
condition of things out of the limits of Christendom. 
... As between them and us, there is no community 
of ideas, no common law of nations, no interchange of 
good offices." To none of the governments of this 
character did it seem to him safe to commit the lives 
and liberties of citizens of the United States. 

The ^»riTUege of exterritoriaUty had a very early 


origin, bat in its modem application it may be traced 
to the time of the occupation of Constantinople by 
Mohammed II., when he freely gave to the Christian 
residents substantially the same privileges they had 
previously enjoyed. It was done as much for the con- 
venience of the sovereign as for the foreign powers. 
As early as the ninth century the Chinese granted 
special privileges to the Arabs, who built a mosque at 
Canton and were governed by their own laws. During 
the intercourse of the Cantonese authorities with Euro- 
peans up to the time of the Opium War, the latter were 
not interfered with except in criminal acts against Chi- 
nese. The Portuguese at Macao were given local self- 
government, and the consuls in the foreign settlement 
outside of Canton were permitted to exercise jurisdiction 
oyer their countrymen. Hence it was not difficult for 
Mr. Cushing to secure the large grant of treaty powers 
indicated. For the enforcement of these powers in for- 
eign countries Congress has passed various statutes.^ 

His services in this respect gained for Mr. Cushing 
much credit, and his treaty, because of its fullness of 
detail and its clear statement of rights, became the 
leading authority in settling disputes between the Chi- 
nese and foreigners up to the treaty revision of 1858- 
1860. A high British authority of the period, already 
cited, writes : ^^ The United States government in their 
treaty with China, and in vigilant protection of their 

1 S. Ex. Doe. 58, p. 4, 2Sth Cong. 2d Seas. ; Cnsbing's Opinion, 7 
Opinions Attys. Grenl. 342 ; President Angell in 6 Am. Hist. Review, Jan« 
uarjf 1901, p. 255. An act was passed by the 30th Congress in 1848, see 
9 U. 8. Stat at L. 276 ; also U. S. BeTised Statutes, sects. 4083-4130. 


subjects at Canton, have evinced far better diplomacy^ 
and more attention to substantial interests than we have 
done, although it has not cost them as many groats as 
we have spent guineas, while their position in China is 
really more advantageous and respected than that of 
England, after aU our sacrifices of blood and trea- 
sure," ' 

But it was not the g^d fortune of the American 
envoy to escape criticism entirely. His intercourse with 
the Chinese plenipotentiary seemed to have been of a 
very satisfactory character, but when Tsiyeng came to 
send his report to the emperor he was neither polite 
nor complimentary in the use of language, as the fol- 
lowing extracts from his memorial show : ^^ The original 
copy of the treaty, presented by the said barbarian 
envoy, contained forty-seven stipulations. Of these 
some were difficult of execution, others foolish demands ; 
and the treaty was, moreover, so meanly and coarsely 
expressed, the words and sentences were so obscure, and 
there was such a variety of errors, that it was next to 
impossible to point them out. Your slave Tsiyeng, 
therefore, directed the treasurer Hwang and all the 
deputed mandarins to hold interviews with the Amer- 
icans for days together. We clearly pointed out what- 
ever was comprehensible to reason, in order to dispel 
their stupid ignorance, and to put a stop to delusive 
hopes ; and we were obliged to polish those passages 
which were scarcely intelligible. • . . Some points have 
been discussed more than a thousand times at least, 
others five or six times. It was then that the said bar- 

1 Williami's Hist China, 215 ; 1 Montgomery Martin's China, 428. 

B(a^^u^ihi^BA^>«>''*i^'>' - ■ a^ -rr.'. _i 


barian envoy submitted to reason, and being at a loss 
T^hat to say, was willing and agreed to have the objec- 
tionable clauses expunged." ^ An examination of Tsi- 
yeng's extended memorial shows that it was his own 
ignorance of international law and the usages of nations 
that made Mr. Cushing's first treaty draft a labyrinth 
of mysteries to him. The latter, after he had con- 
cluded his negotiations, spoke of his Chinese colleague 
in high terms as ^^ a liberal-minded statesman." Possi- 
bly Mr. Cushing might have modified his estimate of his 
character had he been aware of his report to the em- 
peror. It will be seen that Tsiyeng's later career did 
not justify it. 

Although the special duty which brought Mr. Cush- 
ing to China had been accomplished in the signing of 
the treaty, he remained for some time to care for the 
interests of the American residents. Among other 
matters he concerted an arrangement with the gov- 
emor^neral for the extension of the grounds of his 
conntrymen at Canton, the construction of a solid wall 
about the factories, the erection of gates to the foreign 
settlement, and the establishment of an efficient police 
for its protection and the enforcement of sanitary regu- 

The coming of the mission was the innocent cause of 
much trouble to the Cantonese and foreign residents, 
for the squadron which bore it also brought to the 
American consul a new flagstaff and weather-vane. 
Abont the time of its erection sickness prevailed to an 
tmosual extent in Canton and its vicinity, and it was 

^ 1 Montgomery Martin's Cliinii, 424. 


attributed to the evil effects of the weather-vane. The 
feeling became so intense that the consulate vras threat- 
ened by a mob, and in order to quell the excitement 
the weather-vane had to be removed. The native 
gentry, appreciating the conciliatory action of the con- 
sul, issued a proclamation to the people to quiet their 
animosity, in which they described the vane ^^ which 
shot towards all qiuui;ers, thereby causing serious im- 
pediment to the felicity and good fortunes of the 
land.'' Commending the conduct of the consul and his 
countrymen, the proclamation closes thus : ^^ Having 
shown themselves obliging, we ought to excuse them. 
Henceforth, we sincerely pray that all may be at peace, 
and thus looking up we may participate in our emper- 
or's earnest desire to regard people from afar with 

While the negotiations for the treaty were in progress 
at Macao a mob assaulted the foreign settlement, and 
in self-defense a party of Americans fired upon the 
assailants and a Chinaman was killed. The authorities 
demanded the delivery of the party firing the fatal shot, 
and a correspondence ensued between Mr. Cushing and 
Tsiyeng. A jury of Americans, impaneled by the 
consul, examined the affair and decided that it was 
clearly an act of self-defense, and Mr. Cushiog induced 
the authorities to accept this investigation as a satisfac- 
tory form of trial. It is noted as the first criminal case 
in China after the negotiation of the treaties in which 
the practice of exterritoriality was recognized.^ 

1 13 Chinese Repositorj, 276 ; S. Ex. Doc 67, p. 62, cited ; 1 Mont- 
gomery Martin's China, 413. 


SeTere criticism has been passed upon Mr. Cashing for 
not executing the instructions of his government to go 
to Peking, and, upon his arrival at Canton, for permit- 
ting himself to be diverted from his announced inten- 
tion to proceed to Tientsin with his naval squadron. 
He evidently felt the force of this criticism, as he made 
his action in this regard the subject of several dis- 
patches to the Secretary of State. It is apparent from 
the correspondence that he could not have persisted in 
his purpose to go to Tientsin without awakening the 
suspicion, if not hostility, of the Chinese ; neither 
would he have been permitted to hold audience with 
the emperor at Peking, without submitting to indigni- 
ties in conflict with his instructions and his own sense 
of independence and honor. The main purpose of his 
mission was to secure a treaty to protect Americans in 
their commerce. This he successfully accomplished. 
He would possibly have failed in this object had he 
gone to Tientsin. A British writer says, that upon 
the arrival of the French embassy, with a large naval 
force, the French envoy proposed to Mr. Cushing to 
go jointly to Tientsin, and insist upon an audience of 
the emperor.^ Mr. Cushing makes no mention of this 
in his correspondence, but if such a proposition was 
made he acted wisely in declining it. His treaty had 
already been signed with a cordial exchange of con- 
g^ratulations, and a hostile demonstration so near the 
capital would have been justly interpreted by the Chi- 
nese as a breach of good faith. 

> S. Ex. Doo. 67, pp. 32, 34, 39, 58 ; 1 Montgomery Martin's China, 


On August 27, 1844, just six months after his arrival, 
Mr. Gushing sailed from Macao, for San Bias, Mexico, 
whence he proceeded overland to Vera Cruz, and thence 
to Washington. 

The man who so skillfully conducted the negotiations 
which initiated the diplomatic intercourse of the United 
States with the great empire of China calls for more 
than a passing notice. He was a unique figure in 
American political affairs, and occupied a prominent 
place before the public for more than forty years. 
After graduating at Harvard College he devoted him- 
self to the law, and began public life as a Jeffersonian 
Democrat ; he successively held the offices of member 
of the legislature, member of congress, and justice of 
the supreme court of Massachusetts ; joined the Whig 
party in the campaign of 1840 ; transferred his party 
allegiance to Tyler on the death of Harrison as Presi- 
dent ; for many years was an ardent Democrat, strongly 
supporting the Mexican war, in which he was a general ; 
a faithful adherent of the Southern wing of the party 
at the Charleston and Baltimore conventions, which 
nominated Breckinriclge as the proslavery candidate 
for President in 1860 ; became a supporter of Lincoln 
and the Union cause ; a follower of President Johnson, 
and again a Republican during the Grant administra- 
tion. Thrice was he nominated by Tyler as Secretary 
of the Treasury and thrice rejected by the Senate ; he 
held the post of Attorney-General under Pierce; and 
was three times minister to foreign countries ; and his 
last public duty was as counsel, associated with Evarts 
and Waite, before the Geneva tribunal of arbitration. 


No man of his time had such a checkered political 

He was an accomplished scholar, and one of the ablest 
lawyers in the United States. Few men of his genera- 
tion rendered such important services to his country. 
Yet, notwithstanding his acknowledged abilities, his 
character was not such as to command public confi- 
dence. He was nominated by President Grant to be 
chief justice of the supreme court, but the Senate failed 
to confirm him. He is one of several examples in 
American history, where moral obliquity has, in the 
judgment of the American people, been an obstacle to 
a pubUc man's preferment. 

The negotiation of a treaty with France soon followed 
that made with the United States in 1844, and both the 
Chinese and foreigners began to adapt themselves to the 
new conditions. But more or less trouble was experi- 
enced at all of the five treaty ports and more especially 
at Canton. Here the unruly population resisted the 
proclamation, issued by the governor-general in execu- 
tion of the treaties, to open the city to the intercourse 
of foreigners ; riots occurred in which the American and 
other consulates and commercial houses were threat- 
ened, and the opposition continued so serious that the 
attempt to open the gates was abandoned, and Canton 
remained closed till the war of 1858.^ In lieu of the 
observance of the treaties in this respect, the area of 
the foreign settlements outside the walls was enlarged, 
and in other respects the authorities manifested a fair 
degree of interest in the enforcement of the treaties. 

X 15 Chineie Bepotitosy, 46» 364. 


American commerce seemed to have received an im- 
pulse from the treaties. The arrivals of American 
ships in 1848 are reported as follows : 67 at Canton, 
20 at Shanghai, and 8 at Amoy, standing first after 
the British. It is seen that Canton still held the bulk 
of the trade as against Shanghai, which was soon to 
become the centre of foreign commerce. 

Upon the retirement of Mr. Cushing in 1845, Alex- 
ander H. Everett was appointed commissioner to China. 
He reached Canton in October, 1846, in ill health, and 
died at that place June 29, 1847. He had had large 
diplomatic experience, having been minister at St. Pe- 
tersburg, The Hague, and Madrid, and was a gentieman 
of high natural endowments and literary attainments. 
His death so soon after his arrival at his post was 
much lamented, and his obsequies were attended by all 
the foreign officials, diplomatic, consular, and military. 
His successor was John W. Davis, of Indiana. 

The residence of the American diplomatic representa- 
tive was nominally in the foreign settlement outside the 
walls of Canton, but until the opening of Peking to the 
diplomatic representatives of the treaty powers in 1860 
their residence was of a peripatetic character. The im- 
perial government delegated a high commissioner to re- 
side at Canton, with whom the foreign representatives 
were to hold diplomatic intercourse, but the sequel will 
show that audience with him was rarely attainable, and 
the diplomats fout\d a residence at the Portuguese port 
of Macao more agreeable. The rising commercial im- 
portance of Shanghai led to frequent visits by them to 
that place, and Hongkong, where the British governor 



was established, was also found a convenient place of 
call or temporary sojourn. It required another war 
and the march of hostile armies into the Chinese cap- 
ital to open it to the visit and residence of the repre- 
sentatives of the foreign powers. 




The situation and resources of the Hawaiian Islands 
pointed them out to early navigators as destined to 
play an important part in the commercial and political 
affairs of the Pacific. Standing alone in the g^reat 
ocean, the group must necessarily act as an outpost of 
the North American continent. Lying in the track of 
navigation from the central part of that continent to 
the great islands in the South Pacific, and in the direct 
course from the Isthmus of Panama to Japan and China, 
it was plain their harbors would become the resort of the 
shipping of the world. The trade winds \vhich con- 
stantly fanned their shores and the cold currents from 
the Arctic seas made for these islands within the tropics 
a most healthful and delicious climate. The genial sun, 
the plentiful rains, and the mountain elevations caused 
the soU to respond to every desire of man. It was verily 
the Paradise of the Pacific. 

The islands were not discovered until two years after 
the United States had declared its independence. But 
in the very year that the new government was set in 
motion under President Washington, American traders 
established themselves there and initiated a commerce, 
which, with these islands as a base of operations, soon 


giew into a flourishing and lucrative trade, and for the 
succeeding centuij made the American influence the 
predominating factor in their destinies. 

Reference has ahready been made to the fur trade 
which was early carried on by the vessels of the United 
States between the northwest coast of America and 
Canton. This trade had its origin in the action of 
seyeral merchants of Boston in 1787, who formed an 
association for the purpose of combining the fur trade 
of that coast with the Chinese trade. With this object 
in view they freighted two ships, the Columbia, Captain 
Kendrick^ and the Washington, Captain Gray, with 
articles especially adapted for barter with the Indians, 
and the vessels set sail, via Cape Horn, on their long 
voyage through an unknown sea. After many trials 
they reached their destination, in 1788, exchanged their 
merchandise for furs, loaded them on the Columbia, 
under command of Gray, which vessel made the voyage 
to Canton, there bartered the furs for a cargo of tea 
and returned to Boston by the Cape of Good Hope, 
after an absence of three years, thus having the distinc- 
tion of being the first ship to carry the American flag 
around the world. 

Kendrick, with the Washington, remained on the 
coast, and afterwards established himself on the Ha- 
waiian Islands, where he lost his life by accident in 
1793. Gray left Boston on his second trading voyage 
in 1790, and it was in the course of this expedition that 
he discovered and entered the Columbia River. To the 
Boston fur traders must be ascribed the credit of Liy- 
ing the foundation of the great territorial possessions 



of the United States on the Pacific alope of the conti- 

The pioneer yentnre of the Columbia marked oat 
the course of traffic to be pursued by the many ships 
which soon followed. They sailed mainly from the 
ports of New England, ladened with merchandise and 
trinkets for the Indians, and passing around Cape Horn 
went direct to the northwest coast. Here they ex- 
changed with the natives their goods for furs. As the 
inclement weather approached they resorted to the Ha- 
waiian Islands, where they spent the winter drying and 
curing their peltries. The following spring found them 
again trading along the American coast, whence return- 
ing to the islands they took on board the skins gathered 
the year before, and sailed for Canton. By the sale or 
barter of these furs they laid in a cargo of teas, silks, 
porcelain, etc., and returned to the United States after 
an absence of two or three years. The profits of this 
trade, as already shown, were very large, amounting in 
successful voyages, according to some narratives, to 
^^ one thousand per cent, every second year.'' But it 
involved great perils and arduous labors, and called 
forth energy, courage, and skiU — characteristics which 
distinguished the early American navigators.' 

Captain Vancouver, R. N., who was sent out by the 

^ Hist, of Oregon, etc., R. Greenhow, Boston, 1845, pp. 179, 200, 229^ 
235 ; Oregon and Eldorado, T. Bulflnch, Boston, 1806, pp. 1-3 ; North- 
west Fur Trade, W. Sturgis, Hunt's Mag. ziy. 534. 

* Hist, of Oregon, R. Greenhow, 266 ; 1 Astoria, Washington Irriog^ 
New York, p. 31 ; Adyentures of the First Settlers, etc., A. Ross, Loo- 
don, 1849, p. 4 ; Hist of Hawaiian People, W. D. Alezander, New Torkf 
1891, p. 127. 


British government on a voyage of discovery, visited 
these islands in 1792, and found American traders al- 
ready located there. He discourses at some length in 
his narrative upon '^ the commercial interests they are 
endeavoring to establish in these seas ; '^ refers to the 
new industry being developed by them in sandalwood, 
which abounded in the islands and commanded an ex- 
orbitant price in China and India ; and he states that 
8uch immense profits had been derived by the Ameri- 
cans from the fur trade that it was expected as many 
as twenty vessels would arrive the next season from 
New England to engage in the industry. Captain De- 
lano of Boston, already cited as an early voyager of 
extensive travels, spent some time at the Hawaiian 
Islands in 1801. He speaks of a company of Boston 
merchants which had been established there for some 
years engaged in the fur and sandalwood trade, which 
diej had found very profitable ; and he predicted the 
future importance of the islands because of their cen- 
tral situation, the delightful climate, and fertile soil. 
For twenty or thirty years the Americans had almost 
the exclusive control of this lucrative trade, for the 
reason that the Russians were limited to the overland 
mtercourse with China, and private British ships were 
excluded from the Canton market by the monopoly of 
the East India Company, which did not venture into 
the fur trade. Sandalwood proved a great additional 
source of profit to the Americans, as it also was to the 
islanders. The king and chiefs held the cutting of the 
wood as a special privilege, and it was described as ^^ a 
mine of wealth '' for them. By means of it they were 




enabled to supply themselves with schooners, boats, 
arms, ammunition, liquors, etc. Writers of the period 
refer to sandalwood as ^^ the standard coin," it being 
for the natives the chief article of barter.^ 

In the course of time, however, the character of the 
commerce and intercourse with the islands changed. 
For various reasons the fur trade lost much of its value, 
and the supply of sandalwood began to be exhausted. 
In this languishing state of trade, an industry, new to 
the North Pacific, suddenly sprang into importance, but 
fortunately for the American supremacy in the islands 
it was one in which they had long held preeminence in 
other parts of the world. The first vessel engaged in 
whaling arrived in the Hawaiian Islands in 1819, but 
the number rapidly multiplied and the commerce of the 
islands was soon transformed by them. 

While they were yet colonists of Great Britain, the 
Americans had shown their superior skill in the whal- 
ing industry. The statistics show that in 1775 the 
principal countries engaged in it were as follows: 
France, a very few vessels; Holland, 129 vessels; Eng- 
land, 96 ; while the American colonies had 309 vessels, 
manned by 4000 seamen, with a product in oil and 
whalebone of $1,111,000 in value. Edmund Burke, 
in his famous speech for conciliation with the colonies, 
devoted one of his eloquent passages to the American 
whaler. He said : ^^ Look at the manner in which the 
people of New England have of late carried on the 

^ 1 A Voyage of Discoyeiy, eto.» Captain George yaooouTer, LondoDi 
1798, pp. 172, 188 ; Delano's Vojages, 397, 399 ; Alexander't Hawaii. 
156 ; Papers of Hawaiian Hist. Society, No. 8, p. 15. 


whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the tam« 
bUng mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating 
into the deepest recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis's 
Straits, whilst we are looking for them beneath the 
Arctic circle, we hear that they have pierced into the 
opposite region of Polar cold — that they are at the An- 
tipodes, and engaged under the frozen serpent of the 
South. ... No ocean but what is vexed, with their 
fisheries, no climate that is not witness to their toils. 
Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity 
of France, nor the dextrous and firm sagacity of 
English enterprise, ever carried their perilous mode 
of hardy enterprise to the extent to which it has been 
pushed by this recent people — a people who are still, 
as it were, in the gristle, and not yet hardened into 
the bone of manhood/' ^ 

The war of the Revolution, from which Burke would 
have gladly saved them, and which suspended their ac- 
tivity in that direction, did not turn the New Englanders 
from their chosen avocation. Within two months after 
the preliminary treaty of peace was signed and before 
the permanent treaty had been agreed upon, a London 
newspaper of the period announced : ^^ On the third of 
February, 1783, the ship Bedford, Captain Moores, be- 
longing to Massachusetts, arrived in the Downs. She 
was not allowed regular entry until after some consul- 
tation between the commissioners of customs and the 
Lords of the Council, on account of the many acts of 
Parliament yet in force against the rebels of America. 
She was loaded with 587 barrels of whale oil and manned 

1 2 Works of Edmond Burke, Boston, 1866» p. 117. 



wholly with American seamen^ and belonged to the island 
of Nantucket. The vessel lay at the Horsley-Downs^ a 
litde below the Tower^ and was the first which displayed 
the thirteen stripes of America in any British port." 

Notwithstanding this early indication of activity^ the 
whale fishery did not quickly assume its former propoi^ 
tioos, owing to ihe heavy bounties of oiher governments 
and the embarrassment to our commerce from the Nar 
poleonic wars. Not till after the second war with Eng^ 
land did the American industry regain its ascendancrjr* 
These reasons explain the late appearance of its whaling 
vessels in the Pacific. In 1847^ when the industry was 
near its height, it is estimated that the total number of 
vessels of all nations engaged was about 900, and that 
of this number more than 800 were Americans, repre- 
senting an investment of $20,000,000 and an annual 
product of $13,000,000. 

The whaling vessels visiting the Hawaiian Islands 
soon increased. Six arrived the year after the first one 
appeared in 1819, the year following more than thirty 
are reported, and in 1822 twenty-four whalers were seen 
in Honolulu at one time. From that period forward to 
the Civil War, when the American whaling fleet was 
almost swept from the ocean by the Confederate cruisers, 
the whaling interest was the prominent feature of the 
island commerce. The number of vessels entered at 
the port of Honolulu for twenty years from 1824 was 
2008, of which 1712 were whalers, and more than three 
fourths of them were American. The business reached 
its culmination about 1845, when the local government 
reported that 497 whalers, manned by 14,905 sailors. 


refreshed in the ports of the islands. As late as 1863 
the number of whaling vessels visiting Honolulu was 
102^ of which 92 were American. But during the year 
following one of the Confederate cruisers appeared in 
the North Pacific^ and the industry for a time disap- 
peared. The fleet fell ofiE to 47 in 1871, and since 
that date has steadfly declined, owing in great measure 
to the scarcity of whales. But for more than thirty 
years it was the chief dependence of the islands for 
their prosperity; the vessels disbursed large sums for 
supplies and repairs ; and the inhabitants, being excel- 
lent seamen, were largely employed on the vessels.^ 

Notwithstanding the commercial interests caused the 
American influence to be predominant in the Hawaiian 
Islands, a new element was added which increased it 
and still more affected the social and political develop- 
ment. When they were discovered by Captain Cook in 
1778, the different islands were ruled by rival chiefs and 
were almost continuously in a state of warfare. Captain 
Vancouver, on his arrival in 1792, found Kamehameha, 
Jdng of the island of Hawaii, the largest of the group, 
intent on bringing all the other chiefs into subjection 
to his rule. He was possessed of military capacity and 
of many of the higher qualities of manhood, and Van- 
couver not only advised the rival chiefs to accept his 
sovereignty, but he instructed him in the arts of war 

American Whale Fisheries, A. Starhtick, U. S. Fish Commis* 
BOD, lS75-6y pt. IT. pp. 96, 225; Residence in Sandwich Islands, H. Bin^ 
bam. New York, 1847, p. 609 ; Hist Hawaiian Islands, J. J. Janres, 
Boftoo, lS43,p. 231; The Hawaiian Islands, R. Anderson, Boston, 1865^ 
p. 251 ; Alexander's Hawaii, 181, 297 ; W. H. Seward in U. S. Senatet 
JfHj 89^ 1852, Cong. Globe, toL xbt. pt ii. p. 1973» 32d Cong. 1st Seii. 


and built and armed for him a small yessel, which proved 
an important addition to his military establishment. 

E^amehameha eventually became the ruler of the 
whole group, and thus laid the foundation of Hawaiian 
nationality. He ended his career in 1819, and his 
death was followed by strange and unexpected events. 
The natives had for generations been practicing a de- 
grading and sanguinary idolatry and a superstitious and 
tyrannical system known as tabu. The advisers of the 
young king Liholiho induced him to put an end to both 
as false and as injiirious to his people. 

These events synchronized with the dispatch from 
Boston, by the American Board of Foreign Missions, — 
an organization of the Congregational churches of New 
England, — of a company of missionaries to propagate 
among the Hawaiians the doctrines of Christianity. A 
zeal for foreign missions had a few years before been 
awakened in the churches of that denomination espe- 
cially, and the attention of their board of missions 
being attracted to the Hawaiian Islands by the intimate 
relations of the New England merchants and vessels with 
them, this movement was set on foot to convert the 
natives to Christianity. 

The first missionaries were kindly received, and hope- 
fully entered upon their labors under favorable condi- 
tions. Additional missionaries were sent out from the 
Boston board, and soon they were actively at work 
throughout the group. Such great success attended 
their labors that within a few years the larger part of 
the population were reported as adherents of Chris- 
tianity, including the king and the court. In 1843, 

^Maoh»*i- mil ■■ 


John Qiiincy Adams, then chainnan of the Committee 
of Foreign Affairs of the Honse, made a report to Con- 
grress in which he spoke of this achievement as follows : 
^^ It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends 
of human improvement and virtue that, by the mild 
and gentle influence of Christian charity, dispensed by 
humble missionaries of the gospel unarmed with secular 
power within the last quarter of a century, the people 
of this group of islands have been converted from the 
lowest abasement of idolatry to the blessings of the 
Christian gospel; united under one balanced govern- 
ment; rallied to the fold of civilization by a written 
language and constitution providing security for the 
rights of persons, property, and mind, and invested with 
all the elements of right and power which can entitle 
them to be acknowledged by their brethren of the 
human race as a separate and independent commu- 

The islands were visited in 1860 by the well-known 
American, Richard H. Dana, who, after spending some 
time in investigating the work of the missionaries, on 
his return to the United States published an article 
upon the subject. From his high standing as a lawyer, 
and from the fact that he was not a member of the de- 
nomination which wrought this great transformation in 
the population, his statement carries great weight. The 
following extract is taken from his article : ^^ It is no 
smaU thing to say of the missionaries of the American 
Board that in less than forty years they have taught 
whole people to read and to write, to cipher and to 

^ H. Report No. 98, 27th Cong. 3d Seas. 



sew. They have inyen them an alphabet, fframmar, 
a^d dictionaiy; pJLrved their lang^ge fcorextino! 
tion; given it a literature, and translated into it the 
Bible and works of devotion, science, entertainment, 
etc. They have established schools, reared up native 
teachers, and so pressed their work that now the pro- 
portion of inhabitants who can read and write is g^reater 
than in New England ; and whereas thej foimd these 
islanders a nation of half-naked savages, living in the 
surf and on the sand, eating raw fish, fighting among 
themselves, tyrannized over by feudal chiefs, and aban- 
doned to sensuality, they now see them decently clothed, 
recognizing the laws of marriage, knowing something 
of accounts, going to school and public worship with 
more regularity than the people do at home ; and the 
more elevated of them taking part in conducting the 
affairs of the constitutional monarchy under which 
they five, holding seats on the judicial bench and in 
the legislative chambers, and filling posts in the local 

The result of this work of the missionaries was seen 
in the new order of things in society and government. 
Regulations were decreed by which the outward exhibi- 
tion of Ucentiousness and intemperance was sought to 
be restrained, crime and disorder punished, and the civil 
rights of the people enforced by judicial process. The 
government, which had before been a despotic autocracy, 
assumed a constitutional form, and the king was aided 
by an organized body of advisers, and later by a legisla- 
tive assembly. This political reorganization was almost 
entirely the work of the missionaries. They were not 


always free from mistakes in government, but they 
always studied the good of the people and the best in- 
terests of the king.^ 

Much diversity of sentiment has been expressed by 
writers upon the effects of the labors of the Christian 
missionaries in the Orient, but the better judgment 
of candid observers is in favor of their beneficial in- 
fluence on the rulers and the people, even aside from 
the religious considerations involved. Their useful 
service in connection with the diplomatic intercourse 
of the Western nations with the Far East has been es- 
pecially conspicuous. Notice has already been taken of 
the valuable participation of the Catholic missionaries, 
both as interpreters and advisers, in the negotiation of 
the first treaty between China and Bussia in 1689. It 
has also been seen that in other missions to Peking dur- 
ing the eighteenth century the Christian fathers were 
an indispensable part of all of them. 

When the British government was making arrange- 
ments to send the Macartney embassy to Peking in 
1792, search was made for a competent person to act 
as interpreter, and the secretary to the embassy records 
that ^^ in all the British dominions not one person could 
be procured properly qualified,'^ and that after much 
inquiry two Christian Chinese students were found in 
the mission college at Naples, Italy, who were engaged 
for that service. 

^ Anderson's Hmwaii, 09. For acoonnt of work of missionaries, see 
Anderson, Bingham's Sandwich Islands, Jarves's History, and History of 
the Sandwich Islands bj S. Dibble (1S43). A letter from the secretary 
of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, dated May 
7, 1902, estimates the total expenditures of the Board in the Hawaiian 
Islands at 91,595,335. 


The well-known EnglJBh missioiiaiy and Chinese in- 
terpreter^ Dr. Bobert Morrison^ was the chief inter- 
preter of the Amherst embassy in 1816^ and he acted 
as ihe official interpreter and trusted adviser of the 
British government and the East India Company at 
Canton for twenty-five years. During the Opium War 
and in the peace negotiations. Dr. Gutzlaff, the Grerman 
missionary and historian, was in the employ of the 
British government, as interpreter and adviser, and was 
most useful in the negotiations.^ He was also of ser- 
vice to the government of the United States in a similar 
capacity, as will be noticed later. 

When Mr. Roberts was sent by the American gov- 
ernment to negotiate treaties witii Siam and other 
oriental countries, he first went to Canton and there 
engaged the services as interpreter of Mr. J. R. Mor- 
rison, the son of Dr. Morrison. The valuable assist- 
ance of Dr. Peter Parker, a missionary of the American 
Board at Canton, has already been noticed in connec- 
tion with Mr. Cushing's mission in 1844. In a later 
chapter his further service to ihe government will be 
mentioned. Dr. S. Wells Williams, another missionary 
of the American Board, it will be seen, was associated 
with Commodore Perry in the opening of Japan, and 
there will be frequent occasion to refer to him in con- 
nection with the diplomatic service of the United States 
in the East. 

These instances are cited to show what an important 
part the missionaries have borne in the international 

1 Staunton's Embassy, 24 ; Davis's China during the War, eto.,/ximni/ 
WiUiami's Hist China, 100, 184, 190, 204. 


xelations of the Pacific. The instances might he mul- 
tipliedy and a detailed examination of these relations 
will disclose that up to the middle of the last century 
the Christian missionaries were an absolute necessity to 
diplomatic intercourse. Their influence upon the peo- 
ple and the governments of China and Japan will be 
discussed later. In Hawaii, after the conversion of the 
islands to Christianity, the missionaries were an ever- 
present factor in public affairs, and eventually their 
descendants became the leading advocates of annexa- 
tion to the United States. 

Before it had been determined by treaty what were 
the territorial rights of the United States in Oregon, 
and five years anterior to the acquisition of California, 
the President announced to the world by a message to 
Congress that the commercial and other interests of the 
United States in Hawaii were of such a predominating 
character that the government could not allow those 
islands to pass into the. possession or come under the 
control of any other nation. Notwithstanding the 
trade relations of the United States were established 
almost immediately after the discovery of the islands, 
that fact did not deter other powers from repeated 
^orte to secure their possession. Their commanding 
situation in the Pacific was a constant temptation to 
the greed of colonizing nations. 

The first attempt at securing possession was made by 
the British naval officer. Captain Vancouver, on his 
third visit in 1794, who proceeded, as he states, ^^ under 
a conviction of the importance of those islands to Great 
Britain." Before taking his departure he caused a 


council of the chiefs to be convened by the king, 
Kamehameha, and^ upon ihe promise of the captain 
that the British government would take them under its 
protection and send them a war vesseli they " acknow- 
ledged themselves to be subjects of G^eat Britain/' A 
copper plate was prepared with an inscription reciting 
the fact that the king and chiefs o£ the island of Ha- 
waii ^^ had ceded the island to his Britannic Majesty ; " 
this tablet was placed in a conspicuous position, with 
much ceremony, the firing of salutes, and distribution 
of presents ; and the squadron sailed away without fur- 
ther act of occupation. The report of Vancouver's ac- 
tion reached England during the troubles growing out 
of the French Revolution, and no further attention was 
given to the matter or steps taken to confirm the cession. 
As early as 1809 the Russians had visited the islands, 
and a few years later had some trade relations with 
them. It is alleged that Baranoff, the able governor 
of Russian America, seeing the desirability of making 
the islands a part of the Russian possessions on the 
Pacific, set on foot an expedition for that purpose. In 
the year 1815 a vessel dispatched by him arrived at 
Kauai, and its commander, after some conference with 
the authorities, landed on the island, and proceeded 
to build a stone fort, over which the Russian flag was 
raised. Tikhmeneff, the Russian historian, states that 
an agreement was made with the king of Kauai for 
commercial privileges, by which he placed his island 
under the protection of the emperor of Russia; and 
that when the agreement reached the Czar he declined 
to ratify it. But however that may be^ as soon as 


Kamehameha heard of ihe occupation he ordered the 
Russians to leave the island, which thej did under pro- 
test, and the fort was destroyed. This ended all at- 
tempts on the part of Russia to gain a foothold in the 

The first official connection which the government 
of the United States had with the islands was through 
John C. Jones, who was appointed September 19, 1820, 
as '^ agent of the United States for commerce and sea- 
men." Under this appointment he discharged the 
usual duties of a consul, and sustained to the govern- 
ment and local authorities the relation of a political 
representative. He was the sole foreign official until 
1825, when Richard Charlton arrived, as consul-general 
of Great Britain for the Hawaiian and Society Islands. 
Both of these officials remained at their posts for a 
numher of years, but neither of them seems to have 
been happy in their relations with the authorities, and 
both were finally removed from office by their respec- 
tive governments.^ 

In 1825 the government of the United States directed 
the commander of the Pacific squadron to have one of 
its vessels visit the Hawaiian Islands to inquire into the 
state of trade and concert with the government of the 
islands a better method of conducting relations. The 
task was intrusted to Captain Thomas ap Catesby Jones, 

1 3 VMioonTer*8 Voyage, 66 ; Greenhow's Oregon, 250 ; Hopkins's 
Hawmii, 123 ; 4 Foreign Relations of U. S. (folio ed.) 855 ; Jarves's Hist 
Smadwich Islands, 201 ; Hawaiian Hist. Soo., Paper No. 6. 

' A. H. AUen's Report, Foreign Relations, U. S. 1894, Appendix ii. 
p. 8 ; Janres's Hist. 251, 268 ; Hopkins's Hawaii, 274 ; 2 A Jonmej 
round tlie World, Sir Greorge Simpson, London, 1847, p. 05. 


commanding the Peacock, and the mission was dis- 
charged with much credit to him and profit to the two 
governments. He negotiated and signed, December 23, 
1826, the first formal treaty ever entered into by the 
island government with any foreign power. It con- 
tained the usual stipulations of a commercial treaty of 
the period, and it is especially noticeable that it recog* 
nized the right and duty of the courts of the country 
to exercise jurisdiction over the persons and property 
of the American residents. It was a high testimonial to 
the progress which had been made by the Hawaiians 
in civilization that the American authorities were will* 
ing to allow the native judges, who had so recently 
emerged from barbarism, to pass upon the rights of 
their citizens resident there. When the American gov^ 
emment negotiated a treaty with China twenty years 
later, and with Japan thirty years later, it reserved to its 
own consuls jurisdiction over their countrymen. The 
treaty with the Hawaiian king was not submitted to the 
Senate and ratified in the usual form, but it continued 
to be observed by both parties to it until superseded by 
the treaty of 1849.^ 

Captain Jones found other duties to perform during 
this visit. Notwithstanding the good effects of the 
work of the missionaries on the natives and the rulers, 
they had incurred the bitter opposition of many of the 
foreign element. The character of the latter was not 
in all respects commendable. It was made up in con- 
siderable numbers of deserters from vessels touching at 

^ Foreign Relations, 1894, App. ii. 8, 35. As to exterritoriality in 
Hawaii, 7 Opinions of Attomeys-Generali 29. 

k -wi.y 

S3?r ^A.iTjjz iij 

die poitii» flf oofAfl fsociizs frniL BinzLT- B&t, si>£ ^i 
able and ef^tt bi \ 'im.u\^ ibbxj <£ ai£> zr 

the monls of ife pec^iie. Wiisn izif^ g-^-^rgT.maii irfi$ 
reorguazed und e r iLe daec^oL cc ibe s^ssSv^rkiniK;. :r 
made tlie Mrwiir rwrnt^^iTangia iLe riLsss if 3^;i::isl.%« 
tioDy and stnct lam v^ere p&ssei for dire otisaeirr&soe ci 
the Sabbadiy and for ibe pcr.iAuy-r.i of ik)erui>usaNisss 
and intempeianee. Thk scnemess icie^rf ex>ed noc ihiIt 
with the deprared habits of the Ticious, bat with the 
profits of many tzaders. The port of Honolula was 
divided into two pazties — missioDaiy and anti-mission* 
aiy — and charges and cofrnter-chargtes had been made* 
The anti-missionaiT party, headed by the British con* 
snl-generaly proposed to submit the charges to the arbi- 
tration of Captain Jones, and the proposition was ac- 
cepted by the missionaries. The result was a complete 
vindication of the latter. Captain Jones concludes a 
report of this trial or investigation in these wonls : 
'^ Not one jot or tittle, not one iota derogatory to tlieir 
character as men, as ministers of the gospel of tlie 
strictest order, or as missionaries, could be made to ap- 
pear by the united, efforts of all who conspired against 
them." ^ 

Commanders of naval vessels of the United States 
were often called upon in the early part of the last cen- 
tury, in the faroff ports of semi-civilized and barbarous 
countries, to act as peacemakers in the settlement of 
differences between their countrymen and the natives, 

> Jarret's Hist 206 ; Bingham's Sandwiob IiUndi, aOL 


and in almost all cases their action was on the side of 
justice and morality. When the exception occurred it 
was the more noticeable. The controversy which was 
arbitrated by Captain Jones grew, in part, out of the 
visit of another naval vessel of the United States, the 
Dolphin, which anchored in Honolulu on the January 
previous to the arrival of Captain Jones. Its crew soon 
created trouble because of the regulations against pros- 
titution. The Hawaiians, before their conversion to 
Christianity, possessed very loose ideas as to chastity, and 
upon the arrival of foreign vessels it had been the cus- 
tom of the native females to go on board in large num- 
bers. When the new order of government was brought 
about, under the influence of the missionaries, strict 
rules were enforced putting a stop to this immoral prac- 
tice. It had met with the bitter opposition of the crews 
of foreign vessels, but up to the arrival of the Dolphin 
the new regulations were being successfully enforced. 
When its crew set itself in opposition to the law, the 
commander of the Dolphin took up the controversy for 
his men, and denounced the law as unnecessary, and 
one which they need not observe. The result was that 
for a time the law was not enforced, and this action of 
an armed vessel of the American navy had an evil effect 
temporarily on the influence of the missionaries. 

The arrival a few months after this disgraceful oc- 
currence of an honorable and virtuous representative 
of the United States navy and his vindication of the 
missionaries did much to undo the bad example of the 
crew of the Dolphin. Upon the return of this vessel 
to the United States a court of inquiry was ordered^ and 


its conclusion was that a court-martial for the trial of 
ihe commanding officer was not necessary. An exam- 
ination of the record of the court shows that its action 
was based upon purely technical grounds, and that the 
officer's conduct was in the highest degree reprehen- 

Three years after the events just related the coming 
of another war vessel of the United States had a very 
salutary effect. In 1829 the United States naval vessel 
Vincennes, Captain Finch, arrived, bearing a letter from 
the Secretary of the Navy, communicating the views 
and good wishes of the President. The delivery of the 
letter and the presents accompanying it was made an 
occasion of much ceremony and congratulation. The 
letter was read in translation to King Kamehameha 
m., in the presence of the chiefs and leading people, 
the spirit of which may be seen from the following ex- 
tract : '^ He [the President] has heard with interest and 
admiration of the rapid progress which has been made 
by your people in acquiring a knowledge of letters and 
the true religion — the religion of the Christian's Bible. 
These are the best, and the only means, by which the 
prosperity and happiness of nations can be advanced 
and continued, and the President, and all men every- 
where who wish well to yourselves and your people, 
earnestly hope that you will continue to cultivate them, 
and to protect and encourage those by whom they are 
brought to you." 

It had been a much disputed question in the islands 

^ Hopkins, 210 ; Janres, 263 ; Bingbam, 2S3 ; Beport of Court of In- 
%mi7, NetbI AzohiTei. 


and in almost all cases their action was on the side of 
justice and morality. When the exception occurred it 
was the more noticeable. The controversy which was 
arbitrated by Captain Jones gprew, in part, out of the 
visit of another naval vessel of the United States, the 
Dolphin^ which anchored in Honolulu on the January 
previous to the arrival of Captain Jones. Its crew soon 
created trouble because of the regulations against pros- 
titution. The Hawaiians, before their conversion to 
Christianity^ possessed very loose ideas as to chastity, and 
upon the arrival of foreign vessels it had been the cus- 
tom of the native females to go on board in large num- 
bers. When the new order of government was brought 
about, under the influence of the missionaries, strict 
rules were enforced putting a stop to this immoral prac- 
tice. It had met with the bitter opposition of the crews 
of foreign vessels, but up to the arrival of the Dolphin 
the new regulations were being successfully enforced. 
When its crew set itself in opposition to the law, the 
commander of the Dolphin took up the controversy for 
his men, and denounced the law as unnecessary, and 
one which they need not observe. The result was that 
for a time the law was not enforced, and this action of 
an armed vessel of the American navy had an evil effect 
temporarily on the influence of the missionaries. 

The arrival a few months after this disg^ceful oc- 
currence of an honorable and virtuous representative 
of the United States navy and his vindication of the 
missionaries did much to undo the bad example of the 
crew of the Dolphin. Upon the return of this vessel 
to the United States a court of inquiry was ordered, and 


its coDclusion was that a court-martial for the trial of 
ihe commandiDg officer was not necessary. An exam- 
ination of the record of the court shows that its action 
was based upon purely technical grounds^ and that the 
officer's conduct was in the highest degree reprehen- 

Three years after the events just related the coming 
of another war vessel of the United States had a very 
salutary effect. In 1829 the United States naval vessel 
Vincennes, Captain Finch, arrived, bearing a letter from 
the Secretary of the Navy, communicating the views 
and good wishes of the President. The delivery of the 
letter and the presents accompanying it was made an 
occasion of much ceremony and congratulation. The 
letter was read in translation to King Kamehameha 
m.^ in the presence of the chiefs and leading people, 
the spirit of which may be seen from the following ex- 
tract : '^ He [the President] has heard with interest and 
admiration of the rapid progress which has been made 
by your people in acquiring a knowledge of letters and 
the true religion — the religion of the Christian's Bible. 
These are the best, and the only means, by which the 
prosperity and happiness of nations can be advanced 
and continued, and the President, and all men every- 
where who wish well to yourselves and your people, 
earnestly hope that you will continue to cultivate them, 
and to protect and encourage those by whom they are 
brought to you." 

It had been a much disputed question in the islands 

> HopkiDS, 210 ; Janret, 263 ; Bingham, 2S3 ; Beport of Court of In- 


lyhether foreigners were bound by the local laws, and 
it was a great gratification to ihe king and his sup- 
porters to have the President say, ** Our citizens who 
violate your laws^ or interfere with your regulations^ 
violate at the same time their duty to their own gov- 
ernment and country, and merit censure and punish- 
ment ; " and to listen to his appeal that the citizens of 
the United States resident in the islands should receive 
the protection of the government and have their inter- 
ests promoted by it. The king in his letter of reply 
said : ^^ Best affection to you, the Chief Magistrate of 
America. ... I know the excellence of your commor 
nicating to me that which is right and true. I approve 
with admiration the justness and fitultlessness of your 
word. . . . Look on us wiih charity ; we have formerly 
been extremely dark-minded, and ignorant of the usages 
of enlightened countries. You are the source of intel- 
ligence and light. This is the origin of our minds 
being a little enlightened — the arrival here of the 
Word of God. This is the foundation of a little men- 
tal improvement which we have recently made, and that 
we come to know a little of what is right, and the cus- 
toms of civilized nations. On this account we do 
greatly rejoice at the present time." The ceremony of 
the delivery of the letter and presents was foUowed by 
a round of civilities, in which the officers of the Yin- 
cennes were entertained at the houses of the leading 
natives, and the American visitors were greatly im- 
pressed with the sincerity of their Christian profession 
and their advance in civilized life and deportment.^ 

1 For. Rel. U. S. 1894, App. ii. 8, 39 ; Bbgham, 353 ; JanrM, 287, 3791 


The third demonstration of a foreign power against 
the sovereignty of Hawaii was on the part of France in 
1839. For several years previous the islands had been 
greatly disturbed by the efforts of the Boman Catholic 
clergy to gain a foothold and disseminate their tenets. 
The king from the beginning had resisted ihe move- 
ment, claiming that the ceremonies of that religion were 
so similar to the idolatry which the people had recently 
abandoned that it was not wise to allow it ; besides, he 
held that it would bring a disturbing element into the 
population which should be avoided. The Protestant 
missionaries were charged with having influenced the 
action of the king, but this they denied, and while they 
said they believed in religious toleration, they pointed 
to the fact that at that time freedom of worship was 
not allowed in most of the Catholic countries of Eu- 
rope. The British consul, jealous of the influence 
of the American missionaries, warmly supported the 
Catholic movement, one of the priests, an Irishman, 
being a British subject. The Jesuit fathers who were 
seeking the right of residence, appealed to France as 
their protector, and the islands were visited at differ- 
ent times by French war vessels, with a view to adjust- 
ing the question with the government, but the latter 
remained firm in its resolution. Various priests were 
expelled, and the native adherents were arrested and 

On July 10, 1839, the French sixty-g^ frigate 
L'Artemise arrived in Honolulu, and the commander 
immediately sent to the Hawaiian government a written 
demand in the name of '^ His Majesty the King of the 


French/' in which he required that it should be stipa- 
lated that the Catholic worship be declared tree, that a 
site for a Catholic church be g^ven by the g^vemmenty 
and that it deposit with the commander $20,000 as 
a g^uarantee for the execution of the stipulation. To 
these conditions be added later that the law which had 
been enacted to keep out liquors be so modified as to 
allow of the introduction of French liquors at a duty of 
five per cent., which was a virtual abolition of all tem- 
perance laws. The demand of the Artemise included 
a notice that if the government did not sign a treaty 
covering these stipulations, ^^war will immediately com- 
mence, and all the devastation, all the calamities which 
may be the unhappy but necessary results." 

Notice was also served upon the British and Amer- 
ican consuls that unless the demands were complied 
with by the 13tb, he would open fire upon the town, 
and offering refuge and protection on his vessel to their 
countrymen. But to the latter consul he added that the 
American Protestant clergy would be treated as a part 
of the native population when hostilities should beg^. 
The king was absent at one of the distant islands, and 
the French commander, refusing to await his return, 
forced the prime minister and the governor of Oahu 
to sign the treaty. To make the humiliation of the 
Hawaiians more complete, the commander brought his 
crew on shore in military array with fixed bayonets, 
and caused a mass to be celebrated in one of the king's 
summer houses. However much the king and his advis- 
ers may have been in error, the conduct of the French 
government was entirely unjustifiable and would only 


have been resorted to against a weak and defenseless 

A short time before the Artemise affair, the British 
war vessel Acteon, Lord Bussell commanding, had ^^ ne- 
gotiated a treaty " under the guns of his ship. These 
and other events made it apparent to the advisers of 
the king that, unless the independence of the islands 
could be secured by the recognition of some of the 
leading maritime nations, they would continue to be 
subjected to such humiliation and that their independent 
existence might be termiDated. Sir (jeorge Simpson, 
ihe governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, a man of 
large experience in dealing with native races, being in 
the islands, joined in advising that a formal appeal to 
this end be made to the United States, Great Britain, 
and France. Accordingly Sir George Simpson, Mr. 
Richards, the missionary adviser of the king, and Haa- 
lilio, a native chief, were appointed a commission to 
visit the countries named, and ask for national recogni- 
tion. Sir George Simpson went direct to England, and 
the two last named first visited the United States, in- 
tending to join Simpson in London.^ On their arrival 
in Washington in December, 1842, they addressed a 
note to Mr. Webster, setting forth the reasons why the 
independence of the islands should be formally acknow- 
ledged. They referred to the agreement entered into 
with the United States through Captain Jones in 1826, 
which, though never ratified by the United States, had 

1 For. Bel. 1894, App. iL 9, 36 ; Jarres, 320 ; Hopkins, 245 ; Bingham, 
' Sir G. Simpson's Joamey, 171 ; Bingham, 6S6. 



been faithfully observed by Hawaii ; they described in 
some detail the extent of the American trade ; and an- 
nounced their readiness to enter into treaty n^^tia- 
tions; for which they possessed full powers. 

Mr. Webster promptly replied to their note^ making 
just acknowledgment for the protection extended to the 
trade of the United States and the hospitality to its 
citizens ; and proceeded to state the views of the Presi- 
dent, in terms highly gratifying to the commisdon. 
This was followed the same month by a special message 
of the President to Congress, carefully drafted by Sec- 
retary Webster. 

Its importance to the islands and the future interests 
of the United States justifies the following extract : — 

^^ Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the govern- 
ment of the Sandwich Islands is as yet feeble ; but its 
dispositions appear to be just and pacific, and it seems 
anxious to improve the condition of its people, by the 
introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral insti* 
tutions, means of education, and the arts of civilized 

^^It cannot but be in conformity with the interest 
and wishes of the government and the people of the 
United States, that this community, thus existing in the 
midst of a vast expanse of ocean, should be respected, 
and all its rights strictly and conscientiously regarded. 
And this must also be the true interest of all other 
commercial states. Far remote from the dominions of 
European powers, its growth and prosperity as an inde- 
pendent state may yet be in a high degree useful to all 
whose trade is extended to those regions; while its 


nearer approach to this continent, and the intercourse 
which American vessels have with it, — such vessels con- 
stituting five sixths of all which annually visit it, — 
could not but create dissatisfaction on the part of the 
United States at any attempt, by another power, should 
such attempt be threatened or feared, to take possession 
of the islands and colonize them, and subvert the native 
government. Considering, therefore, that the United 
States possesses so very large a share of the intercourse 
with those islands, it is indeed not unfit to make the 
declaration that their government seeks nevertheless no 
peculiar advantages, no exclusive control over the Ha- 
waiian government, but is content with its independent 
existence, and anxiously wishes for its security and pros- 
perity. Its forbearance in this respect, under the cir- 
cumstances of the very large intercourse of its citizens 
with the islands, would justify this government, should 
events hereafter arise to require it, in making a decided 
remonstrance against the adoption of an opposite policy 
by any other power." * 

This positive declaration of the interest and purpose 
of the government of the United States had the desired 
effect in Europe. Mr. Richards and Haalilio met Sir 
George Simpson in London, and without much difficulty 
brought the British government to an agreement to 
recognize the independence of Hawaii. More difficulty 
was encountered at Paris, but after due explanations as 
to the policy of the island government respecting the 
CSatholic religion, the French government consented to 

^ H. Ex. Doc No. 35, 27th Cong. 3d Seas. ; alio For. ReL 1894, App 


tiie recognition. England and France united in a de- 
claration that they ^^ engage, reciprocally, to consider 
the Sandwich Islands as an independent state, and never 
to take possession, eitiier directly or under the title of 
protectorate, or under any other form, of any part of 
the territory of which tiiey are composed." The gov- 
ernment of the United States was invited to join in 
this declaration but declined under its general poliir^ of 
avoiding complications with European powers.^ 

While these negotiations were having such a satis- 
factory conclusion, the fourth attempt at tiie overthrow 
of the island government was being made at Honolulu. 
The British consul, Mr. Charlton, who had been in con- 
troversy over certain claims which he was urging upon 
tiie government, left Honolulu without notice and laid 
his grievances before the commander of the nearest Brit- 
ish vessel. Her Majesty's ship Carysfort, Lord George 
Faulet commanding, made her appearance in the har- 
bor of Honolulu in February, 1843. Finding the king 
absent, Lord Faulet informed the governor of Oahu 
that he had come to ask reparation for certain insults 
offered to her Majesty's representatives and for injuries 
to her subjects, and requested that the king be immedi- 
ately notified to return. On his arrival an unsatisfac- 
tory correspondence ensued, which ended in a written 
demand being made upon the king for his immediate 
compliance with a series of stipulations, unjust in their 
nature and entirely subversive of his authority. 

In view of the threatening attitude of the British 
commander and of the inability of the king to accede 

1 Biogham, 606 ; For. ReL 1894, App. ii. 64, 105. 


to the stipulations^ the latter, upon advice of his coun- 
cily detennined to cede temporarily the possession of the 
islands to the British commander, and appeal to the 
queen of Great Britain for the restoration of his rights. 
Thereupon Lord Paulet accepted the cession, took 
charge of the government under a commission nomi- 
nated by himself, pulled down the Hawaiian flag and 
raised the British standard in its place over the forts 
and public buildings, and organized a native regiment, 
called the ^^ Queen's Own," officered by British subjects 
and paid out of the Hawaiian treasury, but required to 
take an oath of allegiance to the queen. 

The king sent letters to the queen of Great Britain 
and the President of the United States, appealing to 
them to restore him to his throne, and issued the fol- 
lowing pathetic proclamation : ^^ Where are you, chiefs, 
people, and commons from my ancestor, and people 
from foreign lands ? Hear ye ! I make known to you 
that I am in perplexity by reason of difficulties into 
which I have been brought without cause ; therefore I 
have given away the life of our land, hear ye ! But 
my rule over you, my people, and your privileges will 
continue, for I have hope that the life of the land will 
be restored when my conduct shall be justified." 

The British occupation took place February 25, 
1843, and early in July, Commodore Kearny, in com- 
mand of the United States ship Constellation, anchored 
at Honolulu, en route to the United States from Can- 
ton, China, where he had rendered valuable service to his 
country. As soon as he had informed himself of the 
situation, he sent a vigorous protest to the authorities 


against the cession, and every act and measure con- 
nected with it, and held them responsible for all inju- 
ries that might result tiieref rom to American citizens or 
their interests. Meanwhile the commander of tiie Brit- 
ish naval forces in the Pacific, Admiral Thomas, having 
received intelligence of Faulet's action, reached the 
islands on July 26, and immediately upon becoming 
possessed of the facts, disavowed the act, and proceeded 
to make restoration. In order that the disavowal should 
be as public as possible, he arranged for a large mili- 
tary display, took the king with him in a carriage to 
the public square, and in the presence of tiie people 
restored him to power, supplanted the British with the 
Hawaiian flag, and caused it to be saluted by all tiie 
forts and vessels in the harbor. 

For this act of justice so cordially rendered. Admiral 
Thomas has been held in high esteem by the Hawaiian 
people. As soon as the intelligence reached the British 
government, the act of annexation was publicly disa- 
vowed, and the British minister in Washington made 
the fact known to the Secretary of State in the most 
emphatic terms. On the return of the Hawaiian com- 
missioners from Europe to the United States, on their 
way to the islands, they found that Congress had au- 
thorized the appointment of a diplomatic agent, that he 
had already repaired to his post, and had been received 
by Kamehameha IH. Thus did it seem as if the Ha- 
waiian government was at last established upon a stable 
basis, with the recognition and support of the great 
maritime powers of the world.^ 

1 For. Rel. 1894, App. ii. 9, 45-60 ; Bingham, 692 ; Hopldni, ohi^ 
rriii. and zix. 


But there were trials yet in store for the young and 
feeble member of the family of nations. The treaty 
which the French naval commander had forced upon 
the king in 1839, at the cannon's mouth, contained two 
objectionable clauses — the first, that no Frenchman 
should be tried on a criminal charge except by a jury 
of foreigners proposed by the French consul ; and the 
second, that all French goods should be admitted at a 
duty of not more than 5 per cent. The British gov- 
ernment having made demand in 1844 for like terms, 
the Hawaiian king was forced to grant them. It was 
most unfortunate that these two treaties, obtained by 
constraint, should be made the occasion of a serious 
disagreement with the diplomatic representative of the 
United States, whose coming had been hailed with so 
much satisfaction. A case of rape on the part of an 
American citizen arose, and Mr. Brown, the United 
States commissioner (diplomatic representative), inter- 
vened, and, under the terms of the treaty with France 
and Great Britain, claimed the right to demand a 
trial by a foreign jury, but the Hawaiian authorities 
proceeded without granting his demand. They were 
clearly in the wrong, and although justifying them- 
selves on technical grounds, their action was undoubt- 
edly provoked by Mr. Brown's domineering and insult- 
ing conduct. He was sustained by the Secretary of 
State, but at the request of the Hawaiian government 
he was recalled and a new commissioner appointed.^ 

This incident directed attention to the unsatisfac- 
tory state of the treaty relations with foreign powers. 
While both England and France had recognized the 

^ For. Bel. 1894, App. ii. 11, 38, 65, 66. 


independence of ihe government, their treaties placed 
it in a dependent or restrained position relative to judi- 
cial procedure, the tariff, and the temperance laws. No 
treaty had been made with the United States since the 
unratified ag^ement of 1826, which was still recc^ized 
as binding by the island government, but it iras very 
imperfect in its provisions. The Secretary of State, 
therefore, addressed himself to the task of making a 
treaty which would in all respects place Hawaii on an 
equal footing with all other Cihristian powers. Author- 
ity was conferred upon the new commissioner of the 
United States, Mr. Ten Eyck, to negotiate, and a 
lengthy correspondence ensued with the Hawaiian for- 
eign office, but as the American plenipotentiary insisted 
upon clauses similar to the objectionable ones in the 
British and French treaties, no agreement was reached. 
Meanwhile Mr. Ten Eyck, having become unaccepta- 
ble to both his own government and that of Hawaii, 
was recalled, and the negotiations transferred to Wash- 
ington, where a treaty was signed December 20, 1849, 
between Secretary Clayton and John J. Jarves, special 
commissioner of Hawaii. This treaty was free from the 
objectionable clauses referred to, and was similar in its 
provisions to those negotiated by the United States with 
other Christian nations. It remained in force during all 
the subsequent existence of the Hawaiian government, 
and its terms were ultimately accepted by Great Britain 
and France. Thus for a second time was the United 
States successful in its support of the claims of this 
new nation to complete autonomy.^ 

1 For. Bel. 1S91, App. ii. 12, 13, 69, 79. 


the negotiations were progressing at Wash- 
ington^ fresh troubles with France had arisen at the 
islands. A new consul had arrived in 1848, and he 
soon became involved in quarrels with the native offi- 
cials. Having communicated his grievances to his 
home government, on August 12, 1849, two French 
men-of-war arrived at Honolulu, under command of 
Admiral De Tromelin, to support the demands of the 
consul. On the 22d the admiral sent to the king a 
peremptory demand embracing ten demands, the most 
important of which was that the duties on French 
brandy, which it was alleged were prohibitory, should 
be reduced one half, and that the French language 
should be used in official intercourse ; the others being 
of a petty character. The demand was accompanied 
by a notice that a reply was expected within three 
days, and if it was not satisfactory, the admiral would 
^^ employ the force at his disposal to obtain a complete 

The answer did not prove satisfactory, and on the 
25th of August an armed force was landed from the 
war vessels, with field-pieces, scaling-ladders, etc. Pos- 
session was taken of the forts and government build- 
ing, and of all Hawaiian vessels. The forts were dis- 
mantled, the g^ns spiked, the ammunition thrown into 
the sea, and the king's yacht confiscated. These ^^ re- 
prisals " having been taken, the troops were withdrawn 
on the 28th, the consul and his family went on board, 
and the French squadron sailed away. 

This outrage led to the dispatch of a special commis- 
sbner to France, Dr. Judd, accompanied by two native 


princes^ the heir apparent and his brother. The com- 
mission spent ten weeks in Paris seeking to n^^tiate 
a treaty, but without success. In London the basis of 
a new and equitable treaty was agreed upon with Great 
Britain^ similar to tiie one signed with the United 
States. Returning by way of Washington, they soli- 
cited the United States to join with England and France 
in a tripartite convention respecting Hawaii, which was 
again declined ; but the government agreed to use its 
good offices with France for a settlement of existing 
difficulties. Its attempts in that direction led to ani- 
mated conferences between the American minister in 
Paris and the minister for foreign affairs, in which 
the French government was given to understand that 
the United States, owing to its paramount interest in 
those islands, would allow no forcible occupation of 
them by any foreign power. 

The French government, being still apparently bent 
upon forcing its demands, sent out a special commis- 
sioner, Mr. Perrin, who arrived at Honolulu in a war 
vessel in December, 1850. He presented anew the 
former demand with its ten articles, and entered upon 
a voluminous and irritating correspondence which con- 
tinued through three months. The king, perplexed by 
these persistent demands and threats of violence, with 
the advice of his privy council, signed a proclamation 
in due form, in which he declared that, ^^ despairing of 
equity and justice from France, we hereby proclaim as 
our royal will and pleasure that all our islands, and all 
our rights as sovereign over them, are from the date 
hereof placed under the protection and safeguard of 


ihe United States of America/' until a satisfactory 
adjustment could be made with France, ^^ or, if such 
arrangements be found impracticable, then it is our 
wish and pleasure that the protection aforesaid under 
the United States of America be perpetual/' This 
proclamation was signed March 10, 1851, and was 
deHvered sealed to the American commissioner, on con- 
dition that if hostiUties were begun bj the French it 
was to be opened and carried into effect ; but other- 
wise to be held to be void. 

This provisional cession and the troubles which 
brought it about were reported to the Department of 
State by the commissioner, Mr. Severance, and Secre- 
tary Webster informed him, in reply, that while it was 
the purpose of the United States to observe scrupu- 
lously the independence of the Hawaiian Islands, it 
could never consent to see them taken possession of by 
either of the great commercial powers of Europe, nor 
could it consent that demands, manifestly unjust and 
derogatory and inconsistent with a bona fide inde- 
pendence, should be enforced against that government. 
Bespecting the cession of the sovereignty to the United 
States, he reminded the commissioner that it was a sub- 
ject above any functions with which he was charged, 
that he should forbear to express an opinion upon it, 
as the government at Washington alone could decide 
it, and that he must return to the Hawaiian govern- 
ment the document placed in his hands. 

The French controversy happily did not reach the 
acute form of hostilities, and was finally adjusted by an 
agreement assuring the Catholic clergy of full liberty 


of worship and the regulation of their schools (one of 
the points embraced in the ten demands)^ and secoring 
the desired reduction in the duty on French spirits* It 
is due also to France to state that after the treaty of 
1846 had been signed^ the $20^000 which had been 
exacted as a guaranty in 1839 were returned, and 
delivered at Honolulu in the original cases and with 
the seals unbroken.^ 

The appearance of the French man-of-war in 1850, 
with the belligerent consul^ was tiie last attempt of 
foreign aggression threatening the sovereignty of the 
islands. Twice had the British raised their flag, once 
the Russian, and twice the French, but the little king- 
dom had outlived the designs of these powerful states. 
It seemed now left, with the good-will of all die 
nations, to work out its own career. It provided itself 
with a new constitution in 1852, in which greater 
representation and power were given to the people. 
Religious liberty was guaranteed. Society and the 
industries were feeling more and more the influence of 
commerce and contact with the outside world. The 
government had the trials incident to all countries and 
some peculiarly of native origin. We shall see in a 
subsequent chapter how those elements worked together 
for its ultimate destiny. 

1 For. Rel. 1894, App. u. 13, 70-78, 86-104 ; Alexander's Hist 261, 


The march of events in the first half of the nine- 
teenth century made it clear that Japan could not long 
continue the policy of seclusion which it had success- 
fully maintained for two centuries. That policy had, 
however^ served a useful purpose both for Japan and 
China. We have seen that it had been adopted be- 
cause of the arrogant and aggressive conduct of the 
European nations in their early intercourse. Following 
the maritime discoveries of the fifteenth century, the 
commercial nations had shown an utter disregard of 
the proprietary rights of the people of the East. Great 
Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Holland, and Russia 
had at their pleasure appropriated large areas of terri- 
tory both on the continent of Asia and the islands of 
the Pacific. 

The remoteness of China and Japan from Europe 
made them the last prey of the spoilers. The obser- 
vant traveler and savant Humboldt, in visiting the 
Isthmus of Panama a hundred years ago, impressed 
with its geographic influence, wrote : ^^ This neck of 
land, the barrier against the waves of the Atlantic 
Ocean, has been for many ages the bulwark of the 
independence of China and Japan." ^ But in addition 

^ Hamboldt's Politioftl Eaaays on the Kingdom of New Spaini book L 
ehap. iL 


to their distance from Europe, the early reaolution of 
these nations to exclude all foreigners from a lodg- 
ment on their territory and from all but the least possi- 
ble intercourse, operated favorably for the preserva- 
tion of their autonomy. During the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries the principles of international law 
were undergoing a formative process, and little respect 
was paid to the rights of nations which could not be 
enforced by the sword. In the nineteenth century a 
higher regard was beginning to be shown towards 
weaker nations, and these two empires could then with 
greater safety to their independence permit foreign 

The opening of Japan was a natural sequence of 
the partial unlocking of the doors of China by British 
arms. England, France, and Russia were the European 
nations most interested in bringpbg about that result. 
But the development of commerce in the Pacific, as the 
middle of the century approached, pointed unmistak- 
ably to the young republic of North America as the 
power destined to bring about that important event. 
The English historian Creasy, in tracing the rapid 
growth of the United States and its recent great 
development on the Pacific coast, writing in 1851, pre- 
dicted the forcible opening of Japan by this govern- 
ment, and, misinterpreting its spirit, which he charac- 
terized as ^^ bold, intrusive, and unscrupulous," he 
added : ^^ America will scarcely imitate the forbearance 
shown by England at the end of our late war with the 
Celestial Empire." He looked forward to changes of 
great magnitude in the Orient to be brought about 


through the influence of the United States, and recalled 
the words of De Tocqueville that the growing power 
of this commonwealth was a new factor in the world, 
the significance of which even the imagination could 
not grasp. 

Ahout the same time another diviner was forecast- 
ing the horoscope of the young nation. William H. 
Seward, then a senator in the Congress of the United 
States, was urging upon that body the imperative neces- 
sity, in the interest of American commerce, of more 
accurate surveys of the North Pacific Ocean. In a 
speech which was notable for its wide research, its elo« 
quence, and its breadth of statesmanship, he referred 
to the great future which he saw was to be realized in 
the commercial intercourse of the United States through 
its newly acquired possessions on the Pacific slope, the 
Hawaiian Islands, and the certain opening of Japan 
and China. He stated that the relations with Europe, 
which were then so extensive and constantly increasing, 
would in time diminish and lose their importance, and 
that the great development of the republic was to be 
on the other side of the continent ; and he thereupon 
uttered this famous prediction : ^^ The Pacific Ocean, its 
shores, its islands, and the vast regions beyond, will 
become the chief theatre of events in the world's great 
Hereafter." Commerce, under the benign influence of 
peace, was to bring about this great transformation, 
when ^^ the better passions of mankind will soon have 
their development in the new theatre of human ac- 
tivity." ' 

1 The Fifteen DecUiye Battles of the World, hj £. 8. Crea^, New 


During the first half of the century the g^vemmentB 
of Great Britain, Russia, and France had made efforts, 
through the visits of tiieir naval vessels, to communi- 
cate with the central government of Japan, and to 
secure some relaxation of its strict policy of seclusion, 
but all these attempts had proved futile. As the ulti- 
mate success was due to the efforts of the United 
States, it will be well to refer to them in some detaiL 

The first American vessel to visit Japan was the Eliza, 
Captain Stewart, in 1797. Holland being at that time 
at war with Great Britain, the Eliza was chartered by 
the Dutch East India Company to make the annual 
visit allowed by the Japanese regulations to the factory 
on the island of Deshima, in tiie harbor of Nagasaki. 
Her arrival was a matter of great perplexity to the Jap- 
anese — a vessel in the employ of the Dutch, carrying 
an unknown flag, with a crew speaking English, but 
belonging to a new country which had another king 
or ruler than the English. After lengthy explanations 
and considerable delay she was admitted to the harbor 
and her cargo discharged. During the continuance of 
the war other American vessels visited Nagasaki under 
similar charters. A few years later Captain Stewart 
appeared at Nagasaki, with a cargo on his own account, 
and sought to open trade, but his request was refused 
and he was sent away.^ 

No further serious attempt was made by Americans 

Tork, 1851, p. 255 ; 24 Congressioiud Globe, part 2, p. 1973, 92d Cong. 
Iflt Seas. 

^ 11 Chinese Repository, 161 ; Nitobe's Intercourse between the United 
States and Japan, 81. 


at intercourse with the Japanese till 1837, when an ex- 
pedition was organized at Macao, China, having a three- 
fold aspect — humanity, religion, and commerce. The 
strong currents about the coasts of Japan and adverse 
winds not infrequently carried the natives in their small 
vessels out upon the ocean and sometimes as far as the 
American continent. This fact gives color to the claim 
sometimes advanced that the civilization of the Mexican 
Indians had its origin in Japan. A party of seven 
shipwrecked Japanese had been picked up on the coast 
of British Columbia, and sent by the Hudson's Bay Com- 
^y «™. ft. America o.„«.»t «.d th, A«„tio 
Ocean to London, and by the British East India Com- 
pany brought to Macao, to be forwarded, if opportunity 
offered, to their native land. One of the leading Ameri- 
can mercantile firms engaged in the Canton trade, Oly- 
phant & Co.,^ conceived the idea that the event might 
be taken advantage of to induce the Japanese govern- 
ment to relax its rules as to foreign intercourse, and 
they fitted out the Morrison, a vessel named after the 
first English missionary to China, to carry back the 
shipwrecked Japanese. In the party were the Grerman 
missionary, Chinese scholar, and historian. Dr. Gutzlaff, 

^ To Mr. D. W. C. Olyphanty of New York, the founder of this hoase, 
which for nuuiy yenrs occupied a prominent and honorable part in the 
China trade, American missions to that country owed their origin. Upon 
his iuTitation the first Protestant missionary, Robert Morrison, of Eng- 
land, was brought to China. His firm furnished the Canton mission 
a boose, rent free for many years, gare more than fifty free passages 
to missionaries from the United States, and in other ways eontriboted 
largely to their work. The Chinese Repository was mainly indebted to 
this firm for its support. In all respeets its members reflected honor 
upon their oonntry. 


the American medical missionaTyy Dr. Peter Parker, 
and Rev. S. Wells Williams, the last two being repre- 
sentatives of the American Board of Missions. Witb 
them also went Mr. King, a member of the firm, and 
his wife. 

To divest the expedition of every appearance of a 
hostile character, the armament of cannon and small 
arms invariably carried by trading vessels of that period 
was removed. Quite an attractive collection of presents 
for the authorities was taken — a globe, a telescope, a 
barometer, a set of American coins, American books of 
science, history, etc., and a painting of Washington. 
Memorials or papers were prepared in the Chinese Ian* 
g^ge, setting forth as the object of the expedition the 
return of the shipwrecked Japanese and the delivery of 
the presents. They announced that they had on board 
a physician, with medicines and instruments, prepared to 
cure the sick gratuitously, and they also asked the priv- 
ilege of staying long enough to explain the meaning of 
the books which they brought. Their memorials further 
gave some account of the history and resources of the 
United States and stated that its policy was to estab- 
lish peaceful commerce and that it was opposed to col- 
onies. The narrative adds that the vessel also contained 
a small stock of goods, in order to be prepared '^ to 
take advantage of any opening " that might offer. 

In place of proceeding to Nagasaki, which was well 
known to be the only port at which foreign intercourse 
was allowed, the vessel sailed direct to the Bay of Yedo, 
on which the capital was located. On entering the bay 
she was immediately surrounded by a large number of 



anned boats, and hardly had she dropped anchor, be- 
fore a fire was opened upon her from the cannon of the 
forts. To save themselves and the vessel from destruc- 
tion, the only course seemed to be a speedy departure. 
Accordingly they weighed anchor and put to sea, pur^ 
sued by boats, from which small cannon were fired. 
Several attempts to land along the coast were repulsed, 
and the course of the vessel was directed to the port 
of Kagoshima, the seat of government of the powerful 
prince of Satsuma. Here a hostile reception similar to 
tiiat in the Bay of Yedo was extended to them, and 
nothing remained for them to do but to return to 
Macao, which they did without having even set foot 
on shore.^ 

The second attempt of an American vessel to hold 
intercourse was only a little more successful. The Man- 
hattan, of Sag Harbor, Captain Cooper, in 1845, while 
sailing through Japanese seas, found on a small barren 
island eleven shipwrecked Japanese, and soon after- 
wards he rescued from a disabled junk eleven more. 
The captain decided to take them to the Bay of Yedo 
and deliver them to the authorities, his object being 
'^ to impress the government with the civilization of the 
United States and its friendly disposition towards the 
emperor and the Japanese people." He touched on 
the coast of the island of Niphon, and had messengers 
dispatched to the emperor to inform him of his coming 
and the object of his visit. On his arrival in the bay 
he was kindly received and aUowed to anchor within a 

^ NarratiYe of a Voyage of the Ship Morrison, by S. Wells Williams, 
1S37 ; 6 Chinese Repository, 209, 353. 


furlong of the city of Tedo. The ship was surronnded 
by three cordons of boats, one hundred feet apart, to 
the number of nearly one thousand, and officers were 
kept constantly on the ship, by whom the captain was 
told that none of the crew would be allowed to land, and 
that if any of them attempted it they would be killed. 

The vessel was permitted to remain for four days, 
during which time the shipwrecked Japanese were put 
ashore, and the ship supplied with fresh provisions and 
water. The governor of Yedo told the captain that 
^Hhe only reason he was allowed to remain in the 
waters of Japan was because the emperor felt assured 
that he could not be a bad-hearted foreigner by hia 
having come so far out of his way to bring poor people 
to their native country, who were wholly strangers to 
him." When the captain suggested that he might find 
other shipwrecked mariners and would bring them back, 
the governor said, '^ Carry them to some Dutch port, 
but never come to Japan again ; " and added that the 
emperor would prefer to have them abandoned than 
that strangers shoidd visit his dominions.^ 

The government of the United States was on the 
alert to second the efforts of private American enter- 
prise whenever opportunity should offer. When, in 
1832, Mr. Roberts was dispatched to negotiate treaties 
with Siam and Muscat, he was furnished with letters of 
credence to the emperor of Japan also, and was in- 
structed, if he found '^ the prospect favorable," to visit 
that empire and seek to establish official relations. But 
the situation at that time did not encourage the attempt. 

> Honolulu Friend, Febrnarj 2, 1846. 


When he departed from Washington on his second 
▼isit to the Orient in 1835, to exchange the ratifications 
of his treaties with Muscat and Siam, he was furnished 
ifith a letter from President Jackson to the emperor of 
Japan in the Dutch and Latin languages, and he was 
instructed by the Secretary of State to proceed to Japan 
as soon as his duties were discharged in the two former 
countries and seek to open negotiations. His instruc- 
tions stated that, '^ as the Dutch have their factory at 
Nagasaki and might feel themselves interested in thwart- 
uig your mission, it is recommended that, if permitted, 
you should enter some other port nearer to the seat of 

Mr. Roberts carried with him for Japan a consider- 
able collection of presents, among which were a repeat- 
ing gold watch with a heavy gold chain eight feet long, 
a sabre, rifle, shot-gun and pair of pistols, an assort- 
ment of broadcloth, cut glass, a musical box, maps, a 
set of United States coins, prints of United States naval 
victories, and ten Merino sheep of the finest wool, two 
bucks and eight ewes. He was in addition authorized, 
in case of effecting a treaty, to promise presents to the 
value of $10,000. Owing to his untimely death at 
Macao in 1836, the negotiations contemplated were 
never attempted, and the squadron which bore him to 
the East returned to the United States without touch- 
ing at any Japanese port.^ 

In this connection it may be mentioned that in 1849 

1 For insirnotions of 1S32, S. Ex. Doe. 59, p. SS, 32d CoDg. Ist Sen. 
For instraotioni of 1835, Book of Instmeiioiii, Special Missions, Dept. of 


the American consul at Singapore, Mr. J. Balestier, was 
authorized to negotiate a commercial treaty witih the 
sultan of Borneo. He sailed from CSanton in April, 
1850, in the United States naval vessel Plymouth, ac- 
companied by Rev. Mr. Dean, an American missionary 
^' well versed in the Chinese and Siamese languages," as 
secretary and interpreter. After touching at ports of 
Annam and Siam to execute commissions of his govern- 
ment, he succeeded without much difficulty in making 
a treaty with the sultan of Borneo authorizing com- 
mercial intercourse with that island.^ 

In 1845 Mr. Pratt, a member of Congress from New 
York, introduced a resolution in the House, recommend- 
ing that immediate measures be taken for effecting com- 
mercial arrangements with Japan and Korea. The 
resolution was accompanied by a memorandum giving 
various reasons for its adoption, among which were the 
following, — that the failure of other nations is no rea- 
son why we should not make " a vigorous effort now," 
and that ^^ the day and the hour have now arrived for 
turning the enterprise of our merchants and seamen 
iuto the harbors and markets of those long secluded 
countries."* The introduction of this resolution was 
followed within three months by an instruction to the 
commander of the naval squadron on the East India 
station. He was informed that Mr. Everett, our diplo- 
matic representative in China, possessed letters of cre- 
dence to Japan, and the commander was instructed '^ to 
ascertain if the ports of Japan are accessible ; " that if 

^ S. Ex. Doo. 38, 32d Cong. Ut Sees. 
> H Doc. 138, 28th Cong. 2d Sess. 


Mr. Everett was inclined to make the attempt to gain 
aceess thereto^ he was to hold his squadron at his dis- 
position for that purpose ; and should Mr. Everett de- 
cline, he himself mighty if he saw fit^ persevere in the 

Under these instructions Mr. Everett transferred his 
letter of credence to Commodore Biddle, who sailed 
from Macao with two naval vessels, and anchored in 
the Bay of Yedo, July 20, 1846. He was at once sur- 
rounded by a cordon composed of a great multitude 
of boats, and was waited upon by a Japanese official 
to inquire the object of his coming. The commodore 
stated that it was to ascertain whether Japan had 
opened her ports and was disposed to make a treaty 
with the United States. He was asked to reduce this 
to writing, which was done, and the officer said that 
within a few days an answer would be received from the 
emperor, and that in the meanwhile none of the crew 
would be permitted to land. On the 27th an answer 
was delivered by the Japanese officer, in which it was 
stated that foreigners could only be received at Naga- 
saki, that no treaty with the United States would be 
made, and that the vessels must depart as quickly as 
possible and not come back any more to Japan. The 
commodore received a blow or a push from a Japanese 
soldier during the delivery of the letter, for which apo- 
logy was made by the Japanese officials and an assur- 
ance given that the soldier should be punished, but the 
incident greatly injured the prestige of the Americans 
in the estimation of the Japanese people. 

The squadron sailed away, and Mr. Everett reported 


to the Secretary of State that the document which was 
handed to Commodore Biddle as the reply of the em- 
peror had been prepared with an evidently studied and 
intentional disregard of the rules of courtesy that are 
usually observed in the written intercourse of nations ; 
that it was addressed to no one, and was without signs* 
ture or date ; and that he considered it as an additional 
proof of the extreme reluctance of the Japanese to enter 
into commercial relations with foreigners. He further 
reported that Commodore Biddle did not seem to have 
opened the negotiations with discretion, and that he had 
placed the subject in a rather less favorable position 
than that in which it stood before. 

Dr. Parker, in charge of the legation at Canton, 
transmitted to the Secretary of State in 1848 an account 
of the imprisonment and harsh treatment by the Japanese 
of the surviving members of the crew of the American 
whaler Lawrence, wrecked on the Japanese coast, and 
added that from previous instructions it was evident 
that the President was fully impressed with the expedi- 
ency of negotiating a treaty with Japan to secure at 
least '^ humane treatment " to shipwrecked American 
sailors. This was followed the same year by informa- 
tion received at Canton through the Dutch consul that 
fifteen American sailors from another whaling vessel — 
the Lagoda — were held as prisoners by the Japanese. 
This led the commander of the American East India 
squadron to send a vessel to Japan to demand their 
surrender. Commander Glynn, with the Preble, went to 
Nagasaki in 1849, and, regardless of the rules which 
required foreign vessels to anchor down the bay, sailed 


op into the inner harbor^ and at once put himself in 
communication with the governor. After some equivo- 
cation and delay the imprisoned seamen were delivered 
op, and the Preble rejoined the squadron.^ 

The sailors both from the Lawrence and the Lagoda 
made detailed statements of their treatment while held 
as prisoners by the Japanese^ which showed that they 
had suffered great indignity and cruelty. They alleged 
that they had been required to trample and spit upon 
the Christian cross ; that they had been in some in- 
stances shut up in narrow cages, put in stocks, exposed 
to unnecessary hardships and severe weather, and that 
as a consequence some of their number had died. These 
accoimts had much to do with the final resolution of 
the government of the United States to force a treaty 
upon Japan. And yet it is not certain that the Japanese 
government authorized any severe or cruel treatment. 
In order to carry out its policy of rigid exclusion of 
foreigners, it caused all who were found on its coasts 
to be arrested and held as prisoners. The orders were 
to send them to Nagasaki, from which port they were 
taken out of the coimtry by Dutch vessels as soon as 
opportunity occurred. If indignity or cruelty was in- 
flicted, it was caused rather by the zeal of subordinates 
than by order of the government. 

