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SIMFORD-'VNWlERSllI-iiUK^i 



/ 






^i 



THE 



AMERICAN 



Journal of Philology 



Founded by B. L. Oildebsleeve 



EDUED BT 

CHARLES WILLIAM EMIL MILLER 

pBonesoB ov Oubk in vub Jobvi Hopkisb UimrBBSiTT 
WITH THB OOOPKRATION OF 

MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, HERMANN COLLITZ, TENNEY FRANK, 
WILFRED P. MUSTARD, D. M. ROBINSON 



VOLUME XLIII 



-• ,« 



». - - 






BALTIMORE: THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS 

London: Abthjob.F. Bibd 

Pasib: Albbbt Fontemoino Leipsic: F. a. Bbockhaxts 

1922 



307797 






f 



• • •• 
••• • • 

« • • • « 

• • • * • 






« • * 












• • 






CONTENTS OP VOLUME XLIII. 



No. 169. 

I. — Some Roman Elements in the Tragedies of Seneca. By R. 

B. Steele, 1 

II. — Secare Partis: The Early Roman Law of Execution against 

a Debtor. By M. Radin, 32 

m. — ^Illustrations of Tibullus. By Wilfred P. Mustard, 49 

rv.— Horace, Epistle I, xix, 28-9. By M. B. Ogle, 66 

V. — Sex Determination and Sex CJontrol in Antiquity. By 

ExTGENE S. McCartnet, 62 

VI. — ^Notes on Two Inscripticms from Sinope. By David M. 

Robinson, 71 

Vn. — ^A Misunderstood Syrian Place-Name — Dana and Tyana. 

By W. F. Albright, 74 

Rbpobts: 76 

R<Hnania, Vol. XLVI (1920).— Revue de Philologie, Vol. XLIV 
(1920). 

JttBVJJBWS I ••• 0«5 

Fiske's Lucilius fend Horace. — (Traube's Vorlesungen und Ab- 
handlungen, Dritter Band. — Robert's Die griechische 
Heldensage. — Stemplinger's Horaz im Urteil der Jahr- 
hunderte. 

Memorial Notice of Samuel Ball Platner, 93 

Books Receivbd, 94 

No. 170. 

I. — St. Augustine's Method of Composing and Delivering 

Sermons. By Rot J. Defebrabi, .... 97 
n. — ^When is Generic MH Particular? By A. G. Laibd, . 124 
m. — Single Word versus Phrase. By Edward W. Nichols, . 146 
IV.— Two Passages in Pindar. By P. A. Weight, . . .164 
v.— The Origin of the Name CUicia. By W. P. Ambioht, . 166 
VI. — ^Imprisoned English Authors and the Consolation of Phi- 
losophy of Boethius. By Guy Batlet Dolson, . 168 
vn.— The Derivatives of Sanskrit ikcu By Edwin H. Tuttlb, . 170 

Bbpobts: 171 

JEUvista di Filologia, Vol. XLIX ( 1921 ) . — Glotta, Vol. XI 
(1920-1). 

Kkvikws: ........... 177 

Scott's Unity of Homer. — Oarcopino's La Loi de Hi6ron et les 
Romains. — De Pachtere's La table hypoth^caire de 
Veleia.— CJonstana' Un correspondant de Cic^ron. — ^Ben- 
der's Lithuanian Etymological Index. — Philological 
Quarterly, Vol. I. 

Memorial Notice of Charles Edwin Bennett, .... 189 

Books Received, 190 

m 



iv CONTENTB. 

No. 171. 

I. — St. Augustine's Method of Composing and Delivering 

Sermons. By Hot J. Defisbabi, .... 193 

n. — ^Die Entstehung des absoluten Inflnitivs im Qriechischen. 

By Abnold Rosbth, 220 

ni. — ^Virginia Qeorgics. By Hebbebt C. Lipsoomb, . . 228 

rv.— Biblical Studies. By Paul Haupt, . . . .238 

V. — ^The Fasti of Ovid and the Augustan Propaganda. By 

ELathabine Allen, 250 

Befobts: 267 

Philologus LXXVI (1920), Heft 3/4.— Hermes LV (1920), 
3 und 4. 

Reviews: 276 

Michelson's The Owl Sacred Pack of the Fox Indians.— ^Lori- 
mer's The Phonology of the Bakhtiari, Badakhshani, 
and Madaglashti Dialects of Modern Persian. — C^eruUis' 
Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen. — ^White's Ausonius. — 
Ferrero's The Ruin of Ancient Civilization and the 
Triumph of (Christianity. 

Books Received, 286 

No. 172. 

I.— The Silence Wager Stories: Their Origin and Their Dif- 
fusion. By W. NOBMAN Bbown, .... 289 

n.— The OXHMA-nNBTMA of the Neo-PlatonisU and the De 
Insomniis of Syncsius of Cyrene. By Robebt Chbistlan 
EissLiNO, 318 

III. — Gratitude and Ingratitude in the Plays of Euripides. By 

Joseph William Hewitt, 331 

rv.— Young Virgil and " The Doubtful Doom of Human Kind." 

By William Chase Qbeenb, 344 

V. — Olossographica. By H. J. Thomson, .... 352 

VI. — Southey and Landor and the Consolation of PhiloBOf^y of 

Boethius. By Gut Batlet Dolsox, .... 356 

VII. — ^The Imperfect Indicative as a Praeteritum ex Futuro. By 

H. C. Numwo, 359 

VIII. — ^Dravidian Negation. By Edwin H. Tcttlb, . . 362 

Repobts: 363 

Revue de Philologie, Vol. XLV (1921), parts 1-2.— ^mania, 
Vol. XLVn (1921). 

Reviews: 370 

Jespersen's Language, its nature, development, and origin. — 
Rosenberg's Einleitung und C^ellenkunde Eur r^mischen 
Gkschichte. — Bosshardt's Essai sur I'originalit^ et' la 
probity de Tertullien dans son traits oontre Marcion. — 
Poolsen's Etruscan Tomb Paintinp^s. — ^Domseiff's Pin- 
dars Stil. — Kiessling's Q. Horatius Flaccus erkl&rt, 
sweiter Teil, Satiren.— Sabbadini's P. Vergili Maronia 
Qeorgicon libri quattuor. — ^De Xolhac's Ronsard et 
I'Hnmanitme. 

Books Rbcbivbd, 880 

Iinaez, 881 



AMfefelCAN 



• •* 



JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY 



Vol. XLIII, 1. 'W^ole No. 169. 



.• • • 

• • • 



I.— SOME ROMAN ELEMENTS IN THE TE2liEf]SDIES 

OP SENECA. 



• - • • 



I. Ethical and Political Conditions. ' •' - 

The object of this paper is to present some indioations of 
Boman thought, native or naturalized, in Seneca's portrayal of 
Greek character. His tragedies are an artistic work in which 
we might expect only Greek material to be used. But he did 
not succeed in fully Graecizing himself, although he carefully 
refrained from giving any indication of the source from which 
any Bdman coloring was drawn. In his prose works there are 
many direct quotations and, in addition, many adaptations re- 
minding us of something to be foimd in the work of a prede- 
cessor. In this respect he does not differ from other Boman 
writers, both of his own and of preceding times. His is the 
method of Lucan and of Petronius, and, as Ovid dealt with 
preceding works, so Seneca dealt with his. 

There is an exipression of absolute power in aU the tragedies, 
and they may be considered as the supplement of his epistles, 
in which he studiously avoids kindred topics. He was no fla1>- 
terer, for he tells us, De Clem. 2, 2, 2, maluerim veris offendere 
quam placere adulando. However, he was politically prudential, 
as is shown by his own words, Ep. 28, 7 sapiens . . . malet in 
pace esse quam in pugna; Dial. 7, 3, 3 sana mens . . . apta 
temporibus; Medea 175 tempori arptari deoet. His political 
quiescence is in strong contrast with the attitude of Matemus, 
who, a few years later, declared. Dial, de Orat. 3, 11, quod si 
qua omisit Cato, sequent! recitatione Thyestes dicet. 

He chose his subjects from the dim past, and brought back 

1 



2 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY, 

on the stage Hecuba^ Hector and Hercules ; Cassandra and Gly- 
temnestra; Theseus and Thyestes. But what was Hecuba to him? 
A subject for artistic portrayal. Other Boman writers had done 
the same thing, for Quinti]ia3a<l6> 1, 98 and Dial, de Orat. 
12, 26 mention the Medea «dC-OVid and the Thyestes of Yarius. 
He did not believe sopijj* ^p^irts of the current mythology, Ep. 
24, 18, and condenmk.fhe poets who had propagated stories 
about Jupiter, D|AJl&, 16, 5. He assigns to antique credulity 
the story of j^tlas'^pporting the world on his shoulders. Dial. 
2, 2, 2 ; 1JL/-79 ^ although he represents Hercules as equal to the 
task, HvlP.VjyO a* 

T^ip 'iT^edies are political essays in which Seneca assigns to 
. (fT&Sjf. characters his own views in regard to Boman conditions. 
.■^iViiat we ipresenft does not prove that he varied from a proper 
delineation of the Greeks in order to use Boman material, but 
some of what he assigns to his characters does find a parallel in 
Boman history. What was his field of view? The determina- 
tion of tiiis requires a consideration of the date to be assigned 
to the writing of the tragedies. 

The De Clementia, written when Nero was eighteen, quotes 
in 2, 2, 2, oderint, dum metuant, and adds cui Oraecus versus 
simHis est, qui se mortuo terram misceri ignibus iubet, et alia 
huius notae. According to Suetonius, Nero 38, when some one 
repeated the Greek verse in the presence of Nero, he exclaimed 
*' Nay, while I am alive,'* an incident which may have been asso- 
ciated with the reading of the work of Seneca. The sentiment 
is repeated Thy. 886 vitae est avidus quisquis non vult | 
mundo secum pereunte mori. It is abbreviated H. 0. 1154 
oonde me tota pater | mundi ruina, and lengthened Medea 431, 
wherQ to it is added trahere cum pereas libet. Seneca in N. Q. 
6, 2, 9, in commenting on a line of Vagellius 

si cadendum est mdhi, e coelo ceddisse velim, 

has an interpretation in accord with what is given above, idem 
licet dicere: si cadendum est, cadam orbe concusso. As this was 
written in 62 or 63 a. d., it shows that the thought was, to 
Seneca, a persistent one during the reign of Nero. 

*The edition of Peiper-Bichter has been used tor the tragedies; of 
Haase, for Seneca's prose works. 



BOMA2S BLEMENTB IN THE TRAGEDIES OF BENECA. 3 

The range of permissibility for the king, H. P. 493 ; Tr. 344; 
Ag. 273, indicated by Seneca, De Clem. 1, 6, 6 ; cf . 1, 1, 2, was 
regarded by Nero as a discovery of his own, as is diown in Suet. 
Nero 37 negavit quemquam principum scisse quid sibi liceret. 
Hiere are also other terms in the De dementia applied to Nero^ 
and used elsewhere either fpositively or negatively. Illustrations 
are iuvenilis impetus, ib. 1, 1, 3: Tr. 259; latere, ib. 1, 8, 4: 
Thy. 534; scelera soeleribus tuenda, ib. 1, 13, 2: Ag. 116; 170. 
The thought of Nero putting on ihe republic which cannot be 
torn from him without his destruction is on application of the 
story of Hercules and the shirt of Nessus. 

Seneca writes ib. 1, 3, 3 somnum eius noctumis excubiis mxmi- 
unt, a thought which is put negatively in Thy. 455 ff . : 

Non vertice alti montifl knposltam d(Mnum 
et eminentem civitas liiimiMs tremit^ 
nee fulget altia splendidum tectifl ebur, 
aonmosque non defendk ezcubitor meos. 
Kon dasBilms piscajnior et retro mare 
iacta fugamuB mole nee ventrem improbum 
alimuB tnfbuto gentiimi: nullufl mibi 
ultra Getae metatar et Parthos ager. 

(N'on tore colimur, nee meae ezcluso love 
omantur ante: nulla cnlminibue meifl 
impoeita nutat Bilva, neo fianant manu 
gaccensa multa stagna, nee somno dies 
Bacchoque nox iungenda pervigili datur. 

This is a mosaic made up of reminiscences of Horace, and state- 
ments akin to some found in the last of the epistles of Seneca. 
Ep. 122, 8ff. Lucet, sonmi tempus est; calentia stagna; silvae 
. . . nutant; fundamenta thermarum in mari iaciimt are ver- 
bally adapted in the passage quoted above. Notice also the 
following in Ep. 89, 20 ff . : Trans Hadrkm et Ionium Aegaeum- 
que vester vilicus regnat; . . . tecta vestra resplendeant . . . 
imipoBita montibus. Compare also in De Clem. 1, 6, 1 civitas 
... in qua consumitur quicquid terris omnibus aratur. If, 
t^ien, the passage is a refleotion of conditions during the last 
days of Seneca, the domum mentioned is the Golden House of 
Nero, and the &te for the Thyestes would be near the b^inning 
of 65 A. D. The injunction of Jocasta in Oed. 1060 hunc pete 
utemm, and in Phoen. 447 hunc petite ventrem, but slightly 



4 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

modify •'ttie last words of Agrippina, as given by Tac. Ann. 14, 
8, 23 ventrem feri^ and both tragedies must be placed after the 
death of Agrippina. // Phaedra 1120 f. is a reference to Bri- 
tannicus, it comes after 55 a. d., and if ib. 996 }>otens r^nat 
adulter refers to Nero it is to be placed after 62 a. d. The 
reference to the paelex and the bride in the same home^ H. 0. 
236^ indicaites about the same time for the Hercules Oetaeus. 
The Medea 498 also speaks of the paelex; cf . 582 ff. // the use 
of the same expression in tiie iprose and the tragedies has any 
weight as evidence of composition at about the same time^ the 
use of siparum, Ep. 77, 1 : Medea 327 ; and of meminisse, Ep. 
78, 15 : H. P. 660, would show that these tragedies were written 
near the date of these epistles. These are hypotheses based on 
the application of statements in the tragedies to Boman condi- 
tions, yet they are necessary to account for the intensely prac- 
tical Seneca selecting as his themes those Grecian subjects to 
which statements of Boman conditions could be properly applied. 
Special as well as general condiitions and situations are por- 
trayed in the tragedies. The attitude of Caesar and Pompey, 
tiie tyranny and death of Caligula, and the acts of Nero find 
their counterparts in the activities of tiie Greek characters. 
The declaration. Thy. 444, non cepit r^num duos, and the 
reply ib, 534 recepit hoc regnum duos, is an adaptation of Alex- 
ander's statement to Darius about the two suns. It is reflected 
in the words of Seneca Dial. 6, 14, 3; and Ep. 94, 65, and is 
in the words of Lucan 1, 111 non cepit fortuna duos. The 
words in Medea 142 vivat tamen memorque nostri were written 
with an eye to the last words of Augustus, as given by Suetonius 
Aug. 99, while H. P. 749 

eanguine hmnano abstine 
quicumque regnas, scelera tazantur modo 
maiore vestra, 

is a lesson drawn from the career of Caligula. The short dura- 
tion of violent rule, Tr. 268; Medea 195, and the crown torn 
from the head, H. P. 261 ; 742, apply also to him. The injimc- 
tion. Thy. 42 inmdneat viro infesta coniimx, though borrowed 
from Ovid Metam. 1, 146, concisely states the relation of Agrip- 
pina to Claudius. A trait of the latter, expressed by the words 
parte inaudita altera, is given in Medea 198; Ludus 14, 2; 



ROMAN ELEMENTS IN THE TRAGEDIES OF SENECA. 5 

Suet. Qaud. 38 ; cf . Oed. 708. The attitude of Octavia to Pop- 
paea finds its counterpart in that of Medea to Creusa^ and 
paelicem invisam in Medea 498 equally applies to both rivals. 
The description of Hippolytus in Phaedra 1120 

qui modo paterni clams imperii comes 
et certus heres aidenim fulsit, 

fits Britannicus (cf. Thy. 47) just as Phaedra 989 vincit sanctos 
dira libido | fraus sublimi regnat in aula, and ib. 996 vitioque 
potens regnat adulter are suited to Nero. Equally applicable to 
him is Ag. 79 iura pudorque | et coniugii sacrata fides | f ugiunt 
aulas. A knowledge of the words of Domitius denying that any- 
thing nisi detesfcabile, Suet. Nero 6, could be bom from himself 
and Agrippina is a sufficient basis for an expression of wonder 
at the appearance of an Antigone in the house of Oedipus, 
Oed. fr. 80 fF. The material conditions under Nero are as 
well expressed in Thy. 455 ff. ; cf . ib. 641 ff. 

The imperial motto, Dial, 3, 20, 4 ; Suet. Tib. 59 ; Calig. 30, 
oderint, dum mietuant, is given in De Clem. 1, 12, 4 with the 
comment nam cum invisus sit, quia timetur, timeri vult, quia 
invisus est. This is adapted in Ag. 73 metui cupiunt metuique 
timent, and in Phoen. 294 the motto appears as odium atque 
regnum. Pear is the guardian of the latter, Oed. 717, and into 
it faith does not enter, Ag. 286. The primal art of supreme 
power is to endure enmity, H. F. 357, and a sense of shame is a 
bad minister, Phaedra 438. No more glorious victilm than an 
unjust king can be sacrificed to Jove, H. F. 926, yet supreme 
power is cheap at any cost, Phoen. 302. Compare with this 
sentiment that expressed by Milton P. L. 1, 202 

To reign is worth ambition, though in Hell. 

We may take as a revelation of Seneca's attitude toward Nero, 
certainly of Lucan's, tiie words in Thy. 207 

quos cogit metus 
laudare, eosdem reddit inimicos metus. 

In like manner his own experience, as well as that of Socrates, 
is reflected in Thy. 308 

ipeiora iuvenes facile praecepta audiunt. 



6 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

In contrast with both may be placed Oed. 538 

Aaepe yel lingua magis 
regi atque regno muta libertas obest. 

The general coloring, especially the ethical, is the same for 
the tragedies as for the other works of Seneca. His exile at 
Corsica -had left its impression upon him. There he had watched 
the stars in their courses. Dial. 10, 10, 6 ; 11, 7, 2 : H. F. 125 ; 
557; had listened to the winds; had heard the murmuring of 
the sea, Tr. 209; and had seen the waves dashing against the 
rocks. Dial. 2, 3, 5; 7, 27, 3: Phaedra 588; Ag. 560 ff.; cf. 
Epigram 2, 1. Here he gained the material for -Qie brilliant 
passage. Dial. 11, 9, 6, in whidi he delineates life, closing with 
the words, nullus portus nisi moitis est; cf. Dial. 10, 7, 10; 
Benef . 1, 10, 1 ; Ep. 70, 2 : Ag. 613 ; H. 0. 1025 

mors flola i>ortuB dalwtur aenimnis meis; cf. Ag. 827. 

Chance, fate, fortune, or by whatsoever naane we call tiie 
uncalculated ethical environment, is everywhere prominent in 
the works of Seneca. Chance and change are busy ever, Dial. 
7, 25, 4 : Phaedra 1132 ff., and the high and the low are con- 
stantly changing places. Dial. 7, 25, 4; 11, 15; Benef. 2, 13, 1 : 
Thy. 596 ff. Change may come over night, 'Hiy. 613 ; H. 0. 
617, for nulla sots longa est, Thy. 596 ; cf . Ag. 986. It is the 
excessive that is harmful. Dial. 1, 4, 10 ; Ep. 85, 12 : Oed. 695 ; 
707 ; 930. The golden mean is the sure course of life, which, 
with the golden rule, is given in quotation Ep>. 94, 43 nihil 
nimis, and ab alio exspectes, alteri quod feceris. The crowd is 
to be avoided, Ep. 7, 1, the majority is the worse part, Dial. 
7, 2, 1, and, as a summary of social conditions, sacrilegia minuta 
puniuntur, magna in triumphis feruntur, Ep. 87, 23. The 
same conditions are set forth in the tragedies, as is shown by 
the declaration that success makes certain crimes honorable, 
Phaedra 606, and also in H. P. 255 ff. 

Thebifl prosperum ac felix scelus 
virtus vocatur. aontibus parent boni, 
iufl est in annds, opprimit legea timor. 

Crime is as rampant in Hellas, Phaedra 727; Ag. 170; cf. Thy. 
40 ff., as it is at Rome, Dial. 4, 9, 2. Still the upward way is 
easy. Dial. 4, 13, 1 nee . . . arduum in virtutes et asperum iter 



ROMAN BLEMENTB IN THE TRAGEDIBB OF 8ENB0A. 7 

est: or difiScnlt acoording to occasion^ H. F. 441 non est ad 
asbra moUis e terris via. Happiness is for the lowly^ Oed. 
903 ff., and is found especially in the cottage, H. F. 203 ; Thy. 
451; Phaedra 1132 ff.; cf. Lucan 5^ 527. Here is tranquilla 
quies, H. F. 161 ; cf . Dial. 7, 3, 4, although, H. F. 176, novit 
paucos secura quies. This applies especially to the old, H. 0. 
647. The poor man drinks from beechen cups, H. 0. 657; cf. 
Vergil EcL 3, 36 ; the rich from gold, Phaedra 526, in which is 
poison. Thy. 453. Death is the haven for the individual, and for 
tiie Universe there is also to be a perishing; see Dial. 6, 26, 6; 
11, 1, 2 : Thy. 881 ; HL 0. 1106 flf. This expectation is well put 
in Oct. 403 

nunc adest mundo dies 
flupremuB iUe qui ipremat genus ampium 
eaeU ruina. 

After deatii is it Si quis sensus est? Dial. 11, 5, 2; 11, 9, 3, or, 
as in the choral song Tr. 380 ff. beginning 

verum est, an timidos f abula decipit, 
umbras oorporibus livere conditio f 

n. Vabiations in Statement. 

A. Metrical. 

Metrical requirements were a determining factor in deciding 
the form of statement in the tragedies. If elements from prose 
were used it was necessary to change from rhythm to meter, 
and if frcm poetry, a metrical transformation was at times called 
for. Medea 267 has 

egredere, purga regna, letales simul 
tecum aufer hert>afl. libera elves metu, 

and Ag. 1002, of Orestes, abiit, excessit. The latter is a part 
of what Cicero says about Catiline id Cat. 2, 1, 1, abiit, ex- 
cessift, evasit, erupit. The first part is gathered from t6. 1, 5, 10 
^redere, purga urbem, and ife. 1, 8, 20 egredere . . . libera rem 
publicam metu. Similar statements with libera are foimd else- 
where in the tragedies, and we find in Terence Andria 431 libera 
miserum metu. The metrical group at least has a Boman color- 



8 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ing. Thy. 530 Di paria, frater, pretia pro tantis tibi | meritis 
rependant is a transformation of Vergil Aen. 2, 535' 

*' at tibi pro scelere," exdamat, '* pro talibus ausis 
di, fli qua e»t caelo pietas, quae talia curet, 
pereolvant grates dignas et praemda reddant 
debita." 

A shorter piece is Oed. fr. 120 dirige hue gressus which is hue 
dirige gressum in Vergil Aen. 5, 162; end 11, 855. Good 
illustrations, though lying outside of the tragedies, €we Catullus 
8, 11 perfer, obdura, and Ovid Amores 3, 11, 7 perfer et obdura. 
Lucretius 1, 312 ff. has 

anulus in digito subter tenuatur habendo, 
Btilicidi casua lapidem cavat, uncus aratri 
ferreus occulte decrescit vomer in arvis. 

Ovid distributes these lines as follows : Ex Pont. 4, 10, 5 



gutta cavat lapidem, consumitur anulus usu, 
atteritur pressa vomer aduncus humo; 



ib. 2, 7, 39 

utque caducis 
percuBsu crebro saxa cavantur aquis; 

and Ars Amatoria 1, 476 

dura taoaen molli saxa cavantur aqua. 

B. Rhetorical, 

There was need of rhetorical variation in order to justify the 
re-presentation of a theme or thought. It was only this that 
would permit of three Consolations, three books on Anger and 
seven on Benefits. Seneca Ep. 8, 9 quotes with approval a triple 
putting of the same thought, and good illustrations may also 
be found elsewhere, as in his own words in his comparisons of 
the age of the universe and the age of man, Dial. 6, 21, 1 ; 11, 
1, 1 ; Ep. 74, 11 : 77, 20. Notice also his quotations and com- 
ments on the '' king bee '' De Clem. 1, 19, 2 and Ep. 114, 23 ; 
on Sicily Dial. 6, 17, 2 and N. Q. 6, 30, 1 ; on quaeque dies Dial. 
10, 9, 2 ajid Ep. 108, 24 ; and. Dial. 6, 9, 6 and 9, 11 8, on the 

verse 

cuivis potest accidere quod cuiquam potest. 



ROMAN ELEMENTS IN THE TRAGEDIES OF SENECA. 9 

Instances of different degrees of elaboration occur also in the 
tragedies. A neatly turned group of words may be repeated, as 
in H. F. 614 and Medea 9 noctis aetemae chaos, but this shows 
no such skill in the use of words as do the lines which are varied 
in form. Troades 998 nunc victa nunc captiva nunc cunctis 
mihi I obsessa videor dadibus, is an expansion of H. F. 422 
capta nunc videor mihi. Shakespeare Macbetii 2, 2, 60 has a 
statanent about washing clean the bloodstained hands ; cf . Lu- 
cretius 6, 1076. This appears twice in the tragedies H. F. 
1330 ff. and Phaedra 723 ff. The first reads : 

quia Tanaifl &ut quia Nilua aut quia Peraica 
violentua unda Tigria aut Rhenua ferox 
Taguave Hiibera turbidua gaza fluens, 
abluere dextram poterit? Arctoum licet 
Maeotia in me gelida tranafundat niRre 
et iota Tethya per meae currant manua. 

The latter is shorter, omitting the Tagus which Hercules had 
seen, though mentioning the Tanais and the Maeotis, and adding 
the Oceanus: 

Quis eluet me Tanaia ? aut quae barbaria 
Maeotia undia Pontioo incumbena mari? 
nom ispse toto magnua Oceano pater 
tantmn expiarit aoeleria. O ailvael O ferae! 

Seneca realized that Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned, 
and presents two. The first in Medea 583 ff. : 

nulla via flammae tumidive venti 

tanta, nee tell metuenda torti 

quanta, cum coniimx viduata taedia ardet et odit. 

Here the elements are flame, wind and dart, but different in 

H. 0. 236 

O quam cruentua leminaa atimulat furor, 
cum patuit una paelici et nuptae domua, 
Scylla et CbaiTbdia Sicula contorquena freta 
iminue eat timenda, nulla non melior fera eat. 

Another series showing variations are the passages giving pos- 
sible ("as long as'^) and impossible ("sooner than^') condi- 
tions in nature. Vergil Aen. 1, 607 ff. has 

in freta dum fluvii current, dum montibua lunbrae 
luatrabunt convesxa. polua dum sidera paacet, 



10 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

and this was e suggestion to Seneca in developing similar pic- 
tures in Oed. 516-520 and Medea 404-408. Each of these has^ 
in addition to other dements^ sometiiing from Vergil. There 
are entirely different elements in H. 0. 1580-5 which are followed 
in 1586-90 by four different dements meaning ^^ sooner than.'' 
This passage does not greaitly differ from Thy. 476-482. Simi- 
lar comparisons are in Phaedra 576-581 ; H. 0. 339-341. The 
Octavia, 90 ff. and 227 S., adds still other elements. Some 
things that never will be are given iu Oed. f r. 84 ff . : 

ipsa se in leges novas 
natura vertet, regeret in fontem citas 
refvolutfUB undas amniB et noctem adferet 
Hioebea kmpas, Hespems faciet diem. 

m. Adaptations. 

