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Full text of "American Indian ways of life; an interpretation of the archaeology of Illinois and adjoining areas"

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AMERICAN INDIAN 
WAYS OF LIFE 

Ttit UBRARlf Of THt 

THORNE DEUEL OCT 7 1958 




ILLINOIS STATE MUSEUM 

STORY OF ILLINOIS NO. 9 



\OAi(.t> OF 



TMOT 



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UNIVERSITY OF lUINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 



^^^1 1885 



S£P 1 1 1985 



L161— O-10<56 



STATE OF ILLINOIS 
William G. Stratton, Governor 

DEPT. OF REGISTRATION & EDUCATION - ILLINOIS STATE MUSEUM 
Vera M. Binks, Director Thorne Deuel, Museum Director 



STORY OF ILLINOIS SERIES, No. 9 



AMERICAN INDIAN WAYS OF LIFE 

An Interpretation of the Archaeology of Ilhnois 
and Adjoining Areas 

by 
Thorne Deuel 




Springfield, Illinois 
1958 

[Printed by authority of the State of Illinois] 



^ -^u: 






TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Introduction 5 

Paleo-Indians 9 

Archaic Man 12 

Cultures and Cultural Change 19 

Initial \\'oodland 20 

Food Storers (Ad\'anced Phase) 23 

The Hopewellian Ci\ ilization (Classic Phase) 26 

Final Woodland 30 

Middle Mississippi 34 

Upper Mississippi 42 

The mini 45 

The Indians Lca\e Illinois 54 

Summary of Illinois Prehistory' 54 

Glossary 59 

Bibliograph\- 67 

Diagram: Stream of Culture 57 

Table I: Stages and Archaeological Units 4 

Table II: Radiocarbon Dates 8 

Table III: Cultural Characteristics of Archaeological Units 70 



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INTRODUCTION 

This paper is primarily planned for the layman, the beginning stu- 
dent of prchistor\- and others interested in acquiring a general under- 
standing of how primiti\e man lived during his successive occupations 
of IlHnois and neighboring areas in the more important archaeological 
periods. Most of the archaeological data for the chief cultures or ways 
of life are given in references in the accompanying bibliography of tech- 
nical publications selected as those from which (in the opinion of the 
writer) the information can be most easily gleaned. 

The reconstructions given of the cultural features, where not those 
ordinarilv inferred from archaeological findings, are based on a study of 
the practices commonh^ found among primitive people now, or until 
recentlv, living in the same stage or substage. These are tenative con- 
clusions resulting from a study of fift\' tribes in the Self-Domestication 
(pre-farming) stage and fortv in the Plant-Raising substage. Because 
primiti\e tribes >\hich are under pressure from people with advanced 
food-draft-animal agriculture or with machine industrv or which are in 
a transitional condition between two adjacent stages are disorganized 
or drasticallv changing a formerlv stabilized mode of life, great care has 
been exercised in drawing general conclusions from their cultural fea- 
tures. 

The reconstructions of the perishable objects shown in the draw- 
ings are generalh' in keeping with the culture in which they are ex- 
hibited but cannot be vouched for as to their detailed form. The handle 
of an adze, the shape of a cabin roof, the headdress of a tribal chief 
each ser\'ed the purpose for which they were made and their exact form 
was and is of no more consequence in the culture than the fashions in 
women's hats or the fins on an automobile are in our own. The details 
in cultures serve to set them apart from each other; it is the basic and 
significant features and subfeatures that determine relationships and 
permit the most useful classification. 

The study mentioned above is still incomplete, but results so far 
obtained indicate: 

1. That man in the same stage (and substage) of cultural development 
tends to in\ent and emplo\' the same broad social and spiritual fea- 
tures, regardless of surroundings. 

2. That where significant differences arise between substages of the 
same stage, thev are (at least sometimes) linked with peculiarities 
of climate and /or natural resources which the people have seized 
upon and exploited to the improvement of their economic situation. 

3. That manv details within these broad tspes of economic, social and 
spiritual features appear to \ar}' unpredictablv within the range of 
available possibilities. 



The stage and criterion for each were proposed in an earlier issue 
(No. 6) of this series, Man's Venture In Culture, (Oeucl 1950, pp. 5-1 2j 
as: 

1. Natural Man (Protocultural), when "man" presumably employed 
sticks and stones as implements and weapons. 

2. Self -Domestication, following the discovery of the principle of the 
conchoidal fracturing of flint and its control, and the invention of 
tool and weapon t}pes. 

3. Farming or Food-Raising, due to the discovery that grains (grasses) 
and food-draft animals could be bred and raised in captixity. 

4. Inanimate Power Machine (Machine Kge), after the discovery of the 
a\ailability of water and wind as sources for energy and the adapta- 
tion of animal-dri\cn machines to utilize them. 

Man in the wild or Protocultural stage is thought not to have 
reached the Americas. The oxlike mammals were not domesticated in 
America for drawing ploughs and \ehicles, turning grain mills or to 
serve as a continuous food supply source. Consequently, we are con- 
cerned in the following discussion only with peoples in the Self-Domes- 
tication stage and the Plant-Raising substage of Farming. 

In ordinar\' language, the word "culture" is used m a diversity of 
senses. In these pages it is used in one of two ways, the one employed 
being readily understood from the context. In a general sense, culture 
means the significant beliefs, customary activities and social prohibitions 
that are peculiar to man (together with the man-made tools, weapons 
and other material objects that he finds or has found necessar\') that 
modifv, limit or enhance in some manner, most of his discernible 
natural activities due to and arising from his physical animal inheritance 
and organization. Culture in a specific sense refers to the significant 
cultural features of a group or period under consideration. 

For convenience, any cultural activity according to its dominant 
purpose may be spoken of as belonging to one of three aspects of cul- 
ture, (a) economic (technological and intellectual); (b) social (and 
political); and (e) spiritual (religious, artistic and recreational). To 
lesser degrees, most cultural aeti\ities have relationships with the two 
aspects other than the dominant. 

Certain pre\'alent archaeological designations ha\e been changed 
to remove time implications (e.g. "early" and "late" Woodland to 
Initial [beginning] and Final [end of an archaeological series]), or to 
shorten (e.g. "Tennessee-Cumberland" or "Gordon-Fewkes" to Cum- 
berland). 

Technical terms ha\'e generally been a\oided; but where it has 
seemed necessarv to retain them or to use words in a special sense, they 
are explained in the text or can be found in the glossary. The terms 
pattern and phase are those generally employed in the NkKern s}'stem 
of classification, for the larger groupings into which it is customary to 



place the "cultures" as determined from the t\polog\- of the artifacts, 
their association in the assemblage and pertinent data reco\ered at a 
site (or local connnunity) with due regard to circumstances of time and 
location of other sites nearby and over a larger area. The largest unit is 
the pattern which is made up of a number of phases. Cultural divisions 
smaller than these units are spoken of here as subcultures. 

The approximate relationships of the archaeological units to the 
broader cultural stages and substages are gi\en in Table I, page 4. The 
succession and coexistence of the archaeological units is indicated in the 
diagram "The Stream of Culture", p. S7. The summar\- of "Character- 
istics of the Archaeological-Cultural Units" occurs on pages 70-76. 

This is a story mainly of Illinois when occupied by American In- 
dians but it ^^•oulcl not give a reasonably true picture without showing 
the known extensions of some of the cultures into surrounding areas 
and the probable intmsions from outside the state. 

Of necessity in attempting a summary of the archaeology of Illinois 
and adjacent areas, the writer has had to lean hea\ily on the field work 
and reports of the many anthropologists who ha\e contributed so much 
to the present understanding of the American Indian in the United 
States. To this invaluable source material and to these able scientists 
the indebtedness of the writer is acknowledged to be \er\- great indeed. 
In the compass of a work of this type it is impossible to name them or 
gi\e them credit for original or similar ^■ie^^•s, nor is it practicable to 
mclude in the bibliography all the publications used. 

Acknowledgment of assistance is made espccialh- to Georg K. 
Neumann, Joseph R. Caldwell and Mehin L. Fowler, Milton D. 
Thompson, Ruth Kerr, Nora Deuel and Orvetta Robinson for reading 
and discussing the manuscript from various viewpoints, to Dr. James 
B. Griffin for helpful infomiation on the dates of sites and of archaeo- 
logical data, to Irvin Peithmann, Southern Illinois Uni\'crsitv, for photo- 
graphs furnished, for information on sites he had disco\cred and 
the privilege of visiting them in his compan\-, to George Langford for 
photographs and data regarding the Fisher site, to Chades Hodge for 
all photographs reproduced not otherwise credited, and to Jerrv Con- 
nolly, Bettye Broylcs, Barbara Parmalee and Jeanne McCartv for their 
excellent drawings. Without all this considerable and \'aluable aid the 
publication could not have been completed. 



8 



TABLE 



RADIOCARBON DATES^ 



CULTURAL 

UNIT 



CI 4 PATE 



SlTiO 



STATE 



COT'XTY 



MIDDLE 

MISSISSIPPI 


A.D. 1420±200 


Crable Village 


Illinois 


Fulton 


MIDDLE 

MISSISSIPPI 


1326±250 


Nodena Village 


Arkansas 


Arkansas 


MIDDLE 

MISSISSIPPI 


1156±200 


Cahokia 


Illinois 


Madison 


MOUND* 


1041±212 


Effigy Mounds National 
Park 


Iowa 


Allamakee 


HOPEWELLIAN 


508± 60 


Twenhafel (Weber) Md. 


Illinois 


Jackson 


HOPEWELLIAN 


432±200 


Rutherford Mound 


Illinois 


Hardin 


HOPEWELLIAJSr 


256 + 300 


Knight Mound 


Illinois 


Calhoun 


HOPEWELLIAN 


214±250 


Baehr Mound 


Illinois 


Brown 


HOPEWELLIAN* 


B.C. 48±160 


Hopewellian Group 
Mound #25 


Ohio 


Ross 


HOPEWELLIAN^ 


57±108 


Wilson Mound 


Illinois 


White 


HOPEWELLIAN 


315±164 


Havana Mound 


Illinois 


Mason 


ADENA 


423±150 


Toepfner Mound #1 


Ohio 


Franklin 


ADENA 


697±170 


Dover Mound 


Kentucky 


Mason 


ARCHAIC 


704± 80 


Poverty Point 


Louisiana 
(N.E.) 


W. CaiToU 
Parish 


ADENA 


826±410 


Toepfner Mound #11 


Ohio 


Franklin 


ARCHAIC 


904± 90 


Poverty Point 


Louisiana 
(N.E.) 


W. Carroll 
Parish 


ARCHAIC 


1624 + 300 


Kays Landing 


Tennessee 


Humphrey 


ARCHAIC* 


2170 + 215 


Indian Knoll 


Kentucky 


Ohio 


ARCHAIC* 


2360±270 


Annis Mound 


Kentucky 


Butler 


ARCHAIC 


2765±300 


Modoc Rock Shelter 


Illinois 


Randolph 


ARCHAIC 


2812±250 


Perry Site 


Alabama 
( N. W. ) 


Lauderdale 


ARCHAIC 


2950±250 


Annis Shell Mound 


Kentucky 


Butler 


ARCHAIC 


3325±300 


Modoc Rock Shelter 


Illinois 


Randolph 


ARCHAIC 


3352±300 


Indian Knoll 


Kentucky 


Ohio 


ARCHAIC 


3646±400 


Oconto Old Copper Site 


Wisconsin (E.) 


Oconto 


ARCHAIC* 


3657 + 164 


Modoc Rock Shelter 


Illinois 


Randolph 


ARCHAIC 


5194±500 


Eva Site 


Tennessee 


Benton 


ARCHAIC 


5556±400 


Oconto Old Copper Site 


Wisconsin (E. ) 


Oconto 


ARCHAIC 


5945±500 


Graham Cave 


Missouri 


Montgomery 


ARCHAIC 


6204±300 


Russell Cave 


Alabama 


Jackson 


ARCHAIC* 


6219±388 


Modoc Rock Shelter 


Illinois 


Randolph 


ARCHAIC 


7310±352 


Graham Cave 


Missouri 


Montgomery 


ARCHAIC 


7922±392 


Modoc Rock Shelter 


Illinois 


Randolph 


PALEO-INDIAN 
(Folsom)* 


7934±350 


Lubbock Site 


Texas (N.W.) 


Lubbock 


PALEO-INDIAN 
(Sandia) 


18,000 


Sandia Cave 


New Mexico 
(Center) 


Bernalillo 


PALEO-INDIAN 
(?) 


22,000 


Tule Springs Site 


Nevada (S.E.) 


Clark 


PALEO-INDIAN 

(Clovis?)^ 


35,000 


Lewisville Site 


Texas 


Denton 



* These dates are selected as giving a significant picture of sequence and contemporaneity 
of cultures. Dates based on shell specimens are excluded on account of their general unreliability. 
Adena sites are not included after 4 00 B.C. These are burial mounds and with their inferred 
customs may be present in two or more cultural units rather than constitute a feature charac- 
teristic of one. 

^Average of three out of four dates. Libby's second date disregarded as widely out of line. 

* An average of at least two dates for this period. 

' Two samples gave identical results. Cultural identification as Clovis based on single spear- 
head is doubtful. 



9 

PALEO-INDIANS. BIG GAME HUNTERS, DISCOVER A NEW WORLD 

(50.000? +o 8,000? B.C.)* 

* All dates, even those determined by radiocarbon methods, should be taken as 
only roughly approximate. 

Man probably discovered America as early as 50,000 years ago and 
gradually occupied the two continents in the succeeding millenia. The 
first discoverers of the New World were of Mongolian racial stock as are 
the American Indians. They crossed from Siberia to Alaska over an 
existing land bridge, over ice, or possibly by wading or by boat over the 
shallow sea in the wake of mammoth, mastodon or musk ox herds on 
whose flesh they lived. Following in the path of the huge animals, they 
made their way possibly up the Yukon from its mouth to the divide, 
thence down into the Mackenzie Basin, and along a great river where 
now exist a chain of lakes and so into the Mississippi Valley. 

The migrants trailing each herd doubtless traveled in their several 
ways in family groups, uniting from time to time to trap and kill one 
of the great shaggy beasts. When the animals stopped, the families 
bedded down nearby in the most sheltered spots available taking care 
not to lose touch with the herd. These were wanderers, not explorers, 
nor were they seeking new homes; they were hunters that traxeled 
where the herd led. 




Fig. 1. Archaic flint drill, stone hammer, and flint scraper as 
period and their modern steel counterparts. (B.B.) 



used in Archaic 



10 




11 







Fig. 3. Paleo-Indian spearheads from the WilHam Smail collection. A, B, and C 
are Clevis points; D, a Folsom point. All are from Illinois. 

Their belongings, by our standards, were pitifully few, their way of 
life laborious, full of hardship and danger, but their needs were simple 
and their means of meeting them doubtless seemed ample to these 
hardy hunters. The chief weapon was a thrusting spear with a chipped 
flint head and a long shaft to keep the hunter as far from harm's way as 
possible when attacking the dangerous animal. The narrow width of the 
spearpoint made it easy to withdraw from a wound and attack again. 
Our evidence that the Paleo-Indians (as the Big Game Hunters are 
commonly called) lived in Illinois are these same spearheads (Clovis 
and Folsom types), usually grooved or fluted lengthwise of the blade, 
which are scattered over much of the Illinois prairie as isolated finds. 
No campsites of this people have yet been discovered in Illinois, as they 
have been in Pennsylvania, Alabama and several southwestern states. 
We can only surmise that in Illinois the hunters also had stone ham- 
mers and chipped flint scrapers as they had elsewhere. 

Having arrived in the great central valley between the Rock Moun- 
tains and the eastern ranges, the herds probably moved slowly from one 
browsing ground to another in the open corridor between glaciers. It 
may have taken them many years to reach what is now the United 
States. Eventually the herds wandered back and forth across the Missis- 
sippi Valley, and some favorable spots came to be used as camping 
grounds again and again by the same or different families. Such places 
would appeal immediatelv to the campers because of their protection 
from rain and the piercing glacial winds, the presence of a plentiful 
supply of wood and water. The possibility of our gaining a better 
knowledge of Paleo-Indian life in Illinois rests on the discovery of such 
a site, difficult now to recognize because it may no longer provide wood, 
water, or shelter of any sort. 



12 

There are in southern Ilhnois a number of simple linear stone piles 
known locally as "stone forts," all in the same type of land structure. 
Each forms an obstruction five to fifteen feet in height across a narrow 
neck or ridge leading to the plateau top of a near-vertical-sided "pro- 
montory'" projecting out into a stream valley, making an excellent 
corral, with no fence necessary except across the entrance. They may 
have been used in late Paleo-Indian times and on into the Archaic 
period for impounding large game and/or driving them over the cliff. 

ARCHAIC MAN. FIRST SETTLER IN ILLINOIS (8000 to 2500 B.C.)* 

We have reason to believe that the Big Game Hunters wandered 
over Illinois and the adjoining states during the last advance of the 
glaciers. Around 12,000 B.C. the climate in the Midwest became 
milder, the glaciers "retreated," and the mighty torrents — the Missis- 
sippi, the Ohio and the Illinois that had torn irresistibly down their 
valleys — shrank into smaller, less turbulent rivers that occupied but a 
fraction of their former beds. The great shaggy mammoths, musk oxen, 
the ground sloths and the giant beavers moved westward toward the 
mountains or to the north. 