About the year 1850 all the waters around Japan 
were swarming with American whalers in quest of their 
prey. Not less than eighty-six such vessels were counted 
by a Japanese observer that year as passing a single 
point. It was felt by them to be a great hardship that 

1 S. Ex. Doo. 59, eited, 64-69; lb. 8^ 69-73. 


they could not resort to Japanese harbors in distress or 
for water and supplies. It was a still greater cause of 
complaint that the shipwrecked sailors were inhospitably 
and cruelly treated. Their complaints were being heard 
at Washington. Added to this, the commercial demands 
were becoming urgeut. The discovery of gold in CSali- 
fomia and the sudden development of the Pacific coast 
possessions led to a projected steamship line to China 
from San Francisco. To this end ports of deposit for 
coal and other supplies in Japan were felt to be a neces- 
sity. Hence the growing conviction had crystallised 
into a resolution on the part of the government that 
extraordinary effort must be made to force the opening 
of one or more Japanese harbors and induce the empire 
to adopt a more liberal policy toward foreigners. 

The subject had long attracted the attention of 
thoughtful people, and various suggestions had been 
made with that end in view. Among others, Com- 
modore Glynn, who in the Preble had secured the re- 
lease of the last crew of shipwrecked sailors, and had 
returned to Washington, held a conference with Presi- 
dent Fillmore, and submitted to him written suggestions 
for such an expedition. The subject was one in which 
Mr. Webster, again Secretary of State, had taken a deep 
interest. Cabinet councils were held, and it was decided 
that a strong squadron should be sent to Japan, and 
that in a more formal and decided manner a demand 
should be made for hospitable treatment to American 
sailors in distress, and for some modification of the 
existing regulations as to intercourse and trade. 

Commodore Aulick was selected for the important 


and delicate task, and was for this purpose assigned to 
the East India station. His full powers to negotiate 
a treaty, his instructions signed by Mr. Webster, and 
the President's letter to the emperor of Japan, bear date 
of June 10, 1851, and he sailed the following month.^ 
When he reached China en route he received a letter 
from the Secretary of the Navy ordering his recall. It 
had in the interval been determined to intrust the mis* 
sion to Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry, — an 
officer who had attained distinction in the navy, and 
who had shown qualities which it was thought peculiarly 
fitted him to carry to success this undertaking, of such 
moment to the United States and to mankind, and one 
in the accomplishment of which officers of the American 
and European navies had thus far failed. Perry came 
of sailor stock, his father having served in the Revolu- 
tionaiy navy, and his brother Oliver being the hero of 
the victory on Lake Erie in 1813. At the time of his 
appointment to the mission he was fifty-eight years of 

He was given ample time to make his preparations, 
and great freedom in the selection of his subordinates. 
America and Europe were searched for publications 
which would be of service to the expedition. The 
charts used were obtained chiefly from Holland, for 
which the government paid $30,000. Van Siebold's 
^^Archiv" was obtained at a cost of $503, and a 
great variety of books on Japan were collected. The 

1 S. Ex. Doo. 59, cited, 74-82. For President Fillmore's account, 3 
American Historical Reeord, 148 ; for Auliok's appointment and recall, 
lb. 294. 


commodore made visits to New York, Boston, and New 
Bedford to confer with captains of wlialing vesseb 
familiar with Japanese waters and merchants interested 
in the commerce of the East. Prominent manufacturers 
were also visited to secure specimens of the latest im- 
provements in the arts and industries. Scientists, inter- 
preters, and such other persons as could promote the 
objects of the expedition were secured. 

Frequent interviews were held by the commodore 
with the President, Secretary Webster, and the Secre- 
tary of the Navy. The written instructions were care- 
fully prepared by Mr. Webster, but he died before the 
commodore sailed, and they bear the signature of od 
interim Secretary Conrad. The objects of the expedi- 
tion were stated to be, first, protection for our ship- 
wrecked sailors ; second, the opening of the porte for 
the entry of vessels to refit and obtain coal ; and third, 
the entry of ports for trade. The letter of President 
Fillmore to the emperor of Japan was more elaborate 
than the one carried by Commodore Aulick, and is 
countersigned by Edward Everett, who had become 
Secretary of State.^ 

No secret was made of the expedition. The official 
instructions were published, and the preparations were 
openly conducted. Both in America and Europe they 
were the topic of newspaper comment and general dis- 
cussion. The prevailing feeling was of good-will for 
the expedition, but grave doubts were often expressed 
as to its success. The good offices of the government 
of Holland were solicited by Secretary Webster, to pave 

^ S. Ex. Doe. 34, pp. 4-9, 33d Cong. 2d Seaf. 

tM^m^m^^^* I I ■■' mi'r-^- i~^T*>f •• 


the way, through the Dutch factory at Deshima^ for a 
friendly reception by the Japanese court The Dutch 
gOTemment acted favorably upon the request, and di- 
rected its East India authorities to send instructions to 
that end, but it appears that Commodore Perry reached 
Japan and concluded his mission before the instructions 
were received at Deshima. It is also known that upon 
the first public intimation of the expedition, the Dutch 
government prepared a draft of a treaty and forwarded 
it to Nagasaki, with a view to anticipate the work of 
Commodore Perry, but the Japanese government refused 
to consider it. 

The preparations for the voyage, made with care and 
deliberation, were finally concluded, and the President, 
accompanied by members of his cabinet and a distin- 
guished company, paid a visit to Annapolis to bid the 
commodore farewell. The day before he put to sea a 
dinner was given him in Washington by a large num- 
ber of his friends and well-wishers, including the Secre- 
tary of State and other cabinet officers, senators, mem- 
bers of Congress, and prominent citizens, at which, in 
response to various queries, the commodore gave some 
indication of his plans and proposed operations. One 
of the members of the dinner party, writing many years 
after the event, said : '^ It was apparent that all present 
were well convinced that the Commodore fully compre- 
hended the difficulties and the delicate character of the 
work before him." On November 24, 1852, he sailed 
from Norfolk and passed the capes on his long voyage 
to open the doors of the Land of the Rising Sun.^ 

^ 8. £z. Doc. 84, cited, 20 ; U. 8. Japan Expedition, bj Commodore 


At Canton he took on board Dr. S. WeUs Williams 
as chief interpreter, received a considerable addition 4p 
his squadron from the East India station, and pressed 
on to Japan. Early on the morning of July 8, 1853, 
the bold promontory of Idsu rising loftily through the 
mist out of the sea indicated that the Bay of Tedo was 
near at hand. Everything was stir and bustle on ship- 
board. The commodore's report says that signals were 
given to the squadron, and instantly the decks were 
cleared for action, the guns placed in position and 
shotted, the ammunition arranged, the small arms made 
ready, sentinels and men at their posts, and, in shorty 
all the preparations made, usual before meeting an en- 
emy. As they entered the beautiful bay, the rising sun 
dispelled the mists, and revealed a charming panorama 
of busy shipping and lovely landscape, with the majes- 
tic snow-capped Fujiyama towering in the distance. 

Moving steadily and quietly forward, with all sails 
furled, the squadron kept on its way, heedless of signals 
from junks and boats swarming the waters, passed the 
forts, and not until well within the bay did the vessels 
drop anchor off Uraga. It was the first time a steam 
vessel had ever been seen in Japanese waters. The 
Susquehanna, the flagship, was a new steam frigate of 
the most advanced type, both in model, machinery, and 
size, recently launched with much enthusiasm at the 
Philadelphia navy yard. As the vessels came quietly 
up the bay in the face of a strong head wind, with no 
sails set, and belching forth from their funnels volumes 

M. C. Perry, published bj Congress, yoI. L 65, 69 ; Mattbew C. Penj, 
by W. £. Griffis, Boston, 1887, p. 306. 

wn .',• ^-11 


of black smoke^ they spread consternation among the 
Japanese^ who for the first time looked upon such a 
spectacle, to them an omen of frightful portent. Among 
the common people of that era there was sung a pop- 
ular ballad, a legend of the ^' Black Ships " which were 
to bring destruction to their nation, a stanza of which 
runs as follows : — 

Through a black night of doud and rain, 

The filaok Ship plks her wkj — 
An alien thing of evil mien— 

Across the waters graj. 

And slowlj floating onward go 

These filack Ships, waye-tossed to and fro. 

Just as the vessels of the squadron came to anchor, 
at five o'clock in the evening, two signal guns were 
fired and a rocket shot up high in air from a neighbor- 
ing fort. It was the signal to the inhabitants of the 
capital that the expected and feared strangers had ar- 
rived, of whose coming they had received an intimation 
through the Dutch at Deshima. A native writer chron- 
icles the effect of this signal. ** The popular commo* 
tion in Yedo at the news of a * foreign invasion ' was 
beyond description. The whole city was in an uproar. 
In all directions were seen mothers flying with children 
in their arms, and men with mothers on their backs. 
Rumors of an immediate action, exaggerated each time 
they were communicated from mouth to mouth, added 
horror to the horror-stricken. The tramp of war- 
horses, the clatter of armed warriors, the noise of carts, 
the parade of firemen, the incessant tolling of bells, 
the shrieks of women, the cries of children, dinning 

^,.^v.v/c4o KJL tiie uoiits, 111 whiel 

a person of distinction, was permitte- 
flagship. Its occupant proved to be tl 
of Uraga, who asked to see the com 
squadron. He was told the commandc 
with no one except a functionary of th< 
This was in line with the course which Pe 
out for himself, to wit, to demand as a i 
as a favor, those acts of courtesy due frc 
nation to another ; to disregard the acts 
the authorities, if in the least respect i 
the dignity of the American flag ; to p 
of Japanese diplomacy by allowing no 
the ships except officers having business, 
on the flagship ; and by personally confc 
one except an official of the highest rank 
Hence the vice-governor was received 1 
dore's aide. His mission was to inquire 
the visit, and to say that business with fo 
be transacted only at Nagasaki, and that 
go there. It was explained that the squa< 
on a friendlv mission fn Joi^ow* ..^i-i. - ^ 


commander desired to have an interview with a dig^i* 
tary of the highest rank to arrange for the delivery of 
the letter ; that he expected it to be received where he 
then was ; and that he would not go to Nagasaki^ but 
would remain at Uraga because it was near the capital. 

In the interview the vice-governor was told that the 
commander would suffer no indignity to be offered the 
squadron during its stay, and that if the guard boats 
which were collecting about the ships were not sent 
away, they would be dispersed by force. The vice- 
governor at once went to the gangway and gave an 
order, with the result that the guard boats disappeared, 
and nothing more was seen of them while the vessels 
remained. He soon took leave, saying that an officer 
of higher rank would come from the city the next day. 

On the following morning the governor of Uraga 
came on board. Again the commodore declined to 
receive him in person, but designated two of his com- 
manders to meet him. A long interview took place, in 
which the governor made the same declarations as to 
Nag^asaki and the departure of the squadron as had 
been communicated the day before, and was met by the 
same answer, only in more decisive language. Finally 
he was told that if the Japanese government did not 
appoint a suitable person to receive the documents 
addressed to the emperor, the commodore himself would 
have to go on shore with a sufficient force to deliver 
them in person. He was ako shown the President's 
letter and the commodore's credentials ^^ encased in 
magnificent boxes which had been prepared at Wash- 
ington, the exquisite workmanship and costliness of 


which evidently surprised his excellency." He then 
said that he would return to the city, and that within 
four days an answer might be expected from the court 
of Yedo. 

On the morning of that day a party from each ship 
was set to work to make a survey of the harbor. The 
governor inquired what these boats were doing, and, on 
being informed^ replied that it was against the Japanese 
law to allow such examinations. The answer given 
him was that the American laws commanded such sur- 
veys and that the surveying parties were as much bound 
to obey the American laws as the governor was to obey 
the Japanese laws. No further objection was made, 
and the surveys continued from day to day. 

The commodore reports that ^' the following day, the 
10th, was Sunday, and no communication was had with 
the Japanese authorities.'' Religious services were held, 
according to the commodore's invariable custom, and 
all requests for admission to the ship were declined. On 
Monday a surveying party, convoyed by one of the 
steamers, moved farther up the bay, much nearer to 
Yedo. The commodore intimated that such a move- 
ment might hurry the answer from the court. This 
action brought the governor again on board to ask its 
object, and he was told that if the President's letter was 
not received during the present visit it would be neces- 
sary to return the next spring with a much larger fleet, 
and the surveying boat was seeking for a better anchor- 
age nearer the city. The governor then went away, 
promising to return on the day fixed for the answer 
from the court. 


On the 12th of July the governor came on board, 
and stated that it had been arranged that a high officer 
would be nominated to receive the President's letter^ 
and a building was being erected on shore for the place 
of reception, but he added that no reply to the letter 
could be given at that place, but one would be trans- 
mitted to Nagasaki, through the Dutch or Chinese 
superintendents. As soon as this answer was made 
known to Perry, he wrote the following memoran- 
dum: — 

^^ The commander-in-chief will not go to Nagasaki, 
and will receive no commimication through the Dutch 
or Chinese. 

"He has a letter from the President of the United 
States to deliver to the emperor of Japan or to ms 
secretary of foreign affairs, and he will deliver the ori- 
ginal to none other ; if this friendly letter of the Presi- 
dent to the emperor is not received and duly replied to, 
he shall consider his country insulted, and will not nold 
himself accountable for the consequences. 

" He expects a reply of some sort in a few days, and 
he will receive such reply nowhere but in this neignbor- 

After being translated into Dutch the memorandim 
was handed to the governor, and he departed. In tbe 
afternoon he returned to the ship, and said that a raj 
distinguished personage, properly accredited by tn© em- 
peror, would be appointed to receive the cominaiidar on 
shore the day after the morrow. The day f oDawing he 
came to the flagship with the credentials of Ae ^eni- 
potentiary and a certificate from the court th«* » ^m 



^^ of very high rank, equal to that of the lord admiraL" 
It was arranged that the ceremony of reception of the 
President's letter should occur the following forenoon. 

On the morning of July 14, the squadron took 
position in front of the place fixed for the meeting, 
within easy cannon range. The governor of Uraga^ 
acting as master of ceremonies, and another Japanese 
official, escorted by a number of imperial boats, came 
off to the flagship to accompany the commodore and 
suite to the hall of reception. As the latter stepped 
into his barge a salute was fired from the squadron in 
his honor. This was the first time since his arrival that 
he had been seen by the Japanese. His escort con- 
sisted of all the officers who could be spared from the 
ships and of about three hundred sailors and marines, 
with two bands of music. About the landing place 
and the reception hall were stationed five thousand 
Japanese soldiers, infantry and cavalry. On landing 
the commodore was preceded by the Japanese master of 
ceremonies and one of the squadron captains, the sailors 
and marines, two stalwart sailors who bore the Amer- 
ican flag and the broad pennant, followed by two boys 
tastefully dressed for the occasion bearing the boxes 
containing the President's letter and the credentials. 
Then came the commodore accompanied on either side 
by a tall, well-formed, heavily armed negro as a body- 
guard. The official narrative says ^^ all this, of course, 
was but for effect." 

On entering the hall the two princes designated by 
the emperor to receive the documents arose and sa- 
luted the commodore with low bows, their names 1: ''^'* 


pronoimced by tke ifltetpnGeis. Tke kcren «^cr tk««i 
broogiit forwaid bj tbe \nn. the gold boxes cf^iied bj 
tbe two negroes^ the leoer and tbe credenrnk* <^iir 
grossed on Tdliimy tastefoDr bound, with seoJs attucbed 
by gold chains, were taken out and held up before the 
princes, and then laid npon the lid of the scarlet lac* 
qaered box which the Japanese had prepared for their 
reception. The goyemor dien kneeling replaced the 
documents in their cases and deposited them in the 
lacquered box. All this was done in silence, not a 
word being spoken. 

The commodore then directed his interpreter to ex- 
plain to the Japanese interpreter the character of the 
documents. After this was done, the governor upon 
his knees received from Prince Iwami a roll, with which 
he passed over to the commodore, and again falling 
upon his knees delivered it to him. It was a receipt 
signed by the Japanese princes, with a statement that 
no further business could be transacted at Uraga, but 
at Nagasaki, and that the fleet would be exiHUtUul to 
depart. After a few minutes' silence, the c/imniodore 
told the interpreter to inform the Japanese that in 
view of the importance of the busin^rss to 1>^ c/;rit»id- 
ered, he would leave in two or three days, but that im 
would return to the same plaee tfa« foll//wing n\tr\u'/^ 
to receive the answer of the em^f ^p f. T)i^ yjn^^um 
asked if the commodore would iHora witti ail hi* r«^ 
sela. ^ AH of them^"* answemi tb^ ez/amz/i'/f ^, "^ ^A 
probaUy more, aa tli€K aft m\j a f//rv>fip ^A *i^ 
aqnadnHL.** AaA tkns <2m^ tfc^ rt^^^0%. wi-^i^ w^ 
of Ae iMMk fiwil ckvwsw ymi^A.^ «mp ^^^^a^m 


princes never having spoken a word, and the whole 
ceremony lasting less than half an hour. 

The Americans went back to their ships, enlivened 
by national airs from the bands, feeling highly g^tified 
at what had been accomplished. They had received 
different treatment from any foreigners who had visited 
Japan for two centuries. They had commanded respect 
and secured intercourse, upon the basis of equality. 
They held direct communication with the highest impe- 
rial authorities^ without the interposition of the Dutch 
at Nagasaki. They disregarded or caused to be with- 
drawn local regulations, which were derogatory to the 
dignity of their nation. On the other hand, while 
exhibiting firmness as to their rights, they showed the 
utmost regard for the sovereignty and rights of the 
Japanese. The crews of the vessels were not permitted 
to go on shore. No native was insulted or maltreated ; 
no woman was outraged ; no property was taken ; no 
pohce regulation was violated — practices quite com- 
mon on the part of the crews of other foreign ships. 

The afternoon following the reception the squadron 
moved ten miles farther up the bay toward Yedo, an- 
chored, took soundings, and made surveys. On the 
same day the commodore addressed a letter to the em- 
peror, informing him of his intended departure and his 
expected return in the spring. On the 17th, having 
been in the bay eight days, the ships passed down as 
they had entered, under steam with sails furled, and 
put to sea. A momentous subject had been submitted 
to the imperial government for decision, and the Ameri- 
can commander withdrew his ships in order that there 


should be no appearance of coercion during its discus- 
sion and determination. 

As soon as the Americans had departed^ the court of 
Tedo addressed itself to the problem before it. Copies 
of the President's letter to the emperor, which set forth 
the terms of the treaty desired, were sent to the daimios 
and principal dignitaries of the empire, and their opin- 
ions requested. At the same time warlike preparations 
were set on foot. Strong forts were erected about the 
bay to protect the city of Yedo. Bells from the mon- 
asteries and metal articles of luxury contributed by the 
wealthy families were cast into cannon. Three hundred 
thousand patriot soldiers flocked to the capital to save 
it from desecration by the hated foreigners. New fear 
was awakened by the appearance of a Russian admiral 
at Nagasaki within two months after Perry's departure, 
making demand for intercourse and treaty rights. The 
priests of the national religion were commanded to offer 
up prayers for the sweeping away of the barbarians.^ 

The commodore had gone to China to recruit and 
reinforce his squadron, and to look after American in- 
terests in that empire imperiled by the civil war known 
as the Taiping rebellion, which was threatening the 
overthrow of the reigning dynasty. Our minister to 
the country was very persistent in his request that the 
naval force should be retained in Chinese waters, but 
Perry was too much impressed with the importance of 
his mission to Japan to be diverted by the civil war in 

1 Perry's Expedition, ehape. zii.-ziT ; Nitobe'e Intereonrse, etc., 49 ; 
1 Japun, iti History, Traditions, and Religions, by Sir £. J. Reed, Lon- 
don, 1880, p. 246. 


China. Besides^ he did not think it wise for the United 
States to become embroiled in that contest. 

Other reasons made him feel that he should hasten 
his return to Japan. He had heard of the visit of the 
Russian admiral to Nagasaki, and he knew that the hit- 
ter's fleet was lying in the river at ShanghaL A French 
squadron was also in Chinese waters, and the commander 
put to sea from Macao, where Perry then was, with his 
destination a mystery. The latter feared there was 
danger that the fruit, the seed of which he had sown at 
Yedo with so much care, might be gathered by others, 
and he determined to shorten his stay in China and 
take the risks of a winter passage to Japan. 

Stopping on his way at the Lew Chew (Loo-Choo) 
Islands, he was overtaken by a letter from the gOT- 
emor of the Dutch East Indies, notifying him that the 
emperor of Japan had died since his departure, and 
conveying the request of the imperial government that 
he would delay his return beyond the time fixed by him, 
as no business could be transacted until the period of 
court mourning was over. The commodore expressed 
his regret at the sad intelligence, but said that he felt 
sure the present rulers of Japan had become so well 
satisfied of the friendly intentions of the President that 
they would not be disposed to delay an understanding 
between the two nations. And he continued on his 

The fleet, now more than double its size on the first 
visit, and when fully assembled numbering ten vessels, 
entered the Bay of Yedo February 12, 1854, some time 

^ Perry'i Expedition, 302, 321. 



in advance of the date fixed for its return. It was an 
impressive sight as it moved up the bay. No such mar- 
tial array had ever been seen in Japanese waters. It 
was an unmistakable evidence of the earnestness of the 
United States. The city of Uraga was passed^ no heed 
being paid to the government junks from which officials 
sought to communicate, and not until they had left be- 
hind them the reception place of the President's letter, 
and had reached the distance of twelve miles above 
Uraga, did they come to anchor. 

The government boats, which had been waived aside 
in the lower bay, approached with a high Japanese offi- 
cial and interpreters. They were received by one of 
the captains designated by the commodore, he pursuing 
the policy of his last visit of holding intercourse only 
with a dignitary of equal rank specially nominated by 
the emperor. The official stated that the imperial orders 
were that the fleet should be treated with the utmost 
kindness, and that commissioners had been appointed 
to negotiate with ^^ the Admiral." He said that the 
place fixed by the emperor for the conference was at 
Kamakura, in the outer bay. The commodore in- 
structed his representative to reply that he would not 
return to the lower bay, and that if the commissioners 
were not willing to treat with him opposite his present 
anchorage, he would proceed with the fleet to Yedo and 
ask to negotiate there. 

^ Some time was spent in daily visits to the flagship, 
discussing the place of meeting. The fact was that the 
court of Yedo had decided to make the best terms po»- 
sible with the foreign commander, and to comply at 


least partially with the terms of the President's letter ; 
and the only object of these discussions as to the lo- 
cality for the negotiations was to get the fleet as far 
away from the capital as possible. The commodore^ 
however^ was firm^ and it was arranged that the place 
of meeting should be near the anchorage^ at the site of 
the present city of Yokohama. 

The first conference took place March 8, but mean- 
while the credentials of the chief Japanese plenipoten- 
tiary had been submitted to the commodore and found 
satisfactory. As on the former visits a special house 
had been erected for the conferences. On the part of 
the Japanese there was no such military display as on 
the occasion of the delivery of the President's letter^ 
only a small guard being present. But the commo- 
dore^ true to his purpose of impressing the Japanese 
with the importance of the mission, came on shore in 
much the same style as on his first landings with a full 
detail of officers and marines and to the sound of mar- 
tial music and salutes in honor of the emperor, the 
Japanese plenipotentiary, and himself. 

It was found that to the imperial plenipotentiary 
four other princes and persons of high rank had been 
added to complete the commission. After the neces- 
sary introductions, the reply to the President's letter 
was submitted, which indicated a certain acquiescence 
in its terms. The negotiations then began and were 
continued at various conferences through the month. 
They were quite formal in their character, but marked 
by the greatest courtesy and good feeling, the Japanese 
commissioners proving quite equal to their new and 
untried duties. 


On March 11 the presents brought from the United 
States for the emperor and other officials were delivered 
■with due ceremony. They filled several large boats, 
were escorted from the ship by a number of officers, a 
company of marines, and a band, and were received by 
the high commissionera and their suite. In the list are 
noted a great variety of firearms and swords of the latest 
patterns and of fine workmanship, a quantity of books, 
beautiful dressing-cases and perfumeries, many clocks, 
instruments and tools, a complete telegraphic apparatus, 
a small locomotive, cars, rails, and all the appliances 
for a miniature railroad, hfeboats, and (not to suppress 
the tmtb) many baskets of champagne, a great variety 
and supply of liqueurs, and many barrels of whiskey. 

Twelve days later the Japanese presents in return 
were delivered. The commodore went ashore with a 
numerous suite of officers to receive them. They filled 
the large reception hall, and were in endless variety, 
representing the perfection of Japanese art, exquisite 
lacquer work, the most delicate embroideries, porcelain 
ware most frail and perfect in workmanship, silks, satins, 
crepes, pongees in great quantity and variety, fans, um- 
brellas, dolls, etc. There were also fruits, rice, fish, 
and three hundred chickens, but no liquors of any kind. 
There were presents from the emperor to the President 
of the United States, to the commodore, to the captains 
of the ships, the interpreters, etc., none of those who 
had taken part in the conferences being neglected. 
There were presents from the commissioners, counsel- 
ors of state, the governor, and the interpreters. The 
Americans were fairly equaled by their Japanese friends. 


While the treaty negotiations were going on the 
American officers and artisans were bnsy in unpacking 
the presents and explaining their operation. The tele- 
graph wire was stretched, and offices opened at either 
end^ from which messages were sent in English, Japanese, 
and Dutch, greatly to the amazement and curiosity of the 
dignitaries and people, who daily crowded the build- 
ings. A circular railway was constructed and the Lil- 
liputian locomotive and train of cars were operated to 
the wonder and delight of the throng of spectators. 
These inventions, the steam engines of the vessels, and 
the manoeuvres of the marines, deeply impressed the 
Japanese with the marvelous power and genius of their 

The Japanese officers had been hospitably received 
on theur various visits to the ships, and had become 
quite accustomed to American dishes, and were espe- 
cially partial to champagne and the other liquors served 
them. When the negotiations were practically com- 
pleted, the commodore invited the Japanese commis- 
sioners, the attendant officials, and interpreters to a 
banquet on board the flagship. Great good-fellowship 
prevailed, and as the wine was freely used, the toasts 
became frequent on the part of some of the Japanese, 
who grew quite hilarious over the peaceful termination 
of the negotiations. 

At last the treaty was agreed upon and ready for 
signature, and the ceremony of signing took place at 
the hall of conference on March 31, 1854. Commo- 
dore Perry signed and delivered to the commissioners 
three copies of the treaty in the English language, and 

'- - 


accompanied them with translations in the Chinese and 
Dutch languages, certified to by his interpreters ; and 
the commissioners signed three copies of the treaty in 
the Japanese, Chinese, and Dutch languages, and handed 
them to the commodore. Immediately after the cere- 
mony the commodore presented the first commissioner 
(Hayashi) with an American flag, remarking that he 
considered it the highest expression of national courtesy 
and friendship he could offer. The commissioner, it is 
reported, seemed deeply impressed with the gift, and 
returned thanks with indications of great feeh'ng. 

The signing of the treaty was followed by a dinner, 
given in the hall of conference by the Japanese com* 
missioners. It was served entirely in native style. It 
is recorded that the feast did not make a strikingly 
fiivorable impression on the guests ; but they were 
greatly pleased with the courtesy of their hosts, whose 
urbanity and assiduous attentions left nothing to desire 
on the score of politeness. They departed, however, 
it was confessed, with appetites but scantily gratified by 
the unusual fare that had been spread before them.^ 

The treaty which had been agreed upon was all that 
was expected by the American negotiator, the doughty 
commodore, except as to the matter of commerce. The 
Japanese stipulated for the protection of shipwrecked 
sailors ; two ports were to be opened, in addition to 
Nagasaki, where Americans might land, where vessels 
might obtain suppUes and purchase goods, and which 

^ For DArratiTe of eyents on second Tisit to Yedo and negotiation of 
treaty, 1 Perry's Expedition, chaps, xviii., zix., and xz.; for official report 
aod documents, S. £z. Doc. 34, cited, 116-167. 


might be made depots for coal ; and consuls or govern- 
ment agents were permitted to reside at Shimoda, the 
open port nearest the capital. It was not possible to 
secure the privilege in the open ports of unrestricted 
trade. Hope was held out that it might be granted 
later^ but for the present the government had gone as 
far as it was able in view of the national sentiment, to 
meet the demands of the United States. Anticipating, 
however, that other nations would soon bring like pres- 
sure upon Japan for treaties, and that they might secure 
some additional privileges, a provision was inserted that 
the United States should enjoj all such privileges. 

The commodore's anticipations were soon realized. 
Six months after his treaty was signed a British ad- 
miral sailed into the harbor of Nagasaki, and demanded 
like treatment as the Americans, and October 14, 1854, 
a treaty was signed with Great Britain similar to that 
with the United States. Russia followed January 26, 
1855, Holland the same year, and other nations later.^ 

Commodore Perry had successfully performed his 
mission. Free commerce was not yet secured, but he 
had broken down the barriers of non-intercourse, and 
opened the gates of the capital to the access of foreign 
governments. The first important steps had been taken 
by Japan, and the rest would follow in due time. In 
all the negotiations the American commander exhibited 
marked skill as a diplomatist. True the squadron was 
a g^eat support in the negotiations. But even with 
that it was easy for him to make a fatal mistake ; yet he 

^ Nitobe'g Intereourse, etc. 59 ; Japan, by J. J. Rein (tnmslalion), 
New York, 1S84, p. 243. 

mmmamm*m^m^mi^mmtmimmmm | [ _ ml - 


made none. While he exhibited the finnness becoming a 
military officer of his government^ he was careful not to 
wound the sensibilities of the Japanese. He fully and 
frankly discussed with them all the terms of the treaty^ 
but at the point where further persistency was unwise 
he yielded to the wishes of the Japanese negotiators. 

By his skilly patience^ and courtesy he achieved a 
gpreat personal triumph, and rendered an inestimable 
service to his own country, to Japan, and to the world. 
To his own profession he added great renown. Eng- 
land, France, Holland, and the United States have pro- 
duced justly celebrated naval heroes, who have added 
imperishable glory to their countries, but none will 
stand higher on the roll of fame or as a benefactor of 
his race than the sailor diplomat, Matthew Calbraith 
Perry, who achieved a signal victory without firing a 
single hostile shot. 

The treaty was hailed both in Europe and America as 
a great triumph of Western civilization. It was promptly 
and unanimously ratified by the Senate. The Secretary 
of the Navy, in acknowledging to Commodore Perry 
its receipt and the action of the Senate, wrote : ^^ I 
tender you my warm congratulations on the happy suc- 
cess of your novel and interesting mission. You have 
won additional fame for yourself, reflected new honor 
upon the very honorable service to which you belong, 
and we all hope have secured for your country, for 
commerce, and for civilization a triumph the blessings 
of which may be enjoyed by generations yet un- 
born.'' ^ On his way home he was highly honored by 

1 S. Ex. Doo. 34, cited, 180. 


the American residents at Canton, and after his arri- 
val by his fellow-citizens in New York and other cities. 
Increasing years have added to his fame and to the 
recognition of his services to his country and man- 

But in no part of the world has his work been so 
highly appreciated as in Japan itself. When the exchange 
of the ratifications of the treaty was effected in Japan 
on the 21st of February, 1855, the commissioners with 
whom the commodore negotiated the treaty sent him 
many messages of friendship, and the assurance that 
^^ his name would live forever in the history of Japan." 
So early did the Japanese begin to realize the value to 
them of his enforced negotiations, and time has con- 
stantly added to this realization. The ^' New Japan " 
dates back the beginning of its progress to ^^ the coming 
of Perry." 

So strongly has that country become impressed with 
its obligations to him that an association in Japan set 
on foot a movement to erect a monument to his memory. 
The circular, signed by the president (a member of the 
imperial cabinet), setting forth the object of the move- 
ment, refers to the visit of Perry as "the most mem- 
orable event in our annals — an event which enabled 
the country to enter upon the unprecedented era of 
national ascendancy in which we are now living." The 
monument was erected upon the spot where the com- 
modore first landed and held his conferences with the 
Japanese plenipotentiary. The money for its erection 
was contributed by the Japanese people, the emperor 
himself subscribing to the fund ; and the inscription 


upon it^ recognizing the commodore's services in appro- 
priate terms^ was prepared by Marquis Ito. 

The dedication took place on July 14^ 1901^ being 
the forty-eighth anniversary of the event. The govern- 
ment of the United States sent a squadron to participate 
in the exercises^ commanded by Rear-Admiral Rodgers^ 
a grandson of Perry, and there was also present Rear- 
Admiral Beardslee, who was a midshipman in Perry's 
fleet. The Japanese government honored the occasion 
with the presence of its army and navy. The president 
of the association, in his dedicatory address, gave as the 
reason for the location of the monument that ^^ it was 
at this spot that the modern civilization of our empire 
had its beginning. . . . When Commodore Perry set 
his foot on this shore the Japanese empire was en- 
shrouded in the fogs of a seclusion of nearly three hun- 
dred years." He proceeded to review, "the complete 
and wonderful change ** which the nation had made, and 
for which it was mainly under obligations to the United 
States. " This monument,'' he said, " is erected to pre- 
serve on stone our determination never to forget the 
friendship of the United States that sent Commodore 
Perry to induce us in a peaceful way to have intercourse 
with foreign powers." The prime minister of the em- 
pire also delivered an address of similar purport, in 
which he said : " It gives me boundless joy to partici- 
pate in this grand celebration at this moment when the 
light of our progress is sending forth its rays with 
increasing brightness." ^ Such an occasion and such a 
tribute are without a parallel in the history of nations. 

> Foreign Relations U. S. 1901, p. 378. 



The United States in 1854 had attained a com- 
mercial and industrial position among the nations of 
the world, which for rapidity of growth and for im- 
portance was unprecedented in history. It was an era 
peculiarly fitted for the development of American com- 
merce. The unsettled political state of Europe, which 
had materially reduced its productiveness, had but 
added to the trade of the United States in the Atlantic ; 
while the settlement of California had created a new 
centre of energy on the Pacific, and greatly stimulated 
national interest and effort in commercial intercourse 
with the East. It was but natural, then, that the peo- 
ple of the United States should have received the 
announcement of the success of the Japan expedition 
with satisfaction at the prospect of material benefit 
which it offered, and with pride in the American enter- 
prise and skill which had opened a new field for their 

Up to the period when this expedition was initiated 
the two neighboring empires of the Far East had pre- 
served a uniform policy in their relations with the 
Western nations. This poUcy was steadily persisted in 
to the point where warlike opposition was encountered. 
When confronted by a serious display of force, the 



dissimilar character of the two peoples dictated a di- 
vergent course of conduct. The Chinese with blind 
obstinacy adhered to their policy^ while the Japanese^ 
though a warlike people^ were able to discern the situa- 
tion of affairs and yielded to the inevitable. 

The government at Yedo negotiated with the Ameri- 
can plenipotentiary under the persuasive influence of 
his warlike fleets and made the best terms possible 
rather than hazard the consequences of a military con- 
flict. But much had yet to be done by way of ne- 
gotiation before Japan was opened to commerce and 
intercourse with the world. The first step, however, 
had been taken and the spirit of the age would not 
permit a backward movement. 

The first appearance of a foreign vessel in the Bay of 
Tedo after Commodore Perry had taken his departure 
was that of the American clipper-ship Lady Fierce. 
She had been fitted out by her owner for a pleasure 
voyage, and, anticipating the success of the Perry mis- 
sion, sailed from San Francisco for Japan. Fifteen 
days after the commodore left, the Lady Fierce entered 
the bay ^^ as a token of peace and amity.'' En route at 
Honolulu a shipwrecked Japanese was taken aboard, 
and for his return the thanks of the authorities were 
tendered. The vessel attracted great attention by the 
symmetry of her model and the elegance of her appoint- 
ments. Orders were received from the capital that 
^'similar hospitality to that displayed toward Com- 
modore Perry '' should be extended. During the stay 
the vessel was furnished with all needed supplies, and 
at its departure presents were sent the captain from the 


ShoguQ. But notice was given that thereafter all 
foreign vessels must resort to the new treaty port of 
Shimoda, as they would not be permitted to enter the 
Bay of Yedo. The favorable change in the demeanor 
of the authorities was very marked.^ 

The government of the United States lost no time 
in taking advantage of the privileges secured by the 
Perry treaty. The eleventh article provided for the 
residence of a consul or agent in Shimoda eighteen 
months after the signing of the treaty. Exercising 
some license as to this provision^ a consul-general was 
appointed July 31^ 1855, to reside at Shimoda, and a 
month earlier a consul was named for Hakodate, the 
other open port. Townsend Harris, of New York, was 
selected for the post of consul-general. His school 
education was confined to the academy of his native 
town, but his taste for study caused him to read exten- 
sively and also to acquire a knowledge of the French, 
Spanish, and Italian languages. He was trained for 
mercantile pursuits, and for many years was a mer- 
chant in the city of New York. For six years previous 
to his appointment he was engaged in commerce in the 
East as supercargo and merchant, and in this way had 
become familiar with the people of the Orient. 

He was also charged with the negotiation of a new 
treaty with Siam, the one made by Mr. Roberts in 
1833 not having proved fully adequate for the pro- 
tection of American interests. This duty he was en- 
abled to discharge successfully, and, after a short delay, 

1 The China Mail» Aagust 24, 1854. 

.^^I- w m. ' 


continued on his voyage to Japan in a naval vessel 
which had heen placed at his service.^ 

The San Jacinto with the consul-general on board 
reached Shimoda^ August 21^ 1856. Mr. Harris kept 
a journal during his residence in Japan^ and as he 
sailed up the coast in sight of Fujiyama, he makes this 
entry : ^^ I shall be the first recognized agent from a 
civilized power to reside in Japan. This forms an 
epoch in my life, and may be the beginning of a new 
order of things in Japan. I hope I may so conduct 
myself that I may have honorable mention in the his- 
tories which will be written on Japan and its future 
destiny.'' As indicated in this extract, he at all times 
during his mission evinced a laudable ambition, but it 
was tempered with a well-becoming degree of reserve. 

From his first intercourse with the officials at Shimoda 
he was met with obstruction, evasion, and prevarication 
which sorely tried his patience. The governor said that 
it was not expected that a consul would be sent unless 
some difficulty should arise, and that no arrangements 
had been made to receive him and no proper house 
could be had. He advised the consul-general to go 
away and return in a year. At the official interview 
granted him and Commodore Armstrong of the San 
Jacinto, Harris was again requested to go away, and 
when he declined the commodore was asked if he would 
take a letter to the United States expressing a desire 
for the consul's removal, but he also declined. He was 
then asked if he would write his government and 

^ For negotiations in Siam, Fankwei : The San Jaointo in the Seas of 
India, China, and Japan, by Dr. W. M. Wood. 


explain why Harris could not be received^ and when 
answered in the negative^ it was proposed to Harris to 
write and ask for his own removal. 

Meeting with a refusal at all points and being notir 
fied by Harris that^ if not received at Shimoda, he 
would go in the San Jacinto to Tedo^ the governor 
provided a temple for his accommodation^ but said that 
three of its rooms would be required for the Japanese 
officials who had been assigned ^^ to aid and protect " 
the consul. To this Harris objected^ saying that he 
would have in his house none but his own suite and 
servants. He was finally installed and the American 
flag unfurled from a high staff in front of the con- 
sulate. His next trouble was that guards were sta- 
tioned about his house, nominally for his protection, 
but manifestly as spies and to restrain his movements. 
After vigorous protests these were removed. Then he 
was forced to complain that his servants were not per- 
mitted to make purchases and were dependent on the 
officials for supplies. By slow degrees he brought the 
authorities to comprehend and respect his rights as a 
foreign representative. 

Although he held the rank only of consul-general, 
Mr. Harris had been clothed by his government with 
diplomatic powers, and immediately on his arrival he 
dispatched a letter to the minister in charge of foreign 
affairs at Yedo, informing him of his arrival and 
character, and also transmitting a letter from the Sec- 
retary of State of the United States. As soon as he 
could adjust himself to his surroundings and secure a 
proper recognition of his official rights, he set to work 

• ■-*~ - >— »»i M r> I ■■ 


to correct some of the misunderstandiDgs which had 
arisen respecting the Perry treaty. The Japanese had 
denied the right of Americans to reside in the treaty 
ports. They had also fixed a grossly inadequate value 
on American coins used in purchasing suppUes and in 
trade, and had raised various other questions. After per- 
sistent demands, commissioners were appointed to nego- 
tiate with him, and on June 17, 1857, ten months after 
his arrival, he concluded and signed with them a treaty. 
By this convention the right of permanent residence 
in the treaty ports was granted to Americans, the rate 
of American currency was fixed at its true value, juris- 
diction was granted to the consuls to try Americans for 
offenses committed in Japan, and the rights and privi- 
leges of consuls were more clearly defined. These were 
important concessions secured by the patient, though 
persistent, American representative, but they had been 
obt^ed by hio, under ^„g oiro»zn*.o«.' The J.^ 
anese obstructions were a severe trial, but the apparent 
neglect of his own government was even more dispirit- 
ing. For more than twelve months after his arrival he 
was without a single communication from Washington, 
and he lived practically the life of a hermit. The only 
white person with whom he had intercourse was his 
secretary. His stock of European provisions was long 
exhausted before a naval vessel brought him a new 
supply, and his health felt the effects of the exclusively 
Japanese fare. Yet there was still before him new 
tests of his patience and official endurance, though to 
be finally crowned with even greater success.^ 

^ For details of Mr. Harris's residence at Sbimoda, see his Journal in 
Life of Townsend Harris, by W. £. Griffis, Boston, 1805. 


Mr. Harris brought with him a letter from the Prem- 
dent of the United States to the emperor of Japan, and 
soon after his arrival he had applied for an audience of 
the emperor to present the letter, which would involve 
a journey to the capital. Such an event as the ofi&cial 
visit of a diplomatic representative of a Western nation 
to the capital and his reception by the Shocnm (or 
Tycoon) was without precedent in Japanese hktoiy. 
Evil portents had followed the advent of Perry. A 
fearful earthquake had destroyed a large part of Tedo 
and the surrounding towns. This was followed by a 
typhoon by which more than a hundred thousand lives 
were lost. And even at that time the capital was be- 
ing ravaged by an epidemic of cholera whose victims 
amounted to thirty thousand. In the minds of the peo* 
pie, Providence was pronouncing condemnation against 
the intrusion of the foreigners. 

But the American representative was urgent, and in 
order to avoid the alternative of having the President's 
letter borne to the capital by another fleet of warlike 
vessels and delivered under the guns of the intruders, 
it was finally decided to permit the peaceful visit of the 
diplomatic representative and to grant him a personal 
audience of the Shogun. Shimoda was situated several 
days' travel from Yedo, and the journey was made over- 
land. The escort which conducted the American ^^ am- 
bassador,'' as he was termed by the Japanese, to Yedo 
presented a picturesque appearance. First came an 
avant-courrier on horseback with guards, attendants, 
and criers to clear the way. Next was the ^^ standard- 
bearer" carrying the American flag, a strange ensign 


^^ ^ ^.L-^^-a-j^..^ fr^H-. 


to the warUke Japanese, made more striking by the 
peculiar dress of the bearer, decorated with the coat of 
arms of the United States, and surrounded by guards. 
Then came the ^^ ambassador '' mounted on horseback 
with a bodyguard, followed by his morimono, or chair of 
state, and its bearers ; the secretary on horseback, with 
guard and chair ; a long retinue of servants, with pre- 
sents and baggage; also the vice-governor and mayor 
of Sbimoda, with soldiers and attendants. The whole 
train numbered some three hundred and fifly persons. 

The journey lay mainly over the Tokaido or imperial 
highway, and consumed a week. Notice had been 
given along the route of the coming of the ^^ ambas- 
sador." The bridges were all put in order, the streets 
of the towns swept, and the municipal officials met the 
procession and escorted the embassy through the irre- 
spective precincts. Large numbers of people crowded 
the highways, and knelt with averted heads as the 
^^ great man " passed, perfectly well behaved and in 
silence ; the officials only saluting by the usual prostra- 
tion, touching their heads to the ground. The single 
disagreeable incident occurred as the boundary line to 
the metropolitan province was reached, when Mr. Harris 
was informed that according to an immemorial law, from 
which none were exempt, his baggage must be in- 
spected. This he positively refused to permit, and after 
much parleying he gained his point, and the procession 
moved on across the sacred boundary. 

The day which would have concluded the journey 
and marked his entrance into Yedo fell upon Sunday, 
but the representative of a Christian country declined 


to go forward, and halted to spend the Sabbath accord- 
ing to his custom. ^^Eyer since I have been in this 
country/' he records in his journal, ^^ I have refused to 
transact any business on that day. • . • They now fully 
understand my motives, and they respect me for thenu" 
It was the first Sunday in Advent He says, " I read 
the whole service for the day with Mr. Heusken [his 
secretary] as my clerk and congregation." Later he 
describes similar observances of the day in the capital, 
and says he not only read the service in a loud voice so 
that the Japanese might hear it, but also told his offi- 
cial attendants that it was the Christian service. ^^I 
shall be both proud and happy if I can be the humble 
means of once more opening Japan to the blessed rule 
of Christianity." He was soon to have his prayer an- 

The entrance of the American representative into 
Yedo, following the flag of his country, was a memora- 
ble event in Japanese history. It was effected with 
considerable pomp, and was witnessed by hundreds of 
thousands of people in perfect silence and good order. 
After the customary preliminary visits to the chief min- 
ister of state and others, the audience of the Shogun 
and delivery of the President's letter took place. The 
details of this ceremony had been in the main agreed 
upon before the departure from Shimoda. When it 
was suggested to Mr. Harris that he should perform 
the usual prostrations in the presence of the Shogun, 
he peremptorily refused and said he would consider it 
an insult if the subject was ever again mentioned to 
him. It was arranged that he would be received with 


the ceremonies usual in European courts^ he making 
the three customary bows on appearing in the imperial 
presence. He describes his uniform as follows : ^^ My 
dress was a coat embroidered with gold after the pat- 
tern furnished by the state department^ blue pantaloons 
with a broad gold band running down each leg, cocked 
bat with gold tassels, and a pearl-handled dress-sword/' 
In contrast with the attitude of the American represent- 
ative, all the officials present at the audience including 
the chief minister of state, the princes, and even the 
three brothers of the Shogun, prostrated themselves in 
his presence and only moved by crawling on their hands 
and knees. 

Mr. Harris records that the prince, who had been 
assigned to accompany him during the audience, after- 
wards told him ^^ that all who were present were amazed 
at my ^greatness of soul,' at my bearing in presence 
of the mighty ruler of Japan ; they had looked to see 
me ^ tremble and quake,' and to speak in a faltering 
voice." While Mr. Harris enters this in his journal, he 
says he is inclined to think there is an admixture of 
" soft-sawder " in it. The audience was followed by a 
dinner sent by the Shogun to the diplomat's apart- 
ments, and later by an exchange of presents, among 
those of the American prominently appearing cham- 
pagne and liquors.^ 

The great work which Harris had in hand still re- 
mained to be accomplished — the granting of residence 
to diplomatic ministers at the capital and the opening 

^ For joarney and aadience, Harris's Jooma], Griffis, cbaps. zi. and ziL 
For Harris's letter, July 3, 185S, LitteU's Living Age, 1S59, p. 567. 


of Japan to commerce and Chrigtianity. It was a labor 
which required great patience and toil^ and continued 
through several months. Commissioners of high rank 
were delegated to conduct the negotiations wi^ him • 
and although men of the first intelligence in the em- 
pire, they acted with the simplicity of children in their 
conferences with the American negotiator. Twenty 
years after the event the papers of the Shogun were 
made accessible to the American legation at Tokio, and 
a translation of the accounts of some of these confer- 
ences as recorded by the imperial commissioners was 
transmitted to the Department of State, which shows a 
curious state of mind on the part of the commis- 

Mr. Harris was invited by them to state what he de- 
sired to accomplish in the negotiations, and to g^ve 
them an account of the condition of political and com- 
mercial affairs in the outer world. He discoursed to 
them for more than two hours, and this was followed 
by a series of questions and answers. In his journal 
he records that as the shades of evening began to gather 
he ordered in the lamps, ^^ but the commissioners told 
me I had fairly beaten them in my powers of endur- 
ance, and they must beg to be excused.'' The Japa- 
nese record shows that in the course of the conferences 
the commissioners asked, among other things, if it was 
necessary after establishing treaty relations to admit 
ministers, and when the American '^ ambassador " had 
replied in the affirmative, they asked — 

Question. What is the duty of a minister ? 

^ D. W. Steyens to Secretary of State, Foreign Relatiooa, 1S79, p. 621. 


Answer. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Question. What is the rank of a minister ? 

Answer. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Question. What kind of a thing is the law of na- 

Answer. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Question. Let us now hear what is meant hy open- 
ing ports like other nations. 

Answer. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Question. Is there anything more we ought to 

Answer. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

In his record of these conferences Mr. Harris says : 
'^ I may be said to be engaged in teaching the elements 
of political economy to the Japanese. . . • They said 
they were in the dark on all these points, and were like 
children; therefore I must have patience with them. 
They added that they placed the fullest confidence in 
all my statements. • • • I then gave them champagne, 
which they appeared to understand and to like." 
Champagne seems to have been an important factor in 
the diplomacy of the Orient. 

By his forbearance and painstaking method of ex- 
planation and instruction, Harris won the confidence of 
the imperial negotiators, and by yielding on non-essen- 
tial points and demands which the Japanese could not 
well concede, he succeeded in obtaining a treaty which 
completely satisfied his own government and was ac- 
cepted as a model by all the European nations. Much 
delay in its signature was occasioned by the opposition 
of the daimios and other influential dignitaries. A 


copy of the treaty was carried to the sacred city of 
Nikko and laid upon the tomb of the founder of the 
Shogunate, in the hope that some revelation might 
come from the spirit-land. It was likewise submitted 
to the Mikado's court without avail. After all his la- 
bors, Harris began to fear that his work would come to 
naught, and in his intense anxiety he fell ill, which en- 
abled the court of Yedo to show its tender r^ard for 
him in the healing services of its physician. 

Two concurrent events at last led to the consumma- 
tion of his ardent hopes. Prince li-Kamon, a man of 
resolute character and one who foresaw the future, be- 
came chief minister of state. The war which England 
and France were waging against China seemed to be 
nearing its close, and the great armaments employed in 
Chinese waters would be free to come to Japan with 
their ambassadors to dictate treaties. Mr. Harris made 
the most of the situation, and urged the Japanese to 
act promptly and thereby " save the point of honor that 
might arise from their apparently yielding to the force 
that backs the plenipotentiary, and not to the justice 
of his demands." Prince li put aside all opposition 
and directed the Harris treaty to be signed. The 
American, without the aid of ships of war, had fought 
his diplomatic battle single-handed, and had won. 
When the experienced British, French, and Russian 
ambassadors sailed into the Bay of Yedo, escorted by 
mighty fleets, they found the arduous part of their task 
already accomplished. 

The treaty, signed July 29, 1858, provided for diplo- 
matic agents to reside at the capital, and consuls at all 


the open ports. Commerce was authorized, additional 
ports were opened, and a tariff and trade regulations 
were agreed upon. Americans were permitted to reside 
at the capital and at all the open ports, jurisdiction over 
them was given to their consuls, and the free exercise 
of their reUgion was guaranteed. Other provisions 
were made, and the treaty was so broad as to remain 
practically the basis of Japan's relations with all the 
Western countries for a period of forty years, or until 
the empire was finally released from its pupilage in 
1899, and admitted freely into the family of nations. 

Lord Elgin, governor-general of India, and British 
ambassador accompanying the forces in China, reached 
the Bay of Yedo the month following the signature of 
the Harris treaty, having stopped on the way at Shi- 
moda to confer with the American diplomat, from whom 
he obtained a copy of his treaty, and secured the aid 
of his secretary, Mr. Heusken, as interpreter. He re- 
mained in the bay nine days, in which time he signed 
a treaty modeled after that of the United States, and 
delivered to the Japanese government a yacht as a pre- 
sent from the queen of Great Britain. The French and 
Russian fleets were in the harbor during the same 
month, and following the example of the British, their 
representatives negotiated similar treaties.^ 

Happy auspices attended the sequel to the signature 

^ For Harris negotiations, Harris Journal, Griffis, chaps, xiii. to xvL ; 
Harris Letter, July 6, 1858, Littell's Liv. Ago, 1859, p. 571 ; Nitobe, 
113 ; 1 Japan, by Sin £. J. Reed, London, 1880, p. 252 ; Narrative of 
Lord Elgin's visit, eto^ Lawrence Olipbant, New York, 1860 ; London 
Examiner, Nov. 6, 1858, in Littell's Liv. Age, 1858, p. 893 ; 1 The Capl 
tal of the Tycoon, by Sir R. Alcock, London, 1863, pp. 208-222. 


of the Harris treaty. It provided that the ratifications 
should be exchanged in Washington, and the faithful 
representative brought about a proposition from the 
Japanese government to make the exchange the occa- 
sion of a special embassy to Washington. As the 
United States had been the first nation with which Ja- 
pan had made a treaty, so, said the ministers of state, 
''the first mission ever sent abroad by our nation*' 
should be to that country. The suggestion was cheer- 
fully accepted by the government at Washington, and 
it was detennined to bring the embassy in naval ve«>eb 
of the United States. Some delay was occasioned, how- 
ever, by the necessity of securing an exception to the 
law inflicting the penalty of death upon any one leav- 
ing the empire. The embassy consisting, officials and 
attendants, of seventy-one persons, sailed from Japan 
in February, 1860, the thoughtful Harris having planned 
the journey so that his Japanese friends might see his 
capital in the genial month of May. 

The embassy was received in San Francisco with cor- 
dial welcome, transferred at Panama to another man- 
of-war, and brought direct to Washington. Here they 
were made the guests of the nation, received in state 
by the President, and entertained by the Secretary of 
State. The cities of the Atlantic seaboard vied with 
each other in extending hospitalities and honors. They 
attracted universal attention and friendly and favorable 
comment, their dignified deportment especially being 
noticed, the general newspaper remark being that ^^ they 
were quite as dignified, intelligent, and well bred as any 
gentlemen in any country or time." On the other 

^ha^^jM«—<^^«^^^fa»i* II - iM ■ ' ii • i i >M ■ "- —~i^—. 


iiand| file Japanese were greatly pleased with their re- 
ception, and amazed at what they saw. The chief am- 
bassador, Shimmi, wrote home in glowing terms of their 
treatment : '^ Though I have not yet seen the capital, 
I have already amassed knowledge and experience 
enough to pile up a mountain or fill up a sea. But of 
these, were I to speak with you, three fourths will be a 
relation of what I grieve for for our country." The 
embassy returned to Japan by « the same route and 
method as they came.^ 

Upon the ratification of the treaty Mr. Harris was 
commissioned as minister, and continued at his post till 
May, 1862. He had under date of July 10, 1861, 
asked the President to accept his resignation and ap- 
point his successor. He wrote : ^^ The extraordinary 
life of isolation I have been compelled to lead has 
greatly impaired my health, and this, joined to my ad- 
vancing years, warns me that it is time for me to give 
up all public employment." Secretary Seward, in ac- 
cepting the resignation, said : '' I regard your retirement 
from the important post you have filled with such dis- 
tinguished ability and success as a subject of grave 
anxiety, not only for this country, but for all the West- 
em nations." The Japanese government was likewise 
^ «pr«riv. in Jreg^/t hi. depart. The 
ministers for foreign affairs, in a letter to Secretary 
Seward, recognized his perfect knowledge of affairs, his 
friendly conduct, and the g^eat value of his services to 
their country, and regretted that he could not continue 
as minister. 

^ S. Ex. Doo. 25, S6th Cong. 1st Sess. ; Harper'i Weekly, May and 
June, 1S60 ; Niiobe, 159. 


The discoverer or explorer of regions before unknown 
has always commanded just admiration^ but the pioneer 
following in his footsteps and by patient toil securing 
to civilization the new found lands is too often forgot- 
ten by those who reap the fruits of his labor. The 
same is true in the great world of commerce. He who 
first enters a new field which gives promise of exten- 
sive trade is remembered and honored by future gener- 
ations, while the man who comes after him and by 
persistent effort, unadorned with adventure or novelty, 
makes possible the development of a profitable com- 
merce, receives but slight commendation as recompense 
for faithful service. So it was in the case of Japan. 
The name of Commodore Perry is familiar to every 
American, while that of Townsend Harris, the neero- 
tutor of th, «„. ^r.^1 treat, wi4 Jap™, and Z 
founder of diplomatic intercourse, is comparatively but 
little known and his achievements but little remembered. 
The genius of Perry had unbarred the gate of the island 
empire and left it ajar ; but it was the skill of Harris 
^hich threw it open to the commercial enterprise of 
the world. 

The first British minister to Japan, after becoming 
fully conversant with the situation of affairs, gave Har- 
ris great credit for skill and estimated highly the value 
of his services to all nations. By the Japanese he is 
held in grateful remembrance. He reflected great 
honor upon his country, and justly deserves to rank 
among the first diplomats of the world, if such rank is 
measured by accomplishment.^ 

^ U. S. Dip. Cor. 1862, pp. 799, 812, 816 ; 1 Alcock's Capital of the 
TyoooD, 208 ; Nitobe, 116. 



The enforcement of the treaties of 1858, whereby 
diplomatic ministers were established in the capital and 
certain of the ports opened to foreign residence and 
commerce, was the signal for a manifestation of great 
discontent throughout the empire. Perry's treaty had 
been bitterly opposed by most of the leading daimios, 
and they had steadily set themselves against all foreign 
intercourse. Towards the Shogun and his government, 
which had made the treaties, their attacks were mainly 
directed, but the foreigners were destined to experience 
the first assaults. 

The dual form of government, which had existed for 
centuries, was involved in the controversy. The Mi- 
kado, or emperor, resided at the interior city of Kioto, 
and had been kept in virtual retirement, being sover- 
eign only in name. The Shogun, the military com- 
mander, whose ancestors had usurped the executivo 
functions of government, was the real ruler of the em- 
pire. But many of the daimios had long been restive 
under the usurper, and the feeling of discontent was 
already widespread at the time of the coming of Perry. 

The treaties added fuel to the flame, and the cry 
was raised, "Honor the Mikado, and drive out the 
foreign barbarians." Harris's journal shows that he 
scarcely understood the internal situation at the time 
of his negotiations. He frequently charges the Japa- 
nese officials with bad faith and falsehood, in protesting 
that they could not yield to his demands because of the 
prejudice and opposition of the enemies of the govern- 
ment, when subsequent events showed that they were 
sincere in these declarations. After he had been in 


the country more than a year, he makes fliis entiy : 
'^ Among the mysteries o£ this mysterious land, none is 
more puzzling to me than tliis Mikado/' In 1858, after 
his treaty had been agreed upon, he records the great 
contempt with which the Mikado was spoken of by 
the Yedo officials, who claimed that he was '^ a mere 
cipher." And yet, when the authorities found it necesr 
sary to send his treaty to Kioto for approval, he 
began to suspect that the Shogun's government was an 
empty sham, and that the real ruler of Japan was the 

The first few years after the treaties of 1858 were 
times of disorder and violence. Even the life of Mr. 
Harris was threatened while the negotiations were in 
progress. In 1859, during the visit of a Russian fleet, 
one of its officers and two men were killed in the 
streets of Yokohama. Early in 1860 an interpreter of 
the Russian legation was mortally wounded, and the 
captains of two Dutch vessels were hacked to pieces. 
In March, li, the regent of the Shogun, who had 
caused the treaties to be signed, was assassinated for 
the alleged reasons that he was ^^ making foreign in- 
tercourse his chief aim/' and had insulted the Mikado's 
decree. Then Mr. Heusken, the useful and worthy 
secretary of the United States legation, was murdered 
in the streets of Yedo in January, 1861. The next 
year the British legation was attacked by a foreign- 
hating mob and two of the British guards were killed. 
Bands of lawless men, renins, were abroad stirring up 

^ Harris's Joomaly 122, 270, 313; Chamberlain's Things Jvpumd, 

»^fc^li» ^J I<» - < r.,.l-.l. -■ 


opposition to the foreigners^ and the Shogunate seemed 
powerless to repress them. 

Daring this year occurred one of the most celebrated 
cases of assaults upon foreigners. A Mr. Richardson, 
an Englishman, with a few friends, while riding on the 
Japanese highway near Yokohama, was attacked and 
kiUed by some of the followers of the prince of Sat- 
suma, one of the most powerful daimios of the empire 
and a bitter opponent of the foreigners. The conduct 
of the Englishman which caused the assault seems to 
have been very foolhardy, but the British minister made 
a demand upon the Shogunate for $500,000 and upon 
the daimio of Satsuma for $125,000 as an indemnity. 
The Shogunate after some delay agreed to the payment 
of the first sum, but the prince of Satsuma refused. 
A British squadron was dispatched to Kagoshima, the 
daimio's capital, which was bombarded and burnt, after 
which the indemnity was paid.^ 

This lesson, however, was not sufficient to teach the 
anti-foreign element the futility of attempting to rid 
their country of the intruders. Numerous acts of vio- 
lence occurred in 1863, among which was the burning 
of the American legation in Yedo. Hon. R. H. Pruyn, 
of New York, had succeeded Mr. Harris in 1862, 

^ A Japanese statesman, writing sixteen yean after this event, says : 
** There were many eases where fatal collisions were purposely provoked 
by foreigners, the results of which were no more a matter of satisfaction 
to as than of reg^ret. Such was the case of Richardson, the Englishnum, 
who willfully tried to ride through the train of the state procession of 
the prince of Satsuma, and was killed by a retainer of the prince, an act 
which, at that time of feudalism, was entirely justifiable, because such 
discourtesy to a princely retinue was deemed an unpardonable outrage." 
ICatsuyama Makoto, N. A. Bev. Nov. 1878, p. 412. 



and assumed his duti^ in the height of the agitation 
against foreigners. When his l^ation was burned, he 
took up his residence in another house and refused to 
leave the capital, although his European colleagues had 
withdrawn to Yokohama, where they were under the 
protection of their men-of-war. Finally the govern- 
ment informed him that it could no longer protect him, 
and he was escorted by a large armed force to a Japa- 
nese steamer and taken to Yokohama. He secured 
from the Shogunate a payment of $10,000 to the 
mother of Mr. Heusken, the murdered secretary of 
legation; also $10,000 for losses on account of the 
burning of the legation ; and various other sums for 
injuries suffered by American citizens and vessels. He, 
however, sought to exercise the utmost moderation in 
his attitude towards the government, and carried his 
friendly spirit so far as to awaken the suspicion of the 
British and some other ministers of his complicity with 
the Japanese.^ 

The Mikado's party had become so strong as to lead 
the Shogun to obey the summons to Kioto to confer 
with the emperor, a visit which was without precedent 
in the past three centuries. From Kioto the Shogun 
issued an order, which was delivered to the foreign 
representatives, " to the effect that the ports are to be 
closed and the foreigners driven out, because the people 

1 U. S. Dip. Cor. 1861, 1862, 1863, subject, "Japan" ; Nitobe, 76 ; 
1 Beed's Japan, 255-267 ; Rein's Japan, 349 ; Alcock, vol. 1, chaps. zL* 
xiv., zvi., xvii., vol. 2, chaps, ii., iii., yiii. ; Griffis's Mikado, 591 ; 1 Adams's 
History of Japan, 138, etc. ; The Story of Japan, by David Mamy, New 
York, 1894, p. 344. For Prince Ii, The Lif e of Ii Naosuki, by Shimad* 
Sabnro, Tokio, 1888. 


do not desire intercourse with the foreign countries." 
To this order Mr. Pruyn replied that the citizens of 
the United States had the right of residence and trade 
granted by treaty. ^^ The right thus acquired will not 
be surrendered and cannot be withdrawn. Even to 
propose such a measure is an insult to my country, and 
equivalent to a declaration of war. . • . The determi- 
nation of the Mikado and Tycoon, if attempted to be 
carried into effect, must involve Japan in a war with 
all the treaty powers." 

During the difficulties with which the Shogunate had 
been surrounded on account of the treaties, the action 
of Mr. Pruyn, in contrast with the attitude of the 
British and French ministers, had been of a concilia- 
tory and forbearing character. Hence the Japanese 
sought to detach him from concerted action with the 
European powers, but he refused to listen to the sug- 
gestions. The Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, approved 
his conduct, and wrote: "You will represent to the 
minister of foreign affairs that it is not at all to be 
expected that any one of the maritime powers will 
consent to the suspension of their treaties, and that 
the United States will cooperate with them in all neces- 
sary means to maintain and secure the fulfillment of 
the treaties on the part of the Japanese government." 
This action of the government of the United States 
constitutes an exception to its general policy of avoid- 
ing cooperation with European powers, but the con- 
dition of affairs in the East and the community of 
interest of the treaty powers made such action to a 
certain extent desirable, if not necessary. 


Strengthened by the infltruction of the Secretary of 
State, and taking advantage of his friendly relations 
with the Shogunate, Mr. Pruyn induced the ministers 
of foreign affairs to recall their letter ordering the 
closing of the ports and the withdrawal of the for- 
eigners. It is highly probable that the Shogon's 
action in issuing the order of the Mikado was merefy 
perfunctory, and that his govemment never expected 
to attempt its enforcement, knowing full well that it 
would not be obeyed by the foreigners. Envoys had 
been sent by it to the governments of Europe asking 
for the suspension of the treaties and the postponement 
of the opening of the new ports, but they failed in 
their purpose, and it was apparent to well-informed 
Japanese that the country would not be permitted to 
take a backward step. Upon the withdrawal of the 
notice for the expulsion of foreigners, the representa* 
tives of the treaty powers, recognizing the embarrass- 
ments which surrounded the Japanese government, con- 
sented to the postponement of the time for the opening 
of the new ports of Yedo, Hiogo, and others.^ 

Concurrently with these negotiations an event oc- 
curred which hastened the adjustment of the internal 
troubles of Japan and a definite settlement of its for- 
eign relations. The prince of Choshiu, a powerful 
anti-foreign daimio who was in open rebellion to the 
Shogun, had sought to close the strait of Shimonoseki, 
which connected the Inland Sea of Japan with the 

^ U. S. Dip. Cor. 18S3, 1864, sabjeot « Japan " ; Nitobe, 78 ; 1 Reed'i 
Japan, 263 ; History of Japan, by Kinae Sbiriakn, translation, Tokohamat 
1873, p. 30. 


Chinese waters and was regarded by the maritime 
nations as an ocean highway. The prince had fortified 
the narrow passage which intersected his territory and 
guarded it with armed vessels. An American merchant 
vessel passing through the strait was fired upon, and, 
later, ships of other nationalities were similarly treated. 
When the news reached Yokohama, the United States 
naval steamer Wyoming was in the harbor, and, upon 
consultation with Mr. Pruyn and at his request, she 
proceeded to Shimonoseld, and on entering tiie strait 
was fired upon by the vessels and batteries. She 
returned the fire, sinking one of the vessels and badly 
damaging the other two. She passed through the 
strait and returned, engaging the batteries, witii the 
loss of four men killed and seven wounded. 

About the same time French and Dutch naval vessels 
had a similar experience. As a result of these attacks, 
a meeting of the representatives of the treaty powers 
was held at Yokohama, at which it was decided to or- 
ganize and dispatch an expedition to open the strait, if 
it was not done by Japan within twenty days. The 
Shogun being powerless in the matter, the expedition 
sailed. It consisted of nine British ships of war, four 
Dutch, three French, and one United States chartered 
steamer, the Jamestown, U. S. N., being detailed to 
protect Yokohama. The latter was the only man-of-war 
in Japanese waters, the civil war in the United States 
requiring aU other of its naval vessels elsewhere. The 
attack upon the daimio's forts and vessels b^an Sep- 
tember 5, 1863, and continued until the 8th, when he, 
defeated at every point, made an unconditional submis- 


sioD, and thenceforward the strait was open and free to 
the commerce of the world. 

The attack was followed by a demand on the Sho- 
gunate by the ministers of the f onr participating powers 
for an indemnity, which was fixed at $3,000^000^ and 
after some delay and g^eat embarrassment, because of 
the poverty of the treasury, it was paid. An equal share 
of the indemnity was aUotted to each nation, although 
Great Britain had fumished the greater portion of the 
armament. The exaction of the indemnity under the 
circumstances has been the subject of much adverse 
criticism. The attempt to close the port was in viola- 
tion of international law ; but it was not the act of the 
government with which the powers had relations, and 
it claimed that, if time was afforded, it would bring 
about the removal of the obstruction. The sum paid 
to the United States remained in the treasury unused 
for twenty years. The public conscience was troubled 
as to the justness of the exaction, and in 1883 by an 
act of Congress the amount received was returned to 
Japan, and accepted by that government ^^ as a strong 
manifestation of that spirit of justice and equity which 
has always animated the United States in its relations 
with Japan.'' None of the other three nations par- 
taking of the indemnity have seen fit to follow this 

An incident connected with the Shimonoseki affair 
occurred which was not without influence on the later 
history of Japan. The year before, two youths, mem- 

1 U. S. Dip. Cor. 1S63-4, «< Japan "* ; 22 SUiQCeaatL.421; U.&For 
BeL 1883» p. S06 ; Griffii'i Mikado, 593. 


bers of the Choshiu clan, had escaped from the country 
through Yokohama, notwithstanding the death penalty 
for such an act. Being inspired with the foreign-hating 
spiiit of their prince, they went abroad for the purpose 
of learning what it was that made the Western nations 
formidable, in order that they might return and make 
use of their knowledge against the intruder. They 
made their way to London as common sailors, and there 
heard of the resolution of the Mikado to expel the bar- 
bariauB, and of the war which threatened their country 
as a consequence. Their patriotic fervor led them to 
return. They reached Shimonoseki just at the time of 
the attack of the foreign squadrons, and acted as inter- 
preters to their prince in the peace negotiations. As 
Marquis Ito and Count Inouye they are known among 
the public men of the " New Japan " as having borne 
an honorable and conspicuous part in its regeneration. 

The effect of the severe lessons taught the powerful 
daimios of Satsoma and Choshiu by the foreign fleets 
was to convince them of the folly of continuing further 
their opposition to the barbarians, and that it would be 
the wiser policy for their country to avail itself of the 
influences and methods which had made the Western 
nations so powerful. These lessons were not without 
their efEect also upon other of the Mikado's supporters, 
and the court of Kioto, while it continued its efforts to 
destroy the power of the Shogun, relaxed its oppo^tion 
to the treaties and to foreign residence and commerce. 
The first important manifestation in this direction was 
the sanction by the Mikado of the treaties which the 
Shogun had made with the powers. 


When Commodore Peny negotiated his trealy in 
1854, he supposed that he was holding relations with 
the government of tiie emperor of Japan. He died 
without knowing his error. The treaties n^fotiated 
with the European powers succeeding that of Perry 
were signed by their representatives under tiie same 
dehision. The real conditions of the Japanese system 
of government had been fully set forth several years 
before in publications at Canton,^ but do not seem to 
have been brought to the attention of Perry and those 
who immediately followed him. It has been seen that 
the true relation between tiie Shogun and tiie Mikado 
began to dawn upon Harris in the midst of the tor* 
tuous negotiations in which he was involved, and soon 
thereafter they were fully understood. It is to be 
noted, however, that no other course was open to those 
early negotiators than the one pursued by them. The 
Shogun had in his hands the executive functions of 
government, and at the time the Mikado did not pos- 
sess even the semblance of power. 

Mr. Pruyn, both separately and in conjunction witii 
his European colleagues, had repeatedly urged upon the 
Shogunate that it should obtain from the Mikado his 
approval of the treaties. In 1865 the Shogun and his 
ministers had taken up their temporary residence at 
Osaka, in order to be near the Mikado, and from that 
place they reported to the representatives of the foreign 
powers at Yokohama that the two heads of government 
were in friendly accord, and that the Shogun expected 

^ 2 Chinese Repositoiy (1833), p. 310; 9 lb. (1840), p. 600; 10 Ih. 
(1841), p. 10. 

■^^AiA*«^ta^Mt^h^^«KJBM^ f J a w^l-^fcaA» ■ *^ *J|^ 


BOon to go to Kioto and obtain the Mikado's sanction 
of the treaties. Finally the diplomats, wearied with 
the delay, decided to go to Osaka in a body and bring 
about the much desired result They were escorted by 
a squadron of nine men-of-war of different nationaUties, 
and in a short time after their arrival the Mikado's order 
was published (November 24, 1865), and sent to all the 
daimios, giving '^ imperial consent to the treaties." 

The value of such action was that thereafter opposi- 
tion to the treaties and to foreigners would be a viola- 
tion of the emperor's edict. Up to that time opposition 
to them had been evidence of loyalty to the Mikado. 
The result was a marked improvement in the attitude 
of the people towards the foreign residents, although 
attacks upon them by lawless persons did not entirely 
cease. The American legation was again established at 
Yedo, where it has since continued undisturbed. Mr. 
Pruyn, who had served his country as minister through 
four years of very trying experience, with much useful- 
ness to the government and credit to himself, resigned, 
and was succeeded in 1866 by B. B. Van Yalkenburgh. 

During this year another evidence of the liberal ten- 
dency of the Mikado's government was the repeal of 
the decree, which had been in force for more than two 
hundred years, prohibiting the Japanese from leaving 
their country. In transmitting notice of this repeal to 
his government, the American minister says, '' Another 
barrier of Japanese isolation has thus been removed." 

It does not faU within the scope of this volume to 
trace the internal contest which resulted in the trans- 
formation of the system of government of Japan. It 


became apparent from the ciyil ivar in progress and 
the attitude of the treaty powers that the wel&ie of the 
country demanded the restoration of full power to the 
Mikado. One of the leading supporters of the Sho- 
gun, reflecting the sentiments of many of the daimios 
of his party, addressed an appeal to his chiefs in the 
course of which he said : ^^ The march of events has 
brought about a revolution^ and the old system can no 
longer' be obstinately persevered in. Ton should restore 
the governing power into the hands of the sovereign, 
and so lay the foundation on which Japan may take it. 
stand as the equal of all other countries. This is the 
imperative duty of the present moment, and is the heart* 
felt prayer of Yodo." 

Impressed with the wisdom of the course indicated In 
this appeal, the Shogun addressed a manifesto to his 
adherents, in which he stated that ^^ It appears to me 
the laws cannot be maintained in the face of the daily 
extension of our foreign relations, unless the govern- 
ment is conducted by one head, and I purpose there- 
fore to surrender the whole governing power into the 
hands of the Imperial Court." This was followed by 
the formal tender of his resignation, which was accepted 
by the Mikado. Many of his followers, however, re- 
fused to acquiesce in the transfer of the executive power, 
and the civil war continued for a time ; but the Mikado 
was in the end completely triumphant. 

The recognition of the Mikado as emperor was soon 
followed by an audience granted by him to the foreign 
diplomatic representatives, and later by the transfer of 
the seat of government to Yedo, which thenceforward 


was given the name of Toldo, meaning the " eastern 
capil^." During the civil wai the M^do, who had 
80 strongly oppcL the teeaties and foreigners, died, 
and was succeeded by his son, Mutsuhito, a youth of 
fifteen years, who is still the reigning sovereign. After 
the resignation of the Shogun and the restoration of 
peace, the emperor in 1869 took what is sometimes 
called the ^^ charter oath/' promising to give his people 
a deliberative assembly, to rule justly, and ^^to seek for 
wisdom in all quarters of the world/' 

In the same year an event occurred which is without 
precedent in the history of nations, and which is the 
highest testimonial of the patriotism of the public men 
of Japan. For ages there had existed in the country a 
feudal system of the most rigid character. The princes, 
or daimios, were the supreme rulers in their respective 
provinces, the lords of the domain, and entitled to the 
unreserved service of their retainers and the people. 
The most intelligent and thoughtful of the daimios saw 
that the emperor, to be all that the name implied and in 
a position to rank with the rulers of the Western world, 
must be possessed with the powers which the princes 
then enjoyed. Hence they brought about a voluntary 
surrender to the emperor by all the feudal lords of their 
titles, rank, lands, and revenues, and thus enabled the 
government to be thoroughly reorganized under the 
modem system of nations.^ 

An interesting fact connected with Christianity was 
brought to light by the civil commotions and the 

^ V. S. Dip. Cor. 1867-18C9, ** Japan " ; Kinse's History, chaps, ii. and 
tiL ; Adama'B History of Japan ; Rein's Japan, 955-875. 


opening of the country to foreignen. It appeared ihat| 
notwithstanding the severe measures which had been 
adopted in the seventeenth centuiy for the suppression 
of the ^^ evil sect/' a considerable body of native Chris- 
tians — numbering several thousand — had secretly 
kept their faith, and the chang^ condition of the 
country emboldened them to make themselves known. 
This awakened the hostility of the govemmenti and a 
proclamation was issued by the emperor reviving the 
ancient prohibitive decrees. The matter came to the 
notice of the American minister. He convoked his 
colleagues, and an identic note of protest was agreed 
upon and sent to the Japanese government 

On receipt of the proclamation by Secretary Seward, 
he replied to Mr. Van Valkenburgh that the President 
^* regards the proclamation as not merely ill-judged, but 
as injurious and offensive to the United States and to 
all other Christian states, and as directly conflicting 
with the eighth article of the treaty of 1858, and no 
less in conflict with the tolerating spirit and principles 
which prevail throughout the world. You are advised, 
therefore, that the United States cannot acquiesce in or 
submit to the Mikado's proclamation." The minister 
was instructed to bring the matter quietly and in a 
friendly manner to the attention of the Japanese gov* 
ernment, in view of the civil disturbances, but to 
"proceed with firmness and without practicing inju- 
rious hesitation or accepting any abasing compromise." 
The other treaty powers adopted the same course, 
but not until after much discussion and delay on the 
part of the Japanese government did the persecution 

tifciMH^Ill ~ * 


cease and were all the prohibitdons against Christianily 

The overthrow of the Shogun, the assumption of fall 
power by the Mikado^ thenceforth known only as 
Emperor, the abolition of feudalism, the removal of the 
capital to Tokio (Yedo), and the establishment of un* 
qualified diplomatic relations with the Western coun- 
tries, secured for Japan a recognized place among the 
powers of the world; but it had a long and weary 
journey to travel before it could take its place as an 
equal in the family of nations. After much hesitation 
and civil commotion, it had turned its back upon the 
past, but there was before it the task of reorficanizinff 
Z .dnums.,.ti.n o£ goven..™., the judic^,, ft! 
social system, and commerce. A generation was yet 
to pass before the reorganization was to be complete 
in the estimation of the foreign powers. 

True to his ^^ charter oath," the emperor was to seek 
for wisdom in all quarters of the world. The leading 
nations of the earth were to have their share in advan- 
cing or retarding the development of the country, and 
in enabling it to attain the goal of the patriotic am- 
bition of its people. The United States had been fore- 
most in leading Japan out of its seclusion. The part 
which it was to play in the development of the new 
order of affairs will form the subject of a later chapter. 

What the country had already accomplished com- 
manded the respect of mankind. The people of the 
Western world especially were prepared to welcome the 

1 U. S. Dip. Cor. 1867, pp. 66, 63 ; 1868, pp. 749, 757, 796 ; 1870^ 
46a-486 ; Murray's Japan, 379. 


dawning of a new era in the East. A sympathetic 
response was made to the motto which the Japanese 
inscribed over their exhibit at the Centennial £]qKi8i- 
tion in Philadelphia in 1876 : — 

In the aneaent Yammto Iiland^ Hat ran liiM : 
Most not eTen the f<neigner reTerenoe? 




Belting upon the effect of the British war and the 
advantages secured by the treaties of China of 1842 
and 1844 with Great Britain, the United States, and 
France, the Western nations looked hopefully forward 
to an era of friendly intercourse with the imperial 
government and one of great commercial prosperity. 
But they were destined to serious disappointment. 
Notwithstanding past experience they had failed to 
estimate properly the conservatism and arrogance of 
the Chinese. 

Supported by a continuous history of several thou- 
sands of years, during which they had developed a high 
state of civilization, the Chinese felt that they had 
nothing to learn from the barbarian nations. Their 
recent intercourse with them led to the belief that 
the latter were influenced by mercenary and hostile 
motives, and that an increase of this intercourse would 
bring only evil results for their nation. They regarded 
theirs as the Middle Kingdom and all the outlying 
nations of the world as vassal and tributary to their 
celestial emperor. Although the superior military 
power of the Western nations had been demonstrated 
at Canton and a few other places on the coast, it had 
hardly pierced the outer rim of the vast empire, and 


the court at Peking was totally ignoiant of the streDgtih 
and progress of the oatside world. Intrenched in the 
conviction of their intellectoal and material superiorityi 
the Chinese were still resolved to hold as little inter- 
course as possible with the treaty powers, and to 
interpret strictly in their favor the conventions which 
had been forced upon them. 