A. In Seneca's Prose. 

We may assume that Seneca had a memory somewhat like 
that of his father (see Seneca Bhet. Contr. Praef. 2-3)^ and that 
many pieces of the phraseology of his predecessors had fixed 
themselves iu his mind^ as if they had been from a Bible. The 
loss of large masses of Boman literary material renders it im- 
possible to determine how much in his works is reminiscen- 
tial. However, this is, for our purpose, immaterial, for 
we wish to give merely an indication of his use of the material 
from other works. His practice of daily review. Dial. 5, 36, 3, 
was derived from the Elder Cato; see Cicero De Sen. 11, 38. 
Every now and then in his prose works we find some verbal 
felicity which is reproduced either exactly or with slight vari- 
ations. Some illustrations both from prose and poetry will 
sufiSce to show his method. Caesar BeU. Gall. 3, 25, 1 speaks 
of no weapon falling in vain {f rostra), while Seneca has in 
vanum, Dial. 9, 9, 3, and, as if he were quoting, in Dial. 6, 16, 5 
nullum aiunt f rustra cadere telum. The connections of domes- 
tico . . . praeconio in Diid. 11, 8, 2 point to the Pro Archia 
10, 24 as its source. In the same way 'his remark about the 
rein and the goad in Dial. 4, 21, 3 and 7, 25, 6 adapts Cicero^s 
rendition of the remark of Isocrates ; see Peterson ad Quintilian 
10, 1, 75. The statement of the relation of the giver and the 



ROMAN ELBMmfTS IN THE TRAGEDIES OF SENECA. H 

receiver in Benef. 2, 10^ 4 is drawn from Cicero De Am. 20, 71. 
When, Dial. 8, 8, 2, he mentions the Inhiimana crudelitas of the 
Carihaginians he had in mind Idvy 21, 4, 9, just as, in speaking 
of Pompey, Dial. 6, 20, 4 and 6, 26, 2, he was thinking of Livy 
9, 17, 6. 

The adaptations from the poets are far more numerous, and 
it is not impossible that these may be classed among the dulcia 
vitia mentioned in Quintilian 10, 1, 129. The jests of fortune, 
DkiL 11, 16, 2, were a commonplooe in the days of Plautus. 
The words in Dial. 6, 21, 5 fixus est cuique terminus shorten 
the thesis of Lucretius, 1, 76, and the reference to curing by 
deception, DiaL 5, 39, 4, comes from the same source, 1, 941. 
The reference to fruitless labor. Dial. 10, 11, 1, is also from 
Lucretius, 5, 1430. The injunction in Dial. 5, 1, 1 cedere . . . 
dum tempestas prima desaeyit recalls Vergil Aen. 4, 52, just as 
oculis . . . nunc in udo obtutu defixk et haerentibus, does Aen. 
1, 496 obtutuque haeret defixus in imo. The king, De Clem. 
1, 13, 4 sermone adfabilis accessuque facilis, is a transformed 
Polyphemus as portrayed by Vergil Aen. 3, 621 nee visu facilis 
nee dictu adfabilis ulli. The words in Dial. 6, 15, 1 qui dis 
geniti deosque genituri dicantur merely changed the conjunction 
and the grammatical number of the words in Aen. 9, 642. One 
might correctly infer that the oomanand. Dial. 7, 20, 2, sed si 
yir es, suspice, etiamsi decidimt, magna conanitis was based on 
Ovid Metam. 2, 328, even if Seneca had not quoted magnis 
tamen ezcidit ausis in section 5. 

Evidences of the use of Horace are still more numerous. The 

dictum, reluctante natura inrifcus labor est, in Dial. 9, 6, 2, 

though it has none of the words, is a transformation of Horace 

A. P. 385 

tu nihil invita dices faciesve Mineira. 

For an illustration of both utilization and adaptation, see Dial. 
4, 2, 4 adridemus ridentibus et contristat nos turba moerentium, 
and A. P. 101 ut ridentibus adrident, ita flentibus adsunt | hu- 
mani voltus. The theme in De Clem. 1, 1, 6 is natural goodness, 
on which there is the comment, quibus Veritas subest . . . tem- 
pore ipso in mains meliusque prooedunt, a result which Horace 
ascribes to the gods in Odes 3, 4, 66 vim temperatam di quoque 
provehunt | in mains. Similar to this are the following: 



12 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Dial. 6, 3, 3 eximis te numero vivorum, which has two words 
from Odes 2, 2, 17-19 Phraaten . . . numero beatomm eximit 
virtufl ; and Dial. 10, 17, 6 per occupationes vita trudetur, which 
is suggested by Odes 2, 18, 15 truditur dies die. As in these 
passages, the words of Horace are at times merely a suggestion 
for a similar thought with some key-word retained. The fol- 
lowing will illustrate. From Odes 2, 1, 3 gravisque principum 
amicitias, Seneca in Died. 1, 3, 14 gets inimicitias potentium 
graves. The thought in Odes 3, 21, 11 mero caluisse virtus, in 
Dial. 9, 17, 4 is given in entirely different words, Cato vino 
laxabat animum. Horace Odes 2, 13, 4, in his objurgation of 
the ill-famed tree, has in nepotum | pemiciem opprobriumque 
pagi, while Seneca Dial. 11, 17, 3 applies to Caligula in exitium 
opprobriumque humani generis. Dial. 9, 1, 9 recedo non peior, 
sed tristior is a strengthening of Ep. 1, 16, 35 tristis recedo. 
Dial. 10, 20, 6 nemo non prooul spee intendit is a generalization 
from A. P. 172 spe longus, referring to the old man. Dial. 
10, 11, 2 vita procul ab omni negotio utilizes Epodes 2, 1, while 
his words. Dial. 7, 27, 4, used in discussing the close observation 
of the defects of others, hoc tale esrt quale si quis pulcherrimorum 
corporum naevos aut verrucas derideat, quem fera scabies de- 
pascitur, combines Satires 1, 6, 67 velut si | egregio inspersos 
reprehendas oorpore naevos; and ib, 1, 3, 74 ignoscet verrucis 
illius. Along the same line we may compare Dial. 4, 28, 8 aliena 
vitia in oculis habemus, a tergo nostra sunt, with Phaedrus 4, 10. 
The contrast of noble and ignoble beasts in De Clem. 1, 5, 6 
reverses the order, and puts in different words, f erarum ne gene- 
rosarum quidem, the statement of Ovid Tristia 3, 5, 33 lupus 
et . . . ursi et quaecumque minor nobilitate fera. 

B. Adaptations in Seneca's Tragedies. 

a. From his prose. 

Owing to divergences in statement, for rhetorical reasons 
desirable, for metrical, necessary, there is often in the tragedies 
little more than a suggestion of the source from which the 
thought was derived. This source may be some other work of 
Seneca or that of some preceding writer. All equally well illus- 
trate the basic Roman character of the thought of Seneca. This 



ROMAN BLEMENTB IN THE TRAGBDIB8 OF SENECA. 13 

method might seem to be an instance of '^ carrying coals to New- 
castle," or better " yXavK^ cis ^ABrjva^ "; but it is rather the offer- 
ing of native Boman products in tiie Grecian literary mart. 

Seneca in Ep. 94, 28 quotes audentes fortuna iuvat, and in 
Medea 169 transforms it, fortuna fortes metuit, ignavos premit. 
The pilot needs the storm for his develoipment. Dial. 6, 5, 6, and 
the same thought is in the maxim marcet sine adversario virtus, 
ift. 1, 2, 3 ; see 1, 4, 3. This is changed but little in Ag. 184 
sine boste viotus marcet. With this may be placed another 
saying, Ep. 3, 3 quidam fallere docuenmt, dum timent falli, 
which is to be compared with Phoen. 131 

qootiens neoesse eet fallere aut falli a suis. 

To help the wretched is a common thought, Benef. 7, 31, 4: 
Phaedra 985; Medea 223, as also community in misery. Dial. 
6, 12, 6; 11, 1, 3: Tr. 1026; Ag. 545, and that of crime on 
crime. Dial. 3, 16, 3 ; De Clem. 1, 13, 2 : Thy. 1108 ; Phaedra 
727; Ag. 116; 170. The contrast of king and iyrant is not 
infrequent: De Qem. 1, 12, 1: Ag. 262; H. 0. 882; 1300. To 
kill is sometimes an act of mercy. Dial. 3, 16, 3 : Tr. 338, but 
the ferrum purum of Cato, Dial. 1, 2, 10, performing noble 
service, is praiseworthy in the case of all, H. 0. 1666 

laudie est punim tenuisse fermm. 

The declaration of Juno H. P. Ill facere si quicquam apparo 
I dignum noverca is explained by Dial. 12, 2, 4 nidli tamen non 
magno constitit etiam bona noverca. In the same way the 
allusion in Dial. 10, 10, 6 foratos animos, finds its explanation 
in the reference to the Danaides in Medea 761 umis . . . fora- 
tis. Seneca declares, Dial. 6, 19, 2; cf. 2, 6, 1, that at Rome 
diildlessness wins favor, but Theseus asserts that it is an evil, 
Phaedra 1262. With this we place the remark of Seneca, Ep. 
104, 27, about the children of Socrates, liberos . . . matri quam 
patri similiores, and the strengthened statement in Medea 24 
liberos similes patri, similesque matri. There is a happy result 
for near silence, as is shown by Dial. 4, 29, 4 qui dicere tibi 
nisi dam non vult, paene non dicit, and Phaedra 732 

«ecreta cum sit culipa quis testis aciet ? 

Both sets of writings have references to animals held in by a 



14 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

string of feniiihers, DiaL 4^ 11^ 5 ; De Clem. 1, 12^ 5 : Phaedra 50 ; 
cf. Vergil Aen. 12, 760. De Clem. 1, 18, 2 mille mortibus is 
akin to Phaedra 559 mille formas mortis. Seneca asserts in 
Dial. 7, 27, 3 ferendo vos vincam, whidi can be compared with 
H. P. 69 et posse caelum viribus vinci suis | didicit ferendo; and 
this wiih Tr. 272 magna momento obrui | vincendo didici. 

A few commonplace words and iphraees exe likewise indica- 
tions of a kindred phraseology. Sub ictu, DiaL 6, 9, 5 ; 7, 12, 1 ; 
cf . Ep. 80, 3 : Phoen. 168 ; solvendo non esse, Ep. 118, 1 : Oed, 
963 ; infra, De Clem. 1, 6, 3 : Thy. 366 ; Medea 623 ; supra, Ep. 
71, 18: Thy. 45; 268. There are several phrases with in, as in 
limine, in solido, in lubrico; Ep. 71, 28; 75, 10: Ag. 68, may 
be taken as illustrations. Bene est, habet and peractum est are 
thoroughly Roman; for occurrences see Index. 

b. From other Sources. 

1. Prose. 

There are some paesages in whidi the tragedies reproduce, if 
not the words, as least a picture that has been derived from 
some iprose source. Compare H. 0. 1440 qui eonus nostras ferit 
I cadestis aures? and Cicero Somnium Scip. 5, 10 quis est, qui 
complet meas aures tantus et tam dulcis sonus? The single 
toudi in Phaedra 552 pro iure vires esse, is practically the 
boast of the Gauls, as given by Livy 6, 36, 6 se in armis ius 
ferre, and the words in Phaedra 706 et ipsa nostrae fata cog- 
nosco domus, is a change of Hannibal^s declaration, Idvy 27, 51, 
13 agnoscere se fortunam Carthaginis fertur dixisse. H. 0. 
1683 dirum frendens ^ws a prototype of Hannibal, Livy 30, 
20, 1. The statement in Phaedra 899 

lerro ac minis 
non oesait animus: vim tamen corpus tulit. 
iaton liano pudoris eluet noster cruor, 

was a part of current tradition, for it is the story of Lucretia 
transferred to poetry. It is not impossible ihat we have here 
an adaptation of the account of Livy 1, 58, 7 ceterum corpus 
est tantum violatum, animus insons; mors testis erit. The mes- 
sage of Lucretia, section 6, maturato opus est, is slightly changed 
in the message of the nutrix to Theseus, properato est opus, 
V. 870. 



ROMAN BLBMENTB IN THE TRAGBDIEB OF SENECA. 15 

2. Lucretius and Catullus. 

Seneca's prose works show timt he both used and adapted 
statements of Lucretius^ and tiie same method was extended to 
the tragedies. 'Hie juxtaposition of a positive and a negative 
is not infrequent. DiaL 5, 27, 3 mansuete, immansuetus; Dial. 
6, 1, 2, pietaSy impie; and Dial. 11, 1, 1 immortale, mortalis 
are illustrations. Lucr. 1, 98 oasta inceste is the suggestion for 
!F!haedra 1192 morere si casta es viro | ei incesta amorl. 
'"Suave," says Lucretius 2, 1, for which Tr. 1019 has " duloe '' 
in a similar soothing scene. From Lucretius 3, 895 nee dulces 
oocurrent oscula nati | praeripere, came ^y. 145 dum currit 
patrium natus ad osculum. The sketch of the sacrifice of Iphi- 
genia, Lucr. 1, 84 ff., is expanded in the picture of the sacrifice 
of Polyx^ia, Tr. 1157 flP. The same is true of what is said 
about the love of animals, Lucr. 1, 17 ff. and Phaedra 477 ff. 
The model for Hippolytus on the evolution of war, Phaedra 
552 ff., was Lucr. 5, 1280 ff., and the account of the plague at 
ArtSiens, Lucr. 6, 1138-1286, fumis/hed a few touches (w. 1250 ; 
1283 ) for the description of the one at 'HiebeB, Oed. 52 ; 64. 

Seneca in the Ludus 11, 6 quotes Catullus 3, 12 

ftlluc, unde negant redire quemquam, 

which appears changed in tiie tragedies, H. F. 869 ; H. 0. 48 ; 
1531; 1961. The choral passage in Medea 90-115 is the por- 
trayal of a Boman wedding scene, and line 113 festa dicax 
fundat convitia Fescenninus | solvat turba iocos, within a mar- 
riage song, is a reflection of Catullus 61, 121 ne diu taceat 
procax I Fescennina iocatio. 



3. VergiL 

The evidences of adaptation from Vergil, Horace and Ovid 
are more numerous. But the appearance in the tragedies of 
some apt piece of phraseology is not necessarily evidence of 
conscious reproduction, for it may have been caught up into 
the current of expression, so that it was no longer the author's 
but Some's. This however does not affect its consideration here, 
for, whether consciously or unconsciously adapted, it was thor- 
oughly Roman. 

The description of several characters mentioned in ihe tra- 



16 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

gedies seems to have been stabilized by Vergil, and the picture 
of one could be transferred to anotiier. The storm scene in 
Ag. 490 fE. had in view Vergil Aen. 1, 84 fE. In both, Neptune 
thrusts his head from the waters (575: 127), Vergil's unda 
dehiscene {v. 106) becomes dehiscens pontus {v, 520), and, 
terque quaterque beati {v. 94) is changed to quisquis ad 
Troiam iacet | felix vocatur {v. 535), preceded by (the names 
of heroes, end followed by relative clauses. Pallas is the wielder 
of the thunderbolt in both scenes, and the Juno of Aen. 1, 50 
is likewise the Juno of H. P. 27 vivaces aget | violentus iras 
animus. The description of Astyanax in Tr. 474, beginning 
talis incessu fuit, is a palpable imitation of Aen. 3, 490, and 
that of Hector, ii. 453, repeats something of what is said of 
Hector's shade in Aen. 2, 268 flf. Compare 

Graias petebat facibus Idaeis rates, v. 454, 

and 

vel Danaum Phrjgios iaculatus pup^Rbus Ignes, v, 276. 

Pata si poscent, or its equivalent, is used in connection with 
Calchafi, Tr. 361 : Aen. 2, 121. Hercules in H. 0. 801 is another 
Laocoon, Aen. 2, 223, while H. 0. 1674 injplevit omnem voce 
feminea locum is copied after the calling by Aeneas, Aen. 2, 769. 
Ulysses in Tr. 760 is machinator fraudis et scelerum ertifex, 
but only scelerum inventor in Aen. 2, 164. The words of Ale- 
mene in H. 0. 1802 quis me locus, quae regio . . . defendet 
come also from Vergil, Aen. 1, 459^ The asseveration of Hecuba 
in Tr. 28 flP. recalls that of Aeneas in Aen. 2, 431, and the fol- 
lowing parage, ib. 44-50, gives her experience similar to that 
of Aeneas in Aen. 2, 550 flf. Phoen. 267 fortuna belli semper 
ancipiti in looo generalizes the words of Dido in Aen. 4, 603 ; 
her imprecation, Aen. 4, 613 ff., is utilized in Medea 20 ff., and 
her wail, Aen. 4, 657, beginning felix, heu •nimium felix, is 
changed to pro nimis felix, nimis in H. 0. 1808. Congresse 
Aohilli Troile in Ag. 784 changes the case, and rearranges the 
words, of Aen. 1, 475. The cave of Chiron, Tr. 841, mentis exesi 
spatiosus antro, is modelled after that of Proteus, Vergil G^eorg. 
4, 419 specus ingens exesi latere in mentis. 

Vergil's description of the death of Priam, Aen. 2, 502, is 
distributed by Seneca between Thy. 742 and Ag. 220. Contrast 



ROMAN ELBMEKT8 IN TBS TRAQBDIE8 OF SENECA. 17 

with this^ as an illustration of the opposite rhetorical metihod^ 
the concentration of two passages in Thy. 698 

e laevo aethere 
atrom oucurrit limitem sidus traliens. 
Irbata in ignes vina nmtato fluunt 
cmenta B^tcciho. 

These lines are a conibination of Aen. 2, 693 intonuit laevnm 

et . . . Stella f acem dUcens multa cnm luce cucurrit and Aen. 

4, 455 

f usaqu^ in obscennm se vertere yina cruorem. 

Thy. 563, pallidae natos tenuere matres, skillfully shortens and 
transposes same of the words in Aen. 7, 518 trapidae matres 
pressere ad pectora natos. It should be noted that the simile in 
the Aeneid, w, 528 ft., shows the rising conflict, while Seneca, 
w. 573 flf., gives the end. 

The environment of Troy is the eame, though 'the Xantiius, 
Tr. 195, takes the place of the Simois in Aen. 1, 100, and Tene- 
dos, notissima fama, Aen. 2, 21, is modified in Tr. 233 to nota 
fama Tenedos. In about the same way Aen. 2, 557 iacet ingens 
litore truncus, becomes in Tr. 147 Sigea premis litora truncus. 
In both, Crete is the island of the hundred cities, Tr. 830 : Aen. 
3, 106. 

The following illustrations, with reference to the parallel pas- 
sages in the Aeneid, will be enough to show the persistence of 
the method of Seneca throughout the mass of the tragedies. 
Thy. 539 tua iam peracta gloria est, restat mea: Aen. 3, 493; 
ib. 2, 354 una salus victis becomes in Oed. fr. 88 unica Oedi- 
podae est salus; and Oed. 327 genitor horresco intuens is based 
on Aen. 2, 204. Phaedra 567 sed dux malorum femina general- 
izes a well-known statement in Aen. 1, 364. Four passages will 
illustrate the practical identity of the picture, but with different 
verbal coloring. Vergil says in Aen. 2, 48 aut aliquis latot error, 
the same nuimber of words as in Thy. 473 errat hie aliqvis dolus. 
Similar to these exe Aen. 1, 150 iamque faces et saxa volant, 
and H. 0. 323 saxa iamdudum ac faces in te f erentur ; and also 
Aen. 6, 601 atra silex iam iam lapsura, and Thy. 77 iamque 
venturi . . . mentis. Seneca in I^ 78, 15 quotes the line con- 
taining meminisse iuvabit, Aen. 1, 203, and this appears trans- 

2 



18 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PUILOLOGY. 

formed in H. F. 660 quae fuit durum pati^ | meminisse duloe 
est. We shall close with an illustration of the skillful adapta^ 
tion of one of the similes of Vergil, Aen. 9, 435 

ipurpureua veluti cum flos fluocimie aratro 
( languescit moriens, lassove papayera collo 

demiaere caputs 

which reappears in Phaedra 375 

nunc ut solute labitur moriena gradu 
et vix labante sustinet collo caput. 

4. Horace. 

Vergil furnished considerable descriptive material for the 
tragedies; but Horace, both descriptive and philosophical. The 
long account of the blessings of country life in Phaedra 491-533 
has a f 6w touches from the second epode, and the choral passage 
in Medea 301-382 gets its key-note, 

, audaz nimium qui f reta primus 

rate tarn f ragili perfida rupit, 

from Horace Odes 1, 3, 9 flP. We would fain believe that ille 
potens sui in Odes 3, 29, 41 had a guiding influence on Seneca 
when he drew tiie picture of the pihilosophic king in T%y. 344- 
403. With this we place H. P. 743 quisquis est jdacide potens | 
dominusque vitae servat innocues manus. Horace demonstrates 
the value of the golden mean, but Seneca states the proposition 
negatively in H. 0. 679 quisquis medium defugit iter | stabili 
numquam tramite currit. He gives as illustrations Phaethon, 
and Icarus who dedit ignoto nomina ponto (cf. Odes 4, 2, 3), 
and foUows with the lines 

stringat tenuU litora puppia 
nee magna meas aura phaseloa 
iubeat medium ecindere pontum, 

wnich combines the thought of Odes 2, 10, 1-4, and 3, 29, 62-64. 
Horace continues in 2, 10, 22 sapienter idem | contrahes vento 
nimium secundo | turgida vela. Seneca has a kindred thought 
in Ag. 90 ff. vela secundis inflata notis | ventos nimium timuere 
suos, while Thy. 615 changes the sphere of application, and adds 
an opposite as a balance, 

nemo confidat nimiinn aecundis 
nemo deaperet meliora lassie. 



ROMAN ELEMENTS IN THE TRAGEDIES OF SENECA. 19 

There is considerable variety in the form of statement^ and 
some of the ap(parent adaptations may indicate nothing more 
than the impress ^hich the vocabulary of Horace *had made on 
the current speech of the following cen/fcury. The neat turn in 
Odes 1, 37, 4 nunc . . . omare pulvinar deorum tempus erat, is 
reflected in Medea 111 iaan tempus erat succendere pinum, 
though the tarn may seem to indicate an adaptation from Ovid. 
Bara fides, Odes 1, 35, 21: H. 0. 605, is part of the same 
thought, but veloz f ortuna in Phaedra 1152 is suited to a conno- 
tation different from Odes 1, 34, 14, where Horace has rapaz 
f ortuna. In this connection Horace has valet ima summis mu- 
tare which Seneca worked into Thy. 598 ima permutat levis 
hora summis. For Odes 1, 12, 31 ponto | unda recumbit, Thy. 
589 has stagno pelagus recumbit, two different words being used. 
The references to tiie Tyndaridae in H. P. 14 and 556 utilize 
Odes 1, 3, 2 and 4, 8, 31. H. P. 109 nobis prius insaniendum 
est applies to Juno the precept of A. P. 102. Ludit begins 
H. P. 141 and Odes 3, 11, 10, though the subject is of different 
class and gender. The patiens auris is mentioned in H. P. 865 
and Ep. 1, 1, 40, and tiie direction of search is changed from 
caelum in Odes 1, 3, 38 to Stygias undas in H. P. 187; cf. 
Phaedra 485. Odes 2, 18, 5 neque Attali | ignotus heres regiam 
occupavi as surely suggested H. P. 341 non vetera patriae iura 
possideo domus | ignavus heres, as did Odes 1, 35, 35 quid 
intactum nefasti liquimus? . . . quibus | pepercit aris? Thy. 

221, 

quid enim reliquit crhnine intactum, aut ubi 
Boeleri pepercit? 

The words expressing fears of a deluge in Odes 1, 2, 6 are 
differently applied in Thy. 132, but ib. 236 hinc omne dadis 
mutuae fluzrt malum has the same key-note as Odes 3, 6, 19-20. 
Non quicquid Libycis terit ] fervens area messibus, ib. 356, is a 
noticeable statement for a Grecian chorus, but eminently proper 
for Horace Odes 1, 1, 10. Nee sit irarum modus | pudorve, ib. 
26, borrows nK)dus and pudor from Odes 1, 24, 1. Non fulget 
aKis splendidum tectis ebur, ib. 457, gives the facts of Odes 
2, 18, 1, while nos dura sorte creates, ib. 882, is the dura aetas 
of Odes 1, 35, 34. 

Occidere est vetare cupientem mori, Oed. fr. 100, is a piece of 



20 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

philosophy like A. P. 467 Invitian qui servat. Phoen. 169 quam 
paene . . . adspexi adapts Odes 2, 13, 21 quam paene . . . 
vidimus as Phoen. 183 fulgentes procul | armis catervas vidit 
reflects Odes 1, 7, 19 fulgentia signis | castra. 

The Phaedra is rich in reminiscenoes/ only one of which will 
be quoted. We find in vv. 496 fif. 

non atira populi et vulgus infidum bonis 
non peatilens invidia, non fragilis favor 



haud ilium niger 
edaxque livor dente degeneri petit. 

The first of this is an adaptation of Odes 3, 3, 2 with a change 
of ardor to favor, and of 3, 2, 20 arbitrio popularis aurae. 
Seneca Dial. 3, 18, 2 has favor popularis, 11, 9, 4 edax . . . 
invidia, and Ep. 7, 1 edax temipus, perhaps from Ovid Metam. 
15, 234; cf. 15, 872 edax vetustafi, which is in Oed. 549. Odes 
3, 30, 3 has imber edax, while Luoan 1, 287 follows the trage- 
dies. For the dose, see Odes 4, 3, 16 dente . . . invido; and 
Ovid Tristia 4, 10, 123 livor iniquo . . . dente momordit opus, 
so IMt this may be an instance of blending by Seneca. 

Premiturque iuncto | fimere funus in Oed. 132 is grammatic- 
ally like Odes 2, 18, 15, and crate, Oct. 423, points to Epode 
2, 45, while verse 26 queruntur in silvis aves, is changed in 
Oed. 460 to 

garrala per ramos aviA obetrepit, 

Hjorace using the last verb to express the sound of the waters. 
Equiiare in Oed. 115 : Odes 2, 9, 24; mors atra, ib. 163 : cf. Sat. 
2, 1, 58 mors atria . . . alls; bimaris, ib. 286: Odes 1, 7, 2; 
lucidum caeli decus, ib, 409 : Carm. Saec. 2 ; pampineis, ib. 436 : 
Odes 4, 8, 33 show lihe use of minutiae from Horace. 

Primisque nondum comibus in Tr. 547 reverses Odes 3, 13, 4. 
Mitior hostia, Medea 66 : Odes 1, 19, 16 ; discissa membra, ib. 
260: Sat 1, 4, 62; dum licet, ib. 496: Odes 3, 11, 50; and 
lustravi, ib. 756 : Odes 3, 25, 12, are suggested rartiier than given 
by Horace. The eame method is illustrated by eome passi^;es 

>401; cf. Thy. 952: Odei 2, 11, 16; 431: 2, 18, 40; 445: 1, 19, 1«; 
476: 4, 7, IS; 501: 4, 3, 16; 800: 3, 6, 43; 855: 1, 15, 9; 1185: 3, 25, 18; 
548 ff.: Ep. 1, 18, 23 and 1, 12, 14; 1266: Sat. 1, 4, 82. 



ROMAN ELEMENTS IN THE TRAGEDIEB OF SENECA. 21 

from the Agamemnon. Cape dona libens^ v. 406^ is a contrac- 
tion of dona praesentia cape laetus horae in Odes 3^ 8^ 27. Verse 
486 nox prima caelum sparserat stellis is the completion of what 
Horace mentions in Sat. 1^ 5^ 10, and Odes 3, 16, 6 stellis 
nebnlam spargere candidis. Fuge et scelestas hostium yita 
manus, ih. 969, is an application by Electra to Orestes of the 
advice given by Hypermnestra to 'her husband in Odes 3, 11, 39. 

maria si itingi iiibes 

in H. 0. 82 is an application of what Odes 2, 2, 11 says of 
Ctedes, and is not inappropriate for Hercules. Par Ule est 
superis, ib. 104, recalls Diomede in Odes 1, 6, 16. Widely 
separated parts are combined in ib. 753 

decus illud orbis atque praesidium unicum 
quern fata terris in locum dederant lovis. 