Some of the Big Game Hunters with their families may have fol- 
lowed the retreating glacier and the herds; others stayed behind in 
countr}' to which they had grown attached. With the great herds gone, 
the human families remaining in Illinois had to hunt the game animals 
that now frequented the area — deer, elk (wapiti), bear and smaller mam- 
mals. The large hunting party was no longer practicable. The game 
roamed over the country singly or by twos or threes and had to be 
stalked by one or two hunters. Families were compelled to live widely 
separated one from another in order to secure ample food throughout 
the vear. Thus de\'eloped a new way of life which we call the Archaic 
phase or culture. 

The hunter, as time passed, learned the secret habits of the deer, 
bear and raccoon and the more sluggish fishes. His wife and daughters 
learned the haunts and ways of the smaller animals, the rodents, turtles 
and lizards, discovered where edible greens, wild tubers, nuts and fruits 
grew and where mussels and snails abounded in creeks and rivers. With 
increasing knowledge Archaic man made better and fuller use of his 
changed and changing surroundings, food became more plentifully 
available, life easier and less hazardous though still very difficult from 
our standpoint. 

* These dates and those given hereafter refer to the earliest and latest sites 
known in Illinois for the cultures under consideration. Although supported by 
radiocarbon dating methods, they are only approximate. Undoubtedly also cultures 
in one area disappeared while they continued to flourish in another part of the 
state or in other states. 



13 




Fig. 4. Hafted primitive stone adze and grooved ax, with modem steel-bitted ax 
in the background. (B.B.) 



With new needs and some leisure from the labor of pro\iding 
food, Archaic man in\ented specialized devices, new methods of making 
tools and weapons, the more skillful among them shaping the objects 
carefully into symmetrical forms pleasing to the eye of others and 
strangely satisfying to the maker.* He pecked a hollow in both sides of 
his cobblestone hammer so he could grip it securely and use it more 
skillfully. He pecked and ground diorite and granite into adzes, hat- 
chets (celts), and axes with a groove for hafting. These were a decided 
impro\-ement over flaked choppers. He ground and polished banded 
and highly-colored shale ("slate") into prismatic and cylindrical spear- 
thro^^^er weights and bored them with a tube, sand and water. His own 
person he decked out with necklaces and oval pendants (made by bor- 
ing a hole in smooth flat waterworn pebbles) and with bone ornaments 
cut to shape, ground, engraved and polished. Tliese he and his wife 
wore as had their forefathers but not the skin robes of glacial times. 

As life grew easier, the family or local group increased in size. 
Sons brought their wives to the family dwelling place and built ^^•ind- 
breaks near those of their parents. With food abundant the little 
settlement became a small cluster of households or a hamlet consisting 
possibly of sixty to seventy persons. 



* Generally speaking, each succeeding higher culture in the area made most of 
the tool and weapon t}'pcs of their predecessors, adding certain impro\ements and 
sometimes new types. The Archaic people used flint scrapers, chipped flint choppers, 
and native cobblestone hammers as had the Paleo-Indians. The narrow-bladed 
spearheads were occasionally made but the fluting or channel is practically always 
lacking. Polished stone forms, possibly the spearthrower, were new inventions in 
Archaic times. 



14 



If Archaic Man Was Like Present-Day Archaic Tribes* 



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Fig. 5. Rock shelter near Cobden. Such shelters were used by Archaic and suc- 
ceeding peoples. (Photograph bv In in Peithmann) 

If Archaic man in Illinois lived as do prcscnt-day Archaic peoples, 
the famil\- or local group, though they restricted themselves during most 
of the vear to their hunting grounds which they guarded jealously from 
trespassers, did not camp continuously in one spot. At appropriate sea- 
sons of the vear thev rotated from one hamlet site to another to take 
advantage of the food resources of that local it\. In winter perhaps they 
moved to a rock shelter, like that of Modoc in Randolph County, Illi- 
nois, near the wooded \'alleys of streams emptying into the river where 
deer and elk sought protection from the rigors of winter; in spring to 
upland lakes for duck and other waterfowl; and in autumn to wooded 



* In the page that follows a tentative reconstruction of the less tangible cus- 
toms of these people will be presented, based on a study of se\cral tribes now or 
recentlv in the Archaic status. The Archaic culture as used in this paper refers to 
those tribes who li\ed mainly by hunting, supplemented to a degree by collecting 
nati\e edible plant foods. Thev are distinguished here from other peoples of the 
Stone Age or non-farming stage — from Big Game Hunters on the one hand (none 
of whom exist today) and on the other, from Food Stores, who where able by one 
means or another to store food over one or more seasons and so establish more or 
less fixed homes. The peoples recently li\ing in the Archaic status include the 
native tribes of Central and Coastal Australia, the Tasmanians, the .\ndaman Island 
tribes, the Terra del Fuegians. the African Bushmen and a number of others. 



15 




Fig. 6. Primitive woman carrying a load with the 
aid of a tumphne. (J.C.) 



parklands to harvest acorns, hickor\- nuts, and berries. The spot chosen 
for each hamlet location was generally one that had been so used at that 
same season from time out of mind b\ the famil\- and its forebears. 

It is probable, as 
among most primitive 
peoples, that men did 
onh' work thought 
suitable to men, and 
women that appropri- 
ate for women. Men 
made the weapons 
and tools they used, 
did the hunting and 
fishing, and the fight- 
ing (when quarrels de- 
veloped into feuds or 
"wars" beween local 
groups of the same 
tribe ) . The rest of the labor fell to the women — caring for the children, 
collecting edible plants, clams and small animals, preparing the food, 
and carrying burdens. All \\ork was done bv hand; loads were carried 
on the back. It is possible that boats, perhaps of dugout t^■pe, were used 
as among present-day Archaic peoples li\ing on waterwa\s. There was 
no other specialization and each "household" pro\idcd for the needs 
of all its members to the best of its abilitv. No food was grown and no 
domestic animal except the dog was kno\Mi. 

Once or twice a year when food was easilv and bountifulh- a\ail- 
able, local groups from nearby hunting territories met together for 
religious rites. These local groups spoke the same dialect, had the same 
way of life, and considered themselves a unit or tribe. The\" had no 
political form of go\ernment but were kept in order through habits 
formed by early training and by extension of the kinship svstem to 
the whole tribe. Thus the tribal ciders were considered fathers and 
mothers, and to them were due obedience and respect, just as children 
they had been taught to regard their own blood fathers, uncles, and 
other older relatives. The elders knew the tribal customs; and to be 
accepted as a tribal member, boys must respect, learn and conform to 
these customs. 

The object of these annual gatherings was to teach the young 
the tribal customs and to perform solemn ceremonies, the purpose of 
which was to insure the security and well-being of the tribe, a con- 
tinuing abundance of the favorite foods, and to express gratitude and 
thanksgixing to unseen Spirits who watched over the game animals 
(and possibly the edible plants) for the blessings recei\ed during the 
past year. These gatherings and cooperative undertakings served, on 
the one hand, as a welcome change from the usual daih- grind and 



16 




<L> 






17 




Fig. 8. Archaic weapons: A, Hidden Valley tj'pe spearhead; B, prismatic atlatl 
weight of polished red shale; C, throwing a spear with an atlatl; D, socketed antler 
spearhead; E, short thrusting spear or javelin. A, B, and D arc from Modoc Shelter 
in Randolph County, Illinois. 

afforded opportunities for the young to get acquainted and choose 
mates and, on the other, to unify the language and customs of the 
constituent local groups, to enhance the influence of the tribal elders 
and keep fresh in the minds of all the history of the tribe, the im- 
portance of its actiyities, and its sacred tradition, all essential to the 
\\ay of life of dynamic Archaic peoples of recent times. 

In the later (Medial) Archaic period at Modoc, the dead \yere 
buried in the floor of the rock shelter. Burial probabh' indicates 
a belief m life after death. Care in preparing the body for burial, 
in the funeral rites and bur\ing, and in the customan- mourning there- 
after \yas highly important so the dead man could go prompth' to the 
spirit vyorld in peace and not remain in the neighborhood to disturb 
his kinsmen. Immediately after the burial, it is probable that the little 
settlement remo\'ed to a distant location as is customary with peoples 
in this stage of culture. 

The rites for important dead in the Terminal period probably be- 
gan with the con\entional mourning of relati\cs, with painting the 
body with red ochre and grease and adorning it with the dead man's 
jewelry, followed at the appropriate time by the conveyance of the body 
to the graye side, where the corpse was deposited in a pit together with 
personal insigne and weapons. The groo\-ed stone axe, large spearheads. 



18 




Fig. 9. Grooved stone axes are frequently found in Archaic graves but were not 
buried with the dead after this period. ( J.C.) 

daggers, bannerstones, spearthrower with weight and more rarely copper 
articles were placed alongside or on the corpse. In some instances large 
stones were laid upon the grave probably for one or more of the follow- 
ing reasons: (a) to mark the grave of an important tribesman; (b) to 
keep the bodv from being disturbed by animals; and ( c ) to hold the 
dead man's ghost until he departed for the spirit world. 

It is ven- probable that, on occasions of social and religious 

import, Modoc man and other 
Archaic tribes in Illinois bedecked 
themsehes in their best paint 
and jewelrv. Possiblv the color- 
ful and intriguing bannerstones, 
uhich were undoubtedlv de\-el- 
opcd from tlic spearthrower 
weight, were carried or worn by 
the local group headmen who 
had won that right because they 
were skillful hunters, courageous 
Fig. 10. Anculosa shell necklace with flat fighters, or learned ni the tribal 
pendant of water-worn stone from the customs and beliefs and thus 
Archaic period. Anculosa necklaces were . i i .i , i i i 

worn bv many Illinois peoples probably recognized by the tribe as leaders 
up to the European contact period. for the tunc being. 





% 


^^f^j*j:^^^s^^^^-9-^'^fik 


) 




Nr 





19 



CULTURES AND CULTURAL CHANGE 



Man can li\e \irtuallv anywhere on the earth's surface where he 
can obtain food, \\ater and fuel, and do so without any fundamental 
change in his physical structure. This is largely because he is easily 
able to modif^" his customar^■ ways of filling his basic needs under new 
or changing conditions of his surroundings. For primiti\e man to "li\e 
better"' required an increasing knowledge of the resources in his locality 
and ingcnuit\ in deyising effecti\e means and contriyances for ex- 
ploiting them. 

Because of this abilitw the Palco-Indian \\'anderers (Big Game 
Hunters) in Illinois around 12,000 to 10,000 B.C., when confronted 
with rising temperatures and other regional changes, could choose 
whether they would follow the mammoth and musk ox herds and 
familiar subglacial ccnditions elsewhere or adop' new and strange 
methods of securing food and other requirements. 

As Big Game Hunters the\- probabh- li\ed as a number of families 
at'rached to a herd and relatiyely independent of each other except at 
huntin-] times. They had no homes, only temporary camps, and were 
bound to a moying herd, not to an\- particular region. The Paleo-Indian 
cullure consisted of methods of trapping and slayng the great beasts 
and of filling other simple physical ncecls; a simple code of social be- 
ha\ior which enabled men and wi\es to li\e together with their children 
and, for brief periods, in gatherhigs of the families in relatiye peace and 
contentment; with religious beliefs and rites suitable to their cultural 
le\el that they belie\ed assured them of a continuance of their satis- 
fac!:or\- existence. 

When the climate changed, those families that chose to remain in 
IlLnois had to de\elop, perhaps slowly and painfulh', a ne\\- wa\- of life. 
The habits and haunts of deer, elk, bear and raccoon had to be learned. 
OAer methods of hunting and of making tools and deyices to fit; }[c\\ 
conditions were inxented as a result of the nevy fund of knou^led^c 
assembled. Each family e\entualh- acquired a more or less definite 
piece of land or hunting territory in which it selected certain fayorable 
places to build the temporary hamlet at suitable seasons. As the man 
and his family became better adapted to the land and its resources, he 
hunted more successfulh', and the family or local group grew larger 
in number. 

Probably a number of neighboring families, when food was espe- 
cialh- abundant, gathered together for social and religious purposes as 
peoples liying today in the same status still do. Religious beliefs rnd 
other customs had all this time doubtless been shifting gradualh in 
meeting the needs and dangers of changing conditions to a new way of 
life we call the Archaic culture. 

Eyery way of life is built on an older, often simpler, culture from 
which it has changed more or less rapidly. Due to important inyentions, 
the group may modify its economy (ways of securing and processing 



20 

food, etc.) and produce a substantially improved manner of living 
which, from archaeological evidence alone, may be difficult to recognize 
as a development from its earlier phase. 

On occasion, people from another region may invade an area, drive 
out the inhabitants and bring in a differing way of life. Usually this 
merely extends, to a desirable region less effectively exploited by others, 
the range of a vigorous cultural group whose territory has become too 
densely populated. 

Sometimes newcomers essay to li\e peaceably with the nati\es and 
a new cultural blend is developed. If fundamental changes are made in 
the economy by internal development or by imitating another culture, 
social and religious customs are very likely to change too, though usually 
at a slower pace. 

As time went on, the Archaic way of life slowly changed and finally 
disappeared, but probably not so suddenly as might at first appear; for 
manv Archaic customs, tools, and weapons continued to be made and 
used in the "new" culture by the descendants of rugged earlier people 
or were adopted by newcomers to the region. Other changes were 
added through new inventions and incoming people from other regions 
producing a new culture now generally known as Woodland. 

THE INITIAL WOODLAND CULTURES* (2500-500 B.C.) 

After 5000 B.C. the temperatures continued to rise producing a 
climatic inter\'al known as the Tliermal Maximum when it was warmer 
and drier than at the present time. After reaching its high point, the 
temperature gradually declined and probably ended in southern Illinois 
about 2100 B.C. or later in a climate much like that of today. 

By projecting the rate of deposit from the eight- to the eleven-foot 
level of the Modoc Rock Shelter up to the fi\'e-foot level where the 
Archaic remains appear to end, we secure a date for its upper limit of 
about 2100 B.C. (Deuel 1957, p. 2). The remains between the five- and 
eight-foot depths are scantier and less varied than in the earlier (lower) 
layers and may indicate a cultural group in a losing struggle to maintain 
itself under changing conditions. 

In northern Illinois, similar climatic conditions were developing. 
There, possibly as early as 2500 B.C., a new culture, the Initial (early) 

* The Initial Woodland in Illinois is usually considered to consist of three 
cultural divisions or units, the Black Sand, the Red Ochre and the Morton. The 
only known Red Ochre sites are mounds which undoubtedly are the burial places 
of important personages of a cultural group whose campsites and artifact assem- 
blages have not as yet been identified as such. The graves yield a number of artifact 
types that are identical with those found in Black Sand villages. It is possible the 
Red Ochre mounds belong to the Black Sand people and that the mounds and 
special burial customs may have been continued into or adopted by the Morton 
cultural group and served still later as a framework for the highly elaborated Hope- 
well i an funeral practices. 




Fig. 11. Potsherds from the Lake Baikal in southern Siberia resemble those of 

erto"sibSrnoyt°"^^^AV"T"^J'"") •" "'■"°^'^- Th^ letters SsubSpt 
rerer to Siberian pottery. A-E, reduced to V2 actual size; F-H reduced to 1/16 

actua s.ze. (S.benan pottery from Richthofen in ANTHROPOS, 19 2 PS A 

1^0, Illmo.s potter)- from Illinois State Museum collections.) ' 



22 




Fig. 12. A flint dagger or hunting knife from "Red Ochre subculture" of Initial 
Woodland. (B.B.j 

Woodland, was coming into existence. At any rate, groups living there 
some time prior to 1000 B.C. made pottery, placed their dead in ceme- 
teries and in low burial mounds in a flexed or "doubled-up" position, 
occasional!}- with food, personal ornaments and other funeral offerings. 

The pottery of one Woodland group (Morton) in the Illinois valley- 
resembled, in shape, surface treatment, design and area decorated, pots 
made in the Lake Baikal region in Asia some 7000 miles distant. The 
appearance of such striking similarities has long been a puzzle to anthro- 
pologists. In the first place the detailed likenesses suggest both were 
made bv one and the same people. It seems fairly obvious that the 
several resemblances did not travel from tribe to tribe from Asia to 
central North America. The preservation of a pottery tradition during 
a migration of 7000 miles, probabh- lasting for several generations, 
seems equallv incredible. Perhaps the most plausible explanation is 
that two widely separated dixisions of a people originating in central 
Asia with the same cultural background and similar surroundings arrived 
independently at a remarkablv similar but verv simple pottery type. 

These late migrants probablv found groups like the Black Sand 
(and Red Ochre) peoples in Illinois who were just emerging from the 
Archaic phase into Initial \\'oodland. The settlements of all early 




Fig. 13. A copper gorget. A, (possibly patterned after the double-bitted ax-shaped 
bannerstonej and shell gorgets. B and C, from "Red Ochre subculture" of Initial 
Woodland. All from Mound 11, Fulton Countv, Illinois. 



23 

Woodland peoples were sniLill in extent and poor in cultural remains. 
The population of these hamlets probably seldom exceeded fifty. No 
traces of house structures have yet been discerned. Temporary huts, 
probably built of small poles and brush, may have been conical or 
hemispherical in shape. The artifacts or cultural objects, except for a 
small amount of jewelry (shell and copper beads and pendants) and 
the few offerings placed in graves, show little evidence of anv urge 
to fine workmanship or much feeling for beauty of line or form. Life 
was probably too hard and the effort in securing food and other re- 
quirements too exacting to leave much leisure for artistic workmanship 
in durable materials.* 

THE FOOD STORERS (BAUMER AND CRAB ORCHARD CULTURES] 

(1000?- 100 B.C.?) 