Mr. Davis, who was the United States representative 
from 1848 to 1850, was mainly occupied with install- 
ing the consular officers at the treaty ports with the 
judicial functions with which they were clothed by the 
treaty of 1844, growing out of their exterritorial juris- 
diction. His reports upon the subject to Hie Depart- 
ment of State were made the basis of the peculiar 
legislation of Congress respecting the judicial powers 
of consuls, which with subsequent amendments has 
continued to the present time. 

The most noted event of his mission was an inter- 
view held with the imperial commissioner, which was 
the only one since the treaty of 1844, and it proved to 
be the last had by an American representative with 
the resident Canton high commissioner. In place of 
being held at the yamen or official residence of the 
commissioner in Canton or on board a man-of-war of 
the United States, as official etiquette required, it took 
place at a commercial warehouse in the suburbs of Can- 
ton. There was present at that interview as a subor- 
dinate official the afterwards celebrated Yeh, who bore 
such a conspicuous part in the troubles which led to 
the second British war. 

Mr. Davis had been selected for the post because of 


Ills prominence in domestic politics, having been a 
member of Congress for several years and speaker of 
the Honse. The concurrent testimony of contempo- 
rary writers is that he discharged his duties modestiy 
and well, and left a reputation for intelligence, discre- 
tion, and devotion to duty. Upon the resignation of 
Mr. Davis, Dr. Parker, the secretary of legation, became 
charg^ d'affaires.^ 

In 1852 Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky, was com- 
missioned and entered upon his duties as minister. 
The chief business which occupied his attention was in 
seeking to secure an interview with Yeh, who had been 
designated as high commissioner to transact affairs at 
Canton with the representatives of foreign govern- 
ments. In answer to a request from Marshall for an 
interview, to place in his hands a letter from the Presi- 
dent of the United States for transmission to the em- 
peror, Yeh responded that he was too busy at that time 
to meet him, but that as soon as his pressing engage- 
ments would allow he would " select a felicitous day " 
on which to hold with the minister ^^ a pleasant inter- 

• J9 


Mr. Marshall was quite indignant at the tone of 
Yeh's letter. He wrote the Secretary of State that 
^^ there was no probability that the ^felicitous day' 
will ever arrive ; '' that the French minister had been 
waiting at Macao fifteen months for a personal inter- 
view ; and that he as the representative of the United 

^ MSS. Department of State, ** China," 1848-60 ; S. £z. Doc. 22, 35tli 
Cong. 2d Seas. p. 299 ; N. A. Review, Oct. 1859, p. 482 ; LitteU'i Liying 
Age, Oct 1858, p. 384. 



States was not only ezcladed from the imperial court 
at Peking, but, practicallj, from personal intercourse 
with the high commissioner at Canton. He decided to 
go to Shanghai and secure, if possible, the transmittal 
of the President's letter through E-liang, the viceroy of 
that province, and, failing in that, to proceed to Tien- 
tsin in a man-of-war and demand an audience of the 
emperor from that point. 

After some delay he was courteously received by 
E-liang, who undertook to send the President's letter 
to the emperor, but who said he was not authorized to 
transact business with him. In due course a reply 
came from the emperor, not in the form of a letter to 
the President, as courtesy required, but in a communi- 
cation to the viceroy. The receipt of the President's 
letter was acknowledged, and the minister was informed 
that it was not necessary for him to come to Peking, 
as Commissioner Yeh was fully empowered to dispatch 
all public business with him. This reply made him the 
more desirous to proceed to the Peiho. 

But another obstacle stood in the way of the execu- 
tion of this plan ; the commander of the American 
squadron on the Asiatic station seemed unwilling to 
support him. Commodore Aulick had not found it 
convenient to furnish Marshall with a naval vessel 
to transport him to Shanghai at the time desired, and 
when Commodore Perry, who succeeded Aulick, arrived 
at that place, he declined to yield to the minister's 
request for a ship to bear him to the Peiho, whence he 
proposed to make a demand backed by the presence of 
the man-of-war for an audience of his imperial majesty 


at Peking. Perry had nearest at heart his mission to 
Japan, and besides he gave Marshall plainly to under- 
stand that he regarded the latter's scheme of a demon- 
stration at the Peiho as chimerical and unwise. 

This expression of opinion on the part of the com- 
modore led Marshall to suggest ironically to the Secre- 
tary of State ^^ the propriety of managing diplomatic 
relations with foreign countries through the instru- 
mentality alone of the commodores of the navy, whose 
education and habits fit them peculiarly for the dis- 
cussion of questions of international law 1 " He also 
had his retort for the commodore's opinion of his Peiho 
project by referring to 'Hhe shadowy future which 
may be enveloped within ' the peaceful expedition ' to 
Japan." Subsequent events, however, established the 
correctness of the naval diplomat's judgment in both 

The subject of the proper relation between the dip- 
lomatic and naval officials of the government has been 
much discussed and has occasioned many unpleasant 
incidents not only in the service of the United States, 
but in that of Great Britain and other powers. Mr. 
Marshall's altercations with Aulick and Perry led to 
the issuance of specific instructions on the subject by 
the Department of State. Secretary Marcy, in writing 
to Mr. McLane, who succeeded Mr. Marshall in the 
Chinese mission, furnished him with a copy of the in- 
structions given by the Secretary of the Navy to Com- 
modore Perry, in which the latter was directed to 
render the ^r such assistence as dxe exigencies 
of the public interest might require. But, he added^ 


^^ the President does not propose to subject him to your 
control^ but he expects that you and he will cooperate 
together whenever, in the judgment of both, the inr 
terests of the United States indicate the necessity or the 
advantage of such cooperation/' This in substance has 
been embodied in the instructions to diplomatic and 
naval of&eers, and this well-defined relation has in re- 
cent years prevented trouble and misunderstanding. 

Mr. Marshall spent some time at Shanghai, where he 
found abundant occupation in the commercial troubles 
gprowing out of what ia known as the Taiping Rebet- 
lion, in restraining Americans from taking part in it by 
rendering personal service or material aid to one or the 
other of the belligerents, and in repressing the lawless- 
ness of deserting American seamen and adventurers. 
During his mission this revolt against the imperial 
government reached its highest point. Beginning in 
1850, it had by 1853 swept over and occupied the 
provinces south of the Yang^tse-Kiang, except the 
open ports, had captured the Chinese city of Shanghai 
and the ancient capital Nankin, had crossed the great 
river, was threatening Tientsin, and even Peking was 
in danger of falling into rebel hands. It constitutes 
one of the most extensive, bloody, and curious insur- 
rections in the annals of time. It threatened the ex- 
istence of the oldest and most populous empire of the 
world ; it is estimated that twenty millions of lives were 
sacrificed by it; and it had its origin in the vagaries of 
a dreaming enthusiast who claimed to base his move- 
ment upon the principles of Chnstianiiy. 

A narrative of its events does not fall mdiin the 


province of this work, but it had such relations to Ameri- 
can citizens and their interests, and engaged to such an 
extent the attention of the representatives of the United 
States, that it cannot be passed over without some notice. 
The leader of the rebellion, when a young man attend- 
ing the literary examinations at Canton, had had his 
attention attracted to Christianity by the preaching and 
tract circulation of native Protestant converts. Some 
years later he put himself under the instruction of Bev. 
J. J. Roberts, an American Baptist missionary, at whose 
hands he sought baptism and admission into the church, 
which were refused. He returned to his native village 
and claimed that he had visions and revelations from 
heaven and that he was the younger brother of Jesus 

He proclaimed a mission to destroy idolatry and over* 
throw the Manchu dynasty. The country seemed ripe 
for revolt, and unexpected success attended the early 
movements against the local authorities. Success 
brought adherents from the disaffected and the lawless, 
and within three years more than half of the populous 
part of the empire was in control of the revolutionists, 
and the dynasty seemed doomed to destruction. At 
first the missionaries and the Christian world hailed the 
movement as the dawning of a new and better era for 
the Chinese. But upon further information it became 
apparent that the principles proclaimed and the prac- 
tices observed were a gross travesty of Christianity, and 
that the leader and his chiefs had abandoned themselves 
to all the vice and licentiousness of an oriental court 

After the fall of Nankin, Mr. Roberts was invited by 


the chief to come to his court and give his counsel to 
the new government. Minister Marshall, whom he 
consulted, told him that it was hardly consistent with 
his neutral status as an American citizen to respond to 
the call. Notwithstanding this advice, Mr. Roberts 
repaired to the camp of the insurgents at Nankin, but 
a short stay eonviuced him that they were not controlled 
by the spirit or principles of Chnstianiiy. The leader 
had so surrounded himself with the august ceremonials 
of his exalted position that Mr. Roberts was not per- 
mitted to see him, and he returned to his post of duty at 
Canton disappointed and disgusted with the movement. 

By the middle of the year 1853 the rebellion had 
assumed such proportions as to warrant the assumption 
that it might become the de fczcto government of the 
empire, and Mr. Marshall's successor, Mr. McLane, was 
authorized in bis discretion to recognize it as such, if on 
his arrival the situation justified such a course. Soon 
after he reached Shanghai, he made a visit in a naval 
vessel to the headquarters of the Taiping leader in order 
to study personally the state and spirit of the move- 
ment. After some difficulty in making his approach 
to Nankin, Mr. McLane was able to communicate his 
arrival and his desire to meet the official charged with 
foreign intercourse. His action was interpreted as an 
approach to do homage to the government of the rebel- 
lion, and the minister of state sent him a long reply 
couched in a haughty tone of superiority, in which he 
said: — 

^^ If you do indeed respect Heaven and recognize the 
Sovereign, then our celestial court, viewing all under 

MH^^MM ^tavk^A ■■■>•« ■ 


Heaven as one family^ and uniting all nations as one 
body^ will most assuredly regard your faithful pur- 
pose and permit you year by year to bring tribute and 
annually come to pay court to the Celestial Kingdom^ 
forever bathing yourself in the gpracious streams of the 
celestial dynasty, peacefully residing in your own lands, 
and Uving quietly enjoying great glory." 

The comment of Mr. McLane upon the correspond- 
ence was that, ^'Whatever may have been the hopes 
of the enlightened and civilized nations of the earth, in 
regard to this movement, it is now apparent that they 
neither profess nor apprehend Christianity, and what- 
ever may be the true judgment to form of their political 
power, it can no longer be doubted that intercourse can- 
not be established or maintained on terms of equality." 
He sent the Secretary of State a full account of his 
visit, which constitutes one of the most interesting con- 
tributions to the voluminous literature on the Taiping 

The civil war was maintained with varying fortunes 
until 1864, when Nankin was recaptured by the imperial 
forces and the insurrection suddenly collapsed. Dr. 
Martin, who was a resident of the country during the 
entire movement, says that it would have succeeded 
but for the foreign intervention in favor of the imperial 
cause. The American government and its representa- 
tives sought to maintain an attitude of strict neutraKty, 
but the sentiments of all the American ministers were 
on the side of the established government, and the 
French and English authorities at a critical period 
rendered it open support. Dr. Martin is authority for 


the statement that after the occupation of Peking in 
1860 by the allies, the emperor having fled to Tartaiy, 
Lord Elgin, the British representative, thought seriously 
of opening negotiations with the insurgent chief, but 
was deterred by the opposition of Baron Gros, the 
French envoy, who, adopting the views of the French 
missionaries, was prejudiced against the insurgents be- 
cause their religion was reported to be of a Protestant 

Among the foreigners who lent tiieir services to tiie 
imperial cause during this rebellion was an American, 
General Frederick T. Ward, bom in Salem, Massachu- 
setts. He organized, equipped, and drilled a body of 
Chinese troops, officered by Americans and Europeans. 
His successes were so great that his corps became known 
as ^^ The Ever Victorious Army,'' and its influence vras 
decisive in changing the entire aspect of the contest. 
In the height of his career he was mortally wounded 
while leading an attack upon a Taiping fortress. His 
fame has been somewhat eclipsed by that of Colonel Gor- 
don, of the British army, who at his death succeeded 
to the command of his corps and carried forward to 

^ For the views and reports of American ministers — MarshaU^ H. Ex. 
Doo. 123, 33d Cong. 1st Sess. pp. 142, 184, 203, 265 ; McLane, S. Ex. 
Doo. 22, 3oth Cong. 2d Sess. pp. 47-111 ; S. Ex. Doc. 39, 36th Cong. Ist 
Sess. p. 3 ; The Taiping Rebellion, by A. Egmont Hake, London, 1891; 
The Chinese Revolution, by Charles Maofarlane, London, 1853 ; L'lnsar- 
rection en Chine, Callery & Tvan, Paris, 1853, translation, London, 1853 ; 
Martin's Cycle of Cathay, pt. i. chap. ix. ; Williams's Hist. China, chap. 
V. ; A Short History of China, by D. C. Boolger, London, 1893, chap. 
XX. ; China, by R. K. Douglas, London and New York, 1899, ohap. zL ; 
Nevius's China, chap, xxri.; N. A. Bey. July, 1854^ p. 158. 


ultimate saccess the movement which had been organ- 
ized by the daring and skill of Ward.^ 

Becarring to Minister Marshall's services^ it is to be 
noted that after remaining several months at Shanghai, 
he retamed to Canton^ and again appUed to Yeh for an 
interview, was again met by an excuse and a declina- 
tion, and finally left China without once having met 
this official specially designated by the emperor to treat 
with the foreign ministers. When in January, 1854, 
he announced to Yeh his intention to return home, the 
latter repUed with perfect nonchalance, ^^ I avail myself 
of the occasion to present my compliments, and trust 
that, of late, your blessings have been increasingly 

A party change in the administration at Washington 
brought about Mr. Marshall's recall. His service in 
China covered a period of great interest and disorder 
in that empire, and, although on this account he was 
unable to accomplish much to advance the interests of 
his country, he conducted its affairs with ability and 
credit to himself and his government. He was a ready 
and able writer, and his voluminous correspondence 
with the Department of State, which has been published, 
furnishes very interesting and profitable reading on 
Chinese affairs.^ 

Upon the accession of Mr. Pierce to the presidency 
in 1853, he nominated and commissioned as minister to 
China Robert M. McLane, of Maryland, who was one 

1 S. Ex. Doo. 34, 37th Cong. Sd Seas. 1, 3 ; Hake'i Taiping BebellioD, 
190 ; Martin's Caihaj, 139. 

* H. Ex. Doo. 12d» 33d Cong. 1st Sess. ; S. Ex. Doo. 39, d6th Cong. Itt 
Sess. p. 3 ; N. A. BoYiew, Oct 1859, p. 483 ; littell'i LiTuig Ago, Oct 
1868, p. 384. 


of the most accomplished diplomatio representatives of 
the United States and had a long public career. In 
order that he might not be subjected to the embarrass- 
ments encountered by Mr. Marshall, the naval com- 
mander on the Asiatic station was instructed to place 
a national vessel at his disposal, and in such other ways 
as was possible to second his efforts. 

He arrived at Hongkong in March, 1854, where he 
met his first disappointment, which unfortunately was 
only the beginning of a series which attended him 
throughout his mission. Anticipating his arrival. Dr. 
Parker^ the faithful secretary and charg^ of ihe legation 
at Canton, had addressed the imperial high commis- 
sioner, Yeh, informing him of the date of arrival of 
the new minister, and stating that he would desire a 
personal interview to deliver the letter of the President 
addressed to the emperor. Yeh treated this request in 
the same manner as that made by Mr. Marshall. In 
his reply, after expressing his deUght at learning of Mr. 
McLane's arrival, he announced that he was very busy 
and said, ^^ Suffer me then to wait for a Utile leisure, 
when I will make selection of a propitious day, that we 
may have a pleasant meeting." 

Mr. McLane was no less indignant than his prede- 
cessor on the receipt of this ^^ impertinent, if not inso- 
lent " commimication, as he termed it, and determined 
to make no further application for an interview, but to 
send Yeh a reply and ^^ rebuke him for his discourtesy 
and incivility." In forwarding a copy to Washington 
he expressed the hope that Secretary Marcy would " find 
it sufficiently pointed," as it assuredly was. 


There seemed nothing left for him to do but to 
pursue much the same course of conduct as his pre- 
decessor. Commodore Perry having placed at his dis- 
posal the Susquehanna^ one of the newest and best 
vessels of the navy^ he proceeded in her to the port of 
ShanghaL He found the state of affairs there even 
worse than on Mr. Marshall's visit the previous year. 
The imperialists and Taipings were confronting each 
other in and around the foreign settlement. The Chi- 
nese city of Shanghai had been captured by the rebels, 
and only the presence of the American, British, and 
French war vessels prevented the foreign settlement 
from being occupied by them. The foreign merchants 
had refused to pay duties to the imperial government 
on the goods imported which it could not protect, and 
it was reported that the merchants were taking advan- 
tage of the disordered situation to import large cargoes 
without duty. 

While at Shanghai Mr. McLane put himself in com- 
munication with the viceroy E-liang, whose headquarters 
were in the interior of the province, and was granted 
an interview by him. Like Mr. Marshall, he was much 
pleased with the reception accorded him, but in the 
real business sought to be dispatched he was similarly 
unsuccessful, and he declined under the circumstances 
to intrust the President's letter to the hands of the 
viceroy for transmission to the emperor. 

After a stay of four months he returned to Hong- 
kong. Here he conferred with Sir John Bowring, the 
British governor, whom he found in the same state of 
mind as himself respecting Commissioner Yeh. During 


Mr. McLane's absence at Shanghai the governor had 
sought to approach Yeh npon the subject of a revision 
of the treaties, with a view to remedying the defects 
which had been developed in those in force, and had 
been met by evasion and a refusal to act. Mr. Mc- 
Lane also conferred with the French minister, and the 
three foreign representatives decided to act in concert 
in bringing pressure to bear upon the Chinese govern- 
ment to satisfy the existing grievances, and in so acting 
the American minister was conforming to the spirit of 
his instructions from the Secretary of State. 

It was determined that if negotiations could not be 
opened at Shanghai witii a properly authorized repre- 
sentative of the emperor, they would jointiy go to the 
mouth of the Peiho in men-of-war of their respective 
nations, and there renew tiieir demands on the imperial 
court. And of this resolution they separately served 
notice on Commissioner Yeh at Canton. 

The three envoys arrived at Shanghai during the 
month of September, 1854, and remained for a few 
weeks hoping that they might be advised of the dis- 
pateh from Peking of plenipotentiaries empowered to 
open negotiations, but they were disappointed. In 
accordance with their plans. Sir John Bowring, Mr. 
McLane, and the French secretary of legation reached 
the Peiho October 15, the French minister being de- 
tained at Shanghai by an accident. 

On their arrival they found that no steps had been 
taken to send plenipotentiaries to meet them. After 
some time consumed in conferences with the local au- 
thorities and weeks lost in waiting, a commissioner 


from the emperor finally arrived. He arranged to 
receive the foreign envoys on the maddy banks of the 
river in a miserable tent badly adapted for the purpose. 
It was a shameful disregard of the courtesies so usual 
with Chinese officials, and could only be interpreted as 
a studied affront to the foreigners who had made them- 
selves unwelcome guests. 

When the conference was opened, the Chinese pleni- 
potentiary confessed that he had no full powers or 
authority to negotiate, and could only hear what the 
foreign representatives had to say. Their object was to 
secure a revision of the treaties, and they all rested 
their claim upon a clause in the American treaty of 
1844 which reads as follows : — 

^^ Inasmuch as the circumstances of the several ports 
of China open to foreign commerce are different, ex- 
perience may show that inconsiderable modifications 
are requisite in those ports which relate to commerce 
and navigation; in which case the two governments 
will, at the expiration of twelve years from the date 
of said convention, treat amicably concerning the same, 
by the means of suitable persons appointed to conduct 
such negotiations.'' 

While the Chinese plenipotentiary stated that he had 
no authority to negotiate, he took pains to inform the 
British representative that he could not claim the 
right to have his treaty revised because the American 
treaty contained the clause cited; and he replied to 
Mr. McLane that 'Hhe inconsiderable modifications" 
referred to did not justify the revision for which he 
contended. This was an answer worthy to emanate 


from officials more experienced than the Chinese in 
diplomacy, and which could not be well gainsaid from 
the standpoint of international law. The result of the 
conference was a failure, as it was not possible for the 
ships to remain at that stormy season of tiie year until 
an answer to the demands of the envoys could be 
received from Peking, and no assurance was given 
that these demands would be laid before the emperor. 
Nothing was left for the representatives but to leave 
the inhospitable shores of the Peiho and return to safer 
anchorage and more genial climate at Shanghai and 

From Shanghai Mr. McLane sent full details of the 
events at the Peiho to the Secretary of State and gave 
a review of his futile efforts since his arrival in China 
to lay before the authorities at Peking the complaints 
of his government. He then submitted a recommen- 
dation that the President embody in a letter to the 
emperor the complaints which he had formulated and 
the changes desired in the treaty ; and that this letter 
be confided to a commissioner ^^ supported by the 
presence of the United States naval forces in the 
Chinese seas, precisely as the letter of the President 
was delivered to the emperor of Japan." He reported 
that the British and French ministers had recommended 
that a more decisive policy should be initiated, and it 
was to be hoped that harmonious action would continue 
to be maintained between the three governments. In a 
later dispatch he continued to urge a new and a more 
positive, ^^ perhaps an aggressive, policy " on the part 
of the Western nations towards China. 



The ten months which Mr. McLane had passed in 
his active bat vexatious duties had been very trying^ 
and exposure at Canton to the heat and malaria of the 
tropics had brought on a fever, which so seriously 
affected his health as to make it necessary for him to 
ask for a leave of absence. Before taking his depar- 
ture, however, he was enabled to bring to a conclusion 
a matter which had greatly troubled the American mer- 
chants at Shanghai. Mr. Marshall had decided that 
they should pay to the imperial government the duties 
uncollected and suspended during the paralysis of au- 
thority while the rebels were attacking Shanghai. On 
the arrival of the new minister a fresh representation 
was made to him, with an agreement to abide by 
his award. Mr. McLane decided that a considerable 
amount of the sum in controversy should be paid to 
the Chinese government, and it was accordingly done, 
although the British merchants successfully resisted a 
similar demand upon them. It is greatly to the credit 
of the American minister's impartial rectitude that, in 
the midst of his disappointaent and iU treataent by 
the authorities, he should have rendered a decision so 
favorable to China; and it is likewise to the credit 
of the American merchants that they should have 
observed their obligations when those of other national- 
ities refused. 

In December, 1854, the legation was again intrusted 
to Dr. Parker as charg^, and Mr. McLane left his post 
on sick leave. On his arrival at Paris he tendered his 
resignation of a mission which had proved so unsatis* 


factory in its results,^ and returned to the United States 
to receive new honors at home and to hold later the 
missions to Mexico and Paris. 

Dr. Parker conducted the affairs of the legation for 
several months under very perplexing conditions. The 
Taipiug rebels were tiireatening Canton and the other 
treaty ports. In the impotent state of the imperial 
government, pirates multiplied, infested the coasts, and 
imperiled foreign commerce in the treaty ports. In the 
consequent disorganization of trade, smuggling greatly 
increased, and a ready market was found for warlike 
supplies. Both Ministers Marshall and McLane had 
issued proclamations enjoining strict neutrality upon 
Americans, and Dr. Parker exerted himself to enforce 
these orders. He found tiiat the American flag was 
being abused through the negligence or bad faith of 
consuls by its illegal transfer to Chinese or other for- 
eign vessels. The shipping and registry reg^ulations of 
Great Britain made easy the transfer of its flag to such 
vessels, which was forbidden under American law ; and 
except through the connivance of consuls in authorizing 
registry, American shipping was placed at a disadvan- 
tage in these times of disorder. Claims by Americans 
for injury to their property or business or for non-ob- 
servance of their treaty rights, were also accumulating, 
and the authorities were badly situated or indisposed 
to give them satisfaction. 

Twenty years' residence in China and the onerous 
labors of his position so impaired his health that Dr. 

> For details of McLane's mission, S. Ex. Doo. 22, 35th Cong. 2d Seis. ; 
S. Ex. Doc. 39, 36th Cong. 1st Seas.; N. A. Review, Oct. 1859, pp. 487-^501 


Parker found it necessary to ask for a leave of absence, 
and in May, 1855, he made a visit to the United States. 
His intercourse with the authorities at Washington so 
favorably impressed them with his intimate acquaint- 
ance with Chinese affairs and with his ability, that, dis- 
carding the prevailing rule of party preferment, he was 
nominated full commissioner to China. 

He returned to his post through Europe, and held 
interviews in London and in Paris with the British and 
French ministers for foreign affairs, in which there was 
a free exchange of views as to the policy to be pur- 
sued in China by the three maritime powers, and an 
informal agreement reached that there should be co- 
operation and harmony of action. Full reports of these 
interviews were sent by him to the Secretary of State, 
by whom his action was commended. 

On his arrival at Canton in January, 1856, Dr. 
Parker notified Yeh of his appointment as commis- 
sioner and that he desired a personal interview to 
deliver for transmission a letter from the President to 
the emperor. To this application Yeh returned his 
stereotyped reply that he was then too busy to grant 
the interview. After conferring with his British and 
French colleagues and determining upon uniform action 
for a revision of the treaties, he again asked Yeh for 
an interview, and being again refused, the amiable and 
usually even-tempered minister could restrain his indig- 
nation no longer. He addressed Yeh a communication 
reviewing the latter's conduct towards his predecessors, 
who had in vain sought for interviews on important 
business, and stated '^ that so sure as there is a sun in 


heaven, so certainly is it that the day is near when it 
will be endured no longer." He then gave him notice 
of his intention to proceed to Peking for the purpose 
of obtaining a revision of ihe treaty of 1844 and a 
redress of the accumulated gprievances. Similar notices 
were given by the British and French representatives. 

But the doctor was no more successful than Messrs. 
Marshall and McLane in the execution of his indignant 
resolution. He was delayed some time by the absence 
of a naval vessel in reaching Shanghai. There his 
hopes were raised by the promise of the local Chinese 
authorities that they would bring about the opening 
of negotiations. This promise was only made to be 
broken, and then the season was too far advanced to 
go to the Peiho ; besides, an adequate naval force was 
not at hand for the purpose. ' 

The chief result of his visit to the north was the 
reception of an additional indignity to his government. 
On his resentment of Yeh*s incivility Dr. Parker had 
declined his offer to receive the President's letter, and 
at Amoy he accepted the promise of the viceroy of 
that province to transmit it. While at Shanghai the 
letter was returned to him from Peking, with a state- 
ment that it could only be received through the high 
commissioner, Yeh, specially delegated by the emperor 
to deal with foreign affairs. But when the autograph 
letter of President Pierce addressed to the emperor was 
redelivered to Dr. Parker the seals were broken.^ 

When he reached Hongkong on his return from 

^ S. Ex. Doo. 22, 35tb Cong. 2d Sess. pp. 495-984 ; Martin'i Cathay, 

MMl^gWfc - l1 • - .i.^-^^^.1 *I1 1 immuM-m^l^^mi^r — mJ— > . - 


Shanghai in November^ 1856, he found that British pa-* 
tience with the Chinese authorities had been exhausted, 
and that a state of flagrant war existed. The forts 
which guarded the city of Canton had been captured, 
and the city itself had been bombarded and entered by 
the British forces. 

The immediate event which brought on this second 
war of Great Britain against China was the boarding 
of the lorcha ^ Arrow in front of Canton by marines 
from a Chinese war vessel, the seizing and carrying 
away of the crew on charge of piracy, and hauling down 
the British flag. The vessel was built and owned by a 
Chinese, but had been registered as British and was 
carrying the British flag. The term of registry had, 
however, expired several days before the seizure and 
had not been renewed. 

Sir John Bowring,^ the governor of Hongkong and 
diplomatic representative of Great Britain, made a de- 
mand for the return of the seized sailors, an apology 
for the act, and an assurance that the British flag should 
be respected in future. Yeh ordered the release of the 
sailors, although he stated that an investigation proved 
nine of them to be guilty of piracy, but he declined to 
make the apology demanded because he claimed the 

^ Lorcha — a Portuguese term for a fast-sailiDg scbooner. 

' Sir John Bowring, who was the actiye agent in bringing on the war, 
was a noted man of his time, possessed of varions accomplishments. He 
was of peaceful inclinations, but of an impnlsire temperament ; a pupil 
and the literary ezecntor of Jeremy Bentham ; for ieveral years a mem- 
ber of Parliament and an authority on commercial subjects ; of literary 
tastes, a linguist having a mastery of more than forty languages ; and a 
poet and hymnologist, best known as the author of the hymns ** In the 
Cross of Christ I glory/' and " Watchman, tell ua of the Night" 


vessel was not a British ship. The governor's contentioii 
was that although her registry had expired, she was en- 
titled to protection ; besides, the Chinese did not know 
of the expiry of the registry, and hence Ihat the act was 
none the less an outrage on the flag. Yeh was obsti- 
nate in his refusal; and war followed. 

The views of British statesmen and historians differ 
gpreatly as to the merits of the war, but there is a gen- 
eral concurrence of sentiment that the affair of the 
Arrow was not of itself a sufficient justification for hos- 
tilities. The matter is well stated by Lord Elgin in his 
report to his government : '^ I think I have given to the 
Arrow case as much prominence as it deserves, when I 
represent it as the drop which has caused the cup to 
overflow." But in his private journal he frankly refers 
to ^^ that wretched question of the Arrow, which is a 
scandal to us, and is so considered, I have reason to 
know, by all except the few who are personally com- 
promised. It was merely the culmination of a series of 
acts on the part of the Chinese which brought on the 
hostilities, and was not of itself a just cause of war." ^ 
The origin of the " series of acts " referred to may, in 
most cases, be found in the extensive system of smug- 
gling of the East India Company's opium. 

Although the government of the United States 
did not think proper to follow the example of Great 

1 For official reports relatiye to Arrow War see Tarious British Fkr- 
liamentary Blue Books, *' China," 1856-60 ; 3 McCarthy's Hist chapa. 
zxx. and xlii. ; Boulger's Hist. chap. xiz. ; Douglas's China, chap. iz. ; 
Williams's Hist. chap. yi. ; Martin's Cathaj, pt. i. chap. z. ; Neyiua'i 
China, 301-12 ; N. A. Review, January, 1S60, p. 125 ; S. Ez. Doo. 2^ 
35th Cong. 2d Sess. 984. 

Mtw. '- - !«*«> 


Britain in its hostile action, it is to be noted that its sac- 
cessive ministers, who were subjected to the insolence 
of Yeh and the indifference of the Chinese government 
to their repeated representations, expressed to their gov- 
ernment the conviction that the only way to secure re- 
spect and justice from the Chinese was by a manifesta- 
tion of force. Mr. Marshall wrote the Secretary of 
State that ^^ the Chinese government . • • concedes 
justice only in the presence of a force able and willing 
to exact it.'' Mr. McLane, referring to his troubles 
with Yeh, reported that ^^ diplomatic intercourse can 
only be had with this government at the cannon's 
mouth." The peaceful Dr. Parker was so aroused by 
the many indignities shown to his government that he 
strongly favored an alliance of the United States with 
Great Britain in the war.^ 

Following close upon the affair of the lorcha Arrow, 
an event occurred which for the moment seemed des- 
tined to bring the United States into a union with 
Great Britain in the war upon which it had entered. 
While proceeding in a boat from the United States 
squadron in the lower river to Canton, Captain Foote 
was fired upon from the Chinese forts, and the day 
after a surveying party from the squadron was ako fired 
upon and one of its members killed. In both instances 
the American flag was prominently displayed. For 
these acts Commodore Armstrong determined upon 
summary punishment. November 16, 1856, the day of 
the second firing on the flag, he sent the Portsmouth, 

1 H. Ex. Doo. 123, 33d Cong, lit Sess. 11 ; S. Ex. Poo. 22 (cited), 


under command of Captain Foote, afterwards distm- 
groished in the Civil War, to attack the forts from 
which the firing on the boats had occurred, and they 
were soon silenced. 

On the next day the commodore addressed a note to 
Commissioner Yeh, demanding an explanation and a 
suitable apology within twenty-four hours. Before the 
time had expired, however, seeing active work progress- 
ing towards the restoration of the damaged forts, the 
commodore ordered another attack, and the forts were 
taken by assault and destroyed. Seven Americans were 
killed and twenty-two wounded, while the loss of the 
Chinese was reported at three hundred. A communi- 
cation from Yeh was received before the second attack 
was made, but it proved to be of an unsatisfactory 
nature ; and further correspondence followed. Teh 
claimed that, in view of the hostilities conducted by the 
British at and in the vicinity of Canton, boats of other 
nationalities ought to keep away from the scene of war, 
and that mistakes as to flag^ would not then occur. 
But the severe punishment which had been inflicted 
upon the Chinese forts did not seem to have given him 
much offense, for he finally wrote the commodore, 
^^ There is no matter of strife between our two nations. 
Henceforth let the fashion of the flag which American 
ships employ be clearly defined, and inform me what it 
is beforehand. This will be a verification of the friendly 
relations between our countries." Of such Utile impor- 
tance was the affair in the mind of this oriental dignitary. 

Yeh's letter ended the correspondence, and the at- 
tack of the American navy on the Barrier forts was a 


r^rs - j^ 


closed incident. It was the only act of warlike violence 
by American authorities on the Chinese till a half cen- 
tury afterwards^ when a division of the army of the 
United States marched to the relief of its beleaguered 
minister and citizens at Peking. Such a prompt and 
peaceful settlement was a disappointment to the Brit- 
ish, as they earnestly desired the cooperation of the 
United States in the campaign which they were prepar- 
ing against the Chinese.^ 

The government at Washington saw no occasion to 
give further attention to the engagement between the 
navy and the Barrier forts, but certain occurrences in 
connection with the bombardment of Canton by the 
British seemed to call for farther inquiry. The press 
accounts of that affair reported that the American con- 
suls at Canton and Hongkong were both present at the 
assault and participated in it, and that the latter headed 
a body of United States marines carrying the American 
flag. The charge was likewise made by Commissioner 
Teh. Secretary Marcy strongly condemned any viola- 
tion of the neutral attitude of the United States, and 
ordered Minister Parker to make a thorough investiga- 
tion, authorizing him, in case the charge against the 
consul at Hongkong was well founded, to remove the 
latter from his post. 

The consul at Canton in his official report says that 
on entering the city half an hour after the walls were 
carried, '^ I found the English in full possession of the 
place — the officers, the soldiers, and the sailors helping 

1 S. Ex. Doo. 22 (cited), 1020, 1012 ; N. A. Beview, Oct. 1859, p. 512 ; 
Harper's Mag. Oet ISdS, p. 741. 

^ ♦ , J I ■ 


du& ceir=r7^rj» of "dkt ctr.'' b ncBs ^at looting 
rA Ccizase raLiees wis pacsiccd Ismg bcCoce die oera- of Pcgfr.g hi dw ytmr 19QQ. and tbat die prae- 
tio& v^s derxnlozng to eTeo & nettial coosoL Bodi 
Le asi :he cooscl at Hoc^kocg pracesttd dieir inno- 
cei^c^ of ai^T T>>lid<xi of their neutal duties^ mlUymg 
tlut their presence vas indoced Btodr bj corioshj, and 
the latter stoailT denied that he was re^ionsible tar the 
presence of the Amenean fla^. It appears diat the 
national emblem was within die waDs and in the hands 
of an American marine, bnt not andiorized by any offi* 
cer of the goremment. The inTestigation failed to ee- 
tablish any Tiolation of nential dnty, bnt showed diat 
the sympathies of the American colony were plainly 
with their kinsmen/^ 

The British preparations for the campaign which had 
been resolved upon, to bring the Chinese goyemment 
to terms respecting a revision of the treaties and a re- 
dress of grievances, was delayed for a full year, on ac- 
count of the Sepoy revolt in India. In the mean time 
the foreign factories (mercantile establishments) at Can- 
ton were destroyed by fire, and commerce was sus- 
pended. Dr. Parker was busily occupied in his efforts 
to protect American interests in this time of disorder, 
and in seeking to induce the Chinese authorities to give 
attention and satisfaction to American demands. He 
felt that the British were pursuing the only policy 

1 S. Ex. I>oo. 22 (cited), 1048, 1319, 1383 ; N. A. Ber. Oet 1859^ ^ 


which would bring the imperial government to terms^ 
and he strongly recommended to the Secretary of State 
that the United States should cooperate with the allies 
in the policy determined upon^ France having definitely 
resolved to participate with Great Britain in the pro- 
posed military expedition. Dr. Parker suggested that 
an active campaign might be avoided, and China 
brought to accept the demands of the powers by the 
temporary occupation by them of different portions of 
territory. His plan was that France should take posr 
session of Korea, Great Britain of Chusan, and the 
United States of the island of Formosa, and hold them 
as hostages till a satisfactory settlement of all questions 
was attained. At this day such a scheme seems quite 
visionary and impracticable, but it was known to Parker 
that only three years before Commodore Perry had 
made a similar recommendation respecting the Lew Chew 
Islands in connection with the Japanese negotiations. 

But such schemes did not in any way harmonize with 
the peaceful policy at Washington. Not even could 
the daring act of the navy in destroying the Barrier 
forts to avenge the insults to the flag disturb the equa- 
nimity of the government. Secretary Marcy wrote 
Dr. Parker that the President very much doubted 
whether there was sufficient justification for such a 
severe measure, and thus stated his views : ^^ The 
British government evidently have objects beyond those 
contemplated by the United States, and we ought not 
to be drawn along with it, however anxious it may be 
for our cooperation. The President sincerely hopes 
that you, as well as our naval commander, will be able 


to do all that is required for the defense of American 
citizens and the protection of their property^ 'withont 
being included in the British quarrel^ or producing any 
serious disturbance in our amicable relations with 
China." Such instructions were so contrary to the 
views of the minister that it was well that thmr execu- 
tion should be intrusted to a new representative. 

A change of administration had occurred on March 
4, 1857, and a month later a new minister to China was 
appointed. This action was not taken because of any 
dissatisfaction with the incumbent^ but it appears to 
have been brought about by the exigencies of domestic 
politics.^ Dr. Parker retired from his post in August, 
and returned to the United States, thus ending a long 
and useful career in China* He made his residence in 
Washington up to the time of his death in 1888, and 
was active in scientific and religious circles. Hon. Hugh 
McCuUoch, secretary of the treasury under three presi- 
dents, who enjoyed his society and friendship in these 
later years, says : ^^ No man can look back upon a long 
life with greater satisfaction than Dr. Parker. No for- 
eigner had better opportunities than he of becoming 
acquainted with the Chinese, their habits, and the char- 
acter of their government ; and no one could have used 
these opportunities to greater advantage, both to China 
and to the United States." * 

^ S. Ex. Doc. 22 (cited), 1083-1278; S. Ex. Doo. 30, d6th CoDg. Ist 
Sess. p. 3. In giving his instmctions to the new minister, the Seoretaij 
of State wrote : " This change is not intended to cause the slightest cen- 
sure upon bim [Parker]. He has discharged his duties with seal and 
fidelity, and is entitled to the thanks of the govemment." 

* Martin's Cathay. 27; Speer*s China, 421; Littell's Linng Age, Oot 



» ___ 

The successor of Dr. Parker, William B. Reed, of 
PenDsylvania, secured his appointment mainly because 
of political considerations, having supported the election 
of Mr. Buchanan to the presidency, although of the 
opposite party. He was, however, a lawyer of consid- 
erable prominence, and proved in most respects fitted 
for his difficult duties. The title of the American repre- 
sentative in China had heretofore been that of commis- 
sioner, — a somewhat anomalous grade in diplomacy. 
In order to give Mr. Reed all the dignity and influence 
which might accrue from his rank, he was commissioned 
as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. 

In view of the threatening state of affairs in China, 
with England and France joined in hostilities against 
the empire, his instructions were prepared with much 
care, and set forth the attitude of the United States 
with precision. The objects which it was understood 
the allies had in view were enumerated, and stated to 
be in accord with those desired by the United States. 
These were, first, the residence of foreign ministers at 
Peking, reception by the emperor, and intercourse with 
an accredited ministry of foreign affairs; second, an 
extension of commercial intercourse and a better regu- 
lation of the internal tariff on imports ; third, religious 
freedom for foreigners ; and fourth, measures for better 
observance of treaty stipulations. The minister was 
directed to cooperate by peaceful means with England 
and France to secure these ends, but to confine his 
efforts to firm representations and appeals to the justice 

1S59, p. 384; Men and Measures of Half a Centoryy by H. McCalloeh« 
New York, 1888, p. 265. 


and policy of the Chinese authorities. He was reminded 
that his country was not at war with China, and sought 
only to enter that empire for lawful commerce. 

With these instructions was inclosed .a copy of corre- 
spondence had with the British government, in response 
to an invitation of the allies to join in their hostile ex- 
pedition. In it attention was called to the fact that the 
executive branch of the government of the United States 
was not the war-making power, that military expeditions 
into Chinese territory could not be undertaken without 
the authority of Congress, and that the relations of the 
United States with that country, in the judgment of the 
President, did not then warrant a resort to war. The 
policy of the United States was one of peace ; it had 
no political views connected with that empire; and, 
owing to the difference in manners and traits of national 
character, true wisdom seemed to dictate moderation, dis- 
cretion, and the work of time in the attempts to open 
China to trade and intercourse. 

When Mr. Heed arrived in Hongkong, November, 
1857, he found the allies almost ready to begin hostile 
operations. Lord Elgin, — a British statesman of noble 
family and large political experience, — returning from 
a successful term as governor-general of Canada, had 
been assigned by his government to the political man- 
agement of the campaign, and with him was associated 
as the French representative Baron Gros, a diplomat of 
high reputation. Upon making known to the allies the 
tenor of his instructions, Mr. Reed reports their surprise 
and disappointment, as they had been '^ encouraged in 
the most extravagant expectation of cooperation on our 



party to the extent even of acquisition of territoiy/' and 
that the English were especially '^ irritable • • • at their 
inability to involve the United States in their unworthy 
quarrel." But he states later that Lord Elgin had not 
at that time been informed of the character of the reply 
to the invitation to join the allies, and that after its 
receipt their relations were more cordial. 

The first duiy of Mr. Reed was to seek an interview 
with the imperial commissioner Yeh and make an effort 
to open negotiations for treaty revision ; but he was 
doomed to the fate of his predecessors. This polite 
but obstinate official, ^' on hearing that an officer of the 
highest fame and reputation with such kindly feelings " 
had reached China, '^ was extremely desirous of having 
an interview/' but since the destruction of the suburbs 
by the British ^^ there is really no place where to hold 
it." As to negotiations, there was no occasion for 
them, as the existing treaty was satisfactory and bene- 
ficial, and did not require alteration. Thus the minister 
was informed that the especially designated diplomatic 
representative of the emperor could not meet him, nor 
would he consider with him the business of his mission. 

The blow which the allies had been preparing fell 
upon Canton in December, 1857. It was a second time 
captured and sacked. Yeh was made a prisoner and 
sent to Calcutta, where he died within a few weeks after 
his arrival. This official had ecltablished an unenviable 
reputation for incivility, obduracy, and hatred of for- 
eigners, and upon him had been placed the responsi* 
bility for the unsatisfactory condition of international 
relations. But at the capture of Canton the documents 


T^hich fell into the hands of the allieB revealed the fact 
that his conduct had been directed from Peking, and 
that the imperial court was responsible for his refusal 
to open negotiations for treaty revision or the redress 
of grievances. Among those documents were also 
found the Chinese originals of the British, American, 
and French treaties of 1842 and 1844, and from this 
fact it was inferred that they had never been sent to 
Peking nor their terms known to the emperor; but 
this was afterwards shown to be incorrect, as they had 
been officially published by the court. 

After the fall of Canton, the allies announced a dispo- 
sition to forego further hostile operations, if the Chinese 
government would appoint plenipotentiaries and open 
negotiations for a revision of the treaties. Meanwhile 
a Russian minister had reached Hongkong, after an 
unsuccessful effort to communicate with the emperor 
by way of the Peiho. His instructions were similar to 
those of the United States minister, — to press nego- 
tiations upon the Chinese, but by peaceful methods 
only. Mr. Reed, after his cavalier treatment by Yeh, 
and after a brief experience in Chinese affairs, was led 
to the same conviction as his predecessors, — that only 
coercive measures would be effective in bringing the 
imperial government to terms. In his review of the 
situation to the Secretary of State he said : ^^ I do not 
hesitate to say that a new policy towards China ought 
to be . . . initiated, and that the powers of Western 
civilization must insist on what they know to be their 
rights, and give up the dream of dealing with China as 
a power to which any ordinary rules apply." And a 


month later he wrote that nothing short of an actual 
approach to Peking ^^ with a decisive tone and available 
force " would produce a result. Referring to the peace- 
ful attitude of the United States, he adds : ^^ Steadfast 
neutrality and consistent friendship make no impression 
on the isolated obduracy of this empire." 

In this frame of mind the American minister found 
no dif&culty in uniting with the British and French 
representatives in identic notes to Peking, in which a 
request was made for the appointment of plenipoten- 
tiaries to meet the foreign representatives at Shanghai 
to negotiate for a revision of the treaties, with a notice 
that if such action was not taken, they would feel it 
their duiy to approach still nearer to the capital to press 
their demand. The Russian minister likewise took the 
same course. 

Mr. Reed informed the Secretary of State that, in 
case of refusal to negotiate at Shanghai, the powers 
would jointly proceed to the mouth of the Peiho. 
^^ This,'' he says, ^^ will be made the most imposing ap- 
peal that has ever been addressed by the Western powers 
to the sense of justice and policy of the Imperial court." 
He then submits for the consideration of the President 
'^ the possible alternative of a persistent and contemptu- 
ous refusal to entertain any friendly proposition to 
afford redress for injuries, or to revise the treaty; " and 
he asks to be invested with power to exercise the neces* 
sary coercion to bring the court to terms. Secretary 
Cass replied approving of the minister's course in join- 
ing with the powers in their representations to Peking, 
but he again refers to his instructions, and states that, 


although the United States has serioiis oanse of com- 
plaint against China, it has not been thought wise to 
seek redress by a resort to arms. This ateematiYe may 
yet be forced upon us, he says ; but when the exigency 
comes, the President will have to ask Congress for au- 
thority, and he was not then prepared to make such 

In accordance with thdr agreement the foreign en- 
voys met at Shanghai in April, 1858, and there re- 
ceived the answer from Peking, denying their right to 
have direct communication with the court and referring 
them to the commissioner at Canton who had been 
appointed to succeed Yeh. Mr. Reed characterized 
this reply as similar to those given by Yeh ; '^ the same 
unmeaning profession, the satne dexterous sophistry; 
and, what is more material, the same passive resistance ; 
the same stolid refusal to yield any point of substance." 
The envoys, therefore, lost no time in carrying out 
their resolution to proceed to the Peiho, in order to 
reach there early in the season. 

The British and French envoys were accompanied 
by the fleets and forces which had participated in the 
warlike operations against Canton, but the American 
and Russian ministers went, each in a single vessel. 
Mr. Reed advised the Secretary that ^^if hostilities 
recommence, obeying the spirit and letter of my instruc- 
tions, I shall continue a passive spectator," waiting 
instructions from home. He reported that the Russian 
minister, also, had ^^ positive instructions to abstain 
strictly from any measures of hostility, except in case 
of extremity." 


On the arrival of the envoys at the mouth of the 
Feiho^ they found no one authorized to open negotia- 
tions, and the four ministers sent identic notes to 
Peking, asking for the appointment within six days of 
plenipotentiaries. Before the expiration of the period 
named, a notice was received by all the envoys that 
a special commissioner had been appointed by the 
emperor to open negotiations and that he was ready 
to meet them. The communications were not properly 
addressed, and the British and French refused to re- 
ceive them, but the American minister, treating the one 
received by him as a clerical error, sent it back for cor^ 
rection, which was readily made. He and the Russian 
minister proceeded to open negotiations with the Chi- 
nese commissioner, but the British and French, find- 
ing that he did not possess ^^ full powers '' to make a 
treaty, but only to negotiate and report the result of 
his action to Peking, declined to treat with him. They 
maintained that the appointment was in line with the 
past policy of evasion and delay, and the documents 
which had been captured at Canton seemed to warrant 
their conclusion. At a later date, Mr. Reed, after 
being made fully acquainted with the tenor of these 
documents, said they justified the coercive policy pur- 
sued by the allies at the Peiho and Tientsin. 

The commissioner's powers not being enlarged, the 
British and French allies decided to proceed to Tientsin 
and there renew their request for a commissioner with 
full powers. Accordingly a demand was made for the 
surrender of the Taku forts, at the mouth of the Peiho, 
in order that a secure passage might be had to Tientsin. 


This demand being refused, the forts were taken by 
assault, after a spirited resistance, and the British and 
French admirals and envoys ascended the Feiho to 
Tientsin without further opposition. They were at 
once followed by the American and Russian ministers. 

The imperial court, now thoroughly alarmed by the 
determined action of the allies, made haste to appoint 
commissioners bearing full authority to make and 
sign treaties. And the work of negotiation went on 
apace. With the fleets and armies of the allies in their 
immediate presence, and the American and Russian 
representatives pressing their demands, the Chinese 
plenipotentiaries were at last awakened to the necessitj 
of prompt and decisive action. Within a week after 
the negotiations were begun the Russian treaty was 
signed, the American soon followed, and the British 
and French were concluded within three weeks. 

The Chinese commissioners proposed that the nego- 
tiations be conducted in the presence of all the foreign 
representatives, but there were obvious objections to 
this method, and they were carried on separately with 
each minister. The British and French envoys went in 
great state, with large and brilliant escorts as befitted 
their warlike surroundings, to meet the Chinese pleni- 
potentiaries ; but the American and Russian ministers 
visited them only with their secretaries and a small 
escort of sailors. The Chinese commissioners, it is 
reported, were men of dignified bearing and their 
whole tone and deportment were very striking. 

Mr. Reed was assisted in his negotiations by Dr. S. 
Wells Williams, who had taken so prominent a part 


in Commodore Perry's negotiations in Japan, and be- 
came secretary of legation upon the promotion of Dr. 
Parker ; and also by Dr. W. A. P. Martin, a Presbyte- 
rian missionary, who was familiar with the Mandarin 
dialect, and who filled an important role in later Chi- 
nese affairs. Dr. Martin's early acquaintance with the 
dialect and his frank manners soon won the confidence 
of the Chinese. In one of the treaty interviews he 
presented to one of the commissioners an almanac in 
Chinese compiled by the missionaries, containing a 
variety of matter. At the next conference the com- 
missioner pointed in the publication to the tenth com- 
mandment forbidding to covet, and begged him to 
circulate such tracts freely among the English, to lead 
them to observe it in their intercourse with the Chi- 

When the negotiations were about to be entered 
upon, there appeared upon the scene Kiying, the Chi- 
nese plenipotentiary in the negotiation of the British 
treaty of 1842, that with Mr. Cushing and with the 
French of 1844, and who was for several years the best 
known statesman of the empire. He had fallen into 
disgrace for agreeing to these treaties and for his sup- 
posed friendliness to foreigners. The decree of the 
emperor by which he was degraded in 1850 is a curious 
exhibition of the spirit of the government : '' As for 
Kiying, his unpatriotic and pusillanimous conduct is to 
us a matter of unmixed astonishment. When he was 
at Canton he seemed only anxious to make our people 
serve the interests of foreigners. Recently, during a 
private audience, he spoke to us of the English, how 


greatly they were to be dreaded^ lugu^ a nuld and 
conciliatory policy. • . • The more he speaks the more 
does he expose himself, so that at the last we have 
come to entertain for him the same contempt we feel 
for a yelping cur." 

He had doubtless taken advantage of the panic 
created at court by the advance of the allies to Tien- 
tsin, and sought to reinstate himself in favor by mak- 
ing the emperor believe he could be of special service 
with the foreigners, and he was given an independent 
commission to treat with the envoys. His true charac- 
ter of duplicity and untruthfulness had been revealed 
to the allies by the documents captured at Canton, 
and they refused to receive him. The American and 
Russian ministers, however, out of regard for his past 
services, his old age, and misfortunes, received and 
returned his visit, but held no negotiations with him. 
He suddenly disappeared from Tientsin, and on his 
return to Peking there was sent him a silken scarf from 
the emperor's hand, '^ in Our extreme desire to be at 
once just and gracious," which was the imperial indica- 
tion that he would be permitted to save his &mily from 
any stain of disgrace by putting an end to his own life 
by strangulation, in lieu of his decapitation by the 
executioner. And thus disappeared from the stage of 
public affairs the most prominent Chinese statesman 
of his generation. 

There are some indications in the official docimients 
of a certain degree of friction between the envoys of 
the allies and the two neutral ministers, and the con- 
temporaneous accounts speak of the jealousy of the 

-trnt mT'-^mm^t*^^ I ■ ■' — - _■.__. I 


latter entertained by the former. But happily the 
rough places in their intercourse were smoothed over^ 
and at the end of the negotiations a friendly and some- 
what cordial relation was resumed. Dr. Williams^ the 
American secretary^ in his private diary^ refers to the 
disposition of Baron Gros to be less exacting than Lord 
Elgin, and to the Russian constantly watching the 
allies, greatly to the annoyance of the British earl, and 
he sums up the situation as follows : '^ The position of 
the four ministers here is, indeed, something like that 
of four whist players, each of whom makes an infer- 
ence as to the other's remaining suits and honors from 
the cards they throw down. Now, of course the Bus- 
sian and American are partners, but if the Englishman 
were more hon homme and open he might readily have 
the Yankee to his aid against the others if there was 
any need of that kind." 

First in order of signature was the Russian treaty 
and the American was signed a few days afterwards, 
but the British negotiations dragged and the French 
envoy, out of deference to his ally, deferred the sign* 
ing of his convention. The British were pushing de- 
mands not insisted upon by the other powers, and they 
could only be obtained by coercive measures. The re- 
ports in the Blue Books and the London newspapers 
show that Mr. Lay, who personally conducted the nego- 
tiations for Lord Elgin, when he found the Chinese 
commissioners obdurate, was accustomed '^ to raise his 
voice," charge them with having '^ violated their pledged 
word," and threaten them with Lord Elgin's displeasure 
and the march of the British troops to Peking. And 


when this failed to bring them to terms a strong de- 
tachment of the British army was marched throagfa 
Tientsin to strike terror into its officials and inhabit- 
ants. Lord Elgin in his diaiy records the climax of 
these demonstrations : ^^ I have not written for some 
days, but they have been busy ones. We went on 
fighting and bullying, and getting the poor commis- 
sioners to concede one point after another, till Friday 
the 25th." The next day the treaty was signed, and 
he closes the record as follows : ^^ Though I have been 
forced to act almost brutally, I am China's friend in all 
this." There can be no doubt that notwithstanding 
the seeming paradox. Lord Elgin was thoroughly sin- 
cere in this declaration, and that his entire conduct was 
influenced by a high sense of duty and by what he 
regarded as the best interests of China. 

The four treaties, negotiated separately, have a gen- 
eral similarity in their stipulations, and as each con- 
tains the '^ most favored nation " clause, the special 
stipulations of any became effective for all the powers. 
The important features of the treaties of Tientsin of 
1858 over those of 1842 and 1844 were the conces- 
sions, first, as to diplomatic privileges, second, as to 
enlarged trade and travel, and third, as to religious toler- 
ation. Direct means of access to the government were 
provided, and the right of visit and residence of diplo- 
matic representatives at Peking was secured. The 
stipulations as to trade, travel, residence, ownership of 
property, duties, etc., which had proved so defective or 
inefficiently enforced under the earlier treaties, were 
enlarged and made more specific in their terms. 

^»Jh^^ ■ — ^M^W l ii 


The provision guaranteeing the toleration of Chris- 
tianity and the protection of Chinese converts was an 
unexpected success. The French envoy was interested 
in securing greater immunity to Catholic missionaries, 
who were all under French protection, but the Ameri- 
can and British ministers did not expect to go beyond 
securing reUgious Uberty to their own countrymen in 
China. Dr. Martin says that Mr. Reed was indifferent 
to the subject, and he states that this article, ^^ now the 
chief glory of the treaty," was suggested and success- 
fully pressed by Dr. Williams. At the close of the 
latter's long career, the Secretary of State, in accepting 
his resignation, wrote : ^^ Above all, the Christian world 
will not forget that to you more than to any other 
man is due the insertion in our treaty with China of 
the liberal provision for the toleration of the Christian 

After the signature of the treaties the envoys re- 
turned to Shanghai, and there negotiated trade regula- 
tions and a revision of the tariff. Mr. Reed likewise 
agreed with the Chinese plenipotentiaries upon a con- 
vention for the settlement of the claims of American 
citizens against China, and thereby brought to a con- 
clusion a subject which had received the attention of 
the two preceding ministers. It was agreed to accept 
in satisfaction of these claims the lump sum of 500,000 
taels, the equivalent of $735,288, which was consider- 
ably less than the total amount of the claims urged 
upon the Chinese government. 

For the adjudication of these claims a commission of 
citizens was appointed, and they were all 


examined and passed upon in China. The greater por- 
tion of them had their origin in the loss of property 
occasioned by the British hostilities at and in the vicin- 
ity of Canton, and many of those allowed were of ques- 
tionable validity in international law. After all the 
claims awarded had been paid, and a considerable 
amount which was rejected by the commission had been 
allowed by Congress, there still remained a larg^e por- 
tion of the fund in the treasury of the United States. 
In 1885, Congpress, responding to the sense of justice 
and fair dealing of the American people, authorized the 
President to return the balance in the treasury to China, 
and the sum of $453,400 was paid over to the Chinese 
minister at Washington, and by him received with 
^^ feelings of kindness and admiration " on behalf of 
his government. 

Upon the conclusion of the claims convention, Mr. 
Reed proceeded to Hongkong, and there being informed 
by the Department of State of the acceptance of his 
resignation, which he had tendered on the conclusion of 
his labors at Tientsin, he placed the legation in charge 
of the secretary, Dr. Williams, and in December, 1858, 
returned to the United States. Soon after his arrival 
at his home in Philadelphia, he delivered a pubEc ad- 
dress, reviewing his work in China, in the course of 
which he made some criticism of his foreign colleagues. 
It was an indiscretion which has been committed by 
other returning American mmisters, but is none the 
less censurable. In most other respects his services in 
an important epoch in the relations of the United States 
with China have been deservedly commended.^ 

^ S. Ex. Doc. 47, 35th Cong. Ist Seas. ; S. Ex. Doc. 30, 36th Cong, lit 

■hata^L^— .^—M « «**j^iaa^i— Mii— ai*i— i*jj^^»*it^mi^»**i^ fc rfi i. 'n - 


One of the few messages which passed over the At- 
lantic cable of 1858 before its connection was broken 
was the news of peace with China and the signature of 
the treaties at Tientsin, which seemed to secure satisfac- 
tory relations with that empire for the future. But 
the sequel proved that these were vain hopes, as the 
Chinese were doomed to greater humiliation and pun- 
ishment before they would consent to place their gov- 
ernment upon an equal footing with the other powers 
of the world. 

The successor of Mr. Beed was John E. Ward, of 
6eore:ia. a lawyer by education, little known outside of 
his owa State before his appoiiltment except as presid- 
ing officer of the convention which nominated Buchanan 
for the presidency, and without diplomatic experience. 
When he arrived at Hongkong in May, 1859, he found 
a British minister at that place and a French minister 
at Macao, who had been recently appointed to exchange 
the ratifications of their treaties and take up their resi- 
dence at Peking. Mr. Ward's instructions from Wash- 
ington were likewise to proceed to Peking and exchange 
ratifications of the American treaty. Upon reaching 
Hongkong he sent each of these ministers a letter noti- 
fying them of his appointment and arrival, and as soon 
as the Powhatan, the naval vessel assigned to his use, 

Bess. 1-541 ; Williams's Life and Letters, chap. riL and Tiii.; WiUiams's 
Hist of China, chap, vi.; Martin's Cathay, pt. i. chaps, z. and xi.; N. A. 
Ber. Oct 1859, p. 518 ; Jan. 1860, p. 125 ; litteU's Liv. Age, Oct 1858, 
p. 383 ; Walrond's Life and Letters of Lord Elgin, 252. As to claims, 
Ex. Doc 30 (cited), 12, 101, 521 ; H. Ex. Doc 20, 40th Cong. 3d Sess. ; 
U. S. For. Bel. 1885, p. 183. For text of treaty of 1858, U. S. Treaties 
(ed. 1889), 159. 


was ready, he set out for Peking by way of the Peiho, 
without waiting for his British and French colleagues. 

Hearing, however, that the Chinese commissioners 
who had negotiated the treaties of Tientsin were at 
Shanghai, he called at that port to confer with them. 
He learned from them that they had been designated to 
exchange ratifications, and they desired him to await 
the arrival of the other ministers and proceed with the 
latter to Peking, where all the treaties would be ex- 
changed at the same time. No place had been named 
in the American treaty for its exchange, but Peking 
was fixed in the other three. As the treaties were 
at Peking, and the time within which the American 
treaty was to be exchanged was about to expire, Mr. 
Ward was forced to comply with the commissioners' 

The three envoys reached the mouth of the Peiho 
about the same time, the British and French being es- 
corted by a considerable naval force, the American only 
having the vessel, which brought him, and a light- 
draught chartered steamer, with which to cross the bar 
and ascend the Peibo. The Russian treaty had already 
been exchanged and its minister established at Peking. 
The mouth of the Peiho was found to be closed by ob- 
structions, and orders were g^ven to allow no foreign 
vessel to enter the river or ascend to Tientsin. The 
commander of the British squadron informed Mr. Ward 
that unless the obstructions were removed he would 
pfoceed to destroy them and the Taku forts, and open 
by force the way for his minister to Peking. Mr. 
Ward, desiring to communicate with the authorities, 


and also^ if possible, to prevent another outbreak of 
hostilities, crossed the bar in company with Commodore 
Tatnall of the Powhatan in the small steamer Toejwan. 
Before he could communicate with the shore the Toej- 
wan grounded. The British admiral, seeing the steamer 
was placed in the immediate locality of the prospective 
hostilities, sent a steam tug to her relief and sought in 
vain to get her afloat. Drs. Williams and Martin, secre- 
tary and interpreter of the legation, went on shore in a 
small boat and were informed that no one would be 
permitted to ascend the river, but that the governor- 
general of the province would meet the envoys at the 
north entrance of the river, about ten miles away. 

The next day Admiral Hope, the British commander, 
advanced to the bar with the intention of removing the 
obstructions from the river, when he was fired upon by 
the Taku forts. A general engagement followed be- 
tween the forts and the British and French forces, re- 
sulting in the complete repulse of the allies with heavy 
loss of vessels and men. They were overwhelmed with 
surprise at the effective defense of the Chinese, who 
had evidently profited by the experience of the engage- 
ment the year before. 

The American minister and commodore were enforced 
witnesses of the contest. The little steamer on which 
they were had been floated off by the tide, but could 
not pass through the line of battle. In the midst of 
the conflict Commodore Tatnall, hearing that Admiral 
Hope was dangerously wounded and his vessel disabled, 
hastened with a boat's crew, as the minister reports, 
'^ not to assist him in the fight, but to give his sympa- 


thj to a wounded brother officer whom he saw about to 
suffer a most mortifying and unexpected defeat." Tat- 
nall's coxswain was kiUed at his side in the passage, 
and although the visit was intended to be one only of 
sympathy, his boat's crew, finding only three men on 
the admiral's ship able for duty, while the commodore 
tendered his sympathy to the admiral, assisted in work- 
ing the guns- 

In addition to this, the commodore, in his enthusiasm, 
used his steamer to tow into the engairement several 
barges loaded with British marines wSh could not 
make head against the wind and tide. Besides, the 
steamer was of service in rescuing the wounded and 
taking them outside of the line of fire. Tatnall's de- 
fense of his conduct was that ^' blood was thicker than 
water ; " that he could not refrain from aid when kins- 
men were in distress ; and that he was only reciprocat- 
ing the kindness of the admiral of the day before in 
sending his tug to draw his vessel off the bar. The 
commodore's gallant conduct made him famous, but 
Mr. Ward soon felt the influence of it in his intercourse 
with the Chinese officials. 

The allied forces, after their unexpected defeat, with- 
drew to Shanghai. The English and French ministers 
broke off all negotiations, and ^^ were exceedingly anx- 
ious " that Mr. Ward should likewise do so. But he 
said to the Secretary of State : ^^ The path of my duty 
seems to me to be very plain. I arrived here with the 
English and French ministers, not as an ally, but because 
the Chinese commissioners insisted on my coming with 
them ; " that on his arrival at Hongkong he left there 



immediately, to avoid complications with other powers ; 
and that he thought he should continue to seek to carry 
out his instructions to proceed to Peking and exchange 
ratifications of the treaty. 

Accordingly he went to the place designated for his 
meeting with the governor-general, was received by him 
'^ with every demonstration of respect/' and informed 
by that official that he was directed by the emperor to 
escort him to Peking. Without much delay he and his 
suite of thirty persons were conducted to the capital. 
Dr. Martin records : ^^ We were the guests of the em- 
peror, and our wants were provided for with imperial 
munificence.'' The minister was met by the treaty 
commissioners, whom he had left at Shanghai, and in 
the first conference with them he was told '^ that an 
interview with his Majesty the Emperor was absolutely 
necessary before any other business could be transacted 
in the capital," and that he would have ^^ to practice 
the rites and ceremonies necessary to be observed for 
several days before the audience could take place." 
Thereupon a long discussion ensued, continuing through 
two weeks, as to the manner of conducting this audi- 
ence. The Chinese commissioners first insisted that 
Mr. Ward should observe the universal custom at court 
and perform the kotoUy or prostration, before the em- 
peror, and when met by an indignant and absolute 
refusal, they offered to waive that ceremony if he would 
kneel on both knees, but finally expressed a willingness 
to accept an obeisance on one knee from the American 
minister. This matter had been the subject of discus- 
sion between Lord Elgin and the Chinese at Tientsin^ 


and while the noble lord had stoady refused to fall 
upon both knees in presence of his Celestial Majesty, 
he had consented to bow on one knee, and this &ct 
was urged upon the American envoy. But Mr. Ward 
was obdurate ; in the spirit of the Southern cavalier he 
answered, ^^ I kneel only to Grod and woman." ^^ The 
emperor/' rejoined the Chinese, ^^ is the same as God." 
The republican representative was not convinced, and 
he said that he would do only that which was required 
by the President of his own country in receiving foreign 
ministers ; he would bow respectfuUy, and do nothing 

It seems strange at this day that a discussion of this 
character should be prolonged through weeks, and in 
the end result in the dismissal from the capital of the 
representative of a great nation, but the question was 
regarded by the Chinese as one of supreme importance. 
Their ruler was in their eyes of divine origin and au- 
thority, and the ceremony of prostration in his presence 
had been practiced for countless ages as an act not only 
of respect but of worship, and of recognition of lus 
exaltation above aU earthly powers. Lord Elgin wrote 
the British government that to disregard the ancient 
customs, ^^ in the opinion of the Chinese, would shake 
the stability of the empire, by impairing the emperor's 
prestige." It would do great violence to the education 
and national pride of the court councilors to agree to 
forego the kotoUy and it was regarded by them as a 
great concession, a mark of gracious condescension, and 
the highest evidence of friendship, to admit the Amer- 
ican minister into the emperor's presence with the sim- 
ple act of an obeisance upon one knee. 


No agreement could be reached as to the audience^ 
and Mr. Ward was told that consequently no other 
business could be transacted at the capital. He claimed 
that, as the British treaty provided for the exchange of 
its ratifications at Peking, under the most favored nation 
treatment he was entitled to have the American treaty 
exchanged there also. But the Chinese answered that 
the British treaty was not yet in force, and hence its 
privileges could not be availed of by other powers. 
As the American treaty was silent respecting the place 
of exchange, Mr. Ward was forced to accept the Chinese 
proposal to make the exchange of ratifications at the 
mouth of the Peiho. 

The commissioners, however, agpreed to one exception 
to the resolution to allow no business to be transacted 
by Mr. Ward at the capital. The President's autograph 
letter to the emperor, which should have been delivered 
at the audience that never took place, was upon the 
emperor's appointment received by Kweiliang, one of 
the treaty commissioners, who, Mr. Ward writes, was 
'^ the emperor's prime minister, and the second man in 
the empire to the emperor himself. It was received by 
him with every mark of respect — elevating it above his 
eyes, he placed it upon a table, under a guard of honor, 
until it could be conveyed to the emperor." 

The minister and his suite, while outwardly treated 
with civility, were kept virtually as prisoners during 
their stay at the capital, their quarters being guarded 
by soldiers, and no one permitted to communicate with 
them. Anticipating the visit to Peking, the Secretary 
of State had solicited of the Russian government the 


good offices of its minister, then resident there, and that 
minister made efforts to commanicate with Mr. Ward, 
but all his letters were withheld, and his messengers 
and members of his suite were refused access to the 
American quarters. 

His mission to the capital having proved fruitless, 
Mr. Ward returned to Pehtang, situated on one of the 
mouths of the Peiho, where he had landed, and there, 
^'with every mark of respect," the exchange of the 
treaty was effected with the governor-general of the 
province. During the discussions at Peking reference 
was made to the acts of Conmiodore Tatnall, and it was 
stated that the emperor required the kotou ^^ in proof 
of sincere repentance " for the aid rendered the British. 
After the treaty had been exchanged, the governor- 
greneral stated that his Majesty had directed him, as 
a mark of his peculiar favor to the minister, to deliver 
to him an American prisoner taken at the attack upon 
the forts. The prisoner when brought in acknowledged 
that he was a Canadian in the British navy, and to 
secure better treatment he had told the Chinese that 
he was an American, and that there was a body of two 
hundred Americans who took part in the attack. 

The course pursued by Mr. Ward after the allies re- 
tired from the Peiho exposed him to the criticism of his 
colleagues and to the ridicule of the press, but it was in 
line with his instructions, and met with the approval of 
his government. His treatment at Peking was an affront 
to himself and his country, but one which he could not 
well have anticipated, and through which he bore him- 
self with dignity and self-possession. It was a part of 




the policy adopted by his government even to accept 
affronts with forbearance and exercise patience towards 
a people mih very different traitB of national character 
and education. And yet the Chinese regarded the 
American minister as very unreasonable, and as '^ havinc: 
treated th, empe«.r ^ di.r«p«f in no. .eo.p4 
the form of audience offered him. 

The Chinese mission did not prove a very attractive 
field for American statesmen. Messrs. McLane and 
Reed had asked to be relieved within a year after arrival 
at their posts ; and Mr. Ward wrote from the mouth of 
the Peiho^ following the British defeat at the Taku 
forts, less than four months after reaching Hongkong, 
for permission to return home. On arriving at Can- 
ton, after his somewhat inglorious visit to Peking, he 
received this permission, and in December, 1859, Dr. 
Williams assumed charge of the legation.^ 

The events in China of the eighteen months which 
followed were memorable in its history and of vast con- 
sequence to its future ; but in them the United States 
took little part. A change of administration and the 
civU war in America were impending, absorbing the at- 
tention of the government, and a new minister was not 
sent to the country till the events there in progress had 
their consummation. The British and French allied 
forces had demanded and sought to exercise the right 

1 S. Ex. Doo. 30 (cited), 569-624 ; Martin's Cathay, pt. i. chap. ziL; 
Williams's Life and Letters, chap, ix.; Harper's Mag. Oct. ISdS, p. 747. 
As to kotou, S. Ex. Doc. 30, p. 595 ; Martin's Cathajr, 199 ; N. A. Rev. 
Jan. 1860, pp. 159, 166 ; 1 Davis's The Chinese, 97; Histoire des Rela- 
tions Politiqnes . . . Suivie da Ctfr^monial obsenrtf k la cour de Peking 
pour la Reception des Amhassadears, G. Panthier, Paris, 1859. 


to ascend one of the rivers of China to an interior city, 
which was not open to foreign trade and travel. The 
imperial authorities asked their envoys to land at the 
mouth of the river and g^ to Peking under Chinese 
escort. The Chinese were technically right in their 
position, and for a third time the British began hostili- 
ties against China upon an issue in which they were in 
the wrong. And yet the treatment of the American 
minister at Peking proved that the Chinese could not 
be brought to a faithful observance of the treaties ex- 
cept by further coercive measures. 

In 1860 Lord Elgin and Baron Gros were again sent 
out, backed by a large naval and land force of the allied 
powers. The Taku forts were a third time assaulted, 
and with success, and a formidable army marched over- 
land to the capital and there dictated peace, the emperor 
and his court fleeing to the north, and his palace being 
plundered and burned. The treaties of Tientsin were 
ratified and exchanged, Tientsin was opened to foreign 
trade, indemnities and a cession of territory were ex- 
acted because of the war, and the right of diplomatic 
residence at Peking and equality of official intercourse 
were guaranteed.^ 

The second stage in the advancement of China to a 
proper position among the nations was thus brought 
about by the rough argument of war. The journey 
yet unaccomplished was to be made with reluctant and 

1 McCarthy's Hist. chap, zlii.; Boalger's Hist China, 267 ; Williams's 
Hist. China, 319; Personal NarratiTe of Oconrrences during Lord Elgin's 
Second Embassy to China, 1860, by H. B. Loch, London, 1870 ; Narrative 
of the War with China in 1860, by Lord Wolseley, London, 1862. 


t fcl P"lW« '> ■ Ml l» 



painful steps, sometimes by diplomatic pressure, and 
sometimes by force of arms. It will be seen that the 
United States, still persisting in its policy of peace, con- 
tinued its cooperation with the European powers in 
breaking down the ancient barriers of conservatism 
and arrogance, while at the same time not unmindful 
of the forbearance due to that country because of those 
peculiar traits of its government and people. 



The reorganization of the Chinese governmenty after 
the evacuation of the capital by the allies in I860, gave 
evidence that the lesson so rudely taught by the for- 
eign armies was to be of profit to the empire. Hitherto 
what little attention had been bestowed upon foreign 
affairs was intrusted to the Colonial Board, the depart- 
ment which had to do with the intercourse of the tribu- 
tary nations, Korea, Annam, and other adjacent coun- 
tries. Yielding to the demand of the envoys of the 
allied powers, a board of foreign affairs was organized, 
termed the Tsung-li Yamen. With this department 
the diplomatic representatives, whose permanent resi- 
dence at Peking had been secured as the chief result 
of the war, were to hold direct intercourse, and with it 
their business was to be transacted. 

The emperor, who had fled at the approach of the 
allied armies, ha\4ug died soon after their withdrawal 
from the capital, was succeeded by his infant son, and 
upon the organization of the Tsung-li Yamen, Prince 
Kung, an uncle of the young ruler, was designated as 
its president. He was a man of intelligence and proved 
to be a wise statesman with liberal tendencies, who 
recognized the necessity of his country's maintaining 
intercourse with the outside nations. With him was 

I^M^— l—i ft^i*^^*^*— t^**^^-^'"* ^-i^ii:. 


associated Kweiliang, who had conducted the negotia- 
tions at Tientsin in 1858, where he had exhibited much 
skill and fitness for diplomatic duties. The third mem- 
ber of this board, as at first organized, was Wensiang, 
a Manchu mandarin, a man of marked ability, saga- 
cious and enlightened, who realized better than any 
other of its public men the real situation of the empire. 
For fifteen years, until his death in 1875, he was the 
controlling spirit in the Foreign Office, the foremost 
Chinese statesman of his day, and his country's most 
useful public servant. With these men the diplomatic 
representatives of the Western nations had to do, and 
they proved worthy compeers in urbanity, astuteness, 
and capacity for public affairs. 

The American representative who was to enter upon 
this new field of diplomacy, and who was destined to a 
career greatly distinguished above his colleagues, re- 
ceived his appointment to the post through a chance 
turn in political affairs. Anson Burlingame, a member 
of Congress from Massachusetts, a man of accomplished 
manners and possessing considerable oratorical gifts, 
had come prominently into public notice during the 
exciting period preceding the Civil War in the United 
States. He was best known for his ready acceptance 
of the challenge to a duel sent him by Brooks, of South 
Carolina, because of his denunciation of the latter for 
his brutal assault upon Charles Sumner in the senate 
chamber. When President Lincoln came to allot the 
offices to his adherents, Mr. Burlingame was appointed 
minister to Austria. Reaching Paris on his way to his 
post at Vienna, he was detained by notice that the 


Austrian court was disinclmed to receive him because 
he had in Congress expressed sympathy with the Hun* 
garian patriot Kossuth and with the rising Italian 
kingdom of Victor Emmanuel. In this dilemma the 
mission to China, which had remained vacant for some 
time, was offered him, and Mr. Burlingame reluctantly 
changed his journey from Vienna to Peking. 

He reached Canton in November, 1861. Before 
repairing to his post at Peking he spent several months 
at the treaty ports, familiarizing himself with the state 
of affairs and with American interests in those locali- 
ties, and he did not reach Peking till July, 1862. The 
British, French, and Russian ministers had been for 
some time installed in their legations, and the Tsung>-U 
Tamen had already adapted itself to the changed situa- 
tion. Mr. Burlingame, by his attractive personality 
and genial manners, soon established pleasant relations 
with Prince Rung and Wensiang, and with his diplo- 
matic colleagues. 

He entered upon his mission in full accord with the 
spirit of friendliness and forbearance which actuated 
his government towards China. Within a short time 
Lis frankness and enthusiasm had so won the confi- 
dence of his colleagues that he brought about an agree- 
ment between them to adopt what he termed ^^ a policy 
of cooperation — an effort to substitute fair diplomatic 
action in China for force ** — whereby on all questions 
of general interest the ministers would take joint ac- 
tion ; and while insisting upon the faithful observance 
of the treaties, they pledged themselves to respect the 
territorial integrity of China, to do what they properly 




could to support the imperial government against the 
rebels^ and not to interfere with the government in 
internal affairs, except in cases of extreme necessity. 

This friendly action of the American minister was 
highly appreciated by the Tsung-li Yamen. When 
soon afterwards the Confederate cruiser Alabama ap- 
peared in the China seas, where it had destroyed sev- 
eral American vessels, Mr. Burlingame requested the 
Chinese government to forbid her entrance into any of 
its ports or to allow its subjects to furnish any sup- 
plies, an edict was promptly issued commanding the 
authorities ^^ to keep a careful and close oversight, and 
if the steamer Alabama, or any other vessel-of-war, 
scheming how it can injure American property, ap- 
proach the coasts of China, under their jurisdiction, 
they are to prevent all such vessels entering our ports." 
Such an order enforced by the governments of Europe 
would have saved the American commercial marine 
from destruction and shortened the Civil War. It was 
a striking evidence of the influence of the minister and 
of the friendship of the Chinese government. 

During Mr. Burlingame's mission an interesting in- 
cident occurred which illustrates the liberal spirit which 
animated the imperial government at that time. Sen 
Ki-yu, a Chinese scholar and governor of a province, 
soon after the British treaty of 1842 had been forced 
upon the government, followed by that of 1844 with 
the United States, wrote a book in which he sought to 
show his educated countrymen that the people of the 
Western nations were not the barbarians they were 
thought to be. He could not read a word of any other 


lang^ge than his own, and obtained his information 
from the few foreigners he met at the open ports of 
Amoy and Fuchau. It contained a geographical and 
historical notice of the United States with a eulogy of 
some length upon Washington, the spirit of which may 
be gathered from the closing paragraph. ^' It appears 
from the above that Washington was a very remarkable 
man. In devising plans he was more daring than Chin 
Sbing or Han Kwang ; in winning a country he was 
braver than Tsau Tsau or Lin Pi [Chinese heroes]. 
Wielding his four-foot falchion, he enlarged the fron- 
tiers myriads of miles, and yet he refused to usurp 
regal dignity, or even to transmit it to his posterity ; 
but, on the contrary, first proposed the plan of electing 
men to office. Where in the world can be found a 
mode more equitable ? It is the same idea, in fact, 
that has been handed down to us from the three reigns 
of Yau, Shun, and Yu. In ruling the state he honored 
and fostered good usages, and did not exalt military 
merit, a principle totally unlike what is found in other 
kingdoms. I have seen his portrait. His mien and 
countenance are grand and impressive in the highest 
degree. Ah ! who is there that does not call him a 
hero ? " 

For writing this book Sen Ki-yu was removed from 
his office of governor, was degraded, and forced to 
remain in private life for sixteen years. Under the 
new regime he was in 1866 recalled to public life and 
made a member of the Tsung-li Yamen. The attention 
of Secretary Seward was called to his career and his 
eulogy on Washington, and as a fitting tribute of 

iM^M^i^^^tt.^«tu>i»*i.^—^^B^l*— — ^^^ifc^— i— *■*■ » ■ ■<* * tf J iUi n r.— _.«.—■ . — 


respect, he ordered a portrait of the first President to 
be painted, and it was presented on behalf of the gov- 
ernment of the United States by Mr. Burlingame in an 
appropriate address to Sen Ea-jru, in the presence of 
his colleagues and a distingpiished company of Chinese 
statesmen and scholars. 