The second line is suggested by Odes 4, 2, 38; the first is a 
variation of Odes 1, 1, 2 praesidium et decus. Seneca DiaL 
6, 17, 1 has praesidium ac decus ; and 2, 17, 4 decus columenque. 
Otiier variations are found in the tragedies: Tr. 128 columen 
. . . praesidium; H. F. 1258 firmamen . . . columen; Phaedra 
418 caeli sidus et noctis decus; Oct. 173 sidus . . . columen. 
The use of sidus in the last (passage is explained by the applica- 
tion of the term to Claudius in Dial. 11, 13, 1. Odes 3, 25, 10 ff. 
is the basis of H. 0. 1054 f. The description of Orpheus in 
tiiis connection may combine Horace and Vergil Qeorg. 4, 455 ff. 
The way to the stars, H. 0. 1980 (cf. Oct. 488), is the thought 
of Horace applied also to Hercules in Odes 3, 3, 9. 

6. Ovid. 

The birth of Seneca followed shortly after the death of Vergil 
and of Horace, and his youth fell within the period of the 
activity of Livy and of OvM. For this reason the works of the 
latter must be counted as one of the formative influences on 
the etyle of S^ieca. This is especially true as Ovid in the Hero- 
ides wrote of some of the characters afterwards presented in the 
tragedies. The poet is diaracterized in N. Q. 3, 27, 13 poetarum 
ingeniosissimus ... ad pueriles ineptias reduxisset. Yet the 
two were congenial spirits, for both were sent into exile, perhaps 
for similar reasons, and in Seneca's works are found more than a 



22 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

score of quotations from the Metamorphoses, but only three from 
his other works. Immemor metae iuvenis patemae is used of 
Phaethon in Medea 603, and Phaedra 1098, describing the 
horses of Hippolytus, reproduces with slight change Metam. 2, 
202 ff. The four winds, Ag. 497 

advereufi Euro Zephyrua et Boreae Notua 

may be compared with Tristia 1, 2, 27-30 where they are given 
in the same order. Compare Phaedra 1140, where the Corns 
takes the place of Zephyrus. The mention of Eurus in Ag. 503 

Eurus orientem movet 
Nabataea quatienfi regna et Eoos ainus, 

is a metrical transformation of Metam. 1, 61 

Eurus ad auroram Nabataeaque regOA recessit. 

The frozen sea trodden by Hercules, H. F. 639 calcavit freti 
terga rigentia, is suggested by Tristia 3, 10, 39 durum calcavi- 
mus aequor; cf. v. 31. The references to the Maeander, though 
differing in form, H. F. 687 : Her. 9, 55-6, are both in connection 
with Hercules. The account of Achelous and Nessus in H. 0. 
494; cf. ib. 303, goes back to Metam. 9, IflP., unoque turpe 
subdidit comu caput, v. 501, a variation of Metam. 9, 97 

et laoerum oornu mediia caput aMidit undlfl. 

Tbe poisoned robe of Neseus, H. 0. 720 missa palla est tabe 
Nessea inlita, differs but sligh% from Her. 9, 165 iidita Nesseo 
misi tibi texta veneno. Compare Phasiaca coniunx, H. 0. 954; 
cf. Ag. 121, with Phasias . . . pudla, Ex Ponto 3, 3, 80, and 
virtus in astn^ tendit, ib. 1980; cf. H. F. 441, with tendit in 
ardua virtus. Ex Ponto 2, 2, 113. The declaration H. 0. 987 
error a culpa vaoat is the burden of the wailing of Ovid in his 
exile; see Tristia 1, 2, 98. Medea 223 ff. hoc reges habent | 
magnificum . . . prodesse miseris is the thought expressed in 
different words. Ex Ponto 2, 9, 11 r^ia ... res est succurrere 
lapsis ; cf . Seneca Dial. 7, 24, 3 ; 9, 1, 12. The dosing strains 
of the chorus in Thy. 401 

illi mora gravia incubat, 
qui notus nimafl omnibus, 
ignotufl moritur sibi, 



ROMAN BLBMENT8 IN THE TRAGBDIB8 OF 8ENBCA. 23 

is the reverse of Tristia 3^ 4^ 25 bene qui latuit, bene vixit. The 
reference to the dying swan is the same in Phaedra 307 : Tristia 
5^ 1^ 11. Compare IMstia 3^ 12, 18 cedunt Yei4)osi garrula bella 
fori, with H. F. 174, rabiosa fori inrgia vendens | improbus 
iras et verba locat. Here the idea expressed by fori is altogether 
Roman. In the Octavia 406 ff. is an account of the early ages 
following Metam. 1, 125 tt., and there is a similar touch in Phae- 
dra 533 ff. ; of. Ep. 90, 37 and 95, 13 ff. 

C. Adaptations from Seneca's Tragedies. 

1. Lucan. 

The Boman fiber in the tragedies is shown, not only by the 
utilization of the material of others, but also of their material 
by others. While it is possible tiiat when there is a resemblance 
between a statement in the tragedies and one in some later work 
it may be due to the use of Bome lost work of Seneca, yet either 
derivation would be evidence of the recognition of its Boman 
character. There is a family resemblance between the tragedies 
and the Pharsalia of Lucan, showing that both writers had con- 
sidered the same poetical (pictures. Some of the resemblances 
have their origin in previous writers, but it is still a matter of 
interest tiiat both Seneca and Lucan ^ould have seized on the 
same expression, or at least the same so far as differences of 
meter admitted sameness. Pichon, Les Sources de Lucain, pp. 
242 ff., presents points of resemblance, and, p. 250, leaves imde- 
cided tiie question of which was the borrower. But as the simi- 
lar portrayal of Caesar, Cato and Pompey had been fixed in the 
prose works of Seneca before the writing of the Pharsalia, we 
must hold that it was Lucan who was the borrower. We find in 
Seneca Ep. 94, 65 xmxna ante se ferre non potuiit, and Ag. 260 
nee regna socium ferre nee taedae sciunt. This sentiment is 
expressed by Lucan 1, 92 nulla fides regni sociis. He also has 
Seneca's thought in 1, 125 nee quemquam iam ferre potest Cae- 
sarve priorem | Pompeiusve parem. Morus 4, 2, 14 ; 4, 2, 30 has 
the same declaration, which may have come from Livy, or have 
been added to the Epitome from Lucan. The statement Tr. 915 
causam . . . tueri iudice infesto reminds one of what is said 
about Caesar and Pompey by Lucan 1, 127. 



24 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY, 

The work of the Argo, Medea 336 ft. 

t)ene dissaepti foedera mundi 
traxit in iinum Thessala .piniiA, 

is enlarged in Lucan 3^ 193 ff. 

inde laoeaeitmn primo mare, cum rudiia Argo 
miscuit ignotas temerato litore gentes 
prknaque cum ventis pekigique furentibus undis 
Gomposuit mortale genus, latieque .per illam 
aocessit mors ima ratem. 

The description of a storm, Lucan 5, 593 flP., cf . 9, 319 ft., is 
somewhat like that in Ag. 490 ff., both containing tiie expres- 
sion decimus fluctus. Seneoa, however, includes a verse from 
Ovid Metam. 1, 61, which he quotes N. Q. 6, 16, 1. It is notice- 
able that the Corns is the wind most frequently mentioned by 
Lucan, and is on a par with the Eurus in the tragedies ; cf . Thy. 
578 Bruttiuon Core feriente pontum, l^e transformation of a 
line in Horace Odes 2, 16, 1^3 agente nimbos . . . Euro. There 
is a reference to the Black Sea in H. F. 545 

stat ponkifl vicilms mobilis annuis 
navem nunc facilis, nunc equitem pati. 

Ovid Tristia 3, 10, 31-2 is the source of the facts, but the form 
is a copy of Horace Odes 4, 8, 7. 

Protinus radios locus | admisit omnes, says Seneca in H. 0. 
1634, and Lacan 3, 444 has admisere diem, in the description 
of a similar grove, some phases of which are like the grove 
drawn in Thy. 651. Here ako will be placed the allusion in 
Lucan 7, 807 

erige oongeatas Oetaeo robore silvas. 

The geographical information in H. 0. 1159 is especially notice- 
able. 

vincet «oopulos inde Typboeus 

et Tyrrlienam feret Inarimen, 

f eret Aetnaeoa inde caminos 

fldndetqae latua moniia aperti, 

nondum Bnceladua fulmine victus. 

Com(pere wi-Hi this Hie similes in Lucan 5, 99 

ceu Sicnlus flammifl urguentHms Aetnam 
undat apex, Campana Iranens ceu san vaporat 
•conditua Inarknea aetema mole TyfiiMfcm, 



ROMAN ELEMENTS IN THE TRAGEDIES OF SENECA. 25 

The day of doom is mentioned in H. 0. 1107 mundo cimx 
veniet dies. In Lucan 1^ 73 it is suprema hora | anticimx 
repetens iteram d^aos. Notice also the passs^ in Thy. 881 
beginning in nos aetas ultima venit. Lucan 3, 40 has mors 
ipsa nihil, an idea which was borrowed from Seneca (Fr. 28, 
Haase), }>ost mortem omnia finiuntur, etiam ipsa, and Tr. 407 
[ipsa mors nihil]. Jocasta^s words in Phoen. 7 

boc leve est quod sum nooens, feci nooentes, 

are slightly varied in Lucan 8, 137 

sed iam satis est feoiase nooentes. 

Lucan 6, 442 has a reference to the collection of herbs portrayed 
by Seneca in Medea 723 ff. Seneca perhaps wrote in Medea 376 

[Indus gelidion .potat Araxen 
Aibin Persae Bhenumque bibunt], 

^idi is better put in Lucan 7, 188 Armeniumque bibit Ro- 
manus Araxen. Li Phaedra 501 edax livor seeks not the lowly 
man; in Lucan 1, 288 it is put livor edax tibi cuncta negat. 
Two verbal tidbits will be mentioned. Thy. 576 ; Tr. 335 ; Ag. 
617: Lucan 1, 249 alta pax; and sub ictu in Thj. 645; Phoen. 
168 sceleris: Lucan 5, 728 fortunae. 

2. Other Writers. 

Seneca Dial. 10, 13, 1 and Curtius 10, 9, 3 agree in the use 
of sidus, and also Ep. 56, 9 and 7, 1, 4 of otii vitia n^otio 
discuti, '' ills of idleness killed by business.^' Com(pare also the 
account of the woimding of Alexander in Ep. 59, 12 and Curt. 
8, 10, 27 ff., where Seneca gives the words of Alexander in direct 
discourse, Curtius with dixisse fertur. As the facts given by 
Seneca are evidently not copied from Curtius, the verbal resem- 
blances may be hdd to be due to copying or adaptation by 
Curtius in harmony with his persistent practice of variational 
quotation ; see A. J. P. 36, 412 ff . Ep. 59, 12 gentes ne finitimis 
quidem satis notas is in Curt. 7, 3, 5, and slightly changed in 

Tr. 303 

magnnmque terrae nomen ignotae audient. 

Curt. 10, 5, 35 says of fortuna, quam solus omnium mortalium 



26 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

in potestate habuit^ a sentiment not unlike that in Medea 523 
fortuna eemper omnifl isfra me atetit. 

Horace Sat 1, 1, 68 Tantalus . . . captat is used in Thy. 2 
avido fugaces ore captantem cibos. The same verb is in Ep. 
72^ 8 canem . . . frusta aperto ore captantem, but, because of 
the association, the passage in the tragedy would seem a better 
basis for Curt. 4, 7, 14 and 4, 16, 12 aquam hianti ore cap- 
tantes. There is a similar use of in limine, H. F. 1140 vitae: 
Curt. 6, 3, 16 victoriae; 9, 2, 26 operum. The use of precario 
is noticeable, as it is found in the precept Thy. 214 ubicumque 
tantum honesta dominanti licent | precario regnatur, and Curt. 
6, "3, 6; 9, 2, 34; 10, 2, 16, in speeches of Alexander. Curt. 
6, 3, 6 iugum rigida cervice subeuntibus barbaris is parallel to 
Ep. 71, 25 onera rigida cervice sustollat, and in poetical form 
Thy. 933 pondera regni | non inflexa cervice pati. 

The writings of Tacitus are permeated with material drawn 
from Seneca, and there seem to be some touches from the tra- 
gedies. H. F. 390 quid matres loquar | passas et ausas scelera 
is like Oerm. 18, 11 passuram ausuramque, both in the gender 
and in the arrangement of the words; cf. Hist. 2, 46, 5 passuros 
ausurosque. Compare Thy. 533 liceat in media mihi | latere 
turba, with Agr. 40, 16 turbae servientium inmixtus est. 

Though Matemus rose to prominence during the reign of 
Nero, Dial, de Orat. 11, 8, and must have been associated with 
Seneca, he does not seem to have drawn any of his discussion 
from the latter, though he has, ib. 12, 26, Medea Ovidii aut 
Varii Thyestes. However, as a curious rhetorical coincidence, 
compare the ending of the Thyestes with that of the Dialogus. 

Thyestes: Vindices ademnt dei | his puniendum vota te tradunt mea. 
Atreus: te puniendum liberis trado tuis. 

The Dialogus closes as follows : 

(Hatemus) : ego te poetis, Messalla autem antiquariis criminabimur. 
(Meeealla) : at ego vos rhetoribus et echolasticis. 

We may assume that Martial had the admiration of a fellow- 
Spaniard for Seneca whose writings were before him in his early 
years. Though writing for an entirely diflPerent purpose. Martial 
has here and there a note borrowed from Seneca. Each had an 



ROMAN BLBMENT8 IN THE TRAG3DIB8 OF BENBCA. 27 

independent wish for quiet^ as is shown by Thy. 393 me dulcis 
saturet quies^ and Mart. 7, 42, 4 placet alta quies. Compare 
H. F. 203 certa sedet | sordida parvae f ortuna domus with Mart. 
10, 96, 4 

et repetam saturae flordida rura caaae. 

See also Fhoen. 231 parva me abscondat casa, and H. 0. 124 
sordidae . . . casae. Both set forth the same contrast with the 
casa: H. F. 174 [hie clamo8i\ \ rabiosa fori iurgia vendens, and 
Mart. 10, 53, 1 damosi gloria circi; and 5, 16, 6 vendere verba. 
There is pleasure when, H. F. 159, sentit tremnlimi linea piscem : 
Mart. 3, 58, 27 tremulaye captnm linea trahit piscem, cf . 1, 55, 
10 et piscem tremula salientem ducere saeta. The thought is the 
same in Oed. fr. 146 morte prohiberi baud queo, and Mart. 
1, 42, 3 mortem non posse n^ari. Compare Tr. 251 didicitque 
Achilles et dea gnatos mori, with Mart. 5, 64, 5 cum doceant 
ipsos posse perire deos. The most interesting of all the parallels 
as pieces of phraseology are Thy. 307 

leve est miserias ferre, perferre est grave, 

and Mart. 9, 68, 10 

nam vigilare leve eat, pervigilare grave est. 

rV. Chronology and Geography. 

Thy. 142 notior | nulla est loniis f abula navibus seems to be 
placed too soon after the event. As the Hercules Furens is 
timed after the return of Hercules with Cerberus (see w. 787 flf. ; 
and 837), the item in v. 763 

terretque mensaB avida Phineaa avia 

is interesting, though in point of time the mention of Phineus 
may be better suited for the chorus in Thy. 154 Phineis avibus 
praeda fugacior. But why ask for a definite chronology in the 
doudland of myth? Juno in H. F. 18 during the lifetime of 
Theseus, mentions Ariadne among the Vetera odia; H. F. 390 
shows that Megara knew of the sons of Oedipus, and Medea 
780 that the death of Hercules had already taken place. 

Geographical knowledge had greatly widened between the days 
of the actors and the time of Seneca. The Oreeks imder Alex- 



28 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ander had adyanced into the East; the Bomans had followed 
his course^ and had also explored the West, so that they were 
acquainted with many places unknown to Hecuba, or Phaedra. 
It may be conventionally proper to assign to Medea some re- 
marks about the country between Colchis and Corinth, and it is 
supposable that Hercules was intimately acquainted with Africa 
and Spain, and had communicated his knowledge to others. All 
items referring to these places may be conventionally proper; 
as a matter of fact, Seneca had learned mudi from Mela, as well 
as from his own investigations; see Fragmenta VI, VII, VIII, 
Haase. Because of this, many items represent the knowledge 
of Seneca, rather than that of the actors. Lands, rivers and 
moimtains are mentioned with the exactness of Roman informa- 
tion, and we shall present them as a Boman, rather than a 
Grecian, element in the tragedies. Noticeable is a piece of con- 
ventional geography, Phaedra 8 scandite colles semper canos | 
nive Biphaea. Lucan 4, 118 has Biphaeas hie solve nives. The 
ultimate source of both statements is Vergil Georg. 4, 518 

arvaque Hiphaeis numquam viduata pruinis. 

Several points were certainly associated in the tradition with 
the activities of Hercules. The mention of Calpe in H. 0. 
1244; 1257; 1573, of the Pyrenees in Phaedra 74, is appro- 
priate, and especially of Geryon, H. P. 236 pastor triformis 
litoris Tartesii. Bemarkably definite is Medea 729 

iKunenque terris qui dedit Baetis «ui8 
Hesperia pulsans maria langaenti vado, 

and also Thy. 354 unda Tagus aurea | daro devehit alveo; cf. 
H. F. 1332. The reference to this river, however, is proper for 
Lucan 7, 755 quidquid Tagus expuit auri. We find in Medea 
590 ubi impellit Bhodanus profundum, and we have no reason 
to doubt the fact, for the celestial Hercules declared, Seneca 
Ludus 7, 2, 11, Bhodanus ingens amne praerapido fluit. With 
equal certainty we may assign other items to his experience, 
either south of, or on, the Mediterranean. Phaedra 64 shows 
that Hippolytus had learned of Gaetulos . . . leones, and also, 
ib. 356, of Poeni leones. H. 0. 1256 mentions the Maurum 
litus and we find in ib. 1109 quicquid per Libyam iacet | et 
sparsus Garamans tenet; cf. Phaedra 73. It is not unduly 



ROMAN ELEMENTS IN THE TRAGEDIES OF 8ENE0A. 29 

fitressing the influence of EQercules to assign to him the authority 
for the remark Medea 684 ferventis . . . harena Libyae, a fact 
that might seem foreign to the knowledge of a Qrecian nutrix, 
but proper for Lucan 1, 367 per calidas Libyae sitientis harenas. 
As Hercules preceded Ulysses it must have been he who first 
told of the wonders of Aetna^ of Scylla and Charybdis, and of 
whatever else is given of Sicilian scenes. We might rightly 
ascribe to ITlysses what is said of the Albis(?)^ and especially 
the item^ Medea 715 

aut quos sub axe f rigido eucos legimt 
lucis Suebae nobilea Hercyniis. 

This might be a tenable supposition if the words were not 
assigned to a character who lived before Ulysses. 

How familiar the early Greeks were with the Alani, Thy. 630 ; 
the Batanae, H. 0. 160; the Dahae, Thy. 370; 603; the Getae, 
the Farthi and the Persae '^quaerere distuli^ nee scire fas est 
omnia." Certainly the location of the Amazons on the Ther- 
modon was known more definitely after the days of Clitarchus^ 
and this is probably true of the Hydaspes gemmifer^ Medea 728, 
as well as of sub aetema nive | Hyrcana tellus. Seneca may 
have learned from Boman traders in the East about the Ar- 
menian lion. Thy. 732, and tiger, H. 0. 245, and also the tigris 
. . . Gangetica, Oed. 464; cf. Thy. 707; compare Mart. Spect. 
1, 18, 2 tigris, ab Hyrcano gloria rara iugo. 

Italian geographical terms were certainly more familiar to 
Seneca than to the actors. This is true of Thy. 497 sagax • . . 
Umber, though it may not be true of Phaedra 34 acres . . . 
Molossos. Perhaps the Sicanians had moved to Sicily before the 
days of Hercules, so that there is justification for H. 0. 1365 
quae tanta nubes flamma Sicanias secat. The references to the 
Ausonian sea, Medea 356 and 411, are by actors preceding 
Ulysses. 

The words Fescenninus, Medea 113, and quiritibus. Thy. 396, 
are entirely Boman, and the references to Thessalian charms 
conventionally so, after the Thessalis venenis of Horace Odes 
1, 27, 21. However, the terms used are slightly diflferent: 
Phaedra 429 cantus; ib. 799 cannina, and Medea 794 minis. 
Another interesting touch is Phaedra 360 lucae boves. The 
remarks of the nutrix in Phaedra 461 ff. in r^ard to pruning 



30 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

would be 6uitable for a Boman Gate. H. 0. 703 quanun f eriunt 

sipara nubes, and Medea 327 alto | rubicunda tremunt sipara 

veloy refer to a practice in the days of Seneca. He comments 

in Ep. 77y 1 S. on the use by Alexandrine ships of the siparum, 

quod in alto onmes habent naves^ aJto being the common term. 

Lucan 5^ 429 also speaks of this topsaiL Thy. 608 and Oed. fr. 

103 give ius . . . necis atque vitae^ a fundamental Boman legal 

principle^ as the prerogative of a king. 

There are two passages referring to the wearing of ear-rings. 

H. 0. 662 

coniunx modioo nupta marito 
non disposito dara monili 
' gestat pelagi dona rubentia 
nee gemmiferaa detrahit aures 
lapis Eoa lectuA in unda. 

There is a similar thought in Phaedra 399 

neo niveuB lapis 
deducat aures Indici donum maris, 
odore crinis sparsus Assyrio vaoet. 

This is Seneca's contrast with Boman social conditions, as is 
shown by the question. Dial. 7, 17, 2, quare uxor tua locupletis 
domus censum auribus gerit? cf. Petronius 67. The second 
line from ^ Phaedra is an adaptation of Horace Odes 2, 11, 16 
Assyriaque nardo | unctL 

The warriors are roused by the classicum. Thy. 574 silet mur- 
mur grave dassicorum ; follow the aquUa, Phoen. 28 ; fight with 
Boman weapons and protect themselves with Boman armor. 
Phaedra 116 shows that the gaesum was known, though it is 
supposed to be a Gallic weapon. Thy. 491 plagis tenetur clausa 
dispositis f era has a Boman tinge, and in general the method of 
hunting is the same. Phaedra 32 S. gives the details, not unlike 
those in Horace Epode 2. 

V. SUIOIABY. 

The general view of life is the same for Seneca the philosopher 
as for Seneca the writer of tragedies. In both fields he gives 
the same view of the earliest and the latest days, of the king, 
both actual and philosophical, of the high and the lowly, and of 
other phases of life. The ethical and the political tone is the 



ROMAN ELEM3NT8 IN THE TBAG3DIE8 OF 8ENBCA. 31 

same for his prose as for his tragedies^ and in the latter are a 
number of passages which accurately describe conditions under 
the emperors, especially imder Nero. After Tnaking proper al- 
lowance for changes due to metrical requirements, the rhetorical 
color may be considered the same in both sets of works. This is 
especially noticeable in the adaptations from previous writers; 
Vergil, Horace and Ovid furnish many an item for both. As 
Seneca utilized the work of other writers, so later writers utilized 
his, and as he gathered Boman material from his predecessors, 
so his successors gathered from hinu 

B. B. Steele. 

Vahbiuilt Uhiybutt, 
Nashyilli» TnnnMiB. 



II.— SECAEE PARTIS: 

THE EARLY ROMAN LAW OF EXECUTION AGAINST 

A DEBTOR. 

In ancient days^ the way of the borrower was hard everywhere, 
but apparently nowhere so hard as in the Rome of the fifth cen- 
tury B. c, when, if the Twelve Tables really say what they have 
long been supposed to say, a duly adjudicated debtor, if he failed 
to pay the judgment or get it paid, might have been killed by his 
creditor or sold into foreign slavery, or, if there were several 
creditors, might have 'been cut into pieces by them in proportion 
to their shares. 

That is drastic enough to satisfy Shylock, or the typical mort^ 
gagee of early American melodrama. And it is not merely 
cruel, but it becomes grotesque, when we note the provision that 
the dissecting creditors are not to be held too strictly to keep 
the due ratio of their conflicting claims. If the Romans at any 
stage of their development had such a law, iiiey were less re- 
moved from savagery tiian their admirers have liked to believe. 
For that reason Renaissance scholars refused to believe it. 
Modem writers, on the other hand, have hastened with some 
heat to affirm their belief in it, lest they be accused of sentimen- 
tality in their historical attitude. Niebuhr, for example, was 
quite sure that even the attempt to question that interpretation 
^i was a sign of Unwahrheit und Verkehrtheit, ^'fcdsehood and 

perversity,*' on the part of the questioner.* 

We derive our infonmation chiefly from Oellius, who repre- 
sents Favorinus and Sextus Caecilius discussing the matter in 
detail in the first chapter of his 20th book. Caecilius gives first 
the substance, then the text, of the XII Tables (i, 43-45) regu- 
lating the process of executing judgment against a condemned 
debtor. There were first thirty days of grace, evidently — 
although the law does not say so — ^to give him an opportimity 
of getting the money due either from the sale of his property 
or from his friends. He might then be arrested by his credi- 

^ Niebuhr, lUkKi. Qesch. 11, 670. Cf. Pucihta, Laatitutiofien, ii, 170, 
Ahql n. 

32 



BBCARB PARTIS. 33 

tor, and brought before the praetor, where he is adjudged to 
the custody of the creditor as an addictus and held straightly 
confined. Gtellius goes on as follows: 

Ko«7, in the jnterval there was a tprivilege of comproinlsing the daim, 
and unless a comproimse was reached, debtors were kept in chains sixty 
days. Within these sixty days, they were brought to the comitium before 
the praetor three market days in succession {irmis nundinia oontinuia), 
and •puhlns proclanMition was made of the aznooint of the judgment. 
And on the third market day, they were capitally punished or were sold 
into foreign slavery across the Tiber. But (the legislators), as I have 
said, tiie better to estabUsh the binding character of obligations, made 
this form of capital punishment a dreadful thing by a display of pecu- 
liar severity and by surrounding it with new terrors. For if there 
were more than one creditor to whom the debtor was adjudged, they 
permit tiie creditors to cut up and divide the body of the man so con- 
demned. And indeed I shall cite the very words of the law, lest you 
suppose that I am seeking to avoid the odium of doing so. They are 
as follows: On the third market day, let them cut the parts. If they 
eat more or less, the law will not take accoimt of it. ( Tertiis nvndinia 
pariia secanto: Bi plus tninusve secuerunt, se fraude esto.) 

Glellius goes on to argue tiiat the very atrocity of this pro- 
cedure proved tiiat it was never meant to be taken seriously. 
He says very ^nphatically that he never heard or read of any 
man being so dealt with. And in this he is confirmed by all 
the other ancient writers who hold the same view of the mean- 
ing of these words — Quintilian,* Dio Cassius,* Tertullian.* 
All hasten to add that the provision was contrary to public feel- 
ing and that it quickly became obsolete. 

What do the words partis secanto mean ? Mr. Buckler in the 
Yorke Prize Essay, Contract in Roman Law, says,* " We should 
a priori translate thus : ' On the third market day, let the credi- 
tors cut up and divide the debtor's body.' '' I am not altogether 
sure that the translation is really a priori, and not rather a 

'Quintilian, Inst. Or. 3, 6, S4, sunt enom quaedam non laudajbilia 
natura, sed iure concessa, ut in duodecim tabulis, deibitoris corpus inter 
credi tores dividi licuit, quam legem mos publicus repudiavit. 

■Dio Gassiufl, fr. 17, 8. 