It has been seen that in southern Illinois the Archaic way of life 
may have persisted until 2100 B.C. or perhaps even later. Across the 
state on the Ohio River a Woodland people succeeded the earlier 
Archaic residents. Their culture is known as Baumer and their nearest 
cultural relatives lived south of the Ohio in Kentucky (Round Grave 
or Upper Valley People). The Baumer artifacts do not resemble those 
of the Archaic period very closely, giving one the impression that the 
Baumer people developed their way of life elsewhere and moved into 
Illinois, possibly while Archiac groups were still in the region. 

The Baumer culture differs in several ways from the northern 
Initial Woodland; actually it appears to be more advanced although it 
has been termed early Woodland by some archaeologists. In the first 
place, the area of settlement was more extensive which seems to indicate 
a larger population than do early northern Woodland campsites. Their 
artifacts are numerous and varied, suggesting they were well adapted 
to their surroundings. Flat forms of polished stone (resembling in out- 
line certain Archaic bannerstones from which they may have derived) 
served presumably as breast ornaments or gorgets (as similar pieces did 
in the Hopewellian period). Tear-shaped stone objects (plummets) 
were made as they had been in Medial and Terminal Archaic. House 
structures were semi-permanent, large, square, made of poles or logs 
set in holes in the ground. Huts with circular floors seem to have been 
in use also. Most important of the cultural habits noted were numerous 
pits apparently for the storage of food. In these the remains of acorns 

* The narrow-bladed leaf-shaped spearhead, well-chipped and without fluting, 
reminiscent of the general Yuma, Folsom and Clovis shape, are found in the Red 
Ochre subculture and are worthy of note. Tliis type appears rarcl\- in campsites 
but occurs in relatively large numbers in mounds. Profuse amounts of red ochre 
are found in graves as in Terminal Archaic (Titterington focus) in western Illinois. 
Copper ornaments may indicate Wisconsin (Old Copper Culture) influence. 



24 






... *">.-;.U..>-5.^->-...-; I 




-•''.•-..■'; 







Fig. 14. Housewife storing roasted acoms in a pit near door of her square log 
cabin dwelling. Characteristic clay vessel ("flower-pot" type) with "mat-impressed 
exterior." Baumer period. (J.C.) 

and hickon- nuts were found. These people, like the acorn gatherers of 
California and the Eskimo, knew how to preser\-e food over long peri- 
ods. Acorns were probably abundant enough for a Baumer family to 
lay up several months' supply in a short time. This permitted them to 
live in larger settlements and ga\e them sufficient leisure to build rather 
substantial houses and shape symmetrical ornaments from stone. These 
facts seem to substantiate the hypothesis that they were a sedentar\' 
people by \irtue of their knowledge of how to store food. 




'"* 



Fig. 15. A, stone pestle; B, reel-shaped stone gorget; C, "spud-shaped" stone 
gorget or pendant; D, grooved plummet. From the Baumer subculture and site. 



25 




Fig. 16. Pots from the Crab Orchard period of Baumer subculture recovered from 
the Sugar Camp Hill Site by Moreau Maxwell for Southern Illiuois University. 
\'essel in center is roughly 16" tall. (Photographs furnished through courtesy of 
Dr. James B. Griffin, Univ. of Michigan.) 



The size of the Baumer settlement, the semi-permanent houses, the 
presenee of chipped spades, stone pestles and pottery might lead one 
to think that these people were plant-growers rather than simple food 
storers. Comparing them with the aeorn-gathering tribes of California. 
who were storers and not food growers, it is seen that these, too, had 
permanent settlements with well o\er one hundred inhabitants, rather 
substantial houses, stone pestles, and some tribes, at least, had pottery 
vessels. The Californians doubtless had digging tools sinee the rooms 
of some houses were dug four feet down into the soil. 

Traees of Hopewellian influence, possibh- indicating inter-marriage 
with Hopewellians, ha\e been noted at the Sugar Camp Hill site (date 
undetermined) in Jackson County, which is presumably later than 
Baumer. However, the Baumerians like the nati\e Californians were 
eonsersative, for four centuries intervened between the oldest Hope- 
wellian \-illage in the north and the earliest kno^^•n station of that cul- 
ture in southern Illinois.* 



* The Poole village (Pike County) is dated 550 B.C. and the Wilson Mound 
(White Countv) about 89 B.C. The Poole village appears to ha\e been occupied 
from 5 50 B.C.' to 200 A.D. 



26 

THE HOPEWELLIAN CIVILIZATION* (500 B.C. - 500 A.D.) 

Toward the end of the Initial Woodland period maize or corn, as 
we eall it today, was introduced into northern Illinois, presumably from 
Mexico and Middle America through the agency of intcr\'ening tribes. 
In an apparently short time, its production seems to have been greatly 
intensified and exploited. Other food crops and tobacco may have 
accompanied maize. 

About the same time, a formalized religion arose, probably con- 
cerned with the worship of deities who personified natural forces like 
the sun, rain and thunder, which were important to a plant-growing 
people. From the evidence of burial places, there seem to have been 
two or possibly three social classes. Doubtless the first comprised the 
families w^io introduced and grew the new food plants and who were 
inspired to invent the complex religion. The burial of the dead, espe- 
cially those socially important and of the highest class, was accompanied 
by elaborate and colorful ceremonies closely bound to the religion. This 
seems to be a continuation in grander form of the earlier Red Ochre 
funeral and burial. It is unfortunate that we do not have tangible evi- 
dence of their other religious and political ceremonies which may have 
been even more impressive and significant. The official dress and in- 
signia of the officials, which we can barely glimpse in the rich and 
varied remains in the tombs, signify a political system of social control 
and an established priesthood for the spiritual guidance of the com- 
munity. Shamans or medicine men probably had only the duty of 
treating disease. Reverence for and possibly worship of ancestors is 
suggested by the impressive tomb chambers and mounds and the care 
obviously bestowed on certain of their socially prominent dead. 

Social and political prestige, religious pomp and ceremonial, all 
seem to have combined to stimulate a demand for rare materials, beauti- 
ful jewels and impressive regalia. This initiated the search for pearls 
at home, the development of skillful and artistic workmanship in flint, 
bone, shell, copper and mica, travel abroad and trade in materials 
obtainable only in distant regions. 

Aside from those technologies connected with the growing of plant 
foods, probably few new crafts appeared in the culture; rather those 

* Civilization, as used in this paper, signifies exhaustive exploitation of the 
natural resources and accompanying significant elaborations of the social and spirit- 
ual aspects (as exemplified by ceremonies, regalia, insignia, art and extensive 
architectural structures), accomplished by means of specialization of the existing 
tools and technologies, with or \\ith()ut fundamental inventive developments. 
Artisans of the Initial and Final Woodland cultures seem to have practiced all the 
crafts employed by Hopewellians but failed to produce the beautiful chipped spear- 
heads, "pipes of pan", excellent sculpture in stone and pottery, etching in bone, 
the extensive earthworks and the mounds with timbered burial chambers. Perhaps 
some additional stimuli — the introduction of maize or the intensification of its cul- 
tivation, a satisfying new religion with stirring ceremonies together with intergroup 
competition — gave the spiritual impetus that produced the Hopewellian fluorescence. 



27 



Fig. 17. Artist's idea of a Hope- 
wellian chief or high priest in full 
ceremonial regalia. (J.C.) Evidence 
for dress (except for calumet) has 
been found in Illinois. 




alread\-, existing in the Initial Woodland were raised to a high degree 
of excellence. Art in several forms flonrished — car\ing in the round 
and in relief, the making of fine symmetrical polished, decorated and 
painted potter^- commonly called typical Hopewellian, hammered cop- 
per jewelr\', the setting of pearls and highly-colored native stones as 
e^•es in sculptured animals and in bear-tooth pendants and ear orna- 
ments, etching of delicate designs, naturalistic and conventional, on 
bone and the modeling and firing of exquisite statutettes in clay. We 
admire and wonder at the excellence of execution in the best of their 
small sculpture because they are skillfully fashioned and finished and 
because they so accurately portray the characteristics and habits of 
animals with which we are familiar. The artist had the crudest of tools 
to aid him — rough stone hammers and an an\il for pecking stone to 
the general form; sandstone files or abraders; clay and water to polish 
pieces; flint and tubular drills for boring; and flint knives to cut and 
engra\e potter\" and bone — in spite of which the best craftsmen well 
knew ho\\- to bring out the bcaut\' of the piece. 



28 

For the first time in Amerindian history in Ilhnois we become 
aware of an accumulation of wealth, a surplus of handmade goods over 
and abo\e those needed for survival; man}- of these ^^•ere neither well- 
suited nor intended for immediate phvsieal needs, but rather were 
aimed at social display or spiritual enhancement. Wealth reflects a 
rclati\-ely constant and abundant supply of food and other necessities 
and the resulting accompaniment of considerable leisure time for a 
sizable portion of the comnumity. It may also mark the beginning of 
craft specialization.* 

It is hardh- necessary' to add that, if such a profusion of grave of- 
ferings as indicated by Hopewellian tombs — feather cloth robes, pearl 
necklaces, copper hatchets, and beautifully fashioned art objects — \\ere 
left with the dead, that the high political and religious officers \\ere 
correspondingly bedecked in gorgeous apparel for ci\il and religious 
ceremonies. 

Nor should sight be lost of the fact that these creations and ma- 
terials, so commonplace and inexpensive todav, were to the Hopewel- 
lians as valuable and highly desirable as gold, silk, and precious stones 
are to us in Western ci\ilization. For a better perspective these tomb 
offerings should be compared with objects usually found in camp and 
grave sites of the Initial and Final Woodland peoples. 

Traders may have gone to distant regions to select and barter for 
raw materials, to the Lake Superior region for copper, to Ohio for pipe- 
stone, to the south Atlantic and Gulf Coasts for the small Marginella 
and Oliva shells, for the larger Cassis and Busvcon shells, and to the 
Yellowstone or Mexico for obsidian (of \^■hich little is found in Illinois 
graves). Trade, to some degree, removes the limitations imposed bv the 
immediate surroundings. Pearls were secured in quantity from the 
clams of the native streams. Bone, antler, tortoise and clam shell, bears' 
teeth, bear, wildcat and woh-erine jaws from their hunting and collect- 
ing pursuits were utilized more fulh- than ever before. E\'en human 
jaws, possibly of enemies, were cut, polished and bored for use as pend- 
ants 

Though the Hopewellians may not have been the pacifists they are 
sometimes painted, there must have been long periods of peaceful 
relationships with distant and nearer neighbors ^^•ith whom they 
traded or through whose territories their traders had to pass. Whether 
or not a condition of peace was maintained within the borders of their 
culture area by the force of arms is an interesting question that cannot 
now be answered. 

In southern Illinois the advance of Hopewellian culture was slower. 
The infiltration of new pottcrv st\lcs noted at Crab Orchard \cr\- pos- 

* Specialization was foreshadowed in the Red Ochre culture but the small 
total of grave offerings discovered to date fail to demonstrate any greater leisure 
than occurs at favorable times among anv simple hunting people. 




Fig. 18. The Hopewellian assemblage of artifacts that collecti\cl\- identif\' tlic 
Hopewellian (Classic Woodland) period and, except for shell spoon, turtle shell 
dish, and some bead types, distinguish it from the other \\ oodland assemblages. 
A, drinking cup of marine shell {Cassis madagascarensis] ; B, C, D, Hopewellian 
pottery (restored); E, mussel shell spoon with "handle"; F, turtle shell dish; 
G. sheet mica (mirror?); H, antler headdress; 1, j, platform pipes with effigv 
mammal bowls, polished stone (Otter and bear's head, eyes set with copper 
pellets ) ; K, platform pipe ( plain bowl i , cur\ed base, polished stone; L, copper 
earspools or onianients. pair; M, imitation bear tooth, copper; X. (Below) N , 
Bear jaw, cut in half, ground and drilled to be worn as a double pendant; 
(.■\bove) N„, Fragment of a human jaw that has been similarlv treated; O, 
copper hatchet that carries imprint of textile on its surface; P, copper adze; 
Q, R, Hopewellian spearheads; S, massive bead of copper; T, bracelet of copper 
beads; U, necklace of pearls; V, necklace of copper beads; W, necklace of 
graduated ground shell beads from columella (central column) of marine shell. 



30 

sibly represents intermarriage with Hopewcllian women. Possibly 
through ties of relationship and the aeeeptance of the new food plants, 
the old Baumer way of life was submerged by the Ilopewellian eustoms 
though here and there former habits still are recognizable. Some cus- 
toms of Baumer and Crab Orchard were adopted by the northern Hope- 
wellians — the reel-shaped gorget, the plummet and the chipped stone 
hoe. 

In the north of Illinois, Hopewcllian lasted until 250 A.D. (Poole 
site) and in the west and south to about 450 or 500 A.D. Though the 
culture died out in Illinois by 500 A.D., it still flourished in Mississippi 
(Bvnum site ) around 800 A.D. and at Marksville, Louisiana, as late as 
850 A.D. 

As was stated earlier, emerging cultures grow out of earlier ones. 
Although it may not yet be generally recognized, the Hopewcllian 
civilization probably exerted tremendous influence on the Mississippi 
cultures and on tribes that followed them in the great central valley of 
the United States and beyond, down to historic times. It must be 
borne in mind that in spite of their splendid schievements, the Hope- 
wellians had no domestic animals but the dog, no herds for meat and 
great wealth, no draft animals to drag the plough and turn the mill. All 
labor was "by hand," all transport on the back or in a boat driven by 
human power. 

THE DARK AGE IN ILLINOIS— FINAL WOODLAND 
(200 to 900 A.D.) 

The Hopewcllian civilization apparentlv disappeared as suddenly 
as it seems to ha\'e arisen. This impression is probably due to the fact 
that the people continued to live in the old \illages long after the 
characteristic colorful Hopew^ell customs were no longer practiced. 
Actually the culture may have declined for a century- or more before it 
finally broke down completely. Many of the simpler folk traditions 
probably persisted in the area for some centuries afterward. 

Possibly long continued abuses of power and privilege bv religious 
and political officials, espcciallv those from the highest social caste, 
weakened the confidence of the lower classes in their leaders and the 
culture. Newcomers from Iowa, Missouri and Kentuckv may have 
further disorganized certain settlements and separated areas of the 
larger community from each other. Gencralh', howe\'er, the writer 
gets the impression that the decay began within the ci\ilization although 
its final downfall may have been accelerated by external pressures. 

With failing confidence and a rising uneasiness, trade would nat- 
urally decrease and the incentive to fine workmanship decline. The 
larger cultural comnlunit^■ split apart into a number of small tribes, 
who were isolationists and indi\idualists. All the separate little tribal 
units were Woodland culturallv with some small evidence of their 
Hopewcllian heritage, but each differed in certain respects from its 



31 











^^,^^ 

u T' 






1/ 



Fig. 19. Group of mounds exhibiting bird, mammal, linear and conical mounds as 
they occur characteristically in Effigy Mound subculture of Final Woodland. (B.B.) 



neighbors. Villages dwindled to the mere hamlets, widelv separated one 
from another. The elaborate ceremonial dress, insignia, and jewelr\", 
and the artistic creations (at least in durable materials) became a part 
of the past; the people found themselves reduced to the rude cultural 
level of their earh- Woodland ancestors. Huts were flims\" and left no 
discernible remains. Tools, weapons, and ornaments were, in general, 
earelesslv made and poorly finished. Although tobacco was smoked and 
small patches of maize and beans may have been grown, the chief 
economic dependence undoubtedly was on hunting, fishing and col- 
lecting. 

The religious beliefs, too, were probablv sim]5lified and mixed with 
magic and superstition, sur\i\ing relics of the religion of the past age. 
In a word, the social and religious customs of the little tribes were 
broadly similar but in minor details differed from each other much as 
do their artifaetual remains. 

A study of the Final \\^oodland and other phases of Illinois historv 
reveals certain relationships among some distinguishable differences of 
detail: 

1. The almost complete lack of e\idence of Hopewellian art, trade 
and religion in the late Woodland period gives little apparent indication 
that the people were the direct descendants and heirs of that ci\ilization. 



32 





F'ig. 20. Graves near Ouincy, Illinois, Stone \^ault period. On left, stone mound 
after earth was remo\ed. On right, four excavated "vaults", the third of which 
shows a "corridor" entrance with stone steps. (Photographs through courtesv of 
O. D. Thurber.) 

On the other hand, the general resemblance of Final Woodland as- 
semblages to those of the Initial phase seems marked. Let ns examine 
further. 

The tobacco pipe of the late phase with the stem projecting beyond 
the bo\^•l is found in most aspects. Likewise, the vertically elongated 
pot is common but not the only form. Burials are often in mounds, 
frequently in a central chamber or grave, ^^'ith skeletons in the flexed 
and /or extended positions, occasionally accompanied bv gra\e offerings. 
All these are broadly reminiscent of ilopewellian customs and, in the 
writer's opinion, indicate a continuing thread of tradition from Initial 
Woodland through Hopewellian into the Final phase. 

2. Tlie relationship to the Middle Mississippi seems more evident 
and has been attributed by some authors to the "impact" of a high 
culture on that of cruder or "undcr-de\eloped" neighbors. What are 
the grounds for these conclusions? 