Upon his appointment to the Tsung-li Tamen, he 
was likewise made the managing director of the Tung 
Wen Kwan, or Imperial College, which had been estab- 
lished for the education in European lang^ges and 
learning of a select number of Chinese youths taken 
from the families of the nobility and higher officials. 
The presidency of this college had been conferred upon 
Dr. W. A. P. Martin, the American Chinese scholar, 
who was assisted by a corps of European professors. 
Another evidence, reported by Minister Burlingame, of 
the spirit of progress of the government and its accept- 
ance of American ideas, was the publication by the 
Chinese Foreign Office and distribution to the officials 
of the empire of a Chinese version of Wheaton's trea- 
tise on international law, translated by Dr. Martin. 

During the term of Mr. Burlingame's mission no 
questions of serious difficulty arose between the United 
States and China, thanks to the intelligent policy of 
the Tsung-li Yamen and to the tact and friendly dispo- 
sition of the American minister. After a residence in 
Peking of six years, Mr. Burlingame decided to resign 
and return to the United States to reenter political 

> Ab to Burlingame's appointment at minister, see MSS. dispatches, 
Department of State, 1861, Austria. As to services in China, U. S. 


The Tsung-li Yamen had been advised of his inten- 
tion, and appointed a fareweU interview at the foreign 
office. Dunng an exchange of compliments, a sugges- 
tion was made by Wensiang that in passing through 
Europe on his return to the United States, Mr. Bur- 
lingame might be of great service in Paris and London 
by friendly representations on behalf of China. He 
at once expressed his wiUingness to render China this 
service, whereupon Wensiang, apparently half in ear- 
nest and half in compliment, asked, ^' Why will you not 
represent us officially ? " Mr. BurKngame reports that 
he ^'repulsed the suggestion playfully, and the con- 
versation passed to other topics.'' Out of this came 
his actual appointment as ambassador of China to the 
Western powers. 

Dr. Martin, who was present as interpreter at the 
farewell interview, says that Mr. Burlingame on his 
return to his legation called upon Robert Hart, a Brit- 
ish subject at the head of the Chinese customs service 
and a confidential adviser of the Tsung-li Tamen, and 
told him of the suggestion which had been made to 
him. Hart, who owed much to Mr. Burlingame for 
his advancement in the Chinese service, undertook to 
make the suggestion a realization, and within a few 
days inquiry was made of Mr. Burlingame as to his 
willingness to accept such an appointment, and the im- 
perial edict soon followed. In tendering his resignation 
to Secretary Seward before accepting this appointment, 

Dip. Cor. 1862-1868, China ; Williams's Letters, ehap. z. ; Marim's 
Cathay, pt. ii. chap. iL As to Sen Ki-yu, U. S. Dip. Cor. 1867, pi. i. ppi 
453, 513 ; Speers's China* 421 ; WiUianig's Letters, 417. 



he stated that he did so ^^ in the interests of my coun- 
try and civilization. • • . I may be permitted to add 
that when the oldest nation in the worlds containing 
one-third of the human race^ seeks, for the first time, 
to come into relations with the West, and requests the 
youngest nation, through its representative, to act as 
the medium of such change, the mission is one not 
to be solicited or rejected.'' He further reported that 
before he accepted the appointment he consulted his 
diplomatic colleagues, who heartily approved of the ac- 
tion of the Chinese government, and pledged him their 
support in his new mission. 

The emperor's edict issued in November, 1867, en- 
grossed on yellow silk and bearing the great seal of the 
empire, was in the following terse terms : ^' The Envoy 
Anson Burlingame manages affairs in a friendly and 
peaceful manner, and is fully acquainted with the gen- 
eral relations between this and other countries ; let him, 
therefore, now be sent to all the treaty powers as the 
high minister, empowered to attend to every question aris- 
ing between China and those countries. This from the 
Emperor." Mr. Burlingame was created an official of 
the first or highest rank in the Chinese government^ 
and with him were associated two Chinese officials of 
the Tsung-li Yamen of the second rank. The British 
secretary of legation and . a French official in the Chi- 
nese service were made secretaries of the mission, and 
there was added a numerous suite of translators, clerks, 
and attendants. 

The embassy, which was commissioned to visit the 
eleven Western nations with which China had treaties. 


came first to the United States and reached Washings 
ton in May, 1868. From its landing in San Francisco 
to its departure from New York for Europe, its recep- 
tion was of the most cordial character, constituting 
one continuous ovation. In London it was at first re- 
ceived with coolness, but Mr. Burlingame's enthusiastic 
temperament and persuasive address won the favor of 
the British government and people. At a luncheon 
given to the members of the mission in Windsor Cas- 
tle, after being received by the queen. Lord Stanley 
said : ^^ It is true that a certain degree of opposition, 
originating in ignorance of the real object of the Chi- 
nese mission, coupled with a desire to adhere to the old 
traditional British coercive policy, met Mr. Burlingame 
on his arrival in England, but this has passed away. 
Mr. Burlingame, by his dignified course, and feeling 
the g^ndeur and importance of the high trust confided 
to his care, has conducted himself in such a manner as 
to completely disarm opposition and create a favorable 
impression not only for China, but for the United 

The reception in Paris was not so hearty ; at Berlin 
an attentive hearing was accorded the mission ; and 
thence it proceeded to St. Petersburg. But at the 
Russian capital Mr. Burlingame fell ill and within a 
few days succumbed to his disease, thus ending his 
brilliant career. That he was the life and soul of the 
mission is shown by the fact that upon his death it 
in great measure ceased its efforts and returned to Pe- 
king, where it was dissolved. Even the two associate 
Chinese envoys, whom Prince Kung in their instruc- 



tions declared were appointed in order to '^ give those 
high officials opportunity to acquire practice and expe- 
rience in diplomatic duties/' were on their return as^ 
signed to internal positions and disappeared from public 

The mission had its origin in the proposed revision 
the next year of the treaties of Tientsin of 1858. It 
had for its object the solicitation from the treaty powers 
of the abandonment of the policy of force; of the 
treatment of China on an equality with other nations ; 
of forbearance and patience in allowing it to work out 
the system of reform and of international intercourse 
in its own time and way ; and it had in view the incor- 
poration of these ideas in the revised treaties which 
were in contemplation. It was a wise step on the part 
of the Chinese to choose for the head of this mission a 
representative of the United States, whose government 
had disavowed all territorial aims in China, and whose 
selection could awaken no jealousy or suspicion among 
the rival European powers. 

The only substantial result of the mission was the 
treaty which it negotiated with the government of the 
United States, and the terms of that treaty may in some 
degree indicate the purposes and expectations of Prince 
Kung and his associates of the Tsung-li Yamen in its 
creation. This treaty was drafted by Secretary Seward, 
who, it has been shown, entertained the most exalted 
ideas as to the future possibilities of the United States 
in the Pacific Ocean. It stipulated the territorial in- 
tegrity of China by disavowing any right to interfere 
with its eminent domain or sovereign jurisdiction over 


its subjects and properly; it recognized the right of 
China to regulate its internal trade not affected by 
treaty ; provided for the appointment of consuls ; se- 
cured exemption from persecution or disabilily on ac* 
count of religion ; recog^nized the right of voluntary 
emigration ; pledged the privilege of residence and 
travel in either country on the basis of the most far 
vored nation ; granted the privilege of schools and 
colleges; disavowed the intention to interfere in the 
domestic administration of China in respect to public 
improvements, but expressed the willingness of the 
United States to aid in such enterprises when requested 
by China. 

The effect of the treaty of 1868 upon the future 
relations of the two countries will be considered later in 
this chapter, when it will be seen that its principal pro* 
visions were nullified by a revulsion of public sentiment 
in the United States. Hence it may be said that the 
Burlingame mission was substantially barren of results. 
At the time it was the subject of animated discussion^ 
the foreign merchants resident in China being especially 
earnest in their opposition to it as a movement to de- 
ceive and mislead the Western powers, and claiming 
that the Chinese were at heart relentless opponents of 
all foreigners, and that it was foUy to treat them as 
other nations. A later minister at Peking wrote: 
'^ Mr. Burlingame, with that wealth of generosity which 
characterized him, nourished in his imagination the 
more attractive qualities of the Chinese. There was so 
much that was exalted and honorable in his views, so 
much that touched the generous sentiments of the age. 

t*^— *w' ™ ™ ■ « ■ « ■ I ■ ■ - - T • — — ' - - nnfc * "• " "^ "• r 


80 much withal that was true and capable of demon- 
gtiation, that he aroused the enthusiasm of our people. 
• • . The last effects of Mr. Burlingame's glowing 
statements were then effaced [by the Tientsin riot of 
1870], and an impression left that the Chinese enter- 
tained an unyielding, bitter hatred of foreigners." 

However this may be, the fruitless effects of the mis- 
sion cannot be made to reflect upon Mr. Burlingame's 
ability or foresight. Indeed his success in the United 
States and at London and the sudden collapse of the 
mission upon his death bear testimony to his capacity 
and magnetic personality. James 6. Blaine, who was 
a participant in the honors paid to him at Washington, 
says of him : ^^ As an example of the influence of a 
single man attained over an alien race, whose civiliza- 
tion is widely different, whose religious belief is totally 
opposite, whose lang^ge he could not read nor write 
nor speak, Mr. Burlingame's career in China will always 
be regarded as an extraordinary event, not to be ac- 
counted for except by conceding to him a peculiar 
power of influencing those with whom he came in con- 
tact ; a power growing out of a mysterious gift, partly 
intellectual, partly spiritual, and largely physical." The 
imagination may well speculate upon what might have 
been the later history of China, if his life had been 
spared to conclude his mission and to return to Peking 
to exercise his imusual personal influence upon the im- 
perial court.^ 

^ On Burlingame's appointment and mission, U. S. Dip. Cor. 1868, 
pt. i. pp. 493, 602, 601 ; 1870, pp. 817, 332 ; 1871, p. 166 ; Williams's 
Letters, 370, 376, 382 ; Martin's Cathay, 374 ; 8peers's China, 429 ; 


The Tientsin riot of 1870^ resulting in the murder of 
nineteen foreigners, mostly French missionarieSy and 
the destruction of the French consulate, the cathedral 
and the mission property, was one of the most violent 
outbursts of Chinese antipathy to foreigners in the last 
century. Although the American minister reported 
that the French consul and missionaries had been im- 
prudent in their conduct, he united with his diplomatic 
colleagues in a demand upon the authorities for the 
punishment of the guilty parties, and was active in 
bringing about a proper reparation and settlement.^ 

From the first residence of the foreign ministers at 
Peking the empire had been ruled by a regency conr 
sisting of the two empress dowagers, but on February 
23, 1873, the young emperor, having attained his ma- 
jority, personally assumed the control of the govern- 
ment, and a notice to this effect was sent by Prince 
Kung to the chiefs of the diplomatic corps. Since 1860 
the foreign representatives on their arrival at the capi- 
tal had sent a copy of their credentials to the Tsung^li 
Yameu, but had retained the originals, the female re- 
gency holding no personal intercourse with them. Upon 
receipt of the notice of the emperor's assumption of the 
government, the ministers joined in a note requesting 

Keyios'B China, 438 ; Williams's Hist China, 344 ; Don|^Ias's China, 
356 ; The Burlingame Mission, A Political Disclosure, etc, hj J. M. 
Gampach, 1872 ; Harper's Mag. Oct 1868, p. 592 ; Westminster Ber. 
Jan. 1870. For Burlingame's views of mission, see speech in New York, 
NcTios's China, 451. For Burlingame treaty of 1868, U. S. Treaties, 
p. 179. 

1 U. S. For. Rel., 1870 and 1871, China ; Williams's Hist China, 847 ; 
Douglas's China, 360. 


an audience of his majesty to pay their reipeoti and 
present to him their credentials. 

Thus was raised again the question of audienoe^ 
which had been so much discussed during the past two 
centuries and a half, whenever the representatives of 
the Western nations had sought to appear in the pre- 
sence of the ruler of the Middle Kingdom. The 
Tsung-li Yamen assumed the same position as that 
maintained by the court when the American minister, 
Ifr. Ward, came to Peking in 1859, — that it would be 
necessary for the foreign ministers to kneel at the au- 
dience. The discussion on this point continued through 
four weary months, with frequent conferences and 
many exchanges of notes and memoranda. The for- 
eign governments were firm in sustaining their repre- 
sentatives in the position that they would do nothing 
at the audience which would imply inferiority on the 
part ci their countries, and that, as prostration or kned- 
ing was an act of abasement, they could not permit 
theb ministen to p e rform it The Secretary of State 
in his instmedons to Hr. Low, die American mtmsUr, 
stated that while questions of ceremony were ncA aenally 
seriously eoosidered in die United States, in the ease 
of China it involved die official equality of nations and 
became a quesdon, not of form merely, but of sob- 
sfinrr, requiring grave eonsidentiOD. His; was dtpwtf^ 
^ to piocecd carefnOy and with doe ng»4 for ti^ mr 
■till lite piejadie«s axkd the grrxeaqoe eocMt of tW 
OoDftm nmumT bar if b^ iLoold fail t» brijsg id^m 
a eoncet 6axamjb^ of tfae qaa^^ b^ mtk asdMrawi t4p 
go to tk czsPBBe of 


Happily^ however^ such a coarse did not become 
necessary, as Prince Knng and Wensiang were able 
eventually to bring the court and cabinet to accept 
the three bows which were usual in similar ceremonies 
at European courts as a sufficient mark of respect to 
the emperor. The audience was a noted event in Chi- 
nese history, as it marked another step towards con- 
formity to Western diplomatic intercourse. And yet it 
was not a complete abandonment of oriental methods. 
The audience did not take place in the great reception 
hall, but in the ^^ Pavilion of Purple Light," used for 
receiving the visits of the representatives of tributary 
states. The emperor did not stand, did not receive 
from the ministers their credentials, and did not speak 
to them in response to their addresses, fie sat upon his 
throne, the credentials were laid upon a table in front 
of him, and he directed Prince Kung to make response 
in his name. So hard it was for this ancient people to 
break away from the custom of ages.^ 

The vexed question, so imperfectly settled in 1873, 
would necessarily recur for discussion ; but as the young 
emperor, Tung Chih, died soon after that date, and 
another long regency occurred during the minority of 
the present emperor, Kwang Hsu, no other audience 
was granted till 1891. Upon the latter attaining his 
majority, an imperial edict was published directing an 
audience for the diplomatic corps. This brought for- 
ward again for discussion the points unsettled in 1873, 
and for three months conferences of the members of 

1 U. S. For. ReL 1873» China ; WiUianu'g HUt China, 359 ; Douglas'a 
China, 375. 



the corps and interviews and correspondence with the 
Tsung^li Yamen ahsorhed the attention of these two 

The foreign representatives insisted, first, that the 
audience should not be held in the tribute hall ; second, 
that the letters from their sovereigns should be placed 
by them in the hands of the emperor ; third, that there 
should be a separate audience for each minister and his 
suite, in place of a reception of the diplomatic corps in 
a body, with one spokesman and one interpreter ; and 
fourth, that new ministers might present their letters 
on arrival, in place of waiting till the annual New Year's 
reception, as was contemplated in the edict. On the 
first two points the diplomats were only partially suc- 
cessful. It was determined that the first audience should 
be held in the " Pavilion of Purple Light," but in after 
years in a suitable hall in the main palace. It was con- 
tended that, according to immemorial law, no person 
could present a paper to the emperor except upon his 
knees. It was therefore decided that Prince Ching, 
president of the Tsung-li Yamen, should descend from 
the platform upon which the emperor was seated, take 
the letter from the foreign minister at the foot of the 
steps, and lay it upon the table in front of the emperor, 
and then kneel to receive his majes^'s reply. It may 
seem trivial to the reader that a considerable part of the 
time of the three months' deliberation was over the pre- 
cise stage of the ceremony when Prince Ching should 
kneel. The diplomats successfully contended that he 
could not make that obeisance until the letter of their 
sovereign or chief had left his hands, as until he placed 


that document on the table he was in a certain sense 
the agent of the foreign sovereign. 

The American minister, Mr. Denb j, — who had been 
in Peking more than five years before he was able to 
present the letter of the President accrediting him, — 
reported the audience of 1891 as a great triumph for 
Western diplomacy, and a long step in the direction of 
recognition of the absolute equality of nations. But 
it required the Japanese war of 1894 and the convul- 
sion growing out of the Boxer outrages of 1900 to 
bring the ^^ Son of Heaven " down from his platform, 
have him receive into his own hands the autograph let- 
ters of presidents and monarchs, and talk face to face 
with their representatives.^ 

Following the discussion of the audience question, 
another step was taken towards a more liberal policy. 
The AmeriL minister was informed that it had heen 
determined to send a number of Chinese youths abroad 
to be educated at the public expense, and that they 
would be sent to the United States, if assurance could 
be had of a friendly reception, which was promptly 
given. The first detachment, consisting of thirty youths, 
was sent in 1872, and they were followed by thirty more 
in 1873. Homes were found for them in families in 
Massachusetts and Connecticut, and later others were 
sent, and a station was established at Hartford, under 
the direction of Yung Wing, a Chinese graduate of 
Yale College, which was maintained for a number of 
years, but it was finally abandoned and the young men 

1 U. S. For. Rel. 1891, pp. d65-8S5» 392, 455,456 ; 1892, p. 85 ; 1898, 
p. 223. 


recalled to China, upon the pretext of the reactionary 
party that their long residence abroad would weaken 
their devotion to their own country. The action in 
sending them to the United States demonstrated the 
liberal tendencies of the controlling spirit of the 
government and its friendly disposition to the United 
States. On their return to China, although a disposi- 
tion was shown to exclude them from public Ufe, the 
value of their foreign education was so manifest that a 
number of them have been assigned to important posts 
under the government, and have rendered their country 
very useful service.^ 

In 1875, Dr. S. Wells Williams, who began his dip- 
lomatic career in 1853 as secretary and interpreter to 
Commodore Perry in Japan, and who for twenty years 
had acted as secretary and often as charg^ of the Amer- 
ican legation in China, resigned his office and returned 
to the United States. For several years and until his 
death in 1884 he occupied the chair of Chinese Lan- 
guages and Literature at Yale University. Few Amer- 
ican officials in China have been enabled to render their 
country such useful services. His work on China, 
^^ The Middle Kingdom,'' remains to this day the stand- 
ard authority on that country. His Chinese Dictionary 
— a work of much labor and research — is the best 
evidence to his great learning in the Chinese language. 
Secretary Fish, in accepting his resignation, expressed 
in the highest terms the government's appreciation of 
his services. Minister Beed, with whom he served 

1 U. S. For. Bel. 1872, p. 130 ; 1873» pp. 140, 186 ; WiUuuiiB's Hist 
China, 387. 


under the most trying circumstances^ wrote : ^^ He is tbe 
most learned man in his varied information I have ever 
met. ... He is the most habitually religious man I 
have ever seen." The American missionaries, by whom 
his life was best known, well said of him : ^^ It is not 
often that the providence of God allots to any one man 
so long and so distingnished a term of service." 

The special feature of the Burlingame treaty of 1868 
with the United States was in its emigration stipulations. 
Although the ancient penal code of China visited ex- 
patriation of its subjects with severe penalties upon the 
resident relatives of offenders, and emigration was pro- 
hibited by law and was discouraged by the govemmenti 
yet the overflowing Chinese population in and adjacent 
to the seaports having intercourse with foreigners had 
not been deterred from seeking to better their lot in 
foreign lands. For centuries the Chinese had resorted 
to the Philippine Islands, and even bitter persecution 
and slaughter had not prevented many thousands of 
them from maintaining their residence there. They 
had likewise gone in large numbers to Annam, Siam, 
Java, the Malay Peninsula, and the British Straits Set- 
tlements, where their industrious and abstemious habits 
had enabled them to supplant largely the less energetic 

About the time of the acquisition of California by 
the United States and the discovery of gold there, a 
fresh incentive was given to Chinese emigration, and 
it assumed a new aspect. A large demand for labor 
arose in Peru, where efforts were being made to restore 
to cultivation the lands which had lain idle since the 

imtiiaM iv- ' ~~^ • 


conquest, and also to work the mines. In Cuba the 
cultivation of sugar had become very profitable, and 
the stringent enforcement of the international treaties 
against the African slave trade had forced the planters 
to look elsewhere for laborers. Brazil and other coun- 
tries were likewise seeking for an increase of the labor- 
ing class. China with its superabundant population 
afforded the best field from which these countries could 
obtain their much needed supply. 

This led to the establishment of what is known as the 
coolie trade — the procurement from southern China of 
laborers, their transportation to Peru, Cuba, and other 
countries nominally under a contract of service for a 
term of years, but virtually constituting a system of 
slavery with all its attendant hardships and horrors. 
The American consul at Hongkong, who was familiar 
with this traffic, reported to his government that it dif- 
fered from the African slave trade ^^ in little else than 
the employment of fraud instead of force to make its 
victims captive." Secretary Seward, who visited China 
on his tour of the world about the time when it was at 
its height, described it as ^^ an abomination scarcely less 
execrable than the African slave-trade." The head- 
quarters of this trade were established at the Portu- 
guese port of Macao, as it was not permitted from the 
Chinese ports nor the British colony of Hongkong. 
For some twenty years it constituted the main business 
of Macao, where the iniquitous traffic was carried on 
long after it had been outlawed by the leading mari- 
time nations of the world. 

Many of the poorest classes of the Chinese, in the 

H m 


hope of bettering their condition^ were induced to 
enter into contracts of service for a term of years 
under tempting conditions as to wages and thus became 
Toluntary but deceived emigrants. As the demand in- 
creased and the supply of willing contract laborers 
became insufficient, Chinese in large numbers were 
kidnapped from their homes, native procurers or pimps 
being employed to do the needful work of the so- 
called contractors. They were confined in barracoons 
at Macao, and thence sent off in ship loads to their 
destined places of slavery. The transportation of these 
wretched creatures was attended with great privations, 
and in many instances ^th experiences of the most 
cruel and revolting character. The coolies often on 
the voyage, discovering that they had been seduced 
under false pretenses as to their destination or the 
character of service, mutinied, and, killing the officers 
and crew, returned to China; or, being overpowered, 
many of them were killed and the rest kept as prison- 
ers. Suicides were frequent and deaths from ill treat- 
ment and disease were numerous. In one case the 
mutinous coolies set fire to the vessel, whereupon the 
captain and crew, battening down the hatches, took to 
the boats and left the six hundred Chinese to perish 
miserably. Other instances of nearly equal horror 

When they reached their destination, in Peru and 
Cuba especially, they were sold to the planters at prices 
as high as from $400 to $1000 for each laborer, for 
the term of service fixed in the contract into which 
they had entered either voluntarily or by compulsion ; 

• ■»«» I I ~ ' - -v ■ ^ -. __ . . 


but at the end of the term, for alleged debt, crime, 
or other fictitious charge they were continued in ser- 
vice. During this period they were treated as slaves, 
branded, lashed, and tortured, and their condition was 
so wretched that many sought relief in death. It is 
estimated that more than one hundred thousand Chi- 
nese coolies were taken to Peru and about one hundred 
and fifty thousand to Cuba. 

The inefficiency or indifference of the Chinese gov- 
ernment is shown in the fact that its subjects in 
such large numbers could be carried away from its 
dominions and so cruelly maltreated without any serious 
effort to put an end to the evil. The local authorities 
in a feeble way sought to repress kidnapping and the 
imposition practiced on the people, but to little pur- 
pose, as for many years the traffic flourished. Among 
the documents on the subject sent to Washington by 
Minister Parker, who was the most vigorous champion 
in the crusade against the traffic, there is found a 
proclamation issued by the gentry of Amoy, warning 
their countrymen against the kidnappers and the sedu- 
cers of the lower classes by false promises, and bemoan- 
ing the sad fate of those sold into slavery. ''They 
might," it says, '' implore . Heaven, and their tears may 
wet the earth, but their complaints are uttered in vain. 
When carried to the barbarian regions, day and night 
they are impelled to labor, without intervals even for 
deep. Death is their sole relief. . • . Alas ! fiioee who 
living were d^iizens of the central flowery country, dead, 
fheir g^iosU wander in strange lands. 0, azure Heaven 
above! bk this way are destroyed our righteous people.** 


RealiziDg the friendly attitude of Americans towards 
their country, the Chinese coolies in Peru sent to the 
American legation in Lima a curious and affecting 
petition, setting forth their pitiahle condition^ and 
praying that through its government the emperor of 
China miofht be moved to intervene in their behalf. 
This petition was presented by the American minister 
at Peking to the Tsung-li Yamen^ with the suggestion 
of a course which might be followed to secure relief 
without danger of foreign entanglements. He reports 
that the officials of the Yamen expressed their sym- 
pathy with their suffering countrymen, regretted that 
they should have been inveigled into such a miserable, 
cruel servitude, and hoped that the evils would soon be 
mitigated ; but he states that they had no vivid sense 
of their own responsibilities in the matter, did not 
respond to his suggestion of a remedy, and took no 
steps for the amelioration of the sad lot of the petition- 
ers and the scores of thousands of other Chinese sim- 
ilarly situated. 

The explanation made by the American minister for 
this surprising indifference of the Peking officials was 
that their secluded position and prejudices of education 
and etiquette prevented them from learning the true 
state of the world and deterred them from any new 
step in foreign intercourse. Added to this was the 
fact that the interests of the great empire were not 
seriously affected by the exodus of a few hundred thou- 
sands from the swarming population of the southern 
provinces. During the negotiations which resulted in 
the treaty of 1858 one of the Chinese plenipotentiaries, 



in response to a suggestion that his government should 
send consuls abroad to look after the interests of the 
emperor's subjects settled in foreign lands, said : ^^ When 
the emperor rules over so many millions, what does he 
care for the few waifs that have drifted away to a for- 
eign land ? " It was stated that some of those in the 
United States were growing rich from the gold mines, 
and that they might be worth looking after on that 
account. "The emperor's wealth," he replied, "is 
beyond computation ; why should he care for those of 
his subjects who have left their home, or for the sands 
they have scooped together ? " 

But in addition to the grievances of the coolies in 
Peru, a little later similar complaints of ill treatment of 
the Chinese in Cuba were brought to the attention of 
the Chinese government, and upon the advice of the 
American and British ministers a commission was sent 
to that island to inquire into their condition. The 
report of that commission, made in 1875, developed a 
state of affairs of the worst possible character. It 
showed that almost all the Chinese in Cuba had been 
kidnapped by force or inveigled by falsehood. They 
had been confined and treated like prisoners in the 
barracoons at Macao, intimidated or deceived into sign- 
ing unjust contracts, shipped like slaves, and cruelly 
treated on the voyage. Among the kidnapped were 
some persons of literary and official rank, who were 
held to unwilling labor. Many jumped overboard on 
the voyage, wild at the fraud practiced upon them, or 
crazed with the sufferings which they endured from 
overcrowding, filth, and insufficient food. One in ten 


died on the passage. Arrived in Cuba, their services 
were sold at high rates and great profits. They were 
kept at work much beyond the usual hours of labor, 
denied holidays, beaten, mutilated, and starved, and 
from these causes they died in large numbers. When 
the contracts expired, instead of being allowed their 
freedom, if they refused to renew their contracts, they 
were treated as vagrants and held as convicts until they 
reengaged themselves or were sold into service. At 
the end of the second contract, they were again sub* 
jected to the same treatment. And the various extor- 
tions practiced and the high rates of passports made 
escape from the island extremely difficult. 

When this report was made public it so shocked the 
moral sense of the world that even the Spanish govern- 
ment, which was the last of the civilized nations to 
adhere to the system of slavery, was forced to enter 
into treaty stipulations with China, whereby a stop was 
put to the most iniquitous practices of the system of 
contract service; and the Portuguese government was 
forced to close the barracoons at Macao. Chinese con- 
suls were sent to Cuba, Peru, and other countries where 
Chinese coolies were found in considerable numbers, 
and they were afforded the opportunity of receiving 
and investigating their complaints. 

The first legislation looking to the suppression of 
the Chinese coolie trade was passed by the British Par- 
liament in 1855, making it unlawful for British ships 
to engage in it, and giving full power to the colonial 
government at Hongkong, where the trade was first 
established, to take measures against it. This drove 



the headquarters of the business to Macao and trans- 
ferred the transportation service to other .than British 
yessels. Although the American ministers in China 
exerted their influence against it, and Minister Parker 
issued a proclamation warning American vessels from 
engaging in the carrying of coolies, as the minister had 
no power to punish violations of his proclamation, it did 
not deter American vessels, and to their shame be it 
said, a number of them were for a time engaged in the 
transportation. But in 1862 Congress passed an act 
making it unlawful for American vessels to transport 
subjects of China or of any other oriental country, 
known as coolies, to any foreign port to be held to 
service or labor ; all citizens of the United States were 
prohibited from engaging in the trade or from building 
vessels to engage in it; and American naval officers 
were empowered to search and seize American vessels 
offending against the law. It was likewise made the 
duty of American consuls to examine aU emigrante on 
ships clearing for United States ports to ascertain 
whether they were departing voluntarily. 

The effect of the law was to drive all American ves- 
sels and citizens out of the iniquitous traffic and also to 
prevent the introduction of coolie labor into the United 
States. The intercourse of the Americans with the 
Chinese had created a friendly feeling on the part of 
the latter, and soon after the establishment of diplo- 
matic relations and the opening of the ports to trade, 
the attention of the Chinese was turned to the Pacific 
territory of the United States. With the oriental im- 
agery to which they were addicted they styled that 


country ^^ The Beautiful Land " and the Union standard 
^^Tbe Flowery Flag." Before the enactment of the 
coolie legislation by Congress several thousands of Chi- 
nese had come to California, attracted by the discovery 
of gold and by the demand for labor at high rates of 
wages ; but under the American laws the system of 
enforced labor was not permitted and the coolie trade 
never extended to the United States. The cost of 
transportation of many of the Chinese laborers who 
came to California was advanced to them by firms or 
companies at Canton or Hongkong, and they signed 
contracts to refund the sums advanced out of their 
wages, but they were perfectly free as to their move- 
ments and service when they reached the United 

Although the United States had prohibited its citi- 
zens and vessels from engaging in the coolie trade, it 
agreed to the insertion of a clause in the Burlingame 
treaty to give to its laws the solemn guarantee of an 
international compact, by which it was made a penal 
offense for a citizen of the United States or a Chinese 
subject to take the citizens or subjects of the other 
nation to any foreign country without their free and 

^ For reports of Amerioan minbiers as to coolie trade, H. Ex. Doc 
123, 33d Cong, let Sess. p. 78 ; S. Ex. Doc. 99. 34th Cong. Ist Sets. ; S. 
Ex. Doc. 22, 35tli CoDg. 2d Sess. 623, 632, 661, 670 ; S. Ex. Doc 30, 
36th Cong, let Sees. 59, 185, 424 ; For. Rel. 1871, pp. 114, 150, 210 ; 
1873, pp. 205, 207 ; 1875, p. 293 ; 1878, p. 96 ; 19 Chinese Repository, 
344, 510 ; Martin's Cathaj, 31, 160 ; Seward's Travels Around the World, 
New York, 1873, p. 253 ; Harper's Mag. Jane, 1864 ; N. A. Bey. Jan. 
1860, p. 143 ; Williams's Hist 346 ; Williams's Letters, 414 ; Speers's 
China, 421. For laws of Congress, U. S. Rev. Stat sees. 2158-2164 ; 18 
St at L. 477. 


Yolontary consent. But the stipulations to which the 
greatest value were attached in the United States were 
those contained in Article V ., which ^^ cordially recog- 
nized" on the part of hoth govemments ^Hhe inherent 
and inalienable right of man to change his home and 
allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free 
immigrati^u and emigration of their citiJns and sub- 
jects^spectively from one country to the other for 
purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent resi- 
dents ; " and in Article VI., in which it was provided 
that the citizens and subjects respectively ^^ shall enjoy 
the same privileges, immunities, or exemptions in re- 
spect to travel or residence as may tliere be enjoyed by 
the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation." 

At the time this treaty was being made several thou- 
sand Chinese laborers were engaged in the construction 
of the transcontinental or Pacific railroad. This stu- 
pendous enterprise, which was to bind the Atlantic and 
Pacific territories of the nation in an indissoluble union, 
and which had required the credit of the nation and 
the wealth of its capitalists for its consummation, was 
approaching completion, thanks to the patient toil of 
an army of Chinese laborers when others could not be 
obtained. This same sturdy and indefatigable race had 
been largely instrumental in the sudden and wonderful 
development of the Pacific States. It was felt that 
they were a valuable addition to the labor element of 
the country and were destined to have a still greater 
and still more favorable influence upon its develop- 

Hence the treaty containing the stipulations cited 


'was heralded as a marked evidence of American infln* 
ence in the East, and the President, in communicating 
its negotiation to Cong^ress, spoke of it as a " liberal and 
auspicious treaty." Some delay, however, occurred in 
its ratification by the Chinese government and serious 
uneasiness was felt in the United States lest it should 
fail to be carried into effect. Under President Grant's 
direction, Secretary Fish instructed the American min- 
ister in Peking to exert his influence with the Chinese 
authorities to bring about its early ratification. He 
wrote : ^^ Many considerations call for this besides those 
which may be deduced from what has gone before in 
this instruction. Every month brings thousands of Chi- 
nese immigrants to the Pacific coast. Already they 
have crossed the great mountains and are beginning to 
be found in the interior of the continent. By their 
assiduity, patience, and fidelity, and by their intelli- 
gence, they earn the good-will and confidence of those 
who employ them. We have good reason to think this 
tlung will continue and increase;" and the Secretary 
said it was welcomed by the country. 

The treaty was finally ratified by China, and the 
government of the United States congraliilated itself 
on being instrumental in bringing China out of her 
seclusion and inducing her ^^to march forward,'' as 
Secretary Fish expressed it. Ten years after this treaty 
was signed, President Hayes, in a message to Congress, 
thus spoke of its leading provision : ^^ Unquestionably 
the adhesion of the goyernment of China to these lib* 
eral principles of freedom in emigration, with which we 
were so familiar and with which we were so well satis- 



fied| was a gpreat advance towards opening that empire 
to our civilization and religion, and gave promise in the 
future of greater and greater practical results in the 
diffusion throughout that gpreat population of our arts 
and industries, our manufactures, our material improve- 
ments, and the sentiments of government and religion 
which seem to us so important to the welfare of man- 
kind/^ ' 

But within a few years after the treaty went into 
operation a change in puhlic sentiment respecting it 
began to take place, especially on the Pacific coast, 
where the Chinese population was principally located. 
By their diligence and frugal habits they were able to 
successfully compete with the white laborers in the 
mining camps, in the fields, in the shops, as domestics, 
and in all common manual labor. The trades unions 
joined in sounding an alarm that the myriads of people 
from the crowded and half-starved homes of China 
were likely to come to the country in such numbers as 
to drive out entirely the white laborers. The Chinese 
in California and adjacent sections seg^gated them- 
selves from the other inhabitants, living together in 
cheap, ill-coDstructed, and uncleanly houses, took no 
part in local or public affairs, did not assimilate with 
the mass of the people, and observed their pagan or 
superstitious rites. It was argued that they were an 
undesirable population, and that if continued to be 
allowed free access to the country, they would in time 
endanger its institutions and change entirely its distinc- 
tive characteristics. 

1 6 Presidents' Messages, 690 ; 7 lb. 516 ; U. S. For. Bel. 1S70, p. SOT. 


The opposition to this emigration first manifested 
itself in individual acts of hostility^ personal abase of 
Chinamen, and injury to their property. To this suc- 
ceeded state laws restricting their rights and seeking 
to limit the immigration. But when tested in the courts 
this state legislation was declared to be in violation of 
the treaty or of the federal Constitution. The element 
opposed to the coming of the Chinese, which had now 
grown so strong in California as to dominate state 
politics, appealed to Congress for an abrogation or 
modification of the Burlingame treaty of 1868. This 
appeal was so effective as to procure the appointment, in 
1876, of a joint committee of the two houses to visit 
the Pacific coast and to investigate the character, extent^ 
and effect of Chinese immigration. 

The committee, at the head of which was Senator 
Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, one of the ablest and 
most influential members of Congress, held a number 
of sessions at San Francisco, examined a large number 
of witnesses, received a mass of documentary evidence, 
and made a thorough investigation. The report which 
the committee submitted to Congress at its next session 
constitutes, with the testimony, a volume of over twelve 
hundred pages. The chairman. Senator Morton, at- 
tended the sessions of the committee in San Franeisco, 
but having fallen ill on his return journey to the East 
and died before Congress convened, the report was pre- 
sented by Senator Sargent, of California. As the ma- 
jority and minority reports of this committee set forth 
the argimients advanced during the discussion, in the 
United States through twenty-five years, of the much 



agitated question of Chinese immigration, it is well to 
give an epitome of them. 

The report submitted for the committee by Senator 
Sargent stated that the investigation established the 
fact that so far as material prosperity was concerned, 
the Pacific coast had been a great gainer by Chinese 
immigration, and, if inquiry was not to be made into the 
present and future moral or political welfare of the 
Pacific States, it must be conceded that their general 
resources were being rapidly developed by Chinese 
labor. Opposition to any restriction on Chinese immi- 
gration was manifested by the capitalistic classes and 
those interested in transportation ; also by religious 
teachers, who found in the presence of the Chinese an 
opportunity of Christianizbg them. 

On the other hand, the laboring men and artisans 
were opposed to the influx of Chinese ; and the same 
view was entertained by many professional men, mer- 
chants, divines, and judges, who regarded the prosper- 
ity derived from the Chinese as deceptive and unwhole- 
some, ruinous to the laboring classes, promotive of 
caste, and dangerous to free institutions. 

The committee reported the evidence as showing that 
the Chinese lived in filthy dwellings, upon poor food, 
crowded in narrow quarters, disregarding health and 
fire ordinances, and that their vices were corrupting the 
morals especially of the young. It also showed that 
the Chinese had reduced wages to starvation prices for 
white men and women, that the hardships bore with 
special severity upon women, and that the tendency 
was to degrade all white working people to the abject 


condition of a servile class. From this cause there had 
sprung up a bitterly hostile feeling to the Chineee^ 
sometimes exhibited in laws and ordinances of doubtful 
propriety, in the abuse of individual Chinese^ and in 
cases of mob violence. 

The committee held that an indigestible mass in the 
community, distinct in language, pagan in religion, in- 
ferior in mental and moral qualities, was an undesir- 
able element in a republic, and especially so if political 
power should be placed in its hands ; that the safety of 
the state demanded that such power should not be so 
placed, and the safety of the immig^rant depended upon 
that power. 

It was painfully evident from the testimony that the 
Pacific coast must in time become either American or 
Mongolian ; that while conditions were favorable to the 
growth and occupancy of the Pacific States by Ameri- 
cans, the Chinese had advantages which would put 
them far in advance in the race for possession; and 
that the presence of Chinese discouraged and retarded 
white immigration. 

By the judges of the criminal courts it was shown 
that there was a great want of veracity among Chinese 
witnesses, and that they had little regard for the sanc- 
tity of an oath. It was shown that they were non- 
assimilative with the whites, had no social intercourse 
and did not intermarry with them, and in a residence 
of twenty-five years had made no progress in that di- 
rection. They did not bring their families with them ; 
all expected to return to China ; and prostitutes were 
imported and held as slaves. It was claimed that in 


point of morals they were far inferior to the European 
or Aryan race, and in brain capacity as well. It was 
admitted, however, that the Chinese merchants were 
honorable in their dealings. 

It appeared from the evidence that they did not de- 
sire to become citizens nor to possess the ballot ; and 
that to give the latter to them would practically destroy 
republican institutions on the Pacific coast, as they 
would be controlled by their *^ head-men," who would 
sell their votes, and that they had no comprehension of 
any form of government but despotism. It was also 
stated that they had a quasi government among them- 
selves, independent of American laws, authorizing pun- 
ishment of offenders against Chinese customs, even to 
the taking of life. 

The committee recommended that measures be adopted 
by the executive looking to a modification of the exist- 
ing treaty with China, confining it to strictly commer- 
cial purposes, and that Congress legislate to restrain the 
great influx of Asiatics. It was not believed that either 
of these measures would be looked upon with disfavor 
by China. But whether so or not, a duty was owing 
to the Pacific States, which were stiffering under a ter- 
rible scourge, and were patiently waiting for relief from 

Senator Morton, having died before reaching Wash- 
ington, was not a participant in the concluding confer- 
ences at which the report of the committee was com- 
pleted. From his strong personality, his great influence 
in Congress, and his powers of debate, it was fair to 
presume that, his life being spared, if he had not been 


able to control the report of the committee, he would 
at least have so restrained the legislation of Congress 
as to have prevented the radical action taken by that 
body. He had prepared material which he designed to 
have incorporated in the report of the joint committee. 
These papers were sabmitted to the Senate after his 
death as embodying his views, and constituted a mi- 
norit, report. 

He called attention to the ^' great and eternal doc- 
trines of the equality and natural rights of man/' which 
were the foundation-stone of the political system of the 
United States. Believing ^^ that God has given to all 
men the same rights, without regard to race or color/' 
it became a cardinal principle of the government, '' pro- 
claimed in the Declaration of Independence, in the Ar- 
ticles of Confederation, and recognized by our Consti- 
tution, that our country was open to immigrants from 
all parts of the world ; " and that this invitation could 
not and ought not to be limited or controlled by race 
or color, by the character of the civilization, nor by the 
religious faith of the immigrants. 

He referred to the great objections which had been 
urged to the Chinese and Japanese — their exclusive- 
ness, their refusal to permit the people of other nations 
to settle in or travel through their countries and acquire 
a knowledge of their institutions. Now when the doors 
of China and Japan were thrown open, and Americans 
had the right to live there, to do business, and had 
complete protection, it was proposed to take a step 
backward by the adoption of their cast-off policy of 
exclusion. The argument set up in favor of this was 

^M^^M^^—i^^i^art*iii—^ili**iW f '^ *■ - 

■ *ta.B-- ■ 


precisely what was so long used to excuse or justify the 
same policy in China and Japan, viz., that the admis- 
sion of foreigners tended to interfere with their trade 
and the labor of their people, and to corrupt their 
morals and degrade their religion. Our only absolute 
security, he said, consisted in devotion to the doctrines 
upon which the government was founded, and that the 
profound conviction that the rights of men are not con- 
ferred by constitutions, which may be altered or abol- 
ished, but are God-given to every human being. 

The senator's conclusion from the investigations of 
the committee was that the difference of the Chinese in 
color, dress, manners, and religion had more to do with 
the hostility to them than their alleged vices or any 
actual injury to the white people of California. It was 
the resurrection of those odious race distinctions which 
brought upon the United States the late Civil War, 
and from which it fondly hoped that God in His provi- 
dence had delivered it forever. 

The testimony showed, according to the senator, that 
the crops in California could not be harvested or taken 
to market without the aid of Chinese labor ; that the 
railroads could not have been constructed without it ; 
that it was doubtful if it had injuriously interfered with 
the white people of that State ; that there was work for 
all ; that the Chinese, by their labor, opened up large 
avenues and demand for white labor ; that the first suc- 
cessful introduction of manufactures there was by the 
employment of Chinese labor, and as manufactories be- 
came established, the employment of Chinese graduaUy 
diminished, and white labor largely increased. The 


Ml I m*t 

ai**:i*. *T.:Jr's^: i.iv» viii ▼«» -v^IEiibr iiflt — ^e JUM- 
rrv^A LT.ii rvn^ui.^ — :&« iuik ims^ in :besr JnnscT 

42.ii»: :f :::^z.L2i:i^ ncicr^f VgTwacini ir 3 

vihr:4. Ir 4iv^ f::s^^ISi2eii me £us 2as C^xzuk later 
i2 Citlif o:T.!;sk x:i^ u f^«« aj aur cmsr. i3ii ^bic disre 
w^a r.0 forr;« or vtr7;«l>l2=;<» of i£iT«T or 9sr»zi sneo^ 

ji:^r:jirr]':4 ffi*:u ; f<;x fimlliss Lid cc!r.r. izd ▼'mwc wwe 
imjy^rVi'J for iromor^] purposes. Ii ttis also srae ihas 
iiihj an: j><:/:>iIlAf]y addicted to gaaibHmr. bni probablj 
not r/io;^; >,o than the earlv whhe seeders of CaHforaxi 


when few had wjveH and families with them. This Tice 
wa8 jfreatly f/; l;e deplored, bat it was not so pecnfiarlj 
Chin«;He nn fo make it the basis of special le^;isIation. 
They were not addicted to the use of intoxicating 
liquoFH, and k<-j;t no Haloons. Their form of intemper- 
ance wan in the une of opiimi; but it did not produce 
violence, and the number who practiced it was smaller 
than the number of whites who visit saloons and be- 
come inloxirrated. 

The mtiiiior referred to the Bnrlingame treaty of 
18(J8, and eHpiMiially to its articles V., VL, and VII., 



which provided for free emigration^ residence, or travel, 
and the privileges of the educational institutions. When 
this treaty was concluded, he said, it was regarded hj 
the whole nation as a grand triumph of American 
diplomacy and principles. It was especially a recog- 
nition by China of what might be called *^ the great 
American doctrine " of the inherent and inalienable 
right of man to change his home and his allegiance, — 
a doctrine for the recognition of which by the govern- 
ments of Europe the United States had been struggling 
by negotiation ever since it had a national existence, 
and had succeeded with them one by one. 

In conclusion the chairman of the committee con- 
tended that labor must needs be free, have complete 
protection, and be left open to competition. Labor did 
not require that a price be fixed by law, or that men 
who live cheaply, and can work for lower wages, shall, 
for that reason, be kept out of the country.^ 

The report of the committee was submitted just be- 
fore the termination of the Forty-fourth Congress, in 
February 27, 1877 ; but the subject was brought before 
the next Congress, and after considerable discussion a 
bill was passed through both houses which so greatly 
restricted the immigration of Chinese into the United 
States that, in the language of the President, it fell 
^^ little short of its absolute exclusion," in direct viola- 
tion of the Burlingame treaty of 1868. But in addi- 
tion to this the bill provided for the abrogation of 

1 S. Report No. 689, 44th Cong. 2d Seu. ; Misc. Doc. No. 20, 45Ui 
Cong. 2d SeM. As to immignition and the Six Companies, Speen't 
China, ohapf. zri, ziz., zx. 


Articles Y. and YL of the Bnrlingame treaty^ relatiiig 
to the free immigration and residence of Chinese in the 
United States. 

This radical legislation indicated a great change in 
public opinion since the Burlingame treaty was pro- 
claimed with such gratification ten years before ; but 
this open disregard of international obligations shocked 
the moral sense of a large part of the American people^ 
and led to such an expression of public sentiment as 
caused President Hayes to veto the bill, and it thus f afled 
to become a law. The President in his message on the 
subject, while he appealed to Congress to ^^ maintain 
the public duty and the public honor/' recognized that 
the working of the Burlingame treaty had demonstrated 
that some modification of it was necessary to secure the 
.ounhy " .gai-t . large, «.d ,.<« »H "furioo of 
this foreign race than our system of industry and soci- 
ety can take up and assimilate with ease and safety^" 
and he expressed the opinion that, if the Chinese gov- 
ernment was approached in the proper spirit, the desired 
modification might be secured without the discredit to 
the nation which would result from the proposed legis- 

The President, in accordance with this policy, ap- 
pointed in 1880 a commission, consisting of Dr. James 
B. Angell, president of Michigan University, John T. 
Swift, of California, and W. H. Trescot, a former assist- 
ant secretary of state, to proceed to Peking and secure 
by negotiation a change in the provisions of the treaty 
of 1868 respecting the immigration of Chinese to the 
United States. This commission was received in a 



friendly spirit by the Chinese government, and within 
two months after its arrival at the capital a treaty on 
immigration was concluded and signed. By its pro- 
visions there was conferred upon the government of the 
United States, whenever in its opinion ^^ the coming of 
Chinese laborers to the United States, or their residence 
therein, affects or threatens to affect the interests of 
that country, . • • power to reg^ulate, limit, or suspend 
such coming or residence, but not absolutely to pro- 
hibit it." This power to limit immigration was only to 
apply to Chinese laborers, other classes of Chinese being 
permitted to enter freely and reside in the United 

The Chinese government having in so gracious a 
spirit yielded to the desires of the American commis- 
sioners on the subject of immigration, the latter were 
very ready to gratify the former in the matter of the 
opium traffic, — a subject of extreme anxiety and em- 
barrassment to the Chinese rulers. At their request a 
commercial treaty was signed, in which it was stipulated 
that '^ citizens of the United States shall not be per- 
mitted to import opium into any of the open ports of 
China, to transport it from one open port to another 
open port, or to buy and sell opium in any of the open 
ports of China ; " and this absolute prohibition was to 
be enforced by appropriate legislation. A similar pro- 
vision was inserted in the treaty of 1882 between the 
United States and Korea. 

After the commercial treaty had been executed. Dr. 
Angell, the American minister at Peking and one of the 
commissioners, transmitted to the Secretary of State a 



commanication received by him from Mr. W. N. Pe- 
thick/ an American citizen long resident in China, and 
then the private secretary of the Chinese grand secretary^ 
Li Hung Chang, as indicative of the importance which 
the Chinese attached to the opium prohibition contained 
in that treaty. The letter is of much interest, for it re- 
views the history of the opium traffic and the Chinese 
™w o£ it, ..d L« th. Ugh app«d.ti.a i. »p«W 
circles of the action of the American commissioners. He 
states that China has never consented to bear without 
murmur the great wrong of the opium traffic which was 
forced upon her ; neither has the government been in- 
different to the spread of the evil. Blood and treasure 
were spent freely in combating its introduction, and, 
though defeated in war, the government has not re- 
mained a silent or unfeeling witness of the blight 
extending over the country. He says that the single 
article of opium imported equals in value all other 
goods brought into China, and is greater than all the 
tea or all the silk (the two chief articles of export) sent 
out of the country, — which show that the black stream 
of pollution which has so long flowed out of India into 

^ Mr. Pethiok, after serving in the Union array daring the Civil War, 
at its close went to China, where he made himself master of its diffioolt 
langange, was engaged for some time as interpreter in the United States 
legation and consalates, and for a nnmher of years acted as the confiden- 
tial secretary of Li Hang Chang. His influence upon that statesman and 
npon Chinese politics was very decided, and always in the direction of 
liheral ideas and progress. He was a man of much erudition, and is said 
to have read in translation to Li several hundred £nglish, French, and 
German hooks. He assisted the latter in his peace negotiations of 1901, 
and died at the dose of that year, greatly respected in hoth Chinese and 
foreign society. 



China has heen increasiDg in volume and spreading its 
baneful influence wider and wider. Americans have 
been engaged in the trade in common with other for- 
eigners ; but the United States^ by a bold and noble 
declaration against opium, now stands in the right be- 
fore the world and the God of nations. It has, he 
writes, encouraged long deferred hope, confirmed oft- 
defeated determination ; it has nerved the arm of the 
government with new strength, and we shall see China 
once again grappling with the monster that is stealing 
away the prosperity and energies of her people. 

But these hopes proved entirely illusory. Prince 
Kung again urged the British government to stop the 
importation of opium, upon the stipulation that its cul* 
tivation in China would be prohibited, but the proposi* 
tion was not entertained. An association was organized 
in England to create a public sentiment in favor of the 
suppression of the trade ; and Li Hung Chang, in an 
interview with the American minister, Mr. Young, in 
1882, spoke hopefully of its influence on the British 
government, and gave him for transmittal to his gov- 
ernment a copy of a letter which he had written to the 
Anti-Opium Association, which presents the Chinese 
view of the question with much force. 

The following extract will indicate the spirit of the 
letter : '^ Opium is a subject in the discussion of which 
England and China can never meet on common ground. 
China views the whole question from a moral stand* 
pointy England from a fiscal. England would sustain 
a source of revenue in India, while China contends 
for the lives and prosperity of her people. . • . The 


present import duty on opium was established not from 
choice, but because China submitted to the adverse de- 
cision of arms. The war must be considered as China's 
standing protest against legalizing such a revenue. . • • 
The new treaty with the United States containing the 
prohibitory clause against opium encourages the belief 
that the broad principles of justice and feelings of 
humanity will prevail in future relations between China 
and the Western nations." 

But the action of Dr. Angell and his colleagues in 
inserting the opium prohibition in that treaty came too 
late. The success which had attended the efforts of 
the Japanese, a kindred race, shows that prohibition 
can be made effective, but the evil had then become 
too deeply rooted in China, and the revenue derived by 
India from the trade was too important to be sur- 

It is gratifying to record that the government of the 
United States from the beginning has sought to dis- 
countenance the traffic. In the first treaty with China, 
that of 1844, it was provided that ^^ citizens of the 
United States . . . who shall trade in opium or any 
other contraband article of merchandise, shall be sub- 
ject to be dealt with by the Chinese government with- 
out being entitled to any countenance or protection 
from that of the United States." When Mr. Reed 
was sent out to negotiate the treaty of 1858, he was 
instructed to say to the Chinese government that its 
effort ^^ to prevent the importation and consmnption of 
opium was a praiseworthy measure," and '^ that the 
United States would not seek for its citizens the legal 



establishment of the opium trade^ nor would it uphold 
them in any attempt to violate the laws of China by 
the introduction of that article into the country." Dr. 
Martin^ who acted as interpreter on the occasion^ states 
that in the first draft of the treaty submitted by Mr. 
Beed to the Chinese there was an article denouncing 
and forbidding the opium trade, but that he was induced 
by Lord Elgin, the British plenipotentiary, to withdraw 
it, greatly to the surprise of the Chinese negotiators. 
There is much to be said in commendation of the 
British government in its relations with the Orient, but 
its connection with the opium traffic of China has left 
a dark and ineffaceable stain upon its record. In this 
matter the greed of the East India Company and its 
successor, the government of India, triumphed over the 
moral sentiment of the nation, which has done so much 
for the amelioration of the condition of mankind.^ 

In execution of the treaty of immigration of 1880, 
the Congress of the United States passed an act in 
1882 prohibiting or suspending the coming of Chinese 
laborers into the country for a period of twenty years. 
Thi. second att«npt .f CongrJ to legUUte J^g 
Chinese immigration was met by a veto from President 
Arthur, on the ground that a prohibition of immigra- 
tion for so long a time as twenty years was not war- 
ranted by the spirit of the treaty and was in violation 
of the assurances given by the commission which nego- 
tiated it that the large powers conferred on Congress 
'' would be exercised by our government with a wise 

1 U. S. Treaties, 184 ; U. S. For. ReL 1881, p. 216 ; 1883, pp. 12^, 128 ; 
8. Ex. Doo. 30, 36th Cong. 1st Sets. p. S ; Martin's Cathay, 184. 


discretion, in a gpirit of reciprocal and sincere friend-- 
ship, and with entire justice." The President, in call- 
ing the attention of Congress to these assnranees and 
to the concession made by China granting die power to 
fix limitations upon the coming of Chinese laborers, 
said : ^^ China may therefore fairly have a right to ex- 
pect that in enforcing them we will take good care not 
to overstep the grant and take more than has been 
conceded to us." Congress gave heed to the appeal 
of the President, and modified the proposed le^islar 
tion by limiting the suspension of J iLigrati^ 
Chinese laborers to ten years. 

The treaty of 1880 contained a stipulation that the 
Chinese laborers in the United States at the time of its 
signature should be permitted to leave the country and 
return ^^ of their own free will and accord." Before 
the ten years period of prohibition of immigration had 
expired a demand was made upon Congress for the 
enactment of more stringent legislation, based upon 
the allegation that fraud was being practiced in the 
exercise of the privilege granted by the treaty of the 
departure and return of laborers. It was charged that 
Chinese, after having resided in the United States for 
several years and acquired a competency, returned to 
China where they remained, and that other Chinese 
falsely assumed their personality and thus unlawfully 
secured admittance into the United States. 

To remedy this defect a new treaty was negotiated 
between the Secretary of State and the Chinese minis- 
ter in Washington in 1888, whereby the privilege of 
the departure and return of Chinese laborers lawfully 


in the United States was restricted to those who had 
property to the value of $1000^ or a wife or children 
in the country, and the government of the United 
States was authorized to adopt suitable regulations to 
prevent fraud. Provision was also made in the treaty 
for an indemnity to be paid the Chinese government to 
compensate for the loss of life and property of Chinese 
laborers occasioned by riots at Bock Springs in Wyom* 
ing, Tacoma in the State of Washington, and at other 
places, growing out of the antipathy and opposition to 

The treaty was ratified by the Senate of the United 
States with certain amendments, and the Chinese gov^ 
emment likewise proposed amendments. While these' 
negotiations were taking place a presidential electoral 
campaign was in progress, the labor unions of the 
Pacific States were especially clamorous for the adop- 
tion of further restrictions on Chinese immigration, 
and the votes of those States seemed likely to be cast 
in favor of the presidential candidate whose party was 
most radical in its opposition to the Chinese. Under 
the spur of the exigencies of the campaign and the 
uncertainty of the ratification of the new treaty by the 
Chinese government, a law was hastily passed through 
Congress absolutely prohibiting the admittance of Chi- 
nese laborers into the United States. Although this 
legislation, known as the Scott Act, was in direct viola- 
tion of treaty, President Cleveland allowed it to become 
a law, justifying his action by the failure of China to 
ratify the new treaty ; but he recommended that the 
indemnity provided for in the treaty on account of the 


riots be paid to Chinas and the sum of $276,619 was 
accordingly appropriated by Congress for that pur- 

The President was, however, unwilling to allow the 
stain of treaty violation to rest upon the honor of the 
United States, and the Secretary of State entered anew 
into negotiations with the Chinese minister in Wash- 
ington, which resulted in the signature of a treaty in 
1894 similar in most respects to the unratified treaty 
of 1888, and which was accepted by both governments. 

The treaty of 1894 stipulated for the prohibition by 
the United States of the admission of Chinese laborers 
for ^e term of ten years. In anticipation of the 
expiration of that term the Fifty-seventh Congress 
took up the subject of the reenactment of the existing 
leg^lation, which would come to an end by limita- 
tion. The sentiment against Chinese immigration had 
strengthened with the lapse of time, under the increas- 
ing political influence of labor organizations, and bills 
of like character which added still further restrictions 
to those in the existing laws were reported by the 
respective committees in the two houses. The prohi- 
bition of the immigration of Chinese laborers was made 
perpetual; those lawfully in the United States were 
not to be permitted to pass to or from the insular pos- 
sessions and the mainland territory; conditions were 
added to the admission of merchants, scholars, teachers, 
and travelers which amounted almost to a prohibition ; 
limitations were placed upon the transit of Chinese 
laborers through the territory of the United States en 
route to other countries; and other provisions were 

**l 1 I *- ~~. — ■■ — •- ■^ ^^ .»^-m- - ■ 1 :■- ■ ■■ _ ■_ L ^_ . _ . > ..^TZ? 


proposed which it was asserted were in conflict with 
the treaties with China. It was claimed that these 
additional measures were made necessary hy the frauds 
practiced hy the Chinese laborers in their great desire 
to gain admittance to the United States. 

The bill from the committee passed the House of 
Representatives without much opposition^ but the sub- 
ject caused an animated debate in the Senate. Senator 
Lodge, who was one of the ablest supporters of the 
bill, at the close of a lengthy speech on the subject, 
based his opposition to immigration of the Chinese 
upon two grounds. He said : ^^ The first reason is that 
they are members not of a new malleable people who 
can come here and adopt our methods and imbibe our 
ideas. They are members of an old and immutable 
civilization. They never can form a part of a body 
of American citizenship. They do not wish to do so. 
They would not do so if they could. They have come 
here simply for profit A great race that means to do 
that and nothing else in the United States is better 
outside the line than inside. And, second, I am in 
favor of Chinese exclusion because the Chinese can 
create economic conditions in which we cannot survive. 
It is not a question of the fittest surviving, but a ques- 
tion of the survival of the fittest to survive. The best 
do not necessarily survive, and here we have a people 
450,000,000 strong, who can produce an environment 
and a standard under which we cannot live." 

The senators who opposed the passage of the bill 
conceded that the further coming of Chinese laborers 
to the United States should be prohibited; but they 


contended that thoae in the country should not be 
treated unjustly or harshly; that the census reports 
showed that the Chinese population in the country was 
decreasing, and hence there was no occasion to enact 
more restrictive measures; and, above all, that there 
should be no legislation which would look towards a 
disregard of treaty stipulations. It was also urged 
that it was bad policy to adopt measures which would 
offend the Chinese people at a time when earnest efforts 
were being made to increase commercial relations with 
that country. 

The result of the debate was the defeat of the bill 
embodying the stringent provisions proposed by the 
committee, and the adoption of a substitute offered by 
Senator Piatt, of Connecticut, which continued in force 
the existing laws and regulations, not inconsistent with 
the treaty, until 1904, or until a new treaty should be 
made.^ It was a distinct defeat of the anti-Chinese 
extremists and a clear indication that the sober public 

1 7 Presidents' Messages, 614 ; 8 lb. 113, 634 ; U. S. For. ReL 1881, 
China ; lb. 1888, China ; lb. 1894, China ; U. S. Treaties, 182 ; U. S. 
Treaties in Force (ed. 1899), 122 ; Chinese Immigration, by S. Wells 
Williams, New York, 1877 ; 2 Bbiine's Twenty Years in Congress, 661. 
For debate in Senate, 1902, Cong. Record, 67th Cong. 1st Sess. pp. 3880- 
4609, 6050, 6051. For laws of Congress as to Chinese immigration, 22 
Stat, at Large, 68 ; 23 lb. 116 ; 26 lb. 476, 604 ; 27 lb. 26 ; 28 lb. 7 ; 
and Act of April 29, 1902. For comments on legislation, N. A. Rer. 
July, 1893, p. 62 ; Hon. Charles Denby in Forum, July-Sept. 1902 ; 
Report on Certain Economic Questions in the Orient, by Prof. J. W. 
Jenks, War Department, Washington, 1902, Chinese Immigration in 
Colonies, chap, iii., Chinese Immigration to the Philippines, 167. Hie 
Acts of Congress respecting immigration have been frequently considered 
by the U. S. Supreme Court. The leading case is Fong Yae Ting et aL «. 
United States, 149 U. S. Reports, 689. 

^^Tn^ liM^Tia r ■-^- ■ ■ ■' ' ■*-^^'*' '• 


opinion of the country favored a faithful adherence to 
treaty obligations. 

From the fores^oinir narrative it is seen that a radical 
change in pubUc o/nion respecting Chinese ininugra- 
tion has taken place in the United States since the 
Burlingame treaty was proclaimed with so much pride 
and satisfaction in 1868. Even the lofty and noble 
sentiments embodied in the minority report of Senator 
Morton in 1877 have given place to a more perfect 
realization of the economic conditions as shown by ex* 
perience. While the principle of expatriation is still 
adhered to and insisted upon by the government of the 
United States, it holds that citizenship is a privilege to 
be conferred and not a right which can be claimed by 
every foreigner who enters the country. It maintains, 
further, the right to exclude from its territory any class 
of people whose coming it may judge to be harmful or 
undesirable. A majority of the people of the United 
States have reached the conviction that it is not wise 
to allow the free and unrestricted immigration of people 
of the Asiatic races, and that it is especially desirable 
to exclude Chinese laborers from its territory. 

On the other hand, it has been seen that the gov- 
ernment of the United States is unwilUng to allow the 
reproach to attach to it of a disregard of treaty obliga- 
tions. When in time of political excitement the popular 
branch of the government has temporarily yielded to 
public clamor, the executive head of the government 
has not failed to interpose, and in every instance Con- 
gress has listened to the voice of reason and the appeal 
to national honor, and has corrected its legislation to 


meet the views of the executive department^ which con- 
ducts the foreign intercourse. 

It has also been seen that the government of C!hina 
has in this matter shown a commendable spirit of friendr 
liness and concession. It allowed the Burlingame treaty 
to be framed to suit the views of the United States. 
When it became apparent that a change in public sen- 
timent in the latter country had taken place, it acqui- 
esced in the request for a radical modification of that 
treaty which materiaUy restricted the privileges of its 
own subjects. And a second time, when it was ap- 
proached for another treaty change, it consented to 
limit still further the treaty rights of its people. The 
outrages which they have at times suffered by mob 
violence or at the hands of overzealous officials are not 
attributed to the ill-will of the government of the United 
States, nei^er has the harsh legislation, much as it is 
regretted, been allowed to change the friendly relations 
of the two nations. Each recogpaizes the difficulties of 
internal administration, and does not require of the 
other impossible conditions. 



KoBSAy or Chosen, as it is officially styled, — the Land 
of the Morning Cahn, — has been for ages the scene of 
conflict between its ambitious neighbors. Its geograph- 
ical position, a peninsula extending into waters which 
wash the shores of powerful and rival nations on the 
east, north, and west, has made it a constant sufferer 
from invadmg armies, kept it in subjection, and wasted 
its resources. It has been fitly termed ^^ the Naboth's 
Vineyard of the Far East/' coveted by great nations 
both in ancient and modem times. 

Its people lay claim to a history of four thousand 
years. Centuries before the Christian era it had expe- 
rienced invasion both from China and Japan, and 
through the succeeding ages it was dominated by one 
or the other at recurring periods. When the Mongols 
became powerful under the Manchu sovereigns, and be- 
fore their conquest of China, Korea felt the devastating 
effects of their armies. In modem times the kingdom 
sent embassies and paid tribute concurrently to China 
and Japan, up to 1832, when these evidences of vassal- 
age ceased respecting Japan, though China continued 
to exercise suzerainty until her overlordship was com- 
pletely removed by the late Chinese-Japanese war. 
Daring the last half of the nineteenth century Korean 


territory has been invaded by four of the nations of 
the West, France, the United States, Great Britain, and 
Russia. To-day it is a threatening cause of conflict 
between Japan and Russia. 

European commercial activity, which followed the 
maritime discoveries of the Portuguese in the fifteenth 
and sixteenjli centuries, found nothing to attract it in 
poverty-stricken Korea, exhausted by war and taxation. 
The first recorded formal attempt to open trade with 
Korea took place in 1832, when the British East India 
Company fitted out a ship at Canton and sent her on a 
voyage of commercial exploration to that country. Dr. 
Gutzlaff, the German missionary, then in the service of 
the American Board of Missions, went as a passenger 
in the hope of finding an opening for mission work. 
The vessel spent a month on the southern coast, and 
presents were sent to the king of Korea, but they were 
refused by him. Dr. Gutzlaff, through his knowledge 
of the Chinese language, was able to communicate with 
the natives, and occupied himself with medical atten* 
tion to the people, planting potatoes and teaching their 
cultivation, and with futile efforts at the distribution of 
Bibles and works on geography and mathematics in 
Chinese translations. The expedition was both a com* 
mercial and religious failure.^ 

^ For account of early Dutch intercourse (1653), Narratire of an Uii- 
Inckj Yojage and Shipwreck on the Coast of Corea, by Henry Hamel« 
republished in Corea, Without and Within, by W. £. Griffia, PhiladeU 
phia, 1885. Voyages along the Coast of China, etc., by Charles Guti- 
laff, New York, 1833, pp. 254, 332. Corea, The Hermit Nation, by 
W. £. Griffis, New York, 1897, pp. 169, 359 ; China and Her Neighlxn» 
by R. S. Gundry, London, 1893. 

- - - III I ll li n i l MIMfcwfc^ia i*iM 1 - - • - 


The first effort to introduce Christianity into Korea 
was in 1783^ and had its origin with the French Jes- 
uits then established at Peking. Although the new 
religion was strictly forbidden, and its propagators and 
adherents were visited with bitter persecution, for three 
quarters of a century the Catholic missionaries, with a 
heroic devotion undaunted by expulsion and death, 
persisted in their efforts and were rewarded by some 
degree of success. During this period measures were 
adopted at various times for the extermination of the 
hated foreign sect, but the work of the missions was 
prosecuted in secret, and the native Christians by thou- 
sands continued true to their faith. 

In 1866 a fresh outbreak of persecution occurred, 
and the government resolved to utterly extirpate the 
foreign religion. Three bishops and seventeen priests 
were cruelly put to death by the express order of the 
authorities, and only three escaped and fled to China. 
The martyrdom of the f oreigpa clergy was also attended 
with the slaughter of several thousand native converts. 
The missionaries executed by the government were, 
with few exceptions, French subjects, and the diplo- 
matic representative of Napoleon III. at Peking imme- 
diately took steps to inflict exemplary punishment upon 
the Koreans. 

In October, 1866, the French admiral, with six ves- 
sels and 600 men, reached Korean waters in the vicin- 
ity of Chemulpo, destined for the capital to dethrone 
the king and punish his officials for the murder of the 
French clergy. He captured and burned Kang-wa, a 
city of 20,000 inhabitants, situated on an island in the 


bay, but found tbe Korean army gathered in large force 
to dispute his progress. A portion of his command fell 
into an ambush, suffered heavy loss, and were forced to 
retreat. Minister Burlingame, in his report of the ex- 
pedition, wrote : ^^ Admiral Boze, probably finding that 
nothing could be done with his limited force, left Go- 
rea to recruit it, with which he cannot return until next 
spring or summer." But when the news of the failure 
reached Napoleon, he had other and more pressing need 
for his army and navy, and after the war with (Ger- 
many the new French government was content to drop 
the Korean affair.^ 

It was least to be expected that the United States 
would be the next nation to engage in a conflict with 
this far-off country, but an event occurred in the same 
year the French priests were executed which was to 
bring about such a result. On the 8th of August, 
1866, an American schooner, the General Sherman, 
chartered by a British firm in Tientsin and laden by 
it with a cargo of merchandise, left Chef oo, China, for 
Korea on a trading venture. It had on board three 
Americans, the captain, mate, and overseer, two British 
subjects, the supercargo and interpreter, and a crew of 
fifteen or twenty Chinese. The vessel entered the Ta 
Tong River and ascended it to the vicinity of Ping An, 
where a few days afterwards the entire crew were killed 
and the vessel burned. 

The accounts differ as to the circumstances attending 

1 Hifltoire de I'Eglise de Corde, par Ch. DaUet, Paris, 1874 ; Griffis'i 
Corea» Tbe Hermit Kingdom, pp. 373, 577 ; Gondry'i China, 228 ; U. S. 
Dip. Cor. 1868, p. 536 ; 1867, pp. 416, 419-426. 

-"- ~' — "* Tir»"iiiiiMf ■■■ ■ ■afcjii— ^tf-ffifti iM fc j i 'w * '1 — ..-._. 


this event. The Korean government reported that the 
crew provoked an altercation with the people of the 
vicinity which resulted in the death of the crew and 
destruction of the vessel. Another account was that 
the crew were taken prisoners by the governor of the 
province and decapitated by order of the king. Two 
American naval vessels, dispatched in 186G and 1867 to 
the vicinity, brought back the same conflicting reports. 

The vessel was engaged in an illicit trade, as all 
intercourse with foreigners was forbidden by Korean 
law. A most unfavorable time was selected for the voy- 
age, following the massacre of the foreign missionaries 
and the Christians, and when the French government 
was in active preparation for its warlike expedition. 
It was currently reported that one object of the voyage 
was to plunder the tombs of the kings at Ping An, and 
the fact that the schooner was heavily armed lent color 
to this report. This latter fact, in the opinion of Mr. 
Burlingame, may have led the Koreans to confound 
them with the French. 

Two months before the destruction of the General 
Sherman, another American ship, the Surprise, was 
wrecked on the Korean coast. The crew were kindly 
treated by the authorities, transported on horseback and 
with all necessary comforts to the northern frontier, and 
delivered to the Chinese officials. By the lattjeo:. they 
were harshly received and they secured their release only 
through the intervention of a Catholic priest, who was 
presented by Congress with a gold watch for his kind- 
ness, accompanied by the thanks of the President. 

Minister Burlingame reported the case of the General 


Sherman to the American admiral on the Asiatic 8ta- 
tion, with a suggestion that he inquire into the iaeiB 
and report the same to the government at Washing^ton 
for instructions. The case was likewise reported by the 
British minister to the British naval commander. In 
view of these events Mr. Burlingame anticipated that 
a large fleet of French^ American, and British vessels 
would be in Korean waters the next year, and he wrote 
the Secretary of State: '^If my advice can have any 
weight, it will be that our presence there should rather 
restrain than promote aggression, and serve to limit 
action to such satisfaction only as great and civilized 
nations should, under the circumstances, have from the 
ignorant and weak." Unfortunately Mr. Burlingame 
did not remain in the legation, and other counsels pre- 
vailed at Washington. 

The investigations made by the American vessels 
sent by the admiral to Korea did not seem to justify 
any action and none was taken. The same course was 
adopted by the British government. But a year later 
the United States consul-general at Shanghai, Mr. 
George F. Seward, reported to the Secretary of State 
that he had learned of the arrival at Shanghai of a 
Catholic priest and a party of Koreans, who had been 
sent by the Korean government to ascertain if an em- 
bassy would be kindly received if sent to America and 
France to explain and make reparation for the destruc- 
tion of the General Sherman and the murder of the 
French missionaries. His informant, also, told Mr. 
Seward that Korea was ready to make commercial trea- 
ties and open up the country to foreign trade. 




Upon this information the consul-general proposed 
that he be sent to Korea, with a naval force consisting 
of two or more of the men-of-war on the Asiatic sta- 
tion, ^^ to ask for an official explanation of the Sherman 
affair, and to negotiate, if possible, a treaty of amity 
and of commerce." Secretary Fish communicated this 
information to the American minister at Peking, Mr. 
Low, and stated to him that '^ it has been decided to 
aiithorize negotiations to be had with the authorities of 
Corea, for the purpose of securing a treaty for the pro- 
tection of shipwrecked mariners, and to intrust the 
conduct of the negotiations to you. Should the oppor- 
tunity seem favorable for obtaining commercial advan- 
tages in Corea, the proposed treaty should include 
provisions to that effect." Reference has been made 
to the resolution introduced in Congress in 1845, look- 
ing to the opening of trade with Korea (page 142) and 
the subject had been from that date in the mind of the 
government. Mr. Low was instructed " to exercise pru- 
dence and discretion, to maintain firmly the right of 
the United States to have their seamen protected, and 
to avoid a conflict by force unless it cannot be avoided 
without dishonor." He was also informed that the 
admiral in command of the Asiatic squadron had been 
directed to accompany him, ^^with a display of force 
adequate to support the dignity of the United States." 

From the outset Mr. Low manifested a want of confi- 
dence in the expedition, but he entered resolutely upon 
the execution of the instructions of his government. 
Admiral Rodgers and Consul-General Seward were in- 
vited to Peking for conference, and the Chinese gov- 


emment was asked to notify the Korean aathorities of 
the coming of the American minister and the object 
of his visit. The Tsung^U Yamen repUed " that though 
Ciorea is regarded as a country subordinate to China, 
yet she is wholly independent in everything that relates 
to her government^ her religion, her prohibitions, and 
her laws/' and that though the request '^was an ex- 
traordinary favor, quite in excess of usage," the notice 
would be sent. 

On May 30, 1871, the American minister, escorted 
by Admiral Rodgers in his flagship, with four other 
naval vessels, appeared in Korean 'waters near Che* 
mnlpo, the harbor nearest to the capital. Some diffi- 
culty was experienced in finding officials with whom to 
communicate, but notice was given that the misrion of 
the squadron was peaceful, that it would remain in tlie 
vicinity till communication could be had with the king, 
and that meanwhile some of the ships would be sent up 
the channel nearer the capital to make surveys. Two 
days after their arrival, two of the vessels, with four 
steam launches started up the narrow channel leading 
to the city of Kang-wa destroyed by the French, and 
the sea-gate to the capital. Here they were fired upon 
by the Korean forts. The fire was returned by the 
ships and the forts silenced without loss on the part of 
the Americans. 

This action satisfied Mr. Low that the government 
of Korea was determined to resist all intercourse and 
that his mission was a failure. Nothing remained to 
be done, in his opinion, but to prevent this attack from 
being construed into a defeat of the ^^ barbarians " and 

^Mi^^l^— M^a^»<iM*— H>i*^*i" I ■ ■ "I 


from injuring American prestige in China. It ^ 
decided to demand from the local authorities an apo- 
logy for this attack^ and, in its default, to inflict some 
exemplary punishment. On June 10, ten days having 
expired without the receipt of the requisite apology, a 
force of seven hundred and fifty men was landed from 
the squadron and destroyed the forts which had fired 
upon the vessels, it having heen determined to confine 
the punitive operations to them. 

The loss of the Americans was three killed and nine 
wounded. Among the killed was Lieutenant McKee, 
who in the assault was the first to mount the parapet 
and leap inside the fort. His father had fallen in the 
Mexican war at the head of his men.^ Mr. Low reports 
that ^^ about two hundred and fifty of the enemy's dead 
were counted lying on the field, fifty flags, and several 
prisoners of war were captured and brought away. . . . 
All accounts concur in the statement that the Coreans 
fought with desperation, rarely equaled and never ex* 
celled by any people." Such is the record of America's 
first contact with the Hermit Kingdom. 

During the interval between the first attack and the 
assault upon the forts, some interesting correspond* 
ence had taken place between the Korean officials and 
Minister Low. Two days after the first firing upon 
the vessels the governor of the province sent him a 

1 " In the ehapel of the Nayal Academy at Annapolb, a tasteful mural 
tablet 'erected by his brother nayal officers of the Asiatic squadron,' with 
the nayal emblems — sword, belt, anchor, and glory-wreath — in medal- 
lion, and inscription on a shield beneath, keeps green the memory of an 
unselfish patriot and a gallant officer.** Griffis's Corea, Hie Hermit 
dom, 41S. 


communication protesting against the armed vessels en- 
tering into the narrow strait whose passage was gpiarded 
by forts. He says : ^^ Our kingdom is placed east of 
the Eastern sea. Your honored country is located west 
of the Western ocean. All wind and sands for the 
extent of 70^000 li. For four thousand years there has 
been no communication between your country and ours. 
It may be said that it is Heaven's limitation that has 
placed us so remote from each other, and earth that 
has hung us so far apart as to cut us off from each 
other. . . . There has formerly been not a particle of 
ill feeling between us. Why should arms now drag us 
into mutual resentment ? If you ask us to negotiate 
and carry our friendly relations, then let me ask how 
can four thousand years' ceremonies, music, literature, 
and all things, be, without sufficient reason, broken up 
and cast away ? ... It would be better early to make 
out a right course of action and each remain peacefully 
in his own place. We inform you that you may ponder 
and be enlightened." Wisely did Mr. Low conclude 
that further negotiation with such a people, either by 
diplomacy or the cannon, would be of no avail. 

On his return to China the minister felt it his duty 
to report to the Department of State that the informa- 
tion upon which Secretary Fish had ordered the expedi- 
tion was entirely without foundation. ^^ I feel bound 
to say," he wrote, ^^ that the consul-general's informant 
fabricated, for ulterior and base purposes, the infor^ 
mation embodied in the dispatches before referred to. 
There is no reason to suppose that it contained the 
least shadow of truth." The President in his annual 



message of 1871 reported the facts to Congress^ with 
copies of the correspondence^ and said^ ^^ I leave the sub- 
ject for such action as Congress may see fit to take/' 
But there was no further action^ as none could properly 
be taken respecting an unwarranted enterprise so injudi- 
ciously inaugurated, which placed the American minis- 
ter and the navy in a false light before the world, and 
which may be regarded as the most serious blunder of 
American diplomacy in the Orient.^ 

The official record is sufficiently humiliating to Amer- 
icans, but a vein of the ludicrous is given to it when 
it is learned from Consul-General Seward's reports that 
his informant was an American adventurer named 
Jenkins, who had misled him deliberately to cover 
an unlawful expedition which he was then organizing 
in conjunction with a French priest and a German 
described by Mr. Seward as a Hamburg citizen and 
referred to by historians of the country as a ^^ Jewish 
peddler." The priest joined the expedition in the 
hope that it might be the means of opening the coun- 
try to missions, he having been expelled from it. Mr. 
Seward says the expedition had ^^for its object to 
exhume the remains of a dead sovereign, and to hold 
the bones for profit." 

The money to charter and arm a vessel flying the 
German flag was furnished by Jenkins. The German, 
who had made several surreptitious visits to Korea, 
directed the movement. With a crew of Chinese and 

1 U. 8. Dip. Cor. 1867, pt. i. 414, 427, 459 ; 1868, pt. i. 544-^1 ; 
^or. Rel. 1870, pp. 33a-539. 362 ; 1871, pp. 73, 111, 116, 127-149 ; 1874, 
p. 254 ; 7 Presidents' Messages, 145, Ex. Doo. 1 pt 3, 42d Cong. 2d 
Sett. 275 ; Griffis' Corea, 391-^95 ; 503-419 ; Gundry's China, 24a 


Manila-men a descent was made on the Korean coast 
and the locality of the tomb reached. The earth was 
removed from the mound^ but the sarcophagus was 
found to be too strong for the shovels and other instru* 
ments carried by the workmen. On the return of the 
armed party to the vessel, one of the crew captured a 
calf, and was carrying it away when he was attacked 
by the natives and a general conflict followed, result- 
ing in the loss of some of the crew and the killing of 
a number of the Koreans. This action defeated the 
object of the expedition and the party returned to 
Shanghai, where Mr. Seward caused the arrest and trial 
of Jenkins, on the charge of fitting out a hostile oqpe- 
dition. He was acquitted upon a Scotch verdict of 
^^ not proven," but Mr. Seward states that there was no 
question of his guilty connection with the disgraceful 

Just before the massacre of the French and native 
Christians in 1866 a Russian man-of-war appeared off 
Gensan, a port on the eastern side of the peninsula, 
and demanded the right to trade, but the request was 
refused. In 1869 the German minister to Japan made 
a visit to the Japanese settlement at Fusan, and sought 
through a Japanese, whom he had brought on his ship, 
to open negotiations ; but the Korean authorities not 
only refused to receive the proposals, but threatened to 
break off all relations with the Japanese settlement if 
the effort was persisted in; whereupon the minister 
quietly returned to his post at Tokio. 