^TertulUan, Apologet 4. Sed et iudicatos retro in partes eecari a 
creditoribus le^es erant. Ck>nsensu tamen publico crudelitas postea 
erasa est et in pudoris notam capitis poena conversa. Bonorum adhi- 
bita proscriptio suffundere maluit homdnis sanguinem quam effundere. 

■Buckler, €k>ntriact in Boman Law, p. 49. 

8 



34 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

posteriori by dome seventeen hundred years. That is, Mr. Buck- 
ler thinks that this is the first translation that would occur to 
him, because he knows how GleUius and the others understood 
it. However, most modem Bomanists are in full agreement 
with Mr. Buckler, and it cannot be denied that their position 
is a strong one. 

Yet the strength lies principally in one fact — in the age of 
this interpretation. It is as old as Quintilian. In Quintilian's 
time, commentaries on the XII Tables were still being vigor- 
ously written by lawyers, who treated the Decemviral legislation 
much as Magna Carta was treated by American and Engli^ 
lawyers in the last four centuries. Marcus Fabius is distinctly 
not to be despised from any point of view, but his judgment 
as to what Latin words meant that were written nearly five 
hundred years before he was bom, is not infallible. If it were 
Livy or Cicero, the evidence would be measurably stronger, for 
the practise of memorizing the XII Tables w€is still extant in 
Cicero's boyhood — Cicero himself had learned them,* — ^but men 
had ceased to do so for a century and a half in Quintilian's time. 
We do not accept Quintilian's authority as conclusive as to a 
vexed passage in the Fourth Eclogue of Virgil.^ His opinion 
has great weight, but it is something less than final. And of 
course, what is said of him, applies with much greater force to 
Oellius, to Tertullian, to Dio Oassius. If we should reach the 
conclusion that partis secanvto did not mean what they believed 
it meant, the fact of their opinion serves only to establish the 
inveterate diaracter of the error. 

.There is one other element of strength in the prevailing 
opinion. That is, the weakness of the view that is generally 
advanced to replace it. There have always been those who un- 
derstood secare partis as the division, not of the debtor's body, 
but of his property. The eminent Bynkershoekius so under- 
stood it in the 16th century,* and tiie learned Burmannius • — 
we read — ^was properly exercised over the ineptitude of the 

'Cicero, De Legg. ii, 9, 59. 

'Vergil, Ed. 4, 62. Quintilian, Inst. Or. 0, 3, 8. 

' Bynkersho^, Observat. jur. Bom. 1, 1. 

*Burmann, cited in Spalding's Quintilian, Inst. Or. 3, 6, 84. 



BEOARB PARTIS. 85 

temerarious Capperronerius who ventured to dispute the ques- 
tion with that great man — quo ineptior videtur sedulitas Cap- 
perroneri tantum vvrum redarguere conantis. Many others since 
that time have found the version of Gellius too hard to accept, 
but in most cases because they were loath to ascribe to their 
Bomans so barbarous a practice. 

Now, the seizure of a debtor's property to pay his debts is 
common to-day. It certainly happened very early in Boman 
legal history. Can secare partis have meant that? Mr. Buckler 
says emphatically "'No*';*® and he is a type of most modem 
investigators. " In ancient law,'* he tells us, " it was not the 
property of the debtor but his person tiiat was responsible for 
his debts.*' Execu/tion against the properly we are to under- 
stand is always a later refinement. 

That, however, is by no means so certain. It is a common 
practice among peoples we call primitive — and apparently was 
so in many parts of the world in ancient times — ^that a man 
whose property was kept from him might retaliate by entering 
the detainer's house and taking an equivalent amoimt by force 
from the latter. It is a form of the talion.** It is self-help — 
not a legal but a pre-legal procedure — ^but we know that law at 
first intends rather to limit and regulate occasions for self-help 
than to abolish theuL There is consequently no general and 
theoretical objection to sixpposing that ttie parts here to be cut 
are chattels and not living bodies. But there is a special objec- 
tion that seems to me conclusive. We find, as has been said, 
this form of talion in many places and times. We find execu- 
tion ag&inst the person in various types of primitive law. -^tit 

""Budder, Contract in Bodmui Law, pp. 50-51. 

"The talion in oaneB of bodily injury is sufficiently well-known. It 
is not eo well knovni that in oases of theft, that is, the invasion of 
property-rights, retaliaition in kind was permitted. The injured party 
wa« to help iameelf to an equal or larger part of the wrongdoer's goods. 
That is the case among the Maoris, the Malays, many Indian tribes 
of America, many African tribes and the Kirghizes. (Of. the references 
in MaoCulloGh, Crimea and Pvnishmenta (Savage and Primitive), 
HastingB Enc. of Rel. and Ethics, iv, 256.) 'Diere is no difference in 
early Boman law between wrongs arising out of delict and out of 
breach of contract, and certainly none in the way of enforcing redress 
for these wrongs. 



36 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

we do not find both. Now it is clear that by the XII Tables^ 
the debtor is addictv^ — ^which is at least a qualified slavery — ^to 
the creditor, thirty days after judgment. T^iai is to say, since 
he cannot pay, his body pays the debt in that his working 
capacity or his monetary value is seized in compensation, even 
if it is not used at once. But if this form of satisfaction is 
given, the claim is gone. There was no assessment of the man's 
value which was deductible from the total amoimt of his debts. 
There is accordingly no claim left to satisfy against the goods. 
If we must reject the commonly offered idtemative for Gellius' 
interpretation, it will be for ttiis reason, and not because execu- 
tion against the property cannot possibly have been known as 
early as 450 b. o. 

Other explanations have been urged. There is a character- 
istically contorted one offered by Voigt in his huge treatise on 
the XII Tables.** There are others of varying plausibility, 
which are all collected in Muirhead's Historical Introduction 
to the Private Law of Borne.** But before suggesting one of 
these, or a new one, it might be well to note the diflSculties in 
the usual view, quite apart from the sentimental considerations 
tiiat may have moved the erudite Bynkershoekius and the pon- 
derous Burmannius. 

First of all, such a form of execution is practically unique. 
It is really found nowhere else. That this is not apparent at 
once is due principally to one fact. We think of Shylock's 
pound of flesh and are satisfied that in that we have a parallel 
to the practise legalized by the XII Tables. And since every- 
one knows the Merchant of Venice, the atrocity of cutting into 
a man^s body in order to pay his debt, while shocking enough, 
does not seem altogether strange. Now, I take it hard that 
after Shakespeare has irremediably distorted our views of Eng- 
lish history, he shall also be allowed to corrupt our law. There- 
fore I should like to emphasize the fact — obvious upon the least 
consideration — that Shylock*s pound of flesh is not really like 
this procedure at all. The penalty he exacts is one that the 
parties have agreed to in advance. It is a matter of covenant. 
Such agreements have been made and enforced in many parts 

" Voigt, Zw51f Tafeln, ii, 361. 

"Muirhead, Hist. Introd, (3rd ed. Goudy-Grant), pp. 187-194. 



8ECARB PARTIS. 37 

of the world. It has always been hard to convince an obligee 
that his obligor meant seriously to carry out the promise so 
glibly made. And among the many forms of security for this 
imcerfcain future occurrence, such penal stipulations are not 
infrequent. The eager promissor has pledged his dearest pos- 
sessions, his liberty or his body, and upon default these pledges 
were doubtless savagely and ruthlessly exacted. But it is wholly 
unique that such a pledge was tacit in every contract, that a 
defaulting debtor, as such, was, or could be, cut into fragments 
to give his creditor what can have been only the most illusory 
of satisfactions. 

That most learned, most short-tempered and most headstrong 
of jurists, Josef Kohler of Berlin, has collected a great number 
of parallels to partis secanto, in his extraordinary book. Shake' 
speare vor dem Forum der Jurisprudenz}^ But if we look at 
them closely, we shall find that they are practically all variants 
of the (pound of flesh. They are instances of express stipulation. 
There is, however, one case that is not an instance of stipulation. 
In old Norse law,^* it seems, a creditor — a single creditor, be it 
noted — ^might seize his debtor and, if the man's kin would not 
ransom him, might strike off parts of his body, taking care not 
to imperil his life at once. That does seem like partis secanto, 
in Quintilian's sense. But the differences are marked and essen- 
tiaL If we omit the fact that it is a single creditor that has 
this privilege, we have still to note that this thing could be done 
only if the addict deliberately and persistently refused to work, 
and thereby gradually satisfy the debt. It has been held with 
mudi plausibility that this punishment of a recalcitrant debtor 
was simply the right of castigation that a Norse master had 
generally over his slaves — ^a right that extended to killing them. 
An addict is not quite a slave, but as far as his subjection to 
the power of his creditor is concerned, is very much like a slave. 
But even if that should not be so, the Norse practise has quite 
different presuppositions. It assumes a subsidiary liability for 
each individual on <the part of the kin. That has often been 
asserted for Boman society, but there is not the slightest evi- 

^ Kohler, Shakespeare vor dem Forum der Jurispr. pp. 8 sq.; id. Das 
Becht aJs Kulturerschemung, p. 17. 
^ K<^er, Sbakeepeare, etc., pp. 30 eq. 



38 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOQT. 

dence that it ever existed. And again, it is after all merely an 
example of forcing the payment of ransom by methods used 
among pirates and highwaymen from time immemorial. It is 
quite natural to find it in a Viking society. But for Bome, 
these presuppositions fail. There is no clan or family liability. 
Nor could the dismemberment have served tiie purpose of put- 
ting pressure on the addict's kin. T^ere is nothing to show 
that at Rome he could be ransomed as a matter of right, even 
if his kinsmen wished to do so. The very contrary appears. 
It is stated that vindication may take place any time within the 
thirty days of grace, the triginta dies iusti. At the end of that 
period, he becomes addict to the creditor, and then apparently 
the matter is one exclusively for adjustment between the two. 
If no adjustment takes place, the creditor may turn the quasi- 
slavery of addiction into a real slavery — or if we follow the 
usual interpretation, may kill ihe debtor — ^at any time within 
sixty days. This however is subject to the proviso of due public 
notice of such an intention, by three successive announcements. 
Evidently the public proclamation at the market day serves the 
same purpose as modem recording acts. If the sixty days ex- 
pire without such notice of intention, we must infer that the 
creditor has lost, by his laches, the power of acquiring property 
in the person of his debtor. Accordingly, the Norse custom, 
which is tiie only dose parallel, does not after all explain what 
partis secanto means. Whatever it does mean, it is something 
quite different from what was done in Norway. 

If the first difficulty with taking the words as Quintilian took 
them is that the practice is wholly anomalous, a second difficulty 
is that it involves an act profoundly at variance with Soman 
ideas. Mutilation as a part of ritual was common in Western 
Asia, somewhat less common in Greece, and so extremely rare 
in ancient Bome that it is practically non-existent.^* Bodily 
disfigur^nent, as such, produced in Soman minds a horror 
which it is difficult for us to follow sympathetically. We may 
remember the shudder of repulsion with which liie great-hearted 
Aeneas observed the unmerited disgrace of his friend and kins- 
man.^^ In later imperial times, when with ihe Severan dynasty 

^Hcmmeen, EQm. Strafreoht, pp. 980 tq. 
"* Vei^, Aen. vi, 494-499. 



BEOABB PARTIB. 89 

Borne became more and more orientalized^ bodily mutilation be- 
came frequent as punifitoment.^® But early Rome knew nothing 
of it, except as a military punishment for deserters and camp 
thieves.** The provision in the Twelve Tables as to bodily in- 
jury, 8% memhrum rupsit . . . talio esto, I think, makes it clear 
that mutilation, as a regular form of punishment, was unheard 
of. An injury resulting in the loss of any part of the body, 
whether the injury was wilful or accidental, permitted talion, 
just as talion is permitted in Leviticus, eye for eye, limb for 
limb and tooth for tooth.'^ That was not due to the actual 
amount of wrong done. The breaking of a limb, which did not 
result in actual dismemberment, allowed no talion. And yet 
it is dear that this latter injury might be vastly more serious 
than, let us say, the loss of portion of an ear. It was the char- 
acter of the injury and liie intense religious shock it gave 
Bomans that is controlling. We need not stop to inquire into 
the nature of the religious ideas at the bottom of tiiis feeling. 
Talion was allowed in all cases of mutilation, intentional or not, 
great or «mall, because of the exceptional character of this 
wrong, and the consequent feeling that, unless the victim con- 
sented to composition, nothing but putting the wrong-doer and 
the wronged upon an exact par, could possibly be adequate. 

Nor can the sectio we have been discussing, be understood 
as a form of talion. Logically talion under such cases ought 
to be what we are told this was not, namely, execution against 
the property. Loss of goods is not paralleled by loss of portions 
of the body. 

Accordingly, what Quintilian supposed the Twelve Tables to 
say, is something unique, not only in the Soman legal system 
of any period, but in l^al systems generally; and is further 
an act which would have violently shocked the religious— or 
superstitious — prejudices of the time. 

The next objection to the common view of partis secanto is 
one that must be offered with hesitation and urged with difS- 

^MonmiBeii, Bdm. Strafrecbt, p. 982. AugnatmuB, Ep. 133 (p. 390 
IL). Justinian, Novellae, 42, 1, 2. 

^Mommsen, ibid. Val. ISmx. 2, 7, 12. Livy, 23, 33, 1. Frontinus, 
Strat. 4, 1, 16. 

»LcfviticuB, 24, 17-22. Exod. 21, 23-26. Deut. 19, 19-21. 



40 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHIL0L0Q7. 

dence. It is the argumentum ex sUentio. Quintilian is the 
first of extant writers to give this meaning to these words. But 
for five hundred years before Quintilian^ the provision was 
known and we have no inconsiderable records of Roman history 
of that period. Apparently no one thinks this most extraordi- 
nary €rtatute worth mentioning. Now^ mere silence is dubious 
evidence of anything. Yet even in the Anglo-American system 
of law in which it is particularly contemned^ it is not wholly 
wittiout probative force.*^ Where the circumstances are such 
that a fact, if it existed, would almost surely have been men- 
tioned, a failure to mention it may be considered with other 
facts, in order to determine whether it really existed. And such 
circumstances are to be found. For example, Livy (6, 11), 
writing a century before Quintilian, ascribes to Marcus Manlius 
the words, acriores quippe aeris aiieni stimulos esse, qui non 
egestatem modo atque ignominiam minentur, sed nervo ac tnn- 
culis corpus liberum territent Manlius is represented as stir- 
ring up the needy populace, by inveighing against the ferocious 
law of debt. He uses words which seem to refer to the Twelve 
Tables directly. Would he have omitted this much more hor- 
rible thing that threatened the corpus liberum f Again in 6, 
31, another plebeian agitator denounces the virtual slavery of the 
Boman debtor. This would have been an excellent occasion to 
refer to the savage privilege of patrician creditors. But Livy 
does not mention it. 

Livy has left us a relatively large body of writings in the 
course of which Hie Twelve Tables are described in detail and 
often alluded to.** Cicero also, in the generation before Livy, 
has frequent occasion to mention debts and execution and Boman 
institutions, as weU as the Twelve Tables particularly. He was 
a lawyer and a good one — and he had known the Twelve Tables 
by heart since boyhood. It is hard to believe that, if Livy and 
Cicero had understood the Twelve Tables in this sense, their 
silence is accidental. Either they concealed the fact, or the pro- 
vision was repealed so early that it did not seem worthy of men- 

"^Of. Jones on Evidence (2nd ed.), sec 289. CSiAAe-Stephens, Digest 
of Law of Evidence, pp. 25, 72, 75. Wigmore on Evidence, I, sec 160: 
State vs. Delaney, 92 Iowa 467. 

•■ Livy, a, 34-67. 



BECARE PARTIB. 41 

tion. It is clear tiiat any motive for ooncealinent would go far 
to rebut any possible presumption from their silence. And it ia 
not to be denied that patriotic men in a time of advanced moral 
feeling might have wished to suppress a discreditable and obso- 
lete institution of their ancestors. But the Twelve Tables could 
not be suppressed. Everybody knew them or could know them. 
Anti-Boman Greek writers, of whom there were not few, would 
eagerly have seized upon this provision to establish the essen- 
tial barbarity of Bomans, and men like Livy and Cicero would 
have been forced to offer some defense. Livy himself, distinctly 
an apologete, often enough mentions ancient and discreditable 
things and explains them. There were so many pleas possible. 
The age of the decemvirs was a hard and rude one. There was 
the wicked decemvir — ^that much maligned democrat Appius 
Clat^ius — on whom it could be foisted. There was the perhaps 
evil influence of the Asiatic Greek, Hermodorus of Ephesus. 
All these things could be offered in extenuation. 

Livy does not hesitate to speak of human sacrifices at Bome — 
mo8 minime Romcmus, he calls it, but he does not seek to kill 
it by silence.** He tells us of that bad business in Henna dur- 
ing the Second Punic war ** — with reluctance and exculpation 
to be sure, but still with the uneasy consciousness that he has 
not quite explained it. His epitomator, Florus, states how 
Aquilius captured several cities by poisoning their water supply, 
which draws from him the cry nefasl, and he goes on, quae res 
ut maturam ita infamem fecit victoriam quippe cum contra fas 
deum moresque maiorum . . . Romana arma violasset}^ No, 
Boman writers do not uniformly neglect to notice barbarities 
which their people had outgrown. And where the thing was so 
striking and so imique, so certain to have been made the topic 
of hostile criticism, the silence of five hundred years is hard to 
understand. 

Poets perhaps are not competent witnesses in matters like 
this, but saving an exception by the defense, we might cite the 
verse of Ennius 

cum nihil horridius umquam lea idla iuheret 



" Livy, xxii, 67, 6. •• Livy, xxiv, 39. 

"•Florus, Ep. T. Liv., xxxv. 



4S AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOQY. 

of the burying alive of the Vestal Minucia.*' Could he have 
said that, with this provision in mind? And Ennius in 200 
B. c. must have known the Twelve Tables as a living code. He 
must have fuUy discussed them in his Anruiles, and his con- 
temporary and friend Sextus Aelius had written an exhaustive 
and authoritative commentary on them. 

Even the late writers who follow Quintilian, one of whom^ 
Tertullian, has no reason for being tender of the reputation of 
long dead pagans, add that there was neither record nor tradi- 
tion of any debtor having actually been dismembered. That is 
itself a remarkable fact. For example, the Twelve Tables for- 
bade connubium between patricians and plebeians. Cicero men- 
tions this with indignation, but adds that it was soon repealed — 
as we know it was — ^by the lex Canuleia.*^ Bomans, like Eng- 
lishmen, tolerated outworn anomalies in their law, but like Eng- 
lishmen, they sooner or \e^T repealed them. Apparently secare 
partis was never repealed, although other forms of execution 
grew up. Yet, except as repealed, the Twelve Tables were still 
law in the early empire. The abrogation of a specific statute 
by desuetude is called theoretically possible in the imj)erial 
period,** but it was never a ready doctrine for Eoman lawyers, 
and until Julian, would probably have been disputed. 

Tlie strongest argument, accordingly, in favor of the accepted 
view is the statement of Quintilian. If, in addition, we had a 
prima facie case, if — ^that is, as Mr. Buckler says — the literal 
nieaning of the words really was that the "creditors were to 
cut up and divide the debtor's body,** little weight could be 
aittadied to most of what I have urged in the previous pages. 
But that precisely is not the case. All we read is teriiis nun- 
dinia paaiia secanto. The words 'body of the debtor* are not 
there. They are supplied by the very interpretation here ques- 
tioned. Not only that, but the little word ' in * is surreptitiously 
introduced. Gellius and modem writers quote the phrase in 
the form given, but when Ihey discuss it they cite is as though 
it read in partis. It is possible that secare partis alicuius rei 
is the same as secare aliquam rem in partis; but there is no 

** Ennius, Annales, V. (Orotius, 8, 9, 5.) 

''Cicero, De Bap. U, 87, 63. « JuHan, Dig. 1, 3, 82, 1. 



BBCARB PARTIS. 43 

other instance in Latin, as far as I can find, of such an ex- 
pression. 

There is therefore no prima facie case which Quintilian's 
authority could confirm. On •flie contrary, prima facie, we 
should say thai whatever secare partis does mean, it means some- 
thing different from secare aliquam rem in partis. 

The word seca/re was used in Soman law and literature in 
quite another connection, in the phrases honorum sector, bono- 
rum sectio and the like. The meaning is so different that 
Pseudo-Asconius,^* Festus*** and Nonius'^ derive these terms 
from sequor and not at all from secare. In that they were 
probably wrong, but there is no real doubt what sector and sectio 
meant in these phrases. They referred to the (public sale of 
property under certain special circumstances. Not only that, 
but the word honorum was often omitted, so that sectio and 
sector are frequently found alone in this technical, but very 
familiar, sense.*^ 

It is not a novel hypothesis ti^t seca/re in the Twelve Tables 
refers to this practise of bonorum sectio, but except by Voigt, 
who thinks that the passage dealt with the claims of co-heirs, 
tiie details of honorum sectio seem not to have been considered. 
Some seem to have confused sectio, in this sense, with the ordi- 
nary private sale of property at auction. It was not that. It 
was the public sale of public (property. 

Property came into tiie hands of the state in two ways; as 
booty captured in war, and by confiscation. Except lands of a 
conquered community, the state neither did, nor could, use the 
goods so acquired, but sold them. The proper officer, the quaestor, 
either sold them at auction in separate items, or he could trans- 
fer to the highest bidders the right to sell them. That was far 
the more convenient method, and closely resembled the Boman 
method of farming the taxes. The bidders in these sales were 
called the sectores. 

To us, there seems no difference in these two methods. In 

* pBeudo-ABOoniufl in Verr. ii, 1, 52. 
'Fetius, sub voce Sectores (Pauli Ep. p. 387 H.). 
" Noniua, p. 404 M., s. v. secare. 

"Gf. the very fuU information in Darem.-Saglio, Diction, des Ant., 
t. T. hasta, iii, 42 sq., and s. v. kz, iii, 1154 a. 



44 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEIL0L0G7. 

any case the state sold the property. It was no concern of the 
public what disposition the purchaser made of his acquisition — 
whether he resold it or kept it. But it was not so at Borne. 
The sectores did not buy the goods at all. They merely bought 
the right to sell them. They never acquired the title at all. 
At law, they never owned them. 

Passing of title, which to lajrmen seems a ludicrously simple 
thing, is profoundly difficult in early systems of law. For a 
certain class of objects, it involved a complicated ritual at 
Soman law, of which we know the details very well — ^the ritual 
of mancipation. The state's officers could scarcely mancipate 
separately every article capable of that method of transfer, and 
make title to every one of the others by the appropriate method, 
to-wit, actual tradition or delivery. And yet the sectores must 
be able to convey a good title to the sub-purchaser. The diffi- 
culty was avoided by treating the sectores as something like 
public officers, who transferred title in the name of the state, 
but were themselves responsible to the state for the price at 
which they had bid in the sectio. The sectores, we are expressly 
told, speculated in the price. 

"When a debtor was duly condemned, he became the addictus 
of the creditor, and was kept by him in a private prison. Ad- 
diction did not make a slave of him. In fact it does not seem 
to have given the creditor the right to use his services except 
for compensation, which would doubtless be deducted from the 
amount of the debt. That appears to me to be the inevitable 
inference from the provisions concerning his alimentation dur- 
ing this period. The debtor might live at his own expense. 
However, if he did not, or could not, provide his own food, the 
creditor must supply it, to the amount of a potmd of grain 
daily or more. It is hardly to be supposed that if the creditor 
was compelled to do so, he could not add the amount to the 
claim.*' 

Addiction, then, was a preliminary detention, the evils of 
which might induce a solvent debtor to secure payment of tiie 
judgment, but which could not of itself be a satisfactory method 
for the creditor. But the addictio could be turned into a real 

»• Xn Tab. itti, 4. Si volet, suo vivito. 



8ECARE PARTIS. 45 

servitt^, by triple proclamation on successive market days that 
the creditor intended to do so. After the third proclamation, 
the addictus became practically a dave, in that the creditor 
could sell him, and pass a good title to a foreigner, although 
apparently he could not be sold to a Roman. The civil person- 
ality, liie caput of the debtor, was destroyed. That seems a 
better way of understanding capite poenas ddbant than that the 
debtor was incontinently killed. 

Of course, the triple proclamation had as its chief purpose the 
giving of public notice that a sectio would take place, so that 
prospective speculators might assemble. But, such a seri- 
ous matter as the turning of a free man into a chattel, with the 
consequences that ii entailed, would necessarily require notice. 
We filiould secure this notice by registration under recording 
acts. The Bomans had this triple proclamation instead. And 
it is not exceptional that the creditor could not himself treat 
the addictus as a slave thereafter, but had merely a power of 
sale. Essentially that is all that a pledgee-creditor had, in the 
absence of a lex commissoria, which was always frowned upon 
by law, and sometimes forbidden. Finally, the fact that the 
power was limited to selling him into foreign slavery is not 
surprising. It was decidedly against public policy that a Boman 
should have other Bomans as his chattels, and it was probably 
felt to be more offensive in the time of the Twelve Tables than 
it was later, because at that (time the community was smaller 
and the consequences more immediately apparent. 

We know what happened in a criminal trial. The convicted 
man was executed or banished, and his property was confiscated. 
It became lona publica and was sold as such. We have a direct 
statement that it was sold under a sectio}^ But we must re- 
member that there is essentially no difference between a civil 
and a criminal trial. Both resulted in either a condemnatio 
or an dbsolutio. If therefore a debtor lost his caput as the 

** Varro, De R. R. 11, 10, 4, clibliig amiong the many ways of aqulrlng 
title, tumTe cum In ibonls aectloneve cuius publico venlit. This is given 
as «n «kltogetlier dist^ot method from the ordinary sale of booty or 
confiscated property t>y the state directly. Posseselon so acquired was 
protected by a special interdict, the interdictum aeciorium, Gains, 4, 
146. 



46 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ultimate result of a civil trials it cannot have had other inci- 
dents than the loss of caput as a result of a criminal trial. His 
property, whatever it was, became bona publica. It could not 
pass to his heirs. The only alternative to confiscation would 
be that it became res sine domino, and for that, there is no 
evidence at all. 

As between the state and the creditor, there could be little 
question. The claim of the creditor had been extinguished by 
the addiction of the debtor, and the ultimate consequences of 
the addiction — ^the sale of the man — ^had reimbursed the credi- 
tor, at least in part, and perhaps overpaid him. He certainly 
had no claim on this property. And the fact that the debtor 
was insolvent need not mean — it generally did not mean — ^that 
he was quite destitute. We have noted that it was contemplated 
that he might provide for his own support during addiction. 
He might have not inconsiderable property, but if it was one 
farthing less than his debt, he was insolvent. The debt was a 
imit, as is shown by the fact that plus or minus petitio was 
equally fatal at this time, and long afterward." Similarly, if 
the debtor owed a specific thing, and could not rpay in kind, he 
was insolvent, however much he may have had in general prop- 
erty. We are therefore dealing with amounts that are not 
negligible, and that might aflford opportunities for profit to 
speculators. 

It may shock us somewhat that the state should derive large 
revenues from suits ait law. But that was quite in accord with 
Roman practise at this time. The commonest form of legisla- 
tion was ihe legis actio sacramento.*^ In that, in every case, 
whether the plaintiff or the defendant won, the sum of five 
hundred asses was forfeited to the state. Historians are some- 
times inclined to consider this a small sum, but at the period of 
which we are speaking, it was a large one. When the as was 
the libral as, it meant five hundred pounds of copper or bronze. 
By these very Twelve Tables, three hundred asses are fixed as 
the compensation for the breaking of the limb of a free man.*'^ 

* Gaius, 4, 63-54, Just. Inst. 4, 6. Of. Girard, Manuel de Droit Rom. 
pp. 1037 6q. 
» Gaius 4, 13. 
" XII Tab. vui, 2. 