New pottery forms were being attempted, the flattened globular 
pot, the shallow bowl (occasionallv found in Ilopewellian sites), the 
cup or beaker and the plate. In southern counties, a new method of 
making pits is indicated by a tendenc\- of sherds, e\en grit-tempered 
ones, to split or laminate (see Max\\cll, Woodland Cultures of South- 
ern Illinois, Beloit, 1951, p. 204). Secondary features previouslv lacking 
begin to appear as "raised points" or knobs on rims, some roughlv re- 
sembling animal heads with ears and a snout. Triangular arrowheads 
and others reflecting larger spearhead types are all made from cur\ed, 
not flat flakes as the Mississippian points are. The stone discoidal that 
seems to be the game piece of the historicalh' known chunke\- game, 
which was possibly initiated in late Ilopewellian times (see Fo\\ler, The 
Rutherford Mound, Springfield, 1957, pp. 31-33) occurs in the Bluff 
subculture and probably in the Tampico also. 



33 




Fig. 21. Canton ware pot (Tampico 
snbcnltnre ) from Clear Lake 



village 



site in Tazewell County. Designs are 
formed with cord impressions. (From 
Schoenbeck collection in Illinois State 
Museum. Max. diam. at shoulder IS". 




Fig. 22. "Handled" 
pipe in form of raven 
with head projecting 
from rim, from Jersey 
Bluff subculture. 
After Titterington. 
Reduced about Vi. 



All these bespeak Middle Mississippian tendencies. A eommon 
conclusion, as mentioned previously, is that these features were bor- 
rowed from nonA\'oodland groups. The writer, however, gets the im- 
pression from his studies that the Middle Mississippi phase de\'eloped 
through the interplay of invention and adoption of impro\ements, 
modification and re-invention, between the Final Woodland sub- 
cultures in Illinois and adjacent territory. This does not mean that 
Illinois communities alone were responsible for the emergence of this 
phase but rather that thev plaved an important dynamic role in its 
development. The Cahokia subculture of western and central Illinois 
probabh- constituted the native local tribe or nation. 



Final Woodland Archaeology 

Archacologicalh' these peoples are in the Final W^oodland phase 
of culture. The Final Phase vields tobacco pipes and crude flint arrow- 
heads, its chief artifactual differences with the Initial phase. The clay 
of their pottery was generalh- mixed with grit or sand to pre\ent firing 
cracks in the vessel walls. The customarv \ertically-elongated pot with 
a conical or pointed bottom ^^•as accompanied h\ new forms — the 
globular or flattened globular with "round" (spherical) bases, the 
"coconut shell" cup or larger vessel, and shallow bowls. The flattened 
globular pots and the bowls were occasionalh decorated with two or 



34 

four knol)s or with "raised points" on the rim, sometimes giving a 
squarish appearance to the mouth. In some instances these decorative 
projections were crudely modeled ears and snout which gi\e the effect 
of animals' heads facing out and foreshadowing the Middle Mississippi 
effigv shallow bowls. An important invention, the bow and arrow, 
appears in Illinois for the first time in this period. Judgmg by the 
cruditv of the chipped flint arrowheads, these people were poor archers 
and preferred the spear and spearthrower in hunting and fighting. Pipes, 
like most artifacts except weapon heads, are rare. The "elbow" or 
L-shaped pipe is generally representative of the culture. 

The six recognized Final Woodland subcultures with their diag- 
nostic (though not very significant) traits are (I) Effigy Mound named 
for its distinguishing characteristic; (2) Tampico with pottery decorated 
with designs formed by cord-impressions, in northern Illinois; ( 3 ) Stone 
Vault with stone mounds containing walled tomb chambers; (4) Jersey 
Bluff with its unique "handled" tobacco pipes, in the west; ( 5 ) Ray- 
mond, best characterized by the generalized Woodland nature of its 
artifacts; and (6) Lewis with incised spiral designs on potter}', in 
southern Illinois. 

A SECOND PLANT -RAISING CIVILIZATION— THE MIDDLE 
MISSISSIPPIANS {1000- 1500 A.D.) 

The Middle Mississippi culture seems to ha\e arisen, as previously 
suggested, in the area where several important highways of aboriginal 
travel converged — the region surrounding the Ohio and Mississippi 
rivers from the mouth of the Wabash to the mouth of the Illinois. 
^\^^ethcr or not its development was stimulated by the contracts of 
Muskhogeans and Algonkians or whether it was due to interplay be- 
tween the cultures of the Final Woodland petty tribes is unknown. 

Two slightlv differing subcultures of the Middle phase appeared m 
the state. One, known archaeologically as the Cumberland (Tennessee- 
Cumbedand), may have embraced at one time all the southern Illinois 
counties between the mouths of the Kaskaskia and the Wabash. [The 
Angel Site near Evansville, Indiana, may belong to the Cumbedand 
subculture] The other subculture, which may be termed Cahokia, 
flourished in counties bordering on the Mississippi from Union County 
to Wisconsin. As the two periods show few significant cultural dif- 
ferences, they will, except as noted hereafter, be treated as a single 
unit. 

lire bow and arrow in\ented in the Final Woodland phase, was 
developed early in the Middle Mississippi period into an effective 
weapon although spear and perhaps spearthrower continued in use. 
The chunkev game was probably played as a part of a religious ceremony 
though it mav quite possibly have served as a popular pastime as well. 

Potterv was slow at first to change from its more ob\ious Woodland 
characteristics but new shapes foreshadowing most of those of the fully 



1 

& 



35 



I 







Fig. 23. The chunkty game in foreground. Man hunting with bow and arrow in 
background. Middle Mississippi period. (}.C.) 



developed (Old \^illage) cultural phase practiealh- replaced the conical- 
based elongated pot earh- in the period. Cord-roughening and grit- 
tempering disappeared in the classic Cahokia period, and a fine polished 
black\\are and a painted potter^^ were added to the smooth utilitarian 
ware. An excellent "dull gra\ " ware with smooth grav to bro\Mi surfaces 
was of more common occurrence. It appears to differ from the fine 
ware only in its partially oxidized surfaces probablv due to poorh con- 
trolled firing methods.* 

There \^•ere probabh two or more social classes among the Middle 
phase people as there were among Hope\\cllians, Natchez and Poh- 
nesians.** The fine polished black and painted wares mav ha\e been 



* An early subculture termed Old Milage preceding the generally known 
Middle Mississippi (Trappist or Bean Pot) period has been proposed on the 
strength of stratification at the Cahokia village near East St. Louis. Although this 
appears logically sound, the c\idence has not been published and no pure Old 
\'illage site has yet been found and reported upon. 

** Except where noted as based directly on archaeological e\idence, the broad 
cultural features suggested in the rest of this section, are inferred from similar 
customs found generally among tribes in the plant-raising status without food-draft 
animals. The results were derived by the writer from a stud\- of anthropological 
reports of the following tribes or groups of tribes: Polvnesians.' Delawares, Natchez 
(and their neighbors) and the western Pueblo Indians. ' The Pueblos, in their social, 
political and religious customs and institutions ha\e been for seven hundred years 
in a transitional status between the Archaic hunters (or possiblv "food storers") 
and a "fully-developed" plant-raising stage. 



36 




Fig. 24. Pottery shapes, Middle Mississippi period. A, "bean pot"; B, angular- 
shouldered pot or olla; C, common pot or olla; D, shallow bowl; E, water bottle; 
F, effigy bowl; G, plate. 



marks of distinction between the highest and lower classes since it is 
much less common. In Hopewellian times, it is probable that both 
the fine ware and the specialized forms (which were usually of the 
highest qualit\) were reserved for the highest caste. In the Mississippi 
period, the shallow bowl, the cup or beaker, and the plate of dull gray 
ware seem to ha\'e been wide-spread in the xillage and may indicate 
a general impro\emcnt of li\ing conditions among the lower social 
classes since Hopewellian times. 

Adyances in the economy were obyiously present in the fulh de- 
veloped Middle phase. The Union County flint "mines" and work- 
shops were intensiyely worked. Trade with the Lake Superior, lower 
Atlantic and Gulf Coast regions was resumed. Chief imports of raw 
materials were copper and marine shells, Busycon, Marginella, Oliya 
and 01i\ella. Art, while possibly as highly dcneloped as Ilopevyellian, 
resulted in a far smaller number of art objects in fewer durable media. 
Intaglio rock car\'ings (chiefly in southern Illinois) of geometric designs, 
human hands, ceremonial paraphernalia, animal outlines, and, in a few 
instances, painted hollowcd-out animal silhouettes can probably be 
ascribed to this period on the basis of the s\ mbols employed. Dwellings 
or cabins were relati\eh' substantial structures and the extent of \illa2C 
remains indicate a large general population as compared to earlier times 
in the state. Trade and art suggest leisure and wealth or surplus a\ail- 
able for exchange or to support officials and others in non-food pro- 



37 




Fig. 25. Caned stone pipe (fragmentan) from Kingston Lake Site (Cahokia 



subculture, Middle Mississippi period) 
shows the pipe reconstructed. 



Owned by Donald Wray. Right-hand figure 



ducti\e pursuits. This prosperih- was possibly due to newlv discovered 
methods of intensive culti\'ation of maize and possibh- to a greater 
diversity of crops than e\cr before. 

Territorially the tribe probably consisted of a number of \illages 
and the surrounding country-. Each tribe ma\- ha\c had a chief \illage 
or capital that uas also a religious center with tribal (public) buildings 
and a temple. Archaeological and historical e\idence shows that these 
buildings, presumably temples and the dwellings of tribal chiefs and 
the high priests, were erected on the flat tops of rectangular earthen 
mounds or pyramids, which were grouped around a plaza of ceremonial 
square. Here the tribe gathered for religious and political ceremonies 
and for important funerals. Intertribal negotiations and chunkcv games 
were probably also staged on or near the plaza. 

Pipes, either of stone or potter\-, \\cre generalh- of the "equal- 
armed" type (where stem length is about equal to bowl height). In 
numerous instances, a short projection resembling the stem in shape 
but shorter, extends be\ond the bowl awa\- from the smoker. Massive 
effig)- pipes of stone were widespread but not numerous. Some ^^•ere 
excellently can'cd. From their construction, it is obxious that thev were 
made to be smoked through a reed or hollow wooden stem called in 
later times the calumet. These together probabh' constituted a form 
of ceremonial pipe that served as a safe conduct between tribes, as a 
bond and signature at peace- and treatv-making ceremonies, and to 
present tobacco smoke as incense to the gods in religious rituals. 

Priests and possibly tribal chiefs were interred in the flat tops of 
mounds (e.g. the Powell Mound) near temple or cabin. Generally, 
however, the dead were buried in cemeteries. In some instances, bodies 
were laid on the surface abo\e a "full" cemeter\- and covered with earth 
brought from outside. Continuing this practice e\entualh- produced 
a mound (e.g. Dickson Mound near Lcwistown). Possiblv the burial 
mounds at Cahokia were reserved for the sociall)- prominent while the 



38 




Fig. 26. Interior \iew of Dickson Mound (in Dickson Mounds State Park near 
Lewistovvn, Illinois), showing potter\- and other artifacts as originally placed with 
the dead. Cahokia subculture, Middle Mississippi phase. 

lower classes were interred in the cemeteries nearbv. The dead, espe- 
cially important personages were attired in their finest apparel, insignia 
and personal ornaments. Beside them in the grave were placed their 
weapons, fa\orite chunkev stones, food and water in potter^• \essels 
with shell spoons or a dipper. 

Chief \illages were large religions centers often protected by an 
encircling palisade or clav wall reinforced with vertical posts or logs. 
Remains of defcnsi\e walls can still be readih' traced bv a trained eye 
at the Kincaid (Massac County) and Lvnn (Union Count\) \illages. 
Exploration of the Aztalan \illage (Wisconsin) \ielded remains of 
a reinforced cla^" wall surmounted at regular intervals ^^"ith towers 
of like construction. The Cahokia \illage seems to have been without 
fortifications. 



39 






Fig. 27. Reconstruction of Kincaid \'il]age (Cumberland subculture. Middle Mis- 
sissippi period) near Metropolis, Illinois. (Diorama by Arthur Sieving) 

Smaller \illagcs occasionallv had one or U\o small flat-topped 
mounds which doubtless ser\ed as bases for the cabins of the \^illage 
Chief and possibly War Chief. Other Middle phase \illages had no 
mounds or fortifications. 

Cabins were of three or more t\pes. In Illinois, two kinds had 
rectangular floor outlines and may have developed from the earlier 
Baumer square dwelling and the Lewis house. One of these t\pes prev- 
alent at Kincaid, as determined from charred remains, had a thatched 
gable roof supported on four corner posts with their lo^^'er ends sunk in 
the ground. Walls were made of elay daubed on a latticework of cane 
(with foliage) interlacing vertical wall posts, the interior covered with 
split cane mats. The rafters, corner and \\all posts, and wall plates were 
of poles or small logs lashed together and held in place h\ braided 
ropes. Floors do not appear to have been depressed below surrounding 
ground level. A larger more substantial structure, presumablv a temple, 
on a Kincaid mound (Mx°9) had thick walls of clay mixed with grass, 
but othenvise resembled the dwelling just described. The clav floor and 
\vd\\ surfaces were smooth. Fire basins of puddled clav within the build- 
ing may have been the remains of altars. 

Cabins in Fulton County (Font's Village) and at Cahokia were 
rectangular in floor plan but wall posts were probabh' bent o\er to be 
joined with corresponding opposite members to form an arched or 
\aulted roof, the percursor perhaps of the "barrel-shaped" Illini cabins 



40 



*,^-^- 

'#«;^*#^ 



m.f 





Fig. 28. Petrogly'phs from southern Illinois sites probably made by Middle Missis- 
sippian peoples. All figures are hollowed out or intaglio. Lower photograph shows 
back wall of rock shelter near Gorham, Illinois. Upper right, figure of buffalo calf 
painted yellow o\'er entire depressed area. The outlines were chalked in for the 
purpose of photographing. (Photographs by Ir\in Peithmann.) 

reported by French explorers. Floors were sunk somewhat below the 
ground level. Remains of cabins with circular floors occur also at 
Cahokia and in Fulton County. 

Walls and wall posts of the Fulton County cabins appear in some 
instances to be formed of bundles of small branches or cane set in 
trenches possibly a foot deep. There is no eyidence of the wattle-and- 
daub structure. Walls may haye been covered with mats, or with rec- 
tangles of bark. Roofs were probably thatched. 

Possibly the Cahokia subculture peoples constituted a single tribe, 
a small nation, or a confederation of tribes. At its most powerful period, 
the Cahokia settlement was perhaps the capital and religious center. 
The region south of a line joining the mouths of the Kaskaskia and 
Wabash rivers at one time probabh' belonged to another tribe or sub- 
tribe whose chief \illage was the Kincaid community in Pope and Mas- 
sac counties and \\ho, linguistically and culturalh", were closely related 
to peoples in Tennessee and Kentucky and at the Angel site in Indiana. 

Archacologicalh- speaking, the Aliddle Mississippi contrasts sharply 
with the Hopewellian culture. Certain artifacts are readily distinguish- 
able and easily identified with the craftsman's cultures. Actually the 
Mississippians differ from the Hopewellians chiefl\- in having substantial 
cabins, athletic games and the bow and arrow. 



41 

Remains of Hopewellian dwellings are rare, but the three or four 
found up to now are characterized by round or oxal floor plans outlined 
with post holes of three to four inches in diameter. These seem to indi- 
cate hemispherical wigwams. No further e\idence of wall or roof 
structure has been recoxcrcd. The rarity of these dwellings certainly 
suggests a less permanent dwelling than the Mississippi cabin. IIow- 
ever, it will be remembered that some peoples pattern their tombs 
upon their dwellings. The upper caste Hopewellians built rectangular 
burial chambers which were walled up with logs laid one on another 
and roofed o\-er with half-logs or bark. Similar log house surface struc- 
tures would seldom lea\e discernible remains on decaw It is possible, 
though by no means certain, that the Hopewellians of highest caste, and 
perhaps of the other castes, built log cabins for dwellings. 

The evidence for pla} ing of athletic games in Hopewellian is very 
late and scanty. The only tangible indication are the rings, "pulleys" 
and a stone discoidal found with a skeleton in the Rutherford Mound. 
(See M. L. Fowler, The Rutherford Muund, Scientific Papers Scries, 
Vol. VII, No. 1, Springfield, 111. 19^7, pp. 31-33). The rings of pottery 
and of cannel coal (or jet) seem too fragile for actual playing pieces and 
may rather be trophies or prizes, replicas of similar pieces made of wood. 
Such wooden pieces may have been used in games throughout middle 
and late Hopewellian times. 

The bow and arrow, at least, seems to be a decided impro\cmcnt 
over the spear. It constituted a repeating weapon. Ammunition could 
be carried in the belt or on the back in a qui\er \^•ithout undulv hamper- 
ing the bowman. On the other hand, it was useless in hand-to-hand 
fighting and a spear or dagger was needed to supplement it. Moreover, 
the spear \\'ith a thrower was a more accurate weapon than the bow, un- 
less the arrows were carefulh- made and balanced. The bow never 



"f^ <*■■ •1|.\.¥Wv 




^-^^''>^"^ 
-^^^f--*-^^*' 






•V - 



-'^; 






V 



^''-"7 1t*'.-''5--^-' 










Fig. 29. At left, view of a stream-side flint mine and workshop (in field alongside) 
near Cobdcn. Illinois. At right, close-up showing spherical or "ball-Hint" nodules 
from stream banks similar to those worked up by Middle Mississippians and others 
m adjacent workshop. (Photographs h\ In in Peithmann.) 