1 U. S. Dip. Cor. 1868, pt L 548 ; For. Bel. 1870, p. 337 ; 6ri£Qi't 
Corea, cbap. xly. 



The visits of the French and American squadrons 
and their withdrawal without accomplishing their pur- 
pose were mterpreted by the Koreans as great military 
triumphs, and made them even more determined in 
their policy of exclusion over the foreigners. For some 
years after these events the Western powers desisted 
from further attempts to hold intercourse with them. 
The Japanese, after the reinstatement of the Mikado 
in power, made an effort to have the former relations 
between the two governments reestablished, with a 
renewal of the Korean embassies and tribute, but the 
effort was haughtily rejected by the Koreans, influ- 
enced, it is believed, to this course by the Chinese. 
Further attempts which were made to establish inter- 
course were futile, and the Japanese settlement at 
Fusan on the southern end of the peninsula was greatly 
restricted in its privileges. The Japanese were incensed 
at this treatment, and a large party in the country 
looked forward hopefully to another conflict with their 
neighbors which might bring them again under subjec- 
tion to the Island Empire. 

An opportunity to realize their hopes seemed to offer 
itself in 1875, when a Japanese man-of-war, cruising 
along the coast, was attacked by the same forts which 
had been the scene of conflict with the French and 
American squadrons. Japan seemed ready to declare 
war, but more sober counsels prevailed, and it was 
determined first to send a mission to Korea and solicit 
a treaty of intercourse and commerce. If such a treaty 
should be refused, war was to follow. An able repre* 
sentative was sent to Peking to notify the Chinese 


government of the purpose of Japan in dispatching a 
mission to Korea, and to ascertain whether its sozeraixi 
authority would be infringed by this act The CSiinese 
goyernment, fearing it miTht be held responsible for 
the acts of Korea against the French and Americans, 
disclaimed any control oyer that kingdom in its treaty 
relations, which left Japan free to pursue its plans. 

The mission, consisting of a prominent general of 
the army and Inouye E^aoru, an experienced statesman^ 
was accompanied by two men-of-war and three trans- 
ports carrying a force of eight hundred marines. The 
squadron anchored in the same waters as their French 
and American predecessors. Acting upon the advice 
of the Chinese government, the Korean king sent a 
deputation to meet the Japanese commissioners and 
with little delay a treaty of amity and commerce was 
signed, February 27, 1876, Korea being unwilling to 
risk a conflict with its more powerful neighbor by a 
further refusal of intercourse. 

By the terms of the treaty the independence of 
Korea was recognized, three Korean ports were to be 
opened to Japanese trade, and a diplomatic minister 
was to reside at Seoul, the capital. The Korean com- 
missioners during the negotiations made it clear that 
the treaty was to be confined in its application to 
Japan and that all Western nations were to be excluded 
from its benefits. They also pleaded with the Japa- 
nese to exert their influence to prevent strangers from 
a distance attempting to visit their country. The same 
spirit was shown in the dispatch of the Korean embassy 
to Tokio after the signature of the treaty. It came, as 

iiiM«K^M ■ — 


similar Korean embassies had come eenturies before^ 
with great display of barbaric splendor^ the ambassador 
being borne on a platform covered with tiger skins, 
and resting on the shoulders of eight men, with a 
servant bearing an umbrella of state over his head. 
During his stay in Japan he resisted all attempts of 
foreigners, officials or others, to have any intercourse 
with him. The treaty was rather a renewal of the 
ancient relations, than a manifestation of any disposi- 
tion to open the country to foreign intercourse.^ 

Encouraged, however, by the success of the Japa- 
nese, various European nations continued their efiEorts 
to communicate with the government at Seoul. A 
British vessel was wrecked on the island of Quelpart in 
1878, and the Koreans rescued the crew, salved the 
cargo, provided transportation for both to Nagasaki, 
and refused to accept any compensation for their ser^ 
vices. Taking advantage of this event, the British 
secretary of legation at Tokio was sent in a British 
naval vessel, ostensibly to make formal acknowledg- 
ment of this worthy conduct, but with instructions to 
establish permanent intercourse with the Korean au- 
thorities, if possible ; but his mission to that end was a 

Other attempts followed in 1880 and 1881. Russian, 
British, and French naval vessels touched at different 
ports, and sought to communicate with the authorities 

^ Leading Men of Japan, bj Charles Lanman, New York, 18S3, pp. 
366-dS6 ; Griffis's Corea, 420-423 ; U. S. For. Rel. 1876, pp. 370, 376 ; 
Gandry's China, 244 ; Problems of the Far East, by George N. Corxon, 
1896, p. 191. 



at Seoul^ but all their applications were firmly declined. 
The Duke of G^noa, making a tour of the world in an 
Italian man-of-war^ touched at Fusan^ hoping through 
the Japanese agents at that settlement to effect some 
communication with the king^ but the local officials re- 
fused to receive or forward his letters. Not discouraged^ 
he went to Gensan, and spent some time in the harbor 
of Port Lazareff, establishing pleasant relations with 
the local authorities. He threatened that unless they 
transmitted his letter to the king at the capital he would 
land a force of marines and send it by them ; but the 
most he could accomplish was to have the prefect of 
the port make a copy of his letter^ with the promise to 
send it with his report of the visit to the governor c£ 
the province.^ 

But notwithstanding this outward show of a fixed 
determination to keep the ^^ Land of the Morning Calm " 
in strict seclusion, influences were at work which were 
destined to bring about a change in the policy of the 
government. Members of the embassy to Japan, after 
seeing the advance of that country under foreign influ- 
ence, had returned vdth modified views as to the true 
interests of their people. The presence at Seoul of 
Japanese and Chinese diplomatic officials and of sol- 
diers armed and drilled in Western style were affording 
an insight, even though imperfect, of the benefits of 
modem civilization. 

In 1881 a Korean attached to the Chinese legation 
in Japan sent a notable memorial to the king, which 
attracted great attention at the court of Seoul. He 

^ U. S. For. Rel. 1879, p. 612 ; Griffis's Corea, 426, 428 ; Gundiy's 
China, 245. 


pointed out that the most threatening danger to his 
country was from Russia^ and that it should abandon 
its seclusion and look for friends among the Western 
nations as well as China and Japan. Of these nations, 
he said, the one most friendly to Asiatic countries was 
the United States, and he urged the king to secure its 
friendship by a treaty. The memorial reached the cap- 
ital at a favorable time, as a change of administration 
had brought liberal advisers into power. On the re- 
turn of the author to Seoul, delegates were sent to 
Tientsin to confer with the viceroy Li Hung Chang, 
who at that time was directing the foreign policy of 
China. That shrewd statesman readily saw that Korea 
could not maintain its policy of seclusion, and he en- 
couraged the plan of a treaty with the United States. 

The failure of the ill-advised expedition of 1871 had 
not discouraged the government at Washington, and it 
still cherished the hope of securing a commercial foot- 
hold in the kingdom. In 1878 Senator Sargent, of 
California, introduced a resolution requesting the Presi- 
dent to ^^ appoint a commissioner to represent this coun- 
try in an effort to arrange, by peaceful means, ... a 
treaty of peace and commerce between the United States 
and the kingdom of Corea." In a speech which he 
made on this resolution the senator justified the action 
of the Koreans respecting the General Sherman, and 
condemned the attacks upon the forts by the navy in 
1871. Although no formal action was taken on the 
resolution, the following year Commodore R. W. Shu- 
feldt was dispatched in a naval vessel to the China 
seas^ with instructions to make, if possible, a treaty with 


Korea. He visited Fosan in 1880 in an effort to exe- 
cute his instructions^ and met with the same refusal 
that other foreign officials had experienced. But the 
American legation in Peking had received intimations 
of the change of sentiment in the Korean court, and 
Commodore Shuf eldt was temporarily detached from sea 
service and ordered to report to the minister at the 
Chinese capital, with the object of studying the situa- 
tion of affairs, so that he might be prepared to take 
advantage of any favorable opportunity which should 
present itself in Korea. 

The commodore spent the winter of 1881-2 in P^ 
king, and by March it became known to the legation 
through Li Hung Chang that the Korean government 
was willing to enter into a treaty with the United 
States. As soon as the season would permit, steps 
were taken to make ready a naval vessel, and on May 
7 Commodore Shufeldt in a United States man-of-war 
arrived at Chemulpo, with full power to negotiate and 
sign a treaty. He was accompanied by three Chinese 
naval vessels bearing Chinese commissioners, likewise 
authorized to make a treaty on behalf of China. Both 
parties being of the same mind as to the general object, 
little time was required to agree upon the details. On 
May 24, 1882, a ^^ treaty of peace, amity, commerce and 
navigation " between the United States and the king- 
dom of Korea was signed, with simple ceremonies, in a 
temporary pavilion on the shore opposite the anchorage 
of the commodore's vessel, and the ^^ Hermit Kingdom" 
of the East entered into the family of nations under the 
auspices of the young republic of the West. 



Commodore Shuf eldt had, at the date of the signing 
of the treaty, served forty-three years in the navy, dur- 
ing which he had performed important duties m connec- 
tion with the slave trade and in the Civil War. This 
diplomatic mission did not come to him by chance, but 
he, like Perry, was selected for it because of his fitness 
to perform its duties. He had discharged with credit 
a diplomatic trust in Mexico during the Civil War, and 
had made himself conversant with Korean affairs by 
two previous visits to that country. His last diplomatic 
success added another worthy page to the history of 
the peaceful achievements of the American navy. 

By the terms of the treaty the United States was ad- 
mitted to trade in the three ports akeady opened to the 
Japanese, and to such as might be afterwards opened to 
foreign commerce ; diplomatic and consular officers were 
to be received; provision was made for the case of ship- 
wrecked vessels, and other usual stipulations of com- 
mercial treaties ; traffic in opium was prohibited ; and 
exterritorial jurisdiction was given to American consuls, 
— but the following provision was inserted : " When- 
ever the king of Chosen shall have so far modified and 
reformed the statutes and judicial procedure of his 
kingdom that, in the judgment of the United States, 
they conform to the laws and course of justice in the 
United States, the right of exterritorial jurisdiction 
over United States citizens in Chosen shall be aban- 
doned ; " and the two countries were to be open to the 
residence respectively of the citizens and subjects of 
ihe other to pursue their callings and avocations.^ 

* For Sargent resolution and speech, 7 Coog. Bee. pt iii. pp. 2324^ 


A leading London journal^ in announcing the sign- 
ing of the American-Korean treaty^ recalled the feat 
accomplished thirty years before by Perry, who, ^ ovei^ 
coming obstacles which had baffled almost every Euro- 
pean nation, and without firing a shot, or leaving ill* 
feeUng behind, succeeded in opening Japan to foreign 
intercourse/' and said : ^^ The conclusion of a treaty 
between the United States and Corea adds another to 
the peaceful successes of American diplomacy in the far 
East." And so it has resulted that the establishment of 
intercourse with the Western world through the United 
States has been regarded by the Koreans as a recogni- 
tion of the disinterested friendship of that country. 

The signatiure of the treaty was soon followed by the 
arrival of an American minister, Mr. Lucius H* Foote, 
who was received by the king with much distinction 
and cordiality, and likewise by the queen, who also re- 
ceived the minister's wife. This conduct was in marked 
contrast with that of Japan even, whose sovereign was 
not accessible to foreign representatives till fourteen 
years after the Perry treaty, and still more with that of 
China, which delayed similar intercourse for a quarter 
of a century after its treaties with the West. 

The reception of the American minister was promptly 
followed by the dispatch of a special embassy to the 
United States, consisting of two Koreans of high rank 
with a suitable suite, who were transported from Korea 

2600. For treaty, Treaties of U. S. 216 ; Commodore Shnfeldt'a Report, 
May 29, 1882, MSS. Department of State ; 8 Presidents' Messages, 111 ; 
Griffis's Corea, 428-435 ; Cnraon's Far East, 202 ; Gondiy's China, 247; 
Appleton's Annual Cjdopedia, 1882, p. 175. 

■I^M^a^— fc— — — i— Mi^^.BJ*— IM^^H^a^ ■! I* 


and returned home in United States naval vessels^ after 
being received with great attention by the President and 
the American people. The king manifested to Minister 
Foote his high appreciation of the distinguished re- 
ception his representatives had received ; and the first 
ambassador, in making similar acknowledgment on his 
return, said : ^^ I was born in the dark ; I went out into 
the light, and now I have returned into the dark 
again ; I cannot as yet see my way clearly^ but I hope 
to soon." 

The year after the negotiation of the American treaty 
simikr conventions were signed by the representatives 
of Great Britain and Germany. There was, however, 
in the British treaty a notable variance from its stipu- 
lations with China, as it prohibited the importation of 
opium into Korea.^ 

The dispatch of the special embassy to the United 
States was the only representation to any Western nation 
until the year 1887, when it was announced that a min- 
ister plenipotentiary had been appointed to the United 
States, and one other to represent Korea at all the 
European courts with which the country had treaties. 
This was at once followed by an interdiction on the 
part of China, on the ground that Korea was a vassal 
state, and that such a step could not be taken without 
first obtaining the consent of the emperor. Before the 
signature of the treaty with the United States in 1882, 
a letter from the king of Korea to the President was 

1 U. S. For. Rel. 1883, pp. 241-245, 248-250 ; 1884, pp. 125, 126 ; 8 
Presidents* Messages, 174 ; Lanman's Leading Men of Japan, 886 ; Gnn- 
dry'i China, 253, 254 ; GrifBs's Corea, 446, 447. 


handed to Commodore Shuf eldt, in which it was stated 
that ^^ Chosen has been from ancient times a state tribnr 
tary to China/' but that the United States had no con- 
cern with this relation, and that he entered into the 
treaty as an independent sovereign, and on terms of 
equality. And upon negotiating treaties with other 
Western powers a similar notification was given. 

The attitude of China in this respect has been most 
inconsistent. When the French government was pro- 
posing to call Korea to account in 1866 for the execu- 
tion of the Catholic missionaries, the Tsung-li Yamen 
explicitly disavowed any responsibility for the acts of 
Korea, and stated that in its relations with other nations 
it was entirely independent. The same attitude was 
assumed by China when the Japanese treaty was made 
in 1876 and the American treaty in 1882. An attempt 
had been made by treaty between China and Japan in 
1885 to regulate their conflicting relations as to Korea. 
While denying responsibility for the acts of that gov- 
ernment towards foreign powers, China was constantly 
seeking to control its intercourse with them. 

The king of Korea, alarmed lest China should make 
his action a pretext for war, sent a bumble petition to 
the emperor asking for his gracious approval of the 
appointment of the two ministers to the United States 
and Europe, at the same time assuring the American 
representative at Seoul that he was resolved to send 
them. The emperor gave his approval, but through li 
Hung Chang the king was notified that he must ap- 
point only ministers resident, or of the third class, so 
as to be lower in rank than the Chinese representative ; 



that the Korean minister mast apply through the latter 
for audience ; and that he must in all important mat- 
ters of his mission consult secretly with his Chinese 

Secretary Bayard instructed the American minister 
in Peking to protest against the action of China^ and 
gave notice to both governments that ^^ as the United 
States have no privity with the interrelations of China 
and Corea, we shall treat both as separate governments 
customarily represented here by their respective and 
independent agents." The conditions fixed by Li Hung 
Chang were ignored by the Korean king and minis- 
ter ; the latter was received at Washington without the 
intervention of the Chinese minister; and no further 
question has been raised with the United States on the 
subject; but not until the war with Japan in 1894- 
1895 did China absolutely withdraw her claim of suze- 

The friendly disposition of the Korean government 
towards the United States was evinced soon after the 
treaty in various ways besides the exchange of diplo- 
matic courtesies. The year following the reception of 
the minister, Dr. H. N. Allen,' a medical missionary of 
the Presbyterian church of the United States, arrived. 
He was kindly received by the king and placed in 

1 U. S. For. Bel. 1888, pp. 220-248, 380, 433-444, 453 ; 1894, Appen- 
dix i. 29 ; Canon's Far East, 203. 

' Dr. Allen has continued bia residence in Korea np to tbe present 
time, and has so impressed his own goyemment, as well as that of Korea, 
with his nsefalness and pmdence, that he has bj two presidents been 
appointed the minister of tbe United States, and now holds that post with 
maeh aoeeptabilitj. 


charge of a government hospital — a new institation for 
Korea — organized by himself. Two other Amerioan 
physicians joined him^ and a medical school in connec- 
tion with the hospital was organized. An American 
female medical missionary became the physician to the 
queen and ladies of the court. An American farm was 
established^ with the introduction of blooded stock and 
instruction in the cultivation of foreign cereals and 
vegetables. The government solicited the detail of 
American military officers for the reorganization of the 
army, an American was selected as diplomatic adviser 
to the foreign office, schools under American teachers 
were established, and in other ways preference was 
shown for American aid to the government and people 
in the transformation which had commenced.' 

The American treaty of 1882 and those of Great 
Britain and Germany of 1883 were similar in their 
general features to those made with China in 1858, but 
they contained one important omission : the guarantee 
of religious freedom. This, however, did not deter 
Christian missionaries from entering the country, and 
the king gave Minister Foote to understand that mis- 
sion hospitals and schools would be tacitly permitted, 
and the work of both the CathoHc and Protestant mis- 
sionaries was quietly prosecuted with the knowledge of 
the government. 

France had made earnest efforts to secure a treaty 
stipulation of religious toleration, and because of the 
refusal of Korea on this point no treaty was made by 

1 U. S. For. ReL 18S5, pp. 347, 353; 1886, p. 222; 1887, p. 253; 
8 FresidenU' MeoMges, 269, 330 ; Griffis's Corea, 447» 450-453. 


that .government till 1886, when it secured the inser- 
tion of the following clause in its treaty of that date : 
'^Frenchmen resorting to Corea for the purpose of 
there studying or teaching the written or spoken kn- 
guage, sciences, laws or arts, shall in testimony of the 
sentiment of good friendship which animate the high 
contracting parties always receive aid and assistance." 
In 1888 the American minister was notified by the 
Korean government that '' teaching religion and open- 
ing schools of any kind are not authorized by the 
treaty/' and that the government would ^^not allow 
reKgion taught to our people," and the minister was 
asked to advise his countrymen to observe this prohibi- 

Secretary Bayard held that, in the absence of know- 
ledge of how the French and Korean governments con- 
strued the clause above cited, Americans could not claim 
a warrant for religious teaching among the natives from 
the terms of the French treaty. But the French gov- 
ernment and the Catholic missionaries did claim such 
warrant, and despite the protest of the Korean govern- 
ment they have successfully maintained this claim. As 
a result American and other foreign missionaries have 
continued their labors, and they have been attended 
with a fair degree of success.^ 

From the time that Japan, after the restoration of 
the Mikado in 1868, requested the Koreans to resume 
their ancient tributary relation, a continuous effort was 

' U. S. For. Rel. 18S4, p. 127 ; 1886, p. 222 ; 1888, pp. 446-449 ; Gmi- 
dzy's Chins, 255 ; Report on Korean Mission, by Rev. A. J. Brown, F^et- 
l»7ierian Board, New York, 1002, p. 7. 


made by the Japanese to secure a pTedominatiiig influ- 
ence in the kingdom. This was strenuously resisted by 
the Chinese^ and^ as a result, the court of Seoul was the 
scene of constant intrigues and the overthrow of min- 
istries, marked by violence and barbarity. Twice was 
the Japanese representative driven from Seoul by armed 
force and his legation premises destroyed. As already 
noticed, these conflicts were sought to be avoided by 
the treaty negotiated at Tientsin in 1885 by li Hung 
Chang and Marqms Ito, but the intrigues and disorder 
continued and had their culmination in the Chinese* 
Japanese war of 1894. 

The causes and details of that war cannot be here 
narrated further than as they relate to the connection 
of the United States with that momentous contest.^ 

In June, 1894, a considerable body of Chinese troops 
were sent to Korea for the alleged purpose of putting 
down a rebellion which was threatening the overthrow 
of the Korean government. This action, claimed by 
Japan to have been in violation of the treaty of 1885, 
was followed by the dispatch of a force of Japanese 
troops which occupied Seoul, and its seaport, and forti- 
fied the connecting route. In the mean time the rebel* 
lion had been suppressed, and the king of Korea 

* For caases of war, VTilliams's Hist. China, 437-444 ; Griffis's Corea, 
460-462 ; The People and Polities of the Far East, by Henry Normaiiv 
New York, 1895, pp. 35^-^66 ; Cnrzon's Far East, 196-208 ; The ChinA- 
Japan War, by ** Vladimir/' London, 1896, pt i. chap. iii. and Appendix 
B ; Heroic Japan, A History of the War between China and Japan, by 
F. W. Eastlake and Yamada Yosbi Aki, London, 1899, pp. i.-ix* and 
ohap. i. ; History of War between China and Japan, by J. Inonye, 08ak% 
1895, chaps, i. and ii. ; U. S. For. BeL 1894, Appendix i. pp. 5-2& 



requested the withdrawal of the troops of both nations. 
The Chinese expressed a willingness to withdraw eon- 
correntlj with the Japanese. The latter declined until 
Korea should adopt such reforms in government as 
would prevent further disorders. The king, greatly 
alarmed lest his country should become the theatre of 
war, appealed to the resident representatives of foreign 
powers to secure the withdrawal of the troops. 

Mr. Gresham, the Secretary of State, in view of the 
provision in the treaty between the United States and 
Korea which pledged the United States to exert its 
good offices to bring about an amicable settlement of 
trouble with other powers, sent a telegraphic instruction 
to the American minister at Seoul '^ to use every possi- 
ble effort for the preservation of peaceful conditions." 
In execution of this instruction the minister, acting in 
concert with his diplomatic colleagues, resubmitted the 
proposal of the king of Korea for a simultaneous with- 
drawal of troops to the Chinese and Japanese repre- 
sentatives, as an honorable adjustment of the difficulty; 
but the Japanese again declined the proposal. 

The king, upon this second refusal, being satisfied 
that Japan meditated war, telegraphed his minister in 
Washington that his independence was seriously men- 
aced and directed him to appeal to the United States to 
intervene in favor of peace; and he in person asked 
the American minister in Seoul to allow him to take 
refuge in his legation in case of necessity, which per- 
mission the minister cheerfully granted. Early in July 
the Chinese government asked the American minister 
at Peking to telegraph the Secretary of State in its 


name to take the initiatiye in urging the powero to 
unite in a request to Japan to withdraw its troops from 
Korea. Moved by these appeals and by the natural 
inclination of his goyemment to do all that was pn^per 
to preserve peace between nations friendly to the United 
States^ Secretary Gresham had an interview with the 
Japanese minister in Washington^ in which he referred 
to the appeals which had been made to his government 
by Korea and China, and he expressed the hope that 
Japan would deal kindly and fairly with her feeble 
neighbor, whose helplessness enlisted the sympathy of 
the American government, and he said that the ap- 
parent determinatdon to engage in war on Korean soil 
was nowhere more regretted than in the United States. 
The Japanese minister said that his government reoc^ 
nized the independence of Korea and did not covet its 
territory, but that the recent troubles had been caused 
by maladministration and official corruption, and that 
the Japanese troops would not be withdrawn until 
needed reforms in the domestic administration of Korea 
had been made. 

On July 8 the British ambassador waited upon Sec- 
retary Gresham, by direction of his government, to as- 
certain whether the United States would unite with 
Great Britain in an intervention to avert war between 
China and Japan. Mr. Gresham's reply was that hia 
government could not intervene otherwise than as a 
friendly neutral ; that it had already done so with Ja- 
pan ; that the President did not feel authorized to go 
further; and that the United States could not join 
another power even in a friendly intervention. 

■h»aaWfcMai—i^^»^i^—i*lr*»lMM^—MMI**" ■ " ■■■» 


The efforts of the United States to prevent hostili- 
ties were not successful, but the appeals of Korea and 
China and the kindly manner in which the intervention 
was received by Japan accentuated the high estimate 
by these three Asiatic powers of the disinterested pol- 
icy of the American government. When the war was 
declared, a still further evidence of the confidence of 
these powers was shown in the request of Japan to 
intrust the archives and property of its legation and 
consulates and the interests of its subjects in China to 
the care of the United States minister and consuls, and 
in a similar request from China for a like service by the 
American minister and consuls towards the archives, 
property, and subjects of China in Japan. This service 
entailed a considerable amount of labor of a delicate 
and sometimes embarrasdng character, but it was dis- 
charged cheerfully, gratuitously, and to the satisfaction 
of the two interested countries.^ 

Out of this service there arose during the war a case 
which attracted widespread attention and severe criti- 
cism of the American Secretary of State in certain quar- 
ters. Two Japanese youths were arrested in the French 
section of the foreign concession of Shanghai on the 
charge of being spies. They were by the French consul 
turned over to the custody of the American consul- 
general, on the ground that he had charge of the inter- 
ests of Japanese subjects. The Chinese government 
demanded their surrender, which the consul-general 

^ For efforto at intenrentiony XT. S. For. BeL 1S94» Appendix i. pp. 
22-39. For good offices to Chinese and Japanese, U. S. For. Bel. 1S91| 
pp. 06»872. 


declined to grant unless instraoted so to do by his 

The two Japanese were stadents and had been resi- 
dents of the French concession for three years ; when 
arrested they were wearing Chinese dress, which is con- 
trary to the treaty between China and Japan ; and on 
their persons were found maps and memoranda respect- 
ing the war. The consul-general reported that, while 
papers in their possession seemed to lend a certain sup- 
port to the charge, they were mere boys, and he did 
not believe they were g^ty* He feared that if he 
turned them over to the Chinese authorities, in the ex- 
cited state of the country, they would not receive a fair 
trial, might be subjected to torture, and would surety 
be beheaded. It was stated that during the Franco- 
Chinese war, the Russian consul having charge of French 
interests, exercised jurisdiction over citizens charged 
with crime by the Chinese authorities. 

Secretary Gresham held that the good offices of 
American officials in China during the war did not war- 
rant granting the Japanese an asylum against the Chir 
nese authorities, that they were not entitled to exterri- 
torial privileges, and that they were subject to trial and 
punishment by the Chinese tribunals. He, therefore^ 
directed their delivery to the Chinese officials. The 
consul-general reported that after their delivery to the 
Chinese they were detained two weeks, tried, declared 
guilty as spies, and decapitated. 

The unconditional surrender of the Japanese stu- 
dents was against the better judgment of Mr. Charles 
Denby, Jr., charg^ of the American legation, and of Mr. 


Jernigan, the consul-general, and was almost universally 
condemned by the foreign residents of China. A Euro- 
pean historian of the war declares '^ it was the greatest 
disgrace that ever sullied the American flag." Such 
sweeping condemnation is based upon the supposed in- 
nocence of the accused and the rumors current at the 
time that they were cruelly tortured on the trial. But 
it is clear that a Chinese tribunal was the only one 
which could legally pass upon their guilt ; and the con- 
sul-general reported that the most authentic information 
he could obtain was that they were not tortured. Sec- 
retary Gresham was correct in his action, and he was 
assured by the Japanese minister that, in the opinion 
of his government, the consul-general at Shanghai could 
not have • held the accused against the demand of the 
Chinese authorities, and that under like circumstances 
his government would have demanded the surrender for 
trial of Chinese in Japan.^ 

As the war progressed and the Japanese forces were 
triumphant on land and sea, both China and the Euro- 
pean powers began to fear the wide-reaching results for 
the victors. In October, 1894, the British representa- 
tive in Washington again approached the Secretary of 
State with the inquiry ^' whether the government of the 
United States would be willing to join with England, 
Crermany, France, and Russia in intervening between 
China and Japan." The Tsung-li Yamen, through Min- 
ister Denby, made a similar advance. Mr. Gresham's 
reply was that ^^ while the President earnestly desires 

^ U. S. For. Rel. 1894, pp. 103-126 ; << YUdimir's " ChinapJapAa War, 
114-116, abd Appendix K 


that China and Japan shall speedily agree upon tenm 
of peace alike honorable to both, and not hmniliatiDg 
to Korea/' he could not join the powers in an interven- 

President Cleveland felt, however, that the United 
States should exert its influence for peace, and he de- 
cided to make an independent effort in that direction. 
On November 6 the Secretary of State instructed the 
American minister in Tokio to represent to the Japa- 
nese government that while the deplorable war endan- 
gered no policy of the United States, whose attitude 
towards the belligerents was that of an impartial and 
friendly neutral, desiring the welfare of both, and 
cherishing the most friendly sentiments towards Japan, 
the President directed him to ascertain whether a 
tender of his good ofices in the interest of peace 
would be acceptable to that government. He was also 
instructed to convey the caution, which soon after 
became a humiliating reality, that ^^if the struggle 
continues without check to Japan's military operations, 
it is not improbable that other powers having interests 
in that quarter may demand a settlement not favorable 
to Japan's future security and well-being." The reply 
of Japan to this overture was that it appreciated the 
amicable sentiments which prompted the United States, 
but that the universal success of the arms of Japan 
seemed to relieve its government of the necessity of 
resorting to the cooperation of friendly powers for 
a cessation of hostilities; that it would not press its 
victories beyond the limits which would guarantee to it 
the just and reasonable fruits of the war; but that 



those limits would not be reached until China herself 
should approach Japan directly for peace. 

This declination was followed on the same date by a 
request from Japan to the American minister that in 
the event of China desiring to communicate with Ja- 
pan upon the subject of peace^ it should be done 
through the legation of the United States at Peking. 
The intimation was favorably and promptly acted upon 
by the Chinese government, as within two days Minis- 
ter Denby was authorized to transmit direct to Japan 
overtures for peace. This step led to the assurance 
from Japan that a peace commission appointed by 
China would be received in a friendly spirit. 

In December, 1894, a peace commission, consisting 
of Chang Yen Huan,^ former minister to the United 
States and a member of the Tsung-li Yamen, and Shao 
Yu-lien, a provincial governor, was appointed, and 

^ Chang's residence in the United States, where he was held in high 
esteem, convinced him that China's great need was reform in govemment 
in accordance with VSTestem civilization, and on his return to China 
he hecame a leading member of the liberal section in Chinese politics. 
He was a trusted adviser of the emperor in his reform movement after 
the Japanese war, and when the empress dowager virtually dethroned 
the emperor and resumed the control of the government, Chang was con- 
demned to decapitation on the charge of malfeasance in office as an 
adviser of the throne. The American and British ministers inter- 
Tened to save his life, and his punishment was commuted to perpetual 
banishment at hard labor in distant Mongolia. When the reaction- 
ary party was in the ascendancy in 1900, and the foreign legations be- 
sieged, the empress dowager caused him to be beheaded. His death was 
a great loss to China, as he was a liberal and enlightened statesman and 
oonld have rendered his country valuable service in the trying period 
following the ** Boxer " movement. At the suggestion of the American 
government, Chang has recently been posthumously restored to his honors 
and the disgrace attaching to his eiecntion removed from bis family. 


reached Hiroshima, Japan, the place dengnated for the 
conference, in January, 1895. After meeting with the 
Japanese commissioners it was decided by the latter 
that the Chinese credentials were not in proper form, 
the conferences were closed, and the Chinese commis- 
sioners sent out of the country. The objection to the 
credentials was purely technical, and the Chinese com- 
missioners offered to have the defect corrected by tele- 
graph to suit the views of the Japanese, but the offer 
was rejected. The true cause for the failure of these 
negotiations is most probably found in the fact that a 
formidable expedition was then ready to sail for die re- 
duction of the fortress of Wei-hai*wei and the capture 
of the Chinese navy, and the Japanese did not choose 
to settle upon the terms of peace till this important 
expedition had accomplished its purpose. 

After the capture of Wei-hai-wei, Japan let it be 
understood through the American legation that it 
would receive Li Hung Chang, who had been nomi- 
nated peace commissioner, and on March 19 he landed 
at Shimonoseki, Japan, with a numerous suite. He 
was here met by Marquis Ito, prime minister, and 
Count Mutsu, minister of foreign affairs, and after 
negotiations continuing through four weeks, terms of 
peace were agreed upon and a treaty signed. Its lead- 
ing features were the recognition of the complete inde- 
pendence of Korea and the abandonment of all tribute 
and vassal ceremonies to China, the cession of the liao- 
tung Peninsula, Formosa, and the Pescadores Islands 
to Japan, the payment of a war indemnity of two 
hundred million taels, the opening of four new ports 


by China, and the granting of other commercial privi* 

Soon after the war closed the emperor of Japan sent 
an autograph letter to the President of the United 
States, in which he expressed his cordial thanks for the 
friendly offices extended to his subjects in China by 
which they were on many occasions afforded succor 
and relief, and for the services of the representatives of 
the United States in Tokio and Peking whereby the 
preliminaries looking to the opening of negotiations 
and the definite termination of hostilities were adjusted. 
These acts, his majesty said, tended greatiy to mitigate 
the severities and hardships of war, were deeply appre- 
ciated by him, and would tend to draw still closer the 
bonds of friendship which happily unite the two coun- 

In addition to the friendly service which the United 
States was able to render both Japan and China during 
the war in bringing the conflict to a close, the emperor 
of China invited a citizen of the United States to assist 
his commissioners in the peace negotiations, and the 
Japanese commissioners likewise had the benefit of an 
American adviser in their important labors. 

It would trespass upon the bounds marked out for 

^ Ab to peace negotiations, U. S. For. Rel. 1894, Appendix i. pp. 29- 
106 ; 1895, p. 969 ; History of the peace negotiations between China and 
Japan, officially reyised, Tientsin, 1895 ; VTilliams's China, 459 ; « Vkdi- 
mir's'' ChinanJapan VTar, pt iiL chaps. tU. and iz.. Appendix I-K ; 
Heroic Japan, chap, xxxiii. and Appendix A. For events of the war, 
U. S. For. Rel. 1894, Appendix i. 44-104; Williams's China, 444-459 ; 
^ Vladimir " (cited), pU. ii. and iii. Appendix D, F-H ; Heroic Japan ; 
J. Inonjre's Hist. For resolts of the war, China, Travels in the Middle 
Kingdom, by Gen. J. H. Wilson, U. S. A., New York, 1901, chap. xx. 


this Yolume to enter at length upon a consideration of 
the results of the war. It will he sufficient here to 
state that it dispelled the idea that China might be 
counted upon in the near future as a military power. 
It brought to the attention of the world a new factor 
not only in the Far East, but in the policy of the West- 
ern nations. Japan had demonstrated not only that its 
people were patriotic and warlike, but that its generals 
possessed a knowleds^e of strate&ry, that it had a well- 
Quipped system of sL i^sportS;,., and an advanced 
knowledge of the methods of supplying and moving 
large armies, and that it contained within itself the 
financial resources to maintain a great and expensiye 
war.^ There will be occasion in a later chapter to 
chronicle the influence of this conflict in bringing 
about the release of Japan from the shackles with 
which she had been bound by the Western nations. 

The war swept away the last vestige of the vassalage 
of Korea to China. But in its stead was substituted a 
new danger to its autonomy. Japan had completely 
dominated the government of that country during the 
hostilities, and at their termination was prepared to 
reap the benefits of its success in increased commercial 
privileges, and in its control of the administration of 
the king. But in the execution of its plans it had to 

^ The overwhelming raocess of the Japanese army in the Chinese war, 
while nnexpected to the world at large, was not a surprise to weU-in- 
formed military obsenrers. General U. S. Grant, after his visit to China 
and Japan in 1879, expressed the opinion that ** a well-appointed body of 
ten thousand Japanese troops could make their way through the length 
and breadth of China, agabst all odds that oonld be brooght to oonfroot 
them.** Atlantic Monthly, Deo. 1887, p. 725. 




reckon with the designs of Russia. The government 
of that great and expanding empire, as its first act of 
interference, compelled Japan to sarrender the best 
fruit of the war in the retrocession to China of the 
liao-tung Peninsula. And since that date it has been 
a constant competitor with the island empire for favor 
and privileges at the court of Seoul. It may be that 
this competition in Korea will bring about the next 
conflict in the Pacific, and even menace the peace of 
the world. 


When the disorders of government in Japan and 
the anti-foreign disturbances which marked the first 
few years after the opening of the ports to inter- 
course with the outside world, as abreadj narrated, 
had in great measure passed, the rulers of the nation 
addressed themselves to the task of adapting the coun- 
try to the changed conditions. New and unexpected 
embarrassments, however, were at once encountered. 
It has been seen that the Japanese were as artless as 
children in the practice of diplomacy, and accepted 
submissively the. treaties which Commodore Perry and 
Minister Harris prepared, as well as those of the other 
nations patterned after them. But the statesmen of 
Japan were sagacious and highly patriotic, and they 
early discovered that the nation had been led into a 
thralldom, a release from which would require the 

greatest wisdom, persistency, and forbearance. 

Soon after the treaties went into effect it became 
apparent that the government had surrendered two 
of the highest attributes of sovereignty and independ- 
ence — the power to enforce its authority over all the 
people within its territory, and the right to frame 
and alter its tariff or impost duties at its pleasure. 
According to the American treaties of 1854 and 1858, 


which followed the Gushing treaty of 1844 with China 
on the subject of exterritoriality, Americans commitr 
ting offenses in Japan were to be tried by their own 
consuls, and Japanese having claims against Americans 
were required to enforce them in the consular courts. 
A fixed tariff of duties was also agreed to on imports 
and exports. Similar provisions were contained in the 
treaties with the other foreign powers. 

Soon after the government of the Mikado was well 
established at Tokio efforts were made to obtain an 
abolition or a modification of these stipulations through 
the resident foreign ministers. These proved ineffec- 
tual, and inasmuch as the year 1872 was fixed in the 
treaties as the date when their revision might be con* 
sidered, it was determined to dispatch an embassy to 
the capitals of all the interested powers for the purpose 
of securing, by means of such revision, a release from 
the humiliating and burdensome conditions which so 
greatly embarrassed the government. 

In 1871 the embassy was constituted. At its head 
was placed Prince Iwakura, junior prime minister and 
minister for foreign affairs. With him were associated 
as vice-ambassadors, Kido, Okuba, Ito, and Yamagutsi, 
men who had already attained high positions in the gov- 
ernment, and whose talents made them leaders of the 
New Japan. While the special object of the embassy 
was to obtain a revision of the treaties, it had also in 
view a study of the institutions of the Western nations, 
and to this end commissioners fitted for the task were 
selected from the various departments of government. 

The embassy, which sailed from Yokohama the last 


of December, consisted of fortjr-nine c&maJBf widi 
interpreters and servants making in all over one hun- 
dred persons. They were accompanied to the United 
States by the American minister, Mr. De Long, and 
his secretary; and the Japanese consul at San Fran- 
cisco, an American citizen, was made a member of the 
embassy and continued with it through Europe. It 
arrived in San Francisco, January 15, 1872, where it 
was received with the greatest attention by the public 
officials and citizens. In the receptions and festivities, 
Vice- Ambassador Ito, who had been abroad and was 
familiar with the English language, was the chief 
speaker. The spirit which animated this distinguished 
body of statesmen may be seen from the following 
extracts from bis speeches. 

At a banquet given by the citizens of San Fran- 
cisco, in tbe course of his remarks, he said : ^^ Japan is 
anxious to press forward. The red disk in the centre 
of our flag shall no longer appear like a wafer over a 
sealed empire, but henceforth be in fact what it u 
designed to be, the noble emblem of the rising sun, 
moving onward and upward amid the enlightened na- 
tions of the world." And at Sacramento : ^^ We come 
to study your strength, that, by adopting wisely your 
better ways, we may hereafter be stronger ourselves. 
. . . Notwithstanding the various customs, manners, 
and institutions of the different nations, we are all 
members of one large human family, and under control 
of the same Almighty Being, and we believe it is our 
common destiny to reach a nobler civilization than the 
world has yet seen." 


By a unanimouB vote of Congress the embassy was 
declared the guests of the United States and an appro- 
priation for its entertainment was made. On its arrival 
in Washington it was received at the executive mansion 
by President Grant, in the presence of all the heads of 
departments and bureaus and a numerous company of 
prominent citizens. An official reception was tendered 
by Congress in the hall of the House of Representa- 
tiveSy with eloquent addresses by the Speaker, Mr. 
Blaine, and Prince Iwakura* Public and private cour- 
tesies were likewise shown them in the other cities 
which they visited before their departure for Europe. 

The ambassadors had several conferences with the 
Secretary of State, Mr. Fish, on the subject of the revi- 
sion of the treaties, and received from him the assurance 
that the government of the United States was prepared 
to take up the subject in the most liberal spirit towards 
Japan. But it was found that tiie Japanese represent- 
atives were not clothed with power to sign a treaty, 
and definite action was postponed till the embassy had 
conferred with the European treaty powers. 

During their stay in the United States the ambassa- 
dors and commissioners were busy in studying its insti- 
tutions and customs, and their reports thereon constitute 
a large volume in the publications of the embassy. 
Prince Iwakura, who had been the main support of the 
imperial cause during the struggle which resulted in the 
reinstallment of the emperor, was a devoted monarchist, 
and found Kttle in the American democratic system to 
pattern after ; but he was much impressed with the 
strength of the central government. The reports give 


special attention to the social aq>ect8| the genial dispo- 
sition of the people^ their cosmopolitan character, the 
influence which religion exerts in society and govem- 
ment, the educational system, the respect paid to women, 
the growth of the cities, and European immigration. 

The visit of the embassy to the European capitals was 
fruitless of results so far as its main object was con- 
cerned. It found the governments unwilling to give 
Japan jurisdiction over their subjects until it had re- 
formed its system of jurisprudence, and they did not 
choose to give up the hold which they had acquired on 
the regulation of foreign trade. From the United States 
alone had the embassy received any well-grounded hope 
of release ; and on his return to Japan the chief ambas- 
sador expressed to the American minister in a heartfelt 
manner his deep sense of obligation to the government 
for its reception and treatment. 

Prince Iwakura was a noted character in Japanese 
history. He is held in esteem by Americans because 
of his high appreciation of the friendship of their coun- 
try for his nation, and for the partiality shown by him 
to the United States in educating three of his sons in 
its institutions. Minister Bingham ranked him as one 
of the ablest of his majesty's ministers, and one of the 
foremost intellectually and morally of his countrymen. 
On his death in 1883, the emperor issued a rescript in 
which he bore this testimony : ^^ He was the pillar of 
the nation, and a model for my subjects. I ascended 
the throne in my youth. The deceased was my teacher. 
Heaven has deprived me of his aid. How grieved am 
I ! In honor of his memory I confer on him the post- 
humous title of first minister of state." 


With the failure of the embassy nothing was left for 
the rulers of Japan but, first, to bring their country 
up to the standard of administration fixed by the Euro- 
pean powers before they would relinquish the practice 
of exterritoriality ; and second, to make the power of 
the country so great as to command the respect of the 
Western nations, and thereby secure a recognition of 
the right to regulate its own system of taxation. 

This course had been already marked out by the em- 
peror. In a banquet which he gave his nobles just 
before the departure of the embassy in 1871, he fore- 
shadowed his policy for the reorganization of the gov- 
ernment, and appealed to them to lead and encourage 
the people ^^ to move forward in paths of prog^ss. • . . 
With diligent and united efforts we may attain succes- 
sively the highest deg^e of civilization within our 
reach, and shall experience no serious difficulty in 
maintaining power, independence, and respect among 
nations." ^ 

To attain this ^^ highest degree of civilization," mea- 
sures were instituted to reform the system of juris- 
prudence and education in conformity with Western 
methods, and to reorganize the departments especially 
of finance, military affairs, and internal improvements. 
To this end Japanese of intelligence and capacity were 
sent abroad to study the systems of other countries, and 
foreigners were called to Japan to instruct and take 
direction in the reforms to be established. 

In the accomplishment of this work it was natural, 

^ U. 8. For. Rel. 1871, p. 597 ; 1874, p. 646 ; 1883^ p. 607 ; The Japa- 
in America, by C. LAoman, New York, 1872, pt L ; Nitdbey 168s 


in view of their past relations^ that Japan should look 
largely to the United States. It is not possible here to 
give in detail the distinguished part borne by American 
citizens in the reformation of the goyemment and peo- 
ple. Americans were early employed as confidential 
advisers in the foreign office to aid in the direction of 
diplomatic affairs^ and they have been continuously 
retained up to the present time. In the development 
of education they have taken a leading part. At the 
request of Japan officials were detailed from the United 
States Treasury Department to remodel its financial sy»* 
tem. Its agricultural bureau^ and largely its scientifie 
institutions, were organized under American direction. 
The present excellent postal establishment was miti^^ 
by an American^ and the first postal convention with 
Japan was made by the United States.^ 

In connection with the influence which American 
citizens exerted in remoulding Japan may be noted the 
visit to that country of General U. S. Grrant in 1879, 
on his tour of the world. He was made the g^est of 
the nation (the first instance of the kind under the 
reorganized government), was lodged in an imperial 
palace, and, besides the usual audience, he held with 
the emperor (at the latter's special request) an interview 
of two hours and several others with the prime minist^, 
in which the interests of Japan were fully and freely 
discussed. At the time of his visit China and Japan 
were in serious dispute over the sovereignty of the Lew 

1 U. S. For. Bel. 1871, p. 5d5, 614 ; 1875, p. 7d5 ; 1876, p. 960 ; Nito- 
be'i Inieroonrae of U. S. and Japui, 117-139 ; Advance Japan, bj J^ 
MoRif, London, 1895, p. 378. 

----— ^■■--— ^— ^^^— ^^^■^^^^^^-^■— — --— -^— -^— -Jl- 


Chew Islands^ — which, it will be remembered, Commo- 
dore Perry in 1854 had recommended should be occu- 
pied by the United States. There was great danger of 
hostilities between the two oriental empires over the 
question, and General Grant actively interested himself 
in preserving peace. Both nations cherish his visit with 
grateful remembrance.^ 

The task of regeneration to which the emperor of 
Japan had summoned his people was pushed forward 
with commendable zeal. He promptly set the example 
by inviting the diplomatic corps in 1872 to a New 
Year's audience, as in Western courts, with the absence 
of all Asiatic ceremonials ; and a few years later the 
empress stood beside him in these audiences, which 
Minister Bingham noted ''as an evidence of the ad- 
vancing civilization of the empire." In 1875 an impe- 
rial decree was issued convoking provincial assemblies, 
in order, as it stated, that the emperor might '' govern 
in harmony with public opinion." In the same year 
the British and French troops were withdrawn from 
Yokohama, where they had been stationed since the 
opening of that port, on the ground of protecting for- 
e%n residents, — the first manifestation of a disposition 
on the part of the European powers to respect the sov- 
ereignty of Japan. Edicts followed in quick succession 
adopting the European calendar, proclaiming Sunday 
as a day of rest, enacting and putting in force penal 
and other codes, for the compilation of a constitution 

1 U. S. For. ReL 1879, pp. 636, 643, 685 ; 1881, p. 231 ; 2 Around Um 
VTorld with General Grant, by J. R. Yoang,New Yoric,187^pp.410,54S^ 
681 ; NitoWi Interconrse, ett. 14a 


after Western models, and announcing the convocation 
of a national parliament. Meanwhile a compulsoiy 
system of education had gone into operation, and the 
intelligence of the people was being quickened by tiie 
multiplication of daily newspapers, a network of tele* 
graph Unes, and the opening of railroads.^ 

With all these and otiier reforms in process of con- 
summation, and chafing under tiie humiliation of the 
exercise of sovereignty on its own soil by foreign na- 
tions, the government of Japan, in 1878, approached 
the diplomatic representatives of powers in Tokio with 
a proposition for a revision of the treaties. The dis- 
cussion which followed developed the fact that no time 
was fixed in these conventions for their termination, 
and that if revision could not be agreed upon they 
would run indefinitely. 

Mr. Harris, who negotiated the American treaty of 
1858, and which became the model for all others, had 
inserted the exterritorial provision '^against his con- 
science." He states that he did it under the instruc- 
tions of Secretary Marcy, who agreed with him that it 
was an unjust provision, but he said that, as it appeared 
in the treaties of the United States with other oriental 
countries, it would be impossible to secure the ratifica- 
tion of the treaty without it. Mr. Harris regarded it 
only as a temporary measure. 

The provisions as to the tariff had even a less claim 
for their continued existence. Mr. Harris states that 
the Japanese negotiators left that matter entirely to 

^ U. S. For. ReL 1S72, p. 321 ; 1875, pp. 787, 794 ; 1876, pp. 3n,381 ; 
1878, p. 486; 1880, p. 690 ; 1881, pp. 668, 728. 


him^ frankly ayowing their want of knowledge respect- 
ing it, and trusted to his acting justly. He framed 
such a tariff as he regarded best for the interests of 
Japan, placing raw products, food supplies, and building 
materials on the free list or at a duty of five per cent., 
manufactures, etc., at a duty of twenty per cent., and 
liquors at thirty-five per cent. He intended to give 
Japan the power of revising the duty at the end of ten 
years, but the construction placed by the powers upon 
the language used by him made the concurrence of all 
the nations necessary to any change. 

Lord Elgin, who negotiated the British treaty a short 
time after that of the United States, succeeded in hav- 
ing placed in the five per cent, column manufactures of 
wool and cotton, the articles most largely exported to 
the East by British merchants. Under the most favored 
nation practice all countries shared in the rate, and it 
had the effect, when the tariff revision of 1866 took 
place, of a reduction of all imports to a five per cent, 

This tariff proved disastrous to Japan. It destroyed 
the cultivation of cotton and in great measure the small 
manufactories, throwing many thousands of laborers 
out of employment. It deprived the government of all 
revenue from this important source, the duties collected 
barely pajring the cost of maintaining the customs ser- 
vice, and amounting to less than one thirtieth of its 
income, while in the United States and many other 
countries the customs receipts equal or exceed one half 
of the national revenues. But the most serious objec- 
tion to its maintenance was the humiliation it caused 


the proud Japanese. It vas forced upon them in 1866, 
when the country was in the throes of a revolutioni 
when the government of the Shogun was falling to 
pieces^ and the emperor was not yet able to maintain 
his sovereignty. 

The enforcement of the provisions of the treaties as 
to exterritorial jurisdiction was equally as objection- 
able to the Japanese. Not only were foreigners tried 
by their own consuls for offenses committed against 
Japan and its people, but the natives were required to 
prosecute their suits against foreigners in the consular 
courts of the defendants. It was humiliating enough 
even when the consuls had a legal education and were 
competent to administer justice, but often the persons 
who held these positions were ignorant of kw and 
utterly unfitted for judicial duties. In the latter case 
the consular judges were in marked contrast to the 
Japanese judges, who were trained in their profession 
and independent of executive control. 

Even when the consuls were qualified in other re- 
spects for their duties, it was not always easy to divest 
themselves of partiality for their own countrymen, and 
this influence sometimes led to remarkable decisions. 
An example was that of an English merchant detected 
in trying to smuggle a large quantity of opium (a pro- 
hibited article) through the custom house, who was 
brought by the Japanese authorities before the British 
consular court. He was acquitted on the ground that 
it was " medicinal opium," and might be freely imported 
by pajring the duty of five per cent, levied on medi- 

k«M^i^Baaai^^B^^^i^^^i^^^^^«i^^M^^aMIMMtfiMB&itairi^Bk.i. ■•. 


The exterritorial principle was found inconvenient in 
other respects than in judicial matters. When the con- 
sulates were first established in the treaty ports the 
Japanese government had no postal system^ and in each 
consulate there was a post-office for the convenience of 
resident f oreig^ers, through which foreign mail matter 
passed. When the excellent postal service organized 
by the Japanese government was in full operation, it 
requested that the consular post-offices might be closed 
and the government service substituted. The American 
consulates were the only ones which promptly acted on 
the suggestion, the others claiming for several years 
afterwards the right to maintain a separate service in 
Japanese territory. 

A still more aggravating application of exterritorial- 
ity was made respecting quarantine matters. During a 
cholera epidemic in 1879 the government established 
health regulations at the ports, which the British, Ger- 
man, and some other ministers refused to recognize, 
and they claimed the right to enact regulations in the 
ports for their own vessels. A German ship, coming 
directly from an infected port, was placed in quarantine 
outside of Yokohama, but under the orders of the Ger- 
man minister the vessel was taken out of quarantine by 
the consul, attended by a German man-of-war, and 
brought into port. General Grant, who was visiting in 
Japan at the time, was emphatic in his denunciation of 
the European diplomats, and said the government would 
have been justified in sinking the German ship. The 
British minister gave instructions to the consuls of his 
nation to disregard entirely the regulations. On the 


other hand, the American minister required all die 
sels of his nationality to observe the qnarantine. Over 
one hundred thousand Japanese lost their lives by the 
epidemic. The American minister, in forwarding the 
statistics to his government, expressed the conviction 
that the death roll would not have been so great if the 
Japanese government had been aided, and not resisted, 
by certain of the foreign powers in its laudable efforts 
to prevent the spread of the pestilence. 

The minister for foreign affairs urged the appUcation 
for a revision of the treaties on the representatives of 
the Western nations, under the conviction that with the 
governmental and social reforms so well advanced, and 
with the objectionable features of exterritoriality so 
manifest, some relief would be granted from the em- 
barrassments which attended the continued enforcement 
of the treaties. But his arguments and appeals were 
unsuccessful. The British minister took the lead in 
the opposition to revision and the other European re- 
presentatives concurred with him. At that period the 
influence of Great Britain was all-powerful in the East 
Twice had its naval and military forces been used to 
extort from China unwilling treaties ; twice had Japan 
been humiliated by demonstrations of its martial power; 
and its squadrons were everywhere present to support 
its ministers and consuls. 

In commercial affairs as well were British interests 
predominant. In Japan the import trade was largely 
English, and British merchants were the greatest bene- 
ficiaries of the low duties. It did not suit their inter- 
ests to abandon the practice of exterritoriality or to 

■HMifeniiMdteiMBirtifc^- -..^ 


change the tariff. Under these conditions the megotia- 
tions came to naught, as the American minister was the 
only one of the foreign representatives willing to accept 
the proposals of the Japanese government. 

Up to this time it had been the policy and the prac- 
tice of the foreign representatives in Tokio to cooperate 
in all measures of general interest, but Mr. Bingham, 
the American minister, was so strongly impressed with 
the equity and justice of the Japanese claim that he 
dissented from his European colleagues, and decided to 
take an independent course. Upon his recommenda- 
tion the United States, in 1878, entered into a trealy 
with Japan by which the existing tariff was to be an- 
nulled and the exclusive right of Japan to establish 
imports was recognized. This ti^ty, however, had no 
other effect than to place the United States on the side 
of Japan in its efforts to break the bands which held it 
in bondage, as its provisions were not to go into effect 
until similar treaties were made with the other powers.^ 

Not discouraged by this failure of 1878, new pro- 
posals were submitted in 1882, but without avail, the 
American minister being the only one ready to concede 
the Japanese claim. Again in 1886 a more formal 
effort was made and a diplomatic conference or con- 
gress was assembled, in which the Japanese minister 
for foreign affairs. Count Inouye, and the representa- 
tives of all the treaty powers participated. Some pro- 
gress was made towards an agreement on tariff revision, 

1 U. S. For. Rel. 1879, pp. 647, 670 ; 1880, pp. 652, 657, 679 ; U. S. 
Treaties, 621 ; N. A Rer. Dee. 1878, p. 406 ; Atlantic Monthly, May, 
1881, p. 610; lb. Deo. 1887, p. 721 ; Nitobe'i Interooorse, etc 104. 


but there was an irreconcilable divergence of views on 
the jurisdictional question. After long discussions, the 
conferences extending into the year 1887, the Japanese 
were finally brought to agree that to the native judges 
there should be added a body of European and Ameri- 
can experts, who should constitute a majority in eveiy 
court before which aliens might be required to appear. 
But when this important concession was offered, the 
European representatives insisted that the foreign 
judges should be nominated by the diplomatic body, 
and that it should control the laws, rules of procedure, 
and the details of the administration of justice. 

When the concession tendered by Count Inouye and 
the demands of the diplomatic representatives became 
known to the Japanese public, a storm of indignation 
spread through the land, and the opposition became 
so threatening that the conference was dissolved, and 
Count Inouye was forced to resign his portfolio. Again 
the American minister alone was on the side of Japan. 
To signalize the attitude of his government, an extradi- 
tion convention was negotiated by Minister Hubbard, 
ratified, and proclaimed in 1886, while the conference 
was in progress. In submitting the treaty to the 
Senate, President Cleveland stated that it had been 
made not only because it was necessary for the proper 
execution of the criminal laws, ^'but also because of 
the support which its conclusion would give to Japan 
in her efforts towards judicial autonomy and complete 

This treaty originated in questions which were raised 
through an American, charged with a crime committed 

— Wi MUM 


in the United States, taking refuge in Japan. His 
arrest could not be demanded in the absence of an 
extradition treaty, but the Japanese government as an 
act of comity caused his delivery for trial in the United 
States, and in friendly reciprocity the convention was 
signed. The British government, on the other hand, 
claimed that, under the principle of exterritoriality, it 
had the right without such a convention to follow a 
British fugitive from justice into any part of Japanese 
territory, arrest, and carry him back to England for 
trial. Such a claim was only equaled by the disregard 
of the government quarantine regulations in the treaty 

Count Inouye's conferences having been broken up 
because of the indignation of the Japanese people. 
Count Okuma, his successor in the foreign office, 
sought to take advantage of a difference of views exist- 
ing among the European representatives, and to revise 
the treaties with each nation separately. He reached a 
basis of agreement with Germany, France, and Russia, 
but Great Britain still held out, and, while laboring to 
secure an adjustment with that power, an attempt on 
his life was made by a fanatic, who had been wrought 
up by an excessive patriotic fervor to believe the minisr 
ter was about to betray his country. Being severely 
wounded, Okuma likewise abandoned his efforts and 
gave up his office. The attitude of the European 
powers had created a conservative reaction, and the 
public sentiment was such at the time that an unwill- 
ingness was manifested to allow the country to be 
thrown open to foreigners, even in exchange for the 


abolition of the judicial and tariff proviaions of the 
treaty. Disheartened in its labors, the government 
decided to abandon farther attempts at treaty revision, 
in the hope that time woold work out the deliverance 
of the nation.^ 

But it did not slacken the movement for reform, and 
on the two thousand five hundred and forty-ninth anni- 
versary of the foundation of tjie dynasty there occurred 
the most momentous event in Japanese history and the 
crowning work in the regeneration of the country — 
the promulgation by the emperor of the imperial con- 
stitution, accompanied by his solemn oath to observe 
and enforce it, and also by a decree for the election of 
an imperial diet or parliament. The promulgation was 
made by the emperor in the throne-room of the palace 
with stately ceremonies, and was witnessed by the dip- 
lomatic representatives who had so recently refused to 
recognize the advance which the empire had made in 
governmental and social reorganization, and who were 
still unwilling to admit it into the family of nations.^ 

The patience and forbearance of Japanese statesman- 
ship, however, at last had its reward in a notable 
triumph over Western diplomacy. The war with China 
had thrown a fresh light on oriental affairs. A new 
people had appeared above the horizon of international 
politics, not only able to defend their independence, 

1 The United States in tbe Far Eait, by R. B. Hubbard, Ricbmond, 
1900, chap. xyi. ; Norman's Far East, 385 ; Chamberlain's Things Japa- 
nese, 443 Atlantic Monthly, 1887, pp. 728-733 ; Nitobe's Intercourse, 
etc. 105 ; U. S. For. Rel. 1886, p. 564 ; 8 PresidenU' Messages, 402, 501. 

* U. S. For. Rel. 1889, p. 536 ; Murray's Story of Japan, 394 ; Minister 
Korimo in N. A. Rey. May, 1895, p. 624. 

UKAeinKMf L • »«. . - 


but to make their power felt in the counsels and con- 
tests of the nations. Russia^ Germany^ and France had 
combined to rescue China from Japanese control^ and 
Great Britain^ separated from the great continental 
powers, found in Japan a convenient and useful ally. 
The British government was not slow to realize the 
situation. Even before the war had fairly begun and 
when the triple alliance in Asiatic affairs was still in- 
choate, it had taken the step which was essential to an 
alliance with the Japanese empire. 

The highest ambition of that empire was to secure 
release from the bondage in which it was held by the 
treaties with the Western powers. No nation could be 
its friend and ally which was not ready to yield that 
point. The British government signified its readiness 
to take up the revision, and, from being the recalcitrant 
power, it became the one most prompt to accept the 
conditions proposed by Japan. The latter, also, had 
changed its position. It no longer thought of foreign 
judges in its courts, as it proposed in 1886. When it 
declared war against China and marshaled its army 
and navy for the contest, it was not alone to settle its 
differences with its neighbor, but to achieve its inde- 
pendence and sovereignty among the nations of the 
earth. Great Britain recognized that Japan had at last 
reached the goal of its twenty-two years' diplomatic 
struggle, and in 1894 entered into a treaty whereby 
the practice of exterritoriality was to be completely 
abolished, the whole country was to be opened to for- 
eign residents, and the statutory tariff of Japan was 
to control the imposts, from and after 1899; and 


meanwhile the foreign residents at the treaty ports 
were to prepare for the change. 

The United States had negotiated snch a treaty soon 
after the adjournment of the revision conference of 
1886-87, and stood ready to put it in force as soon 
as Great Britain, its commercial competitor, could be 
brought to a similar agreement. When the British 
treaty was assured, the negotiations were taken up at 
Washington, a treaty was signed November 22, 1894^ 
and promptly ratified and proclaimed. All the other 
treaty powers followed with little delay, and the day 
was thus fixed for the release of Japan from its thrall- 

The revision of the treaties was not popular with the 
foreign residents of the empire. They looked forward 
with foreboding to the application to their persons 
and business of the Japanese laws. The American and 
British residents especially were filled with anxiety, 
and petitioned their governments to secure some ex- 
emption from the laws respecting land tenures, news- 
papers, and bail or imprisonment in view of the con- 
ditions of the Japanese jails. But their governments 
decided that it was but fair to allow the Japanese laws 
to go into operation, and, if hardships and injustice 
were experienced, to trust to the imperial government 
to remedy the defects through legislation or amend- 
ment of the treaties. 

As the day of jubilee approached the emperor is- 
sued a notable rescript or proclamation, announcing 
the coming event, in which he said, '^ it is a source 
of heartfelt g^*atification to us that, in the sequel 


of exhaustive planniDg and repeated negotiations^ an 
agreement has been come to with the powers^ and the 
revision of the treaties^ our longK^herished aim^ is 
to-day on the eve of becoming an accomplished fact ; 
a result which^ while it adds materially to the responsi- 
bilities of our empire^ will greatly strengthen the basis 
of our friendship with foreign countries." And he 
appealed in affectionate terms to his subjects^ of&cials^ 
and people, to so conduct themselves that every source 
of dissatisfaction might be avoided, and that subjects 
and strangers might enjoy equal privileges and dwell 
together in peace. 

The rescript was followed by notifications from the 
cabinet and ministers of all the departments to their 
subordinates, warning them to so enforce the laws 
and so conduct themselves that foreigners might ^' be 
enabled to reside in the country confidently and con- 
tentedly." The appeal of the emperor in that great 
crisis of his country was most affecting, and had a pro- 
found influence on the masses of the people, who had 
been trained to believe in his divine origin and that he 
was guided in his conduct by his ancestors of glorious 
memory and achievements.^ 

It is gratifying to note that the foreboding of the 
foreign residents has not been realized, and that since 
1899 they have lived in as full an enjoyment of peace 
and protection of the laws of the empire as if under 
the governments of Christendom. The manner in which 

1 U. S. For. Rel. 1890, p. 450 ; 1899, p. 469 ; U. S. Treaties in force, 
352 ; Norman's Far East, 387 ; Ransome's Japan in Transition, chaps, 
xi. and zvi. ; Morris's Adranoe Japan, p. m. 


the officials and people have conductod themselves has 
secured the applause o£ the world. What has been 
accomplished is without parallel in history. No other 
Asiatic country has broken away from the customs of 
past ages and aligned itself with the institutions and 
methods of modem civilization ; and no other nation of 
the world has in so short a time undergone so great a 
transformation and wrought such a development of its 

It is especially gratifying to Americans to note the 
triumphs of Japanese wisdom^ persistency, and patriot- 
ism, — to feel that they were instrumental in awakening 
that people to the high ideal which they fixed for 
themselves, and that they have stood by them as their 
adviser and friend in their long struggle for regenera- 
tion and independence. 

The empire has attained its long-sought-for place 
among the nations. It begins to realize, as announced 
by the emperor, that it has materially enlarged its re- 
sponsibilities. It assumes them, proud of its antiquity 
and confident of a long future before it, inspired by the 
sentiment so recently sung by its soldiers on the battle- 
fields of Korea and China, — 

May oor Lord's dominion last 
Till a thoosand yean have passed. 

Twice foor tbonsand times o'ertold I 
ilrm as changeless rock, earth-rooted. 
Moss of ages uncorrupted 

Grows upon it, green and old I 



The decade following 1850 was significant in events ' 
which unmistakably indicated the ultimate annexation 
of Hawaii to the United States. The sudden develop- 
ment of California and the growth of American influ- 
ence on the Pacific coast greatly revived the drooping 
commerce of the islands occasioned by the decline in 
whaling. The demand from that coast created new 
industries^ especially in agpriculture. The cultivation of 
sugar was begun, and was found to be well adapted to 
the climate and soil. Potatoes and other vegetables 
were largely exported, and the high price of flour at 
San Francisco gave a temporary impetus to the growing 
of wheat. The traffic in these commodities added ma- 
terially to the wealth of the islanders. 

Another event tended to direct attention to the politi- 
cal future of Hawaii. It was the epoch when filibuster- 
ing was rampant in the United States, and demanded 
an aggressive policy on the part of the administration 
then in power. While Cuba was the objective point of 
the movement on the Atlantic coast, the notorious 
Walker was active in organizing in San Francisco law- 
less movements against Lower California and Nicaragua. 
His acts gave currency to reports that an expedition 
was being formed to occupy forcibly Hawaii and bring 


about its annexation to the United States. Kama- 
hameha III. (the reigning sovereign) and his council 
were greatly alarmed^ and their appeals led to the send- 
ing of an American man-of-war to Honolulu to insure 
the islands from attack. The rumors proved to have 
no substantial foundation, but they indicated the g^w- 
ing expectation of eventual incorporation of the islands 
with the Union. 

The census made it manifest that the native popu- 
lation was rapidly decreasing, and the race seemed 
destined to ultimate extinction. Although surrounded 
by good advisers and Christian influence, the reigning 
family wa^ developing an incapacity to govern, and this 
feature became more apparent in later years. The par- 
amount interest of the United States caused it to re^urd 
the situation with concern.^ 

Mr. Marcy, the Secretary of State, although of con- 
servative tendencies, entertained broad-minded views of 
the duty and destiny of his country, and he reg^arded the 
time propitious for a permanent settiement of the status 
of these outlying islands adjacent to the American 
domain. The king had already, during the trouble 
with France, indicated his desire in that crisis to trans- 
fer the sovereignty to the United States, and Mr. Marcy 
instructed the American minister to approach him with 
a proposition for annexation. The king was found 
favorable to the project, and the draft of a treaty was 
agreed upon ; but two of its provisions did not meet 

^ The official censos shows the following deerease in the natire popii]*> 
tion : Native Hawaiians in 1S32, ISO^IS ; 1860, 84,165 ; 1853^ 73^137 ; 
1860, 69,800 ; 1872, 56,869 ; 1884, 40,014 ; 1890, 84,436 ; and 1900^ 

— ---■-■- - - — - -rrr a iif *< i i m ■■■ 


with Mr. Marcy's approval^ to wit, the annuities to be 
paid the royal fami]y and the stipulation that the 
islands were to constitute a State of the Union. 

While the negotiations were in progress for a modifi- 
cation of the treaty draft on these matters, Kamehameha 
m. died, and, his successor being unfavorable to the 
measure, the negotiations came to an end. But the lat- 
ter recognized the commercial dependence of the islands 
upon the United States, and a treaty of reciprocity in 
trade was signed in 1855, though it failed of approval 
by the American Senate. 

Diuing the American Civil War the government of 
the United States was too much absorbed with that great 
struggle to give attention to its relations with Hawaii. 
Soon after the restoration of peace, however. Secretary 
Seward authorized the American minister to open nego- 
tiations for a reciprocity treaty, but he stated that there 
was a strong annexation feeling in the country, and if 
he found that ^^ the policy of annexation should conflict 
with the policy of reciprocity, annexation is in every 
case to be preferred." The treaty of reciprocity was 
signed in 1867, and President Johnson, in urging its 
ratification upon the Senate, said the treaty would prove 
a measure of protection against foreign aggression 
^^ until the people of the islands shall, of themselves, at 
no distant day, voluntarily apply for admission into the 
Union.'' Two influences were, however, sufficiently 
strong to prevent the ratification of the treaty, — the 
sugar growers of the Southern States, and the friends 
of annexation, who felt that reciprocity would postpone 
that project. 


These repeated efforts at annexation and commercial 
reciprocity awakened the jealousy of the British and 
other foreign merchants resident in the islands, and 
their views were echoed by their diplomatic representa- 
tives ; but men of foresight in England did not seem 
so blinded to coming events. The Hawaiian commis- 
sioners who visited Europe in 1850 (of which notice 
has already been taken), in their interviews with the 
British premier, were advised to look forward to becom- 
ing an integral part of the United States. ^^ Such/' 
said Lord Palmerston, ^^ was the destiny of the Hawaiian 
Islands, arising from their proximity to the State of 
California and Oregon and natural dependence on those 
markets for exports and imports, together with the prob- 
able extinction of the Hawaiian aboriginal population, 
and its substitution by immigration from the United 
States." The London ^^ Post," in discussing the annex- 
ation project of 1853-54, while speaking in not very 
\ complimentary terms of ^^ American rapacity," stated 
that the predominance of American influence made the 
acquisition of the islands most natural, and that it 
should be regarded as a circumstance auspicious to the 
commerce of the world.^ 

A fear existed in the islands that the American 
market, their chief dependence for prosperity, might be 
closed to them by adverse tariffs, and the efforts for a 
reciprocity treaty continued through the succeeding ten 
years, during which time one king followed another in 

1 A. H. Allen's report, S. Ex. Doo. No. 45, 62d Cong. 2d Sen. pp. 14- 
18 ; Alexander's Hist Hawaii, 273-292 ; Hopkins's Hawaii, 326, 997; 
London Post, Oct 24, 1854. 



quick saccessioD, the Hves of some of them being short- 
ened by intemperance and immorality. The line of 
the Elamehamehas became extinct^ and one ruler after 
another dying without a designated successor^ disorder 
and riots ensued, growing out of the election of a head 
to the enfeebled government, and the presence on shore 
of American marines was time and again invoked to 
preserve the public peace. 

During the administration of President Grant, Sec* 
retary Fish authorized new negotiations for reciprocity, 
so ardently desired by the Hawaiians. In his instruo- 
tions to the American minister he referred to the con- 
dition of the government and its evident tendency to 
decay and dissolution, to the danger of its falling under 
foreign control, and stated that ^'we desire no ad- 
ditional similar outposts [as Bermuda] in the hands of 
those who may at some future time use them to our 
disadvantage." While authorized to entertain proposi- 
tions for reciprocity, the minister was not to discourage 
any feeling which might exist in favor of annexation. 
The negotiations were opened at Honolulu, but Eling 
Kalakaua, impressed with the importance of the matter^ 
sent two commissioners to Washington, and their action 
resulted for the third time in a treaty of commercial 
reciprocity, those of 1855 and 1867 having failed, as 
noted, in the United States Senate. 

This treaty provided for the free reciprocal introduc- 
tion of practically all the products of Hawaii into the 
United States, and of those of the United States into 
Hawaii. The opposition of the advocates of annexa- 
tion was overcome by the insertion of a stipulation that 


none of the territory of Hawaii should be leased or dis- 
posed of to any other power^ and that none of the priv- 
ileges granted by the treaty should be conferred upon 
any other nation. With this clause added^ the treaty 
was regarded as insuring the ultimate acquisition of 
the islands by the United States, and it was ratified by 
the Senate and went into operation in 1876. 

This treaty is justly regarded as one of the most im* 
portant events in Hawaiian history. Its final result 
was to brin^: about annexation. Its immediate effect 
was to create a great revival in commerce and the native 
industries. Though sugar cultivation had commenced 
twenty years before when the demand for it arose in 
California, it had not been possible to compete in the 
United States markets with the slave-grown sugar of 
other countries. The free introduction of Hawaiian 
sugar under the treaty gave a strong impetus to its 
cultivation, as also to that of rice. The total value of 
exports in a few years was increased more than sixfold, 
a corresponding increase resulted in the revenues of the 
government, and the wealth of the country was greatly 

As a consequence, public and private enterprises were 
stimulated, and an unexampled era of prosperity fol* 
lowed. Government buildings and other improvements 
of public utility were constructed ; railroads and tele- 
graph lines put in operation ; expensive systems of irri- 
gation were installed ; many artesian wells were sunk 
for sugar cultivation ; and new schools, hospitals, and 
churches were erected — all as the direct result of the 
reciprocity treaty. 


It had still another e£Eect which brought about a 
radical change in the population of the islands. As 
sugar cultivation became very profitable^ it was largely 
extended, and this occasioned an unusual demand for 
labor. It could not be supplied from the native popu- 
lation, as the aboriginal race was unwiUing to undergo 
the fatigues and hardships of the plantations. EfEorts 
were made to obtain laborers from the other Polynesian 
islands, but they proved unsatisfactory. Over ten thou- 
sand Portuguese were brought from the Azores, but the 
supply from that source was limited. As the area 
brought under cultivation was enlarged, the planters 
turned to the overflowing populations of China and 
Japan, and more than twenty thousand from each of 
those countries were brought into the islands. By these 
means the native inhabitants, decreasing steadily in 
numbers, became a minority, idle, thriftless, and com- 
paratively unimportant. The property and wealth had, 
in great measure, passed into the hands of people of 
alien races.^ 

The duration of the reciprocity txea^ was fixed at 
seven years, but after some negotiation it was renewed 
in 1884 with an important additional clause. This was 
the granting to the United States of the exclusive use 
of Pearl Harbor for a naval station, with the right to 
improve and fortify it. In 1873 General Schofield had 
been sent by President Grant to the islands to make a 
survey with a view to the location of such a station, 
and he made a report in favor of Pearl Harbor, and 
later appeared before a Congressional committee and 

1 AUen's Report (cited), 1^-22 ; Alexander's Hist Hawaii, 303^11. 


urged the importance of some measure looking to die 
control of the islands. 

The action of the Hawaiian government in ceding 
Pearl Harbor to the United States led to a protest from 
the British minister in Honolulu^ vrho said that such 
cession ^^ would infallibly lead to the loss of the inde- 
pendence of the islands/' but he based his. objection to 
it on the ground that it was in violation of an article 
of the British treaty with that country which gave to 
British vessels of war liberty of entry to all harbors to 
which ships of other nationalities were admitted. The 
Hawaiian government^ however, did not admit the 
British contention. 

During the first administration of President Cleve- 
land action was taken on several subjects indicating the 
paramount influence or authority of the United States 
in Hawaii. One of his first acts was to proclaim the 
renewal of the reciprocity treaty, with the Pearl Harbor 
clause. In 1886 an attempt to make a loan in London 
of $2,0009000 upon the hypothecation of the customs 
revenues of Hawaii was defeated. Secretary Bayard 
taking the position that it was in conflict with the 
clause of the reciprocity treaty which forbade the ces- 
sion of territory to any other country or the creation 
of a lien upon any port. In 1887 the British minister 
approached the government at Washington with a 
request that the United States join Great Britain and 
France in the compact of 1843, whereby they guaran- 
teed the neutrality and independence of Hawaii. Mr. 
Bayard declined on the ground that by the reciprocity 
treaty Hawaii was enjoying material prosperity, had 


entered into special obligations as to the cession of a 
port and alienation of territory^ and occupied towards 
the United States a relation different from that towards 
all other countries. King Kalakaua had made an alli- 
ance with the Samoan king, and in 1887 the approval 
of the government of the United States was asked to 
the compact. Mr. Bayard pointed out the inexpediency 
of it^ and withheld approval. 

The prosperity which attended the reciprocity arrange* 
ment replenished the royal treasury, and Kalakaua 
sought to make the most out of his good fortune. He 
first visited the United States, where he was received 
in a manner becoming a royal neighbor. Afbarwards 
he made a tour of the world and was entertained by 
the governments and crowned heads of Asia and of 
Europe. He returned home with ambitious ideas for 
himself and his kingdom. In 1883 he published a 
protest against the seizure by Grreat Britain and France 
of various groups in Polynesia^ while the alliance with 
Samoa was another of his schemes for giving impor- 
tance to his reign. 

An adventurer named Gibson had ingratiated him- 
self into the favor of Kalakaua, and had been made 
prime minister, and the Samoan alliance was attempted 
under his auspices. Gibson claimed to be the heir of a 
great English family ; he had been imprisoned in Java, 
whence he escaped to Salt Lake City, and was sent 
by Brigham Young as a Mormon apostle to Hawaii ; 
becoming involved in trouble with the ^'Saints," he 
became a Protestant, but in a little while transferred 
his spiritual allegiance to the Pope, and was soon an 


influential member of the native Roman Church. By 
his artful methods he gained the confidence of the king 
and was made the head of his government. He kept 
the amiable^ but too convivial, monarch well supplied 
with money, and in other respects gratified his desires. 
He readily fell in with his ambitious views and dis- 
patched the embassy to the Samoan king. 

The solitary ship of the Hawaiian navy, the little 
Kaimiloa, was fitted out for the voyage, and carried to 
Samoa a half-caste native ambassador, with a secretary 
and the usual stafE of a diplomatic mission. On arrival, 
after a voyage during which the crew mutinied on ac- 
count of short rations, the embassy established itself in 
an extravagant style of living. The treaty of alliance 
was readily made, and was celebrated by a banquet 
given by the Hawaiians. As morning dawned the floor 
of the banquet hall was found covered with Samoan 
chiefs, who had to be carried to their homes. The com- 
ment of the Samoan king to one of the embassy was : 
^^ If you have come to teach my people to drink, I wish 
you had stayed away." The Kaimiloa was hypothe- 
cated to raise funds to get the embassy away from the 
islands, its departure being hastened by the jealousy of 
the Germans. On its return to Honolulu it found Gib- 
son dismissed from of&ce and in jail. His expulsion 
from the country soon followed. By such exploits and 
through 8uch advisers Kalakaua's administration was 
much discredited by the better class of residents and in 
the United States. 

During the sessions of the International American 
Conference at Washington in 1890, Congress adopted 



a resolution to extend an invitation to the government , 
of Hawaii to participate in the conference. By this j 
act the islands were recognized as a part of the Ameri- I 
can body of states, and the Monroe doctrine was ap- 
plied to their political status.^ This step, however, did 
not alter the intimate relation which they held to the 
Orient. From their earliest contact with the United 
States these islands had been a base of operations for 
the trade of China, and the growing power of Japan 
had given to them added importance in the Pacific. 

Kalakaua died in 1891 while visiting California for 
his health, and was succeeded by Princess Liliuokalani, 
who had previously been proclaimed heir to the throne. 
Although the petty kingdom was the merest mimicry 
of a monarchy, the substantial residents were disposed 
to tolerate the king in his whims and extravagancies of 
life and policy because of his kindly disposition and 
of his good intentions for his country. But his death 
precipitated the end of the monarchy, which events had 
already indicated as inevitable. The new ruler from 
the beginning manifested a headstrong disposition, an 
intention to control the government by her own will, 
and to surround herself with a body of advisers and in- 
timates of bad character and of ill omen for the coun- 
try. Her accession to power was followed by much 
dissatisfaction, and revolutionary schemes began to take 
shape. The bribery and corruption which prevailed 
and the orgies which defiled the palace during the 

1 Allen's Report, 23-26 ; Alexander's Hist. Hawaii, 304 ; A Foot-Note 
to History (Samoa), by Robert Louis Stevenson, New York, 1892, p. 56 ; 
U. a For. Rel. 1894, Appendix ii. p. 645. 


reign of Kalakaua were continued under the queeui 
and the goyemment went from bad to worse, the ses- 
sions of the national legislature being marked by open 
bribery, apparently witii the approval of the head of the 

A crisis came in January, 1893. The queen was 
determined to overthrow the existing constitution and 
to proclaim one whereby more autocratic power would 
be possessed by her. As the first step to this end she 
sought to rid herself of her constitutional ministiy. 
The legislature was prorogued, and the nobles and the 
diplomatic corps were summoned to the palace, the pur* 
pose being understood to be to witness the promulga- 
tion of the new constitution. This aroused the fears 
and hostility of the leading inhabitants of Honolulu, 
who assembled in mass meeting, denounced the contemr 
plated measure^ appointed a committee of public safety, 
which proceeded at once to organize their adherents 
into a military force. The queen, being alarmed at the 
magnitude and earnestness of the opposition, dismissed 
the nobles and diplomats, and from the balcony of the 
palace announced to her native adherents, who were 
clamoring for the new constitution, that she had been 
forced to postpone its promulgation, and later she is- 
sued a proclamation that no change would take place 
except by constitutional methods. 