8ECARE PARTIB. 47 

By the lex Atemia of approximately the same time,'* ten asses 
are given as the equivalent of a sheep, and one hundred asses 
as that of an ox. In other words, from most law-suits, the 
state derived a revenue amounting to fifty sheep or five oxen. 
And these were law-suits which would never come to manus 
iniectionem. It is not strange, therefore, that in suits that 
began or ended in manus iniectionem, the state would also claim 
its considerable perquisites. 

The addictus loses his caput; his property becomes hona pub- 
lica; by triple (proclamation bids are solicited, and the sectores 
whose bid was the highest dispose of the property in larger or 
smaller lots to purchasers. If we must find a translation for 
partis secanto, it will be 'Het the seotores retail the separate 
parts.^ In this rendering we may note that we are using a word 
*' retail,'^ which is derived from a root meaning " to cut.'' 

N^ow, we can see what si plus minusve secuerunt, se frauds 
esto means. It is not the grisly jest that Shakespeare has fami- 
liarized us with. If the sectores got more or less for the retail- 
ing than they had bid for the solidum, that is not to be the basis 
for a claim either by them against the state, or by the state 
against them. It was necessary to provide that, since, techni- 
cally, the sectores are not the owners of the goods, but are acting 
as public agents, or sub-ofi^ials of the quaestor who had the 
matter in charge. They are reminded by statute that there was 
no locus poenitentiae, if their speculation went wrong. Doubt- 
less as in the case of the (publicans generally, a peculiarly unfor- 
tunate speculation might result in having their debt to the state 
forgiven in whole or in part, but that was always a matter of 
grace. 

If we accept this version, the sudden plural of secanto is easily 
intelligible. Until the phrase occurs, there has been talk of a 
single creditor. Without warning, a plurality of creditors are 
introduced, and apparently, the detailed discussion of what 
occurs, is concerned only with them. We are reduced to sup- 
posing that full details were given in extenso in regard to a 
single creditor, in a passage that has not come down to us, and 

* Aulns GeUius, xi, 1, 2. Dion. Hal. x, 48-60. According to Festus 
tbe provisions mentioned were found in the Lex Menenia-Sestia of 452 
& a (Festus s. v. peculatus.) 



48 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

that these details were repeated when several creditors were 
referred to. But much more serious and practically important 
conflicts were sure to arise long before it got to execution. Who 
had the custody of the debtor at addiction? A(pparently that is 
not provided for at all in the Twelve Tables. Yet it seemed 
to be a matter of capital importance in Soman Law to prevent 
collusion between the debtor and one of several creditors.'* And 
if the ancient code did not specifically mention it^ it is not likely 
that it regulated with some minuteness what would happen in 
the rare case that several creditors had a judgment to execute, 
and only the body of a dead man to execute it against. 

The old explanation was sanguinary, but picturesque. THie 
hypothesis here suggested is dull and technical. But we may 
recall that laws do not become less technical as we trace them 
back in time, but more so. Secwre partis, as I should like to 
render it, is intelligible and has dose analogues in Soman legal 
history. In the accepted opinion, it is res ridiculae atroci- 
tatis; *® it has no real parallels anywhere ; it contradicts funda- 
mental Soman psychology and is, after all, only an interpreta- 
tion by writers five hundred years later than the Tables. If we 
needed to be convinced that Quintilian's views in such matters 
are not final, we may recall that all modem scholars take the 
malum carmen of the Twelve Tables to be a magical incantation. 
That seems in the highest degree probable. But practically all 
ancient writers, including Cicero ** — ^an infinitely better au- 
thority on this point than Quintilian — ^ttiought it meant a libel 
or pasquinade. 

M. Sadin. 

UmmwiTT OP Cauvoutll 



**Oirard, Man. 1045 eq. Of. especially Dig. 42, 3 and 42, 7. Great 
precautions were taken to prevent fraud on the part of the debtor by 
coUuaion with one or more of his creditors. Dig. 42, 8. 

* Gellius, XX, 1, 18. 

^XII Tab. viii, 1, qui malum carmen incantaasit. Cicero de Rep. 
4, 10, 12. 



UL— ILLUSTBATIONS OF TIBXJLLUS. 

The following notes are offered as a supplement to Professor 
Kirby Flower Smith's article in this Journal, XXXVII 131-165, 
on the literary tradition of Tibullus in modem times. 

The expression ' dassica pulsa,' Tibullus, i, 1, 4, is borrowed 

by Francesco-Maria Molza (1489-1544), In Paulum III Pont. 

Max.: 

Et qaem Tiirca ferox nobis inieoerat, illi 
Nunc r^gerant trist^n dassica ptilsa metam. 

The impressive phrase ' tenebris Mors adoperta caput,' i. 1, 70, 
is borrowed by Angelo Poliziano (1473), Elegia in Albieram, 98 : 

LuctuB^e et tenebria Mors adoperta caput. 

Aonio Paleario, De Animarum ImmortaMtate, iii 17 (written 
before 1536), has ^tenebris . . . Mors adoperta'; Palingenius 
(c. 1535) has Welamine nigro . . . adoperta caput,' Zodiacus 
Vitae, vi 64-65, of the company of the dead. MaruUus (who 
died in 1500) has * Nox tenebris adoperta,' Hymn to Pan, 40. 
With Tibullus, L 2, 7-14: 

lanua difGksilis domini, te yetberet iznber, 
Te lovis imperio fulmina missa petant . . . 

Te meminisse decet, quae plurima voce peregi 
Supplice, cum posti florida serta darem, 

compare Luigi Cerretti (1738-1808), Serenata: 

Venga un fuhnin che vi flchianti, 
Che riducavi in f aville, 
Esecrate dagli amanti. 
Dure porte d'AmariUe; 
E a ciascun aola e deserta 
Beeti poi la soglia aperta. 

Quante yolte, o porte ingrate, 
Sugli albori mattutiiii 
Per me f oste incoronate 
D' amaranti e gelsomini; 
Quanti di^iri e preghi e voti 
I nofltr' imii a voi deyoti! 

With Tibullus, i; 2, 89-94: 

49 



50 AMERI0A2f JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGT. 

Vidi ego, qui iuTenum xmseros lusisset omores, 

(Post Veneris yindis subdere coUa Benem 
Et sibi Uanditiae treoHila oomponere voce, efcc., 

compare Luigi Gerretti; All' Ancella : 

Vidi io de' caldi giorani 
Ohi gi& rise ai lamenti 
Arder cairato e tremolo; 
Fra balbettati acoenti 
Piangere al piede io vidilo 
Di rigida belt&. 

The sentiment of TibuUus, i. 6, 63-64 : 

ViTe diu mihi, dulds anus; proprios ego tecum, 
6it modo las, annos oontribuisse Telim, 

has a parallel in the Hecatelegium of Pacifico Massimi, iv. 
a poem addressed to Pope Sixtus IV (who died in 1484) — 

ViTe, precor, lani Priamique et Kestoris annos, 
Et mihi qui restant accipe et adde tuis. 

Compare Trissino's Sofonisba (written in 1515) — Sophonisba's 
prayer for her child : 

E gli anni, che son tolti a la mda vita, 
Siano aggiunti a la sua, 

and one of the sonnets of Giovan-Maria della Yalle : 

Figlio, cagion del fin meo acerbo, almeno 
Quel, che si toglie a la mia breve, fosse 
Conoeduto a la tua pid degna vita. 

Compare^ also, the Hungarian poet lohannes Filiczki (c. 1600), 
on the death of his patron ^ Przechus ^ : 

Tu tibi, sed natisque tori, diuturnior annos 
Vive meos, uxor Candida, vive tuos. 

The Tibullian phrase ' luppiter pluvius/ i. 7, 26, is borrowed 
by the Neapolitan poet Giano Anisic (c. 1465-c. 1640), in his 
eclogue * Coritius * (Varia Poemata, Naples, 1531, p. 77) : 

luppiter ac pluvius caelo descende benigno. 

Compare the Scottish poet John Leech ('Leochaeus'), Eleg. L 
2, 73-74 (London, 1620, p. 90) : 



ILLUBTBA.TI0N8 OF TIBULLU8. 51 

Qui Boream plaviimique Icfvem, qui irigora caeli, 
Igneaque aestivi qui timet <»*& Cania. 

Yirgiiiius Gaesarinus, a Boman poet of the time of Pope Gregory 
XV (1621-23) has: 

Kec me terruerant hiemes solesque potentee, 
jBt poteram pluyium vertice f erre lovem 

(CaniL illust. poet. ItaL, iii. 51, Florence, 1719). Compare, 
also, Engdbert Eliipfel, De Yita et Scriptis Conradi Celtis 
Protacii, i 22 : ' celeri fuga eodemque love pluvio caput perictdo 
gabduzit' (Freiburg ed., 1821, p. 125). This work was com- 
pleted in 1805, but the author had been engaged upon it for 
more than twenty years. It may be added that ' Giove pluvio ' 
is used in modem Italian, as a 'literary' phrase: * Giove pluvio 
non permise che la festa si f acesse.' 
Tibullus, ii. 2 : 

Dicamus bona verba; venit Natalie ad araa; 

Quisqais ades, lingua, vir mulierque, fave. . . . 
Ipee fiuoe Qeniue adsit visurus bonores, 

Oui deoorent sanctas moUia serta comae, 
niius puro distiUent tempora nardo, 

(Atque eatur libo sit madeatque mero, . . . 
Vota cadunt; utinam etrepiiantilme culvolet alia 

Flavaqne coniugio vincula portet Amor, 
Vincula quae maneant semper, etc., 

is adapted by the Hungarian poet lohannes Filiczki de Filef alva 
(c. 1600) for the birthday of a friend: 

Dicamus bona verba; redit Natalia in urbem, 
Cumque illo Obarites, CShloris, Apollo, Iooub. . . . 

Ipse venit Genius suaves fusurus odores, 
Ac Hygieia offert dulcia liba Deo. . . . 

Fallor? an aeriis nymphae drcumvolat alia, 
Dignaque conubiis vincula nectit Amor? 

Vincula quae durent longos constricta per annos, etc. 

TftuUus, ii. 3, 19-20 : 

O quotiens ausae, eaneret dum valle 8id> alta, 
Bumpere mugitu carmina doeta boves, 

is quoted by Luigi Cerretti, Per illustri nozze lucchesi: Parla 
TibuUo: 



52 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEIL0L0G7. 

Ohy quaate volte 08&ro i carmi auoi, 
Onde chiedea la sua perduta pace. 
Con muggito importun rompere i buoi! 

TibuUus, ii. 4, 7-8 : 

O ego ne poesiin tales sentiie dolores, 
Quam mallem in gelidis montibus esse lapis, 

is quoted by Gioviano Pontano (1426-1503)^ Eridanomin lib. i, 

40, 45-46 : 

Delia nee lasoira neget tibi oannen, et ille 
Qui cupit in gelidis montibus esse lapis; 

also by Lodovico Pascale, of Cattaro (who died before Sept., 
1561), Eleg., i. 6 : 

(Credulus es, si vera putas cednisse Tibullum, 
Dmn cupit in gelidis montibus esse lapis. 

With Tibullus, ii. 5, 90 : 

nie levis stipulae soUemnis potus aoeryos 
Aooendet, flammas transilietque sacras, 

compare Jacopo Sannazaro (1458-1530), Eleg. i 2, 39: 
Et ter transiliet flammantes potus aristas. 

With Tibullus, ii 6, 5-6: 

Ure, puer, quaeso, tna qui ferns otia liquit, 
(/Ltque iterum erronem sub tua signa yoca, 

compare Joannes Secundus (1511-1536), Eleg. ii, 11, 17-18 
(Ad Garolum Catzium) : 

Difficile est pugnare Deo; quo longius ibis, 
Erronem tanto durius uret Amor. 

Tibullus, iii. 3, 11-20 : 

Nam grave ^d prodest pondus miM divitis aori, 

Arvaque «i flndant pinguia mille bovesT 
QuidTB domus prodest Phrygiis innlxa colimmis, 

Taenare, sive tuis, sive, Caryste, tuisT . . • 
Quidve in Erythraeo legitur quae litore concha 

Tinctaque Sidonio murice lana iuvat, 
Et quae praeterea populus nUiraturT In illis 

Inyidia est; falso plurima vulgus amat^ 



ILLUSTRATIONS OF TIBULLUS. 63 

is paraphrased by Salmonius Macrinus^ the ^French Horace' 
(1490-1567), Odes, i. 10: 

Quid pondus auri divitis aggeraa? 
Quid lata iungifl praedia praedik^ 
FindaDt nt agros praeferaces 
Mille boves iuga panda eubter? 

Innlxa prodest quid Phrygiis domuB 
Fulgens columniaT Taenare, yel tuiB? 
Quas cincta vel ponto Carystos 
Vel Faroe aut Numidae recidunt? 

Inyenta Bubro concha quid aequore? 
Quid tincta raro murice yellera? 
^iiratur et quae yulguB amens 
Serica tezta Axabumque odores? 

Tibnlliis, iii. 4, 1-2, is quoted by Clemente Bondi (1742- 
1821), as the motto of his La Horte in Sogno: 

Dii meliora lerant^ nee aint insomnia vera 
Quae tulit ewtrema prowima noote quies. 

With TibuUus, iv. 2, 5-6 (of Sulpicia) : 

UliuB ez ooulis, cum yuH ezurere diTOSy 
Acoendit geminaa lampadaa aoer Anxxr, 

compare Angelo Poliziano (1473), Elegia in Albieram, 31-32: 

TJt nitidum laeti radiaibant sidus ocelli; 
Saepe Amor aooensas refctulit inde faoea, 

II Cariteo (c. 1450-1514), Bime, lib. i, sonnet 17: 
Ocdii^ €fv* accende Amor rardente face, 

Oiovan-Oiorgio Trissino (1478-1550), Sonnet xxvi: 

Ma, lasso, Amor gift mai non si disparte 
Da i Yostri occhi divini, onde egli accende 
La face sua, che tuttol mondo iwflojwnML^^ 

Bernardo Tasso (1493-1569), Bime, lib. v: 

Allor che morte i duo begli occhi asoose, 
Qie chiudevan del Ciel tutto il tesoro, . . • 
Botto Tarco e gli strali Amor depose; 
La face, ch' aooendea nel lume loro 
Spenae, etc. 



64 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Bonsard; Odes, ii. 8: 

Plus belle que V4nua tu marches; 
Plus que les siens tes yeuz sont beaux^ 
Qui flambent sous deux noires arches 
Comme deux celestes flamibeaux^ 
D'ou le brandon fut allum6 
Qui tout le coeur m'a coxisum6> 

Baif > Amour de Francine, i. 40 : 

Est-ce cet oeil riant le soleil de ma Tie, 
Flambeau duquel Amour allume son flambeau? 

Olivier de Magny, Chanson: 

le eers une Maitresse, 
Qui tient dedans ses yeux 
Les traiotz dont Amour blesse 
Les hommes et les Dieux. 

Oompare, also, a part of Ariosto's famous simile, 0. F. xL 66 
(of Olimpia) : 

IB ne la face de' begli oochi aooende 
L'aurato strale^ etc., 

and the Flemisli poet Jean Lemout (1545-1619), Ocelli, vii — 
an imitation of Horace's f ons Bandusiae — 

Perenniclaris tu quoque frontibus 
ilungere posthac, fulgidulos tibi 
Me teste scintillare ooellos, 
Unde faces animet Cupido. 

Wilfred P. Mustabd. 

P. £r.— 'With Tib. i. 1, 69, cp. Marcantonio Flaminio, Carm. vi. 39: 
Mors nigris tenebris operta. GabrieUo Flaminio's poem Ad Lalagen 
borrows freely from Tibullus: Kon cupimus telis nos atram avertere 
Mortem; Festinat oeleri nam nimis ilia pede. Et potlus gemmae fipe- 
ant Sarranaque vestis, Quam nostros abitus ulla puella fleat. Te deoet, 
o Caesar, terra beUare marique, etc. Cp. i. 10, 33-34; i. 1, 51-58, and 
69-70. tHieronymus Balbus, Eplgr. 16 (Vienna, 1494) has: Quam bene 
Satumo fluzerunt saecula rege, Cum fuit in nullas terra resecta vias, 
etc.; also, Haec mihi oontin^mt; alius sibi oomparet aurum, Et legat 
Eois dona sub aequoribus. Cp. Tib. i. 3, 45 ff., and i. 1, 49-50. Ercole 
Stroszi's poem 'Urbe meus disoedit amor' begins with an imitation of 
Tib. ii. 3. w. p. M. 



X 



IV.— HORACE, EPISTLE I, xrx, 28-9. 

Among the passages winch are essential for the appreciation 
of Horace's literary theories, Ep. I, xjx, should occupy an im- 
portant place, sinoe, in this Epistle, Horace expresses very defi- 
nitely, it seems to me, not only his relation to his Greek models, 
but also his idea of true and false imitation. Unfortunately, 
however, the meaning of vss. 28-9, 

rremperat Ardiilocfai Musam pede maacula Sa^ppho^ 
Temperat Alcaeus, sed rebus et ordine dispar^ 

is not entirely dear, and the verses have been diversely inter- 
preted. 

Of the editors before Bentley, some, following the suggestion 
of the Scholiast, oonstrued Archilochi with Musam, interpreted 
temperat as miscel^ and made Horace say iiiat he mingled with 
the measures of Archilochus those of Sappho and Alcaeus; 
others took temperat in the sense of lenit, mitigat, and under- 
stood Horace to mean that he softened the keen invective of 
Archiloohus by the use of the gentler measures of Sappho and 
Alcaeus. In pede mascula they saw a reference either to the 
vigor of Sappho's style, or to the bold courage of the {poetess in 
daring to leap from the Leucadian Bock.^ Bentley pointed out, 
however, that, with such an interpretation, the adversative sed 
has no force, and iiiat an et would be necessary. He, therefore, 
oonstrued Archilochi with pede, supplied suam with Musam, 
gave temperat the sense of miscet, and made dispar refer to 
Sappho as well as to Alcaeus. According to his interpretation 
Horace says, in eflfect, " I am only doing what Sappho and Al- 
caeus did before me ; they mixed the metres of Archilochus with 
their own though they departed widely, as I do, from his sub- 
jects and purpose." The epithet mascula, in this view, is em- 
ployed merely to emphasize the manly vigor of Sappho's style. 

' The latter idea was adopted by Ritter, who notes: pede mascula fait 
Sappbo quod audace pede in saxa Leucadia progressa inde se in mare 
deiedt. The note of Porphyrio runs: mascula autem Sapi^ vel quia 
in poetioo studio est, in quo saepius mares, vel quia tribas diffamatur 
fuiase. 

66 



66 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Editors since Bentley agree in construing ArcMochi with 
pede and in supplying suam with Musam. They do not agree, 
however, as to whether dispar refers to Alcaeus only or to both 
Sappho and Alcaeus, nor do they agree on the meaning of tem- 
pera! By some, especially the editors of our American text- 
books, this verb is translated ^^ moulds,*' '' f ashions,'* ''regu- 
lates,*' and Horace is made to say, " Sappho, a woman of spirit,*' 
or ^'a woman with masculine skill, moulds (regulates) her 
Muse by the verse of Archilochus, Alcaeus moulds (regulates) 
his, but he (tiiey) differs (diflfer) from Archilochus in matter 
and arrangement/* Others adopt Bentley*s interpretation, mak- 
ing tiie verb temperare equal to miscere, seeing in it, with Wick- 
ham, the suggestion of tiie metaphor of mixing a cup. 

However much the editors may differ in regard to these details 
of interpretation, they do, and must, agree on one point, namely, 
that Horace is holding up the practice of Sappho and Alcaeus to 
justify his own. What tiiat was he tells us explicitly in vss. 
23-6: 

ParioA ego primus ian^KW 
Ostendi JjMo, numeros animosque secutus 
Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lyoamben. 

This must mean, '' I imitated the iambic verses of Archilochus 
and their tone, but not the matter of Archilochus nor his words 
of direct personal attack/* It follows, therefore, that not only 
is the phrase sed — dispar in vs. 29 parallel, as Wickham notes, 
to non — ^Lycamben, vs. 26, but that the words numeros ani- 
mosque Archilochi, vss. 24-6, must also be parallel to Archilochi 
Musam, vs. 28, that Archilochi depends upon Musam. And not 
only logic, but the swing of the verse, it seems to me, demands 
this construction in spite of the warning of the editors to con- 
strue Archilochi with pede not with Musam. Pede does, to be 
sure, look to Archilodii, but it is directly connected, as the older 
editors saw, with mascula. The reference, however, surely can- 
not be to the story of the leap from the Leucadian Bock, nor, 
just as surely, can mascula be what other interpretations make 
it to be, a mere epitheton omans, worse than useless. Horace 
must have meant by it more than an unnecessary emphasis of 
Sappho's right to be compared with men. And what he does 



HORACE, EPISTLE /, XIX, £8-9. 67 

mean by it is dear from the evident contrast he makes between 
it and the verb temperate — a contrast which demands the usual 
meaning of temperare as *' restrain/' " moderate/' " tone down/' 
" modify the extremes/' " preserve a due proportion." 

This meaning of the verb is, indeed, the only one which is 
justified by the usage of Horace and of tiie poets generally 
down to his time. The one passage which is cited to support 
the rendering *' moulds " is Propertius III, 32, 78-9 : Tale f acis 
carmen, docta testudine quale | Cynthius impositis temperat 
articulis. Here, however, temperat is certainly not a mere 
synonym of f acis, but refers to tiie harmony which arises from 
the playing of ApoUo — to the well-modulated tones of the 
skiUed musician. We find the same use of the verb in Hor. Od. 
IV, 3, 18 : 0, testudinis aureae | Dulcem quae strepitum. Fieri, 
temperas, " thou who dost tone the noise of thy golden shell 
into sweet harmony." 

Nor is the evidence any stronger that Horace uses temperare 
in the sense of miscere, immiscere. Even in Epod. XVil, 80, 
desiderique temperare pocula, where the meaning ^' mix " seems 
to be necessary, we cannot be sure, since in another poem where 
Horace uses the phrase temperare pocula, the meaning of the 
verb is clearly " to soften," *' mellow " ; Od. I, 20, 9-13 : Caecu- 
bum et prelo domitam Galeno | Tu bibes uvam: mea nee Fa- 
Icmae | Temperant vites neque Formiani | Pocula coUes : '' My 
cups no choice Falemian fills, | Nor xmto them do Formia's 
hills I Impart a temper'd glow" (Martin). And in all the 
other passages where the verb occurs in Horace this idea of 
^ tone down," " modify the extremes " is basic ; cf . Od. II, 3, 3 : 
mentem . . . ab insolent! temperatam laetitia; II, 16, 26: 
amara lento | temperet risu; III, 4, 66: vim temperatam; HI, 
4, 46 : qui mare temperat ventosum; so in Od. IV, 12, 1 ; Od. I, 
8, 7, temperat ora frenis ; Ep. I, 12, 16, quid temperet annum ; 
Serm. 11, 6, 71, senem delirum temperet, of the will-himter who 
''manages a childish old man" (Morgan). This last example 
is instructive since we have a contrast between the verb and an 
adjective similar to that in the passage xmder discussion. 

Vergil's use of the verb, also, is exactly similar to that of 
Horace, and nowhere do we find any suggestion of the idea of 
mould or mix, but only that of ''restrain"; cf. Aen. I, 67: 



68 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOQT. 

Aeolus — ^temperat iima; 146: Triton — temperat aequor; II, 8: 
temperet a lacrimis. THie force of liie verb is well illustrated 
by sudi a passage as Gtoorg. I, 110 of a rivulet, scatebrisque 
arentia temperat arva, where the idea of " moderation '* in tem- 
perat stands in contrast with the idea of extreme heat in arentia, 
just as in Hor. Od. Ill, 19, 6, quis aquam temperet ignibus, it 
stands in contrast with the extreme of coolness denoted by aqua; 
cf. Gcorg. Ill, 336, cum frigidus aera vesper | temperat. The 
word a similarly used by Lygdamus, 6, 58 : temperet annosum 
Marcia lympha merum, and by the autiior of the Panegy. Mess. 
167: Quas «iTni1i« utrimque tenens vicinia caeli | temperat. 
TibuUus does not use the word, nor Propertius except in the 
passage cited above. Of the earlier poets Lucretius seems not 
to have used it nor Catullus nor Lucilius. In tiie comedy its 
only meaning is that of '' check,*' '^ restrain '* ; cf . Plant. Bud. 
1254, linguae tempera ; True. 61 ; Ep. Ill, in amore temperes ; 
so with the infinitive, Poen. 22, dormire temperent; cf. 34, 1036 ; 
Ter. Phor. 271, famae temperans. 

Nor in the prose of the Republican period have I found any 
passages in whidi temperare is a simple miscere, but always is 
there present, as in poetry, the underlying idea of restraint, 
moderation. Gsesar, B. G. I, 33, neque sibi homines feros — 
temperatures existimabat quin, which will occur to all, is typical 
of his usage. The force of the word is best illustrated, however, 
by Cicero's use of it, or of derivatives, in connection wiiJi mode- 
rari or aequare, as in ad Fam. Xm, 29, 7 : quod fuerim modera- 
tor temperatiorque quam in ea parte quisquam; de Be pub. I, 
69 : quod genus erit aequatum et temperatum ex tribus optunis 
rerum publicarum modis ; cf . Or. 98. Or he employs it by the 
side of miscere, in order to convey the idea of mixing in the 
proper proportions ; cf . de Oflf. HI, 119 : nee vero finis bonorum 
et malorum, qui simplex esse debet, ex dissimillimis rebus mi- 
sceri et temperari potest; Or. 196 : sit oratio permixta et temper- 
ata numeris nee dissoluta nee tota numerosa. In this passage 
temperare dearly emphasizes lire need of preserving the proper 
mean between the two extremes denoted by dissoluta and tota 
numerosa; so in Or. 21 it denotes the mean between the grandi- 
loqui and the tenues: est autem quidam interiectus inter hos 
medius et quasi temperatus nee acumine posteriorum nee ful- 



HORACE, EPISTLE /, XIX, «8-9. 69 

mine utens superioram (hence, dearly^ not oomponnded of 
the two), vicinns ambonun, in neutro exedlenfl, ntriuflque parti- 
ceps vd utriusque — ^potius expers ; cf . the similar use in Or. 197, 
de Oral II, 212. 

Sudi passages as these are sufficient, it seems to me, to show 
that temperare could not have meant to a Latin of Horace's 
time what our words " mould '* or "mix '* mean to us, but that, 
on the contrary, it always conveyed the idea of moderation, 
restraint, of one sort or another.* This is the meaning, there- 
fore, which the word must have in the passage imder discussion. 
If we give it this meaning and construe Archilochi with Musam, 
we may translate : " Sappho, although she had the spirit of a 
man (viz. Archilochus), and employed the measures of Archi- 
lochus, yet duUed the keen edge of his Muse; so did Alcaeus, 
but, imlike Sappho, he differed widely from Archilochus both in 
matter and arrangement, nor did he seek out the father of his 
bride," etc. With this interpretation, the epithet mascula is not 
otiose, but stands in strong contrast to temperat; the gram- 
matical difficulty of construing dispar both with Sappho and 
Alcaeus is avoided; and, finally, the puzzling sed ceases to be 
puzzling. It implies, that is, a greater contrast between Alcaeus 
and Archilochus than between Sappho and Archilochus in regard 
to both the arrangement and the content of their iambics. 