42 

seems to have wholh' replaced the spear which continued to be a 
favorite weapon down into the European contact period. 

The improvements that distinguish the Mississippians above the 
Hope^^■c]hans mav be more apparent than real in the first two instances 
and, in the third, mav represent a significant rather than a fundamental 
adxance. Looking at the two periods from the broader cultural view- 
point, thev appear to have man\- cultural features in common. The 
Middle INIississippians probably added new food and fibre plants to 
those of earlier periods, and perhaps increased production by improved, 
more intensi\e methods of cultivation. Their staple crops like those of 
the Hopewcllians were corn, beans and tobacco. 

The technologies or methods of making the necessary tools in the 
t^^•o cultures varied but little. Art was revi\'ed or rather re-developed in 
the Mississippian period but fewer media are employed. In artistic 
skill, imagination and productiveness perhaps the Hopewcllians had 
an edge on the later people. 

Trade and tra\el, though resumed to distant sections of the con- 
tinent, does not appear so widespread or general as in the Hopewellian 
period. A formalized religion with colorful ceremonies seems to have 
revitalized the life of the people but possiblv no more effecti\ely than 
in the earlier period. 

There was no significant impro\ement in labor, power or trans- 
portation; all were still accomplished wholly by human effort without 
the aid of draft animals. Traveling by boat was known and probably 
used bv both cultures. 

Comparing the two peoples \^'ith other plant growers having no 
domestic food-draft animals, it seems apparent that each had an effec- 
tive political organization, a formalized vital religion with true priests 
(not "self-appointed"' shamans) and a system of moral \alues and 
tenets that "church" and "state" were organized to maintain. All in all, 
from the broader cultural standpoint, they were amazingly alike. 

UNDER-DEVELOPED NEIGHBORS— THE UPPER MISSISSIPPIANS 

(MOO?- 1600 A.D.) 

Less advanced Mississippi tribes with customs showing some ad- 
mixture of Woodland cultural elements li\ing contemporaneously in 
Missouri, Iowa, Wisconsin, Indiana and Ohio, encircled the Middle 
phase peoples on the east, north and west. Known generalh" now as 
the Upper phase peoples their sole representati\-e in Illinois was the 
people of the Langford subculture, \^•ho dwelt around the southern end 
of Lake Michigan as well as in adjacent parts of Indiana and Michigan. 
The tvpe station is the Fisher X^illage and Mounds near Joliet which 
were ablv in\estigated by Mr. George Langford, Sr. some years ago.* 

* The archaeological e\-idence for this section is chiefly from The Fisher Mound 
Group, etc. by George Langford in the AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY, \^ol. 
XXIX, No. 3, pp. 153.205 (luly-September, 1927). 



43 

They built no flat-topped pyramids and left little, if anv, evidence 
of their religious practices. Their art, as exhibited by potten-, personal 
ornaments or weapons was not of a high order. There is no e\idence 
that they played the chunkey game. Some copper hatchets and orna- 
ments were in use, but these appear to be of Middle Mississippi work- 
manship and may ha\c been trade articles. 

On the positive side, they buried their dead in dome-shaped 
earthen mounds, usually in the extended position, frequenth' with 
food (in clay pots with shell spoons), weapons (arrows and tomahawks 
or hafted celts), personal ornaments and various utilitarian implements. 
D\\ellings had subsurface circular floors and were doubtless dome- 
shaped (hemispherical). The bow and arrow were in common use with 
arrowheads primarily of slender simple triangular shape, \er\- rareh- with 
side notches. Implements, weapons and ornaments were chiefl\- of 
chipped flint, ground or polished stone, river clam shells, bone and 
animal teeth. Copper was rarelv emploved. 




Fig. 30. Characteristic potter}- from the Langford subculture, Upper Mississippi 
phase, (Fisher Site near Channahon. Illinois). (Photograph bv George Langford, 
Chicago Natural Histor}' Museum.) 



Pots were generally of the globular or flattened globular shape 
(olla or jar), tempered with grit (early) and shell (later), and deco- 
rated with geometric designs in broad lines and dots, drawn ("trailed") 
or impressed on the shoulder region with a blunt tool (such as an 
antler tine). Lips of vessels were usually pressure-notched and surfaces 
cord-roughened. Loop handles on the jars were common. 

Numerous examples of flat stone tablets associated with a number 
of short solid antler cylinders lead one to suspect that a game of chance 
of some sort was played and that gambling was probably indulged in. 

Other than pottery and personal adornment, the onh- art practiced 
was the cutting of mussel shell into handled spoons and outlines of fish 
and other objects. Apparently there was no urge for fine \\orkmanship. 

It is highly probable that these Upper Mississippians were plant 
growers who hunted to secure their meat. The extent of \illage re- 
mains and the e\idence of semi-permanent dwellings point to this type 
of economy c\en though no grain or seeds of an\- kind ucre found in 



44 




F'ig. 31. Effigy fish and a decorated spoon (fragmcntar}') made of mussel shells. 
Langford subculture. Upper Mississippi phase (Fisher site). (Photograph by George 
Langford, Chicago Natural History Museum.) 







Fig. 32. Stone tablet and gaming pieces from the Langford subcultural period, 
Upper Mississippi phase (Fisher site). (Photograph by George Langford, Chicago 
Natural llistor}^ Museum.) 

the site. Shell hoes of the common tvpe were used. The dog was the 
only domesticated animal. 

Apparent!}- most of their needs were supplied bv their own efforts 
and from local sources. There is no evidence of an\' trade, except pos- 
sibly of a very limited kind with near neighbors to the west. 

The evidence for the residence around the southern lake shores is 
based chiefiv on the occurrence of the Fisher potter}^ t\'pe. This area 
after 1760 was occupied by the Miami tribe who mav possiblv have 
been the builders of the Fisher Mounds. 



45 

THE ILLINOIS OR ILLINI* (1550?- 1833 A.D.) 

The Illinois or Illini Indians are, so far as is now known, the next 
group to oceupy the state following the Middle Mississippians. At the 
time of Marquette and Jolliet's voyage in 1673, six tribes comprised 
the Illinois Confederacy, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Michigamea, Peoria, 
Moingwena, and Tamaroa**. The tribes spoke the same or mutually 
intelligible dialects of the Algonkian language. 

Some time before 1650, possibly a century or more, the Illinois 
Confederacy seems to ha\'e been a powerful nation but in the latter 
half of the 1 7th century- this was a tradition rather than fact. The 
Confederacy appears to have engaged in no united action after 1650. 

The Illini at that time were in the plant-raising stage of culture 
and possessed only the dog as a domesticated animal. Like many other 
plant-raisers, the families deserted the village for the hunt after the 
corn was hilled and again after the harvest. 

Dress 

Men went naked in summer except for mocassins. At times a 
breech cloth was worn; in winter buffalo skin robes were added and 
belts, leg bands and leggings on occasion. 

Women when working apparently wore only a girdle (breech 
cloth), at other times a wrap-around skirt of skin with a belt passing 
over one shoulder and under the opposite arm. The skirt dates back 
to Hopewellian times and was used during the Mississippi period in 
Indiana and probably in Illinois. The bosom was covered with a deer- 
skin wrap. Hair was worn long and fastened behind the head. 

Economy 

Labor was di\idcd between the men and the women (and children). 
Men did the hunting, fighting and made the weapons. The women 
(and children) did the other work — the housework, plantmg and har\est- 
ing the crops, dressing deer and buffalo skins, making twine from bast.- 
weaving cloth and, on the hunt, carrying the house parts and setting 
up the camp. 



* Tliese Indians called themselves Ilini (pronounced Il'-i-nee) or Illini sig- 
nifying "man," in the plural Illiniwck, "the men." The French dropped the 
-iwek and substituted their own ending whence the name Illinois by which they 
were generally known thereafter. In this booklet Illini will be generally used to 
designate these tribes, their culture and language to avoid confusion with other 
tribes who, like the Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, Potawatomi, and Miami, have occupied 
parts of the state and are sometimes called Illinois Indians. 

* * Information given on historic tribes are from notes and manuscript assembled 
by Dr. Wayne C. Temple. 



46 

Buffalo meat was prescned by clr\ing and smoking it over a fire in 
the hunting camp. \'egetable foods, corn, beans and squash were dried 
or parched and buried in containers or in hned pits m the ground and 
co\ered o\'er. Watermelons, muskmelons ( ? ) , gourds and tobacco w^ere 
also grown. \VM strawberries, paw paws, pecans, lotus roots, wild 
tubers, grapes and plums formed part of their diet. 

The winter buffalo hunt usually took place a long way from the 
\illage. Hie hunting units each consisted of se\'eral families under a 
rigid police svstem and regulation to prevent the herd from being 
stampeded b\ an over-eager family before all were amply pro\ided with 
meat. \^iolations of hunting regulations were punished by destruction 
of the offender's property to which no resistance was e\er attempted. 
The group surrounded the herd, at times encircling it with fires made at 
inter\-als near which the hunters stood and killed the stampeding ani- 
mals. At times as many as 120 buffalo w^ere killed in a day. The w^omen 
cut out the tongues, skinned the animals, and, peeling off the sides of 
meat, dried and smoked them on wooden grates over a slow fire. The 
smoked sides were carried back to the village on the back, or when 
practicable in dugout boats. Carcasses and bones were left on the 
hunting grounds. Other animals were stalked by one or two hunters. 
Dog meat was considered a great delicacy. 

Fish were caught in nets, by hook and line, speared or shot with 
bow and arrow. They were dried for preservation. Maple trees were 
tapped late in the winter, the sap caught in bark containers and made 
into a maple drink or reduced bv boiling to syrup and sugar. Corn was 
ground into meal and baked into bread, or prepared as hominy. 

Vessels and utensils were made of wood or clay, ladles from a 
section of the buffalo skull. Fire was produced by the hand drill in 
the usual manner. 

The cabin tvpe seems to have varied at different periods or m 
different tribes. In early times, cabins had rectangular floors and \aulted 
(barrel-shaped) roofs. They were roofed and floored with "double- 
mats" of flat rushes and were impcr\ious to wind or ram. Occasionally 
they were erected on low mounds ( two feet high ) to keep the floors 
dr^^ Large cabins of the \aulted type had four fires, with one or two 
families at a fire. 

Bark-covered hemispherical huts or wigwams may have been used 
on hunting trips. They were apparenth" common in some ^•illages in 

1723. 

Overland travel was on foot. On streams the dugout boat was 
propelled bv pole and possibly bv paddle. Large boats were 40 to 50 
feet long, capable of carrying 40 to 50 men. WHiile dugouts were ad- 
mirably suited for travel and trade between the Illini tribes along the 
Illinois and Mississippi rivers, they were, on account of their weight and 
unwieldiness in portaging, generally useless in raids against enemies. 



47 








Fig. 53. Native Illini artifacts. A, Indian-made gun flint; B, C, D, chipped flint 
arrowheads; E, flint scraper; F, grooved abrader of sandstone; G, expanded base 
drill (grip only, point broken off); H, I, polished stone pendants. From Illini 
village site near mouth of Kaskaskia Ri\er, Randolph Countv. 

Marriage Customs and the Family 

An Illini man, desiring to get married, sent presents to the girl's 
parents. If the suitor was aeeeptable, the parents kept the gift and 
took the bride to the man's hut the following evening. Apparenth" there 
was no wedding eeremonv. 

\\'omen had somewhat lower social status than their husbands. 
\\^i\es did not eat with their husbands. A man was permitted two or 
more wi\es and often married two sisters. Children were well-treated. 
Infants were bound to a eradle board that the mother carried around. 
The eradle was pointed at the lower end and was stuck in the ground 
when the \\oman wanted to rest. Dixorce was accomplished bv a simple 
agreement to separate. 

Political Organization 

Tlie explorers and writers to whom we are indebted for our knowl- 
edge of Illini social and religious organization were, unfortunately, casual 
and untrained obser\ers who, on the \xhole, held the Indian and his 
customs in contempt. Important aeti\ities were often dismissed with 
meaningless generalizations, or omitted entirely, as if generally known. 
Consequently great gaps are left in the information that has come down 
to us. 



48 

From the \arious accounts, the impression is gi\-cn that the Ilhni 
tribes (and possibly before the 17th century, the Confederacy) had a 
political go\ernment (rather than family social control) with formally 
appointed officers or ci\il chiefs. The Confederacy had one or more 
coats-of-arms ("totems") that may have been recognized abroad as 
svmbolic of the lllini (as was customary among the Natchez and other 
southeastern Indians). It had a Grand Chief, chosen in some manner 
not now known, from one of the constituent tribes. At one period 
"Prince Tamaroa" of the Tamaroas held the post, later Chief Ducoigne 
of the Kaskaskias. Whether or not the Confederacy acted as a nation 
after 1600 is doubtful. Each tribe had its own head chief and coat-of- 
arms, and the French appear to haNC treated directly with the tribal 
heads in matters of importance. Judging from other Indian Confedera- 
tions, the indiyidual tribe had probably retained its full powers, and 
concerted action by the Confederacy was possible only b) unanimous 

consent. 

Like most peoples in the simple plant-raising status, the tribe dealt 
as a state with other similar units m intertribal affairs. These included 
alliances and treaties of peace. Ambassadors or tribal representatiyes 
were sent from lllini tribes to their neighbors. On such occasions, 
the calumet was carried and served as a safe conduct.* Tribal repre- 
sentatives met approaching strangers (and presumably the ambassadors 
of another tribe), raising the highly adorned calumet (and pipe) toward 
the sun as they ad\anced. Smoking the calumet — by the contracting 
tribal agents at the conclusion of an agreement — corresponded to our 
signatures and seals at the end of a written treaty. 

Each village probably had a chief, whose power ( it was sometimes 
reported) was little. However, the chiefs wore, as badges of office, red 
scarfs woven of bear and buffalo hair. Their faces were painted red. 
Tlie village men (or possibly the important men) met before the 
village chief's cabin or in a large hut built especially for gatherings to 
deliberate on political or religious matters. The entire village often 
seems to have been in audience. 

If there were social classes among the lllini, no mention is made 
of it in early reports. Men acquired prestige mainly through skillful 
hunting or success in fighting. The leader in a raid had to recompense 
the families of any followers killed in the fighting. 



* The term calumet, originally applied to the stem of the tobacco pipe, is 
now generally used to designate the pipe and stem. "It is fashioned from a red 
stone, polished like marble, and bored in such a manner that one end serves as 
a receptacle for the tobacco, while the other fits into the stem; this is a stick two 
feet long, as thick as an ordinary cane, and bored through the middle. It is 
ornamented with the heads and necks of various birds, whose plumage is ver)' 
beautiful. To these they also add large feathers — red, green, and other colors — 
wherewith the whole is adorned. They have a great regard for it. . . ." (R. G. 
Thwaites, ed., The Jesuit Relations, Vol. LIX, p. 131.) The war calumet differed 
from that of peace and was decorated with red feathers. See Fig. 34, A. 



49 

With so little description of the \illage and tribal assemblies and 
the ehiefs in deliberation and jndgnient, it is difheult to determine the 
exaet status of political organization of the tribe and its officers. It 
may well be that the powers of the ehiefs immediately after European 
contact were small, and that in order to deal with the agency of a 
European state, the Illini found it necessary (as did the Delawaie 
tribes) to grant greater authorit\' and responsibility to their political 
leaders. It is probabh' also true that the chiefs would, under pressure 
from the whites, be reluctant to take responsibility for an unpopular 
concession and would declare that onlv the tribal council or assemblage 
could confirm the agreement under consideration. In any case, the 
Illini \\ere on the threshold of true political control if they had not 
actually adopted it. 

Raids 

The tribe in historic times seems to ha\'e been the war-making 
group. Raiding parties tried to sneak undetected into enemy countr\' 
and conceal themseh'cs. From their hiding place, they fell suddenly 
on small unsuspecting enem\- bodies, scalping men, killing women and 
children, and slipping away again with a fe\\- prisoners if practicable. 
Back in the \illage, eapti\e ^^■arriors were bound to a frame of green 
wood, suspended over a slow fire, and tortured until death released 
them. Warriors hung the scalps taken upon their cabins as evidence of 
their prowess. Tlie Illini claimed not to have tortured or burned captives 
until their men had been taken and so treated by Iroquois raiding 
parties. On the war path \\arriors carried bundles containing objects 
sacred to their guardian spirits and invoked them frequently to obtain 
victory. 

Bows and arrows in quivers, hatchets or tomahawks, clubs, and 
"arrowproof" shields consisting of several layers of buffalo hide were 
carried on raids. The bow and arrow was considered superior to the gun 
because it could "fire" more rapidly. 

Trade 

Earlier in the European period, the Illini furnished Canadians with 
skins of beaver, raccoon, deer, bear and buffalo, but in 1776 the French 
(in Illinois) compelled them "to devote themselves to producing oil, 
tallow and meat which thev traded with them." (Deliette Memoir. 
See Pease in Bibliograph\' under ILLINI.) The Indians traded for 
porcupine quills with more northern neighbors. After the European 
came, Illini trade was probably overwhelmingly with the whites, ex- 
changing native products of the forest for coveted guns, iron kni\es, 
hatchets, brass kettles, cloth, glass beads and alcoholic liquors. 