The committee of public safety, satisfied that she 
would embrace the first opportunity to carry out her cher- 
ished plan, began preparations, on January 16, for deci- 
sive action to put an end to the corrupt government. 
It being apparent that a revolution was impending. 


the American minister requested the United States 
naval commander to land marines to protect American 
interests^ and at five o'clock on the afternoon of the 
16th a detachment of troops was landed and placed 
about the legation and consulate. On the day follow- 
ing, January 17, 1893, the reyolutionists assembled 
under arms, and, marching to the government build- 
ing, proclaimed the overthrow of the monarchy, and 
the committee of public safety took possession of the 
government without loss of life. The queen alleged 
that her adherents had been overawed by the landing 
of the United States troops, and, while peacefully sub- 
mitting to the change, she appealed to the President of 
the United States to restore her to power. 

A provisional government was at once established, 
with Judge S. B. Dole as president. Judge Dole was 
born in Honolulu, of American parentage, and resigned 
from the Supreme Court to accept the position. The 
new government was organized without opposition 
throughout the islands and recognized as the de facto 
government by the representatives of all the foreign 
powers resident at the capital. One of its first acts 
was to dispatch a commission of its citizens to Washing- 
ton to negotiate a treaty of annexation to the American 
Union. The commissioners arrived in Washington on 
February 3, and, being introduced by the resident 
Hawaiian minister to the Secretary of State, laid before 
him their credentials and asked to enter upon negotia- 
tions. President Harrison, having satisfied himself that 
they represented the de facto and established govern- 
ment, and that ultimate annexation had been for many 


years the policy of the United States^ authorized n^^o- 
tiations^ which resulted in the signing of a treaty on 
February 14 providing for the incorporation of the 
Hawaiian Islands into the United States as a territory.^ 

President Harrison's administration came to a dose 
on March 3^ and in the brief time before adjournment 
no action was taken on the treaty by the Senate. One 
of the first acts of Mr. Cleveland after his inauguration 
for a second term was to withdraw the treaty of annex- 
ation from the Senate. He was impressed by the decla- 
ration of the queen that she had been dethroned 
through the presence of the United States troops and 
against the will of a large majority of her subjects, and 
he sent a commissioner, Hon. J. H. Blount, to Hawaii 
to investigate and report upon the causes of the revolu- 
tion and the sentiments of the people towards the pro- 
visional government. After a lengthy investigation 
Mr. Blount reported that the party which supported 
the new government constituted the intelligence and 
owned most of the property on the islands, that the 
greater part of the natives were in favor of the ex- 
queen, and that the revolution succeeded through the 
support of the United States minister and troops. 

Upon the return of Mr. Blount, President Cleveland 
appointed a minister to Hawaii, accredited to the pro- 
visional government, but vnth instructions to inform 
the ex-queen that upon the facts reported by Mr. 

^ For events of Kalakaoa*8 reign, U. S. For. Bel. 1894, Appendix iL pu 
645. For sketch of revolution, ib. 777 ; Minister Steyens's Aoooont, ib. 
207. For President Harrison's message and treaty of anoezatioa of 
18d3> ib. 197. 



Blount he had decided that she ought to be restored to 
power, upon condition that she would grant full am- 
nesty to aU persons. The minister had an interview 
with the ex-queen and informed her of the President's 
decision. She replied that she would behead the leaders 
of the revolution and confiscate their property. This 
answer was communicated to the President and a reply 
was received by the minister that he would cease all 
efforts to restore her sovereignty unless she agreed to 
amnesty. A month after the first interview a second 
was held in which the ex-queen stated that the leaders 
of the revolution should be banished and their property 
confiscated. Two days afterwards, December 18, 1893, 
she repeated her declaration, but after the third inter- 
view she gave her consent in writing to the wishes of 
the President. 

On the next day the minister asked for an interview 
with President Dole and his ministers, which was at 
once granted. He then communicated to them the 
views of President Cleveland and the written assurance 
of the ex-queen, and asked them to relinquish promptly 
to her the government. On the 23d President Dole 
replied by note, denying the right of the President of 
the United States to interfere in the domestic affairs 
of the Hawaiian government, and '^ respectfully and un- 
hesitatingly " declined '^to surrender its authority to 
the ex-queen." 

On the assembling of the Congress of the United 
States in December, 1893, President Cleveland sent a 
special message to that body, in which he gave the 
reasons for the course he had pursued, inclosed the 


correspondence and documents relating to the questiony 
and submitted the subject ^'to the broader authority 
and discretion of Cong^ress." Upon receiving President 
Dole's declination to surrender the goyemmenty the 
correspondence relating to it and the report of the ex- 
queen's conduct were transmitted to Congress without 
comment. The whole subject having been relegated to 
Congress, the Committee on Foreign Relations of the 
Senate made an extended investigation, examined a 
large number of witnesses, and submitted a majority 
, report through Senator Morgan, which vindicated the 
I diplomatic and naval officers of the United States from 
. undue influence, declared that the recognition of the 
i provisional government was ^^ lawful and authoritsr 
itive," and found that the queen's proposed action to 
overturn the constitution was itself revolutionary. The 
minority of the committee dissented from these find- 
ings. No further action on the subject was taken by 
that body.^ 

The provisional government, having accepted the 
action of President Cleveland as a rejection by the 
executive of the treaty of annexation, proceeded to 
effect a permanent organization. An election was o^ 
dered for delegates to a constitutional convention, the 
electors being all adult male inhabitants of native, 
American, or European descent who took the oath to 
support the government. The convention assembled 

* For Prasident Cleveland'! messages, 9 Presidents' Messages, 393; 
U. S. For. Bel. 1894, Appendix ii. pp. 267, 445, 1193, 1241, 1285. Mr. 
Blonnt's Report, ib. pp. 467-1150. On restoration of the queen, iV. pp. 
1189-1292. Senate Report of 1894, S. Report No. 227, 53d Cong. 2d 


and adopted a republican form of govemment, the con- 
stitution being proclaimed and the repubHc organized 
on July 4, 1894/ 

The new government received the prompt recogni 
tion of all the powers having treaty relations with 
Hawaii, including the United States, and its authority 
was peacefully acquiesced in by the inhabitants through- 
out the entire g^oup. The bloodthirsty conduct of 
the ex-queen satisfied the responsible and intelligent 
residents that she was unworthy to be reinstated, and 
it likewise disgusted those persons in the United States 
who had been inclined to sympathize with her as an 
unjustly dethroned ruler. The republican authorities 
continued to administer the government, with a single 
feeble attempt at revolution in January, 1895, which 
was promptly suppressed, through a period of four 
years in which the country enjoyed unexampled peace 
and prosperity. Never before in its history had there ' 
been such honesty in administration, such economy in 
expenditures, such uniform justice in the enforcement 
of the laws and respect for the officials, such advance 
in education, and such encouragement of commerce 
and protection to life and property. 

Soon after a change in the government at Washing- 
ton had occurred, by the inauguration of President 
McKinley, the subject of annexation was revived, and 
on June 16, 1897, a new treaty was signed, similar to 
the one made in 1893, except that the provision for 
annuities to the ex-queen and late heir apparent were 
omitted, and it was sent to the Senate for its considera- 
tion and action. 

2 U. S. For. Rol. 1894, Appendix u. 1311-1319, 135a 


When this fact became public the Japanese govern- 
ment, through its minister in Washing^n, sent to the 
Secretary of State a protest against the annexation, on 
the ground, first, that the maintenance of the inde- 
pendence of Hawaii was essential to the good under- 
standing of the powers having interests in the Pacific ; 
second, that annexation would tend to endanger the 
rights of Japanese subjects resident in Hawaii secured 
bj treaty ; and, third, that it might postpone the settle- 
ment of Japanese claims against Hawaii. To the state- 
ment of the Secretary of State that Japan had made no 
protest against the treaty of 1893, the answer was that 
since that date the enlargement of the interests of 
Japan and its expanding activities in the Pacific had 
created a very different situation. The Japanese popu- 
lation in Hawaii had so increased as to exceed the 
native inhabitants ; and since the war with China the 
Japanese in the islands had become quite self-assertive, 
and their government so positive in the enforcement of 
the claims of its subjects as to alarm seriously the 
Hawaiian republic.^ Assurances, however, being given 
that Japanese treaty rights and pending claims should 

^ The population of the Hawaiian Islands, as shown by the official 
census of the United States for 1900, was as follows : — 

Hawaiians 29,799 19.3 

Part Hawaiians 7,857 5.1 

Caucasians 28,819 18.7 

Chinese 26,767 16.7 

Japanese 61,111 39.7 

All others 648 0.6 



not be prejudiced by annexation^ the protest of the 
imperial government was not further pressed^ and the 
friendly relations were not disturbed. 

The treaty was still pending in the Senate when the 
United States declared war against Spain in April^ 
1898; and after Admiral Dewey's victory in Manila Bay 
it was manifest that the occupation of the Hawaiian 
Islands had become a military necessity. There being 
some question as to the possibility of securing the 
requisite two thirds vote in the Senate for the approval 
of the treaty of annexation^ it was determined to follow 
the precedent in the annexation of Texas^ and to bring 
about the result by means of a joint resolution of the 
two houses. The terms of the treaty were thereupon 
embodied in such a resolution^ and^ after a brief dis- 
cussion in each chamber^ it was passed by more than a 
two thirds vote in both houses^ and became a law 
July 7, 1898.^ 

The necessary formalities were promptly complied 
with, and Hawaii was incorporated into the American 
Union. It was, in accordance with the treaty and 
joint resolution, constituted a territory, and President 
Dole was appointed the first governor. In 1900 Con- 
gress passed an act for the organization of the Ter- 
ritory of Hawaii, in which the elective franchise was 
conferred upon all Hawaiian citizens, who by the terms 
of the treaty had become citizens of the United States. 

^ For treaty of 1897, S. Report No. 681, 55th CoDg. 2d Sess. p. 96. 
For debate in Hoose, Cong^ssional Record, vol. zzxi. pp. 5770-5973 ; in 
Senate, 6140-6693. For Joint Resolution, 30 Stat, at L. 750. For 
organic act of territory, 31 Stat at L. 141. 


The soyereignty of the United States has been peace- 
fully accepted by all its inhabitants, and after a hun- 
dred years of turmoil and uncertainty the islands are 
reposing in prosperity and stability, disturbed only by 
the political excitement incident to a democratic system 
of government. 

It has not been possible, within the compass of this 
volume, to narrate in detail the events attending the 
transfer of Hawaii to the United States or to review 
the merits of the controversy on that subject. The 
citation of official documents given will enable the 
student to pursue his investigation at will. 

The annexation of Hawaii to the United States was 
the necessary result of the policy announced by Secre- 
tary Webster in 1842^ and steadily pursued by each 
succeeding administration. This result was foreseen 
by European statesmen such as Lord Palmerston, and 
by intelligent observers of the geographical situation of 
the islands in relation to the commerce of the Pacific. 
The reasons for it were doubly increased by the acqui- 
sition of the Philippine Islands. Hawaii then became 
more than an outpost of the territory of the American 
Union on the western coast of the continent. It was a 
link in the chain of its possessions in the Pacific. It 
would have been the excess of political unwisdom to 
allow this group of islands to fall into the hands of 
Great Britain or Japan, either of which powers stood 
ready to occupy them. 

The native inhabitants had proved themselves in- 
capable of maintaining a respectable and responsible 
government, and lacked the energy or the will to 



improTe the advantages which ProvIdeDce had giyen 
them in a fertile soil. They were fast dying out as a 
race, and their places were being occupied by sturdy 
laborers from China and Japan. There was presented 
to the American residents the same problem which con- 
fronted their forefathers two centuries before in their | 
contact with the aborigines of the Atlantic coast. * 

A government was established in Hawaii which had 
all the elements of a de jure and de facto sovereignty, 
and had vigorously maintained itself for four years. It 
sought for incorporation into the American Union. 
Under all the circumstances the President and Con- 
gress of the United States would have been recreant to 
their trust if they had failed to take advantage of the 



A REVIEW of the diplomatio relations of the United 
States in the Pacific Ocean would hardly be complete 
without some reference to the Samoan Islands^ although 
their situation south of the equator places them in great 
measure beyond the sphere of American activity in that 
ocean. Besides, their recent history brings into prom- 
inence the policy of the United States respecting, the 
native governments of the groups of islands in Poly- 
nesia, and furnishes an example of the effects of an 
alliance or joint engagement with other powers. 

The first permanent intercourse of the inhabitants of 
the Samoan group with foreigners was with missionaries. 
A few years after the establishment of the American 
missions in Hawaii, the London Missionary Society — 
an organization which has done much useful work in 
Polynesia — sent missionaries to Samoa, and they have 
continued to labor there with considerable success up 
to the present time. The general testimony is that 
their influence on the inhabitants has been salutary. 
Mr. Tripp, the United States commissioner sent in 1899 
to investigate the condition of affairs, reported to the 
Secretary of State that '^ these people are far from 
being savages. They are splendid specimens of physi- 
cal manhood, and all are well informed about matters 


of general infonnation. They are nearly all Christians^ 
and are very devout in their attachment to their church 
and religion. • • • Thanks to the missionaries the great 
bulk of the natives and nearly all the chiefs can read 
and write and are adopting the habits of civilization 
with great alacrity." In recent years the Catholics 
have established missions, and have gathered a consider- 
able number of adherents. 

Foreign traders arrived soon after the missionaries, 
but it was several years before they permanently settled 
in the islands. The first to establish themselves were 


the (rermans, and they were followed by British and 
Americans. The intercourse of this class has had a 
most deleterious effect upon the natives. They inter- 
fered with the government, stirred up strife, and set the 
people at variance with each other through their support 
of rival chiefs. They circumvented or disregarded the 
prohibitions which the missionaries had induced the 
native rulers to enact against the importation of fire- 
arms and liquors. The injurious effect of this impor^ 
tation was brought to the attention of the British 
government, and Parliament enacted laws making the 
traffic unlawful for British subjects in the islands still 
under native rule. Hence the guilty parties in this 
nefarious commerce were mostly the (jermans and 

The first time the attention of the United States was 
officially called to these islands was in 1872. Com* 
mander Meade, in the naval steamer Narragansett, on a 
cruise in the South Pacific, entered the harbor of Pago 
Pago in Tutuila, and found the islands in a state of 



great disorder and fearful of foreign domination. At 
the solicitation of the g^at chief of the island of To- 
tuila he entered into an agreement "with the latter 
Avhereby the harbor of Pago Pago — said to be the 
best in the South Seas — was ceded to the United States 
as a naval station^ and the commander for his govern- 
ment assumed a protectorate over the dominions of the 
chief. Although the act was done withoat authority 
President Grant sent the agreement to the Senate for 
its consideration, stating that the acquisition of the 
harbor would be of great advantage, but that a modifi- 
cation as to the proposed protectorate ought to be made 
before the agreement should be approved. The Senate, 
however, took no action upon it. 

Doubtless influenced by the Meade agreement, Sec- 
retary Fish in 1873 sent a special agent — A. B. 
Steinberger — to Samoa to report upon its condition, 
especially with a view to the increase of commercial re- 
lations. Steinberger returned to the United States and 
submitted his report, and was again sent to the islands, 
bearing kindly messages and presents from the Presi- 
dent to its chiefs. In his instructions he was told that 
he could not give the chiefs any assurance of a protec- 
tomte, as it was ^^ adverse to the usual traditions of 
the government." With this second visit Steinberger's 
connection Tvdth the government of the United States 
ceased, but he had so ingratiated himself with the 
rulers as to be made their adviser, and for a few yean 
was the controlling spirit of the island government 
He, however, incurred the disfavor of the British and 
American consuls, because of too g^reat an intimacy 


with the leading (rerman firm^ and with the approval 
of the American consul was deported in a British man- 
of-war, and thus ended his career as premier.^ 

The disorder in Samoa continuing, the chiefs looked 
to some foreign power to give them a stable govern- 
ment. A deputation went in 1877 to Fiji to ask sup- 
port from the British authorities there, but without 
success. The same year they dispatched an envoy to 
Washing^n to seek a protectorate from the United 
States. The protectorate was declined, but Secretary 
Evarts made a commercial treaty with him in 1878, 
which was afterwards ratified by the chiefs, and in 
which the use of Pago Pago as a naval station was 
secured. The following year commercial treaties with 
the chiefs were made by Germany and Great Britain. 
Thus by these three powers was the independence of 
Samoa recognized. The treaties were followed by a 
convention the same year between the three power8, 
represented by their consuls, and the king of Samoa, 
whereby a municipal government, under control of the 
three consuls, was provided for Apia, the chief town of 
the islands.' 

The next few years were full of wrangling between 
the consuls of the three treaty powers, and of discord, 
and sometimes of open war, between the recognized 
king, MaKetoa, and the rival aspirante, Tamasese and 

^ 7 Presidents' Messages, 168 ; S. Ez. Doe. 45, 43d Cong. Ist Sess. ; 
H. Ex. Doc 161, 44tli Cong. Ist 8ess. ; H. Ex. Doe. 44» 44th Cong. 2d 
Sess. ; A Foot-Note to History, Eight Years of Trouble in Samoa, hj 
Robert Louis Stevenson, New York, 1892, p. 38. 

< 7 Presidents' Messages, 469, 497 ; Treaties of U. S. 972 ; H. Ex. Doc 
238, 50th Cong. 1st Sess. pp. 126-iaL 


to confer with him upon some scheme which would 
preserve the peace and assure to the islands a stable 
government. This proposition was assented to, and a 
conference of the three powers was held in Washington 
during the year 1887. 

Two plans for the reorganization of the Samoan gov- 
ernment were submitted. One was by the German 
minister, and was supported by his British colleaguCi 
the two governments having apparently reached an 
understanding as to their respective interests in the 
Pacific. This plan, base4 upon the claim of the superior 
interests of Germany in Samoa, would have g^ven to 
that power a controlling influence in the islands. Mr. 
Bayard strenuously objected to the predominant control 
of any one power, and he proposed that the adminis- 
tration of affairs should be committed to an executive 
council consisting of the king and three foreigners, one 
to be nominated by each of the powers, and that the 
Uiree governments should in turn keep a vessel in 
Samoan waters, to preserve the peace, and enforce, if 
necessary, the orders of the executive council. 

The conference failed to reach an ag^reement, and an 
adjournment of some months was taken, to enable the 
British and German ministers to consult their govern- 
ments, it being understood that the status quo would 
be meanwhile maintained. Immediately after the ad- 
journment, the German consul, under the orders of his 
government, made a demand upon Malietoa for repara- 
tion for certain wrongs alleged to have been committed 
by him and his people previous to the meeting of the 
conference, and upon his refusal war was declared, 


Malietoa was dethroned and deportedi and Tamaaese 
was instaUed as king, with a Gennan, one Brandeis, as 
adviser. This provoked a connter-revolution led by 
Mataafa, and again general disorder prevailed through- 
out the group. 

Much indignation was felt in the United States 
against Germany on account of its attitude in Samoa^ 
and Congress made an appropriation of a half million 
of dollars for the protection of American interests. 
President Cleveland dispatched a squadron of the navy 
to Apia, which soon after its arrival was destroyed in 
the harbor by a hurricane, with the loss of a consider- 
able number of its officers and men, an event which 
cast a gloom over the country, but gave increased intei^ 
est to the question. 

Secretary Bayard, by note to the minister at Berlin, 
made an energetic protest against the action of the 
German authorities in Samoa, taken with a view to ob- 
tain personal and commercial advantages and political 
supremacy, which was in direct violation of the agree- 
ment of the conference. On the other hand, he de- 
clared that the policy of the United States hacl been 
actuated not so much by the idea of any commercial 
interest, as by a benevolent desire to promote the de- 
velopment and secure the independence of one of the 
few remaining autonomous native governments in fh^ 
Pacific Ocean. He passed in review the recent events 
in that quarter of the globe, showing how the Euro- 
pean governments had appropriated, at their own will, 
the Polynesian islands, until almost the last vestige of 
native autonomy had been obliterated. 


This note initiated a correspondence, which led to a 
proposition from Count Bismarck, in February, 1889, 
for the reassembling of the conference of the three 
powers, and invited a meeting at Berlin. This propo- 
sition was promptly accepted by Secretary Bayard, but 
as President Cleveland's administration was drawing to 
a close, the appointment of the American representa- 
tives to the conference was left to his successor. Soon 
after the inauguration of President Harrison, Messrs. 
Kasson, W. W. Phelps, and Bates were appointed com- 
missioners to Berlin, Mr. Bates having made a visit to 
Samoa as special agent under the direction of Secretary 

In giving instructions to the commissioners. Secretary 
Blaine called attention to the plan proposed by Secre- 
tary Bayard in the first conference, and said that ^^ It 
was not in harmony with the established policy of this 
government. For if it is not a joint protectorate, to 
which there are such grave and obvious objections, it is 
hardly less than that and does not in any event promise 
efficient action." He said the President disapproved of 
the plan, but if intervention in the afEairs of Samoa 
should become absolutely necessary in the existing com- 
plication, ^^ It is the earnest desire of the President that 
this intervention should be temporary." The commis- 
sioners, however, found that no other plan than joint 
intervention could save the islands from the complete 
control of Germany, and Secretary Bayard's plan was 
adopted in principle, though considerably modified in 

The plan as finally agreed to recognized the inde- 


pendence of the Samoan government and the tight of 
the natives to choose their king and form of govern- 
ment according to tiieir own laws and cnstoma ; Malie- 
toa was recognized as king till his fixed term expired ; 
a foreign chief justice was to be i^pointed by agree* 
ment of the three powers, and was given extensive au- 
thority not only of a judicial, but also of a political 
character ; a foreign municipal government for Apia, 
with a foreign president chosen by the three powers, 
was to be organized ; and a foreign land commission of 
three members, one selected by each power, was to be 
constituted to pass upon all land titles, a measure which 
had been strongly urged by Secretary Bayard ; a method 
of taxation was devised ; and the sale of firearms and 
liquors to the natives was prohibited.^ 

It is difficult to recognize in this plan an independ* 
ent Samoan government, but no other method of secui^ 
ing order and peace seemed possible except to transfer 
the control of the government to Germany. Malietoa 
and his chie& signified their acceptance of the plan, 
and the machinery of the new government was put into 
operation. But in a little while it began to encounter 
difficulties. The writs of the chief justice were not re- 
spected by the natives ; they likewise resisted the taxes 
levied upon them ; the chief justice and the preddent 
of the Apia municipality were soon at cross-purposes ; 
and Mataaf a raised the standard of revolt, and when he 
was deported by the powers, Tamasese continued the 

^ H. Ex. Doo.238, 50th Cong. Ist Seas. ; S. Ex. Docs. 31, 68, ud IQS; 
H. Ex. Docs. 118 and 119, 50th Cong. 2d Seas. ; U. a For. BeL 1889^ 
pp. 179-423. For tripartite treat J, ib. 353. 


strife for the kingship. The three nations were fre- 
quently required to intervene with their men-of-war to 
restore order ; and the event anticipated by Secretary 
Blaine, that the joint protectorate scheme would not 
produce ^'efficient action/' was in process of realiza* 

During Mr. Cleveland's second administration it be* 
came evident that the joint protectorate, which his 
former administration had initiated, was a failure ; and 
his Secretary of State, Mr. Gresham, frankly recognized 
the mistake which had been committed, characterizing 
it as ^^ the first departure from our traditional and well 
established policy of avoiding entangling alliances with 
foreign powers in relation to objects remote from this 
hemisphere." The correspondence respecting the sub- 
ject was sent to Congress in May, 1894, and in his next 
annual message President Cleveland recommended that 
steps be taken to withdraw from the joint government 
He renewed this recommendation in his annual message 
of 1895, but Congress took no action respecting it.^ 

The unsatisfactory workingps of the tripartite protec- 
torate continued during the administration of President 
McKinley, but as no better adjustment was suggested, 
the government continued under that plan until a state 
of affairs developed which forced a renewed considera- 
tion of the subject upon the powers. Malietoa died in 
1898, and this event revived the conflicting claims to 
the kingship. The chief justice decided in favor of 

1 U. S. For. Bel. 1894, Appendix i. p. 604 ; 9 Presidento' MeisageSy 490| 
531, 635. For evento up to 1892, Stevenson's Samoa (cited) ; from ISSl 
to 1885| Mj Constdate in Samoa, hj W. B. Churchward, London, 1887. 



Malietoa Tanu, and Mataafa, who had been brought 
back from exile, again inaogurated civil war. The 
German consul and resident subjects sympathized with 
Mataafa, and the American and British consuls sought 
to uphold the authority of the legitimate ruler. This 
awakened the former national antagonism, which had 
for some years been quiescent. The commanders of 
the American and British men-of-war, which had been 
sent to the scene of disorder, felt it necessary to land 
marines and restrain the aggressions of the natives. In 
the conflicts which ensued several American officers and 
sailors lost their lives, and a considerable amount of 
property was destroyed. 

The governments of the three nations determined to 
seek an effective remedy for the intolerable condition 
of affairs, and they appointed a commission, consisting 
of one representative of each nation, to visit Samoa 
with full power to take whatever steps were necessary 
to restore order, and to suggest a plan for a permanent 
settlement of the government of the islands. The 
commission sailed from San Francisco in 1899. On 
their arrival their authority was recogpiized by all the 
consuls and by the Samoan officials and chiefs, and in a 
short time they were able to establish order. On July 
18 they united in a report, accompanied by a new plan 
of government, which materially modified the Berlin 
act or treaty of 1889, but they expressed the conviction 
that it would be impossible to find a remedy for the 
troubles through the joint administration of the three 
It thus became evident that joint control of the 


islands was impracticable. Germany proposed a parti- 
tion of the group among the powers. Great Britain, 
having the assurance from Germany of territorial com- 
pensation in other directions, acquiesced in the pro- 
position. The trade of the United States with Samoa 
was very inconsiderable, and its chief material interest 
in the group was the use of the harbor of Pago Pago 
as a naval station. An agreement was finaUy reached 
between the three powers that the United States should 
be given the control of Tutuila and its outlying islets, 
and that all the other islands should be taken by Ger- 
many ; and treaties to that effect were signed in Novem- 
ber and December, 1899. Malietoa Tanu protested 
against this disposition of his kingdom, and also ad- 
dressed a letter to the London ^^ Times," in which he 
asserted that the civilization which had been introduced 
by the foreign governments into Polynesia was inferior 
to that which its inhabitants previously possessed.^ 

The United States had made an honest effort to pre- 
serve, as Secretary Bayard expressed it, ^^ almost the 
last vestige of native autonomy in the islands of the 
Pacific." It had failed, mainly owing to the perverse 
obstruction of the German interests in the islands, and 
the only alternative for the United States seemed to be 
a withdrawal from the ineffectual and unsatisfactory 
joint control. More than twenty years previously it 
had acquired the right to use the commodious harbor 

^ U. S. For. Rel. 1S99, pp. 604-673 ; for ireatj of partition, ib. 667 ; 
London Times, Jan. 12, 1900. For foil review of Samoan affairs, Amer- 
ican Diplomatic Qnestions, bj Jobn B. Henderson, Jr., New York, 1901, 
chap. iii. ; for briefer account, American Belations in the Pacific, b/ 
J. M. Callahan, Baltimore, 1901, chap. ix. 


of Pago Pago, a privil^^ which had become mach 
more valuable on account of its recent great maritime 
and territorial expansion in the Pacific. In order to 
make that privilege effective it became necessarji in the 
partition^ to reserve to itself the control of the small 
island which contains this harbor. Up to the present 
the inhabitants of Tutuila have been left to the govern- 
ment of their own chiefs, with such supervision as the 
commandant of the naval station of Pago Pago finds it 
necessary to exercise, in order to restrain illicit foreign 
trade and intercourse. 

This experiment of controlling distant territory in 
cooperation with other foreign powers may be accepted 
as a warning to the United States to avoid such complir 
cations in the future. And yet the very next year after 
ihe abandonment of the tripartite control in Samoa the 
United States was forced into joint action with ten 
other powers, for the purpose of protecting its inter- 
ests in China. While the caution which Washington 
j gave his countrymen in his farewell address to avoid en- 
; tangling alliances has not lost its virtue, the nation has 
attained such a position among the powers of the earth 
that it cannot remain a passive spectator of interna' 
tional affairs. 




The foregoing pages constitute a narrative of the 
disinterested efforts of the United States to establish 
and maintain friendly relations and free commercial 
intercourse with the countries of the Orient. It has 
been seen that whenever the American representatives 
have approached the governments of China, Japan, 
Korea, and Siam, it was with the statement that their 
faraway people cherish no scheme of territorial ag- 
grandizement in that region of the world, and that 
their only desire was to secure mutual benefit from the 
establishment of trade and to extend the influence of 
Christian civilization. 

An event is now to be recorded which introduced a 
new factor in the relations of the United States with 
the Orient and which materially affected its political 
and commercial conditions and changed its foreign pol- 
icy. From being a distant country concerned only 
in unselfish friendship and industrial development, it 
suddenly and unexpectedly became sovereign over a I 
numerous Asiatic people and possessed of an extensive 
territorial domain in that quarter of the globe which 
was to be defended by an American army and navy. 

The war with Spain in 1898 was entered upon by the 
government and people of the United States with no 


thought of territorial acquisition in the Pacific Ocean. 
The condition of the island of Cuba had been for three 
quarters of a century a source of embarrassment and 
concern to them, and the war was undertaken, in the 
language of President McEIinley to Congress, ^^ to re- 
lieve the intolerable condition of affairs which is at 
our doors." The joint resolution of Congress of April 
20, 1898, which was virtually the declaration of war, 
announced the sole purpose to be the expulsion of Spain 
from Cuba and the establishment there of a free and 
independent government. But the victory of Admiral 
Dewey in Manila Bay modified all these plans. The 
dispatch of his squadron to the Philippines was made 
necessary by the exposure of American commerce in 
the Orient and of American cities and towns on the 
Pacific coast to the reprisals of the Spanish fleet. He 
fulfilled his orders when he destroyed that fleet. But 
there was not a single harbor in all the Asiatic waters 
where his squadron could remain in time of war. His 
only course was to continue in the harbor captured 
from the enemy till he received orders from his govern- 

The close of the war found the Americans in posses- 
sion of Cuba, Porto Rico, and Manila Bay. The dispo- 
sition of these conquests presented a serious problem to 
their government. 

The year 1852 saw the end of the careers of the 

^ During the time the admiral remained in Manila Bay he added to hit 
brilliant achievement of arms bj wise conduct in his relations with the 
commanders of foreign squadrons in sympathy with the defeated foe, thns 
showing himself worthy to be ranked with Perry and Schufeldt in dipli>- 
matio service in the Orient 


triumvirate of great statesmen of the middle period of 
American history, Calhoun, Clay, and Webster. Henry 
Clay, in the early period of his political life, was chiefly 
instrumental in precipitating war with England, in ex- 
pectation of the conquest of Canada ; and he devoted 
the later years of his public service to laying the foun- 
dation of the system of protection out of which has 
come in large measure the present power and prosperity 
of the nation. W. H. Seward, who realized more clearly 
than any other American the great destiny of his 
country in the Pacific Ocean, standing by the bier of 
Clay in the senate chamber, uttered these words, which 
to-day sound like the inspiration of the seer : — 

^^ Certainly, Sir, the great lights of the Senate have 
set. . . • We are rising to another and a more sublime 
stage of national progress — that of expanding wealth 
and rapid territorial aggrandizement. Our institutions 
throw a broad shadow across the St. Lawrence, and 
stretching beyond the vaUey of Mexico, reaches even to 
the plains of Central America ; while the Sandwich 
Islands and the shores of China recognize its renovating 
influence. Wherever that influence is felt, a desire for 
protection under these institutions is awakened. Ex- 
pansion seems to be regulated, not by any difficulties of 
resistance, but from the moderation which results from 
our own internal constitution. No one knows how 
rapidly that restraint may give way. Who can tell how 
fast or how far it ought to yield? Commerce has 
brought the ancient continents near to us, and cre- 
ated necessities for new positions — perhaps connec- 
tions or colonies there. . . . Even prudence will soon 


be required to decide whether distant regions^ East or 
West, shall come under our protection^ or be left to 
aggrandize a rapidly spreading and hostile domain of 
despotism. Sir, who among us is equal to these mighty 
questions ? I fear there is no one." ^ 

These ^^ mighty questions '' confronted President Mc- 
Kinky at the close of the Spanish war. It was a com* 
paratively easy matter to decide respecting Cuba and 
Porto Rico, but the disposition of the Philippines was a 
much more difficult problem. The country had already 
to some extent entered upon territorial acquisition in 
the Pacific. The right to the occupation of the island 
of Tutuila, in the Samoan group, with the commodious 
harbor of Pago Pago, had been acquired years before, 
and the Hawaiian Islands had been added to the Ameri- 
can Union. But it was a long stretch across the Pacific 
to the southern shores of China and Siam. In his per- 
plexity as to the course to be pursued, the President 
caused to be inserted in the protocol of Aug^t 12, 
1898, which suspended hostilities and formed the basis 
for the treaty of peace, the following provision : — 

^^ The United States will occupy and hold the city, 
bay and harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a 
treaty of peace, which shall determine the control, dii^ 
position and government of the Philippines.'' 

While the protocol provided that Spain should relin- 
quish its sovereignty over Cuba, and that it should cede 
to the United States Porto Rico and other islands in 
the West Indies, no allusion was made to a change of 

1 Obituary Addpewes on the Death of Henry CUy, Washington, 1S52, 

p. 4a 


sovereignty in the Philippines. A careful examination 
of the diplomatic history of the period shows that the 
attitude of the government which resulted in the ac- 
quisition of those islands passed through three stages 
before the final consummation. In the first stage the 
President; who from the beginning to the conclusion 
guided the negotiations, was not in favor of demanding 
the sovereignty and possession of the islands. The 
language of the protocol sustains this view, and it is 
confirmed by the President's unofficial declarations.^ 

A month after the protocol was signed, Messrs. W. B. 
Day, C. K. Davis, W. P. Frye, George Gray, and White- 
law Beid were i^pointed commissioners to negotiate a 
treaty of peace ; and three days afterwards they received 
tiieir instructions. In this interval the President had 
changed his attitude. The instructions given the com- 
missioners say: ^^ Without any original thought of 
complete or even partial acquisition, the presence and 
success of our arms at Manila [which had been surren- 
dered the day after the protocol was signed] impose upon 
OS obligations which we cannot disregard. The march 
of events rules and overrules human action." The com- 
missioners were directed to ask for the cession of the 
island of Luzon, and for reciprocal commercial privileges 
in the other islands of the Spanish g^oup. 

The American representatives arrived in Paris Sep- 
tember 28, and held their first meeting with the Spanish 

> On January, 1899, President McKinlej stated to Dr. Sehurman tbat 
he did not want tlie Philippine Islands. He said i** In the protoool to the 
treatj I left myself free not to take them ; but in the end there was no 
altematiTe.*' Philippine Affairs, An Address by J. G. Schnrmany New 
York, 1902, p. 2. 


commissioners October 1. Daring recess between oon 
ferences with the Spanish negotiatorsi and before the 
subject of the Philippines was reached, they examined a 
number of persons more or less informed as to these 
islands, including General Merritt, commander of the 
American army at Manila, who was ordered to Paris 
to advise with the commissioners. The trend of the 
information received by them was that the natives were 
strongly opposed to the restoration of Spanish author- 
ity ; that its rule had been most oppressive and cruel ; 
that the natives were not capable of sustaining an inde- 
pendent government; and that if American authority 
was withdrawn the islands would fall into hopeless 
anarchy and misrule. Tim testimony as token ^ 
cabled to Washington. On October 25, Mr. Day (late 
Secretary of State) informed the President that there 
existed differences of opinion among the commission 
as to the course to be pursued, and asked for further 
instructions. He himself doubted the wisdom of ex- 
tending American sovereignty over the Philippines, but 
would acquiesce in the occupation of Luzon as a com- 
mercial base and a naval station. Senator Gray opposed 
the taking of any part of the territory. The other three 
commissioners favored a demand for the cession of the 
entire Philippine group. 

Meanwhile the President had made a visit through 
the States of the central West, attended several peace 
jubilees, and returned to Washington impressed with 
the popular sentiment apparently favorable to the acqui- 
sition of all the Philippine Islands ; and on October 26 
Secretary Hay cabled the commission that the President 

■taM«<" -- 


WSA convinced that, on political; commercial, and hu* 
manitarian grounds, the cession must be of the whole 
archipelago. He ^' is deeply sensible of the grave re- 
sponsibiUties it will impose/' but he believes ^^this course 
will entail less trouble than any other, and besides will 
best subserve the interests of the people involved^ for 
whose welfare we cannot escape responsibility/' 

Thus the third and last stage in the attitude of the 
government was reached, and a proposition was sub- 
mitted to the Spanish commissioners for the cession of 
the Philippines, and the payment to Spain of twenty 
millions of dollars. The Spanish commissioners pro- 
tested that the proposition was in violation of the peace 
protocol, but in order to avoid the horrors of war, they 
resigned themselves ^^ to the painful strait of submitting 
to the law of the victor ; " and the treaty of peace was 
signed which contained the cession of the entire Philip- 
pine group to the United States/ 

Three reasons were advanced for requiring the ces- 
sion of the Philippines, based upon political, commercial, 
and moral grounds. 

It was claimed that the United States had reached a 
stage in its history where it should no longer confine its 
influences to the western hemisphere. Modem means 
of communication had annihilated distance, so that the 
United States was nearer to the PhiUppines than it was 
to California when that territory was acquired from 

^ Petoe Ph»toool» S. Doo. No. 02, Ft L 65th Cong. 3d Sets. 282 ; In- 
stroeiioiia to Peace Commissionera, S. Doc. 148, 56th Cong. 2d Seas, 3 ; 
Negotiations, Docs. Nos. 62 and 148 (cited) ; Treaty of Peace, Doc. No. 
02 (cited), 5. 


Mexico. The Pacific Ocean had become the area of 
interest to the civilized world, and h was not only 
proper, but essential to the future prosperity of the 
United States to secure a commanding and controlling 
station on the Asiatic side of the Pacific. 

The argument for a complete cession from a commer- 
cial standpoint was that the recent enormous increase 
in productiveness of American industries and in the 
export trade required an extension of markets ; that it 
was impossible to enter into competition with European 
countries without following their methods in securing a 
base for commercial operations ; and that, although the 
policy of the United States was '^ the open door/' this 
could not be maintained without asserting American 
political power, especiaUy in the part of the world where 
the greatest markets were situated. 

The moral grounds for the possession of the Philip- 
pines were that the colonial administration of Spain had 
been conducted with great cruelty, injustice, and in dis- 
regard of personal rights; that it would be inhnini^n 
and morally wrong to permit Spain to retain her sovei^ 
eignty ; that the weakened power of that government 
would be unable to tranquillize the disordered and law- 
less conditions existing in the islands, to protect life and 
property, and to perform the obligations incident to 
government ; and that it was for the interest of the 
people of the Philippines in particular, and mankind in 
general, to extend to the archipelago the principles of 
civil liberty, equality, and self-government, which form 
the basis of American institutions, and that to do so was 
a duty to the world which the United States could not 


rightfully ignore. It is impossible to read the utter- 
ances of President McEIinley during and foUowing the 
negotiations, without being satisfied that these latter 
considerations exercised a controlling influence with 
him in determining the destiny of the islands. 

There was a large party in the United States which 
combated all these reasons, and contended that the ad- 
dition to the American domain of distant regions and 
races would lead to hurtful innovations in the system of 
government, to the oppression of an un¥rilling people, 
to a large increase in the standing army and the navy 
with heavy financial burdens, and to threatening for- 
eign complications. But this opposition was no greater 
than had been manifested at the time of the addition 
to the American possessions of the Louisiana territory, 
Texas, California, and Hawaii. Since the beginning of 
its history, every step taken in the enlargement of the 
bounds of the Union had been popular with the masses 
of its citizens, had resulted in increased prosperity to 
the nation, and in benefit to the inhabitants of the 
annexed territory. Such, it was argued, would be the 
result as to the new possessions in the Orient. 

Following soon after the acquisition of the Philip- 
pines, and while the government of the United States 
was actively engaged in restoring order and establisb- 
ing a stable administration in its new possessions, the 
mutterings of a storm were heard in China which threat- 
ened to disorganize the government of that country, 
to paralyze its commerce, and to put in peril the lives 
and property of all foreign residents. In a few months 
the storm broke with a violence hitherto unknown 


in that land of riots and dimdcr. TLe orifiKd wcdd 
wag horrified by the masBaae of foie^iien^ — men, 
women, and helpless children, — tiie deBtmedcm of for 
eign-boQt raflwajs and property, and finaDy by the 
news that one foreign ministfir had been murdered in 
a street of the capital, and that all the other diplomatie 
representatives were besi^ned in their l^mtions and 
their lives threatened by a bloodthirstr mob which had 
overawed or was controlling the imperial goTemmoit 
In answer to the urgent call idiich came from the be- 
leaguered diplomats and foreigners resident at Peking, 
Tientsin, and other places, the United States, within a 
brief space was able from its forces in the Philippines 
to land upon Chinese soil a division of its army, sap- 
ported by a squadron of its navy, and to take an 
important and honorable part in the rescue of its 
citizens and in the pacification and reorganization of 
the empire. 

The so-called ^^ Boxer '' movement, which was the 
occasion of these troubles, suddenly dominated several 
of the most populous provinces and the imperial capital, 
and for a time threatened to carry the whole nation 
with it, in its cry for the expulsion of all foreigners 
from the country. Such a widespread and powerful 
movement, which imposed upon the United States and 
the other civilized powers the task of readjusting the 
foreign and domestic relations of the great empire, 
demands careful consideration. 

China has been described as honeycombed with 
secret societies. The / Ho Tuan^ or "Boxers," va- 
riously translated the " Sacred Harmony Fist,'* " Fists 



of Righteous Harmony," op " The Fist of Equality/* 
had existed in the province of Shantung for many 
years, and so long ago as 1803 it had been prohibited 
by the government. It seems to have had as its object 
mutual benefit and support, mixed with patriotic and 
religious ideas and the practice of mysticism and magic. 
One of the best informed writers on Chinese affairs 
says the organization ^^ remains and perhaps will con- 
tinue to remain to a large extent a mystery to Occi- 
dentals." The events following the war with Japan 
gave to it increased activity, and, instigated and sup- 
ported by the mandarins and literati, it rapidly spread 
through the province. With the cry of ^^ Drive out the 
foreigners and uphold the dynasty," it entered upon its 
self-appointed work of the expulsion of all foreigners 
from China, which culminated in the siege of the lega- 
tions and the occupation of Peking by the armies of 
the treaty powers.* 

The immediate cause of the '^ Boxer " uprising was 
the antipathy to foreigners and foreign ways, a feeUng 
which prevails throughout the entire population of the 
empire, with very rare exceptions. The foreigners in 
China may be divided into three classes, — the mis- 
sionaries, the merchants, and the public officials of 
other nations; and the lines of foreign activity are 
three, — missionary, commercial, and politicaL 

The missionary movement in the interior of China 

1 The Boxer Rising, Shanghai Mereorj, Shanghai, 1900 ; 1 China in 
ConynlBion, by Rey. A. H. Smith, New York, 1001, chaps, x.-ziii. ; The 
Siege of Peking, by Dr. W. A. P. Martin, New York, 1900, chap. ir. ; 
China and the Poweis, by H. C. Thompson, London, 1902, chaps, i. and 
ziiL; U. S. For. ReL 1S9S, China ; & Ex. Doe. 67, 57th Cong. 1st Sess. 75. 


did not really begin until after the signing of tlie 
treaties of 1858. Some woric had been done previously 
by the Roman Catholics, but without security and pro- 
tection, and by the Protestants in the vicinity of the 
treaty ports, but the country had been practically closed 
to Christianity since the earliest intercourse with Euro- 
peans. Francis Xavier, returning from his successful 
labors in Japan, landed on the coast of China in 1552 
and found it hermeticaUy sealed against him. His 
noble soul could not brook the restraint, and there he 
died, exclaiming, ^^ Oh 1 rock, rock, when wilt thou 
open?" By the American and British treaties of 
1858 religious liberty was for the first time guaran- 
teed, and by the French treaty the missionaries were 
permitted to acquire land and erect buildings in all 
the provinces. Since that date Christianity has been 
extended throughout almost all parts of the empire. 
There are now in the field about eighteen hundred 
Catholic and twenty-eight hundred Protestant foreign 
missionaries, and the converts are variously estimated 
at from five hundred thousand to over one million. 

The testimony of the best observers is that ihe 
Chinese are not inclined to religious persecution, and 
that their antipathy to the missionaries is not so much 
on account of their religion as because they are for- 
eigners and their presence leads to the introduction 
of foreign methods. Nevertheless the propagation of 
Christianity has been attended by serious opposition 
and bloody riots. That of Tientsin in 1870 has already 
been noticed. The years 1883-84 and 1891 were 
marked by violent attacks upon the missions, and that 


of 1895^ following the Japanese war^ was one of the 
most serious and widespread, until all former ones were 
surpassed by the slaughter of 1900. 

The natural hatred of foreigners was aggravated by 
stories emanating from the gentry and literati, cirour 
lated by word of mouth, by placard and pamphlet, 
charging the missionaries with the kidnapping of chil* 
dren, murder, magic, and vile deeds. Besides, the 
teaching of Christianity tended to the introduction of 
ideas hostile to the existing governmental order and 
struck at ancestor worship. The missionaries opposed 
such native customs as slavery, concubinage, support of 
heathen festivals, and foot-binding. In fact, in China, 
as elsewhere and in all ages, the influence of Chris- 
tianity was revolutionary. Its Founder declared that 
he ^^ came not to send peace, but a sword." Paul, the 
first missionary, when he declared ^'the Gospel is the 
power of God," used the Greek word which has been 
anglicized to designate the most powerful of all modem 
explosives, dynamite. If the introduction of Chris- 
tianity into the little island of Britain was attended 
with bloodshed and disorder for four hundred years, it 
should not be regarded as strange that in the mighty 
empire of the East its propagation has been marked by 
civil commotion. 

But the missionaries were not merely the preachers 
of a new religion. They were useful to the govern- 
ment and society in many ways. The service they 
have rendered in diplomacy has already been referred 
to. Everywhere they brought the benefits of educa« 
tion and medicine and established schools and hospitals. 


Minister Deuby, who from his long official residence in 
China was the most competent judge, in a dispatch to 
the Department of State, said of the missionaries^ ^^ that 
their influence is beneficial to the natives ; that the 
arts and sciences and civilization are greatly spread by 
their efforts; that many useful Western books are 
translated by them into Chinese ; and that they are the 
leaders in all charitable work. • • • In the interest, 
therefore, of civilization, missionaries ought not only 
to be tolerated, but ought to receive protection." Their 
claim to protection and their useful service to China 
had been recognized by imperial edicts, but these could 
not, in the eyes of the people, change their character 
as odious foreigners.^ 

A careful examination will show that missions were 
far from being the chief cause of the disturbances of 
1900. From the foregoing chapters it has been seen 
that the principal object of securing intercourse with 
the East by the Christian nations has been the intro- 
duction and extension of commerce. On its account 
China had time and again suffered war and great 
humiliation at the hands of powerful European nations. 
The unwelcome traffic in opium had spread its baleful 
effects throughout the whole land. The establishment 
of lines of steamships and the construction of railroads 

I U. S. For. Rel. 1880-1897, China ; Williams's Hist China, 420-437 ; 
Martin's Cathay, Pt. ii. chap. zv. ; Thompson's China, chaps, xy. and xvL; 
1 Smith's China, etc., chaps. iii.-yi. ; China, her History, Diplomaey, 
and Commerce, hy £. H. Parker, London, 1901, chap. zr. ; Missionazy 
Principles and Practice, by Robt Speer, New York, 1902, p. 173 ; Report 
on China Missions, by Rev. A. J. Brown, New York, 1901, pp. 16-23; 
U. S. For. BeL 1895, p. 197 ; 1899, pp. 154-178. 


were throwing hundreds of thousands of CSiinese out 
of employment. The growing importation of Ameri- 
can and British cotton fabrics were making idle looms 
and untilled cotton fields. American kerosene was 
destroying the husbandry of vegetable oils. And in an 
infinity of other ways was Western commerce affecting 
the domestic industries, and this with a people who 
were intensely conservatiye, wedded to ancient customs, 
and inveterate enemies of foreign trade. 

The construction of railroads was bitterly opposed by 
the masses of the people, not only for the reasons just 
stated, but because it disturbed their venerated ances- 
tral worship. Chinese burial places are not segregated, 
but are found all over the face of the country. Their 
desecration is regarded as the most heinous of crimes. 
It is stated that the Germans, in constructing a line 
from their port of Kiaochau, a distance of forty-six 
miles, though using all the care possible to pass around 
the most thickly located burial places, had to remove 
no less than three thousand graves. It is not strange 
to learn that all lines of railway have to be guarded by 

After the Japanese war a new impetus was given to 
commercial enterprise. Foreign traders as well as mis- 
sionaries visited the interior, and the Chinese saw their 
country being overrun by the hated people. A scram- 
ble for railroad and mining concessions followed, sup- 
ported by the influence of the representatives of the 
foreign governments; grants were made to Russians, 
French, British, Americans, Belgians, and others ; and 
the whole territory of the empire seemed destined to be 


ploughed over by the feared and hated locomotivei and 
the most profitable enterprises to be placed in the hands 
of the despised foreigners.^ 
I But the most potent cause of the Boxer movement 
ij was neither the missions nor commerce, but the polit- 
ical influences which were operating for the dismem* 
berment and destruction of the empire. These influ- 
ences were especially manifest during 1897 and 1898. 
The cession of Formosa to Japan in 1895 was not so 
offensive, as it was the result of a great war and some 
compensatiou to the victor in territory seemed natural 
But the effect of the next aggression was quite differ- 
ent. Following the murder of two Grerman Catholic 
priests by a mob in Sliantung in November, 1897, the 
Grerman government sent a strong naval force to the 
qpacious harbor of Kiaochau, ejected the Chinese forces 
from the fortifications, and occupied the place with 
marines. This was soon followed by the demand of 
the Grerman minister in Peking for an apology for the 
murder of the priests, a large indemnity, and a lease of 
the harbor and an adjoining strip of territory, with the 
privilege of building railroads and exploiting mines in 
the province of Shantung. The remonstrances of the 
Tsung-U Yamen against the summary method of pro- 
cedure and the exorbitant demands were of no avail. 
The German seizure of Kiaochau was followed a month 
later by the occupation of Port Arthur by a Russian 

^ The Problem in China, by A. R. Colqaboun, London, 1900 ; 1 Smiths 
China, etc chap. yii. ; Douglass's China, 447 ; The Story of the Chiaeae 
Crisis, by A. Krausse, London, 1900, p. 135 ; China and the Powera, by 
A. Lrehind, Boston, 1902 ; Dr. Brown's Report, 9-13 ; Cren. Wilson's 
China, 894 ; Spear's Missionary, eto. 157, 101. 


fleet, and in March, 1898, Russia secured a lease of 
that strong fortress and harbor, as well as the neigh- 
boring port of Talienwan, in the peninsula of Liao- 
tung, with the privil^e of connecting them by railroad, 
through Manchuria, witii the Siberian trunk line. Only 
three years before, Russia, in conjunction with its ally 
France, and with Germany, had compelled Japan to 
give up the liaotung peninsula, on the ground that 
a nation holding it might at any time threaten Peking. 
The action of Russia led Great Britain to demand and 
secure the lease of the fortress of Wei-hai-wei and a 
strip of adjoining territory on the opposite promontory. 
France, which had some years before taken the large 
suzerain territory of Annam and Tonquin, also secured 
in 1898 an enlargement of its possessions in that region 
at the expense of China. 

These proceedings were followed by agreements or 
treaties between Russia and Great Britain, and between 
Germany and Great Britain, aa to what are termed 
^^ spheres of influence" in China, without consulting 
the government of that country or taking its wishes or 
interests into account. At tiie demand of the same 
powers, several new ports were opened to foreign trade, 
with the usual concomitants of foreign territorial con- 
cessions and exterritorial jurisdiction ; until now the 
extensive Chinese Empire is reduced to die anomalous 
condition of scarcely possessing a single harbor in all 
its long line of seacoast where it can concentrate its 
navy and establish a base of warlike operations, with- 
out the conseut of the treaty powers. Not the least of 
the irritants which induced the Boxer movement was 


the foreign authority which was exercised in the treaty 
ports, and the ahuse and contempt with which the nar 
tives were there treated.^ 

The rulers of China understood full well the causes 
which had nerved their people to rise in their wrath 
and undertake the impossible task of the expulsion of 
the foreigners. In 1900, after the Boxer moyement 
had been put down, li Hung Chang, in giving the 
cause of the outbreak, stated that its chief impetus was 
to be found in the high-handed course of Grermany, and 
it ^^ was due to the deep-seated hatred of the Chinese 
people towards foreigners. China had been oppressed, 
trampled upon, coerced, cajoled, her territory taken, 
and her usages flouted." The empress dowager, in her 
famous proclamation issued when the Boxers were 
reaching their ascendancy, and just before the violent 
outburst of 1900, exclaimed : ** The various powers 
cast upon us looks of tiger-like voracity, hustling each 
other in their endeavors to be the first to seize upon 
our inmost territory. They think that China, having 
neither money nor troops, would never venture to go 
to war with them. They fail to understand, however, 
that there are some things which this empire can never 
consent to, and that, if hard pressed, we have no al- 
ternative but to rely upon the justice of our cause, the 
knowledge of which in our breasts strengthens oar 

1 U. S. For. Rel. 1898, pp. 182-191 ; 1900, p. 85 ; 1 Sinith's China, 
etc. chmp. yiii. ; The Break-Up of China, hy Lord Charles Berasfoid, 
New York, 1899, chap. xzz. ; Kraosse's Chinese Crisis, 143, 147 ; China 
in Transformation, by A. R. Colquhoun, London, 1898, chap, jir, ; Es- 
says on the Chinese Question, by Sir R. Hart, London, 1901, chap t. ; 
World Politics, by P. S. Reinsch, New York, 1900, pU. iii. and t. 


resolve and steels us to present a united front against 
our aggressors." 

Under the state of affairs thus briefly indicated, the 
Boxers soon overran Shantung, spread through the 
adjoining provinces, and were threatening the imperial 
capital. In 1898 the Yellow River overflowed its 
banks, causing widespread misery, and in 1899 famine 
prevailed in the near-by province of Eiangsu, and bands 
of robbers and lawless men added to the general dis- 
order. The political confusion at Peking likewise con- 
tributed to the prevailing disorganization of the country. 
While the mass of the people, including the ruling 
classes, remained fixed in their conservative views, a 
considerable body of intelligent men had become con- 
vinced that China must follow the example of Japan, 
and align itself with the Western nations in its govern- 
ment and social institutions. The young emperor, who 
had studied English and read numerous translations of 
Western books, including the Bible, had gathered about 
him a number of liberal men, who realized the deplor- 
able condition of the empire, and believed it could be 
overcome only by initiating reforms in the government. 
The emperor at once undertook the task, and over 
thirty edicts were issued in quick succession, providing 
for most radical reforms in the administrative, financial, 
and educational departments. 

li Hung Chang, a devoted adherent of the empress 
dowager, not being in accord with these measures, was 
relieved from his post in the Tsung^li Yamen. His 
rival, Chang Chih Tung, who from a bitter foreign 
hater had become a strong advocate of liberal ideas, 


for iheir sappression^ but the same month the railwajr 
stations were attacked by them^ and legation guards 
were again hastily dispatched from Tientsin. Scarcely 
had they arrived when the railway between that city 
and Peking was seized by the Boxers June 4, and soon 
thereafter all telegraphic communication with the cap- 
ital ceased. 

Events that startled the world followed swiftly. A 
column of naval troops were marched overland to open 
up communication with the legations, and militaiy 
forces were hurried forward from the American army 
in the Philippines, and by the other treaty powers from 
the nearest foreign posts. The Taku forts were occu- 
pied by the allied forces after a few hours' bombard- 
ment, — the American admiral declining, however, to 
take part in it, as he held it to be an act of war, and 
his instructions were to use his forces only for the pro- 
tectioft of American interests; but it proved to be a 
wise military precaution, as the Chinese government 
was then under the control of the Boxers, and its forces 
were cooperating with them against the foreigners. 
Tientsin was attacked by the Chinese troops in large 
numbers, and the foreign residents were saved from 
slaughter only by the timely arrival of the allied forces. 
News came from Peking of the murder of the German 
minister and the siege of the legations, succeeded by 
frightful rumors of the extermination of the diplomatic 
corps and all foreigners in the capital. 

Then followed the repulse of the column sent to the 
relief of the legations, their long and heroic siege, the 
gathering of the allied army at Tientsin, its march to 


the capital^ the deliverance of the besieged, and the 
occupation of Peking. It is not possible to give t 
detailed narrative these events^ but it will illustrate the 
inveterate and all-embracing hostility of the Chineae 
to note the experience of two of the persons who un- 
derwent the dangers and privations of the sieg^e. Dr. 
W. A. P. Martin, an American, and Sir Robert Hart, 
an Englishman, had each spent more than fifty years in 
China, the greater portion of this time in the service of 
the Chinese government. Martin was a scholar of rare 
attainments, who had translated various works on inter- 
national law and kindred topics into Chinese, and for 
many years had presided over the Imperial Universitj. 
He was pronounced by Minister Denby ** the foremost 
American in China." Sir Robert Hart had taken chaige 
of the Chinese customs service, brought order out of 
confusion, supplanted wholesale corruption with strict 
honesty and accountability ; had from insignificaht pro- 
portions made its resources largely support the govern- 
ment and pay its foreign indebtedness ; and had been 
the trusted and able adviser of the cabinet and the most 
useful official in China. But when the storm broke 
upon the capital the angpry mob of Boxers and soldiers, 
thirsting for the blood of the despised foreigner, as- 
saulted, plundered, and burned to ashes the residences of 
those two public servants, Martin and Hart escaping only 
with their lives and the clothes on their backs to the 
legation quarters. All their services to the government 
counted as nothing with the infuriated demons.^ 

^ For military operations, Report of U. S. Secretarj of Narj for 1900; 
pp. 3| 1148 ; Lieutenant-General Commanding the Armj of U. S. 19O0; 


In the massacres and plundering which attended the 
uprising of 1900 it was manifest that the movement | 
was not against the Christians, or any other special 
class, but against all foreigners and foreign things. 
Missionaries, railroad constructors, merchants, teachers, 
and diplomats were alike the victims, and foreign pro- 
perty and foreign-made goods in the hands and shops 
of Chinese were destroyed. 

The evidence is also overwhelming that the empress 
dowager and the government — as reconstructed after 
the displacement of the emperor in 1898 — were in 
sympathy with the Boxers, and that the government 
finally coalesced with them, and became responsible for 
the attack upon Tientsin and the siege of the legations. 
There is reason, however, to believe, that the emperor 
did not approve of these acts, and there were instances 
of heroic devotion to duty and the true interests of the 
country on the part of some members of the Tsung-Ii 
Tamen and other public men. The native Christians 
also, as a rule, proved true to their new faith, and 
courageously supported their foreign friends in their \ 
hour of trial. 

The dispatch of a division of the American army, 
composed of all arms of the service and fuUy equipped 
for a campaign, was one of the most extreme acts of 
executive authority in the history of the United States. 
It has been seen that when the Secretary of State was 
requested by the representatives of Great Britain and 

pt Til. ; ib. for 1901, pi. iv. p. 433 ; U. S. For. Rel. 1900, " China " ; Gen- 
eral WUson'i China, ohaps. zxii.-xziT. Most of the worki already cited 
in this chapter contain narratiyes of the Boxer operations and the siege 
of Peking. 


The main object of the military operations of the 
allies had been attained by the deliverance of the lega- 
tions ; but it was manifest that the work of the powers 
would not be complete until the causes which had 
brought about the unparalleled outrage against the 
comity of nations should be removed^ and the necessary 
precautions taken to prevent a recurrence of similar 
violations in the future. The first step to that end 
had been taken by the American Secretary of State, 
Mr. Hay, soon after the g^vity and extent of the 
offense against international law and comity became 
known. On July 3, 1900, Mr. Hay^ through a circular 
note, communicated to the allied powers the views and 
intentions of the United States, so far as the circum- 
stances at that date would permit. It was declared to 
be the purpose of its government to act concurrently 
with the other powers in the rescue of the American 
officials and citizens then in peril, and in the protection 
of American life and property everywhere in China, 
and, finally, to take measures to prevent a recurrence 
of such disasters. In attaining this last result it would 
be the policy of the United States to seek a solution 
which might bring about permanent safety and peace 
to China, preserve its territorial and administrative 
entity, protect all rights guaranteed by treaty and inter- 
national law, and safeguard for the world the principle 
of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chi- 
nese Empire. 

Although this policy was not in harmony with the 
recent conduct of some of the European powers in their 
relations with China^ it was so fully consonant with the 


principles of internarional justice that it met with the 
approval of the intelligent public sentiment of the woild. 
Through the long and tedious n^otiations which fol- 
lowed, this policy was conostoitlj adhered to bj the 
American representatiTes. 

For several weeks no oommonication could be had 
with the American minister, Mr. Conger^ and it was 
doubtful whether he would escape with his life; the 
Russian and Japanese forces were pouring into China 
in large numbers ; and the situation witii respect to the 
allies and their attitude towards China was uncertain. 
In this critical period the President felt the need of a 
representative in the midst of the scene of operations, 
possessed of his views and in direct communication with 
Washington. He therefore appointed as a special com* . 
nussiouer Mr. W. W. RockhiU, formerly secretary of 
legation in China and lately assistant Secretary of State. 
On his arrival at Shanghai the allied army was in occu- 
pation of Peking, Mr. Conger had resumed his duties, 
and was in free communication with his government 
After conferring with the viceroys of the Yang-tse- 
Kiang provinces, Mr. Rockhill went to Peking and was 
made counselor of the legation, while Mr. Conger was 
in charge of the negotiations. 

Before the siege of the legations had been raised, no- 
tice was given that Li Hung Chang had been appointed 
a plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace, and soon after 
the occupation of the capital by the allies. Prince Ching 
informed the representatives of the powers that ^^ their 
majesties the empress dowager and emperor having gone 
westward on a tour,'' he had been nominated with li 


Hung Chang ^^ to open negotiations in a hannonions 
way at an early date to the interest and gratification of 
aU concerned." Li, however, was slow in arriving at 
Peking, and it was not until October 26 that the pleni- 
potentiaries of the powers and of China met and the 
formal negotiations were begun. 

Meanwhile four important declarations had been 
made which had done much to bring the powers into 
cordial relations, removing suspicion and anxiety as to 
the possible action of any one power. Of these, first 
in date and importance was the circular note of Secre- 
tary Hay of July 3. The next in order was the an- 
nouncement, August 28, of Russia, that it had '^ no 
designs of territorial acquisitions in China," and that, 
since the Chinese government had left Peking, there 
was no need for its representative to remain, that its 
troops would be withdrawn, and that when the Chinese 
government was reestabUshed Russia would appoint a 
representative to negotiate with it. To this announce- 
ment, which was in the shape of a proposal, the United 
States replied that it did not deem it wise for the troops 
to be withdrawn until there was a general agreement 
by 'the powers. 

The third was the proposal made, September 18, by 
Germany, that, as a preliminary to peace, China should 
surrender to the allies for punishment the leaders of the 
anti-foreign movement who should be designated by 
the foreign ministers. The reply of the United States 
was that it would be far more effective for the future if 
the Chinese government would punish the guilty, that 
it was but just to give China in the first instance this 


Opportunity to exhibit her justice and intentioiis, and 
that the subject could be included in the negotiationi 
if afterwards found necessary. It may be remarked, in 
this connection, that the United States took no part in 
the punitive expeditions by the forces of some of the 
European powers conducted soon after the capture of 

Fourthly, one other important event was announced 
in the agreement of Great Britain and Germany, of 
October 16, (1) to preserve ^' the open door " in trade, 
and (2) to take no advantage of the existing condi- 
tions to acquire territory ; but (3) reserving the right 
to take another course if any other power attempted to 
violate the first two policies. Secretary Hay, when re- 
quested to signify his acceptance of these principles, 
replied that his government, in the note of July 3, had 
already announced the adoption of the first two, and 
that as the third related to a reciprocal arrangement 
between the two contracting parties, the United States 
did not regard itself as caUed upon to express an opin- 
ion upon it. 

Before the first formal meeting was held, France 
submitted as a basis of negotiations six propositions, 
which were substantially agreed upon by the powers, 
and briefly stated were as follows : Punishment of the 
principal guilty parties ; prohibition of the importation 
of firearms ; indemnity for losses ; permanent legation 
guards ; dismantling of the Taku forts ; and estab- 
lishment of foreign military posts between Peking and 
the sea. 

These declarations and papers had made the task of 


concurrence in the general principles by the represent- 
atives of the powers a comparatively easy one, and 
within less than one month they reached an agreement 
on the essential provisions to be embodied in a treaty, 
but some delay occurred in reconciling minor differ- 
ences and consulting the home governments. A ques- 
tion arose as to the form in which the demands agreed 
upon should be submitted to the Chinese plenipoten- 
tiaries, whether in separate identic notes, or in a joint 
note signed by the representatives of all the powers. 
Although the United States does not ordinarily favor 
joint action with European powers, Mr. Conger advo- 
cated a joint note on the ground that the question was 
world-wide, that the demands should be strengthened by 
unanimity, and that it would hasten final settlement by 
being more effective than identic notes ; and that course 
was pursued, and the note, signed by all the represent- 
atives, was delivered to the Chinese plenipotentiaries 
December 24, and by them forwarded to the court with 
their recommendation of the acceptance of its terms. 

The note contained twelve demands, which may be 
divided into the four heads : ( 1) punishment of the 
guilty ; (2) preventive measures for the future ; (3) in- 
demnification ; and (4) improvement of official and 
commercial relations. On January 16, in obedience to 
an imperial edict, the Chinese plenipotentiaries gave 
notice of their acceptance of the twelve demands, but 
accompanied it with a series of questions and sugges- 
tions looking to some modifications of the details. 

Mr. Conger had conducted the negotiations on the 
part of the United States to a successful conclusion on 


all the essential questions inTolTed, and as ihe discus- 
sion of the details bid fair to occupy much time, he was 
granted by the government a leave of absence from his 
post to visit the United States. He had well earned 
a season of rest. He had conducted himself during 
the trying ordeal of the siege with great fortitude and 
discretion, and in the negotiations he had labored in- 
defatigably and with a good degree of success to im- 
press upon his colleagues the liberal and reasonable 
attitude of his government. During his stay in the 
United States he received such marks of favor as 
indicated that his services were highly appreciated by 
his countrymen. 

By appointment of the President, Mr. Rockhill suc- 
ceeded to the conduct of the negotiations on the pait 
of the United States. The two most important points 
yet remaining for adjustment were the punishments to 
be inflicted upon the leaders in the anti-foreign move- 
ment, and the amount and manner of payment of the 
indemnities. While the negotiations were in progress 
the Chinese government, under the urgent representa- 
tions of the foreign ministers, had condemned a num- 
ber of high officials, some of whom had been permitted 
to commit suicide, and others had been banished or de- 
graded. But the ministers were not satisfied with the 
sufficiency of this action, and they prepared a list of 
ten other officials whose execution was to be demanded, 
and about one hundred more to be otherwise punished. 
The Russian minister objected to the list, and Mr. 
Rockhill strongly seconded him, declaring that the 
effusion of blood should cease, after the chief culprits 


had been punished^ and that no more death penalties 
shoald be exacted. Through their influence, and that 
of the Japanese minister, the death penalties were con* 
fined to four others, and lesser punishments applied 
to about fifty* 

The question of indemnitjr was even more difficult 
of settlement than that of punishments, for in it a mea- 
sure of cupidity was added to the natural feelings of 
vengeance. From the beginning the United States 
had favored a lump sum, in place of filing itemized in- 
dividual and governmental claims, as the latter would 
enormously increase the aggregate amount. It was 
with difficulty and after much delay that this point was 
gained ; and then the amount of thia lump sum was 
a still more debated question. Sir Robert Hart^ who 
was advising both the Chinese and the allies, stated 
that China could not pay more than $250,000,000 to 
$300,000,000. Mr. Rockhill proposed that the lump 
sum should not exceed China's ability to pay^ and 
that tEe powers "would scale down their claims to that 
amount ; that it should be divided equitably among the 
powers ; and that if they could not agree among them- 
selves to an apportionment, that question should be sub- 
mitted to the Hague Tribunal. These propositions did 
not meet with approval, Russia and Japan only agreeing 
to the reference to The Hague, and Japan alone sup- 
porting the scaKng down of the claims. This action 
was the more significant in view of the fact that of the 
five powers principally involved, the claim of the United 
States was the lowest, and that of Japan next. 

The amount of the indemnity to be paid by China 


years in all the cities wheie foreigners were massacred 
or cruelly treated; the erection by China of expiatory 
monoments in all foreign cemeteries which had been 
desecrated ; prohibition of the importation of firearms 
for two years; a quarter of Peking set aside for the 
legations, with the right to nuuntain foreign guards; the 
Taku forts to be razed ; certain points^ named^ between 
the capital and the sea to be occupied by foreign 
troops; the death penalty to be inflicted on all who 
become members of anti-foreign sodeties ; viceroys and 
all subordinate of&cials to be dismissed where anti-for- 
eign riots occur and the authors are not punished.; new 
treaties of commerce to be negotiated, and the river 
navigation to Tientsin' and Shanghai to be improved; 
the Tsung^li-Yamen abolished and succeeded by a new 
board, the Wai-wu Pu, which should take precedence 
over the other ministries ; and a court ceremonial agreed 
upon in conformity with Western usage.' 

The influence of the United States was plainly - 
noticeable throughout the negotiations, especially in re- 
straimng radical measures- and in modifying the action 
v^respecting the indemnities. While it supported the 
efforts to punish the really guilty leaders, and was firm in 
demanding measures which would guarantee the protec* 
tion of American citizens and interests for the future, 

1 For negotiations, U. S. For. ReL 1900, pp. 285-^82 ; BookhUl'i Re- 
port, S. Ex. Doe. 67, 67th Cong. Ist SeM., poblisliMl also as appendix to 
For. ReL 1901 ; Seeretary Hay's note, Jol j 3, 1900, Rookhill's Report, 
12 ; Russia's announcement, Aug. 28, ib. 19 ; German note, Sept. 18, ib. 
23 ; Britisb-German agreement, Oct. 16, ib. 31 ; French basis of negotiar 
tions, Oct. 4, ib. 26 ; joint note of powers. Dee. 22; ib. 69 ; statement of 
indemnities, ib. 226 ; final protocol, ib. 312. 


it manifested anxiety that nothing shonld be done to 
cripple or impede the ability of China in the maintr 
nance of a stable government and its territorial integ- 
rity. Hence it was necesaaty to continue in the concert 
of the powers and as far as possible control their actkn 
to that end. 

Its success in bringing about an .agreement for a 
lump sum for indemnities, to be apportioned among th* 
nations, was of vast importance. If each power had 
acted separately respecting the indemnities, the one pos- 
sible method other than a loan, which would have im- 
posed foreign man^ement of the revenues, would havo 
been the occupation of sections of territoiy 1^ the 
powers, each one utilizing its own q>here as a souree 
of revenue in payment of claims. This condition once 
inaugurated would have been difficult to change. 
, // ^'^^ In 1899, just before the Boxer outbreak, Secretatj 
Hay, fearing the effects which might result to Ame^ 
ican commerce from the apparent intention of certain 
European powers to appropriate Chinese territory at 
will, or to extend over it their " spheres of influence," 
addressed the governments of Great Britain, Germany, 
EuBsia, France, Italy, and Japan, urging that it was to 
the interest of the world's commerce tiiat the govenh 
ment of China should be strengthened and its integrity 
maintained, and submitting for their assent certain prin- 
ciples which should be respected in that territory, 
whereby that populous empire should remain an open 
market for the world. These principles were accepted 
by all the governments named, and the American Seci<^ 
tary received deserved credit among all nations for hia 


firm and timelj actioD.* Doubtless he foresaw daring 
the negotiations that nnlesa the powers could be held 
to joint action in accepting the lump snm in settlement 
ol their indemnity claims, his poUoj of the "open door" 
would have been placed in peril. 

Since the protocol was signed, the United States has 
had another opportunity of showing its consideration 
for China in her humiliation and financial distress. 
During the year 1902 the first installment on the in- 
demnities was to be paid. But since the basis of settle- 
ment was agreed upon, silver, which is the currency of 
China, has greatly fallen in value, making it much 
more onerous to meet the obligation. China appealed 
to the powers to allow the iostallment to be paid at the 
rate of exchange when the settlement was made, and 
the United States is the only power which has mani- 
fested a willingness to grant the appeal. 

The conditions imposed upon China in the peace pro- 
tocol would seem to be adequate to prevent any wide- 
spread anti-foreign aprisings in the future. But the 
hatred of the stranger stiU prevails throughout the em- 
pire, and the extortionate spirit of the powers has placed 
in the protocol a provision which is likely to prove a 
continued source of irritation and to feed the flames of 
discontent Against the remonstrance of the United 
States and of those best informed as to the financial 
ability of China, a burden of indemnity has been placed 
npon the government whidi it will be veiy d^cult 
for it to cany. To meefc tiiis oU^ation additional 
1 must be laid upon the people, and the knowledge 

> H. Ex. Doo. M7, SGUi Cong. lat 8«ai. 


that tills imposition is for the benefit of lihe despised 
foreigner may lead to disorder and repudiation; and 
repudiation will raise again the question of Chinese 

So long as race hatred controls the Chinese people 
the peace of the world will be in danger^ as the destmj 
of that country is intimately connected with the inter 
ests of all the g^reat powers of the earth; and^ since the 
acquisition of the Philippines, not less with the United 
States than the most interested of other nations. The 
'^ yellow peril " has been much discussed by writers and 
statesmen who have studied the problems of the V$i 
East. Since the Japanese war and the recent easy 
march of the allied forces to Peking, the tendency hsi 
been to decry and scout the danger. Bat it is scarcely 
an exaggeration, in presence of its history and attain- 
ments, to assert that no nation or race of ancient or 
modem times has stronger claim than the Chinese to be 
called a great people. The fact that the United States 
has been compelled to yiolate its early traditions and 
much vaunted principles in the exclusion of the Chi- 
nese from competition with its own people is a high 
testimony to their race capacity and endurance. 

Wensiang, the wisest and most farseeing Chinese 
statesman of modem times, was accustomed to say to 
foreign diplomats and others who urged speedy le* 
forms : ^^ You are all too anxious to awake us and start 
us on a new road, and you will do it ; but you will aO 
regret it, for, once awaking and started, we shall ge 
fast and far, — farther than you think, much faster 
than you want." Sir Robert Hart, who has made a 


stndy of Chinese character and capacity for a half cen- 
tniy, believes that their hatred of foreigners is a real 
menace to the world, not in this generation, perhaps, 
but in the early future as the lifetime of nations is mea- 
sured. Foar hundred millions, sturdy and passionately 
devoted to their ancient customs, might in time, un- 
der the influence of an all-prevaiUng race hatred, be 
changed from a peace-loving community into a warlike 
people, bent upon avenging their wrongs. Sir Robert 
suggests only two remedies for this impending danger. 
The first is partition of the empire among the great 
powers, which he regards as full of difficulties; the 
second, a miraculous spread of Christianity, " a not im- 
possible, but scarcely to be hoped for, religious triumph 
. . . which would convert China into the friendliest of 
friendly powers." * 

But the review in this volume of the diplomatic rela* 
tions of the Orient has shown that another local power 
is to be reckoned with in considering the Asiatic ques- ^ 
tion. Japan's wonderful development in industrial 
affairs is even more remarkable than its display of mil- | 
itary power. Marquis Ito in a late publication, after 
arraying the statistics as to his country's g^reat increase 
in its mercantile marine, its manufactures, and its for* 
eign commerce, justly claims that Japan has attained a 
secure position commercially, and that " she appreciates 
the achievements of peace as thoroughly as achieve- 
ments by force of arms." The fact that it has within 
the last few years advanced to the second place in the 
trade with China evinces its commercial activity. The 
> Sir Bobmt Bkrt'i 'Eimjs, B4-S6. 


estimate of Japanese statesmen of the part their conn* 
try is to play in world politics may he seen from die 
utterance of Count Okuma, former prime minister, 
anticipating the revision of the treaties and the triumph 
over China, — ^^We should hecome one of the chief 
powers of the world, and no power could engage in 
any movement [in Asia] without first consulting us." 
Such language hardly appears exaggerated, in view of 
the late treaty of alliance between Great Britain and 
Japan .^ 

The power most greatly feared by China and Japan, 
and the one whose vast territorial possessions in Asift 
entitle it to the first consideration in the affairs of that 
continent, is Russia. Its system of government is the 
antipodes of that of the United States and its repres- 
sion of missions is out of harmony with the hopes of a 
large majority of the American people, but in thdr 
political relations the two governments have always 
maintained a cordial friendship, and if the principle of 
the ^^ open door " is respected, there does not appear to 
be any reason why in Asiatic affairs they should not 
so continue. 

The other great power in the Pacific whose policy 
is of concern to the United States is Great Britain. 
There has been occasion in these pages to animadvert 
upon the conduct of its government, but it is due to it 
to say that, however dictatorial and aggressive has 
been its course towards the Eastern countries, it has 
reserved to itself no selfish or exclusive privilege hot 

1 The Commeroial Futare of Japan, bj Marquia ItOi^N. T. Independ* 
ent, February 20, 1902 ; Norman's Far East, 392. 


has extended to all other nations the right of trade 
and residence gained for its own subjects. Whereyer 
in the Orient its authority has gone there has been in- 
troduced impartial administration of justice and honest 
taxation, conditions unknown under native government ; 
and the influence of its administration is to elevate 
the intellectual condition and the morals of the people. 
With a similarity of institutions, a common origin and 
language, and a community of trade interest in the 
East, the two governments are naturally inclined to 
cooperation. Neither do the Americans forget that 
when the other European powers were indifferent or 
unfriendly during the war that transferred the Philip- 
pines to the United States, Great Britain alone was 
outspoken in its sympathy, and looked with compla- 
cency upon the enlargement of Anglo-Saxon influence - 
in that quarter of the globe. A political alliance of 
the two nations in Asiatic affairs is not probable^ but 
they are likely to be found working together to main- 
tain that which is of vital importance to the United 
States, free markets in those countries. 

Mr. Seward's prophecy of the growing importance 
of the Pacific and of America's expansion to those dis- 
tant regions has become history much sooner than he 
or any American statesman foresaw. It has brought 
with it much governmental embarrassment and great 
responsibilities. But the hopeful citizen must believe 
that the system of government and the wisdom of its 
public men will be equal to the emergency and the 
responsibilities. It is a matter of pride and of con- 
fidence for the future to be assured that the conduct 


and policy of the government, from the beginning d 
its history^ in its relations with the Orient have heen 
marked by a spirit of justice, forbearance, and magxui* 
iiimity. Its early and its later intercourse with China, 
Japan, and Korea has been that of a friend interested 
for their welfare, ready to aid them in their efforts to 
attain an honorable place among the nations, and will- 
ing to recognize the embarraasments which attended 
those efforts. 

With the acquisition of the Philippines, whether 
wisely or unwisely done, the United States has assumed 
towards those countries the new and additional relaticm 
of a neighbor. The enormous development of the 
resources of the United States and the increased neoer 
sity for foreign markets have streng^thened the reasom 
which have controlled its policy in the past, and the 
proximity of its new possessions, with their millions of 
inhabitants, has brought it nearer than ever in spo- 
pathy to these peoples and their governments. The 
American Union has become an Asiatic power. It his 
new duties to discharge and enlarged interests to pro- 
tect. But its record of a hundred years of honorabk 
intercourse with that region will be a safe guide for the 
conduct of affairs. Its task will be well done if it shaD 
aid in giving to the world a freer market, and to the 
inhabitants of the Orient the blessings of Christian 




Thb plenipotentiaries of Germany, His Excellency M. A. Mann 
Ton Schwaraenstein ; of AnstriarHongaiy, Hjm Excellency M. M. 
Caukann yon Wahlborn ; of Belgiom, His Excellency M. Jooetens ; 
of Spain, M. B. J. de Cologan ; of the United States, His Excellency 
M. W. W. Rockhill ; of France, His Excellency M. Paul Bean; of 
Great Britain, His Excellency Sir Ernest Satow ; of Italy, Marquis 
Salyago Raggi; of Japan, His Excellency M. Jataro Komora; of 
the Netherlands, His Excellency M. F. M. Enobel ; of Russia, His 
Excellency M. M. de Giers ; and of China, His Highness Ti-K'nang 
Prince Ching of the first rank, President of the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs, and His Excellency Li Hang-chang, Earl of Sa-i of the first 
rank, Tutor of the Heir Apparent, Grand Secretary of the Wen-hoa 
Throne Hall, Minister of commerce, Superintendent of the northern 
trade, Groyemor-Greneral of Chihli, haye met for the purpose of 
declaring that China has complied to the satisfaction of the Powers 
with the conditions laid down in the note of the 22d of Decemher, 
1900, and which were accepted in their entirety hy His Majesty the 
Emperor of China in a decree dated the 27th of Decemher. 