Whether or not this interpretation is the correct one cannot 
be definitely settled owing to the fact that we have no way of 
knowing how Sappho's use of iambics differed from Alcaeus'. 
We are, however, justified in assuming, it seems to me, by what 
we know of Sappho's ardent temperament, that, in regard to 
the use of iambic verse as a vehicle for personal invective, which 
is the question at issue here, she would be closer akin to Archi- 
lochus than Alcaeus was. It is noteworthy, at least, that Horace 
does not expressly include her in the statement which he makes 

'This statement holds good, it may be noted, of the descendants of 
this verb in the Homance languages, ItaL temperare, Fr. temp^rer, 
Span, temperar. It is instructive to c<Mnipare the Latin use of tem- 
perare in connection with music, as in the passages cited above, p. 57, 
•nd Cic de re pub. 6, 18, 18: acuta cum gravibus tempeimns varios 
•equabiUter concentus efficit, with the Italian use Oif temperare of 
tuning an instrument; cf. in tempra, ^in tune." 



60 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

conoeming his practice and Alcaeus', that both he and Alcaeus 
avoided the use of iambic verse for a f amosum carmen. We may 
conclude^ therefore^ that, in this matter of definite personal 
abuse, Sappho^s practice was to Alcaeus' as Horace's was to 
Catullus'. Hence it is Alcaeus and not Sappho whom Horace 
expressly hails in vs. 32 as his model. 

This interpretation is certainly in harmony with the context 
of the Epistle as a whole. It is evident that Horace is con- 
fronting two classes of critics, the one made up of those who 
foimd fault wilii him because, in taking over the iambic meas- 
ures of Archilochus, he had not adopted the content which by 
tradition and by the practice of Catullus and his school was 
associated with them, namely, direct personal invective against 
definite individuals. These critics Horace calls a servum pecus 
because their spirit was shackled; they were slaves to convention 
and to form. He, on the contrary, was free because, although 
he imitated the iambic verse of Archilochus and its general tone 
of raillery and abuse, he did not feel boimd to imitate the matter 
and the words.* 

The other class of critics went to tiie other extreme and, like 
our modem Bomanticists, demanded that the Latin poet free 
iiimself entirely, in regard both to form and to matter, from all 
models. Horace defends his method by pointing to tiie method 
of Sappho and Alcaeus. They, as he, made use of the verse 
forms of Archilochus, but they, too, modified his invective. 
Certainly this is true of Alcaeus, and ^^ his is the lyre, xmtouched 
by other hands before me, that I, a Latin, struck for all to hear, 
and my reward is the favor of gentle readers." 

This poem, therefore, instead of being what it has been inter- 
preted to be,* an utterance of Horace as the high-priest of con- 
vention, preaching the gospel that as the form is so must the 
content be, is rather the utterance of Horace as the exponent 

* As R. Heinre, Henn. XXXIII, 1S98, pp. 488 sq., points out, only tliree 
of the Epodes — X, the attadc on Maevius, V and XV 11, dealing with 
Canidia — oorrespond in all the details with the Archilochian norm. I 
should be inclined to class the Canidia-poems with IV, VI, Vlll, XU, 
attadcs directed against typical figures. 

^Cf. Hack, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, XXVn, 1916, 
pp. 24 sq. 



HORACE, EPIBTLB /, XIX, 28-9. 61 

of ^^ the free and transformmg imitatioii of the true classicist.'^ ' 
This is the doctrine which he preached as a critic and which he 
followed as a poet, recognizing^ on the one hand, the great 
value of the principles which underlay the theory of the literary 
forms, but, on the other, refusing to allow his spirit to be 
enslaved by them — 

liibera per vaouum pomii vestigia prinoeps. 

M. B. OOLB. 
Ujn i im OF Vbm o«v. 



• Cf . FiBke, Ladlius and Horace, p. 483. 



v.— SEX DBTEEMINATION AND SEX CONTROL 

IN ANTIQUITY.* 

Some disooveries made early in the present century* have 
awakened a genuinely scientific interest in the question of sex 
determination and sex control. For the last two decades biol- 
ogists have been attacking the problem with greater energy 
and with increased prospects of success. By varying the con- 
ditions of nutrition^ moisture, and other factors, they have been 
able to control to a limited extent the sex of some of the lower 
animals. During this period of investigation there have ap- 
peared in Science some two dozen notes, articles, and book- 
reviews dealing with the subject. 

The war, too, has brought the question into the foreground. 
A newspaper despatch from London in November, 1920, calls 
attention to the higher percentage of male babies since the war 
and goes on to say: ''The doctors of England are discussing 
the peculiar manner in which nature is replacing the immense 
wastage of men during the war.'* There is, of course, a well- 
established popular notion about the increase in the number 
of boys during critical periods. It has been pointed out that 
a distinct increase in proportion of male babies has taken place 
among primitive peoples in times of stress and f almine, or when 
tribes are in danger of extermination, as in tiie case of the head- 
himting Dyaks of Borneo. 

The research work of modem biologierts gives more than a 
passing interest to the views of the ancients on sex determin- 
ation. Aside from this, greater contemporary interest in folk- 
lore would justify an investigation of the notions of the Greeks 
and Bomans.* 

^The following abbreviations are used in this article: G. A. = Aris- 
totle, De G«ierati<me Animalium; PI. = Plinius, Katuralis Historia; 
Oensorinus = Oensorinus, De Die Katali. Galen wiU be cited by 
Kuehn's edition. The translations of the De Generatione Animalium 
are Piatt's. 

'See Oonklin, Heredity and Environment', pp. 157-168, and also C. 
E. MoOlimg, The Accessory Ghramosome, Sex Determinant? Biol. Bull. 
3, 1902. 

'The loci dassici of the ancients are Aristotle, De Generatione Ani- 
malium 763b 29>-767a 15; Plutarch Moralia 905ID-F; Oensorinus, De Die 
Natali 6. 6. 4-8; Galen, 19. 324 (Kuehn). Galen copies Plutarch. See 
also Galen, 4. 165-175. 

62 



V 



BEX DETERMINATION AND BEX CONTROL. 63 

In antiquily Hbe custom of ancestor wor^p, the perpetua- 
tion of which required a son^ since the daughter went off into 
another gens, was^ perhaps, the strongest reason that led parents 
to long for male children. There was the additional consid- 
eration that the boy was a much more likely means of support 
for old age. The arrival of a boy was so much more welcome 
than that of a girl, and the natural desire of expectant parents 
to answer in advance the question of the sex of the coming 
diild was so strong, iiiat a search was made for indications of 
sex, and even for meaus to control it. 

There was a common view that liie male offspring comes from 
ihe right side of the male and the female from the left side,^ 
and that the embryo developed in the right side of the uterus 
was male while that in the left side was female." (G. A. 763b 
35-764al). Only when there was an alteration in the course 
of nature did exceptions to this rule occur • (Plut Mor. 906 E) . 
If during intercourse the right or left testis was tied up, the 
result was, according to some philosophers, male or female off- 
spring respectively^ (G. A. 766a 21-26). Empedodes assert- 
ed that heat gave rise to males and cold to females * (G. A. 

«Cf. O. A. 766a 4-18; Plut. Mor. 006E; OensorinuB 6. 6. 6; Qalen 
4. 174-175; 19. 463. See also Galen 4. 633. [See also the Johns Hop- 
kins dissertation of A. P. Wlagener, Popular Aasociationa of Right and 
Left in Roman Literature, Baltimore^ 1912^ and especiaUy the chapter 
on the Association of the Right with the Male, of the Left with the 
Female.'-C, W. E. M.] 

■Hippocrates ap. Kuehn's C^en 17A. 443; 17A. 1002; 17B. 212; 
17B. 840; Plut. Mor. 905E; Galen 4. 175; 4. S33. En the last reference 
GkJen explains why males are conceived on the right and females on 
the left. 

* Galen 4. 174-176 explains the reasons for the exception to the rule 
that males are found in the right side of mothers and females in the 
left 

*So Galen 14. 470, but Hippocrates (Hippocratis Opera 1. 478 
Kuehn) says that the right testicle should be bound to beget a female 
and the left to beget a male. It will be noted later on that this is 
the rule for animals. This is the logical view, given the notion that 
the right testicle begets males and the left females. 

*So also Plut. Mor. 906D. Empedodes says elsewhere that boys are 
begotten in the warmer part of the womb, and that, therefore, men are 
darker, more stalwart and shaggier than women.— See Diels, Fragmente 
der VorscJaratiker, frag. 67, p. 202. Galen, 19. 453, says that the 



64 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEIL0L0G7. 

764a 1-6). ''Hence it is^ as histories acquaint us^ that the 
first men had their original from the earth in the eastern and 
soutiiem parts^ and the first females in the northern parts 
thereof. Parmenides is of opinion perfectly oontrarient. He 
afi&itms that men first sprouted out of the northern earth, for 
their bodies are more dense; women out of the southern, for 
theirs are more rare and fine (Plut. Mor. 906 D).* 

Democritus of Abdera opposed Empedodes' yiew, and said 
Ihat sex depended oq. the parent whose semen it was that pre- 
dominated (G. A. 764a £-24). He maintained that the parts 
which are common to both sexes are engendered indifferently 
by one or the olher, but the pecidiar parts by the sex ^^ that is 
more prevalent (Plut. Mor. 906 F). Hippon said that Ihe 
compact and strong sperm produced one sex and the more fluid 
and weaker the other/^ and that if the spermatic faculty be more 
effectual the male is generated; if the nutritive element pre- 
dominates, the female is generated^* (Plut. Mor. 905 F). Hip- 
pocrates speaks in somewhat similar vein. He holds that there 
is both male and female semen, and ihat when females are bom 
the stronger element is overpowered by the abimdance of the 
weaker, and vice versa, that the birth of males is due to the 
overpowering of the weaker element (Opera Hippocratis, 
Kuehn, 1.377-78).** The condition of the menses may also 
prove a factor, accordii^ to Hippocrates (op. cit. 1.476). 

Aristotle thus summarizes a long discu^ion of his own views: 
'^ If, then, the male element prevails, it draws the female ele- 
ment into itself; but if it is prevailed over, it changes into the 
opposite or is destroyed** (G. A. 766b 16-17). 

warmer semen begets males, the colder, females. See also Censorinus 
6. 6. 7. 

'Goodwin's translation. 

^Cf. the view of Leucippus (Plut. Mor. 905F). 

^Cf. Censorinus, 6. 6. 4. 

"Of. Censorinus 6. 6. 4; Galen 4. 629. 

^ Compare the view of Parmenides ap. Censorin. 6. 6. 6. 

^"I. e. in the mixture of the germ-cells of both parents, one or 
other gets the better in a sort of conflict. If the male prevails in this, 
then it causes the whole mixture to turn out a male, 'drawing into 
itself' the female, or in other words so influencing the materisd con- 
tributed by the female that the resulting embryo is male. In the 
other case, the male element is itself so influenced by the female, and 



BEX DBTBRMnrATION AND BBX CONTROL. 66 

He makes other interestiDg camments: ^'Eor more females 
aie produced by the young and by those verging on old age 
than by those in the prime of life; in the former the yital heat 
is not yet perfect^ in the latter it is failing. And those of a 
tnoister and more feminine state of body are more wont to beget 
females, and a liquid semen causes this more than a thicker; 
now all these characteristics come of deficiency in natural heat. 

'^ Again^ more males are bom if copulation takes place wihen 
north than when south winds are blowing. For in the latter 
case the animals produce more secretyn,>nd too much secre- 
tion is hard to concoct; hence the semen of the males is more 
liquid, and ao is the discbarge of the catamenia '' (O. A. 766b 
29.767a 2). 

Plants have certain properties by wMch they cause the con- 
ception of one sex or the other. The male plant of the ipar^ 
ihenion ensures the conception of male children, the female 
plant of females, but only if immediately after conception its 
juice is drunk in raisin-wine and the leaves are eaten cooked 
in olive oil and salt, or raw in vin^ar (PI. 25.39). The lower 
part of the stem of the satyrion promotes the conception of 
male issue, the upper or smaller part of female (PI. 26.97). 
Female offspring will result from taking tbelygonon in drink, 
male by taking arsenogonon (PI. 26.162).^* If before the even- 
ing meal, a man and woman take three oidi of the seed of 
crata^onon in three .cyathi of water forty days before the con- 
ception of their issue, the child will be of the male sex (PL 27. 
62).^^ If males eat the larger portions of the roots of cyno- 
sorchis ^^ or orchis, they will be parents of boys; if females eat 
the smaller part, girls will result" (PL 27.65). The female 
phyllon plant ensures the conception of issue of the same sex, 
while the male plant, differing only in its seed, brings about 
male issue (Fl. 27.125). When a drink made from the crushed 

therefore etther * changes into its opposite,' the total mixture becoming 
all female, or else ' is destroyed/ i. e., the principle carried by the male 
element disappears from the embryo." — ^Platt, ad loc. 

"Of. Theophrastns, Hist. Plant. 9. 18. 6; Diosc. 3. 140. 

^Cf. Diosc 3. 139, where directions are somewhat different. 

"Of. Diosc. 3. 141. 

''We are not told what would happen if both sexes complied with 
directions at the same time. 

5 



66 AMBRIOAN JOUSNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

leaves of the female plant of the linozostis is taken and an 
application of them is made to the genitals after purgation, 
the conception of females is ensured, while males result from 
similar treatment of the male plant (Diosc. 4.191). 

The flesh of certain parts of anlTnals has magical properties 
in ensuring the conception of male children. If, about the time 
of conception, a woman eats roasted veal with aristolochia, she 
will bring forth a male child (PL 28.254). When immediately 
after conception a woman eats cocks' testes, she becomes pr^- 
nant with a male child (PL 30.123). The eating of a hare's 
womb in one's food is supposed to effect the conception of males, 
a result also accomplished by eating the testicles of rabbits 
(PL 28.248).** Smearing the body with goose grease and with 
resin from the terebinth tree for two days results in male off- 
spring if intercourse takes place on the next day (Qalen 14. 
476). 

A woman could beget a male child if, prior to coition, she 
bound her right foot with a white fillet of a child, but a black 
ribbon on her left foot would cause the conception of a female 
(Galen 14.476). If parsley is placed upon the head of a preg- 
nant woman without her knowledge, the sex of her imbom 
child will be that of the first person she addresses (Galen 14. 
476) .*« 

Some amusing instructions are given in Hippocrates, De 
Steril.,** ch. 7 : Take some milk, mix flour with it, form a paste, 
and bake it on a slow fire. If it is oonsuoned by the fire, a 
male wiU result: if it cracks and splits, a female. Again, one 
may take milk and pour some of it on leaves. If it condenses, 
it means a male; if it runs, a female. 

Gold waters cause the birth of females (G. A. 767a 35). 
On the tenth day after conception headache, mistiness before 
the eyes, distaste for food and a rising stomach are indications 
of the conception of a male child. A woman with a male child 
has a better color ** and the movement in the womb is felt on 



»Cf. PL 20. 263. 

*In this same passage Galen gives still other curious lore. 
"^The attribution of this work to Hippocrates is questioned. 
"See Hippocrates ap. Kuehn's Galen 17B. 834; Moschion, De Mull- 
erum Passionibus, 26. Hippocrates (De Steril. ch. 7) says that wobmh 



BEX DETERMINATION AND BEX CONTROL. 67 

the fortieth day.** There are opposite signs in the case of the 
finale child and the first movement is felt on the ninetieth 
day (PL 7.41). Moschion (De Mnliemm Passionibns, 26) 
says HiSLt the child is male if it moves in the womb soon after 
conception and vigorously, otherwise it is female. If the breasts 
of a pr^nant woman are turned up, she wiU bear a male child; 
if they are turned down, female offspring wiU result (ffippo- 
crates De Steril. ch. 7). The swelling of the right breast 
means a boy, of the left, a girl,*^ according to Moschion (loc. 
dt.). 

Julia Augusta, when pr^nant in her early youth by Tiberius 
Caesar, was particularly desirous that her offspring should 
be a son and accordingly employed a method of divination 
which was then much in use among young women. She carried 
an egg in her bosom, taking care, whenever she was obliged to 
put it down, to give it to her nurse to keep warm in her bosom 
in order that the temperature might be maintained. It is 
stated that this method was reliable (PI. 10.154).** 

Although male children were preferred by human beings, 
farmers and shepherds naturally felt greater jubilation at the 
arrival of female animals. For beasts, too, there was consider- 
able lore of sex determination. If sheep submit to the males 
when north winds are blowing, they are apt to bear males, says 
Aristotle (H. A. 673b 37) ; if when south winds are blowing, 
females.** Shepherds were not slow to take advantage of this 
fact and as they wanted breeders they admitted rams to the 
sheep during the prevalence of south winds (AeL 7.27). Aria- 
beget females if they have rough spots (perhaps freddes, rather than 
rough spots) on the face; those who keep a good complexion bear males. 

'"Of. Hippocratis Opera (Kuehn), 1. 453. 

**If either of the breasts of a pregnant woman loses its fullness, she 
will part with one of her children. If it is the right breast which 
becomes slender, the male child wiU be lost; if the left, the female. — 
Hippocrates ap. Kuehn's Galen 17B. 828. This belief is founded on the 
rather prevalent physiological notion that the uterus consisted of two 
cavities, a right and a left one. 

'"Kana, the mother of Attis, conceived by putting a ripe almond in 
her bosom (Pans. 7. 17. 11), or a pomegranate (Amob. adv. Nat. 5. 6). 

>"See also Ad. 7. 27; PI. 8. 189; Arist. ap. Colum. 7. 3. 12; Arist. ap. 
Ballad. 8. 4. 4; Antig. H. M. 111. 



68 AMBBIOAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGY. 

totle's words are true of the bull ((^eopon. 17.6) and^ in fact^i 
of aniTnalH in general (<3eoposi. 18.3). 

If the right testicle of a ram is tied up^ he will generate 
females only; if the left^ males (PI. 8.188).'^ The same thing 
occurs in the case of the bull (Oeopon. 17.6) and indeed with 
almost all cattle (Golum. 6.28). If the cow has oonceived a 
male, the bull descends from the cow more to the right, if a 
female, to the left (Varr. B. B. 2.5.13)." The mare is the 
only animal which after being covered runs facing the north or 
the south, according to whether she has conceived a male or 
female (PI. 10.180). 

We find Pausanias (7.22.11) thus describing the magical 
virtues of the river CSharadrus: '^The flocks and herds that 
drink of this river in spring usually bring forth males, and 
therefore the herdsmen remove them to another part of the 
country, all except the cows, which they leave at the river, 
because bulls are more suited than cows for sacrifices and for 
field labor; but in the case of other live stock the female is 
preferred.'' *•' 

According to Aristotle (H. A. 659a 30), loi^ pointed eggs 
are female ; those that are roimded at tlie narrow end are male." 
He converse is, however, asserted by other writers." 

The ancients made an effort to control the sex even of some 
of the vegetables. ^^ Of the turnip all do not agree that there 
are several kinds, but some say that the only difference is be- 
tween the ^ male ' and ^ female,' and that both forms come from 
the same seed. In order to produce ' female ' plants, it is said 
tbat the seed should be sown thinly, for that, if it is sown thick, 
the result is all ' male ' plants; and that the same result follows 
if the seed is sown in poor soil " '^ (Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. 
7.4.3). 

' In closing this paper is seems worth while to stop long enough 
to quote a few instances of sex-determination among other 

*'See also PI. 30. 149; Colum. 6. 28; Geopon. 18. 3. 

*See also PI. 8. 176; Oolum. 6. 24. 3; Geopon. 17. 6. 

** Fraser's translation. 

"•Cf. Colum. 8. 6. 11. 

* See PL 10. 145; Hor. Sat. 2. 4. 12-14; Antig. Mirab. 103. 

"^Horfs translation. 



BBX DBTBBMINATION AND 8BZ CONTROL. 69 

peoples. According to the Jews, ''if a woman is anxious to 
get eons, die must ask a shepherd to get the after-birth of a 
cow, dry it, and pound it, and drink the powder in wine/'" 
There are still other means of controlling the sex of a child: 
'' Make a decoction of bear's or wolfs meat as much as a bean. 
If the animal is male the child will be male, and if it is female 
the woman will give birth to a daughter.'' •• In Assyro-Baby- 
lonian tradition when a halo surrounded the moon, it was 
believed that women would bring forth male children; •* *' also, 
if the star Lugala or Sarru, ' the king,' stood in its place, women 
would likewise bring forth male offspring."^ Among the 
Hindus it is believed that sons are bom from cohabitation on the 
even nights, daughters as a result of cohabitation on uneven 
nights. A boy will be bom if the seminal fluid predominates; 
a female embryo will be formed if the blood of menstruation 
18 in excess.'* There existed likewise a collection of Egyptian 
receipts for determining the sex of the infant to be bom.'^ 

In the Southern Sporades, ''the following plan tells the sex 
of a child which is to be bom. A bone taken from the hea4 
of a fish called scar is placed on the mother without her know- 
ing: the child will be of the same sex as the next person she 
calls.'"' In Cairo it is popularly believed that "if the hus- 
band loves the wife more than she loves him, all the children 
will be girls; if the converse is the case, all the children will 
be boys." ** In the Isle of Man fairies made " a mock christ- 
ening when any woootian was near her time, and €U!Oording to 
what diild, male or female, they brought, such should the 
woman bring into tiie world." *• 

In Kentucky " poultry raisers are interested in tiie first per- 
son who comes into their houses on New Year's Day. The sex 
of the caller signifies whether the house will raise pullets or 
roosters that year, and the size of the chickens will compare 
with Ihe size of the visitors." " 

* Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Beligkm and Bthics, 2. p. 656. 
»Loc. dt. "Op. dt. 2. 660. 

•• Op. cit. 2, p. 643. " Op. dt. 2. 647. 

•Loc. dt. "Folk-Lore 10, 182. 

•Folk-Lore 11, 381. 

*W. R. HalUday, Greek Divination, p. 40, quotes this at second-hand 
from Waldron, History of the Isle of Man. 
^Daniel L. and Lucy B. Thomas, Kentudcy Superstitions, p. 212. 



QfO AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOQT. 

In Saibai^ one of the islands in Torres Straits, ''when a 
-^foman is pr^nant, all the other women assemble. The hus- 
band's sister makes an image of a male child and places it 
l)efoie the pregnant woman; afterwards the image is nnrsed 
■until tile birth of the child in order to ensure that the baby 
shall be a boy. To secure male offspring a woman will also 
press to her abdomen a fruit resembling the male organ of gen- 
eration, which she then passes to another woman who has borne 
none but boys.'*" 

Many other instances of attempts to control or determine sex 
might be noted,^ but enough have been cited to show the uni- 
versality of such practices. This resorting to magic by Greeks 
and Bomans ebows a solicitude for unborn children in striking 
contrast to tiie actions of those parents who exposed their off- 
spring. One is probably safe in believing that each person who 
was willing to expose his child was many times outnumbered, 
not merely by parents who were deeply attadied to children, 
but by people who resorted to magical means to ensure con- 
ception.** 

Many of the beliefs recorded in this paper are the product 
of the best Greek thought. Such notions are no longer held by 
the educated, altiiough beliefs just as crude are still in existence 
even in the most civilized countries. It has not been many 
years since the members of a state medical society were urged 
to familiarize themselves with obstetrical superstitions in order 
to be able to assist the patient by refuting them. 

Eugene S. MoCabtnet. 

NOBTHWStTBRJI UlflVnSITT. 



'*Fracer, Tbe Magic Art^ 1. 72. 

^6ee E. (S. Hartiand, Primitive Paternity 1. 30-155 paaBim, 
^Compare La Rue Van Hook, The Exposure of Infants at Athens, 
T. A. P. A. 51. 134-145. 



VI.— NOTES ON TWO INSCEIPTIONS FBOM SINOPB. 

It was a great pleasure to learn from an article by A. Sala2 
(Btdletin de Correspondance Hell&iique XUV, 1920, pp. 
354-361) on Three Inscriptions jErom Sinope that they are now 
safely deposited in the musenm of Constantinople. The photo- 
graphs published make it possible for the first time to give 
authentic readings. I had received a copy of the first inscrip- 
tion some years ago after it was discovered in August 1906 just 
outside the walls of Sinope, on the isthmus that connects the 
mainland with Boz-tep6 in the section called Koum Kapi, near 
wh^e I found in 1902 two ancient Uons * (cf . A. J. P. XXVII, 
1906, p. 130). I felt that the copy was too inaccurate for publi- 
cation, but when Th. Beinach published in the Bevue arch^o- 
logique, HI, 1916, 1, pp. 345 f . a worse copy, I decided to pub- 
lish mine with a better text which I showed to Beinach when he 
was in Baltimore recently. I was on the point of sending this 
with my emendations to the printer when Salai^s article came 
confirming some of my emendations but correcting others and 
giving a photograph on which one can read the actual letters. 
I now have only two suggestions to make in the first inscription. 
It is impossible from the photograph to see clearly the first line 
but I think I can make out the word xa/poi«. This is confirmed 
by the copy of Myrodes to which I referred in A. J. P. Xavh, 
1906, p. 448, and also by the copy used by Beinach, I. c; so I 
am still inclined to read XaipoK, vnpoidra, rather than Xaipirm, 
wapoSdn or Xaifi€r€ as SalaS proposes. Sala2 evidently mis- 
took XAIPOIC for XAIPere or XAIPeTOO. We expect the sec- 
ond person singular with wofioSdra and the usual formula has 
XOApc or x^iipo*^* 

Li line 5 I read in the photograph COKNONOY which is con- 
firmed by the copy sent me. Of course tins is a mistake for 
Ik v6aov, the reading of Sala5, but the error should be noted as 

well as the mistake of Irftrara for {^oayra and tijamrra for {^oKTOf. 

'SalftS faiU to mention where and when thie first inscription and 
Uie next epitaph to be diaooBsed were found, Imt I was informed that 
they were dug up at the above spot two metres under ground^ about 
twenty mebes from the walls. 

71 



72 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

The epitaph of the seoond or third century a« d., of which I 
published the first copy in the A. J. P. XXVII, 1906, p. 448, 
has also been taken to Constantinople. It is republished by 
Sala5 with a good photograph, which confirms my copy in every 
detail and shows that the copy published by Th. Beinach in 
the Bevue arch^ologique, I. c, p. 351, was inferior. In line 1 
we have CWAH, not «THAH, in 1. 2 ECTI, not ECTH, in 1. 8 
NAPKICCOY, not NAPKICOY, in line 5 KAAOC, not KAAAOS. 
In line 10 the stone confirms my reading Koxik as opposed to 
Beinach's Kokik, and in line 11 OAAYMENQN is correct as 
opposed to Beinach's OAAHMENQN. Beinach very ingeniously 
proposed that in line 11 we read cAk 'AtSi7<v>, which Sala£ adopts 
for my oii jcot S^ which does not necessitate the postulation of an 
omission of a letter on an inscription which is otherwise free 
from error and very carefully cut. Soon after my first publica- 
tion of this cenotaph of a promising young man' — parhaps a 
student in the local rhetorical school who had unusual ability 
and had died at sea ' — ^I thought of another solution which gives 
us a much needed verb and also does not necessitate the omission 
of so important a letter as N : o{i«c €livi(i) (from aliofuu) ; ^ Art 
thou not ashamed of thyself? '' The meaning would be some- 
thing of this sort, ^Oreat Power of Envy, to thy face I say | 
Art not abashed when such men pass away? ** When Professor 
Walter Leaf was visiting me recently, knowing that as a Homeric 
scholar he would be interested in tiie reference to Homer in an 
inscription from a town that had its own edition of Homer, I 
asked him about the possibility of o£x alivi and he preferred that 
reading to oil Moi % or oCic 'AtSi^v>/ The verses have to my 

•Beinach thought that he was a proleasional mature orator, but 
above the mscription k the Imat of • young man. 

' For those lost at sea, of. The Greek Anthology Vn, 200, 272, 27S, 
274, 291, 392 (m#^r ^t^oAiimwoi Xttfum), 896 (ctMdt iMvt . . . m#^F M 
#rtfXif tpdiMia XAoYxf rU*)^ 496 ff., 024, 026 etc., Weisahlupl, Die Qrah- 
gedkhie der griedhieehen Anthologie, pp. 91 L 

*My colleague, Professor C. W. B. ^filler, has made the ezoeUent 
suggestion that the vocative 'Atlhi be read, but I still feel that a finite 
verb is needed. [A word of explanation may not be amiss. As I under- 
stand the close of the inscription, the writer apostrophises Hades, and 
expostulates with him about the death of such men as Narcissus. 



lfOT38 ON JfWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM 8IN0PB. 73 

fediBg such real literary merit that I venture to repeat them 
once more with my new reading, and hope that this note will 
make them more widely known among students of Greek poetry. 