50 






Fig. 34. A, B, common forms of Illini pipes (restored) of red Minnesota pipe- 
stone, Illinois State Museum collections: A, "Siouan"; B, Micmac; C, stone effigy- 
head t\pe, (A. J. Throop collection). All from village near mouth of Kaskaskia 
River, Randolph County. (B.B.) 

Religion 

The religion of the early historic Illini was apparently a complex 
one. The sun was evidently a powerful deity from whom the calumet 
pipe had perhaps been supposedly received. A special calumet, ap- 
parently sacred to the sun, was revered as a palladium (like the Hebraic 
Ark of' the Covenant) on which rested the safety of the nation. A 
special official had responsibility for its safe keeping. The smoke of the 
pipe was offered to the sun whenever the Illini prayed for rain, fine 
weather, or some other aid. Whether the Grand Manitou (Great 
Spirit), whom the French thought was the Supreme God of the Illini, 
was identical with the sun is not kno\Mi though it seems probable. 

In addition to the above gods, the Illini belie\ed in numerous 
spirits and in reincarnation. A young man sought to secure a spirit as 
his superhuman helper or guardian for life. He fasted and prayed to 
the spirit to come to him in a vision. If successful (as he usually was), 
the spirit appeared to him in a dream and gave him instructions for a 
ritual by which he kept in contact ^^•ith his protector. The objects 
needed for the ritual he collected on awakenmg and preser\'ed them 
thereafter in a roll of pamted matting. When calling upon his spirit 
protector, the bundle was opened and the rite performed, chiefly prayers 
and smoke oflferings from a pipe blown toward the bundle. 

It seems probable that there were true priests who were appointed 
by regular procedure and who received their power by \'irtue of their 
installation into oflBcc. The priests, we are told, painted themselves all 
o\er with clav on which designs were drawn. Their faces were painted 
with red, white, blue, yellow, green and black colors. The "high priest" 
wore a bonnet or crown of feathers and a pair of horns, possibly young 
deer or buffalo. 



51 

Medicine men also seem to ha\e existed, persons who souglit power 
from spirits to use in behalf of others for private gain or a lixelihood. 
Possibly they were interested on the side in blaek magic or witchcraft, 
an anti-social activity. 

Dancing, probably singing, and supplication, together with the 
ine\itable smoke offerings from a ceremonial pipe doubtless formed a 
large part of public worship for which the whole communit\- assembled. 
Details of the Illini ceremonies and their meanings are not known. 

The French priests se\erely denounced nati\e religious customs 
and "juggleries" of the Illini. The Peoria chiefs and priests resented this 
and resisted Christian attempts to convert the tribe (1693). 

Funeral and burial customs seem to ha\'e been gcncrallv similar to 
those of other plant-raising peoples. All dead were treated with respect, 
decked in their best apparel, painted in preparation for burial. A dance 
was performed in honor of the deceased. A skin stretched o\er a large 
pot formed a drum which was beaten with a single stick as accompani- 
ment for the dance. The participants were rewarded with presents at 
the conclusion of the dance. The gifts to be distributed were displayed 
in full \iew of the dancers and the duration of the dance was deter- 
mined b\- their relative richness. An important personage was given 
special consideration and the whole community probably attended the 
funeral. Corn and a pot to boil it in were placed beside the dead. 
Friends standing around the gra\e threw into it bracelets, pendants and 
"pieces of earthenware" ( pots? ) . The gra\es of chiefs were marked by 
a painted \\ooden post taller than the markers for ordinary' people. 
Illini chiefs and persons of distinction as a signal honor were placed in 
tree-tops in a coffin made of bark. The tribe danced and sang for 
twent\'-four hours during the funeral of a distinguished man. 





Fig. 55. Illini arrowshaft "wrench" or straightcncr of bison (?) rib engraved with 
figure of bison and cross-hatched triangles from Illinois village near mouth of Kas- 
kaskia River, Randolph Countv. 

Art 

Men tattooed their "whole bodies." They painted themselves in 
solid colors and with designs in red, black, \ellow, blue, and other 
colors. The bod\- was adorned with nati\c icwclr\, the nose and ears 



52 



were pierced for ornaments, and feathers of many eolors were worn 
attached to the scalp lock. Moccasins were decorated with porcnpine 
quill embroidery. Men clipped or sha\ed most of the head, lca\ing 
the scalp lock and four other tufts of long hair, two on each side, one 
in front of and behind each ear. After European trade goods were 
a\ailable, glass beads and cloth were obtainable in considerable quanti- 
ties and largely replaced nati\e dress materials and ornaments. 

The Illini pla\ed lacrosse, an athletic game. The straw-and-bean 
game was a game of chance in ^^■hich the placers each took a number 
of straws from a bundle. The staws in each hand were discarded by 
sixes, the number left determining the winner of the round. Beans 
were used as counters. The Illini made wagers as to the outcome, even 
putting up their sisters as stakes in the game. 





ii^iiiiii 



Fig. 56. Shapes of Illini pots (Middle Mississippi ware) reconstructed from sherds 
found in association with other nati\e and European objects on the Illini \illage site 
near mouth of Kaskaskia River, Randolph County. (B.B.) 



Archaeology of the Illini 

Two village sites of the Illini ha\e been investigated by the Illinois 
State Museum, one near Utica, LaSalle County (jointh" with the Uni- 
versitv of Chicago ) and one in Randolph Count\" near the mouth of the 
Kaskaskia River. This last site was occupied for o\er a century by 
descendants of the Kaskaskias and other Illini tribes. Except for a 
small area where Archaic artifacts are found, it is a "pure" site. 

The Illini tools, weapons and ornaments of natiNC make were the 
usual chipped flint triangular arrowheads, simple flint drills and scrapers, 
rough stone hammers and abrading stones, small ground stone pend- 
ants, polished stone "Micmac" or "keel-based" pipe bowls (many of 
catlinite), the long-stemmed L-shaped catlinite pipes (sometimes called 
"Siouan"), and cut and engraved bone ornaments. An arrowshaft 
straightcncr carries an etching of a buffalo cow. Pottery is rare, but 
the pieces found in association with European trade goods are character- 
istically Middle Mississippian. 



53 




Fig. 37. European trade goods and artifacts made from European materials. All 
from mini \illage near moutli of Kaskaskia Ri\er, Randolph County. A, eonical 
arrowhead of sheet copper; B, chipped glass arrowhead; C, brass arrowhead; D, 
hammer of flintlock gun; E, iron blade of clasp knife; F, an iron scissor-blade; 
G, part of a jew's-harp. 



The mini made artifacts from fragments of European materials, 
iron spear- and arrowheads, brass and chipped glass arrowheads, brass 
pendants, and beads of broken procelain. 

European trade materials far exceed in number the nati\c products. 
Usually they are fragmentary (except for colored glass beads of many 
kinds): parts of copper and brass kettles, iron handles, gun hannncrs 
and other parts, lead balls and the molds for making them, molds for 
casting crosses and ornaments, iron spoons, kitchen and clasp knife 
blades of iron, "Dutch" white potter}- pipes, scissors, jew's-harps, bottles 
for wine and olive oil, brass buttons and finger rings. 

The Illini seem to have cast lead into musket balls and chipped gun 
flints into shape but beyond that made no attempt to learn machine- 
age technologies. For firearms, gunpowder, iron kni\-cs and hatchets 
they were wholly dependent on the v\hite in\adcrs, a great disad\antagc 
in event of hostilities and one that c\entually cost them ownership of 
their ancient homelands. 



54 



THE INDIANS LEAVE ILLINOIS 



For historic tribes of the state other than the Ilhni Httle is known 
of their archaeolog^•. Culturally it is almost a certainty that all were, 
soon after contact, largely disorganized due to partial economic de- 
pendence, European diseases and the alcohol trade, to diminishing 
game, loss of other resources, and to military pressures from white 
governments and contiguous Indian groups. 

Onlv the broad outlines of the movements of the historic tribes 
that li\cd, hunted, or made fora\'s in Illinois need to be noted here. 
The Iroquois, W^innebago and Chickasaw made no attempts to per- 
manently occupy Illinois territory as a result of their raids. 

The mini came under French influence after 1673 and leaned 
heavih' on their military" support. At times the Illini warriors fought 
bravely alongside the French, but generallv thev had little stomach for 
fighting e\en in their own defense. Thev shifted their settlements fre- 
quently after the Iroquois attack of 1680 and later under repeated pres- 
sure by the Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo and Potawatomi, who invaded and 
occupied the northern part of Illini territory. 

Due to their dwindling courage and lack of incentive, more per- 
haps than to their losses in enemv raids, the Illini tribes decreased 
rapidly in numbers and importance, \\nien thev were removed to the 
west of the Mississippi in 1832, the population of the once great Illini 
Confederacy totalled little more than one hundred persons. 

Even before this, the Miami had been pushed out of Illinois due 
to inroads of the Kickapoo and Potawatomi. The Shawnee, too, prob- 
ablv abandoned their permanent settlements in southern Illinois early 
in the contact period though these lo\^-er counties mav ha\e still been 
considered their territon'. Other groups did not settle or hunt there 
and the Shawnee did establish some villages there (e.g. Shawneetown) 
bricflv in the eighteenth centur}^ Bands of Shawnee continued to hunt 
in this region until 1828 or later. 

The Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo and Potawatomi did not long enjoy the 
territon" thev had wrested from the Illini and Miami. Immediately after 
the Black Hawk War in 1832, steps were taken to move all Indians from 
the state. By the Treaty of Chicago, the Indians gave up all their lands 
in Illinois, and in 1837 the last bands (Potawatomi) crossed to the west- 
ern bank of the Mississippi. No land is reserv^ed today in this state for 
Indians. Its former resident tribes now li\'e in reserx-ations in Iowa, 
Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska and in the state of Coahuila in Mexico. 

SUMMARY OF ILLINOIS PREHISTORY 

The archaeology- of Illinois in its present position seems to indicate 
that the state did not at anv time form a distinct single culture or sub- 
culture but that it was rather the meeting place of many, due possibly 
to the rivers that enclose, lead to and intersect its territor\-. It was at 



>> 



one and the same time a part of one or more widespread patterns or 
phases and a patchwork of subcultures tliat extended into neighboring 
states. There was a tendency for the cultures of the northern four-fifths 
of the state (roughly north of a line joining East St. Louis with Evans- 
\ille, Indiana ) to be more like the adjacent regions, while those of the 
remaining counties were more closely related to those of Kentucky, 
Tennessee, southern Indiana and Missouri and rather rcadih- distingu- 
ishable from those of their northern neighbors. 

There are few instances when it appears probable that a part of the 
state was invaded by a people of a distinctly differing culture. The 
Paleo-Indian Big Game Hunters presumably found in Illinois \irgin 
countrA- without pre\ious human occupants. The Baumcrians probably 
entered Illinois from south of the Ohio and expelled or absorbed the 
conser\ati\-e Terminal Archaics. Possibly Mortonians intruded into the 
Black Sand-Red Ocre culture of Illinois from the northwest. Less 
plausibly, the Stone Vault Grave people may have pushed their way 
into Adams Count)- from the Gasconade River region of Missouri. 

Tlie emphasis in this paper has been placed perhaps on the change 
of cultures. To keep one from getting an erroneous impression of 
cultural stability, it should be said that, in the writer's opinion, a culture 
and subculture contained in greater or smaller areas change gradually 
through a process of invention here and there and through interchanges 
of impro\ements back and forth over a long time. When the change 
is sufficient to be noted as a "new" culture, the various cultural elements 
or features are apt to be widely distributed o\'er much the same area. 
Tlius, Baumer seems to ha\'e existed for a time alongside Terminal 
Archaic but finally spread through the southern counties; Hopewellian 
may have persisted in Calhoun Count\- for a century- or more after its 
collapse to the north and east; and the Final phase ma\' ha\e lingered 
on m remote portions of the state until Cahokia was past the height of 
its glory. In general, perhaps it could be said that the southern fifth 
and the remaining four-fifths of the state were out of step with each 
other most of the time. 

As pre\iouslv noted, some of the Paleo-Indian families, upon the 
retreat of the last glacier, settled in Illinois as thev did in the neighbor- 
ing states, adapted themselves to the changed surroundings, and in so 
doing developed the Archaic culture or wa^■ of life. This phase dcxcloped 
through a series of subcultures though not necessarilv identical se- 
quences in all the states or e\en within Illinois. In southern Illinois, 
Terminal Archaic seems to ha\'e persisted until about 2000 B.C. while 
in the north, it apparentlv had developed into Initial (earlv) Woodland 
a few centuries earlier. The Baumer subculture, probablv arising from 
the Archaic of Tennessee, appears to have been carried bv its bearers 
into southeastern Illinois along the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers. 
Although widespread in the Mississippi Valley, the Archaic population 
was thinlv scattered. 



56 

In northern Illinois and in Wisconsin the Black Sand-Red Ochre 
cnlturc seems to have developed from the nati\e Terminal Archaic (and 
Old Copper) possibly around 2500 B.C. The Morton (Central Basin) 
people appear to have had their cultural roots outside the state and to 
have combined with the native groups (Black Sand-Red Ochre) they 
found in the northern counties. Average populational distribution was 
still low with the small settlements perhaps somewhat more numerous 
though no more populous than durhig Archaic times. The early Wood- 
land peoples differed from their predecessors mainly in being pottery- 
makers. In southern Illinois only they practiced storage of acorns and 
hickor\- nuts extensively. 

About 500 B.C. in northern Illinois the Morton people more or 
less contemporaneously \\ith similarh- ad\anccd peoples in Iowa, Wis- 
consin, Indiana, Michigan and Ohio, passed into the Hopewellian 
civilization which was erected on the culti\ation of maize, beans, 
squash and tobacco, and the technologies of the eadier Woodland 
period. In southern Illinois Baumer de\eloped into the Crab Orchard 
culture whose people traded with the more northern Hopewellians, 
intermarried with them and finalh- adopted the Hopewellian way of life 
about 100 B.C. 

A centur\- or two later, Hopewellian in the north of Illinois began 
to deteriorate and e\entually broke up into a number of small sub- 
cultures, obviouslv closely related but still distinguishable archaeo- 
logicallv. The same disintegration of Hopewellian took place m southern 
Illinois' a few centuries later, and by 400 or 450 B.C. Hopewellian had 
disappeared from all Illinois except possibly in Calhoun County in the 
west, while south of the Ohio River it still continued to spread and 
flourish m Mississippi and Louisiana for some centuries. 

In Illinois a period of decadence set in for the next few centuries 
(possibly 250 to 1000 A.D.). Tlie larger settlements or settlement 
clusters dwindled to mere hamlets, whose remains are scarcely dis- 
tinguishable from the early Woodland artifacts except that the tobacco 
pipe is present. Though they must still ha\e retained a tradition of 
plant-raising, they seem to ha\e a\oided it and reverted to a pure 
hunting-collecting economy. Even in southern Illinois the storage of 
food seems to ha\e played an insignificant role. Nevertheless through- 
out this cultural recession, certain trends occur in all the six Final 
Woodland subcultures which foreshadow later de\elopments in the 
Middle (Mississippi) Phase. 

About 1000 A.D. or possibly a little eadier, the Final Woodland 
developed into an eadv Protomississippi (Protomiss) and, at last, 
(possiblv 1000 to 1100 A.D.) into the fuh-blown Middle Phase civiliza- 
tion. Tire Cahokia subculture appears to be primarily, though not ex- 
clusi\-elv, Illinoisian while the Cumberland development in the south- 
east of the state was shared more generously with adjacent Indiana, 
Kentuckv and Tennessee. Judging by the distribution of stone box 



57 




Medial ARCHAIC 
Simple ARCHAIC 

PALEO-INDIAN 



Fig. 38. The Stream of Culture. 
The archaeological cultures w ith- 
in Illinois are included within 
the two heavy lines, openings in 
which indicate cultural extensions 
beyond or intrusions into the 
state. Vertical positions indicate 
sequences in a general way. 
(Drawing by Jeanne McCarty.) 



58 

(cist) graves, the Cumberland subculture seems to have expanded 
westward at the expense of the Cahokia peoples to envelope most of 
the southern counties from Monroe to White. (Another interpretation 
might be that the gra\c tvpe of their eastern Cumberland neighbors 
was adopted bv the Cahokians.) 'The Crable Village, possibly a late 
Cahokian settlement, yields artifacts suggesting cultural influences 
brought in from Iowa, Missouri and possibly Arkansas. It is probable 
that the culture came to an end in Illinois by 1500 or 1550. This fact 
coupled with the pottery evidence makes it highly probable (though 
possiblv not conclusi\'e ) ' that the disorganized Illini Confederacy em- 
braced' the tribes whose members were the descendants of the people 
of the great Middle Phase civilization in Illinois. 

More or less contemporaneous with the Middle Phase culture were 
the so-called Upper Phase peoples of Missouri, Iowa, Wisconsin, 
Michigan and Indiana. These were represented in Illinois by the Fisher 
peoples of the Langford subculture known chiefly from sites along the 
Illinois, Kankakee and Des Plaines rivers in northeastern Illinois and 
(chiefly on a pottery basis) in northwestern Indiana and southern 
Michigan. 