Abticlb p. 

By an Imperial Edict of the 9th of June last, Tsai Feng, Prince 
of Ch'ttn, was appointed Ambassador of His Majesty the Emperor 
of China, and directed in that capacity to conyey to His Majesty the 
German Emperor the expression of the regrets of His Majesty the 
Emperor of China and of the Chinese Goyemment for the assassini^ 


Uon of Hii ExeeUenej the late Baion Ton Ksttaler, Gennan a»* 

Prince Ch'ttn left Peking the 12th of J11I7 last to eany out fk 
orders which had been giyen him. 

Abtioli p. 

The Chinese Goyemment has stated that it will erect on the qMt 
of the assassination of His Ezcellenej the late Baron Ton Kettekr 1 
commemorative monument, worthy of the rank of the deeeasedySad 
bearing an inscription in the Latin, German, and Chineae langoipii 
which shall express the regrets of His Majesty the £mperor of CfaiBi 
for the murder committed. 

Their Excellencies the Chinese Plenipotentiaries have informid 
His Excellency the German Plenipotentiary, in a letter dated tin 
22d of July last, that an arch of the whole width of the sbwk 
would be erected on the said spot, and that work on it was begos 
the 25th of June IbmU 

Abtigle IP. 

Imperial Edicts of the 13th and 21st of Febmary, 1901, inflietsl 
the following punishments on the principal authors of the oatiagsi 
and crimes committed against the foreign Gk>Temment8 and thdr 
nationals : 

Tsai-I Prince Tuan and Tsai Lan Duke Fu-kao were sentenced 
to be brought before the autumnal court of assize for execution, snd 
it was agreed that if the Emperor saw fit to g^rant them their liTfli^ 
they should be exiled to Turkestan and there imprisoned lor lifsi 
without the possibility of commutation of these punishments. 

Tsai HsOn Prince Chuang, Ting Nien, President of the Court of 
censors, and Chao Shu-Chiao, President of the Board of pnniib- 
ments, were condemned to commit suicide. 

To Hsien, Grovernor of Shanhsi, Chi Hsiu, President of the Bosrd 
of rites, and HsO Cheng-yu, formerly senior rice-President of tlis 
Board of punishments, were condemned to death. 

Posthumous degradation was inflicted on Kang Yi, assistant Grsnd 
Secretary, President of the Board of works, Hstt Tung, Grand Secf^ 
tary, and Li Ping-beng, formerly Govemor-Greneral of Szo-ch'uaik 

APFEimiX 4tt 

An Imperial Edict of Febiwry ISth, 1901, lehabilitated the 
nemorieB of Htll Tong^yi, President of the Board of war, Li Shan, 
Pk^dexit of the Board of works, Hstt Ching^eng, tenior yiee- 
President of the Board of works, Lien Tnan, Tice-Chaneellor of the 
Gkand Council, and Yuan Chang, yiee-President of the Coort of 
sacrifices, who had been put to death for haying protested against 
the outrageous breaches of international law of kst year. 

Prince Chuang committed suicide the 21st of February, 1901, 
Ting Nien and Chao Shn-chiao the 24th, Ytt Hsien was executed the 
22d, Chi Hsiu and Hstt Cheng-yu on the 26th« Tung Fu-hsiang, 
General in Kan-su, has been depriyed of his office by Imperial Ediet 
of the 13th of February, 1901, pending the determination of the 
final punishment to be inflicted on him. 

Imperial Edicts dated the 29th of April and 19th of Angost, 
1901, haye inflicted yarious punishments on the proyincial ofBciala 
eonyicted of the crimes and outrages of last summer. 

Abticls II^ 

An Imperial Edict promulgated the 19th of August, 1901, ordered 
the suspension of official examinations for fiye years in all cities 
where foreigners were massacred or submitted to cruel treatment. 

Abticlb IIL 

So as to make honorable reparation for the assassination of Mr. 
Sngiyama, chancellor of the Japanese legation. His Majesty the 
Emperor of China by an Imperial Edict of the 18th of June, 1901, 
appointed Na Tung, yice-President of the Board of reyenue, to be 
his Enyoy Extraordinary, and specially directed him to conyey to 
His Majesty the Emperor of Japan the expression of the regrets of 
His Majesty the Emperor of China and of his Goyemment at the 
assassination of the late Mr. Sugiyama. 

Abucub IV. 

The Chinese Groyernment has agreed to erect an expiatory monu- 
ment in each of the foreign or international cemeteries which were 
desecrated and in which the tombs were destroyed. 

It has been agreed with the Bepresentatiyes of the Powers that 



tion of Hii ExceUenej the late Baron tod Eetteleri German min- 

Prince Ch'ttn left Peking the 12th of July hwt to cany ont the 
orders which had been giyen him. 

Abtxclb p. 

The Chinese Goyemment has stated that it will erect on the spot 
of the assassination of His Excellency the late Baron von Ketteler a 
commemorative monument, worthy of the rank of the deceased, and 
bearing an inscription in the Latin, German, and Chinese langoages, 
which shall express the regrets of His Majesty the Emperor of China 
for the murder committed. 

Their Excellencies the Chinese Plenipotentiaries have informed 
His Excellency the German Plenipotentiary, in a letter dated the 
22d of July last, that an arch of the whole width of the street 
would be erected on the said spot, and that woric on it was begun 
the 25th of June last 

Abtigle n*. 

Imperial Edicts of the 13th and 21st of February, 1901, inflicted 
the following punishments on the principal authors of the outrages 
and crimes committed against the foreign Grovemments and their 
nationals : 

Tsai-I Prince Tuan and Tsai Lan Duke Fu-kuo were sentenced 
to be brought before the autumnal court of assize for execution, and 
it was agreed that if the Emperor saw fit to grant them their lives, 
they should be exiled to Turkestan and there imprisoned for life, 
without the possibility of commutation of these punishments. 

Tsai HsUn Prince Chuang, Ting Nien, President of the Court of 
censors, and Chao Shu-Chiao, President of the Board of punish- 
ments, were condemned to commit suicide. 

Tu Hsien, Grovernor of Shanhsi, Chi Hsiu, President of the Board 
of rites, and HsU Cheng-yu, formerly senior rice-President of the 
Board of punishments, were condemned to death. 

Posthumous degradation was inflicted on Eang Yi, assistant Grand 
Secretary, President of the Board of works, Hstt Tung, Grand Secre- 
tary, and Li Ping-heng, formerly Governor-General of Szu-ch'uan. 

APFEimiX 4tt 

An Imperial Edict of Febiwry ISth, 1901, lehabilitated tlia 
iDemories of Htll Tong^yi, President of the Board of war, Li Shan, 
Fk^sident of the Board of works, Hstt Ching-eheng, tenior Tice- 
President of the Board of worka, Lien Tnan, Tice-ChaneeUor of the 
Grand Council, and Yuan Chang, yiee-Preeident of the Conrt of 
sacrifices, who had been pat to death for having protested against 
the oatrageoas breaches of international law of last year. 

Prince Chuang committed suicide the 21st of February, 1901, 
Ting Nien and Chao Shn-chiao the 24th, Ytt Hsien was executed the 
22d, Chi Hsiu and Hstt Cheng-yu on the 26th« Tung Fu-hsiang, 
General in Kan-su, has been deprived of his office by Imperial Ediet 
of the 13th of February, 1901, pending the determination of the 
final punishment to be inflicted on him. 

Imperial Edicts dated the 29th of April and 19th of August, 
1901, have inflicted various punishments on the provincial officiala 
convicted of the crimes and outrages of last sununer. 

Abticlb IL\ 

An Imperial Edict promulgated the 19th of August, 1901, ordered 
the suspension of official examinations for five years in all cities 
where foreigners were massacred or submitted to cruel treatment. 

Abtiolb IIL 

So as to make honorable reparation for the assassination of Mr. 
Sngiyama, chancellor of the Japanese legation. His Majesty the 
Elmperor of China by an Imperial Edict of the 18th of June, 1901, 
appointed Na Tung, vice-President of the Board of revenue, to be 
his Envoy Extraordinary, and specially directed him to convey to 
His Majesty the Emperor of Japan the expression of the regrets of 
His Majesty the Emperor of China and of his Grovemment at the 
assassination of the late Mr. Sugiyama. 

Abticlb IV. 

The Chinese Grovemment has agreed to erect an expiatory monu- 
ment in each of the foreign or international cemeteries which were 
desecrated and in which the tombs were destroyed. 

It has been agreed with the Representatives of the Powers that 


the legfttioDB interesled ahall setde the details for the ereetion of 
theie monuments, China hearing all the expenses thereof, eatimated 
at ten thousand taels for the oemeteries at Peking and within its 
neighborhood, and at five thoosand taeb for the oemeteries in the 
pronnces. The amounts have been paid and the list of these 
eemeteries is enclosed herewith* 

Abticlb v. 

China has agreed to prohibit the importation into its territory of 
arms and ammunition, as well as of materiab exelusiyely used for 
the manufacture of arms and ammunition. 

An Imperial Edict has been issued on the 25th of August, 1901, 
forbidding said importation for a term of two years. New Edicts 
may be issued subsequently extending this by other successive terms 
of two years in case of necessity recognized by the Powers. 

Abticlb YL 

By an Imperial Edict dated the 29th of May, 1901, His Majesty 
the Emperor of China agreed to pay the Powers an indenmity of 
four hundred and fifty millions of Haikwan Taels. This sum repre- 
sents the total amount of the indemnities for States, companies or 
societies, private individuals, and Chinese referred to in Article YI 
of the note of December 22d, 1900. 

(a) These four hundred and fifty millions constitute a gold debt 
calculated at the rate of the Haikwan tael to the gold currency of 
each country, as indicated below. 

Haikwan tael => marks 3.055 

B Austxo-Himgary erown 3.505 

» gold dollar 0.742 

B francs 3.750 

=» poond steriing Ss. Od. 

>Bjen lAffl 

» Netherlands florin 1.706 

» gold rouble (17.424 dolias fine) .... 1.412 

This sum in gold shall bear interest at 4 per cent per annum, and 
the capital shall be reimbursed by China in thirty-nine years in the 
manner indicated in the annexed plan of amortization. 

.■^nm —m „. • ■ . . ..-^ .. ■>!-(■- •-.;;- -■ I 


Cajntal and bterest shall be payable in gold or at the rates of 
exchange corresponding to the dates at which the different payments 
fall doe. 

The amortisation shall conunence the 1st of Janaary, 1902, and 
shall finish at the end of the year 1940. The amortizations are 
payable annually, the first payment being fixed on the Ist of Janu- 
ary, 1903. 

Interest shall ran from the 1st of July, 1901, but the Chinese 
Government shall haye the right to pay off within a term of three 
years, beginning January, 1902, the arrears of the first six months, 
ending the 31st of December, 1901, on condition, however, that it 
pays compound interest at the rate of 4 per cent per annum on the 
sums the payments of which shall have thus been deferred. In- 
terest shall be payable semiannually, the first payment being fixed 
on the 1st of July, 1902. 

(6) The service of the debt shall take place in Shanghai, in the 
following manner : 

Each Power shall be represented by a delegate on a commission 
of bankers authorized to receive the amount of uiterest and amorti- 
zation which shall be paid to it by the Chinese authorities desig- 
nated for that purpose, to divide it among the interested parties, and 
to give a receipt for the same. 

(c) The Chinese Government shall deliver to the Doyen of the 
Diplomatic Corps at Peking a bond for the lump sum, which shall 
subsequently be converted into fractional bonds bearing the signa- 
tures of the delegates of the Chinese Grovemment designated for 
that purpose. This operation and all those relating to issuing of 
the bonds shall be performed by the above-mentioned Commission, 
in accordance with the instructions which the Powers shall send 
their delegates. 

(d) The proceeds of the revenues assigned to the payment of the 
bonds shall be paid monthly to the Commission. 

(e) The revenues assigned as secnri^ for the bonds are the fol- 

1. The balance of the revenues of the Imperial maritime Customs 
after payment of the interest and amortization of preceding loans 
secured ^m these revenues, plus the proceeds of the raising to five 


pn cent. effoctiTe of the present tariff on maritune importe, inefaid- 
ing artieles nnttl now oti the free list, bat exempting foreign lieoi 
eereals, and floor, gold and silyer bullion and eoin. 

2. The reTennee of the native enstoma, administered in the open 
ports by the Imperial maritime Customs. 

3. The total reyenues of the salt gabelle, exclusive of the fraetioo 
previoasly set aside for other foreign loans. 

The raising of the present tariff on imports to five per cent, effee- 
tiTO is agreed to on the conditions mentioned below. 

It shall be put in force two months after the signing of the 
present protocol, and no exceptions shall be made except for mer* 
ehandise shipped not more than ten days after the said signing. 

1°. All duties letied on imports *' ad valorem " shall be converted 
as far as possible and as soon as may be into specific duties. This 
conversion shall be made in the following manner: The average 
value of merchandise at the time of their landing during the three 
years 1897, 1898, and 1899, that is to say, the market price less the 
amount of import duties and incidental expenses, shall be taken as 
the basis for the valuation of merchandise. Pending the result of 
the work of conversion, duties shall be levied '' ad valorem." 

2^. The beds of the rivers Peiho and Whangpn shall be improved 
with the financial participation of China. 

Abticlb Yn. 

The Chinese Grovemment has agreed that the quarter occupied by 
the legations shall be considered as one specially reserved for their 
use and placed under their exclusive control, in which Chinese shall 
not have the right to reside, and which may be made defensible. 

The limits of this quarter have been fixed as follows on the an- 
nexed plan : 

On the west, the line 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. 

On the north, the line 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. 

On the east, Eetteler street (10, 11, 12). 

Drawn along the exterior base of the Tartar wall and following 
the line of the bastions, on the south the line 12.1. 

In the protocol annexed to the letter of the 16th of January, 
1901, China recognized the right of each Power to maintain a per* 
manent guard in the said quarter fur the defense of its legation* 


Abtiolb Yin. 

The Chinese Cbrennnent has eonsented to rase the fcnts of Talnl 
and those whieh might impede free eommnnication between Peking 
and the sea; steps have been taken for eanrying tins ont 

Abtiolb IX. 

The Chinese Ooyemment has oonceded the right to the Powers 
in the protocol annexed to the letter of the 16th of Jannarj, 1901, 
to oceapy certain points, to be determined by an agreement between 
them, for the maintenance of open eommnnication between the cap* 
ital and the sea. The points occupied by the Powers are : 

Huang-tsan, Lang-fang, Yang-tsan« Tientsin, Chnn-liang Ch'eng^ 

Tang-ka, Ln-tai, Tang^«han, Lan-chou, Chang>li, Ch*in-wang tao^ 

Shanghai kuan. 

Abticlb X. 

The Chinese Government has agreed to poet and to hare pub- 
lished daring two years in all distriet cities the following Imperial 

(a) Edict of the 1st of Febmary, prohibiting forever, under pain 
of death, membership in any antiforeign society. 

(b) Edicts of the 13th and 21st February, 29th April, and 19th 
August, enumerating the punishments inflicted on the guilty. 

(e) Edict of the 19th August, 1901, |)rohibiting examinations in 
all cities where foreigners were massacred or subjected to cruel 

(d) Edict of the 1st of February, 1901, declaring all governors- 
general, governors, and provincial or local officials responsible for 
order in their respective districts, and that in case of new anti^^ 
foreign troubles or other infractions of the treaties which shall not 
be immediately repressed, and the authors of whidi shall not have 
been punished, these officials shall be immediately dismissed, with- 
out possibility of being given new functions or new honors. 

The posting of these edicts is being carried on throughout die 


Abtiolb XI. 

The Chinese Government has agreed to negotiate the amend> 
nents deemed necessary by the foreign Governments to the treaties 


of commerce and navigation and the other snbjeets eoneeming eom* 
mercial relations, with the object of facilitating them. 

At present, and as a result of the stipulation contained in Article 
YI concerning the indemnity, the Chinese Groyemment agrees to 
assist in the improvement of the courses of the rivers Peiho and 
Whangpa, as stated below. 

(a) The works for the improvement of the navigability of the 
Peiho, begon in 1898, with the cooperation of the Chinese Grovem* 
ment, have been resumed under the direction of an international 
Commission. As soon as the administration of Tientsin shall have 
been handed back to the Chinese Government, it will be in a posi- 
tion to be represented on this Commission, and will pay each year a 
sum of sixty thousand £[aikwan taels for nudntaining the works. 

{b) A conservancy Board, charged with the management and 
control of the works for straightening the Whangpu and the im- 
provement of the course of that river, is hereby created. 

This Board shall consist of members representing the interests of 
the Chinese Government and those of foreigners in the shipping 
trade of ShanghaL The expenses incurred for the works and the 
general management of the undertaking are estimated at the annual 
sum of four hundred and sixty thousand Haikwan taels for the first 
twenty years. Thb sum shall be supplied in equal portions by the 
Chinese Grovemment and the foreign interests concerned. Detailed 
stipulations concerning the composition, duties, and revenues of the 
conservancy Board are embodied in annex hereto. 

abticlb xn. 

An Imperial Edict of the 24th of July, 1901, reformed the Office 
of foreign affairs (Tsungli Yamen), on the lines indicated by the 
Powers, that is to say, transformed it into a Ministry of foreign 
affairs (Wai-wu Pa), which takes precedence over the six other 
Ministries of the State. The same edict appointed the principal 
members of this Ministry. 

An agreement has also been reached concerning the modification 
of Court ceremonial as regards the reception of foreign Representa- 
tives and has been the subject of several notes from the Chinese 
Plenipotentiaries, the substance of which is embodied in a memo- 
randum herewith annexed. 

■ : ill" "" i^r-ii»^Ew»fcj ^»^-->.. ^ -a>j^. .. . .-_...-■: — «.^.-M*« 



Finally, it is expressly nndentood thmt as regards the dedara- 
tions speeified abore and the annexed doeaments originating with 
the foreign Flenipotentiariesi the French text only is anihoritatiye. 

The Chinese Government having thus complied to the satis&ction 
of the Powers with the conditions laid down in the above-mentioned 
note of December 22d, 1900, the Powers have agreed to accede to 
the wbh of China to terminate the situation created by the disorders 
of the summer of 1900. In conseqaence thereof the foreign Pleni- 
potentiaries are anthorized to declare in the names of their Govern- 
ments that, with the exception of the legation guards mentioned in 
Article VII, the international troops will completely evacuate the 
city of Peking on the 17th September, 1901, and, with the excep- 
tion of the localities mentioned in Article IX, will withdraw from 
the province of Chihli on the 22d of September. 

The present final Protocol has been drawn up in twelve identic 
copies and signed by all the Plenipotentiaries of the Contracting 
Countries. One copy shall be given to each of the foreign Plenipo- 
tentiaries, and one copy shall be given to the Chinese Plenipoten- 

Peking, 7th September, 1901. 

A. V. MUMM. 


w. w. rookhill. 

Ebnsst Satow. 
Salyaqo Ragoi. 


F. M. Enobbl. 











Signed March 17, 1894 ; Proclaimed December S, 189i. 

Whereas, on the 17th day of NoTember, A. d. 1880, and of 
Ewanghflti, the sixth year, tenth moon, fifteenth day, a Trea^ was 
concluded between the United States and China for the porpoee of 
regolating, limiting, or suspending the coming of Chinese laborers 
to, and their residence in, the United States ; 

And whereas the Government of China, in view of the antagonism 
and much deprecated and serious disorders to which the presence 
of Chinese laborers has given rise in certain parts of the United 
States, desires to prohibit the emigration of such laborers from 
China to the United States ; 

And whereas the two Goyemments desire to cooperate in pro- 
hibiting snch emigration, and to strengthen in other ways the bonds 
of friendship between the two coantries ; 

And whereas the two Governments are desirous of adopting recip- 
rocal measures for the better protection of the citizens or sabjecti 
of each within the jurisdiction of the other ; 

Now, therefore, the President of the United States has appointed 
Walter Q. Gresham, Secretary of State of the United States, as his 
Plenipotentiary, and His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Chiua 
has appointed Tang Ttt, Officer of the second rank, Sub-Director of 
the Court of Sacrificial Worship, and Envoy Extraordinary and 
Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States of America, as his 
Plenipotentiary; and the said Plenipotentiaries having exhibited 
their respective Full Powers found to be in due and good form, have 
agreed upon the following articles : 

Abticlb I. 

The High Contracting Parties agree that for a period of ten years, 
beginning with tht. date of the exchange of the ratifications of this 
Convention, the coming, except under the conditions hereinafter 
specified, of Chinese laborers to the United States shall be absolutely 

_ t ..AJ.. ^ ^« 

■*— ** ^— ■ -^ 


Abtiolb n. 

The preeeding Article shall not apply to the return to the United 
States of any registered Chinese laborer who has a lawful wife, 
ehildy or parent in the United States, or property therein of the 
value of one thousand dollars, or debts of like amount due him and 
pending settlement Nevertheless every such Chinese laborer shall, 
before leaving the United States, deposit, as a condition of his 
return, with the collector of customs of the district from which he 
departs, a full description in writing of his family, or property, or 
debts, as aforesaid, and shall be furnished by said collector with 
such certificate of his right to return under this Treaty as the laws 
of the United States may now or hereafter prescribe and not incon- 
sistent with the provisions of this Treaty ; and should the written 
description aforesaid be proved to be false, the right of return there- 
under, or of continued residence after return, shall in each case be 
forfeited. And such right of return to the United States shall be 
exercised within one year from the date of leaving the United 
States ; but such right of return to the United States may be ex- 
tended for an additional period, not to exceed one year, in cases 
where by reason of sickness or other cause of disability beyond his 
control, such Chinese laborer shall be rendered unable sooner to 
return — which facts shall be fully reported to the Chinese consul at 
the port of departure, and by him certified, to the satisfaction of the 
collector of the port at which such Chinese subject shall land in the 
United States. And no such Chinese laborer shall be permitted to 
enter the United States by land or sea without producing to the 
proper officer of the customs the return certificate herein required. 

Abtiolb III. 

The provisions of this Convention shall not affect the right at 
present enjoyed of Chinese subjects, being officials, teachers, stu- 
dents, merchants or travelers, for curiosity or pleasure, but not 
laborers, of coming to the United States and residing therein. To 
entitle such Chinese subjects as are above described to admission 
into the United States, they may produce a certificate from their 
Government or the Government where they last resided visM by 


the diplomatio or eonsolar represantotiye of the United States in As 
couiitry or port whence they depart 

It it also agreed that Chinese khoren shall oontinne to enjoj the 
privilege of transit across the territory of the United States in the 
coarse of their joomey to or from other coantries^ snbjeet to soeh 
regulations by the Govemment of the United States as may be 
necessary to prevent said privilege of transit from being abused. 

abticlb rv. 

In porsoance of Article III of the Immigration Trea^ between 
the United States and China, signed at Peking on the 17th day id 
November, 1880 (the 16th day of the tenth month of KwangfasO, 
sixth year), it is hereby understood and agreed that Chinese laboren 
or Chinese of any other class, either permanently or temporarily 
residing in the United States, shall have for the protection of thdr 
persons and property all rights that are given by the laws of dis 
United States to citizens of the most favored nation, excepting dis 
right to become naturalized citizens. And the Grovemment of dis 
United States reaffirms its obligation, as stated in said Article HI, 
to exert all its power to secure protection to the persons and pro- 
perty of all Chinese subjects in the United States. 

Abticlb V. 

The Grovernment of the United States, having by an Act of dis 
Congress, approved May 6, 1892, as amended by an Act approved 
November 3, 1893, required all Chinese laborers lawfully within 
the limits of the United States before the passage of the first named 
Act to be registered as in said Acts provided, with a view of afford- 
ing tliem better protection, the Chinese Govemment will not object 
to the enforcement of such acts, and reciprocally the Grovemment 
of the United States recognizes the right of the Grovemment of 
China to enact and enforce similar laws or regulations for the regii- 
tration, free of charge, of all laborers, skilled or unskilled (not me^ 
chants as defined by said Acts of Congress), citizens of the United 
States in China, whether residing within or without the treaty porta 

And the Government of the United States agrees that within 
twelve months from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of 


this Conyention, and annnally, thereaf ter, it will f arniflh to the Got- 
emment of China registeTs or reports showing the full name, age, 
occapation and number or place of residence of all other citizens 
of the United States, including missionaries, residing both within 
and without the treaty ports of China, not including, however, 
diplomatic and other officers of the United States residing or travel- 
ing in China upon official business, together with their body and 

household serrants. 

Abticlb YI. 

This Convention shall remain in force for a period of ten years 
beginning with the date of the exchange of ratifications, and, if six 
months before the expiration of the said period of ten years, neither 
Government shall have formally given notice of its final termination 
to the other, it shall remain in full force for another like period of 
ten years. 

In faith whereof, we, the respective plenipotentiaries, have signed 
this Convention and have hereunto affixed our seals. 

Done, in duplicate, at Washington, the 17th day of March, A. D. 


Walteb Q. Gbbsham [seal.] 

(Chinese Signature) [seal.] 


Signed November 22y 1894 ; Proclaimed March fBlj 1895. 

The President of the United States of America and His Majesty 
the Emperor of Japan, being equally desirous of maintaining the 
relations of £^ood understanding which happily exist between them, 
by extending and increasing the intercourse between their respective 
States, and being convinced that this object cannot better be accom- 
plished than by revising the Treaties hitherto existing between the 
two countries, have resolved to complete such a revision, based upon 
principles of equity and matual benefit, and, for that purpose, have 
named as their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say : The President of 
the United States of America, Walter Q. Gresham, Secretary of 
State of the United States, and His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, 
Jnshii Shinichiro Eurino, of the Order of the Sacred Treasure, and 


of the Foarth Class ; who, after haTing connnnnie«t»d to Midi oikr 
their full powers, found to be in good and doe fonn, hmwe agreel 
upon and condaded the f ollowii^ Articles : — 

Ahticlb L 

The citizens or subjects of each of the two BSgh Gontraediig Ro^ 
ties shall have full liberty to enter, travel, or reside in aaj pari of 
the territories of the other Contracting Party, and shall enjoy foil 
and perfect protection for their persons and property. 

They shall have free access to the Courts of Justice in pnranit and 
defense of their rights ; they shall be at liberty equally with natire 
citizens or subjects to choose and employ lawyers, adToeates and 
representatives to pursue and defend their rights before aaeh Comti^ 
and in all other matters connected with the administration of justice 
they shall enjoy all the rights and privileges enjoyed by native dti- 
sens or subjects. 

In whatever relates to rights of residence and travel ; to the pos- 
session of goods and effects of any kind ; to the saecession to per- 
sonal estate, by will or otherwise, and the disposal of property of any 
sort and in any manner whatsoever which they may lawfully acquire, 
the citizens or subjects of each Contracting Party shall enjoy in the 
territories of the other the same privileges, liberties, and rights, and 
shall be subject to no higher imposts or charges in these respeeti 
than native citizens or subjects, or citizens or subjects of the most 
favored nation. The citizens or subjects of each of the Contracting 
Parties shall enjoy in the territories of the other entire liberty of 
conscience, and, subject to the laws, ordinances, and r^rnlations, 
shall enjoy the right of private or public exercise of their worship, 
and also the right of burying their respective countrymen, according 
to their religious customs, in such suitable and convenient places as 
may be established and maintained for that purpose. 

They shall not be compelled, under any pretext whatsoever, to 
pay any charges or taxes other or higher than those that are, or may 
be paid by native citizens or subjects, or citizens or sabjeets of the 
most favored nation. 

The citizens or subjects of either of the Contracting Parties 
residing in the territories of the other shall be exempted from all 


eompalsory military sendee wbatsoeTer, whether in the famf^ msTjf 

national guard, or militia ; from all contributions impoeed in lien of 

personal sernce ; and from all forced loans or military exactions or 


Abticlb IL 

There shall be reciprocal freedom of commerce and navigation 
between the territories of the two High Contracting Parties. 

The citizens or subjects of each of the High Contracting Parties 
may trade in any part of the territories of the other by wholesale 
or retail in all kinds of produce, manufactures, and merchandise of 
lawful commerce, either in person or by agents, singly or in partner* 
ship with foreigners or native citizens or subjects ; and they may 
there own or hire and occupy houses, manufactories, warehouses, 
shops and premises which may be necessary for them, and lease land 
for residential and commercial purposes, conforming themselyes to 
the laws, police and customs regulations of the country like native 
citizens or subjects. 

They shall have liberty freely to come with their ships and car- 
goes to an places, ports, and rivers in the territories of the other, 
which are or may be opened to foreign commerce, and shall enjoy, 
respectively, the same treatment in matters of commerce and navi- 
gation as native citizens or subjects, or citizens or subjects of the 
most favored nation, without having to pay taxes, imposts or duties, 
of whatever nature or under whatever denomination levied in the 
name or for the profit of the Grovemment, public functionaries, pri- 
vate individuals, corporations, or establishments of any kind, other 
or greater than those paid by native citizens or subjects, or citizens 
or subjects of the most favored nation. 

It is, however, understood that the stipulations contained in this 
and the preceding Article do not in any way affect the laws, ordi- 
nances and reg^ulations with regard to trade, the immigration of 
laborers, police and public securi^ which are in force or which may 
hereafter be enacted in either of the two countries. 

Abticlb III. 

The dwellings, manufactories, warehouses, and shops of the eiti- 
sens or subjects of each of the High Contracting Parties in the 


lerritories of the other, and all premises appertaining thereto des- 
tined for purposes of residence or oonimereei shall be respected- 
It shall not be allowable to proceed to make a aeateh of, or a 
domiciliary Tisit to, sach dwellings and premises, or to examine or 
inspect books, papers, or accoonts, except onder the eonditions and 
with the forms prescribed bjr the laws, ordinanees and regolatioos 
for citizens or subjects of the country. 

abticlb rv. 

No other or higher duties shall be imposed on the importaiioii 
into the territories of the United States of any article, the prodoee 
or manufacture of the territories of His Majesty the Emperor of 
Japan, from whatever place arriving ; and no other or higher dntiM 
shall be imposed on the importation into the territories of Hit 
Majesty the Emperor of Japan of any article, the prodooe or mans- 
facture of the territories of the United States, from whatever pbes 
arriving, than on the like article produced or manufactured in any 
other foreign country ; nor shall any prohibition be maintained or 
imposed on the importation of any article, the produce or manu&e- 
ture of the territories of either of the High Contracting Parties, into 
the territories of the other, from whatever place arriving, which 
shall not equally extend to the importation of the like article, being 
the produce or manufacture of any other country. This last pro- 
vision is not applicable to the sanitary and other prohibitions ooea* 
sioned by the necessity of protecting the safety of persons, or of 
cattle, or of plants useful to agriculture. 

Abticlb V. 

No other or higher duties or charges shall be imposed in the te> 
ritories of either of the High Contracting Parties on the exportation 
of any article to the territories of the other than such as are, or may 
be, payable on the exportation of the like article to any other fo^ 
eign country ; nor shall any prohibition be imposed on the exporta- 
tion of any article from the territories of either of the two High 
Contracting Parties to the territories of the other which shall not 
equally extend to the exportation of the like article to any other 


Abtiolb YL 

The citisens or tabjeeto of each of Ao High Contraeting Parties 

shall enjoy in the territories of the other exemption from all transit 

dntiesy and a perfect equality of treatment with native citizens or 

subjects in all that relates to warehoosing, boonties, facilities, and 


Abtiolb YII. 

All articles which are or may be legally imported into the ports 
of the territories of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan in Japanese 
vessels may likewise be imported into those ports in vesseb of the 
United States, withoat being liable to any other or higher duties or 
charges of whateyer denomination than if snch articles were im- 
ported in Japanese vessels ; and, reciprocally, all articles which are 
or may be l^;ally imported into the ports of the territories of the 
United States in vessels of the United States may likewise bo im- 
ported into those ports in Japanese vessels, withoat being liable to 
any other or higher duties or charges of whatever denomination than 
if such articles were imported in vessels of the United States. Sach 
redprocal eqoality of treatment shall take effect withoat distinction^ 
whether snch articles come directly from the place of origin or from 
any other place. 

In the same manner, there shall be perfect equality of treatment 
in regard to exportation, so that the same export daties shall be 
paid, and the same bounties and drawbacks allowed, in the territo- 
ries of either of the High Contractmg Parties on the exportation of 
any article which is or may be legally exported therefrom, whether 
such exportation shall take place in Japanese vessels or in vessels 
of the United States, and whatever may be the place of destination, 
whether a port of either of the High Contracting Parties or of any 

third Power. 


No duties of toimage, harbor, {nlotage, lighthouse, quarantine, or 
otiier similar or c o rresponding duties of whatever nature, or under 
whatever denomination levied in the name or for the profit of Gov- 
ernment, public functionaries, private individuals, corporations, or 
eshiHishmmifs of any kind, shall be inq^oeed in the porta of the 


territories of either eoontij upoQ the Teade ol Ae odiar 
which than not eqoallj and under die nme eooditioaB be jhukiwiiiI 
in the like cases on national Tiwels in general or Teandb of ths 
most favored nation. Snch eqoalify of treatment dmll tuppfy reei- 
procally to the respeetiTe Tessels, from whatefer poirt or plaee tiMj 
may arriTe, and whaterer may be their plaee el 

AnncLB IX. 

In all that regards the stationing, loading, and nnloadifig of 
in the ports, basins, docks, roadsteads, harbors or riTeiB of Ae terri- 
tories of the two coantries, no prirflege shaU be granted to national 
vessels which shall not be eqoaDy granted to vessels of Ae othsr 
coantry ; the intention of the ffigh Contracting Flarties being that 
in this respect also the respective vessels shall be trested on tfas 
footing of perfect equality. 

Abticlb X. 

The coasting trade of both tiie High Contracting Parties » ex- 
eepted from the provisions of the present Treaty, and riiall be r^;ii- 
lated according to the laws, ordinances and regulations of the United 
States and Japan, respectively. It is, however, understood that 
citizens of the United States in the territories of EEb Majesty the 
Emperor of Japan and Japanese subjects in the territories of the 
United States, shall enjoy in this respect the rights which are, or 
naay be, granted under such laws, ordinances and regulations to tiis 
citizens or subjects of any other country. 

A vessel of the United States laden in a foreign country with 
eargo destined for two or more ports in the territories of His Ma* 
jesty the Emperor of Japan, and a Japanese vessel laden in a foreign 
country with cargo destined for two or more ports in the territories 
of the United States, may discharge a portion of her cargo at one 
port, and continue her voyage to the other port or ports of destina- 
tion where foreign trade is permitted, for the purpose of landing the 
remainder of her original cargo there, subject always to the laws 
and customs regulations of the two countries. 

The Japanese Gk)vernment, however, agrees to allow vessels of 
flie United States to eontinuoy as heretofore^ for the period of the 

■^ - . .—t_ agL^j^^g=;L.- ■■-_.. ^ ,. - ■ — ^ 


darataon of the present Treaty, to carry cargo between the existing 
open ports of the Empire, exceptbg to or from the ports of Osaksy 
Niigata, and Ebisaminatow 

Abtiolb XL 

Any ship-of-war or merchant vessel of either of the ffigh Con- 
tracting Parties which may be compelled by stress of weather, or 
by reason of any other distress, to take shelter in a port of the 
other, shall be at liberty to refit therein, to procure all necessary 
supplies, and to put to sea again, without paying any dues other than 
such as would be payable by national vessels. In case, however, 
the master of a merchant vessel should be under the necessity of 
disposing of a part of his cargo in order to defray the expenses, he 
shall be bound to conform to the regulations and tariffs of the place 
to which he may have come. 

If any ship-of-war or merchant vessel of one of the High Con- 
tracting Parties should run aground or be wrecked upon the ooasts 
of the other, the local authorities shall inform the Consul Greneral, 
Consul, Vice-Consul, or Consular Agent of the district, of the occuiv 
rence, or if there be no such consular officers, they shall inform the 
Consul Greneral, Consul, Vice-Consul, or Consular Agent of the 
nearest district 

All proceedings relative to the salvage of Japanese vessels, 
wrecked or cast on shore in the territorial waters of the United 
States, shall take place in accordance with the laws of the United 
States, and, reciprocally, all measures of salvage relative to vessels 
of the United States, wrecked or cast on shore in the territorial 
waters of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, shall take place in 
accordance with the laws, ordinances, and regulations of Japan. 

Such stranded or wrecked ship or vessel, and all parts thereof, 
and all furniture and appurtenances belonging thereunto, and all 
goods and merchandise saved therefrom, including those which may 
have been cast into the sea, or the proceeds thereof, if sold, as well 
as all papers found on board such stranded or wrecked ship or 
vessel, shall be given up to the owners or their agents, when claimed 
by them. If such owners or agents are not on the spot, the same 
shall be delivered to the respective Consuls General, Consuls, 


Conaols, or Consular Agents npon being elaimed by tliem witbin As 
period fixed by the laws, ordinances and regulations of the eoontiy, 
and such Consular officers, owners, or agents shall pay only the 
expenses incurred in the preserration of the property, together with 
the salvage or other expenses which would hare been payable in the 
ease of the wreck of a national vesseL 

The goods and merchandise saved from the wreck shall be exempt 
from all the duties of the Customs unless cleared for conaumptioo, 
in which case they shall pay the ordinary duties. 

When a vessel belonging to the citizens or subjects of one of the 
High Contracting Parties is stranded or wrecked in the territories 
of the other, the respective Consuls Greneral, Consuls, Vice-Consnli, 
and Consular Agents shall be authorized, in case the owner or 
master, or other agent of the owner, is not present, to lend their 
official assistance in order to afford the necessary assistance to dis 
citizens or subjects of the respective States. The same rule shsD 
apply in case the owner, master, or other agent is present, but re- 
quires such assistance to be given. 

abticlb xn. 

All vessels which, according to United States law, are to be 
deemed vessels of the United States, and all vessels which, accord* 
ing to Japanese law, are to be deemed Japanese vessels, shall, for 
the purposes of this Treaty, be deemed vessels of the United States 
and Japanese vessels, respectively. 

Abticlb XIII. 

The Consuls General, Consuls, Yice-Consuls, and Consular Agentf 
of each of the High Contracting Parties, residing in the territories 
of the other, shall receive from the local authorities such assistance 
as can by law be given to them for the recovery of deserters from 
the vessels of their respective countries. 

It is understood that this stipulation shall not apply to the citizens 
or subjects of the country where the desertion takes place. 

Abticlb XIV. 
The High Contractmg Parties agree that, in all that concerns 


eommeree and navigation, any priTilege, favor or immnni^ whieh 
either High Contracting Party has aetoally granted, or may here- 
after grant, to the (Government, ships, citizens, or subjects of any 
other State, shall be extended to tiie Government, ships, citisens, or 
sabjects of the other High Contracting Party, gratoitonsly, if the 
concession in favor of that other State shall have been grataitoos, 
and on the same or equivalent conditions if the concession shall 
have been conditional : it being tiieir intention that the trade and 
navigation of each country shall be placed, in all respects, by the 
otiier, upon the footing of the most favored nation. 

Abtiolb XV. 

Each of die High Contracting Parties may appoint Consuls Ghn* 
end, Consuls, Vice-Consuls, Pro-Consuls, and Consular Agents, in 
all the ports, cities, and places of the other, except in those where it 
may not be convenient to recognize such officers. 

This exception, however, shall not be made in regard to one of 
the High Contracting Parties without being made likewise in regard 
to every other Power. 

The Consuls General, Consuls, Vice-Consuls, Pro-Consuls, and 
Consular Agents, may exercise all functions, and shall enjoy all 
privileges, exemptions, and immunities which are, or may hereafter 
be, granted to Consular officers of the most favored nation. 

Abtiolb XVL 

The citizens or subjects of each of the High Contracting Partiea 
shall enjoy in the territories of die other the same protection as 
native citizens or subjects in regard to patents, trade-marks and 
designs, upon fulfillment of the formalities prescribed by law. 

Abtiolb XVII. 

The High Contracting Parties agree to the following arrange- 

The several Foreign Settiements in Japan shall, from the date 
this Treaty comes into force, be incorporated with the. respective 
Japanese Communes, and shall ihencefortii form part of the general 
municipal system of Japan. The competent Japanese Authorities 


•hall tliereapon aasome all mnnieipal obligations and duties in le- 
ipect thereof, and the common fonds and property, if an j, belongs 
ing to such Settlements shall at the same time be transferred to the 
said Japanese Aathorities. 

When such incorporation takes place existing leases in perpetuity 
npon which property is now held in the said Settlements shall be 
confirmed, and no conditions whatsoeyer other than those contained 
in sach existing leases shall be imposed in respect of snch property. 
It is, however, understood that the Consular Authorities mentioDed 
in the same are in all cases to be replaced by the Japanese Author- 
ities. All lands which may previously have been g^ranted by the 
Japanese Grovernment free of rent for the public purposes of the said 
Settlements shall, subject to the right of eminent domain, be per- 
manently reserved free of all taxes and charges for the pablic par- 
poses for which they were originally set apart 

Abticlb XVIIL 

This Treaty shall, from the date it comes into force, be substi- 
tuted in place of the Treaty of Peace and Amity concluded on the 
3d day of the 3d month of the 7th year of Eayei, corresponding to 
the 3l8t day of March, 1854 ; the Treaty of Amity and Commerce 
eoncladed on the 19th day of the 6th month of the 5th year of 
Ansei, corresponding to the 29th day of July, 1858; the Tariff 
Convention concluded on the 13th day of the 5th month of the 
2d year of Eeio, corresponding to the 25th day of June, 1866 ; the 
Convention concluded on the 25th day of the 7th raontli of the 11th 
year of Meiji, corresponding to the 25th day of July, 1878, and all 
Arrangements and Ag^reements subsidiary thereto concluded or 
existing between the High Contracting Parties ; and from the same 
date such Treaties, Conventions, Arrangements and Agreements 
shall cease to be binding, and, in consequence, the jurisdiction then 
exercised by Courts of the United States in Japan and all the ex- 
ceptional privileges, exemptions and immunities then enjoyed by 
citizens of the United States as a part of, or appurtenant to such 
jurisdiction, shall absolutely and without notice cease and deter- 
mine, and thereafter all such jurisdiction shall be assumed and exer- 
cised by Japanese Courts. 


Abtiglb XIX. 

This Treaty shall go into operation on the 17th day of July, 
1899y and shall remain in force for the period of twelve years from 
that date. 

£ither High Contracting Party shall have the right, at any time 
thereafter, to give notice to the other of its intention to terminate 
the same, and at the expiration of twelve months after snch notice 
is given this Treaty shall wholly cease and determine. 

Abticlb XX. 

This Treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications thereof shall be 
exchanged, either at Washington or Tokio, as soon as possible and 
not later than six months after its signature. 

In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed 
the present Treaty in doplicate and have thereunto affixed their 

Done at the City of Washington the 22d day of November, in the 
eighteen hundred and ninety-fourth year of the Christian era, cor- 
responding to the 22d day of the 11th month of the 27th year of 

Waltbb Q. Grbsham [sbal.] 
Shiniohibo Eubiko [sbaik] 


Whereas the Government of the Republic of Hawaii having, in 
due form, signified its consent, in the manner provided by its con- 
stitution, to cede absolutely and without reserve to the United States 
of America all rights of sovereignty of whatsoever kind in and over 
the Hawaiian Islands and Uieir dependencies, and also to cede and 
transfer to the United States the absolute fee and ownership of all 
public, Grovemment, or Crown lands, public buildings or edifices, 
ports, harbors, military equipment, and all other public property of 
every kind and description belonging to the Government of the 


Hawaiian Islands, together with erery righl and a ppmim anee 
thereanto appertaining : Therefore, 

Resolved hy the Senate and Heuee of RepresentatioeB of the 
United States ofAmeriea in Congress assenMedj That aaid ceerioii 
is accepted, ratified, and confirmed, and that the said Hawaiian 
Islands and their dependencies be, and they are hereby, annexed as 
a part of the territory of the United States and are subject to the 
sovereign dominion thereof, and that all and singular the property 
and rights hereinbefore mentioned are vested in the United Statei 
of America. 

The existing laws of the United States relative to paUic lands 
shall not apply to such lands in the E[awaiian Islands ; bat the Con- 
gress of the United States shall enact special laws for their manage- 
ment and disposition: Provided^ That all revenue from or pro- 
ceeds of the same, except as regards sach part thereof as may be 
used or occupied for the civil, military, or naval purpoeee of the 
United States, or may be assigned for the use of the local govern- 
ment, shall be used solely for the benefit of the inhabitants of the 
Hawaiian Islands for educational and other public purposes. 

Until Congress shall provide for the government of such islands 
all the civil, judicial, and military powers exercised by the officers 
of the existing government in said islands shall be vested in such 
person or persons and shall be exercised in such manner as the 
President of the United States shall direct ; and the President shsll 
have power to remove said officers and fiU the vacancies so occa- 

The existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign na- 
tions shall forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such 
treaties as may exist, or as may be hereafter concluded, between the 
United States and such foreign nations. The municipal legrialation 
of the Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for the fulfillment of the trea- 
ties so extinguished, and not inconsistent with this joint resolution 
nor contrary to the Constitution of the United States nor to any 
existing treaty of the United States, shall remain in force until the 
Congress of the United States shall otherwise determine. 

Until legislation shall be enacted extending the United States 
enstoms laws and regulations to the Hawaiian Islands the ATiafeing 


eastoms relationB of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States 
and other eonntries shall remain unchanged. 

The publie debt of the Bepablie of Hawaii, lawfully existing at 
the date of the passage of this joint resolution, including the amounts 
due to depositors in the Hawaiian Postal Savings Bank, is hereby 
assumed by the Government of the United States ; but the liability 
of the United States in this regard shall in no case exceed four mil- 
lion dollars. So long, however, as the existing Government and the 
present commercial relations of the Hawaiian Islands are continued 
hereinbefore as provided said Grovemment shall continue to pay the 
interest on said debt 

There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the Hawai- 
ian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or may here- 
after be allowed by the laws of the United States ; and no Chinese, 
by reason of anything herein contained, shall be allowed to enter 
the United States from the Hawaiian Islands. 

The President shall appoint five commissioners, at least two of 
whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian Islands, who shall, as soon 
as reasonably practicable, recommend to Congress such legislation 
concerning the Hawaiian Islands as they shall deem necessary or 

Sec. 2. That the commissioners hereinbefore provided for shall 
be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent 
of the Senate. 

Sec. 3. That the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, or so 
much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated, out of 
any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to be 
immediately available, to be expended at the discretion of the Presi- 
dent of the United States of America, for the purpose of carrying 
this joint resolution into effect 

Approved July 7, 1898. 

466 APPEimiX 


Signed December 2, 1899; Proclaimed Februaty 16^ 1900. 

The President of the United States of Amerieay His Imperial 
Majesty the Grerman Emperor, King of Prassia, and Her Majesty 
the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Em* 
press of India, desiring to adjost amicably the qaestions which hare 
arisen between them in respect to the Samoan groap of Islands, 
as well as to avoid all fatare misanderstanding in respect to their 
joint or several rights and claims of possession or jurisdiction therein, 
have agreed to establish and regulate the same by a special conven- 
tion ; and whereas the Governments of Grermany and Great Britain 
have, with the concurrence of that of the United States, made an 
agreement regarding their respective rights and interests in the 
aforesaid groap, the three Powers before named in furtherance of 
the ends above mentioned have appointed respectively their Pleni- 
potentiaries as follows : 

The President of the United States of America, the Honorable 
John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States ; 

His Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia, His Ambas- 
sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Herr von Holleben ; and 

Her Majesty the Qaeen of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress 
of India, the Right Honorable Lord Pauncef ote of Preston, G. C. B^ 
G. C. M. G., Her Britannic Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary 
and Plenipotentiary : 

who, after having communicated each to the other their r^pee- 
tive full powers which were foand to be in proper form, have agreed 
upon and concluded the following articles : 

Abticle I. 

The Greneral Act concluded and signed by the aforesaid Powers 
at Berlin on the 14th day of June, ▲. d. 1889, and all previous trea- 
ties, conventions and agreements relating to Samoa, are annulled. 


AsncLB n. 

Germany renounces in favor of the United States of America all 
her rights and daims over and in respect to the Ishmd of Totllih^ 
and all other islands of the Samoan group east of Longitude 171^ 
west of Greenwich. 

Great Britain in like manner renounces in favor of the United 
States of America all her rights and claims over and in respect to 
the Island of Tutuila and all other islands of the Samoan groap 
east of Longitude 171^ west of Greenwich. 

Reciprocally, the United States of America renounce in favor of 
Germany all their rights and claims over and in respect to the Islands 
of Upolu and Savaii and all other Islands of the Samoan group 
west of Longitude 171^ west of Greenwich. 


It is understood and agreed that each of the three signatory Fow>- 
ers shall continue to enjoy, in respect to their commerce and com- 
mercial vessels, in all the islands of the Samoan group privileges 
and conditions equal to those enjoyed hy the Sovereign Power, in 
all ports which may be open to the commerce of either of them. 

Abtiolx IV. 

The present Convention shall be ratified as soon as possible, and 
shall come into force immediately after the exchange of ratificar 

In faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed 
this Convention and have hereunto affixed our seals. 

Done in triplicate, at Washington, the second day of December, 
in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety- 

John Hat [sbal.] 

HOLLBBBSr [seal.] 
PAUVGKrOtB [seal.] 



SPAIN, AuGun 12, 1898. 

William B. Day, Secretory of Stote of the United Stalei, and 
His Excellency Jules Cambon, Ambaisador Extraordinary and 
Plenipotentiary of the Bepublie of Franee at Washington, renpee- 
tively possessing for this purpose fall aathority from the Groren- 
ment of the United Stotes and the GoTemment of Spain, haft 
concluded and signed the following articles, embodying the ternt 
on which the two Governments have agreed in respect to the matten 
hereinafter set forth, having in view the estoUishment of peast 
between the two countries, that is to say : 

AnncLB L 

Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title ts 


Abticlb IL 

Spain will cede to the United Stotes the island of Porto Kco and 

other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, 

and also an island in the Ladrones to be selected by the United 


Abticlb IU. 

The United Stotes will occupy and hold the city, bay and harbor 

of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall 

determine the control, disposition and government of the Philip' 


Abticlb IY. 

Spain will immediately evacuate Cuba, Porto Rico and other 
islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies ; and to 
this end each Government will, within ten days after the signing of 
this protocol, appoint Commissioners, and the Commissioners so 
appointed shall, within thirty days after the signing of this protocol, 
meet at Havana for the purpose of arranging and carrying out the 
details of the aforesaid evacuation of Cuba and the adjacent Span- 
ish islands ; and each Government will, within ten days after the 
signing of this protocol, also appoint other Commissioners, who 


shall, within thirtjr days after the ngning of this protoeol, meet at 
San Joan in Porto Bieo^ for the purpose of arrangbg and earrjing 
oat the details of the aforesaid OTaenation of Porto Rico and other 
isUnds now onder Spanish sovereign^ in the West Indies. 

Abtiolx Y. 

The United States and Spain will each appoint not more than 
^Ye commissioners to treat of peace, and the commissioners so ap- 
pointed shall meet at Paris not later than October 1, 18d8, and 
proceed to the negotiation and oondosion of a treaty of peace, which 
treaty shall be subject to ratification according to the respeetiTe 
constitational forms of the two eoontries. 

Abticlb YI. 

Upon the condnsion and signing of this protocol, hostilities be- 
tween the two countries shall be sospended, and notice to that effect 
shall be given as soon as possible by each Grovemment to the com- 
manders of its military and naval forces. 

Done at Washington in duplicate, in English and in French, by 
the Undersigned, who have hereunto set their hands and seals, the 
12th day of August, 1898. 

[sBAL.] William B. Day. 
[seal.] Jules Cambok. 

Tbsatyov Peace between the United States and Spain, 1898. 
Siffned December 10^ 1898 ; Froelaimed April 11^ 1899. 

The United States of America and Her Majesty the Queen Regent 
of Spain, in the Name of Her August Son Don Alfonso XIII, desir- 
ing to end the state of war now existing between the two countries, 
have for that purpose appointed as Plenipotentiaries : 

The President of the United Stotes, 

William R. Day, Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye, George 
Gray, and Whitelaw Reid, citizens of the United States ; 

and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, 

Don Eugenie Montero Rios, President of the Senate, 


Don Boenaventora de Abanasfty Senator of Um Kbigdom aid 
ex-Minister of the Crown, 

Don JoB^ de Garnica, Depaty to the Cortea and Awotriata Joitiat 
of the Supreme Court ; 

Don Wenceslao Ramirez de Yilla-nrratiay Enroy ESxtraordinaij 
and Minister Plenipotentiaiy at Bmsseb, and 

Don Rafael Cerero, Greneral of Dirision ; 

Who, having assembled in Paris, and haTing exehanged their fall 

powers, which were found to be in due and proper form, have, after 

discussion of the matters before them, agreed upon the foUowinf 


Abticub I. 

Spain relinquishes all claim to sovereignty over and title to Cuba. 

And as the island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to be occnpied 
by the United States, the United States will, so long aa sneh oeea> 
pation shall last, assume and discharge the obligattona that may 
under international law result from the faot of its oocapation, for 
the protection of life and property. 


Spain cedes to the United States the island of Porto Rioo and 
other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, 
and the island of Guam in the Marianas or Ladrones. 

Abticlb in. 

Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as tbe 
Philippine Islands and comprehending the islands lying within the 
following line : 

A line running from west to east along or near the twentieth 
parallel of north latitude, and through the middle of the navigable 
channel of Bachi, from the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) to 
the one hundred and twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of 
longitude east of Greenwich, thence along the one hundred and 
twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Ghreen* 
wich to the parallel of four degrees and forty-five minates (4^ 45^) 
north latitude, thence along the parallel of four d^reea and fotty- 
five minutes (4^ 45 ') north latitude to its intersection with the 

APPi3n>IX 471 

meridian of longitode one hundred and nineteen degrees and thir^* 
fire minotes (119^ SS') east of Grreenwich, thence along the me- 
ridian of longitude one hondred and nineteen degrees and thirtgr- 
five minutes (119^ 85') east of Greenwich to the parallel of latitude 
seven degrees and forty minutes (7^ 40') north, thence along the 
parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7^ 40') north 
to its intersection with the one hundred and sixteenth (llGtli) de- 
gree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence by a direct 
line to the intersection of the tenth (10th) deg^ree parallel of north 
latitude with the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degpree merid- 
ian of longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hun- 
dred and eighteenth (118th) degpree meridian of longitude east of 
Greenwich to the point of beginning. 

The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million 
doUars ($20,000,000) within three months after the exchange of the 
ratifications of the present treaty. 

Abticlb IV. 

The United States will, for the term of ten years from the date 
of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, admit 
Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the Philippine Islands 
on the same terms as ships and merchandise of the United States. 

Abticlb Y. 

The United States will, upon the signature of the present treaty, 
send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish soldiers taken as 
prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by the American forces. 
The arms of the soldiers in question shall be restored to them. 

Spain will, upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present 
treaty, proceed to evacuate the Philippines, as well as the island of 
Guam, on terms similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners 
appointed to arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other 
islands in the West Indies, under the Protocol of August 12, 1898, 
which is to continue in force till its provisions are completely exe- 

The time within which the evacuation of the Philippine Islands 
and Guam shall be completed shall be fixed by the two Govern- 


menu. Stands of colorty aneaptured war Tesseb, small arma, guns 
of aU calibres, with their carriages and accessories, powder, amnm 
nition, livestock, and materials and sopplies of all kinds, belonging 
to the land and naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Goam, 
remain the property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, ezclosive 
of field artillery, in the fortifications and coast defenses, shall remain 
in their emplacements for the term of six months, to be reckoned 
from the exchange of ratifications of the treaty ; and the United 
States may, in the mean time, purchase sach material from Spain, 
if a satisfactory agreement between the two Governments on the 
sabject shall be reached. 

Abticlb YL 

Spain will, apon the signature of the present treaty, release all 
prisoners of war, and all persons detained or imprisoned for political 
offenses, in connection with the insorrections in Caba and the Phil- 
ippines and the war with the United States. 

Reciprocally, the United States will release all persons made pri»> 
oners of war by the American forces, and will undertake to obtain 
the release of all Spanish prisoners in the hands of the insurgents in 
Cuba and the Philippines. 

The Government of the United States will at its own cost return 
to Spain and the Government of Spain will at its own cost return to 
the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, according 
to the situation of their respective homes, prisoners released or 
caused to be released by them, respectively, under this article. 

Abticlb YII. 

The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all claims for 
indemnity, national and individual of every kind, of eiUier Govern- 
ment, or of its citizens or subjects, against the other Government, 
that may have arisen since the beginning of the late insurrection in 
Cuba and prior to the exchange of ratifications of the present treaty, 
including all claims for indemnity for the cost of the war. 

The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims of its citi* 
sens against Spain relinquished in this article. 


AsnoLx ym. 

In eonf ormity with the prorUions of Artidet I» 11, and m of 
this treaty, Spain reHnqoiahes in Caba, and eedes in Porto Rioo and 
other islands in the West Indies, in the island of Goam, and in the 
Philippine Archipelago, all the boildings, wharves, barracks, forts, 
stractares, public highways and other inunoTable property which, in 
conformity with law, belong to the public domain, and as such 
belong to the Crown of Spain. 

And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or cession, as 
the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph refers, cannot in 
any respect impair the property or rights which by law belong to 
the peaceful possession of property of all kinds, of provinces, muni- 
cipalities, public or private establishments, eodesiastical or civio 
bodies, or any other associations having legal capacity to acquire 
and possess property in the aforesaid territories renounced or ceded, 
or of private individuals, of whatsoever nationality such individuals 
may be. 

The aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, in- 
cludes all documents exclusively referring to the sovereignty relin- 
quished or ceded that may exist in the archives of the Peninsula. 
Where any document in such archives only in part relates to said 
sovereignty, a copy of such part will be furnished whenever it shall 
be requested. like rules shall be reciprocally observed in favor of 
Spain in respect of documents in the archives of the islands above 
referred to. 

In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, are 
also included such rights as the Crown of Spain and its authorities 
possess in respect of the official archives and records, executive as 
well as judicial, in the islands above referred to, which relate to said 
islands or the rights and property of their inhabitants. Such ar- 
chives and records shall be carefully preserved, and private persons 
shall without distinction have the right to require, in accordance 
with law, authenticated copies of the contracts, wills, and other in- 
struments forming part of notarial protocols or files, or which may 
be contained in tlie executive or judicial archives, be the latter in 
Spain or in the islands aforesaid. 


ABfncui IX* 

Spanish subjeets, naliyM of the Fenintolay reaidiiig in die Itni- 
tory over which Spain hj the present treaty relinqaishes or cedes hsr 
sovereignty, may remain in such territory or may remove therefrom, 
retaining in either event all their rights of property, indading the 
right to sell or dispose of such proper^ or of its proceeds ; and they 
shall also have the right to carry on their industry, commerce and 
professions, being sabject in respect thereof to saoh laws as are 
applicable to other foreigners. In case they remain in the territory 
they may preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain by making, 
before a court of record, within a year from the date of the exchange 
of ratifications of this treaty, a declaration of their decision to pre- 
serve such allegiance ; in default of which declaration they shall be 
held to have renounced it and to hnve adopted the nationality of the 
territory in which they may reside. 

The civil rights and pditical status of the native inhabitants of 

the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined 

by the Congress. 

Abtiolb X. 

The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain relinquishes 

or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in the free exercise of their 


Article XL 

The Spaniards residing in the territories over which Spain by this 
treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty shall be subject in mat- 
ters civil as well as criminal to the jurisdiction of the courts of the 
country wherein they reside, pursuant to the ordinary laws govern- 
ing the same ; and they shall have the right to appear before such 
courts, and to pursue the same course as citizens of the country to 
which the courts belong. 

AsnoLX XII. 

Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the exchange of rati- 
fications of this treaty in the territories over which Spain relin- 
quishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be determined according to 
the following rules : 


1. Jadgments rmdered Mther in eiTQ suits between private indi- 
▼idoals, or in criminal matters^ before the date mentioned^ and with 
respect to which there is no recourse or right of review nnder the 
Spanish law, shall be deemed to be final, and shall be execoted in 
dae form by competent authority in the territory within which such 
judgments should be carried out* 

2. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the date 
mentioned be undetermined shall be prosecuted to judgment before 
the court in which they may then be pending or in the court that 
may be substituted therefor. 

3. Oiminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the 
Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the territory which by 
this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue nnder its jurisdiction 
nntil final judgment ; but, such judgment having been rendered, the 
execution thereof shall be committed to the competent authority of 
the place in which the case arose. 

abtiolb xm. 

The rights of property secured by copyrights and patents acquired 
by Spaniards in the island of Cuba, and in Porto Rico, the Philip- 
pines and other ceded territories, at the time of the exchange of the 
ratifications of this treaty, shall continue to be respected. Spanish 
scientific, literary and artistic works, not subversive of public order 
in the territories in question, shall continue to be admitted free of 
duty into such territories, for the period of ten years, to be reckoned 
from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. 

Abticlb XIY. 

Spain shall have the power to establish consular officers in the 
ports and places of the territories, the sovereignty over which has 
been either relinquished or ceded by the present treaty. 

Abtiole XV. 

The Grovemment of each country will, for the term of ten years, 
accord to the merchant vessels of the other country the same treat- 
ment in respect of all port charges, including entrance and clearance 
dues, light dues, and tonnage duties, as it accords to its own mer> 
chant vessels, not engaged in the coastwise trade. 


This artide may ftt any tiine be terminated on nx mcmtlis' noliee 
giTen by Mther Government to the other. 

Abticlb XVL 

It 18 nnderttood that any obligationB astnmed in this treaty by the 
United States with respect to Caba are limited to the time of its 
occupancy thereof ; bat it will upon the termination of saeh oeco- 
pancy, advise any Government established in the island to aasome 
the same obligations* 

Abticlb XVIL 

The present treaty shall be ratified by the F^resident of the United 
States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, 
and by Her Majesty the Qaeen Regent of Spain ; and the ratifica- 
tions shall be exchanged at Washington within six months from the 
date hereof, or earlier if possible. 

In faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiariesy have signed 
this treaty and have hereanto affixed oar seals. 

Done in daplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, in the 
year of Oar Lord one thoasand eight hundred and ninety-eight. 

[sBAL.] William R. Day. [seal.] Eugbkio Montbbo Rioe. 

[seal.] Cushman K. Davis, [seal.] B. de Ababzxtza* 

[seal.] Wm. P. Fbye. [seal.] J. DE Garnica. 

[seal.] Geo. Gray. [seal.] W. R. de Villa Ubbutia. 

[seal.] Whitelaw Reid. [seal.] Rafael Cebeso. 


AoTKON affair, at Honolola, 121. 

Adams, En^liiJi pilot, in Japan, 8. 

Adams, John Qmnoy, on treatment of 
Kapier by CUnese, 63 ; on the Opium 
War, 78 ; suggested for Chinese Mis- 
sion, 78; on Christian missions in 
Hawaiian Islands, 107. 

Allen, Dr. H. N., leoeption of, in 
Korea, 829; American minister to 
Korea, 829. 

American Board of Foreign Missions, 
sends missionaries to Hawaii, 106; 
expenditures of, in Hawaii, 100. 

Amherst, Lord, sent as ambassador to 
China (1815), 25. 

Angell, Dr. James B., one of commis- 
sion to negotiate immigration treaty 
with China, 294 ; American minister 
to China, 295. 

Annam, Roberts sent on mission to, 46 ; 
Roberts's embassy at, 48. 

Annexation, Vanconver's attempted, of 
Hawaiian Islands, 112 ; of Hawaiian 
Islands attempted by Lord Panlet, 
124 ; prorisional, of Hawaii to United 
States (1851), 130; of Formosa and 
Lew Chew Islands br United States 
proposed, 229 ; of Hawaii to United 
States indicated (1850-1860), 865; 
of Hawaii, Secretary Maroy directs 
American minister to propose, 866 ; 
treaty of, negotiated with Hawaii, 
866 ; to United States, Lord Palmer- 
ston declares to be destiny of EU- 
waii, 868 ; treaty negotiated between 
Hawaii and United States Febmarf , 
1898, 877 ; treaty of, with Hawaii, 
(1898), withdrawn by President 
Clereland, 878 ; treaty between EU- 
waii and United States negotiated in 
1897, 881 ; Japanese opposition to, 
of Hawaii to United States, 882; 
joint resolution for, to United States 
siffned July, 1898, 388 ; reason for. 
of Hawau to United Stotes, 884; of 
Philippine Islands by United States, 

406; text of j<^t resolntioB of Con- 
gress for the, of Hawaii, 468. 

Apia, American squadron destroyed by 
nurricane at, 8&. 

Arrow War, cause of, 228; Tiews of 
British statesmen as to, 224 ; Tiews 
of United States ministers as to, 225. 

Atlantic cable, one of messages orer, 
in 1858, announced peace in China, 

Audience, b^ Dutch officials at Yedo, 
14; Ismailoff's, with Chinese em- 
peror, 20; Lord Macartney's, with 
Chinese emperor, 23. 

Audience question, raised on Ward's 
arrival at Peking, 240; prolonged 
discussion of, 250; in Chma a^^dn 
raised, 269; temporary settlement 
of, in 1878, 270; again raised in 
China, in 1891, 270 ; points inTolved 
in, 271; settlement of, 271 ; finally 
settled by peace agreement between 
China and allies in 1901, 481. 

Aulick, Commodore, selected to com- 
mand Japan expedition, 146 ; recalled 
from Japan expedition, 147; dis- 
agreement of, with Minister Mar- 

Balestier, J., commisrioner to negotiate 
treaty with Borneo, 142. 

Baranon, goremor of Russian Amer- 
ica, attempts annexation of Hawaiian 
Islands, 112. 

Barrier Forts, American naTal force 
fires upon, 226. 

Berlin Act, substance of, regarding 
Samoa, 894. 

Berlin Samoan Conference, 898. 

Biddle, Commodore, enters Bay of 
Yedo, 1846, 148. 

Blonnt, J. H., commissioner to inresti^ 
gate Hawaiian revolution and condi- 
tions, 378. 

Bogus Forts fire on British squadron, 



Borneo, Balesder negotiatet treaty 
with sultan of, 142. 

Bowring, Sir John, BritiBh goremor of 
Hongkong, 215 ; course pursued by, 
in relation to Lorcha Arrow, 223; 
linguist and hymnologist, 223. 

Boxers, outbreak of, in China, 408; 
meaning of name, I Ho Tuan or, 
406 ; origin of, 409 ; cause of uprising 
of, 409 ; missions, not chief cause of 
uprising of, in China, 412 ; most po- 
tent cause of uprising of, politicid, 
414 ; proclamation of empress dow- 
ager farorable to, 416 ; progress of 
uprising of, 417; attack railroad 
stations, 419; aimed to drive out 
foreigners and not Christians partic- 
ularly, 421 ; Chinese government 
sympathises with, and g^res aid to, 
421 ; question of punishment of lead- 
ers of, in poaoe negotiations, 428. 

Bridgman, Kev. £. C., American mis- 
sionary and editor of Chinese Reposi- 
tory, 3 ; secretary of Cushing em- 
bassy, 79. 

British East India Company, see East 
India ConqMny, 

Burke, Edmund, on American whale 
fishery, 102. 

Burlingame, Anson, career of, 257 ; ap- 
pointed American minister to China, 
258 ; arriTos in China, 258 ; secures 
adoption of '*a policy of coopera- 
tion,** 258 ; appointed Chinese euToy 
to Western powers, 263; character 
and conduct of, as Chinese enroy, 
264 ; death of, 264 ; Blaine*s opinion 
of, 267. 

Buriingame embassy, constitution of, 
263; reception of, in United States 
and Europe, 264; object of, 265; 
result of, treaty of 1868 with United 
States, 265. 

California, Chinese laborers arrive in, 
282 ; influence of deyelopment of , on 
Hawaiian indnstriee, 365, 368, 370; 
opposition in, to Chinese immigra- 
tion, 285. 

Ganton, attacked by Capt. Weddel 
(1635), 5; Chinese ports dosed ex- 
cept, 7; foreign women excluded 
from, 19 ; Krusenstem's attempt to 
trade at, 21 ; only port open to Brit- 
ish trade, 24 ; first American vessel 
arrires at, 27 ; Shaw, first American 
oonsnl at, 32; conduct of trade at, 
88 ; exchange of prisoners by United 

States and Great Britain at, 80; Ion 
sign facto ri es at, 41; embarassmaats 
of trade at, 43 ; treatmentof Roberts^ 
embassy at, 47 ; conditjona of trade 
at, 66; Lord Napier at, 57 ; Englidh 
trade stopped at, 62 ; British troops 
stationed in f actoriea at, 62 ; Ifapur 
withdraws from, 62; ezeentioii of 
Chinese opium dealer at, 67; &a- 
toriea at, closed to stop opium trade, 
09; ransomed from assault duriitg 
0|num War, 70 ; Amerioans indem- 
nified for injuries daring Optna 
War, 74 ; riot at, over weather-vane 
of American consul, 91 ; riot at, dur- 
ing negotiation of Cushing treaty, 
92 ; enlaigement of f actoriea at, 95; 
residence of foreign representatives 
outside walls of, 96; bombardmsnt 
and capture of, by British (1856), 
223; Americans charged wiu «ir» 
ticipating in British attack on, a7 ; 
looting of palaces in, by British, 
228; sack of. by aUies (1857), 288. 

Carrington, Edward, American oon- 
snlar agent at Canton, 39. 

Carysf ort affair at Hawaii, 124. 

Chang Chih Tung, viceroy, author of 
bode on reforms for Chmia, 417. 

Chang Yen Huan, one of Chinese peace 
commiBsioners sent to Japan, 839; 
biograi^cal note on, 389. 

Charlton, Richard, British eonsul-gea- 
oral to Hawaiian Islands, 113; ap- 
peals to Lord Paulet to enforce 
claims against Hawaii, 124. 

Charter oa^, taken by Mikado, 199. 

China, early relations of, with Japan, 
2 ; early relations of, with the West, 
2 ; Dutch squadron arrives off coast 
of, 4; first European veesel to, 4; 
Portuguese outrages in, 4; British 
vessels arrive in (1635), 5; cause of 
antipathy to foreigners by, 6 ; early 
missionaries to, 6 ; early relations of, 
with Spain, 6 ; ports of, closed, ex- 
cept Canton, 7 ; European attempts 
during 17th and 18th oenturies to 
trade with, 16; treaty of 1689, vrith 
Russia, 17 ; war between Russia and, 
17th century, 17 ; Russian ambassa- 
dors of 1603 and 1719 to, 18 : treaty 
of 1727, with Russia, 21 ; early trade 
of Russia with, 21; British trade 
with, during 18th century, 22 ; Ma- 
cartney embassy to, 22; Eong of 
England in 1796 sends preaenta to 
empeior of, 24; Amherst iiinli— j 



to (1815), 25; 6nt Ameriean tmmI 
■zriTM in, 27 ; AmtrioMi tnde with, 
aO ; fur tnde with, 81 ; Shaw, first 
Amerioan eonsol in, 82; profits of, 
87 ; relaxation of trade repilations 
in, 41; better podtioQ of United 
States politically in, 44 ; nee of opium 
in, 64; Opinm War between Great 
Britain and, 70; treaty between 
Great Britain and (1842), 71 ; giants 
Americans equal commendal rela- 
tions with British, 75 ; Cnshing mis- 
sion to, 79; treaty of Wang Hiya 
(1844) between United States and, 
86; exterritoriality first applied in, 
92; treaty between FrMce and 
(1844), 95; isthmus of Panama, 
bulwark of independence of, 188; 
projected steamship line between 
han Francisco and, 146; Baris, 
United States commissioner to, 204 ; 
Marshall, United States commis- 
sioner to, 206; Teh, high commis- 
sioner of, 205 ; attempts of Marshall 
to seenre interview with eommis- 
sioner of, 205; £-liang receires 
President's letter from Marshall for 
delivery to emperor of, 206; Tai- 
ping Rebellion m, 208 ; serrioes ren- 
dered to, by Gen. Ward and his 
** Ever Victorious Army," 212 ; Mo- 
Jjane succeeds Marshall as minister 
to, 218 ; McLane*s treatment by high 
eommisnoner of, 214 ; determination 
of foreign ministers to, to proceed to 
Peiho Mid renew demands, 216 ; ar- 
rival of foreign ministers to, at month 
<rf Peiho, 216 ; opposition of, to treaty 
revision, 217; reception of foreign 
ministers by commissioner of, on 
banks of Peiho, 217 ; comnussioner 
of, without plenary powers, 217 ; fail- 
ure of conference relative to revision 
of treaties with, 218 ; McLane urges 
a more vigorous policy in, 218 ; Amer- 
ican merchants at Shanghai pay du- 
ties to, 2 18; Parker charge of United 
States in, 219; neutrality of United 
States during Taiping RebelKon in, 
220; Dr. Parker appointed commis- 
sioner to, 221 ; attempts of Parker 
to secure revision of treaty with, 
221; return by viceroy at Shang- 
hai of President's letter to emperor 
of, with seals broken, 222 ; the Ar- 
row War between Gbeat Britain and, 
223 ; American surveying party fired 
vpoB near Canton, 225; attaek on 

forts near CSanton, by 
226 ; Yeh excuses firing on survey- 
ing party near C!anton, 226 ; charge 
of participation by Americans in 
British attack on Canton, 227 ; Brit- 
ish campaign in, delayed by Sepoy 
Rebellion, &28 ; looting of palaces in 
Canton, by British, 228; p]an of 
Minister Parker to avoid war in, 
229; conservative policy of United 
States in relation to, 229 ; Reed suc- 
ceeds Parker as United States minis- 
ter to, 281 ; instructed to cooperate 
with powers in peaceful efforts, 
281 ; United States could not make 
war against, without authority of 
Conness, 282; Lord Elgin, British, 
and Baron Gros, French representa- 
tive in, 282; sack of Canton, by 
allies, 288; war by England and 
France (1857) agamst, 288; Reed 
fails to seenre interview with high 
commissioner of, 288; disappoint- 
ment of Elgin and Gros at United 
States' policy toward, 288 ; attitude 
of Russia toward, 284 ; Reed advo- 
cates strong measures in dealing 
with, 284; foreign ministers unite 
in demanding revision of treaties, 
285 ; attitude of United States as to 
coercive measures with, 286 ; refuses 
to allow foreign ministers to directly 
communicate with court, 286; for- 
eign ministers to, proceed to Uie 
Peiho, 286; foreign ministers from 
Peiho demand appointment of pleni* 
potentiaries by, 287 ; foreign minis- 
ters proceed to TientsiD, 288 ; Takn 
forts of, taken by assault, 288 ; trea- 
ties of 1858 negotiated, 288; Lord 
Elgin's coercive measurss in secur- 
ing treaty with, 241 ; provisions of 
treaties of 1858 with, 242; relative 
to toleration of Christianity in, 248; 
trade and tariff regulations nego- 
tiated and settlement of claims 
agamst, 248; United States returns 
part of Canton Indemnitv Fund to, 
244 ; Dr. Williams, ehar^of United 
States legation in, 244; Ward, ndn- 
ister to, 245; foreign ministers a^ 
rive at Peiho on way to exchange 
ratifications with, 246 ; exchange of 
Russian treatv with, 246 ; Ward de- 
layed in exchange of ratifications 
with, 246; battle of the Peiho and 
repulse of allies by, 247; alUed 
f ocoes retire to Shanghai after de- 



fMt Vy, 848; Waid ooodnotod to 
Peking by direetkm of o m porof of, 
S40 ; Aodienee ooettias pre^mti «z- 
ehuira of ntifioatioM with, 251; 
Ward leares Poldng without oz- 
changing ntafioatioDi with, 252; 
Ward retirea as miaiater to, 258; 
Wiliiama, ehaigitf of Amarieaa laga- 
lion in, 253; nnattractiTenaai of 
miaaion to, 258 ; Elgin and Groa ra- 
tom to, in 1860, with lam foroa, 
254 ; alliea eaptora Takn forta and 
mareh to Pbktnr, 254 ; leanlt of war 
betwaen Qreat Britain and Franoa 
Md, 254; Tsong-li Yaman aatab- 
lidied to oondnet foreign affiura of, 
257 ; Bnrlingame app^ted Amari- 
oan miniater to, 258 ; adoption of *' a 
poliey of oooperation,** by foreign 
miniatera to, 25S; forbidi entraiMe 
of Confederate oraiaera into tta porta, 
259 ; progr eee of, in Weatem leam- 
ing, 261 ; Bnrlingame appointed en- 
Toy of, to Weatem powers, 208; 
Bnrlingame embaasy of, 208; re- 
turn of embaasy to, on death of Bnr- 
lingfame, 264 ; treaty between United 
Sutea and (1868), 265; riotaagmiint 
miiaionariea at Tientsin, in 1870, 
268; regency of empreaa dowager 
oeaaes, ^i8 ; andienoe qneation again 
raised in, 269, 270; laborers im- 
ported into Hawaii from, for sugar 
plantations, 271 ; youths sent to 
United Statea from, to be edu- 
cated, 272; coolie trade of, 275; 
indifference of goTemment of, to 
coolie trade, 277; conunisBioin sent 
by, to inrestigate condition of cooliea 
in Cuba, 279 ; congressional consid- 
eration of immigration from, 286; 
oommiuion sent to, to secure modi- 
fioation of treaty aa to Chinese 
immigration, 294 ; treaty between 
United Sutes and (1880), relatire 
to immigration, 294 ; United Statea 
prohibita opium trade by treaty 
with, 295; Great Britain dedinea 
to entertain proposal of, to suppress 
opium trade, 297 ; treaty between 
United States and (1888), negotiated 
but not finally ratified, 800 ; treaty 
between United States and (1894), 
802; attitude of, in regard to Chi- 
nese immigration, 806; early rela- 
tions of Korea with, 807 ; disclaims 
oontrol orer Korea, 820; interdicts 
Korea from sending minister to i 

Uttitad Statea, 827; ineo naiat—t afe^ 
titoda of, toward KcNft, 828 ; United 
States oppoaes and ignoraa attitoda 
of, aa to jtotesn miniatwa, S29 ; op- 
poeea Japaiieaa attntmnt to aeenre 
mflnenee in Korea, 882 ; riralry of, 
and Japan in Korea oanaea war of 
1894, m; war of 1894 between 
^maa and, see Chimtae-JiMpmiem 
JVar; plaeea inteieats of iia aab- 
jects in Japan in hands of Uaited 
Statea, 885 ; oeesion to Japan by, of 
Liaotimg Peninsula, Ponnoaa, and 
Pescadorea islands, 840 ; trea^ of 
peace between Japan and (1^), 
o40; part taken by Americans ia 
peace negotiations between Japan 
and, 841; Qen. Gfarant aids in set- 
tling dispute between Japan and, 
corering Lew Chew Tslands, 850; 
Russia, Germany, and France oom- 
bine in fayor of, after war with 
Japan, 861 ; troublea in, cloaely fol- 
lowing cession of Philippines to 
United Statea, 407 ; Boxer outbreak 
in, 408; anti-fordgn sentiment in, 
409; classes of foreigners in, 400; 
missionazy morement in, 409; pro- 
gress of Christianity in, 410; aata- 
Ghristiaa riots in, 410 ; usefnlneas of 
missionariea socially and politically 
in, 411 ; missions not chief cause cif 
Boxer uprising, 412 ; effect of West- 
em commerce on industries of, 412; 
construction of railroads in, a cause 
of anti-foreign feeling, 413 ; foreign 
commercial inrasion of, 418 ; politi- 
cal aggressions in, most potent i 
causing Boxer uprising, 414 ; seizu 
of territory of, by Germany and Rus- 
sia, 414 ; leases Wei-hai-wei to Great 
Britain, 415 ; France secures terri- 
torial concessions in southern pro- 
Tinces of, 415 ; progress of Boxer 
uprising in, 417 ; reforms attempted 
by emperor of, 417 ; emperor of, 
practically dethroned and reformers 
punished, 418 ; increase of anti-for- 
eign sentiment in, 418 ; alliea attack 
Taku forts in, 419 ; Boxers in, seise 
railroad stations, 419 ; German min- 
ister to, murdered by Boxers, 419; 
repulse of relief colnmn on mareh 
to Peking, 419 ; siege of legations in 
Peking, 419 ; empress dowager and 
fforemment of, m sympathy wiUi 
Boxers, 421 ; change of pcdiey of 
United States in sanding tcoopa to^ 




4SB; eireiiikr aoto of JiiIt 8, 1900, 
M to InteotioM of United 6tel9M in, 
428 ; Roekbin, wpM&al oo nimkM oner 
to, 424 ; ftppoiiiti lA BuDg Chaaig 
aiid Prinee Uhing^ poaoe plenipoton- 
tiariea, 424; four importaot dtoU- 
ntioBS bj powen reUting to, 425; 
United StatM desires, to pimiah 
Boxer leaders, not to snirender 
them to sllies, 425 ; Ani^lo-Qerman 
agreement in regsrd to, 426 ; French 
propositions, bans of peace negotia- 
tions with, ^6 ; took no part in poni- 
tire expeditions in, 420 ; joint note 
of powers to, oontaininff twelve de- 
mands, 427 ; qnestion m punishment 
of Boxer leaders, in negotiations 
with, 428; Boekbill assumes eon- 
dnet of negotiations with, on depar- 
tnx« of Conger, 428 ; qnestion of in- 
demnity to be paid by, in peaoe 
negotiations, 429 ; United States fa- 
TOts lamp snm indemnity from, 429 ; 
peaee agreement signed by, and al- 
Ues September 7, 1901, 480 ; prori- 
sions of peaee agreement with, 480 ; 
indemnities to be paid by, 480 ; in- 
finenoe of United States in peace 
negotiations between powers and, 
481 ; circular note of United States 
faroring ** open door *' policy in, 482 ; 
United States fayors Tiew of, in rate 
of exchange on indemnity payments, 
488; place of , in world pohtios, 484 ; 
Wensiang and Sir Robert Hart on 
latent powers of, 484; Russia, the 
power most feared by, 486 ; text of 
peaoe agreement between powers 
and (September 7, 1901), 441 ; text 
of treaty on immigration between 
United States and (1894), 450. 