Ov ro^os, AXXk XaSoif on/Ai; fuS|voy ' l<rrc Sk arjiui 

*Hr iyoB^ koX wavra KaXo9, \ iffpfol f cT^cv dXi;0(i>€ 

avTtiv r^ IlvXiov Nccrro/ios | cvciriip. | 
*Q ^6v€ 7raySafAdr<iip, fccu yap <re | icojcok jcaraXcfo), | 

ovfc aZSi;(i), roimv 6XXvfUymv \ fjuep6inav; 

No grave is here, only a at<me, a slab, a sign 
That marks our lost Narcissus, rich in charm benign. 
Goodness was his, noble were all his ways; his soul 
All Nestor's eloquence and wisdom could control. 
O Envy! ruin of all things fair, thee I blame. 
Can such a mortal perish and thou feel no shameT 

or 

No grave is here, only a etone, a slab, a sign 
Of young Narcissus dead in flower of charm divine. 

Goodness was his, noble were all his ways; his speedi 
Vibrant as Pylian Nestor's farthest hearts oould reach. 

O Envy! thou whose evil hate doth crush all fame. 
When such perfections pass, art thou not stung with shame? 

David M. Bobiksok. 

JoBm Hofuvi UMimsifT. 



ToUfw HKKufUpttp fiMp^ap is a genitive of exclamation, and may well have 
been patterned after Aeschylus, Cho. 676, ot/toi, wawolfioi dwnr&rov 
rtkovfiipov (SchUtz, ircirXiryM^yot;). Compare also Ar. Nub. 153, & Zcv 
^a^tXcv Tijs \nrr6TfiTos tSp ^pcrwF, and similar examples, o^k 'At9ii 
is the negative counterpart of W6p€, The words ical ydp en Kaxm 
mnrakifyi are explanatory, and show that ^6rc is meant to be a vitu- 
perative substitute for the regular name of the Lord of the Nether 
World. The lines may be rendered thus: '^O Envy,— aye, with odious 
name I shall enroll thee — O Envy, — not Hades — subduer of all things! 
To think that such as he should die! '^-^C. W. R M.1 



VII.— A MISUNDERSTOOD STEIAN PLACE-NAME- 
DANA AND TTANA, 

In the Anabasis, Book I, ii, 18 f. Xenophon describes the 
inarch of Gyrus the Younger from Iconinm, the last city of 
Phrygia (Lycaonia) to Dana (Aava) irdXtv olKoviuvrjjv fjutydkrp^ Kci 
cu8(Ufu»m. After leaving Tyana he entered Gilicia; from Tarsus 
he advanced to the Cilician Gates. Thence five parasangs 
brought him to Myriandrus, a maritime town near Iskanderfbi, 
twenty more to the river Chains, modern Quweiq, and forty-five 
parasangs farther to Thapsacus, below Meskeneh on the Eu- 
phrates. The consensus of opinion among scholars justly iden- 
tifies Dana with Tyana, since Tyana is the only importaoit dtj 
on Cyrus's line of march whose location corresponds to the indi- 
cations of Xenophon. Yet the spelling presents a vexatious 
problem. Elsewhere in Hellenic sources we have only Tyana 
(Tuam) and Thoana {e6ava), which presuppose unmistakably 
a native THwana, with which the Assyrian Tun or Tuna agrees 
tolerably, and the Hittite Tuwanuwa ^ perfectly, if we disregard 
the sufBz wa. However, since none of these orthographies ac- 
cord with the form given by Xenophon, there has evidently been 
a mistake somewhere. 

Now in northern Syria, seven or eight hours W. N. W. of 
Aleppo, on the road to Iskanderfbi, there is situated the town 
of DftnU. The name is much older than the time of Xenophon, 
and can be traced back to the cuneiform Dana, which appears 
as the name of a town in the same district as the modem one, 
in an Assyrian letter of the seventh century b. c' Since Dana 

*HroEii^ has been mieled by the variant Dana {Boghaekdi-Btudien, 
6 Beft, p. 40, n. 1 ) to assume an original Tirana, a f onn which cannot 
be reconciled with the Assyrian writing. 

* C^. Sayce, Jowmal of ths Royal Asiatio Society, 1921, p. 54. Sayce's 
statements regarding Kuia are entirely erroneous, l^e gentilic KMi'a 
does not belong to a previously uidcnown geographical name, identical 
with Biblical K4ii, but is simply a Syrian orthography (the Hittites 
did not clearly distinguish between mediae and tenuea) of 04M*a, the 
regular gentilic of Btt 049i, name of the land of Arame and Matilu, 
which attained its greatest power in the ninth and eighth centuries, 
and is lost to history after the seventh. In accordance with Assyrian 
and Aramaean usage its ruler is called mdr 049i, " son of OCA,'* who 
74 



A MIBUNDBR8T00D SYRIAN PLACE-NAME. 75 

is on the most direct road from the Oilician Gates to Meskeneh 
and Thapsacus, Cyrtis and his army must have passed very near 
it, if not actually through the town. It is therefore impossible 
to escape the conviction that Xenophon confused the two similar 
names in his memory^ and wrote the name of the Syrian Dana in 
place of the Cappadocian Tyana. 

W, P. AliBBItHT, 
AMxmiCAJi School of OnanAh Bmearob, 

JWKOMAJMM, PALMTOra. 



appears in the Zakir Stele as Brgi; as is weU-known the Assyrians 
pronounced the i as a and conyersely, following an old north-Mesopo- 
tamian dialectio pecuiliarity which is also charaoteristio of the Hittite 
orihography. Of the towns mentioned in the letter as hel<»iging to the 
land of the Kflsa'a, Arpad was the capital of Btt Qdm, and Kullania 
and Dana were towns in the neighborhood. 



EEPOBTS. 

EoMANiA, Vol. XLVI (192a). 

Janvier. 

M. Wilmotte. Chretien de Troyes et le oonte de Guillaume 
d*Angleterre. 38 pages. This poem is a real roman d^aventure, 
although some schok^s formerly attributed to it an ascetic char- 
acter. The poet's philosophizing^ the treatment of his characters 
(especially the female)^ and his literary style bR point to 
Chr6tien de Troyes as the author. 

Ferdinand Lot. Nouvelles etudes sur le cycle arthurien. 
III. L'ile Tristan. IV. Camlann. V. Les noces d'Erec et 
d'Enide. 7 pages. 

Lucien Foulet. Comment on est pass6 de ^ce suis je" 4 
" c'est moL*' 38 pages. The old usage followed the Latin rule, 
and the author of this article quotes many instances from the 
Roman de RenaH especially to establish his point. Later on 
the loss of declension endings caused a radical change to be made 
in this common construction. By the sixteenth century the new 
forms are well in evidence, and tbe older forms graduidly disap- 
pear from the language. The change has not been fully made, 
however, even in the twentieth century, as the popular speech 
still clings tenaciously to some of the older locutions. 

B. T. Holbrook. Le plus ancien manuscrit connu de Pathe- 
lin. 25 pages. After a careful comparison of the Le Boy 
edition of 1485 or 1486, the Levet edition of 1489 and the BibUo- 
th^ue nationale manuscript, the author decides in favor of the 
hypothesis that the manuscript was derived from the Levet edi- 
tion. These are the only three texts that are of importance for 
a critical text, as all the others are derivatives of later date. 
The dialectic jargon near the middle of the farce is of especial 
interest, but it is manifestly not to be taken too seriously in a 
linguistic sense. 

Melanges. Theodore G^irold, Eemarques sur quelques melo- 
dies de chansons de croisade. Arthur L&ngfors, L'artide Estipot 
de Qodef roy. Clovis Brunei, Provencal Caissa. 

€omptes rendus. J. Gilli6ron, G^in6alogie des mots qui d6- 
signeni Pabeille d'aprfes F Atlas Unguistique de la France (K. 
Jaberg). Jacques de Bugnin, Le Congi6 pris du sifecle Soulier, 
p. p. Arthur Piaget (F. Ed. Schneegans). 

P6riodique8. Neophflologus, T. I (1915-16) ; T. II (1916- 
17); T. ni (1917-18); T. IV (1918-19) (M. E.). The Bo- 
manic Beview, VII (1916) (M. B.). BibliothJque de PEcole 
76 



RBPOBTB. 77 

des Chartes, t. LXXVII (1916) (B.-G. Leonard). Journal des 
Savants, 1891-1903 (M. B.). 

Ohronique. Obituary notice of Jean Acher. Karl Chrifit, of 
the Boyal Library of Berlin, has discovered 25 French manu- 
scripts in the Vatican Library coming from Heidelberg in addi- 
tion to those previously listed by E. Langlois and Ant. Thomas. 
Collections et publications en cours. 

Gomptes rendus sommaires. 15 titles. Ovide moralist p. p. 
C. De Boer, t. I, II (11. R : ^^11 nous reste k souhaiter que M. 
De Boer continue k trouver les conoours qui lui ont permis 
d'imprimer ces deux premiers volumes, et nous donne, sans trop 
de Adai, la fin d'une ^tion qui lui fait grand honneur. . . .") 

Avril-Juillet. 

Max Prinet. Les armoiries dans le roman du Chftteau de 
Goucy. 19 pages. By a comparison with historical personages 
the author here shows that the poet did not invent his descrip- 
tions, but merely adapted them to the exigencies of his verse. 
Occasionally, however, he does permit himself to fall into an- 
achronisms by attributing the armorial bearings of his day to 
the nobles of preceding ages. 

Luigi Sorrento. Nuove note di sintassi siciliana. 24 pages. 
Characteristic locutions in Sicilian are traced badk to their Latin 
originals, and special attention is called to the importance of 
reduplication as a strong dialectic feature. 

E. HSoeSner. Les poesies lyriques du Dit de la Panthire de 
Nicole de Margival. 27 pages. The writer of this article ob- 
. jects to the title of Le Dit de la Panthdre d'amours given to the 
poem by Henry A. Todd when he edited it in 1883 for the 
Soci^t6 des anciens textes frangais. He considers that the editor 
has rather slighted the many lyrical poems introduced by the Old 
French author, and he undertakes to point out at some length 
their many interesting features. It appears to him that Nicole 
de Margival in reality occupies an important place in the history 
of lyrical poetry in France. 

Edmond Faral. Notice sur le manuscrit latin de la Biblio- 
th^ue nationale n^ 3718. 40 pages. This manuscript has 
remained largely unknown to scholars owing to the fact that it 
was stolen by Barrois and sold by him in 1849, the French 
government purchasing it bade in 1883. Its contents are ex- 
tremely varied, and the chief interest that it possesses for Bo- 
mance scholars is a Yie d'Ami et d'Amile in I^tin verse, and a 
Latin poem named TJrbanus. 

L. Foulet. La disparition du pr^t^t. 43 pages. The author 
here discusses the relations between the popular speech and the 



78 AMBRIOAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOCFT. 

literary language in its use of tenfies, and traces the development 
down through the centuries. He thinks that certain forms are 
doomed to disappear from the people's language, but that they 
will survive for centuries in literature. A large number of 
French texts are cited. 

Jessie L. Weston. Notes on the Orail romances, the Perles- 
vaus and the prose Lancelot. 16 pages. Miss Weston here 
replies to the criticisms that M. Ferd. Lot has directed at her 
Arthurian studies, and incidentally refers to Dr. Nitze's work 
in the same field. She does not believe that the Old French 
writer took the pains to work out a careful chronological scheme 
for the lives of the Arthurian heroes. 

Ernest Langlois. A fpropos du Coronement Loois. 46 pages. 
Li 1888 M. I^mglois published an edition of this poem with a 
long introduction treating the questions which naturally arise. 
Intending now to publi^ a second edition in the Glassiques 
frangais he examines these same questions anew in the light of 
varied criticisms and of new evidence that has become available 
in more than thirty years. He finds it necessary to change only 
minor details here and there. 

Melanges. Ferdinand Lot, Traditions sur Geoffroi Grise- 
gonelle et sur Helgaud de Montreuil. Ferdinand Lot, Lifluences 
litt&aires antiques dans les noms de personnes. Ferdinand Lot, 
Textes diplomatiques sur les p^lerinages. Lucien Foulet, Pour 
le commentaire de Yillon La belle legon aux enf ants perdus. 
Lucien Foulet, Notes sur le texte de Villon (Lais et Testament.). 
Antoine Thomas, Anc. prov. Sebenc " Batard." Post-Scriptum. 

Gomptes rendus. Friedrich Eluge, Altdeutsches Sprachgut 
im Mittellatein (J. Jud). Ernst G. Wahlgren, £tude sur les 
actions analogiques r^ciproques du parf ait et du participe pass£ 
dans les langues romanes (Lucien Foulet). Robert de Labus- 
quette, Autour de Dante. Les B^trices. L' Amour et la Femme 
en Occitanie. L' Amour et la Femme en Toscane. Les femmes 
de Dante (Henry Cochin) . Le Tomoiement as dames de Paris. 
Poemetto antico francese di Pierre Gencien, edito da Mario 
Pelaez (Arthur Lingfors, M. R.). Le Roman de Fauvd, par 
Gervais du Bus (E. HoepflEner). 

P6riodiques. Biblioth^ue de Pficole des Chartes, t. LXXLS 
(E.-G. Leonard). Journal de s Sav ants, 1904-1919 (M. R.). 
Romanische Forschungen, t. XXVI (1909)-t. XXXII (1913) 
(E. Faral) ; t. XXXIII (1915) (Arthur L&ngfors). The Ro- 
manic Review, VIII (1917)-IX (1918) (M. R.: ^'H y a un 
veritable plaisir k lire cette bibliographic oil Ton retrouve tant de 
noms avantageusement connus des romamstes — H. A. Todd, J. E. 
Matzke, T. A. Jenkins, G. C. Keidd, E. C. Armstrong, H. P. 



KBPORTB. 79 

Thieme, etc. — et bon nombre de travaux qui font honnenr au 
d^partement les laogues romanes de Johns Hopkins University, 
CBUvre de M. Elliott '0- 

Chronique. Obituary notice of Jules Comu. M. Joseph 
B6dier was elected a member of the French Academy on June 4, 
1920. Publications annoncdes. Oollections et publications en 
cours. 

Comptes rendus sommaires. 20 titles. Methods and mate- 
rials of literary criticism, lyric, epic and allied forms of poetry 
by Charles Mills Gayley . . . and Benjamin Putnam Kurtz, 
Boston, New York, etc., Ginn and Co. [1920]. 

Octobre. 

J. Jud. Mots d^origine gauloise? Premise s6rie. 13 pages. 
The author of this article submits various evidence which causes 
him to suspect a Gallic origin for a small group of French words. 

Amos Parducci. Bonifazio di Castellana. 34 pages. This 
little known troubadour is here investigated and a biographical 
sketch is attempted. Only three of his poems are known to be 
extant, and these are here critically edited. 

Edmond Faral. lyun ^* passionaire ^' latin k un roman f ran- 
gais : quelques sources imm6diates du roman d'Erade. 25 pages. 
The question here discussed is the Oriental element of the poem 
as posed many years ago by Oaston Paris. The conclusion 
readied is the very natural one that the Old French author did 
not draw directly on Eastern sources, but on earlier Western 
reworkings of them. 

P.-Ed. Schneegans. Le mors de la pomme; texte du XV* 
si^e. 34 pages. The Dance of Death was a favorite theme in 
the fifteenth century, and its origin may perhaps be traced back 
to Amiens as far as authentic records appear to go. An Old 
French poem on this subject is here critically edited from the 
only manuscript in which it is known to have been preserved. 

Melanges. Lucien Foulet, De Icest k Cest et Torigine de 
Fartide. A. Homing, Daru. Antoine Thomas, Sur le vers 412 
de Gormont et Isenbwt. 

Comptes rendus. Die Lieder und Romanzen des Audefroi le 
Bastard: Kritische Ausgabe v. Arthur Cullmann; Diehtungen 
von Matthaus dem Juden und Matthaus von Grcnt, von Hans 
Wolff (Arthur lAngfors). H. Chamard, Les origines de la 
Po&ie frangaise de la Renaissance (Albert Pauphilet). Giulio 
Bertoni, Italia dialettale (Giacomo De Gregorio). 

Pdriodiques. Journal des Savants, 1920 (M. R.). Studi 
Medievali, IV (1912-1913) (M. R.: ''Herbert D. Austin, Ac- 



80 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

credited Citations in Sistoro d'Arezzo's ^ Gomposizione del 
Mondo'")- Bevue des langues romanes, t. UX (1916-1917) 
(Arthur L&ngfors^ M. B.). Studi glottologici italiani, VII (M. 
B.). Studi romanzi, VU (1911)-X (1913) (M. R). Eevista 
de filologia espanola, t. IH (1916).VI (1919) (E. S.) Eevista 
Lusitana, XVI (1913)-XIX (1916) (M. R). Mfanoires de 
PAcad^ie des sciences de Cracovie, dasse de philologie^ VII 
(1880)-XV (1891) ; 2« sfrie, II (1893)-XXX (1909) ; 3« s6rie, 
I (1910)-VI (1913) (S. GlixeUi). Travanx de la Soci6t6 n6o- 
philologique de L6opol^ 1, 2 (S. G.) M^oires de la Soci6t6 
n6<Hphilologiqiie prfes FUniversit6 de Saint-P^tersbourg, fasc, 
IV (1910)-VIII (1916) (G. Lozinski), Jahresbericht des In- 
stituts fiir rumanische Sprache zu Leipzig, XXI-XXV (1919) 
(M. R) . 

€hronique. Obituary notices of Carlo Salvioni and Johan 
Storm. Proposed volumes of studies in honor of B. Menendez 
Pidal. Publications annoncdes. 

Collections et publications en cours. Besearch publications of 
the University of Minnesota: Studies in Language and Litera- 
ture, 1, 2. Gesellschaft fiir romanische Idteratur, 12 (1913)-16 
(1917). Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie, 
29-47 (L. F., M. B.). 

Comptes rendus sonmiaires. 10 titles. Viggo Brondal, Sub- 
strater og Laan i Bomansk og Germansk; Studier i Lyd- og 
Ordhistorie (M. B.). A History of the French Novel (to the 
dose of the 19tii century), by Gteorge Saintsbury. Vol. I, From 
the beginning to 1800 (M. B.). 

George C. EIeidel. 

Washhtoton, D. C 



Bevue de Philologib, Vol. XLIV (1920). 

Pp. 5-30. B^nts travaux sur les Defixionum talellde latines, 
1904-1914. Maurice Besnier. A study of the new tablets which 
have been published since the appearance of M. Audollenfs book. 

P. 30. Note sur Aristophane. L. Bayard. In the Birds, 
1615, the word vafiaurarp€v means, ^^ oui. Pismire, vol Ilcurcratpc, 

Fct BoMrarpcv.'^ 

P. 31-74. Inscriptions de Didymes, classement chronologique 
des comptes de la construction du Didjrmeion. Bernard Haus- 
soullier. II. Le groupe de M^nodoros. 

Pp. 75-78. A propos de Properce, III, 18, 31 et de Pytha- 
gore. Franz Cumont. The passage. 



BBP0BT8. 81 

At tibi, nauta> pias homiiiiiiTn qui traidB umbras. 

Hue Aziiinae portent corpuB inane tuae, 
Qoa Siculae victor telluris Claudius et qua 

Caesar «ib iiumana oessit in astra via, 

may mean: '*Que jusqu'A toi, nocher, qui fais passer le Styx 
celeste aux ombres pieuses des d^funts^ les souffles qui fob^issent 
portent Idr-haut le corps l^ger de Marcellus en suivant la route 
par laquelle le vainqueur de la Sicile et G6sar^ en quittant la 
voie humaine, se retirirent vers les astres/^ 

Pp. 79-80. Escshyle, Prom6thte 113. J. E. Harry. Bead, 
vwalBptoi StafUHcri to« ciAcv/icvoc. The Titan is ' totalement en- 
chain^^ enti^rement serr^.^ 

Pp. 81-88. Bulletin bibliographique. 

Pp. 89-91. Obituary notice of Panl Lejay, who died June 13, 
1920. 

Pp. 92-141. Appius Claudius Caecus. Paul Lejay. A long 
study of Appius^ political career, and of his literary work. 

Pp. 142-170. Notes sur TH^rad^s d'Euripide. L. Parmen- 
tier. Conservative discussion of lines 462, 471, 480-484, 557, 
588-92, 641, 655-64, 673-82, 772-80, 792, 845-50, 953-56, 1041, 
1101, 1110, 1111-23, 1218-29, 1241, 1288, 1361, 1388, 1410-15, 
119-23. 

Pp. 171-72. Bulletin bibliographique. 

Pp. 173-228. Sur les Scholies et le texte de rOdyssfe. Vic- 
tor B6rard. I. Les SdioUa de Dindorf . II. Pautes et correc- 
tions. III. Noms propres et mots techniques. IV. Les trans- 
})orts de Scholies. 

Pp. 229-40. Lucr^ce et le symbolisme pythagoricien des 
enf ers. Franz Cumont. Lucretius' explanation that the stories 
told of hell are really true of this life, iii. 978 ff., may be traced 
back to the Pythagoreans of the Alexandrian period. 

Pp. 241-47. Eemarques sur les Suppliantes e le Prom6th6e 
d'Eschyle. P. Roussel. The Supplices cannot have been com- 
posed before 480; it may have been brought out between 478 
and 473. Prometheus' reflections on the ingratitude of the 
gods may be compared with Hesiod, Theog. 535 £E., 556-7. 

P. 247. Lactem. L. Laurand. Bufus of Ephesus, De Po- 
dagra, 25, has ^ Lactem dabis potum.' 

Pp. 248-77. Inscriptions de Didymes. Classement chronolo- 
gique des comptes de la construction du Didymeion. Bernard 
Haussoullier. III. Les travaux de 176-5 k 172-1. An appendix 
is added to ihis article : Comment avait lieu la consultation de 
Torade ? * 

6 



82 AMBRIOAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGY. 

P. 278. Brdletin bibliographique. 

Pp. 279-83. Note fiur deux passages de rti!n6ide (V 522-34, 
and XI 316-21). A. Piganiol. The arrow of Aoestes announces 
tiie apotheosis of Aeneas. The fief promised by King Latinos 
to Aeneas was probably the ^ ager Solonius.' 

Pp. 284-88. Corrections sur le texte de Perse. A. Gartanlt. 
Textual notes on I 8, 22flE., 45flE., 65flE.; II 64flE.; Ill 27flf.; 
IV14flE.;V66flf.;VI37ff. 

Pp. 289-92. %v^povkrf%viipwXta. Ad Gh. Michel, no. 480. 
Bernard HaussouUier. 

Pp. 293-94. Bulletin bibliographique. 

Bevue des Bevues et publications d' Academies relatives k I'an- 
tiquit^ dassique. 122 pp. 

W. P. MUSTABD. 



EE VIEWS. 

Luciliiis and Horace^ by Oeobge Convebse Fisee. Madison, 
1920. University of Wisconsin Studies in Language and 
Literature, No. 7. 624 pp. 

In this elaborate volume culminates the series of studies which 
the author has published from time to time in the field of Boman 
satire. It bears evidence everywhere of great breadth of view, 
of wide reading, of the most painstaking research. 

Professor Pi^e is convinced that his problem must be con- 
sidered not ** by the mere citation of parallel passages," not " on 
the basis of our current romantic theories of composition,'^ but 
" in the light of the theories of literary imitation current in the 
age of Augustus.'* This point of view is undoubtedly correct, 
but so little attention has been paid to it in the voluminous writ- 
ings on ancient literary relationships that the author has deemed 
it worth while to devote a long preliminary chapter to The 
Classical Theory of Imitation, in which he utilizes chiefly the 
valuable material collected in Stemplinger's Das Plagiat in der 
griechischen literatur, adding many illustrations and illuminat- 
ing remarks of his own in order to show Horace's '^ allegiance to 
these widely accepted principles of literary art." Quite apart 
from this special purpose, the chapter (and with it we may class 
the remarks in the last chapter on Bomanticism and Classicism) 
is of great value because of its general bearing on the nature of 
ancient literature and literary ideals. Other scholars may differ 
with the author about some details but they will recognize that 
this is one of the best treatments of this important subject "Biat 
has yet appeared. 

The main thesis of Chapter II, The Eelation of Lucilius and 
the Scipionic Circle to the New Greek Learning and Literature, 
will not meet with such general approval. Since Horace was an 
adherent of the plain style it is important for Professor Piskb 
to prove that Lucilius also adhered to it, and he labors hard to 
do so. He describes very interestingly the doctrine of the plain 
style as taught in the Scipionic Circle by Panaetius, and gathers 
every scrap of information as to the probable attitude towards 
it of every member of that Circle, but Lucilius remains without 
the fold. That truly Italian genius insisted on using a very 
racy diction, an invective of extreme violence, and a humor that 
was true Italum acetum. Professor Piskb admits that all this 
violates the gentlemanly principles of Panaetius and he tries to 
weaken the inevitable conclusion by considerations tfcat are more 
ingenious than convincing. He points out that there were 
'* nuances " within the plain style, cf . Cicero, who characterizes 

83 



84 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

some of its adherents as callidi^ sed impoliti et consulto rudium 
similes et imperitorum; that some later critics apply to Lucilius 
terms of the plain style — gracilitas^ humilitas^ even politos and 
elegans; and his conclusion is that LuciUns held '^ a divergent 
theory of the relation of the loose satiric form*^ to the plain 
style^ and that his sermones are '^ in essential harmony witii its 
tenets, both grammatical and stylistic." But in reality Professor 
FiSEE, by means of the very mass of minutiae which he has 
collected, has persuaded himself into a false position. Cicero's 
words are far from being an adequate characterization of Lu- 
cilius. Of course the later critics (Horace knew better) tried to 
pigeonhole him, but he is too big for any pigeonhole. In the 
genre which he invented, broad enough to reflect the whole of 
life, details may here and there be found that are in harmony 
with the plain style or with any other style. But when we read 
him as a whole, even in tatters as he is to-day, we are aware 
of a diction filled with words from Greek, Oscan, Sardinian, 
Gallic, the jargon of the camp and the gutter, of frequent vio- 
lent invective — ^he plastered Lupus with verses — of coarse but 
effective humor, and the *' nuance '* deepens imtil it becomes a 
doud which entirely obscures the plain style. Whatever may 
have been his attitude towards the prose sermo about which 
Panaetius discoursed, it is certain that when Lucilius wrote those 
verse sermones which gave him his fame he was imtrammeled 
by any theories as to ro vpiitov in language and humor. 

But even if Lucilius and Horace were not adherents of the 
same principles of style the value of Professor Fiske's work is 
not seriously impaired for the significant resemblances between 
them concern other matters. One of these is their common 
indebtedness to the disquisitions of the Greek popular philo- 
sophers, many of which, by the way, were the work of those very 
Cynics whose style Panaetius condemned. To these ancient 
Billy Sundays Lucilius was more closely akin in temperament 
and in taste (or the lack of it) than Horace, and his acquaint- 
ance with them is demonstrated in Chapter III, Lucilius and 
the Greek Satirists. The fragments of these Greeks are exceed- 
ingly meagre — ^just how meagre might have been more explicitly 
stated by Professor Fiske — ^but there is suflBcient evidence to 
establish the main conclusion, although the reader will be in- 
clined to doubt the cogency of some points. For example, the 
terms which Lucilius applied to his work (not the " titles,^' as 
Professor Fiske has it) tell us something, of. especially sermo, 
which strongly suggests iiarpifiii. But Indus, even if Lucilius 
had in mind waiyviov, tells us nothing since both iralyvwv and 
ludere (Indus, lusus, ludicrum) are terms applied to various 
sorts of light poetry. Poema also is a very general term, as 
Lucilius' own definition shows (341 ft.). Furthermore it is im- 
probable that Lucilius* choice of metres was influenced by the 



BMVIEWa. 85 

practice of these Greek satirists. He was merely seeking among 
the metres well established at Bome the best vehicle for satire. 
Only in the case of the hexameter is it possible that he was partly 
influenced by the parodic hexameter of the aiXXoi, but even here 
the example of Ennius, as Professor Fiske admits, had greater 
weight. 