Beset by enemies on the east, south, north and northwest, with 
their traditions of former greatness fading, the demoralized Illini tribes 
welcomed the protection of French soldiers. Their own resourcefulness, 
courage, pride, and confidence in themselves and their culture con- 
tinued to deteriorate, their numbers to diminish under the softening 
influence of alcohol and the persistent assaults of the ruder more 
aggressive Winnebago, Sauk, Fox, Potawatomi and Kickapoo tribes 
invading Illinois from the north until they were reduced by 1833 to 
a mere handful of a hundred odd men, women and children. The de- 
mands on the part of citizens of the United States for Illinois lands 
was brought to a head by the scare of the Black Hawk War, and the 
Illini, their traditional Indian friends and enemies, were transferred to 
new territor\- west of the Mississippi. Thus ended the aboriginal occu- 
pation of Illinois that had endured for at least 10,000 years. 



59 



GLOSSARY 



ADVANCED PHASE: The earliest pottcn -making cultures of Woodland in south- 
ern Illinois. The peoples seem to have been storcrs of acorns and hickory- 
nuts. It is sometimes called early Woodland. 

AMERINDIAN: The American Indian of Mongolian racial stock so named to dis- 
tinguish him from the Asiatic Indian who is of the white or Caucasian race. 

ANTHROPOLOGY: The study of man and his cultural activities. 

ARCHAEOLOGY: The di\ision of anthropology that studies peoples of the past 
through the remains of their works that are found in the ground. 

ARCHAIC (SUBCULTURE): An archaeological subdivision of the Lithic Pat- 
tern characterized b\- broad-bladed barbed spearheads, spearthrower weights 
and "bannerstones," small camps, and a hunting-collecting economv (without 
plant-raising or food-storage). 

ARROW HEADS. Projectile points less than three inches long presumed to have 
been used to tip arrows. 

ART: A form of human endeavor in which the individual or artist, with more or 
less skill, tries to produce an object or activity of such a nature that it is 
esthetically satisfving in some sense both to himself and to his group generally. 

ARTIFACTS: Any object made bv man, or a natural object modified by man, in 
order to satisfy a cultural need. (Only the names and uses of artifacts that 
are not self-explanatorv appear in the glossary- ). 

ATLATL: See SPEARTHROWER. 

ASSEMBLAGE: In this paper assemblage refers to the selected significant artifact 
types of an archaeological unit. In a more general sense, it signifies the aggre- 
gate of artifacts found at a particular site, or in a deposit belonging to a 
single culture at the site. 

AX: Refers in this paper to the groo\ed ground stone head resembling the modem 
steel ax in general form and presumably used for chopping in a somewhat 
similar manner. 

AZTALAN: The site of a Middle Phase fortified village with mounds in Jefferson 
County, W^isconsin, in the Cahokia Subculture. It was in\estigatcd by the 
Milwaukee Public Museum. See S. A. Barrett in Bibliographv. 

BARB: A projection or shoulder near the base of the blade of a spear, dart or ar- 
rowhead that ser\es to retain it in a wound and to stimulate bleeding. One 
of a number of "backward" projections on a harpoon that series a similar pur- 
pose. 

BAST: The inner bark (phloem) of a tree. 

BREECH CLOTH OR CLOUT: An article of clothing consisting of a narrow 

band or fold of cloth or skin that passes around the waist and between the 

legs. 

BURIAL MOUND: Any man-made hill or knoll erected primarilv to enclose the 
dead. 

CACHE: A deposit of a large number of artifacts in a grave or, in general, a num- 
ber of artifacts found together in the earth. 

CALUMET: See note, page 48. 

CELT: An ungrooved stone or copper hatchet head. 

CHIEF: An official selected and formally installed in office by some social process 

who exercises ci\il authority by virtue of office. 
CHIPPING: See Flaking. 
CHOPPER: Generally anv tool used for chopping, hewing, or hacking. Specifically, 

a chipped flint tool roughlv hatchet shaped. Some hand choppers ha\e the 

edge of the blade paralleling the longer axis of the piece. 



60 

CHUNKEY STONE: A polished stone disk that was used as a bowl in various types 
of games. 

CIMLIZATION: See note, page 26. 

CLASSIC: The term used in this paper to designate the phase to which the Hope- 
wellian Civilization of the Woodland pattern belongs. 

CLOVTS POINT: A type of leaf-shaped spearhead with a longitudinal groove 
(channel or fluting) generally extending one fourth to one half the length 
of the piece from its base toward its tip. 

CLUB: An adaptation of a stick for a weapon or a tool for hurling (throwing 
stick) or battering (war club). The war club is often weighted with a stone 
head for greater effectiveness. It differs from the tomahawk in that it has no 
cutting edge. 

CONCHOIDAL FRACTURE: The propert\' of flint and certain other stones 
when struck with a hammer of chipping away in flakes which leave concave 
or shell-like scars or hollows. By suitable control methods, tool and weapon 
heads of desired t)pes can be produced. 

CONOIDAL or CONICAL BASE: The characteristic pointed base of Woodland 
pots. 

CRAB ORCHARD: A division of the Baumer subculture. 

CULTURE: Culture as used in this paper has one of two meanings, each readily 
understood in its context. In a general sense, it means the significant beliefs, 
customary' activities and social prohibitions peculiar to man (together with the 
man-made tools, weapons and other material objects that he finds or has found 
necessary) that modify, limit or enhance in some manner, most of his dis- 
cernible natural acrivities due to his physical animal inheritance and organi- 
zation. Culture in a specific sense refers to the significant cultural features of 
the group or period under consideration, the way of life. See FEATURE, 
CULTURAL. 

CUMBERLAND: A subculture of the Middle (Mississippi) Phase that flourished 
in southern Illinois, western Kentucky and Tennessee, archaeologically known 
as Gordon-Fewkes or Tennessee-Cumberiand. 

DAGGER: A long sharp-pointed blade of flint (or a copper pin) presumably 
hafted with a wooden handle, used as a hunring knife or in hand-to-hand 
fighting. 

DARTHEADS: Medium-sized weapon heads (2V2 to 4 inches long) presumably 
used to tip lances or javelins. 

DICKSON MOUND: A burial mound near Lewistown in Fulton Count}' where 
some three hundred skeletons together with their grave offerings have been ex- 
posed to view. It is now a State Park and open to visitors. 

DIGGING STICK: A conveniently-shaped stick used by primitive peoples in col- 
lecting tubers and roots and small animals, digging storage pits, and for pre- 
paring the soil for planting. Antler was sometimes shaped and presumably 
employed in like manner. 

DIGGING TOOL: Any implement employed by primitive peoples in digging — 
a digging stick, a shell hoe, or a chipped flint hoe. 

DOMESTICATION: The breeding and rearing of plants and animals under man's 
control and for his needs. 

DRIFT (rarely drifter): A blunt tool of antler or bone presumably held in the 
hand and pressed against a flint to flake it, or one held against the flint piece 
and struck with a hammer for a like purpose. 

DUGOUT: A boat made by hollowing out a log with fire and tools and shaping 
its exterior suitablv for water travel. 



61 

ECONOMIC ASPECT: That division of primitive culture concerned primarily 
with securing and preparing food, shelter, clothing, and raw materials for 
tools, weapons and other material devices, and the technologies involved. This 
required considerable knowledge of natural resources, properties of materials, 
and lay of the land and permits freer direct creative intellectual effort than 
does an\- other aspect. 

ECONOMY: The chief means of securing food and other basic physical require- 
ments of man, as a hunting-collecting economv. 

EFFIGY: Any artifact resembling in outline, in relief, or in the round some living 
organism or mythical being. 

EFFIGY MOUND: A mound of earth in low relief shaped in outline form to 
resemble an animal or some geometric or other con\entionalized form. They 
are often found in groups together with conical and elongated or linear mounds 
in Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa and Illinois. 

EFFIGY POT: A pottery vessel made in the form of an animal, human being, or 
a part of one, or having conventionalized bird or animal head and tail project- 
ing from opposite sides of rim or mouth (generally of shallow bowls), occurring 
most commonly in the Middle (Mississippi) Phase. 

EXTENDED: As applied to burials, a skeleton lying at full length usuall\- on its 
side or back. 

FAMILY, EXTENDED: A man, his wife or wi\es, their descendants in the male 
or female line as custom dictates, and their families who consider themselves 
as a distinct social unit usually with an acknowledged leader or headman. The 
extended family usually li\cs in a local settlement or a limited territory. 

FAMILY, SIMPLE: A man, his wife or wives and their unmarried children. 

FAMILY-TYPE SOCIAL CONTROL: The manner of maintaining peace, order, 
and obedience to elders and to custom in tribes and local groups in the Self- 
Domestication Stage secured by early and strict indoctrination of the young in 
the family and through public opinion (social approval and disappro\al ) rather 
than by force and political agencies. 

FEATHER CLOTH : Robes or blankets made by attaching overlapping feathers to 
the outer surface of a textile or netting to simulate a bird skin. 

FEATURE, CULTUK\L: Any ts'pe of cultural organization (or institution) with- 
in a tribe or independent cultural unit such as marriage, the family division of 
labor, social control, political governing agency, Sacred Tradition ("myth- 
ology"), etc. 

FERTILITY RITES: The religious ceremonies performed in a primitive tribe for 
the purpose of insuring its welfare, the continuance of an abundant supply of 
food animals and other natural resources on which it depends, and possibly 
with expressions of gratitude for past benefits. 

FESTIX^ALS: The term applied to the religious ceremonies of plant-raising peoples 
that relate to planting and the har\esting of crops. 

FINAL PHASE: The decadent Woodland culture, archaeologically known as late 
Woodland, is characteristic of much of Illinois in the inter\-al between the fall 
of Hopewellian and the rise of Mississippi. 

FLAKER (DRIFT) : A flint-working tool either used alone with simple pressure or 
as a punch struck by a stone hammer (indirect percussion). 

FLAKING OR CHIPPING: The method of working flint into tools and weapons 
by direct hammer blows, indirect percussion or bv pressure with a flaker. 

FLEXED: As applied to burials, a skeleton (generally lying on its side) with knees 
drawn up to or near chest, arms close to side or with hand(s) near head. 

FLINT: In this paper, any stone that flakes with a conchoidal fracture that was 
so used by Amerindians to make chipped tools and weapons. 



62 

FOLSOM rOINT: A flint spcarlicad lia\iiig the faces of the blade hollowed out 
by chipping (channeling or fluting) except for a narrow strip paralleling 

each edge including the tip (see Figure 3, page 11). 
FOOD-DRAFT ANIMALS: The large mammals (especially the ox) that were 

domesticated bv man and besides providing him with a continuously available 

supply of meat, served as a beast of burden or to draw a wheeled vehicle, to 

drag the plough, and as a source of energy to turn the mill. Animals were 

not generally so used in North America. 
FOOD-STORERS: Those peoples who by virtue of native ingenuity and some 

special natural resource in their region were enabled to store up sufficient food 

supplies to last them for several months. 
FORMALIZED RELIGION: The forms of prayer, worship, devotion and ritual 

and the organization of priests, etc. by which plant-raising tribes carr\' on their 

assumed relationships with the world of the unknown agents of natural forces. 
GORGET: (pronounced gor'-jet) A large flat artifact, possibly at times an insigne, 

of stone, shell, copper or bone worn on the chest. 
GRA\'E GOODS: The jewelr}-, insignia, weapons or implements of a dead tribes- 
man together with offerings that may have been placed in his grave by friends 

or relati\es, including vessels containing food and water. Also called beigaben, 

funeral offerings, grave furniture, etc. 
GRINDING: The process by which a stone, bone, shell or metal artifact was 

shaped by rubbing with sand and water or against a piece of sandstone 

(abrader). 
GRINDING STONE: A large flat or slightly hollowed stone on which seeds, 

berries, or nuts were crushed or ground by a smaller hand stone (muller or 

pestle ) . 
GUARDI.\N SPIRIT. Among primitive peoples, a being from the invisible spirit 

world who appeared to a person in a dream and was belie\ed to ser\e the 

dreamer thereafter as his personal protector. 
HAMLET: The name used in this paper for local settlements of Archaic and Initial 

Woodland sites. Thev probably had populations of less than one hundred 

persons. 
HAMMERSTONE: A stone hammer. Any native or modified cobblestone used as 

a hammer. 
HATCHET: A ground stone or copper celt head. Tomahawk or hafted hatchet. 
HOUSEHOLD: A man, his wife, and children, married and unmarried together 

with sla\'es and others, if any, who customarily in their culture li\e under one 

shelter or roof. 
INDIRECT PERCUSSION: The use of a punch with a hammer, especially in the 

chipping of stone. 
INITIAL PHASE: The earliest pottery-making cultures of \\'oodland in northern 

Illinois, archaeologically known as early \\'oodland. 
INITIATION RITES: Puberty rites. As used in this paper, the ceremonies by 

which a boy on "becoming of age" is admitted to adult membership in the 

tribe. Somewhat simpler rites are performed for girls also in some tribes. 
INSIGNE: (Plural insignia) Anv artifact worn by primitive people as a symbol 

of rank or class, birth (in a particular family), office, priesthood, or of individ- 
ual prowess. 
INSTITUTIONS: See Social Structure. 
JEWELRY: Any object other than insignia, paint, or clothing worn bv primitive 

man as personal adornment. 
KINCAID COMMUNITY: The site of a Middle Phase village, mounds, fortifica- 
tions and other cultural remains in Pope and Massac counties, Illinois, on the 
Ohio River a few miles above Paducah, Kentucky. 



63 

LAKE BAIKAL: A large inland lake in the south of Siberia. Potterj' from the 
surrounding region resembles generalized Woodland ware, especially that of 
the Initial Phase. 

LINEAGE: The social group (including dead persons) whose members are de- 
scended from some certain or mythical ancestor, either male or female as the 
custom prevails, and which considers itself a distinct social unit. (See also Ex- 
tended F'amily.) 

LITHIC: A term employed in this paper as embracing cultures roughly equivalent 
to those of the Self-Domestication Stage, but without pottcrw 

MANA: Superhuman power that primitive man believed to reside in certain in- 
animate objects, in certain persons at times and in spirits, that under suitable 
conditions could be transferred either wholly or in part to other objects or 
persons. Improperly handled it was a source of grave danger. 

MIDDLE PIL\SE: The archaeological term for the highest development of the 
Mississippi pattern in the United States. In Illinois it is represented bv the 
Cahokia and Cumberland subcultures. 

MISSISSIPPI: The major archaeological pattern that succeeded the earlier Wood- 
land in most of the United States east of the Rockv Mountains and High 
Plains and that was still m existence in some parts of this countr)' as late as 
1700 A.D. It is characterized by relati\ely intensive plant-raising, political 
government, walled \illages, temples (or sacred groves) and a priesthood, semi- 
to permanent dwellings, pottery of varied shapes, with globular bodies and sec- 
ondar\- features, the bow and arrow. 

MODOC ROCK SHELTER: An ancient settlement of Archaic peoples m Ran- 
dolph Count)-, Illinois, dating from 8000 to 2100 B.C. See Bibliography under 
Deuel, and Fowler and ^^''intcrs. 

MOUND: Any rise or hill of earth and/or stone that resulted from some activity 
of man, such as refuse mound, shell mound, burial mound, temple mound, etc. 
See BURIAL, EFFIGY, TEMPLE. 

MOUND BUILDERS: A term having little significance, meaning anv group that 
erected mounds. In American archaeology it sometunes refers specifically to 
Hopewellians, to Mississippians or to both. 

MYTHOLOGY: See SACRED TRADITION. 

OBSIDIAN: \'olcanic glass, a material imported by Hopewellians possibly from 
Wyoming. Rare in Illinois. 

Pz\LEO-INDIAN (See Clovis and Folsom): Hunters of big game who roamed 
over North America in glacial times. 

P.\TTERN: The largest archaeological unit in the McKern Classification System. 

PECKING: The process (other than chipping) by which a stone artifact was 
brought to general shape by breaking off small particles with a stone hammer. 

PEOPLE: The term "people" as used in this paper does not refer to a physical 
type but simply to cultural groups unless specifically stated to the contrarw 

PERIOD: Unless otherwise specifically stated, the word applies to a cultural level 
regardless of time and place. 

PHASE: The major division of the pattern as used m the McKcrn Classification 
System. 

PLANT-RAISING: The economy or cultural status of a cultural group who grew 
food (and fibre) plants but were without domesticated food-draft animals. 

POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: A formalized social means of controlling the 
members of a nation or tribe and compelling compliance with established cus- 
toms or laws with defined custoniar\- or lawful penalties for violations together 
with the machinery for determining equity, rights, or damages in non-criminal 
disputes through governmental agencies such as officers (chiefs) and official 
bodies (councils) regularly selected for these purposes. 



64 

POLISHING: A process by which the surface of a ground stone artifact was 
brought to a high degree of smoothness and gloss by rubbing with fine earth 
and water. It is readily distinguishable from polish due to wear in digging. 

PRIEST: Anv person selected in a regular and customar\- manner for religious office 
who by virtue of installation into that office and acceptance of the duties is 
(believed to be) invested with the power to communicate and intercede with 
members of the spirit world, a god or gods or in certain instances to act for 
them on behalf of his group. 

PRIMITIVE PEOPLE: Refers to any people in the Self-Domestication Stage and 
to the simple plant-growers of the Farming Period. 

PROTOCULTURAL: A stage presumed to have existed prior to man's discovery 
of the principle of conchoidal fracturing of flint, when he used native sticks 
and stones as tools, and sometimes by haphazard breaking of these secured new 
forms more suitable for his purposes. 

PROTOMISS: x\n abbreviated form for Protomississippi, the earliest known sub- 
culture of the Middle (Mississippi) Phase in southwestern Illinois. Dillinger 
is the type site. 