China trade, conduct of America, 80; 
increase of, 36 ; congressional legis- 
lation relating to, SiS; affected by 
war of 1812, 89; yexatious condi- 
tions of, 66; wiUidrawal of mono- 
poly of East India Company oyer, 
57 ; Lord Kapier, chief superintend- 
ent of British, 57. 

Chinese, yiew of foreigners, 48; as- 
sumed contempt for IMde, 60 ; con- 
tempt of, for toreigners, 208. 

Chinese emigration, in onrlj times, 
274; causes of, 274. See also 
Coolie Trado ; Cooliei. 

Chinese exclusion, congressional com- 
mittee fayors, 287 ; opposed by Sen- 
ator Morton, 289; bill passed by 

CopgNii xKfOBMtf TOtoM by KemI* 
dent Haysa, 298 ; Ull psMsd by 
Congress on, yetood by Pkeaid«Bl 
Arthur, 299; limiution on, in tnatf 
of 1880, as to laboren in Uniftsd 
States, 800; ptoyisions of treaty of 
1888relatiye to, 800; Soott Aetia- 
lating to, 801 ; presidential eleetion 
of 1888 and, 801; treaty of 1894 
relathre to, 802 ; increased sentiment 
in United States in fayor of, 802; 
bill introduced in 57th Congress for, 
802; debate upon, in 57th Congress, 
808; bill for, in 57th Congress de- 
feated, 804 ; change of puUio opin- 
ion in United States, smee 1868, in 
regard to, 805. 

ChiiMse immigrstion, to United States 
oommenpes, 282 ; BnrUxffame treaty 
on, 282 ; opposition in CSdif omia to, 
285 ; Californian legislation against, 
unconstitutional, 286; congressional 
oommittee to inyestigate, 286; ma- 
jority report of oommittee against 
287; report of oonunittee on, 287; 
Morton^ report fayorable to, 289; 
bill restricting, yetoed by President, 
293; treaty of 1880 relatiye to, 294; 
oonmiisBion sent to China to secure 
restriction of, 294 ; treaty proyidca 
for regulatian of, by Umted States, 
295; text of treaty of United States 
(1894)reUtii^to,450. See also CA»- 
neto JEmigratton; GAinsse JExdution; 
Coolie Trade ; Coolies. 

Chinese-Japanese War, origin of, 882 ; 
efforte of United States to prerent, 
838; United Stetss declines to join 
in intorrentian to preyent, 834; 
China and Japan place interest of 
their subjeote in other countries in 
hands of United States, 886; two 
Japanese >piM at Shanghai, dur- 
ing, 335 ; Qreat Britain again pro- 
poses joint interyendon in, m7; 
Japanese successes in, 837 ; United 
States declines to join powers in isk 
teryention, 837; Japan declines to 
accede to adyice of United States to 
stop, 888; United Stetes becomes 
medium of communication between 
belligerente in, looking toward peaoe, 
889 ; Chinese peaoe comminion sent 
to Hiroshima, during, 889; end of 
war, 340 ; Japaneee dismiss the Chi« 
neee peaoe commission, 840; Wei- 
hai-wei captured by Japanese, 840 ; 
resulte of, 841 ; effect of, on intemi^ 



tional nlatbnt of Japan, 800 ; effect 
d, on Chinese feeling toward for- 
eigners, 413. 

ChuMee merohantSt integrity of, 34. 

Ghing, Prince, appointed plenipoten- 
tiary to negotiate peace with allies, 

Chinese Repository (footnote), 3. 

Chosen, see KorecL. 

Choshin, prince of, rebels against Sho- 
gun and closes st^t of Shimonoseki, 

Christianity, in Japan, 9 ; hostility of 
Japanese goTemment to, 200; in 
Japan at time treaties were made, 
200 ; United States protests against 
hostility of Japanese goremment to 
Christianity, 200 ; proyision in Chi- 
nese treaty of 1858 relatare to tolera- 
tion of, 243 ; first effort to introduce, 
into Korea, 309; progress of, in 
China, 410. 

Christian missions, see Missions; Mis" 

Christians, prosecution of, in Japan, 11 ; 
insulting treatment of, in Japan, 
145 ; persecution of, in Korea, £K)9. 

Clayton, John M., negotiates for 
United States treaty with Hawaii, 

Cochin-China, see Annam, 

Co-hong at Canton, 34; system of, 
abolished, 77. 

Columbia River, disooyery of, 09. 

Commerce, of the East with the West, 
2 ; restrictions on, of modem origin, 
2 ; exposed condition of American, in 
Pacific, 45; unprotected state of 
American, 46 ; assumed contempt of 
Chinrae officials for, 60 ; increase of 
American, in Pacific, 135 ; the prin- 
cipal object of Christian nations with 
the East, 412. 

Comprador, 35. 

Confederate cruisers, interfere with 
whaling industry, 105; forbidden 
entrance to Chinese ports, 259. 

Conger, Edward H., Unit«d States 
minister, conducts peace negotia- 
tions with China after Boxer upris- 
ing, 427 ; success of, in conducting 
affairs in China, 428. 

Consular courts, see Exterritoriality. 

Coolies, treatment of, in Peru and 
Cuba. 276 ; in Peru petition Ameri- 
can legation for aid, 278. See also 
Coolie Trade, 

Coolie trade, origin and eyils of, 275 ; 

hoRon of, 216; indiffeteiiee of GU- 
neae gOTemment to, 277 ; proolama- 
mation of gentry of Amoy against, 
277; Chinese commission inrasti- 
gates, with Cuba, 279; legialatioB 
against, 280 ; relatioDS <^ Amerieaas 
to, 281. See also CAtnese Emigra- 
turn ; Chinese Exdusion ; Coolies. 

Copper trade of Japan widi Borope, 8. 

Corea, see Korea. 

Creasy, predicts opening of Ji^Mm by 
United States, 134. 

Cuba, treatment of Chinese oooliea in. 
276; Chinese commission inyeeti- 
gates condition of cooliea in, 279; 
intolerable condition of affsiis in, 

Cnshing, Caleb, selected for Chinese 
mission, 79 ; Webster's letter of in- 
structions to, 80 ; negotiates treaty 
of Wang Hiya, 86 ; on exterritorial- 
ity, 88 ; Chinese criticism of, 90, 92 ; 
biog^phical sketch of, 94. 

Cnshing embassy, personnel of, 79; 
President's letter to emperor of 
China carried by, 81 ; arrival of, at 
Macao, 82; departnie of, itom 
China, 93. 

Dana, Richard H., on Chriatian mis- 
sions in Hawaiian Islands, 107. 

Davis, C. K., one of American com- 
missioners to negotiate peace with 
Spain, 403. 

Davis, John W., United States com- 
missioner to China, 96, 204 ; career 
of, 2a5. 

Day, W. R., one of American oonunis- 
sioners to negotiate peace with Spain, 

De Lfong, C. E., American minister, 
accompanies Iwakura embassy to 
United States, ;«6. 

De Tocqneville, on United States as a 
world power, 135. 

De Troraelin, Admiral, supports do- 
mandn of French consul at Houu 
Inlu, 120. 

Delano, Captain, visits Hawaiian Is- 
lands, 101. 

Denby, Charles, minister to China, on 
andience question. 272; opinion of, 
on Chinese exclusion, 304 ; favorable 
comment of, on missionaries in China, 
412 ; on Dr. Martin, 420. 

Deshima, Dutch factory at, 11 ; de- 
scription of island of, 12; foreign 
women excluded from, 19. 



Qewer, Admlrtl, efleet of Tiotory of, 
at MuiiUi Bfty on polioy of United 
Stfttet, 400; quOitiM of, as diplo- 
matitt, 400. 

Diplomatic offioeni, reladona between 
naral offioen and, 207. 

Dole, S. B., president of Hawaiian pro- 
visional gOYemment, 877. 

Dolphin affair at Honolola, 110. 

Datch, squadron arrires off Chinese 
coast (1022), 4; occupy Pescadores 
Islands, 4; colony on Formosa, 5; 
reach Japan (1600), 7; allowed to 
have factory at DMhima, 11 ; trade 
with Japan at Deshima, 12 ; officials' 
audience at Tedo, 14. 

Dutch East India Company, Deshima, 
14 ; charters American ressel to Tisit 
Japan, ISO. 

East India 0>mpany, British, control 
of China trade, 22; withdrawal of 
monopoly of, oyer China trade, 57 ; 
opium trade of, with China, 04 ; at- 
tempt to open commerce with Korea, 

Elflnn, Lord, negotiates treaty with 
Japan (18^), 183 ; opinion of Arrow 
War, 224 ; JBritish representatire in 
China, 232 ; coeroire measures of, in 
securing treaty with China, 241. 

£>liang, viceroy, receires Commis- 
sioner Marshsll and accepts Presi- 
dent's letter to emperor, 200. 

Embassy, Chinese, to Western nations 
(1420), 3; Portuguese, to China 
(1517), 4; from Japanese princes 
visits Pope, ; Biacartney, to China, 
22 ; of Lord Amherst to China (1815), 
25; of Edmund Roberts (1882), 40; 
Cuahing, to China, 79 ; French, ar- 
rival of, at Canton, 80 ; Macartney, 
secretaries of, 109; Amherst, Mor- 
rison, secretary of, 110; Roberts, 
J. R. Morrison interpreter of, 110; 
from Japan to United States (1800), 
184 ; from Korea to the United 
States, 820 ; Burlingame, of China 
to the Western powers, 203 ; Japa- 
nese, of 1872, to the United States 
and Europe, 845; Hawaiian, to 
Samoa, 874. 

^'Ever Victorious Army,'* organised 
and led by General Ward, 212 ; de- 
cisive influence of, on Taiping Re- 
bellion, 212 ; 0>lonel Gk>xdon suo- 
ceeda General Ward in oonunand of, 

Everett, Alexander H., United Statea 
commissioner to China, 90; letters 
of credence to Japan given, 142. 

Exclusion of Chinese, see CAinese Ex- 

Exclusive policy of China strength- 
ened, 04. 

Expansion, of United States in tbe Pa- 
cific prophesied, 135 ; United States 
intended no, at commencement of 
Spanish War, 399; Seward prophe- 
sies, of United Stotes, 401. 

Exterritoriality, in treaty of Wang 
Hiya, 87 ; principle of, 87 ; origin of, 
88 ; first application of, in China, 92 ; 
not reservea by United Statee in first 
treaty with Hawaii, 114; limited in 
treaty between Korea and United 
States, 825 ; in Japanese treaties, 
844; injustice of practice of, in 
Japan, 354; partiaUty shown by 
consuls in Japan in practice of, 854 ; 
extreme application of, in Japan in 
regard to postal service and quaran- 
tine, 855 ; proposed modification of, 
in Japan, 858 ; abolished in Japan. 

Eye (Superintendent), 59. 

Factories, foreign, at Canton, 42. 

Feudal system of Japan abolished, 

Filibustering, prevalence of, in United 
States, 805. 

Foote. Lucius H., United States minis- 
ter to Korea. 820. 

Formosa, Dutch colony on, 6 ; Minister 
Parker suggests occupation of, by 
United States, 229; cession of, by 
China to Japan, 840. 

France, early relations of, with Siam, 
40 ; treaty between China and (1844), 
95; threatens independence of Ha- 
waiian Islands (ia3i)), 119 ; demands 
of, on Hawaii, 120 ; Hawaiian inde- 
pendence recognised by Gbeat Brit- 
ain and, 124 ; difficulties of Hawaii 
with, 129 ; Judd sent as special Ha- 
waiian commissioner to, 129 ; sends 
special commissioner to Hawaii 
(1850), 180; treaty between Japan 
and (1858), 188 ; war against China 
by England and (1857), 238 ; treaty 
between China and (1858), 288, 242 ; 
naval expedition of, to Korea, 809 ; 
naval expedition of, forced to retire 
from Korea, 810; treaty between 
Korea and (1880), 881; aaeiuw ter- 



ritoTiAl ooneetttoiit in sonihem China, 

Frje, W. P., one of Ameriean oommU- 

muHionen to negotiate peace with 

Spain, 403. 
Fnr trade, American, with China, 81 ; 

ori^n and growth of, 09; method 

of oonduotmg, 100. 

General Sherman, schooner, hnmed 
and crew killed by Koreans, 310. 

Genoa, doke of, attempts to commnni* 
cate with king of Korea, 322. 

Germany, attempt of, to enter into ne- 
gotiations with Korea, 318; treaty 
between Korea and (18S3), 327 ; con- 
sol of, yiolates Japanese quarantine 
on plea of exterritorial right, 355 ; 
influence and interest of, in Samoa, 
3iK) ; consid of, assumes control of 
Samoa, 390 ; high-handed course of, 
in iSamoa, 391 ; seizure of Kiaochau 
by, 414 ; minister of, to China mur- 
dered by Boxers, 419; proposes 
China surrender to allies leaders of 
Boxer uprising, 425 ; u^reement be- 
tween Great Britain and, as to China, 

Gibson, prime minister of Hawaii, his 
career, 373. 

CH3nin, Commander, sent to Japan to 
demand surrender of shipwrecked 
Americans, 144 ; confers with Presi- 
dent on openinfi^ of Japan, 146. 

Grant, General U. S., note on opinion 
of, as to military power of Japan, 
842 ; visit of, to Japan in 1879, 350 ; 
aids in settling dispute between 
China and Japan concerning Lew 
Chew Islands, 350. 

Gray, Captain, discorers Columbia 
River, 90. 

Gray, George, one of American com- 
missioners to negotiate peace with 
Spain, 403. 

Great Britain, vessels of, arrive in 
China (1635), 5 ; subjects of, arrive 
in Japan (1613), 8; increaspd com- 
mercial supremacy of, during eigh- 
teenth century, 22 ; sends Lord Ma- 
cartney as ambassador to China, 22 ; 
sends embassy to China (1815), 25 ; 
forced to surrender opium at Canton, 
69 ; treaty between China and (1842), 
71 ; sends consul-general t« Hawaiian 
Islands, 1 13 ; Lord Russell compels 
E[awaii to negotiate treaty with, 121; 
Hawaiian iiKlependenoe recognized 

by France and, 134 ; Paalet eompeli 
cession of Hawaiian Talmida to, 1^; 
cession of Hawaiian lalanda to« dis- 
avowed, 126; new troaty agrasd 
upon by Judd commission with« 180; 
treaty between Japan and (18M), 
166; treaty between Japaa and 
(1858), 183; demands and aaeines 
from Japan indenmitj for niavdsr 
of Richardson, 189 ; cause of Ardw 
War between China and, 223; war 
aeainst China by Fraaoe and (1857), 
233; treaty between China and 
(1858), 238, 242; legislation of, 
against coolie trade, 280 ; declines to 
entertain proposal to suppress optnm 
trade, 297; attitude of, regardii^ 
opium trade in China, 299 ; f utile at- 
tempt of, to open intercourse with 
Korea, 321 ; treaty between Korea 
and (1883), 827 ; leada in oppositioB 
to revision of Japanese treatiea, 356 ; 
prevents revision of Japanese treat- 
ies, 359; finally favors revision oi 
Japanese treaties, 861 ; treaty be- 
tween Japan and (1894), as to rcTi- 
sion of treaties, 361 ; attempts to se- 
cure joint guaranty of nentnlity and 
independence of Hawaii, 372 ; China 
leases Wei-hai-wei to, 415; agree- 
ment between Germany and, as to 
China, 426 ; liberal trade DoHcy of, 
in the Orient, 4^S; friendship be- 
tween United States and, 487. 

Qto^ Baron, French representative in 
China, 232. 

Gutzlaff, Dr. CHiarles, secretary for 
British government during (!^nm 
War, 110 ; with Morrison*s voyai>ne to 
Japan, 137 ; on British expedition to 
Korea, 308. 

Harris, Townsend, early life and fitness 
of, for Japanese mission. 172; ap- 
pointed consul-general to Japan, 172 ; 
arrives at Shimoda, 173; Japanese 
attempt to secure departure of, 173 ; 
experiences of, at Shimoda, 174 ; ne- 
gotiates treaty between Japan and 
United States (1857), 175; hermit 
life of, at Shimoda. 175 ; journey of, 
to Yedo to deliver President's letter, 
176 ; observance of Sunday by, 178 ; 
entrance of, into Yedo, 178 ; audi- 
ence of Shogun by, 178; details of 
treaty negotiations of, with Japanese 
commissioneni, 180; suooess of, in 
treaty negotiations, 181 ; Sewaid^ 



remarks on retirement of, as minister, 
186; Japanese appreciation of ser- 
Tioes of, 185 ; g^reat diploroatic ser- 
Tioes of, 186 ; ounled at relations of 
Mikado and Shog^n, 187 ; opposed 
to exterritoriality in Japan, 852; 
tariff proTitton inserted by, in Japa- 
nese treaty, 353. 

Hart, Sir Robert, serrioes of, to China, 
and hii treatment by Boxers, 420; 
Tiews of, on the menace of China to 
the peace of the world, 435. 

Hawaiian Islands, disoorery of, 08; 
situation and resonroes of, 9S ; Amer- 
ican fnr traders at, 99; VanoouTer 
Tisits, 100; sandalwood trade of, 
101 ; first whale ship arrires at, 102 ; 
increase of whaling yessels at^ 104; 
condition of, at time of discovery, 
105 ; all Quder rale of Kamehameha, 
106 ; American missionaries sent to, 
106; snccess of Christian missioiis, 
106 ; results of missionary work in, 
106; commercial importance of, to 
United States, 111 ; attempts of for- 
eign powers to secnre possession of, 
111 ; Vanconyer attempts to annex, 
111 ; Baranoff (Rusitian) attempts to 
annex, 112; first oonsol of United 
States to, 1 18 ; Charlton, British con- 
sal-general to, 1 13 ; treaty negotiated 
between United Sutes and (1826), 
114; lawlessness in, 114; missionary 
and anti-missionary parties in, 116 ; 
disgraoefal proceedings of crew of 
Dolphin in, 116; visit of the Vin- 
oennes to, 117 ; relation of foreigners 
to local laws of, 1 18 ; France t^at- 
ens independence of (1839), 119 ; Ro- 
man Catholic and Protestant contro- 
Tersy in, 1 19 ; French troops landed 
at, 120; treaty forced by French 
andiorities upon (18.39), 120 ; Lord 
Rnssell compels, to negotiate treaty 
with Ghreat Britain, 121 ; commis- 
sion sent from, to Europe and United 
States, 121 ; President's message 
concerning, 122; policy of United 
States toward, declared by Webster, 
123 ; joint declaration of Great Brit- 
ain and France recognizing independ- 
ence of, 124 ; Lord Panlet threatens 
independence of, 124; Panlet com- 
pels cession of, to Qreat Britain, 125 ; 
proclamation of king on cession of, 
to Great Britain, 125; occupation 
of, by British forces, 125 ; Admiral 
Thomas disayows cession of, to Qreat 

Britain, 126 ; restoration of, to king. 
126; controyersy of, with United 
States oyer criming trials, 127; 
treaty relations of, unsatisfactory, 
127 ; treaty of United Sutes with 
(1849), 128; difficulties of, with 
France, 129 ; Judd sent to France as 
special commissioner of, 129 ; Judd 
commission from, agrees upon new 
treaty with Great Britain, 130 ; spe- 
cial French commissioner sent to 
(1850), 130; provisional cession of, 
to United States, 130 ; settiement of 
French difficulty with, 131 ; Roman 
Catholics granted liberty in. 131 ; 
ultimate annexation of, to United 
States indicated, 365; fear that, 
might be occupied by American fili- 
busters, 365 ; rapid decrease of na- 
tives in, 366 ; negotiation under Sec- 
retary Maroy of annexation treaty 
with, 366; death of Kamehameha 
m. during negotiation for annexa- 
tion of, to United States, 367 ; reci- 
procity treaties of (1865 and 1867), 
with United States fail of ratifica- 
tion, 367 ; reciprocity treaty between 
United States and (1876), 369 ; terri- 
torial integrity of, secured, 369; 
final result of reciprocity treaty, an- 
nexation of, to United States, 370 ; 
sugar-growing in, 370 ; progress and 

Prosperity o^ 370; importation of 
ortugnese, Chinese, and Japanese 
into, for sugar plantations, 371 ; re- 
newal of reciprocity treaty between 
United States and (18S4),371 ; trans- 
fer Pearl Harbor to United States 
for a naval station, 371 ; United 
States declines to join in ruaranty 
of neutrality and independence of, 
372; United States withholds ap- 
proval of alliance between Samoa 
and, 373 ; ambitions schemes of Kala- 
kaua, king of, 373 ; career of Gib- 
son, prime minister of, 373 ; embassy 
from, to Samoa, 374 ; invited to take 
part in International American Con- 
ference of 1890, 374 ; Kalakana dies 
and Lilinokalani succeeds to tiirone 
of, 375 ; attempted coup d^^tat of 
queen of, in January, 18^^, 376 ; re- 
volution of January 16-17, 1893, m, 
376 ; monarchy overthrown and pro- 
visional government established in, 
377 ; treaty of annexation between 
United States and, negotiated Feb- 
mary, 1898, 877 ; annexation treaty 



of, witlidrawn b^ Praridant CIeT»- 
land, 378; J. a. Blount, oommis- 
sioner to iiiTestigate rerolntion and 
conditions in, 378 ; Ameriean minister 
to proTisiomd gorerment of, directed 
to nefi^tiate with qneen for her re- 
storation, 378 ; negotiations of Amer- 
ican minister with queen and provi- 
sional government of, 37U; report 
of Senator Morgan on rerolntion in, 
3S0; constitutional oonrention of, 
330 ; republican constitution of, pro- 
claimed July 4, 18'J4, 381 ; unex- 
ampled prosperity of, under the Re- 
public, 381 ; annexation treaty be- 
tween United States and, negotiated 
iu 1897, 381 ; Japanese opposition to 
annexation of, to United otates, 382 ; 
predominance of Japanese in popula- 
tion of, 382; joint resolution for 
annexation to United States passed 
July, 1898, 383 ; organized as a terri- 
tory of United States, 383 ; reasons 
for annexation of, 384 ; text of joint 
resolution of Congress for annexing, 

Hermit Kingdom, The, see Korea* 

Hong merchants at Canton, 34 ; rela- 
tions of, with Lord Napier, 58. 

Hoppo, Chinese official in charge of 
^ade at Canton, 3*'). 

Humboldt, on influence of Isthmus of 
Panama on the Far East, 133. 

I Ho Tuan, see Boxers, 

li-Kamon, Japanese chief minister of 
state, directs signature of Harris 
treaty, 182. 

Imraig^ration of Chinese, see Chinese 

Imperial College, established, 261 ; Dr. 
Martin, president of, 261. 

Inonye Kaorii, Count, early visit of, to 
Europe, 195 ; one of Japanese com- 
missioners to negotiate treaty with 
Korea, 320; proposed compromise 
by, of 'exterritoriality in Japan, 358 ; 
public feeling in Japan compels, to 
resign portfolio, 358. 

International American Conference of 
1890, Hawaii invited to take part 

Ismailoff , Russian ambassador to China, 
19 ; reception of, at Peking, 20. 

Ito, Marquis, early visit of, to Europe, 
195 ; negotiates treaty with Li Hung 
Chang, 332 ; one of Japanese peaoe 
oommissioners at Shimonoseki,340i 


baasy, 345; roohaaman 
embassy, 84o; on com 


gr ess of Japan, 435. 

Iwakura embassj, oonatitned, S45; 
Americans aooompttny, d46; veesp- 
tion of, in United Sts^ 346 ; pnb- 
lio functions at Waahiiurtoo in maior 
of, 847 ; negodattoos of, with asers* 
taryof state, 847; imitleai Tiait c^ 
to European capitals, 848. 

Iwakura, Prince, Japanese ambaasador 
to United Stotes and Eozope, 345; 
character of, 348. 

Jackson, Ptesident, letter of, to 
Kamehameha UL, 117 ; letter from 
Kamehameha HL to, 118. 

Japan, early relations of, with China 
and Korea, 2; eaily oommeroe of, 
2;Pintoinl542disooverB,7; Dateb 
vessels reach (1600), 7 ; Speniaidi 
reach, 7; English arrive in (1613), 
8; early European trade with, 8; 
early liberal policy of, 0; Xavisr 
and Jesuits arrive in, 9 ; nobles of, 
visit Pope (1582), 9; ediot of Sbo- 
gun expelling priesta from, 10; re- 
bellion of native Christians in, 11; 
exclusive and seolusive policy estab- 
lished in, 11 ; early trade with, vei7 
profitable, 12 ; prosperity of in Hth 
century, 16; opening of, 133; teth- 
mus of Panama, biuwark of inde- 
pendence of, 133 ; opening^ of, se- 
quence to operationa in China, 134 ; 
opening of, by United States, pre- 
dicted by Creasy, 134 ; first Amer- 
ican vessel to visit, 136 ; Ameriesn 
attempts to open trade with, 136; 
voyage of the Morrison (1837) to, 
137; voyaee of the Manhattsa 
(1845) to, 139; Roberts aoeredited to, 
but did not proceed there, 140, 141 ; 
presents carried by Roberts intended 
for emperor of, 141 ; resolntion in 
Congress in 1845 in relation to, 142; 
O>mmodore Biddle attempts to open 
communication with, 143; Commo- 
dore Biddle insulted on expedition to, 
143 ; Dr. Parker reports hanh treat- 
ment of shipwrecked Amer^ans in, 
144 ; the Preble visits, to demand sur- 
render of shipwreclrad Americani, 
144; cruel treatment of shipwreoked 
Americans in, 145; oanse of deter- 
mination of United States to fcree 
treaty on, 145; American whalsssia 



wftten of, 145 ; neoeMity of ooalinfl: 
•tatioii in, b«twe«n San fVaneiioo 
and China, 146; expedition to, tee 
Japan Expedition ; Perrjf^ Mciihew 
Calbraithf Aulick snoceeded bj 
Perry in command of Japan expe- 
dition, 147 ; oonetemation in, oansed 
by arriTal of Perry, 161 ; oo^es of 
F^esident's letter eent to principal 
daimioeof, 150; preparations of , for 
return of Perry, 159 ; negotiation of 
first treaty with, 162; treaty be- 
tween United States and (1854), 164, 
165 ; results of Japan expedition on, 
166; treaty between Qroat Britain 
and (1854), 166; treaties of, with 
other nations, 166; appreciation of 
Commodore Perry's serrioe by, 168 ; 
first American yessel arrives in, af- 
ter treaty is signed, 171; Townsend 
Harris appointed consul-general to, 
172; opposition to Consul-Qeneral 
Hairis in, 175; treaty of United 
States with (1857), 175; delivery of 
Keddent*s letter to emperor of, by 
Harris, 176 ; treaty between United 
Sutes and (1858), 182; treaty be- 
tween G^reat Britain and (1858), 183 ; 
treaties of, with Russia and France 
(1858), 183; embassy from, to 
United States (1860), 184; relations 
of Biikado and Shogun in, 187 ; anti- 
foreign feeling in, 188; murder of 
secretary of l^iited States legation 
in, 188; murder of Richardson in, 
180; indemnity demanded of, for 
murder of Richardson, 180; con- 
tinued anti-foreien demonstrations 
in, 180; American legation in, 
burned by rioters, 180; American 
minister retires to Yokohama at 
reouest of government of, 100; 
inaemnities paid by, for burning 
of American legfation and murder 
of secretary, 190; Shogun issues 
order closing porte and expel- 
ling foreigners xrom, 100; Ameri- 
can minister proteste against order 
expelling foreigners from, 101; co- 
operative policy of United States 
in, 101 ; Pruyn induces withdrawal 
of order against foreigners in, 102 ; 
Prince of Choshiu doses strait of 
Shiroonoseki in, 102 ; indemnity lor 
Shimonoseki aiffair paid by, 104; 
United Stotes returns share of Shi- 
monoseki indemnity to, 104 ; Ito and 
Inonye secretly leave, for Europe. 

105 ; effect of Richardson and Shi- 
monoseki affairs on policy of, 105 ; 
Mikado sanctions treaties between 
powers and, 105; repeal of decree 
prohibiting Japanese from leaving, 
107; return to Tedo of American 
minister to, 107; contest between 
Shogun and Bfikado for government 
of, 107; Shogun surrenders govern- 
ment of, to Mikado, 108; Shognn's 
followers continue civil war in, lOS ; 
Biikado grante audience to foreign 
ministers to, 108; Mutsuhito be- 
comes Mikado of, 109 ; daimios of, 
surrender feudal righte to Mikado, 
100 ; native Christians in, when treat- 
iea made, 200 ; hostility of govern- 
ment to native Christians in, 200 ; 
United Stetes proteste against hoe- 
tilitv to Christianity by government 
of, ^^; effect of reforms on inter- 
national relations of, 201 ; United 
States foremost in development of, 
201 ; early relations of Korea with, 
307; attempt of, to reinstete suzer- 
ain^ over Korea, 319; treaty be- 
tween Korea and (1876), 320; Ko- 
rean embassy to, 321 ; attempt of, 
to secure predominant influence in 
Korea, 331; rivalry of, and China 
in Korea causes war of 1804, 3:^2; 
places intereste of subjecte in China 
in hands of United Stetes, 335; 
war of 1804 between (yhina and, see 
Chineie-Japaneie War; treaty of 
peace between China and (1805), 
840 ; cesnon to, by China of Liao- 
tung Peninsula, Formosa, and Pes- 
cadores Islands, 340 ; part teken by 
Americans in peace negotiations be- 
tween China and, 341; letter of 
thanks from emperor of, to Presi- 
dent, 341 ; note on Gen. Grantee 
opinion of militery power of, 342 ; 
exterritorial and tari^ provisions of 
treaties with, 844 ; Iwaknra embassy 
to secure revision of treaties with, 
345 ; failure of Iwaknra embassy to 
secure abandonment of exterritorial- 
ity by powers in, .348 ; course to be 
pursued by, on failure of Iwaknra 
embassy, 840 ; reforms instituted in, 
349; part taken by Americans in 
reformation of, 350; visit of Gen. 
Grant to, in 1870, 350 ; progress of 
reforms in, 351 ; again, in 1878, 
atteropte to secure revision of the 
treaties, 352 ; injustice of tariff pro- 



▼itioM m treftties wtth, 852 ; tMiff 
proTuioD in Harm troaity beneficial 
to, 353; tariff provision in Britiah 
treaty, disastrous to, 363 ; injnstioe 
and partiality of consular conrta in, 
354 ; extreme application of exterri- 
toriality in regard to postal aerriee 
and quarantine in, 355; nnarailing^ 
efforts of, to secure revision of treat- 
ies, 356 ; Great Britain leads in op- 
position to revision of treaties of, 
356; independent action of United 
States in regard to treaty revision 
with, 357; treaty between United 
States and (1878), 357; proposes 
modified form of exterritoriality, 
358; public feeling in, comp^ 
Inouye to resign, 3o8; extradition 
treaty between United States and 
(188($) 358; further efforts of, by 
Oknma to secure treaty revision pre- 
vented by Oreat Britain, 359 ; pro- 
mulgation of constitution of, 860; 
effect of war with China upon inter- 
national relations of, 360 ; treaty be- 
tween Oreat Britain and (1894), as 
to revision of treaties, 361 ; opposi- 
tion of foreign residents in, to treaty 
revision, 362 ; freed from exercise 
of exterritorial rights by the powers, 
363 ; extraordinary progress of, 364 ; 
laborers imported into Hawaii from, 
for sugar plantations, 37 1 ; protests 
against annexation of Hawaii to 
United States, 382; wonderful de- 
velopment of, as a world power, 435 ; 
Russia, the power most feared by, 
436 ; text of treaty of, with United 
States ( 1895), 453. 
Japan expedition, determined upon, 
146 ; Aulick selected to command, 
146; preparations for, 147; Perry 
succeeds Aulick in command of, 
147 ; action of Dutch in relation 
to, 140 ; functions attending depar- 
ture of, 149 ; Dr. Williams, chief 
interpreter of, 150; enters Bay of 
Yedo, July 8, 1853, 160 ; conster- 
nation caused by arrival of, at Yedo, 
151 ; object of, explained to Japa- 
nese, 152 ; negf>tiatious of, with gov- 
ernor of Uraga. 153 ; surveying 
parties from, advance toward Tedo, 
154 ; delivers President's letter to 
Japanese princes, 156 ; orderly con- 
duct of members of, towards natives, 
158 ; departs from Bay of Yedo, 
158 ; proceeds to China, 150 ; Japa- 

BaM pntpanldouB for vetom of, 159; 
Peny dcterminna to baston ivtaia 
of, to Japan, 160 ; lefinten Bay of 
Yedo, February 12, 1854, 160; ds- 
livery of presents l»o«i^ht by, 163 ; 
Japanese pro a on ti delivered to, 16S; 
buiqnet given Japaaeae offiaiali by, 
164; Japanese dmner giTen, 165; 
•neeeas of, 166 ; reeeptioa of treaty 
negotiated by, in Europe and Anwr- 
ica, 167 ; Humphrey Marshall's opin- 
ion of proposeo, 207. See alao Perry, 
Matthew Calbraith. 

Jarvii, John J., Hawaiiaii oomnus* 
sioner, negotiates treaty (1849) vitk 
United States, 128. 

Jones, Captain Thomas ap Catesby, 
negotiates treaty for United States 
with Hawaii, 114; arbitrates be- 
tween missionary and anti-mtssioB- 
ary parties in Blawaii, 115. 

Jones, John C, consul of United Statai 
to Hawaii, 113. 

Judd, Dr., sent as special Hawttiaa 
commissioner to Fraaoe, 129. 

Eagoshima, bombarded and bnmed by 
jSritish squadron, 180, 

Kalakana, visits Europe, Asaa, aad 
United SUtes, 373; ambitions idess 
of, 373; death of, in 1891, 375w 

Eamehameha, king of ialand of Ha- 
waii, 105; becomes ruler of entire 
g^np, 106. 

Kamehameha HI., President's letter to, 
117; letter to President from, 118; 
deaUi of, during negotiations for sn- 
nezation to United States, 367. 

Eang-wa, captured and burned by 
French, 309. 

Eauai, Hawaiian Island of, placed 
under Russian protection, 112; Rns- 
sian fort on, destroyed by order of 
Kamehameha, 113. 

Kearny, Commodore, course pursued 
by, during Opium War, 74 ; secoree 
American interests in China, 75; 
protests against British occupatioB 
of Hawaii, 125. 

Kendrick, Captain, vo3rages of, 99. 

Kiakta, Russia fur trade at, 31. 

Kiaochau, seizure of, by Germany, 414 

Kido, vice-ambassador of Iwaknra em- 
bassy. 345. 

Kiot^, Mikado*s oonrt at, 187 ; Shogna 
visits Mikado at, 190. 

Kiying, Chinese high oommiasioner to 
negotiate treaty with Cnahiqg, 85; 



at Tlentnii in 1858 during Degod»- 
don of treaties, 239 ; chantoter and 
death of, 240. 
Korea, earl j relations of, with Japan, 
2 ; resolution in Congress in 1845 in 
relation to, 142 ; styled " Naboth*s 
Vineyard of the Far East,'' 307 ; early 
rekitions of, with China and Japan, 
307; British East India Company 
attempts to open eommeroe with, 
308 ; first effort to introduce Chris- 
tianity into, 309; persecution of 
Christians in, 309 ; French naval ex- 
pedition to, 309 ; French forces com- 
pelled to retire from, 310 ; the Gen- 
eral Sherman burned and crew killed 
in, 310; kindly treatment of ship- 
wrecked Americans in, 311 ; Consm- 
Qeneral Seward adyises attempt to 
open relations with, 312 ; American 
minister to China directed to neg^ 
tiate with, 313 ; naval exjiedition of 
United States to, 313; notified by 
Tsung-li Tamon of American expe- 
dition, 314; American expedition 
appears off coast of, 314; American 
ressels fired upon by forts of, 314 ; 
on failure of, to apologize Americans 
destroy forts, 315 ; communication of 
official of, with Minister Low, 315; 
failure of American expedition to, 
due to incorrect information, 316; 
Consul-Gkneral Seward*s informa- 
tion as to, from adventurers, 317; 
attempts of Russia and Germany to 
enter mto negotiations with, 318 ; at- 
tempt of Japan to reinstate suzer- 
ainty over, 319; independence of, 
recognized by Jspan, 320 ; treaty be- 
tween Japan and (1876), 320 ; efforts 
of, to prevent strangers from visiting 
shores, 320 ; China disclaims contnu 
over, 320 ; embassy of to Japan, 321 ; 
visited by Russian, British, and 
French naval vessels, 321; British 
failure to open intercourse with, 321 ; 
duke of (}enoa attempts to commu- 
nicate with king of, 322 ; delegation 
from, to Li Hung Chang advised to 
make treaty with United States. 323 ; 
Senator Sargent introduces resolu- 
tion to send commissioner to, 323 ; 
Shnfeldt makes fatile visit to, 824; 
United States legation at Peking in- 
formed of willingness of, to make 
treaty, 324 ; treatv between United 
States and (1882), 324; exterritorial 
rights of United States in, 325 ; Foots, 

first American minister to, 826 ; em- 
bassy &om, sent to United States, 
326; treaties negotiated by Great 
Britain and (Germany with, 327 ; ap- 
points minister to Umted States, 327 ; 
China interdicts, from sending min- 
ister to United States, 327; incon- 
sistent attitude of China toward,328 ; 
China claims subordination of min- 
isters of, 329 ; United States opposes 
and ignores China^s attitude as to 
ministers of, 329 ; friendly attitude 
of, toward United States, 329; 
American aid in transformation of, 
330; missions in, 330; treaty be- 
tween France and (1886), 331 ; Jap- 
anese attempt to secure predominant 
influence in, 331 ; Japanese and Chi- 
nese intrigues in, 332 ; China resists 
Japanese attempt to secure influence 
in, 332 ; rivalry of China and Japan 
causes war of 1894, 332; cause of 
Chinese-Japanese War, see Cfunue- 
Japanese War; appeals to United 
States to intervene to secure its inde- 
pendence, 333; independence of, 
recognized by Chinese-Japanese 
peace treaty, 340; new danger to, 
after Chinese-Japanese War, 342. 

Kotou or kowtow, Ismailoff performs, 
20 ; Lord Amherst refuses to per- 
form, 25 ; Minister Ward declines to 
perform, 250. 

Krusenstem, attempt of, to trade at 
Canton, 21 ; opinion of, of Amerieaa 
enterprise, 29. 

Knng, rrince, president of Tsung-U 
Tamen, 256 ; character of, 256. 

Kweiliang receives from Ward Presi- 
dent's letter for delivery to emperor, 
251 ; member of Tsung-li Tamen, 

Lagoda, the, imprisonment of crew of, 
by Japanese, 144. 

Land of the Morning Calm, see Korteu 

L'Artemise affair, 119. 

Lawrence, the, imprisonment of crew 
of, by Japanese, 144. 

Letter of sultan of Muscat to Preri- 
dent, 53 ; of President to Kameha- 
meha III., 117 ; of Kamehameha IIL 
to President Jackson, 118; from 
President to emperor of Japan de- 
livered at Uraga, 156 ; of Li Hung 
Chang regarding opium trade, 297. 

Lew Chew Islands, Perry recommends 
occupation of, by United States, 229 ; 



Ckn. Gnnt M» Japan and CHiiiia in 
■attling diapnte ooneeming, 850^ 

Tiiaotnng Peninaola oeiaion of, Vy 
China to Jn^n, 84a 

Liholiho, king of Haw^ian Iilanda, 

la Hnng Chang, letter of, regarding 
opinm trade, 207; adTiaea Soreana 
to make treaty -with United Statea, 
828 ; annonnoee China's poliey as to 
Korean minUtera, 828 ; Chineie peaoe 
eommiaaioner at Shimonoseki, 840; 
appointed plenipotentiary to nego- 
tiate peace with allies, 424 ; on eanae 
of Boxer nprning, 41tf ; remoTod aa 
member of Tsnng-li Yamen, 417. 

lilinokalani meoeedB Kalakana as 
mler of Hawaii, 875 ; oharaoter of, 
875; attempted oonp d*4tat of, in 
January 1898, 87(5 ; dethroned, 877 ; 
declares that she wonld behead rero- 
Intionists, if restored to power, 879. 

lin, Chinese oomndssioner to suppress 
opiom trade, 68; deatroys opium 
seised, 70. 

Lioguist, in trade at Canton, 84. 

lioc^, Senator, arenment oif, for Chi> 
nese exclusion, 808. 

Looting, of Cantonese palacea by Brit- 
ish (1856), 228. 

Luzon, Island of, American commis- 
doners instructed to demand cession 
of, 403. 

Macartney, Lord, embassy of, to China, 

Macao, Portuguese establishment at, 

Malietoa, king of Samoa, 889; and 
chiefs accept Berlin Act, 894 ; death 
of, 395. 

Mnlietoa Tanu declared king of Samoa 
by chief justice, 396. 

Manhattan, The, enters Bay of Tedo 
(1845), 139. 

Manila Bay, effect of Tictory of, on 
policy of United States, 400. 

Marcy, William L., conservative policy 
of, as Secretary of State, in relation 
to China, 229; directs American 
minister to propose annexation of 
Hawaii, 366. 

Marshall, Humphrey, United States 
commissioner to China, 205 ; efforts 
of, to secure interview with Clhinese 
commissioner, 205; received by 
K-liang, 206; disagreements be- 
tween, and Commodores Aulick and 

Parry, 206; fntfla mSoHm nf » to li- 
t«rfiawCoinmiHii)narY«h« 218; n* 
oall of, 218. 

Martin, Dr. W. A. P^ on the Opam 
War, 78; assists in nagotintioa el 
traaty of 1868 betwMn China and 
United Statss, 289; praaidant of 
Lnperial College, 261 ; traatnoianlaf, 
during Boxar uprising, 42l>. 

Mataaf a, rival for Samoan k ing s hip s 

McCarthy, Justin, on the Opium War, 

MoCulloeh, Hugh, opinion of, ns to Dr. 
Peter Parker, 280. 

McKinley, Ptesident, proUema to he 
solved by, at doae A Spaniah War, 
402 ; ohsnge of policy of, aa to Phil- 
ippinea, 404. 

McLisne, Robert IC, miniater of Umted 
States, visits headquarters of Taiping 
leader, 210 ; visit of, misinterpretea 
as act of homage, 210 ; Tiews of, 
as to Taiping Rebellion, 211 ; indig- 
nation of, at treatment by duness 
high commissioner, 214 ; pro c e e ds to 
Shanghai, 215; oommumoates with 
Vioeroy £-liang, 215; reaigna as 
minister to China, 219. 

Mikado, relations between Shoenn and, 
187, 196; Shogun viaita. at Kioto, 
190 ; sanctions treatiea of Japan with 
powers, 195; Mutsuhito becomes, 
199 ; Shogun surrenders government 
to, 198 ; grants audience to minirters 
and traxnfers capital to Tedo, 198; 
takes the *' charter oath," 199. 

Bfissionaries, early French, to China, 6 ; 
edict expelling Jesuit, from Japan, 
10 ; American, sent to Hawaiian Is- 
lands, 106 ; success of, in Hawaiian 
Islands, 107 ; diversity of opinion as 
to, in the Orient, 109; services of, 
as interpreters to embassies, 109; 
and their opponents in Hawaii, 115; 
Tientsin riots against French, 268; 
Korea visited by French, 800 ; in 
Samoa, 886 ; usefulness of. in China, 
socially and politically, 411. 

Missions, in Korea, 880 ; French inter- 
pretation of treaty provision relative 
to, in Korea, 831 ; in China, 409. 
See also ChrisHanitif ; Missionaries, 

Morgan. John T., report of, upon Ha- 
waiian revolution, in the Senate, 880. 

Morrison, J. R., services as interpreter 
to Roberts's embassy, 110. 

Morrison, Dr. Robert, interpreter of 



Amhent embtrnj, 110; inritad to 
oome to Chum by D. W. C. Olyphant, 

Horriflon, The, Toyage of, to Japan 
(1837), 187. 

Horton, Olirer P., ohairman of oom- 
mittee of Congraai on Chineae immi- 
gration, 280; death of, and >*port 
m favor of Chineae immigration, 289. 

Huaoat, Roberta aent on miaaion to, 46 ; 
extent of anltanate of, 61 ; reception 
of Roberta at, 62 ; treaty of United 
States with, 62 ; letter of aoltan of, 
to President, 63. 

Mutsu, Count, one of Japaneae peace 
commiaaionera at Shimonoaeki, 340. 

Mutauhito, becomea Mikado, 199. 

Kagasaki, location of Dntch factory, 
11 ; Preble entera harbor of (1849), 

Nanking, capture of, by Taipinga, 206 ; 
Roberta viaita Taiping court at, 210. 

Kapier, Lord, chief aupexintendent of 
jSritiah trade in China, 67 ; attempta 
to communicate with Chineae om- 
ciala at Canton, 68 ; goremor'a letter 
refusing to receire, 69; requeated 
to withdraw to Macao, 60 ; commu- 
nications of, with Chineae goremor, 
61 ; withdraws from Canton, 62 ; 
illness and death of, at Macao, 62. 

Kaval officera, relations between diplo- 
matic officers and, 207. 

NcTius, Dr., on the Opium War, 73. 

Northwest coaat, American trade be- 
tween China and, 81; American 
ships on, 99. 

Okuba, vice-ambassador of Iwakura 
embassy, 346. 

Okuma, Count, succeeds Inouye aa 
minister of foreign affairs of Japan, 
3.59 ; opinion of future of Japan, 4SQ, 

Olvphant & Co., aend vessel to Japan, 

Olyphant, D. W. C, American mer^ 
chant at Canton, 137. 

** Open Door " policy, Secretary Hay's 
circular note in favor of, in China, 

Opium, Chinese on use of. 65 ; deliv- 
ered by British superintendent to 
Chinese, 69; seized and destroyed 
by Chinese, 70. 

()pium trade, commencement of, in 
China, 64; imperial edict (1796) 
against, 66; illicit, in China, 66; 

large inoxetaa in, 66 ; large profits 
from, 66 ; inoreaaed efforta of Chinese 
to supnreas, 67 ; increaae of illicit, 67 ; 
lin, Chineae conmiisaioner to anp- 
preea, 68; atringent prohibitiona 
ag^ainat, 68; Chineae doae foreign 
faotoriea to stop, 69; not adjusted 
by Anglo-Chinese treaty (1842), 71 ; 
United Statea by treaty with China 
prohibita, 296; communication oi 
W. N. Pethick on, 296 ; Great Brit- 
ain declinea to entertain proposal of 
China to prohibit, 297 ; Li Hung 
Chang's letter regarding, 297 ; op- 
posidom of United Statea to, 29o; 
Lord Elgin opposes prohibition 
clause in United Statea treaty of 
Opium War, canaea of, 64 ; course of, 
70 ; moral aspects of, 72. 

Pacific Ocean, European occupation of 
lalanda of, 26 ; whale fiahery in, 104 ; 
Seward'a prophecy aa to importance 
of, 186. 

Pacific Railroad, Chineae laborera work 
on, 283. 

Pago Pago Harbor, ceasion of, by Sa- 
moa to United Statea not acted on 
by Senate, 388 ; Tutuila, in which ia, 
transferred to United States, 397. 

Palmerston, Lord, on ultimate annex- 
ation of Hawaii to United States, 

Panama, Isthmus of, bulwark of China 
and Japan, 133. 

Parker, Dr. Peter, urgea in 1841 aend- 
ing minister to China, 77 ; secretary 
of Cuahing embassy, 79 ; on Morri- 
son*s voyage to Japan, 138 ; reports 
harsh treatment of ahipwrecked 
Americans in Japan, 144; oharg4 
d'affairea of United Statea in China, 
205; again becomea charg4, 219; 
visits United States, 221 ; appointed 
commissioner to China, 221 ; indigo 
nation at Teh in avoiding interview, 
221 ; plan of, to avoid war in China, 
229 ; retirea aa minister to China, 
230 ; life of, after retirement, 230 ; 
McCuUoch's opinion of, 230. 

Paulet, Lord Greorge, threatens Ha- 
waiian independence, 124; compels 
cession of Hawaiian Islands to Gneat 
Britain, 125. 

Pearl Harbor, transferred by Hawaii 
to United States for a nayal station, 
871; protest of Britidi minister 



to Misioii of, by Hawtii to United 
States, 872. 

Peiho, foreic^ ministen amTe st 
mouth of, 216 ; receptioii of foreign 
miniatere by Chineee oommMeiuner 
on banks of, 217 ; failure of oonfer- 
enoe and departure of foiei^ min- 
isters from, 218 ; foreign ministers 
proceed to, 2^^ ; American, Freneh, 
and BritiBh arrive at mouth of, 246 ; 
ohannel of, obstmcted by Chinese, 
246; battle of, between China and 
allies, 247. 

Peking. Cashing* direofced to reaoh, if 
possible, 81 ; Cashing abandons idea 
of reaching, 87 ; Cashing oritieised 
for not attempting to reaoh, 93; 
Minister Ward at, 249; Ifinister 
Ward leaves, without exohange of 
ratifications, 252 ; captured by allied 
forces, 254; siege of the legations 
in, 419. 

Perry, Matthew Calbraith, 147; suo- 
oeeds Aaliok in command of Japan 
expedition, 147; banquet given, on 
sailing of Japan expedition, 149; 
seclusive policy of, in dealing with 
Japanese, 152; religioas custom of, 
154 ; firmness of, in dealing with 
Japanese, 155 ; ceremonious delivery 
of President's letter by, 156 ; informs 
Japanese he will return the follow- 
ing spring, 157 ; determines to hasten 
his return to Japan, 160; resolute 
course of, in regard to place of nego- 
tiation, 161 ; negotiations of, with 
Japanese plenipotentiaries, 162 ; ban- 
quets Japanese officials, 164; suc- 
cess of, in his mission to Japan, 166 ; 
Japanese appreciation of services of, 
168 ; dedication of Japanese monu- 
ment to, 169; disagreement with 
Minister Marshall, 206. See also 
Japan Expedition. 

Peru, treatment of Chinese coolies in, 
276; coolies in, petition American 
legation for aid, 278. 

Pescadores Islands, Dutch occupy, 4 ; 
cession of, by China to Japan, «S40. 

Pethick, W. N^, secretary of Li Hung 
Chang, on opium trade, 295 ; sketch 
of his life, 295. 

Philippines, occupied by Spaniards 
(1543), 6 ; disposition or, at close of 
Spanish War, a problem, 402 ; per- 
plexity of President regarding, J92 ; 
mstmctions of American commis- 
■ioners regarding, 403; attitude of 

hk ngnl 

to,404; eonfaranoMatPi 
oonuntsBonen regaxdiqg', 404; elbel 
of Pnsftdent'a Waatem trip oo mtqmr 
■itum of, 404 ; reaaona adTaneed for 
United Statea aoquiriiig', 405 ; Spsis 
cedes, to United States, 405 ; tnrn- 
bles in China eloaaly following ces- 
sion of, to United Statea, 407 ; aeqsi- 
■itioQ of, makes Unitad States sa 
Asiatic power, 438. 

Port Arthur, Mxrere of, by Boais, 

Portugoese, arrive in CllIIlJ^ 4; out- 
rages in China,4; Tisit Japan (1512) 
7 ; eatablishment at Macao, 33 ; im- 
ported from Azorea for Hawaiisa 
sugar plantations, 37 1 . 

Preble, The, Expedition of, to Japn, 

Protocol of August 12, 1808, betwe<a 
Spain and United Stataa, 402; text 
of, 46A. 

Pmyn, Robert EL, appointed minister 
to Japan, 89 ; refuses to leave Yede 
after burning of legation, 190; re- 
tires to Tokohama at request of 
Japanese government, 100. 

Beed, William B.,8nooeed8 Dr. Psrker 
as minister to China, 231 ; politiesl 
reasons for appointment of, 231; 
commissioned as minister iw«teft^ of 
commissioner, 231 ; fails to secure 
interview with Commissioner Yeh, 
233; resigns as minister to China 
and returns home, 244; opinion of, 
reepecting Dr. Williams, 273. 

Beid, Whitelaw, one of American 
commissioners to negotiate peace 
with Spain, 403. 

Bichardson, murder of, by Japanese, 

Boberts, Edmund, uiges protection of 
American commerce in Paci6e, 45 ; 
sent on mission to Siam^ Muscat, 
and Annam, 46; treatment of, at 
Canton, 47; attempted neg^tiatioitt 
of, at Annam, 48 ; reception of, in 
Siam, 49; reception of, at Muscat, 
52 ; exchanges ratifieationa of Siam- 
ese treaty, 54; death and services 
of, at Macao, 55; fumiahed wi^ 
letters of credence to emperor of 
Japan, 140, 141 ; presents intended 
for emperor of Japan carried by, 

Boberts, Bev. J. J., relations of, to 



Taiping RebeUion, 200 ; Thite Tal- 
ping oonrt at Nankm, 210. 

Rock Springs, indsmnity for anti- 
Cbineae riots at, 301. 

Rockhill, W. W., sent as speeial oom- 
missioner to China daring siege of 
legations, 424; on departure of 
Conger ^m China, assnmes ohaxge 
of peace negotiations, 428. 

Rodgers, Admiral, in command of ex- 
pedition to Korea, 314. 

Rmne, Japanese Christians Tisit, 9. 

Russia, early relations of China and, 
16; war between China and, 17th 
century, 17; treaty of, 1069, with 
China, 17; enroy from, to Peking 
(1693), 18; envoy from, to Peking 
(1719), 19; early trade of China 
with, 21 ; treaty of, 1727, with, 21 ; 
Hawaiian island of Elaiiai placed 
nnder protection of, 112 ; treaty 
between Japan and (1855), 166; 
treaty between Japan and (1858), 
183; treaty between China and 
(1858), 238, 242; attempt of, to 
enter into negotiations with Korea, 
318; increasing influence of, in far 
East, 342; seizure of Port Arthur 
by, 414; announces that it has no 
intention to acquire Chinese terri- 
toi^, 425 ; the power most feared by 
China and Japan, 436. 

Samoa, United Sutes withholds ai>- 
proval of alliance between Hawaii 
and, 373 ; embassy from Hawaii to, 
874 ; missionaries in, 386 ; arriTal of 
traders in, 387; first attention of 
United States called to, 887 ; cession 
of Pago Pago harbor by, to United 
States, not acted on by Senate, 388 ; 
Steinbetger sent as agent of United 
States to, '^88; Steinberger reports 
and is again sent to, 388; Stein- 
berger becomes premier of, and is 
deported, a^; United States de- 
clines protectorate oTor, 389; trea- 
ties of, with United Sutes (1878) 
and other countries, 389; disorders 
in, oTcr kingship, 389 ; German in- 
terest and influence in, 390 ; Ameri- 
can consul raises flag orer, 390; 
German consul assumes control of 
goremment of, 390 ; American con- 
sul second time proclaims protecto- 
rate OTcr, 890 ; conference at Wash- 
ington concerning, between United 
States, Great Britain, and Cbrmany, 

891 ; failitrs of conference to reach 
an agreement regarding, 391; Ger- 
many dethrones Malietoa and in- 
stalls Tamasese as king of, 892; 
American squadron sent to, de- 
stroyed by hurricane at Apia, 892; 
desire of United States to preserro 
independence of, 392 ; conference at 
Berhn in reference to, between 
United States, Great Britain, and 
Germany, 393 ; instructions to Amer- 
ican commissioners at Berlin Con- 
ference concerning, 393 ; agreement 
reached by Berlin Conference as to, 
394; joint protectorate over, by 
United States, Great Britain, and 
Germany, 394 ; unsatisfactory opera- 
tion of tripartite protectorate, 395 ; 
ciyil war in, following death of Ma- 
lietoa, 396; foreign sympathy with 
rivals for kingship, 396 ; joint com- 
misaidn sent to, by United States, 
Great Britain, and Germany, 396 ; re- 
port of joint commission on, and tri- 
partite protectorate abandoned, 397 ; 
partition of, 397 ; efforts and failure 
of United States to preserre inde- 
pendence of, 397 ; lesson from at- 
tempted joint control of, 398; text 
of treaty of 1899, between United 
States, Germany, and Great Britain, 
regarding, 4C6. 

Sandalwood, Hawaiian trade in, 101; 
Talue of trade in, to Hawaiian 
Islands, 101; exhaustion of supply 
of, in Hawaiian Islands, 102. 

Sandwich Islands, see Hawaiian 

Sargent, Senator, submits report of 
committee on Chinese immigration, 
287 ; introduces resolution to send a 
commissioner to Korea, 323. 

Satsuma, Prince of, Richardson mur- 
dered by followers of, 189 ; refuses 
to pay indemnity demanded for 
murder, 189 ; capital of, bombarded 
by British squadron, 189. 

Scott Act, relating to Chinese oxdu- 
sion, 301. 

Sen Ki-yu, book of, on Western cirili- 
xatioQ, 259 ; eulogy of, on Washing- 
ton, 260; degraded on account of 
book, 260; reinstated and made 
member of Tsung-li Tamen, 260; 
presented by United States with 
portrait of Washington, 261. 

Seward, George F., consul-general at 
Shanghai, mtIms attempt to open 



NUtaoos with KotMh 812; iafonii- 
ants of, M to KoTMS m putj ol ad- 
▼entmefs, 817. 

8«waid, William H.,011 azpuiaioii of 
United States in raeifio, 185; ce- 
marks of, 00 retizement of Hanls as 
minister to Japan, 185; faTors an 
nexation of Hawaii, 867 ; prophesies 
expansion of United States in, 401. 

Shanghai, xising oommereial impor- 
tance of, 06 ; oaptnre of Chinese oity 
of, hy Taipin^ 206. 

Shaw, Samuel, lust Tisit of, to China, 
27 ; report of, to Jay, 81 ; appointed 
first Amerioaa oonsol at Canton, 82 ; 
death of, 88. 

Shimmi, Ja p anes e enyoy, expresses 
yiews on Western oiyiliBstion, 185. 

Shimoda, yessels only permitted to 
enter at, 172 ; Townsend Harris ap- 
pointed consul-general to reside at, 
172 ; Harris arrives at, 178. 

Shimonoseki, affair of, 102 ; American 
yessel fired on in strait of, 108; 
United States naval steamer en- 
gages batteries at, 103 ; ioint naval 
expedition of powers silence bat- 
teries at, 108 ; indemnity paid by 
Japan for affair at, 104; United 
States returns to Japan share of in- 
demnity for affair at, 104; peace 
negotiations at, between China and 
Japan, 340. 

Shogun, audience of, by Dutch officials, 
14; audience of, by Harris, 178; op- 
poeition to, on account of treaties 
with Western nations, 187; rela- 
tions between Mikado, and, 187, 106 ; 
visits Mikado at Kioto, 100; sur- 
renders government to Mikado, 108. 

Ships, outfit of, engaged in China 
trade, 30. 

Shufeldt, Commodore R. W., sent to 
Chinese seas instructed to make 
treaty with Korea, 323; negotiates 
treaty with Korea, 324 ; experience 
and service of, 325. 

Siam, early French relations with, 46; 
Roberts sent on mission to, 46 ; re- 
ception of Roberts at, 40 ; treaty of 
United States with (1833), 50; ex- 
change of ratifications of United 
States treaty with, 64; Townsend 
Harris negotiates new treaty with, 

Simpson, Sir George, one of Hawaiian 
commissioners to Europe and United 
States, 121. 

Snow, Sarnnsl, Amezlttui eoosol aft 

Spain, ooenpisa PIdlippinaa, 6 ; 
of, yiait Japan, l; war 
United Stotss snd, 809; truoa pio- 
toool batwaen Umtad Stetaa aad, 
402; eedea Fhilippinaa to Unitsd 
States, 405; tsxt of protoeol of 
Angnst 12, 1808, aad traatr of paaes 
batwaea Uaited Statsa aad^ 46a 

Spanish War, inflnanoa of, upon the 
annexatioa of Hawaii, 883 ; policy of 
the United Statea at oommenoement 
of, 800; territory held by United 
Statea at close of, 400 ; nesotiaticais 
of peace at conelnsion of, 408. 

Spheres of influence in China, agrse- 
ments between Russia and Great 
Britain, and Germaay and Great 
Britain aa to, 415 ; Secretary Hay^ 
note in favor of ** open door *' and 
against, 482. 

Steinberger, A. B., sent to Samoa ss 
agent of United Statea to report 
conditions, 888 ; beeomea premier of 
Samoankine and is deported, 388. 

Sumatra, mmSer of orew of FHendship 
in, 45. 

Snnusgrowing, in Ebtwaii, 870. 

Swift, John T., one of oommisston to 
negotiate treaty of immigratioB 
with China, 204. 

Taiping Rebellion, extent of, 206; 
origin aad leader of, 200 ; condition 
of, in 1858,210; McLane yiaits head- 
quarters of rebels to study oondi^a 
of , 2 10 ; insulting addreas to McLane 
by leader of, 210 ; McLaae*a yiews 
upon, 211; progress of, and cause 
of its failure, 211 ; attitude of United 
States towards, 211 ; seryices of Gen- 
eral Ward and his ** Eyer Victorious 
Army** in suppressing, 212; neu- 
trality of United Statea during, 220. 

Tsku Forts, British and French allies 
demand surrender of, 237 ; taken by 
assault, 238 ; repulse of British and 
fVench forces at, 247 ; successfully 
sssaulted by alliea, 254; bombard- 
ment of, by alliea during Boxer up- 
rising, 410. 

Talienwan, China leaaea port of, to 
Russia, 415. 

Tamasese, riyal for Samoaa kingahip, 

Tariff, in Anglo-Chinese treaty (1842), 
76; proyisions relating to, in Japa- 



neae treatiM, 845 ; fixed in J»paD6ae 
treatiM, 852. 

Tatnall, Commodore, put teken by, 
at battle of the Peiho, 247 ; f amone 
saying of, 248. 

Terranova affair, 40. 

Thomae, Admiral, dtsayows aot of oee- 
■ion of Hawaii (1843) to Great Brit- 
ain, 120. 

Tientein, foreign ministere arrive at, 
238 ; negotiation of treaties of 1858 
at, 238; riots at, in 1870, 268; at- 
tack on foreigners at, in 1900, 419. 

Tokio, name of Yedo changed to, 198. 

Trade, overland, of China with Russia, 
21 ; early Enropean, with Japan, 12 ; 
of East India Company with China, 
22 ; course of American, with China, 
30; conduct of, at Canton, 33; re- 
strictions on, at Canton, 35 ; regnla- 
Utions relaxed in China, 41 ; emp 
barassments of, at Canton, 43; in- 
crease of United States, following 
treaties, 95; Hawaiian, in ssndaH 
wood, 101. See also China Drade; 
Fur Trade; Opium Trade, 

Treaty, between Russia and China 
(168U), 17; between Russia and 
China (1727), 21; United States, 
with Siam (1833), 50 ; United States, 
with Muscat, 52 ; exchange of rati- 
fications of United States, with Siam, 
54 ; of peace between G^reat Britain 
and China (1842),71 ; tariff in Anglo- 
Chinese (1842), 76 ; of Wang ffiya, 
between China and United States 
(1844), 86 ; of Wang Hiya, import 
tance of, 89 ; of Frtmce with China 
(1844), 95; negotiated between 
Hawaii and United States (1826), 
114, 121, 128 ; forced from Hawai- 
ian goremment by French authori- 
ties (1839), 120 ; ne^tiated by Lord 
Russell with GUtwaii under compul- 
sion, 121 ; criminal trials of foreign- 
ers in Hawaii under French, 127 ; of 
United States with Hawau (1849), 
128 ; of United States with Borneo 
(1850), 142 ; of Japan with United 
States (1854), 164; of Japan with 
Great Britain (1854), 166 ; of Japan 
with Russia (1855), 166; of Japan 
with United States, ratified, 168 ; of 
Siam with United States, negotiated 
by Harris, 172; of Japan with 
United Stotes (1857), 175 ; of Japan 
with United States (1858), 182 ; of 
Jaifftai with United States, prorisions 

of, 182; of jMMn with Great Britain, 
Russia, and iknoe (1858), 183; be- 
tween China and United States 
(1844), clause relatire to vsTision dF, 
217 ; of Chma with United States 
(1858), 238, 242; of China with 
Russia, Great Britain, and France ; 
of China with United States (1868), 
265; of China with United States 
(1880), relating to immigration, 294 ; 
of Cluna with United States, prohib- 
iting opium trade, 295; of United 
States with China (1888), negoti- 
ated but not finally ratified, 300; 
of China with United States (1894), 
302 ; of Korea with Japan (1876), 
320; of Korea with United States, 
324 ; of Korea with Great BritMn 
(1883), 327 ; of Korea with Germany 
(1883), 327 ; of Korea witii France 
(1886), 331 ; of peace between China 
and Japan (1895), 340; of Japan 
with United States (1878), 357 ; of 
Japan with United States on extra- 
dition (1886), 358 ; of Japan with 
Great Britain (1894), 361 ; of Japan 
with United States (1894) 362 ; reci- 
procity, of 1855 and one of 1867, be- 
tween Hawaii and United States, fail 
of ratification, 367 ; reciprocity, be- 
tween Hawaii and Umted States 
(1876), 369; of annexation of Ha- 
waii to United States, negotiated 
in 1893, 377 ; same in 1897, 381 ; 
joint resolution of annexation, paned 
July, 1898, 383; of Samoa with 
United States (1878) and other coun- 
tries, 389 ; of China witii the pow- 
ers (1901), 430; text of, between 
China and powers (September 7, 
1901), 441 ; text of, of China with 
United Stotes (1894), 450 ; text of, 
of Japan with United Stotes (1894), 
453 ; text of, between United Stotes, 
Germany, and Great Britain (1899), 
regarding Samoa, 466; text of, of 
pcMUse between United Stotes and 
Spain, 1898, 468. 

Trescot, William H., one of commis- 
sion to negotiate treaty of immigra- 
tion with China, 294. 

Tribute-bearer, Lord Macartney eon* 
sidered, by Chineee, 23 ; Webster's 
instruction that Cushing was not, 

Tsiyeng, Chinese high comrnissioiier to 
negotiate treaty with Cushing, 85; 
report of, to emperor npon negotia- 



taoos mt Wwag Hljft, 90; Ciishiii^t 
opinion of, 91. 

Tsnng-li Tamen, established, 256 ; ap- 
preciates Bnrlingame^s policy of 
eoSperation, 259 ; Sen Ki-yn made 
a member of, 260; on request of 
United States notifies Korea of in- 
tended American expedition, 314; 
abolished and succeeded by Wai-wu 

Tnn^ Wen Kwan, the imperial college, 

Tntnila, one of Samoan gronp trans- 
ferred to United Sutes, 897. 

Tyler, President, message of, regard- 
ing Chinese mission, 78; letter of, 
to emperor of China, 81. 

United States, extension of commerce, 
of, in Pacific, 26 ; commercial diffi- 
culties of, in the Pacific, 26; first 
Tessel of, to reach China, 27 ; com- 
mercial enterprise of, 29 ; condnet of 
China trade by, 30; far trade of, 
with China, 31 ; increase of trade of, 
with China, 36 ; better positioB of, 
in regard to political relations, 44 ; 
exposed condition of commerce of, 
in Pacific, 45 ; almost exdnsiye teade 
of, in furs and sandalwood, 10 1 ; opin- 
ion in, regarding Opiam War, 73 ; in- 
terests of, during Opium War, 74 ; 
interests of, in China, 76; treaty 
of Wang Hiya between China and 
86 ; effect of Chinese treaties on 
commerce of, 95 ; extent of whaling 
industry of, 103; first ship to carrj 
flag of, to England. 103 ; attitude of, 
to Hawaiian independence. 111 ; 
consul of, to Hawaii established, 113; 
treaty negotiated between Hawaiian 
Islands and (1826). 114; Hawaiian 
commission arrives in (1842), 121 ; 

Solicy of, toward Hawaii declared 
y Webster, 123; controversy of, 
with Hawaii over orirainAl trials, 
127 ; treaty of Hawaii witii (1849), 
128 ; provisional cession of Hawaiian 
Islands to, 130 ; Creasy on, in Orient, 
1^^ ; Seward on, in Orient, 135 ; early 
attempts of, to open trade with Ja- 
pan, 136 ; cause of determination of, 
to force ta«aty on Japan, 145 ; sends 
expedition to Japan, 147 ; treaty be- 
tween Japan and (1854), 164. 165; 
sends squadron to dedication of 
Perry monument in Japan, 169; 
treaty of Japan with (1857), 175 ; 

defirwy of latter of Frendent of, to 
emperor of Ji^mui by Hanis, 179; 
negotiation of treaty of 1857 between 
Japan and, 180; treaty betwaea 
Japan and (1858), 182 ; rioten boa 
legation of, at Tedo, 189 ; Japanese 
embassy to (1860), 184; mozdetr of 
•eeretary of legation of, in streets of 
Tedo, 188 ; cooperatiye pciliey o£f m 
Japan, 191 ; retnma ahaxe it Su- 
monoeeki indemnity to Japan, 194; 
protests ag^ainst hostility of Japanese 
government to Christianity, 200; 
foremost in development of Japan, 
201; attitude of, towards Taipiqg 
Rebellion, 211 ; hostilities at Canton 
between China and, 225; propoeed 
acquisition of Formosa and Lew 
Chew Islands by, 229 ; conaenrative 
policy of, in relation to China, 229; 
policy of peaceful cooperation by, in 
China, 231 ; could not make war 
against China without oonsent of 
Congress, 232 ; opposed to coerdve 
measures with China, 236; treaty 
between China and (1858), 238,242; 
claims of oitisens of, against China 
settled, 243 ; returns to China part td 
Canton Indemnity Fund, 244 ; Bur- 
lingamo embassy in, 264 ; treaty of 
China witii (1868), 265; firm atti- 
tude of, on audience question, 260 ; 
Chinese youths sent to, to be edu- 
cated, 272 ; demand for Chinese la- 
bor in, 274 ; legislation of, against 
coolie trade, 281; Chinese Inboreis 
arrive on Pacific coast of, 282 ; treaty 
between Cliina and (1880), relative 
to immigration, 294 ; treaty right of, 
to regulate Chinese immig^ratioa, 
295 ; by treaty with China prohibits 
opium trade, 295 ; opposed frcm out- 
set to opium trade, 298 ; treaty be- 
tween China and (1888) negotiated 
but not finally ratified, 300; in- 
creased sentiment in, against Chinese 
immigration, 302; treaty between 
China and (1894), 302; change, 
since 1868, of public opinion in, in 
regard to Chinese exclusion, 305; 
vessel of, burned and its crew killed 
by Koreans, 310; investigation by, 
as to the affairs oi the General Sher- 
man, 312; naval expedition of, to 
Korea, 313 ; Li Hung Chang advises 
Koreans to make treaty with, 323 ; 
treaty between Korea and (1882), 
324 ; extemtorial rights of, in KoNti 



826; KorMB embMiyMiit to, 826; 
eitbenB of, aid in tnasf ormatifm of 
Korea, 8^; efforts of, to prsTent 
CUneee-Japanefle War, 338 ; deelmea 
to unite with Great Britain to pre- 
sent Chinese-Japaneie War, 834; 
letter of tibanka from emperor of 
Japan for ■errioes of, dnring Chineoe 
War, 841 ; Iwaknra embaaiy aniyee 
in, 846 ; part taken by eitixene of, in 
reforms in Japan, 850; treaty be- 
tween Japan and (1878), 857; extra- 
dition treaty between Japan and 
(1886), 858; treaty between Japan 
and (18M), regaidin^ roTision of 
treaties, 362 ; reciprocity treaty be- 
tween Hawaii and (1876), 869; Ha- 
waii cedes Pearl Harbor to, 871; 
declines to join in gnaran^ of nen- 
tnJity and independence of Hawaii, 
872 ; withholds approral of allismce 
between Hawaii and Samoa, 873; 
lands marines at Honolnla during 
roTolntion of January 16-17, 18U3, 
877 ; annexation treaty between Ha- 
waii and, negotiated February, 1803, 
877; Hawaiian annexation treaty 
withdrawn by I^esident Cleyelano, 
878 ; sends Blount as commissioner 
to inyestigate Hawaiian reyolution 
and conditions, 378 ; efforts of Presi- 
dent of, for peaceful restoration of 
Hawaiian queen, 879; failure of, 
to secure restoration of Hawaiian 
queen, 879; annexation treaty be- 
tween Hawaii and, negotiated in 
1807, 881 ; joint resolution of annexa- 
tion passed July, 1898, 383 ; Hawaii 
organized as territory of, 888 ; rea- 
sons for annexation of Hawaii to, 
884 ; sends agent to Samoa to report 
conditions, 8o8; declines protector- 
ate oyer Samoa, 389 ; treaty between 
Samoa and (1878S 889; desire of, 
to presenre Samoan independence, 
^{92 ; sends commissioners to Berlin 
Samoan Conference, 393; secures 
Tutuila in partition of Samoan 
g^up, 307 ; efforts and failure of, to 
preserre Samoan independence, 397 ; 
policy of, at commencement of war 
with Spain, 399 ; policy of, affected 
by yictory of Manila Bay, 400 ; ter- 
ritory held by, at cloee of Spanish 
War, 400 ; prophetic words of Sew- 
ard as to expansion of, 401 ; truce 
protocol of Augfust 12, 1898, between 
Spain and, 402 ; oommissioners of, to 

negotiate treaty of peaoe with Spain, 
4(»; instmotions to oommissioners 
of, at peace negotiations, 403 ; rea- 
sons adyaaced for acquisition of Phil- 
ippines by, 405; Spain cedea Phil- 
ippines to, 405 ; change of policy of, 
as to military cooperation in China, 
422 ; policy of, in China, outlined in 
circular note of July 3, 1900, 423 ; 
desires China to punish Boxer lead- 
ers, not surrender them to allies, 425 ; 
position of, on questions of punish- 
ment and indemnity in Chinese peace 
negotiations, 428, 429 ; inflaence of, 
in peace negotiations between China 
and allies, &1 ; fayors ** open door *' 
policy in China, 432 ; fayors China's 
yiew as to rate of exchange on in- 
demnity payments, 433 ; friendship 
between Great Britain and, 437 ; just 
and liberal conduct of, in the Orient, 
438; on acquiring Fliilippines be- 
came an Asiatic power, 438; task 
and duty of, in the Orient, 438 ; text 
of treaty on immigration between 
China and (1894), 450; text of treaty 
of, with Japan (1895), 453 ; text of 
joint resolution of Congress for an- 
nexing Hawaii to, 463 ; text of Sa- 
moan treaty (1899) between Ger- 
many, Gbeat Britain, and, 466 ; text 
of protocol of August 12, 1898, and 
treaty of peace between Spain and, 
Uraga, Perry's Japan expedition an- 
chors opposite, 150 ; PMsident's let- 
ter to emperor of Japan deliyered 
at, 156. 

Vancouyer, Captain George, yisits Ha- 
waiian Islands, 100 ; attempts to an- 
nex Hawaiian Islands, 111. 

Van Valkenbnrgh, R. B., appointed 
minister to Japan, 197. 

Wai-wu Pu, Tsung-li Yamen abolished 
and succeeded by, 431. 

Wanff Hiya, treaty of, 86. 

Ward, Frederick T., general in Chi* 
nese seryice, 212; organizes **Ever 
Victorious Army," 212; his death, 

Ward, John K, a|mointed United 
States minister to China, 245; de- 
layed at Peking oyer audience ques- 
tion, 249 ; departs from Peking, 252 ; 
course pursued by, criticised, 252; 
retires as minister to China, 2fi58. 



Wafttfaer-TmiM. ChiiMM niMntitioB 
ooDoerniiifl^ Amerioap oonnu't, 91. 

Wsbstor, IHuu«l, oo importaneo of 
ChineM miMUm, 78; Utter of in- 
■trnotioiM by, to Cuhing, 80 ; United 
States poliey toward Hawaii dedared 

Webeter, Fletoher, leoretarj of Cnsb- 
inf embaMy, 79. 

Weddel, Captain, 5. 

Wei-hai-wei, fortreaa of, oaptnred by 
Ja|Muieae,340; Cbina leaaes, to Great 
Britain, 415. 

Wensiang, member of Trang^-li Tamen, 
and foremost Chinese statesman of 
his time, 257; on the danger of 
awakening Chhia, 434. 

Whale fishery, superiority of Ameri- 
can colonies in, 102 ; after American 
Reyolntion, 1(A; growth of Ameri- 
can, 104; e£fect of Confederate 
cmiseni on, 105 ; decline of Ameri- 
can, 105 ; in Japanese waters, 145. 

Williams, Dr. S. Wells, on Morrison's 
Toyage to Japan, 138 ; joins Japan 
expedition as chief interpreter, 150 ; 
assists in negotiations of treaty of 
1853 between China and Uuited 
States, 238 ; Tiew of, as to relations 
of foreign ministers during negotia- 
tions at Tientsin, 241 ; snoceeds in 
securing prorision of toleration of 
Christianity in Chinese treaty of 
1858, 243; oharg^ of United States 
legation in China, 244, 253 : author 
of " The Middle Kingdom " and Chi- 
nese dictionary, 273 ; retires from 
diplomatic service, 273 ; accepts 
chair of Chinese Literature at Yale 
UniTcrsity, 273; profound learning 
of, 274. 

Women, foreign, excluded from China 
and Japan, 19, 42. 

Xayier, Francis, arriTSs in Japan 

(1640), 9; lands on Chinese 
and death tfasn, 4ia 

Tamagntsi, ynnn ambawadar of Iwa- 
kuim embassy, 345. 

Tedo, consternation canned at, by arri- 
Tal of Japan expedition, 151 ; Amer- 
ioan snrreying parties advance near 
to, 154 ; preparations of defense at, 
in expectation of Perry *s return, 151^; 
official visit of Harris to, 177 ; mur- 
der of secretary of United States 
legation in streets of, 188 ; Americao 
legation at, homed by rioters, Ib^; 
American minister retires from, to 
Yokohama at request of Japsnese 
government, 190; postponement of 
opening port of, 192; retam of 
American legation to, 197 ; Mikado 
transfers capital to, and name 
changed to Tokio, 198. 

Yedo, Bay of, the Morrison enten 
(1837), 138; the Manhattan entea 
(1845), 139; Commodore Biddle ea- 
ten, in 1846, 143 ; Commodore Perry 
enters, July 8, 1853, 150 ; Japan ex« 
pedition returns to, 160. 

Yell, Chinese conmiissioner present at 
interview between Chinese oommis- 
sioner and Davii, 204 ; Chinese high 
conmiiasioner, 205 ; farewell note of, 
to Minister Marshall, 213 ; avoids in- 
terview with Minister McLane, 214; 
refuses interview to Biinister Parker, 
221 ; excuses attack of Americani by 
Chinese forts near Canton, 226 ; ex- 
cuses himself from receiving- Miinster 
Reed, 233 ; cM>tnred by allies, sent 
to Calcutta, where he died, 233 ; on- 
reasonably blamed for his eondnct 
toward foreigners, 233. 

Yokohama, Perry's negotiations take 
place on future site <^, 162 ; Ameri- 
can minister, at request of Japaneae 
government, retires to, 190. 

9312' 107