RELIGION: The set of beliefs (Sacred Tradition), rules (tabus), and activities 
(including rituals) that govern the life of a society with regard to those 
superhuman forces with which the individual feels himself surrounded and 
which neither he nor his group b\' themsehcs can control. Religious practice 
includes prayers or requests for the continuance of well-being and life's 
necessities, thanksgiving for past blessings, and a belief in the necessity of 
right conduct of the indi\'iduals in their daily living. In all known primitive 
religions, a belief in some form exists of spirit beings and/or gods with super- 
human powers. See FORMALIZED RELIGION. 

ROCK SHELTER: An overhanging rock ledge facing away from the prevailing 
wind that afforded protection to a primitive family from the elements and wild 
animals. 

ROUGH STONE: This term refers to stone used as it occurs in nature with vir- 
tually no artificial modification other than that resulting from use such as a 
common hammerstone, an unworked abrader, or a grinding stone. The stone 
may have a relatively smooth surface due to natural causes. 

SACRED TRADITION: The term used here to signify the embodiment of the 
significant (effective) beliefs and rules that governed the behavior and acti\ities 
of a primitive tribe in matters relating to the unseen world of spirits (or gods) 
and unknown forces, which were handed down from generation to generation. 
It is usually included in the inept term "mythology" which may also contain 
tales and legends that serve for mere entertainment. 
SELF-DOMESTICATION STAGE: The earliest stage of true human culture 
which began presumably with the discovery of controlled flint chipping and 
the invention of flint tool types. During this stage, man is enabled to secure 
a fairly constant food supply by hunting and collecting, keeps his \oung under 
parental care and control for several years and leams to accommodate himself 
more or less peaceably to his family and to fellow tribesmen during brief periods 
of religious and social gatherings. 
SHAMAN: A person who by virtue of dreams or visions believes he can com- 
municate with spirits, obtain from them superhuman po\\ers for the benefit 
of his social "roup and tribe and who has demonstrated these abilities over a 
greater or longer time to the satisfaction of his fellows. 
SHELLS, MARINE: Shells from the ocean or Gulf of Mexico, raw materials 
secured by traders or through exchange for other goods. The most common 
marine shells found in Illinois cultures are the Cassis madagascarensis (Hope- 
wellian). the Busy^con or Fulgar (Middle Mississippi and Hopewellian), 
MargineUa (Initial' Woodland, Hopewellian and Middle Mississippi), Oliva 
(Middle Mississippi), and Olivdla (Hopewellian). 



65 

SOCIAL ASPECT: That division of primitive culture that is concerned preemin- 
ently with preserving and stabilizing fundamental customs, with the mainten- 
ance of peace and order within its primary social units, and to this end, in 
the organization, functioning and continuation of such units. 

SOCIAL CONTROL: Any general social means by which a social or political 
group preser\es peace and order within itself and group protection against 
outsiders (see Famih-type and Political Agency). 

SOCIAL STRUCTURE: The persisting system of significant relationships in a 
society that prevails without regard to the particular individuals involved. 

SPEARHEADS: Projectile points 3 to 6 or 6Vi inches long presumed to have been 
used to tip spears. 

SPEARTHROWER (ATLATL) : A short stick by which increased leverage is 
obtained in hurling a spear. It gi\es greater range and an accuracy comparable 
to the bow at shorter distances. 

SPEARTHROWER WEIGHT: A weight secured to the spearthrower for con- 
trolling it and increasing the speed of the spear. 

SPEAR, THRUSTING: A long spear that is fitted with a long, narrow head 
generally without barbs or shoulders, that can be easily withdrawn from a 
wound. It is primarily for use in the hand, not for throwing. 

SPECIALIZATION (CRAFT) : An occupation in which a man or household of 
a primiti\e community engages primarily to the considerable exclusion of the 
general economic pursuits ot the remainder of his group. It should not be 
confused with the production of a highly skilled craftsman. 

SPECIALIZATION (OF TOOLS): Applies to numerous variations in the forms 
derived from a general artifact t\pe presumably to accomplish better and more 
easily certain special requirements ot construction or manufacture. 

STAGE (CULTURAL) : One of the major periods into which cultures may be 
divided by virtue of its degree of development which depends primarily on the 
fundamental invention that ushered it in. 

SPIRITUAL ASPECT: That division of primitive culture concerned primarily with 
tribal values, religion, recreation and the arts. 

STATUS (CULTURAL) : A subdivision of a stage. A substage. 

STONE: Unless otherwise noted an}- kind of stone generally used by primitive 
peoples for pecking, grinding and polishing into weapons, tools, etc., for ex- 
ample, granite, greenstone, gneiss, shale, limestone, basalt. 

STONE \'AULT GRAVE: A type of burial mound consisting chiefly of flat stones 
enclosing a walled-up tomb chamber, the whole covered with earth. In Illinois 
known at present only from .\dams County. 

STONE VAULT SUBCUL'l'URE: A division of Final Woodland Phase that is 
characterized by stone vault graves. 

SUBCULTURE : : Any archaeological grouping smaller than a phase. 

SUBSTAGE or STATUS: A subdivision of a Stage that develops as the result of 
a significant invention, discovery of a special resource, or some other condition 
of the surroundings. 

TECHNOLOGY: The processes by which any artifact is produced. 

TEEPEE: A conical framework of poles covered with bark, skins, brush, mats, etc. 
used as a shelter or hut by primitive peoples. 

TEMPERING: Foreign material such as sand, crushed limestone, plant fibers, 
crushed shell, etc. mixed with the clay in potterx'-making to render the vessel 
less likely to crack in firing. 



66 

TEMPLE MOUND: A rectangular pyramid with a flat top on which a temple 
was built. Similar mounds were used for council and chief's houses among 
historic Mississippi peoples. Flat-topped pyramidal mounds are characteristic 
of the important Middle Mississippi sites in lllmois. 

THERMAL MAXIMUM: A time interval (roughly between 5000 and 2000 B.C.) 
in which the climate was warmer and drier than at present. 

TOAL\HAWK: A hafted hatchet of stone or metal used in fighting. 

TOTEM: An animal, plant or inanimate object that is regarded as the symbol of 
a social or political group. 

TUMPLINE: A sling or pack strap that rests on the forehead, passes over the 
shoulders, and is used for carrying a load on the back. 

TURKEY-TAIL: A large spearhead, broadly oval in the middle and double- 
pointed with notches near one end. 

TYPE STATION(S): The site (or sites) that at present seem, to the author, to 
give the fullest view of life in a subculture, including as far as possible a \illage 
(or camp) and burial site. 

WAR (ARCHAIC) : The blood feud. In the Archaic period, this was the method 
of interfamily or intergroup retaliation for murder or other serious injury to 
one familv or local group bv a member of another. It was carried on by alter- 
nate sneak raids between the local settlements involved, with the object of 
killing one or more members of the group attacked, (destroying property), and 
escaping without loss. 

WAR (PLANT-RAISERS): Hostilities between plant-raising tribes were pursued 
by sneak raids having for their objectives the surprise and attack of villages, 
the ambush of enemv parties, and the capture of prisoners. (Murder, black 
magic, and other crimes committed within the tribe were generally dealt with 
by socio-judicial custom). 

WATTLE AND DAUB: A framework of posts, interlaced with branches and 
twigs and plastered o\er with clay for house and fortification walls common 
in Middle Phase and probably in other periods. 

WIGWAM: As used here, a roughly hem.ispherical hut having a framework of 
poles set in the ground with their tops arched over and secured together, the 
whole covered over with leafy branches, skins, bark, mats or thatch. 

WINDBREAK: A vertical or inclined framework of poles covered with branches 
and leaves, skins, bark, etc. erected by primiti\e peoples as a shelter against 
wind, sun, and storm. 

WOODLAND: One of the major archaeological patterns of the eastern, southern 
and central United States, characterized by plant-raising (except possibly in its 
Initial Phase), by elongated globular clay pots (with cord-roughened exteriors, 
pointed bottoms, and incised line and punctate decoration), hamlets or small 
villages (except in the Classic Phase), with flint spearheads (but no arrowheads 
except in Final Phase). 

WRAP-AROUND-SKIRT: A rectangular piece of clothing made of skin, fur, or 
cloth worn by Hopewellian and Middle Mississippi women. It was wrapped 
around the body from the waist to the knees or below and was secured at the 
top by a belt or other means. 

YUMA POINTS: Chipped spearheads of various general shapes including leaf- 
shaped forms, without channeling. 



67 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



ADVANCED (WOODLAND) PHASE 

1951 Cole. F. C. ct al in The Baumer Focus, in KIXCAID. A PREHIS- 
TORIC ILLINOIS METROPOLIS, pp. 1S4-210, University of 
Chicago, Chicago (Baumer Subculture). 

1951 Maxwell, Moreau S. The Vi^oodland Cultures in Southern lUinois. pp. 
232-243, Beloit College, Beloit, Wisconsin (Baumer Subculture). 

1951 Ibid., pp. 78-183 (Crab Orchard Subculture). 

Tennessee 

1922 Harrington, M. R. Cherokee and Earliest. Remair^s on Upper Tennessee 
River. INDIAN NOTES AND MONOGRAPHS, No. 24, New York 
(Round Grave People or Baumer Subculture). 

1952 Kneberg, Madeline. The Tennessee Area in GrifEn, Ed., ARCHAE- 

OLOGY OF THE EASTERN UNITED STATES, p. 192 and Fig. 
102., University of Chicago, Chicago (Round Grave, Upper \'alley 
or Baumer) . 

ARCHAIC PHASE 

1950 Deuel, Thome. Man's Venture in Culture, STORY OF ILLINOIS 
SERIES, No. 6, pp. 5-12, Illinois State Museum, Springfield. 

1957 Deuel, Thome, The Modoc Shelter, REPORT OF INA'ESTIGA- 
TIONS, No. 7, Springfield, re\ised and reprinted from Natural 
History, October, 1957, pp. 400-405 (Simple and Medial). 

1956 Fowler, Melvin L. and Winters, Howard. Modoc Rock Shelter, Pre- 

liminary Report. REPORT OF INVESTIGATIONS, No. 4, Illinois 
State Museum, Springfield. (Simple and Medial). 

1957 Fowler. Melvin L. Fcrrv Site, Hardin County, Illinois, SCIENTIFIC 

PAPERS SERIES, Vol. VIII, No. 1, Illinois State Museum, Spring- 
field. (Temiinal Subculture). 
1950 Titterington, P. F. Some Non-Potterv Sites in the St. Louis Area in 
ILLINOIS STATE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL, N.S. Vol. I, 
pp. 19-31 (Terminal Subculture). 

Tennessee 

1947 Lewis, T.M.N, and Kneberg, Madeline. The Archaic Horizon in Western 
Tennessee. The University of Tennessee, Knoxville (Eva focus or 
subculture } . 

United States generally 

1957 Wormington, H. M. Ancient Man in North America, POPULAR 
SERIES, No. 4, 4th Edition, revised, Denver (Archaic and Paleo- 
Indian Assemblages). 



CLASSIC (HOPEWELLIAN) PHASE 

1937 Cole, F. C. and Deuel, Thorne. Rediscovering Illinois, pp. 130-191. 
University of Chicago, Chicago. 

1952 Deuel, Thome, Ed. Hopewellian Communities. SCIENTIFIC PAPERS 
SERIES, \'ol. y, Illinois State Museum, Springfield. 

1957 Fowler, Melvin L. Rutherford Mound, Hardin Countv, Illinois, SCI- 
ENTIFIC PAPERS SERIES, Vol. VII, No. 1, Illinois State Museum, 
Springfield. 



68 

MIDDLE (MISSISSIPPI) PHASE 
Cahokia Subculture 

1937 Cole, F. C. and Deuel, Thome. Rediscovering Illinois, pp. 75-94, 

111-125, 127, University of Chicago, Chicago. 

1928 Moorehead, W. K. The Cahokia Mounds, University of Illinois, 
BULLETIN, \'ol. 26, No. 4, Urbana. 

1939 Simpson, A. M. The Kingston Village Site, Peoria Academy of Science, 
Peoria. (Privately printed.) 

1952 Smith, Hale G. The Crablc Site, Fulton County, Illinois, ANTHRO- 
POLOGY PAPERS No. 7, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 

1938 Titterington, P. F. The Cahokia Mound Group and Its Village Site 

Materials, St. Louis. (Privately printed.) 

Cahokia Subculture (Wisconsin) 

1933 Barrett, S. A. Ancient Aztalan, BULL. PUBLIC MUSEUM OF 
MILWAUKEE, Vol. 13. 

Cumberland Subculture 

1951 Cole, F. C. et al. Kincaid, A Prehistoric Illinois Metropolis, pp. 29-164, 
293-366, University of Chicago, Chicago. 

Cumberland Subculture (Tennessee) 

1928 Myer, William, Ed. Two Prehistoric Villages in Middle Tennessee, 

41st ANNUAL REPORT, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHN- 
OLOGY, pp. 485-614, Washington. 

Cumberland Subculture (Kentucky) 

1929 Webb, William S. and Funkhouser, W. D. The Williams Site in 

Christian County, Kentucky, UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY RE- 
PORTS IN ANTHROPOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGY, Vol. I, 

No. 1, pp. 5-23 followed by 36 figs., Lexington. 



PALEO-INDIAN PHASE 

1954 Kleine, Harold K. A Remarkable Paleo-Indian Site in Alabama in TEN 
YEARS OF THE TENNESSEE ARCHAEOLOGIST, Lewis and 
Kneberg, Ed., reprinted from TENNESSEE ARCHAEOLOGIST, 
1954. 

1951 Smail, William. Some Early Projectile Points from the St. Louis Area, 
in ILLINOIS STATE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL, N. S., 
Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 11-16. 

1957 Wormington, H. M. Ancient Man in North America, POPULAR 
SERIES, No. 4, 4th Edition, revised, Denver. 



UPPER (MISSISSIPPI) PHASE 

1927 Langford, George, Sr. The Fisher Mound Group, Successive Aboriginal 
Occupations near the Mouth of the Illinois River, in AMERICAN 
ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. XXIX, No. 3, pp. 153-206, Menasha. 



69 

FINAL WOODLAND 
Bluff Subculture 

1935 Titterington, P. F. Certain Bluff Mounds of Western Jersey County, 

Illinois in AMERICAN ANTIOUI'n.^ Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 6-46. 
1943 Titterington, P. F. The Jersey County, Illinois, Bluff Culture, in 
AMERICAN ANTIQUITi', Vol. IX/No. 2, pp. 240-245. 

Effigy Mound Subculture (Wisconsin) 

1932 Barrett, S. A. and Skinner, Alanson. Certain Mound and Village Sites 

of Shawano and Oconto Counties, Wisconsin, BULL. PUBLIC 
MUSEUM OF MILWAUKEE, \'ol. 10, No. 5, Milwaukee. 
1928 McKem. W. C. The Neal and McClaughry Mound Groups. BULL. 
PUBLIC MUSEUM OF MILWAUKEE, Vol. 3, No. 3, Milwaukee. 

1933 Nash, Philleo. The Excavation of the Ross Mound Group I, BULL. 

PUBLIC MUSEUM OF MILWAUKEE, Vol. 16, No. 1. 
1956 Rowe, Chandler. The Effigy Mound Culture of Wisconsin, MILWAU- 
KEE PUBLIC MUSEUM PUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOL- 
OGY, No. 3. 

Lewis Subculture 

1951 Cole, F. C. et al. The Lewis Focus in KINCAID, A PREHISTORIC 
ILLINOIS METROPOLIS, pp. 165-183, University of Chicago, 
Chicago. 



•"b^ 



Raymond Subculture 

1952 Maxwell, Moreau S. Arc/idco?ogv of the Lower Ohio Valley in Griffin, 

Ed., COLE ANNIVERSARY VOLUME, ARCHAEOLOGY OF 

THE EASTERN UNITED STATES, pp. 186-187 and Fig. 100. 

University of Chicago, Chicago. 
1951 Maxwell, Nloreau S. The Woodland Cultures in Southern Illinois, pp. 

78-172, 194-211, Beloit College, Beloit, Wisconsin. 

Stone Vault Subculture 

1935 Thurber, O. D. New Type of Burial Mound Sear Ouincy in TRANS- 
ACTIONS ILLINOIS STATE ACADEMY OF SCIENCE, Spring- 
field, \'ol. XXMII, No. 2, pp. 67-6S. 
1910 Fowke, Gerard. Antiquities of Central and Southeastern Missouri, 
BULL. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, No. 37, 
Washington. 

Tampico Subculture 

1937 Cole, F. C. and Deuel, Thome. Rediscovering Illinois, pp. 191-198, 
University of Chicago, Chicago. 

ILLINI TRIBES 

1934 Pease, Theodore Calvin and Werner. Ravmond C. THE FRENCH 
FOUNDATIONS, 16S0-1693 (Memoirs of De Cannes by Sieur 
Deliette) pp. 302-395, Springfield, Illinois. 

1958 Temple, Wayne C. Historic Tribes, Part 2 of Indian Villages of the 
Illinois Country by Sara J. Tucker and Wa\Tic Temple, SCIEN- 
TIFIC PAPERS SERIES, Vol. II, Illinois State Museum, Springfield. 

INITIAL (WOODLAND) PHASE 

1937 Cole, F. C. and Deuel. Thome. Rediscovering Illinois (Red Ochre, 
pp. 57-69; Black Sand, pp. 69-75, 136-149; Morton, pp. 39-46, 126, 
128-130; 102-104, 106-108), University of Chicago, Chicago. 



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