It is therefore in tone and content that we must seek the best 
evidence of the relation of Lucilius to the Greek satirists. The 
evidence is very scrappy and often, to say the least, very incon- 
clusive. Nevertheless in the mass it indicates that Lucilius 
was familiar with this ' literature ' or, what amoimts to the same 
thing, with the viva voce utterances of the tribe of Greek preach- 
ers in Bome and elsewhere; Stertinius and Davus were not pecu- 
liar to the age of Horace. Wihether he was directly acquainted 
with Bion, as Professor Fiske thinks, seems problematical. Such 
evidence as we have shows that it was very difficult even for the 
ancients to know Bion directly. It is safer to say that both 
Lucilius and Horace were familiar with the sort of thing of 
which Bion was a symbol. 

Having thus cleared the way Professor Fiske attacks his main 
problem, the relation of Horace to Lucilius (Okaps. IV-VI), 
and metiiodically applies to each satire and epistle the principles 
and results of his first three chapters. The work is so detailed 
that I must limit myself to a few illustrations of the author's 
method. For this purpose I choose his treatment of Horace's 
first satire concerning which he asserts that "no satire better 
illustrates the imbroken line of the classical tradition of free 
imitation than these two satires of Lucilius [in Books XVIII 
and XIX] and the first satire of Horace." Even so I must 
omit much that I would like to discuss. 

Professor Fiske first establishes the fact that in this satire 
tiiere are no less than sixteen commonplaces of Greek popular 
philosophy; that by the famous phrase ridentem dicere verum 
Horace indicates tiiat he is playing the role of the oirovSoto- 
yiXouK; and he reminds us that ''the Cynic and Stoic popular 
preacher was a familiar contemporary on the streets of Augustan 
Bome." Both reading and personal observation therefore lie 
back of the preachments of this satire. The lines of Lucilius 
which in the author's opinion can be rdated to Horace's satire 
comprise all the fragments of Books XVIII and XIX together 
with some others which he would add from the fragments not 
cited by book. I summarize Professor Fiskb's interpretation 
and subjoin some comments in parentheses, preserving the order 
which h e assi gns to the fragments. 

Book XVIII 654 aeque fnmiscor ego ac tu; 1167 et uentrem 
et gutturem eundem; 565-6 milia ducentum frumenti toUis 
medimnum, uini mille cadum. The commonplace '* that as the 



86 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PBILOLOQY, 

acquisitive capacity of the human belly is limited, so is the 
acquisitive capacity of the human heart/' cf . Plutarch, Horace, 
44-45, etc. The fragments are concerned with contentment. 
(But fruniscor denotes enjoyment not contentment, which Lu- 
cilius need not have mentioned here; greed can be attacked with- 
out reference to this commonplace, cf. Horace, II. 3, 82-157. 
As for the belly. Professor Fiske is f ortimate to find among the 
disiecta membra of Lucilius a floating belly much in need of a 
resting place. By a familiar operation of philological surgery 
he anchors this organ, together with its attached gullet, betweoi 
554 and 555, thus securing a parallel to Horace's allusion. But 
we don't know that this particular belly was a human organ at 
all and it is quite conceivable that Lucilius did not allude to the 
belly in this context.) 

Book XIX 563 sic singillatim nostrum unus quisque mouetur. 
Befers to spiritual perturbation or (specifically) to discontent, 
and stood near the beginning of Lucilius' satire. (This is wholly 
inferred from Horace and Greek passages in which a discussion 
of discontent leads to the theme of avarice.) 

564 sume diem, qui est uisus tibi pulcherrimus unus. Uttered 
by some god who granted each discontented man the opportunity 
to exchange ]iis lot for the fairest day within his conception. 
(But there is no allusion to discontent and the interpretation is 
almost nonsense. It is assumed from Horace, 15 ff., where a 
god grants the discontented the opportunity to exchange their 
lots for those of others.) 

Similar objections can be made to the treatment of 565-566, 
from which Professor Fiske with the aid of Horace, Juvenal, 
and Tacitus (strangely omitting Persius II. 31 fiE.) reconstructs 
a simile from the nursery ; 561-562, the simile of the ant used 
as in Horace; 559-560, which he considers as essentially the 
same topic as 1119-20, discarding also Nonius' explanation of 
optare; and 567, which he assigns to the dose of the satire, 
building on Marx's extremely improbable interpretation, cf . Leo, 
(Jott. gelehrt. Anz. 1906, p. 852 with references. 

So much for the interpretation of details. In addition Pro- 
fessor Fiske thinks that the whole of Book XIX was one satire, 
for the fact that eight lines can be fitted into one satire " raises 
a presumption " that the remaining three '' were found in this 
satire " ; and in this satire Lucilius (like Horace) " contamin- 
ated the two related themes of fufjaffifioipla and <^tXo9rAovr(a." 
(But 563-567 do not fit easily into the attack on avarice and in 
view of what we know about Lucilius' methods the presumption 
is rather that these lines were not found in this satire. Fur- 
thermore there is no good evidence that Lucilius in Book XIX 
attacked discontent.) 

Conservatively then, if we w ould gain a sound idea of Ludlius* 
two satires on greed in Books XVIII and XIX, we should dim- 



BEVIEWB. 87 

inate w. 1167, 563-567, 1119-20, 1183 and confine ourselves to 
a reasonable interpretation of 554-562. Professor Fiske trans- 
fers to LuciUus details from Horace and others and then infers 
that the whole of this enlarged context influenced Horace ! This 
procedure weakens rather than strengthens the main point: that 
Lucilius, like Horace, dealt more than once and often in the 
same way with avarice, a common theme of popular philosophy, 
cf. especially stultus (558). 

These illustrations are fairly typical of Professor Piske's 
method. Now Horace, to mention no others, must be used to 
elucidate Lucilius. Everybody will grant this. But the question 
at issue is as to the extent to which this method can properly 
be applied. Where shall we draw the line so as to be on the 
safe side? Professor Fiskb's method is essentially that of Marx 
and Cichorius many of whose ' reconstructions ^ he accepts. Per- 
haps the present reviewer is ultra-conservative, but from long 
familiarity wiiih the work of these two scholars he has arrived at 
certain convictions which may be stated here. Their services 
to the interpretation of Lucilius lie primarily in the masses of 
material which they have collected — ^the light they throw on the 
individual fragments rather than the reconstruction of lost 
contexts. Cichorius was able to supplement Marx in this parti- 
cular because he approached Lucilius as an historian rather than 
as a philologist. In the use of their material, however, both 
have much overworked 'the scientific imagination,' greatly to 
the detriment of soimd results. It is not too much to say that 
with the same material a much soimder commentary could be 
written than that of Marx (including Cichorius* supplements), 
and that in general the time has come for a reaction against the 
prevalent method of reconstructing work which is fragmentary 
or entirely lost. Eeconstructions must be made but they should 
be made with "Biat "rigid regard for the laws of evidence and 
probability '* with which Professor Fiske would have us weigh 
his results. TJnfortimately scholars differ as to the meaning of 
these laws. 

But I would not give the impressioii that overindulgence in 
flights of fancy vitiates the book. Professor Fiske is so fair and 
so careful to state that he is for the most part dealing with 
probabilities and possibilities "Biat one has always at hand a check 
upon his fancy. To have gathered in one volume practically all 
the pertinent material is in itself no small service. Furthermore 
it may fairly be said, with due allowance for every criticism, 
that the author has succeeded in bringing this problem nearer 
to solution, and that is all that can be hoped for with the evi- 
dence now at our disposal. His results need much pruning, but 
he has flhown more clearly and much more fully than any of his 
predecessors that Horace worked over again, with such changes 
as a different age, a different personality and ideals imply, many 



88 JJiBBIOAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

of the themes with which Lucilius had dealt. Many of these 
were themes which have confronted moralists in every period of 
civilization and they have been presented in ways almost count- 
less. To Horace we must award the palm for taste, for sympa- 
thetic insight, for sheer artistry, but because of certain limitar 
tions he was inferior in breadth, in boldness, in downright vigor 
to his great predecessor.* 

Abthub L. Whbeleb. 

Bbtv Mawb Oollmb. 



Vorlesungen imd Abhandlungen. Von Ludwig Traube. Her- 
ausgegeben von Franz Boll. Dritter Band. Kleine 
Schriften. Herausgegeben von Samuel Brandt. Munich: 
Beck, 1920. Pp. xi, 344. Two plates. 

With the present volume the plan of Traube's friends who 
have imdertaken to publish his relics is completed. In a most 
skilful and devoted fashion they have permanently preserved in 
the preceding volumes all of what he left that was in condition 
•to appear in print. This last volume includes most of the re- 
views and short articles already printed. It is a fitting memo- 
rial of the manysidedness of Traube's genius. He was an ex- 
plorer, not a settler. He blazed trails for others to dean up. 
Some of his works were of large proportions, but with the mul- 
titude of new ideas and discoveries constantly pressing upon 
him, he did not have time, or inclination, to accumulate in com- 
prehensive treatments what others had done. Not that he 
lacked either the comprehensive mind or a love of patient art. 
He could dictate bibliographies oflf-hand, though not caring to 
assemble them in a Oeschichte der lateinischen LUeratur des 
MUtelaiters. He spent infinite pains on the form of his writings. 
I remember his looking up from his desk one day, as he was 
at work on Perrona Scottorum, and asking, "Do you have to 
bother as much in English vnth style? '* He wrote a review as 
though it were a chapter in a book. 

The present volume has been prepared by Professor Brandt 
with scrupulous care. Notes have been added — ^they appear on 
almost every page — ^to bring the bibliographical information up 
to date, or to explain the present state of a question. Professor 
Lehmann has made the indices for all three volumes on Per- 
sonen und Autoren, Sachen und Worter, — in which the list s. v. 
Bibliotheken is most valuable — and Handschriften in modemen 

* The book la full of misprints, but one can safely assign this to the 
demoraliEation of wartime and post-wartime printing. The form of 
the volume is excellent except the vexatious system of placing the many 
hundreds of notes at the ends of the chaptera. 



REVIEWS. 89 

Sammlungen. One could wish that in the list last named the 
separate manuscripts, not merely the cities in which they are 
f oundy had been cited, though that, of course, would have greatly 
increased the length of the index. Two plates accompany the 
article on Anonymus Cortesianus, Traube^s memorable exposure 
of a fraud, wittily presented with the excitement of a detective- 
story. I will give only a few examples of the services performed 
by the editor and his associates; one has only to turn to what 
is said about Ammianus, the School of Fleury and its influence, 
the abbreviations of nomina sacra, the codex Romanus ofVirgil, 
and the discussion of Latin papyri, to note how necessary it is 
to consult the present republication rather than the original 
articles. Traube, who was never reluctant to correct his own 
opinions, would be the first to acclaim any improvements ofiEered 
by another. The changes made here are almost entirely addi- 
tions, not subtractions. In the most notable case of reversal of 
judgment on his part, the editor has wisely reprinted the whole 
article; for an exploration by Traube, even if it came out at 
the wrong place, opened up true vistas all along the way. 

No reader can fail to be impressed with the tremendous read- 
ing and intellectual scope of which the present collection gives 
evidence. It supplies the minor documents for the profoundly 
sympathetic life of Tbaubb, written by Boll in Vol. I, and for 
tiie list of his works there given. A fund of learning that en- 
ables its possessor to write at seventeen for a periodical like 
Literarisches Zentralblatt a review of a w«rk like Diimmler^s 
Oesta ApoUonii can be matched by a yoimg Milton or a young 
Virgil, but by a few of our generation. The list of Classical 
authors. Fathers of the Church and Mediaeval writers of all 
sorts and tongues that pass before the reader of these pages is 
amazing. Traube speaks of them as familiar friends ; the won- 
der is ihat with all his investigations concerning ihem, he found 
time to read their works for pleasure. He read, as Theodore 
Boosevelt read, by the sentence, not the word, and by the page 
rather than the sentence. Nor did his reading neglect the 
modems. I recall the delight with which he would declaim 
passage after passage in Bostand. 

Another great value of this volume is its portrayal of one 
side of Traube's nature perhaps more clearly set forth in some 
of his shorter articles and reviews than in his longer and better 
known writings. ^^ Great is Uelerlieferungsgeschichte/' ex- 
claims an English scholar, " and Traube is its prophet." True 
enough. In his combination of palaeography, textual criticism 
and history, Traube perfected an instrument indispensable to 
the investigator of Classical influences in the early Middle Ages. 
Such a study, involving the patient accumulation of details, 
appeals to conservative minds, and has in some quarters been 
applied as a deterrent of conjectural emendation. Nothing 



90 AMEBIOAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

could be farther from Tbaube's practice, and nothing more 
manifestly perverse. In his treatment of a text, Traube was, 
at the right moment, bold to the point of audacity. When one 
has grouped the manuscripts of an author in a stemma and 
traced the ramifications of the tradition through various mon- 
astic centres from some original source or sources, then is the 
time to call in the diviner, who knows by instinct where the 
errors lie; for some errors there certainly are. The difference 
between a Traube and a Bentley is thiat the latter does not 
wait till the facts of the tradition are known ; the former finds 
them out, both for their own value and also as a preliminary 
to criticism. Traube's shelves were full of collectanea of aU 
sorts; but never a portfolio that existed for its own sake. He 
had no patience with the pedantic, with the laboriously dull. 
" Mnemotechnik," he observed, ^' ist keine Philologie.*' 

So all that Traube left now lies before us. Apart from any- 
thing else that he did, the three volumes of Vorlesungen und 
Ahhandlungen are an achievement of the highest rank. To 
Franz Boll, his intimate friend and former colleague; Paul 
Lehmann, his worthy successor; Samuel Brandt, the editor 
of the present volume; and their several associates, the thanks 
of every lover of soimd learning are due. We cannot cease to 
deplore the cutting off of a genius in his prime, but had he 
lived to the full measure his work would have been incomplete, 
for his vision woidd always have run ahead of accomplishment. 
His life is complete, as it was at any moment of his career, 
full of adventure and hope and inspiration. Breve enim tempus 
aetatis satis longum est ad bene honesteque vivendum, 

E. K. Rand. 



Die griechische Hddensage. Von Carl Bobert. Berlin : Weid- 
mannsche Buchhandlung, 1920. Pp. xii + 419. (Griech- 
ische Mythologie, von L. Preller. 4. Aufl. emeuert von 
Carl Egbert. 2. Bd. 1. Buoh.) 

The first volume of Eobert's revision of Preller^s Griechi- 
sche Mythologie appeared more than thirty years ago and was 
hardly more than a revision. But the present volimie, though 
keeping PreUer's classification, is an entirely new work. This 
is due to the enormous amount of archaeological material that 
has come to light during the recent years and which Egbert 
with his unusual and characteristic combination of archaeologi- 
cal, literary, epigraphical, and historical knowledge, as seen in 
his BUd und Lied, his Oidipus and other books, has documented 
in a very complete manner. 

The first part of this second volume deals with the legends 



REVIEWS. 91 

and myths according to the regions where they originated 
(Limdsohaftliche Sagen). The material is discussed imder 
eleven headings, Thessaly and North Boeotia (Lapiths and 
Centaurs, Phlegyas, Cretheus, Athamas, Aeolus, Minyas, Iphi- 
dus, Peleus, Atalanta), Aetolia (Oeneus, Meleager), Thebes 
(Cadmus, Amphion and Zethus, Teiresias, Oedipus, Tropho- 
nius), Attica (Cecrops, Erechtheus, Ion, the Attic kings, Procne, 
Cephalus, Boreas, I>aedalus), Corinth (Sisyphus, Bellerophon, 
Medea), Pylos, Pisa, Elis (Nestor, Amythaon, Salmoneus, la- 
mus, Oenomaus), Argos (Perseus, Proetus, lo, Danaus, Phoro- 
neus, the Pelopidae, Sthenelus), Laconia and Messenia (the 
Tyndarids, Leda, Tyndareus and Helen), Crete and Caria 
(Minos, Europa, Pasiphae, Daedalus, the race of Minos, Leu- 
cippufi, Pandareus), Aeolis and the Troad (Macareus, Epopeus, 
Tennes, the Dardanidae, the Teucrians), and Thrace (Orpheus, 
Thamyris, Harpalyce). 

The subjects are not treated in a summary fashion as one 
would expect in a manual but there is evidence of detailed lit- 
erary and archaeological research, and no one who wishes to get 
to the bottom of the Greek mjrths or to be a thorough student 
of the Greek epic, lyric and tragic poetry can afford to neglect 
Bobert's book. It in no small measure corrects and supple- 
ments the articles in Boscher^s Lexicon. One wishes, however, 
that BoBERT might have studied more the internal historical 
significance and also the religious meaning of the myths, con- 
sidering Uiem also from the point of view of folk-lore, anthro- 
pology, and comparative religion. But perhaps there was not 
space and we must be grateful for the best general collection 
of the material on the Greek myths that has yet appeared in 
any language. There are few sources, literary or archae<dogical, 
that are not mentioned, and literature ancient and modern is 
abundantly cited; though Ovid and the Scholiasts might have 
been more used, especially Ovid's Ibis. But it is unusual in 
a German work to find so much citation of English €md Amer- 
ican articles and books, even though the contents have not 
always been digested. So, for example, Bobert (p. 4) speaks 
of the type of centaur with human fore-legs as earlier than 
that with equine fore-legs. Baur whom he cites has shown that 
the earliest Oriental type is that with equine fore-legs, though 
both types were known to the Greeks from the beginning 
(A. J. P. XXXIII 466). Barely is there an oonission of the 
archaeological material, even where it is in America; but I 
miss for Perseus (pp. 222 f.) a reference to the interesting 
vase in New York (The Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum, 
II, 1907, pp. 82 f.), and for Caeneus (p. 11) might have been 
cited the article in J. H. S. XVII 294 ff. For a treatise with 
80 much detail the proof-reading has been excellent, iJiough the 
common mistake of Bhode for Bohde occurs (p. 10). 



92 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

The second part of the second volnme has appeared, but as 
no review copy of it has been received, I have not seen it. It 
deals with Die Nationalheroen, including Theseus with Heracles. 
A third part will follow on The Argonauts, the Theban Cycle, 
and the Trojan Cycle. 

David M. Eobikson. 

Thb Johns Hopkins Uniybbsitt. 



Horaz im TJrteil der Jahrhunderte. Von Dr. Eduabd Stemp- 
LiNGEB. Dieterich'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Leipzig, 
1921. 212 pp. 24 m. 

In a recent volume of the Leipzig series ' Das Erbe der Alten ' 
Dr. EmiABD Stemplinqeb reviews some of the various judg- 
ments which have been passed upon the poetry of Horace from 
his own day to ours, and sets f ortti something of the influence of 
Horace upon later literature. The book is based upon a vast 
amoimt of reading, and deals especially with the influence of 
Horace in (Germany and France. It is a much better book than 
the same scholar's earlier study ' Das Fortleben der horazischen 
Lyrik seit der Renaissance ' (1906), but he still has less to do 
with English and Italian literature than his title might suggest. 
For English literature, he might have borrowed a good deal that 
is interesting and important from Professor Shore/s college 
edition of the Odes and Epodes. Carducci's Odi Barbare are not 
mentioned. Neither is Menendez Pelayo's important study Ho- 
racio en Espana. The phrase ' der Gallier M. Ter. Verro,' p. 
182, suggests a confusion of two famous Yarros. 

W. P. Mustard. 



MEMORIAL NOTICE 98 



Samuel Ball Platneb 
1863-1921 

Samuel Ball Plainer died suddenly at sea on the twentieth 
of August, 1921, while on his way to Europe. His entire life 
had been devoted to the study and teaching of the classics, and 
for the last twenty-nine years he had been Professor of Latin 
in Western Eeserve University. He was a man of genuine 
taste for scholarship, satisfied with nothing less than a deep 
and original grasp of his subject, and constantly active in the 
endeavor to contribute to the knowledge of it. In the earlier 
part of his career his studies were mostly of a linguistic nature ; 
but during the last twenty years he devoted himself mainly to 
Boman history and topography. He is best known for his 
Topography and Monuments of Ancient Rome, which is now 
in its second edition and is universally recognized as a careful 
and comprehensive work. At the time of his death he had 
almost finished a dictionary of Boman topography, and it is cause 
for deep satisfaction that Thomas Ashby of the British School 
at Eome, who collaborated in the early stages of the work, has 
consented to complete and bring out this dictionary. It will 
be an imiJortant tool for aU who devote themselves to serious 
study of the Eternal City. 

For his pupils, as weU as for himself, Professor Platner always 
maintained a notably high standard of intellectual thorough- 
ness. In his classroom he insisted on a real mastery of the 
subject he taught; and by his own example no less than his 
pedagogical methods he impre^ed his students with the grand- 
eur of solid learning and the depth of real culture. He was 
possessed of a rare and charming personality. His large-heart- 
edness, unfailing geniality, and rich humor made him univer- 
sally beloved, and his death, at the age of fifty-seven, has left 
a heavy sense of loss to the many classical scholars who knew 
him. 

Clarence P. Bill. 



BOOKS RECEIVED. 

(Armand (Emma 0.) Grammaire ^l^mentaire. Deuzidme amite. 
Boston, New York, Chicai^, D. C. Heath d Co., 1921. z + 288 pp. 
$1.56. 

(Beohtel (Friedrich). Die griechischen Dialekte. Erster Band. Der 
lesbische, thessalische, bOotisdie, arkadische und kyprieche Dialekt. 
Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1921. vi + 477 pp. 78 M. 

(Bender (Harold H.) The Aryan Question. Did the Lan/i^ages of 
Europe Come from Asia? (Princeton Lectures, No. 8, October, 1921.) 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Thirty-fifth Annual Report to the 
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1913-1914. Part II. Wash- 
ington, Oovemment Printing Office, 1921. Accompanying Paper: 
Ethnology of the Kwatkiutl. By Franz Boas. Pp. 43-794 + Index. 

Callimachi fragmenta nuper reperta, edidit Rudolfus Pfeiffer. Bonn, 
A., Marcus und B. Weber's Verlag, 1921. (Kleine Texte ftlr Vorlesungen 
und t^bungen, 145.) 

Carpenter (Rhys). The Esthetic Basis of Greek Art of the Fifth 
and Fourth Centuries B. C. New York, Longmans, Qreen and Co., 1921. 
(Bryn Mawr Monographs I.) viii -i-263 pp. $1.50. 

Chew (Samuel E.) Thomas Hardy, Poet and Novelist. New York, 
Longmans, Oreen and Co., 1921. (Bryn Mawr Monographs III.) viii + 
257 pp. $1.50. 

Columbia University Bulletin of Information. Annual Report of the 
President 1921. New York City, Published by Columbia university. 
Twenty-second Series, No. 5. 

Constans (L. A.) Un Correspondant de Cic^ron: Appius Claudius 
Pulcher. Paris, E. de Boocard, 1921. 138 pp. and map. 8**. 

De Groot (A. W.) Der antike Prosarhythmus. I. Groningen, Haag, 
Verlag von J. B. Wolters, 1921. 113 pp. 3.90 frs. 

Evans (Walter J.) Allitteratio Latina, or Alliteration in Latin 
Verse Reduced to Rule. London, Williams and Norgate, 1912. TOodv + 
195 pp. 18 s. net. 

Fischer (Rudolf). Quellen zu Romeo und Julia. Bonn, A. Marcus 
u. B. Webers Verlag, 1922. (Shakespeares Quellen 2. Bd.) 4 s. or $.80. 

Frftnkel (Hermann). t)ie homerischen Gleichnisse. Gdttingen, Van- 
denhoeck d Ruprecht, 1921. v-f-'119 pp. $1.00. 

Gaidoz (Henri). Ctlchulainn, Beowulf et Hercule. Paris, Librairie 
Ancienne Honori Champion, 1921. (Reprinted from Cinquantenaire de 
I'Acole Pratique des Hautes etudes, pp. 132-156.) 

Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. Vol. XXXII. Cambridge, 
Harvard University Press, 1921. iii -f 187 pp. 

{Hazzidakis (Joseph). Tylissos a I'^poque minoenne. Paris, Li&ratrt« 
Paul Geuthner, 1921. 89 pp. 25 fr. 

^erzog (Rudolf). Aus der <}eschidite des Bankwesens im Altertum. 
Tesserae nummulariae. Giessen, Verlag von Alfred Topelmann, 1919. 
(Abhandlungen der Giessener Hochsdiulgesellschaft I.) 

Horace. Q. Horatius Flaccus erklUrt von Adolf Kiessling. Zweiter 
94 



BOOKS BBOSrVBD. 95 

Teil: Satiren. 6. Aufl. erneuert von Richard Heinze. Berlin, Weid- 
mannsche Buchhandlung, 1921. (Saimiiluiig griechischer und lateini- 
Bcher Sohriftateller mit deutschen Aninerkungen.) M. 24. 

Hberg (Johannes). Aus einer verlorenen Handflchrift der Tardae 
passiones des Caeliua Aurelianus. Pp. 819-829. (Sitzungsberichte der 
preoseiedien Akademie der Wissenacha^n, XLV^ 1921.) 

Inter- America. Espafiol: Volumen V, NlUns. 4, 5. Noviembre de 
1921, Enero de 1922. New York, Doubleday, Page d Co. 

Jonson (Ben) . Every Man in His Humor. Edited with Introduction, 
Notes and Glossary, by Henry Holland Carter. Yale University Dis- 
sertation. New Haven, Tale University Press; London, Humphrey 
MUford, 1921. cv + 448 pp. $4.00. 

Journal of Education and School Wbrld. October, November, Decem- 
ber 1921, January 1922. London, WUliam Rice, 

£night (Clara M.) Greek and Latin Adverbs and their Value in the 
Reconstruction of tlie Prehistoric Declensions. Cambridge University 
Press, 1921. (Transactions of the Cambridge Philological Society, Vol. 
VI, Part m.) 6 s. net. 

Koch (Heinrich A.) Quellenimtersuchungen zu Nemesios von Emesa. 
Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1921. 52 pp. M. 6. 

IKurath (Hans)« The Semantic Sources of the Words for the Emo- 
tions in Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, and the Germanic Languages. Uni- 
versity of Chicago diss. Menaaha, Wia., George Bcmta PmUMtng Com- 
pany, 1921. 8 + 64 pp. 

{Lavagnini (Bruno). Le Origini del Romanzo Greco. Piaa, Tipo- 
grafia editrice Cav, F. Mariotti, 1921. 104 pp. 

ILindaay (W. M.) The Corpua, dpinal, Erfurt and Leyden Gloaaariea. 
London, Owford University Press, 1921. (Publicationa of the Philolo- 
gical Society, VIII.) viii + 121 pp. 

Maaa (Paul). Die neuen Responsionsfreiheiten bei Bakchylides und 
Pindar. Zweites Sttlck. Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1921. 
21 pp. H. 3. 

McKenzie (Kenneth) and Oldfather (William A.) Ysopet-Avionnet: 
The Latin and French Texts. Urbana, The University of Illinois, 
(University of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, Vol. V, 
No. "4. November, 1919.) 8", 286 pp. $1.60. 

Merrill (William A.) Lucretius and Cicero's Verse. Berkeley, Cal., 
University of California Press, 1921, (University of California Pub- 
licationa in Claaaical Philology, Vol. 5, No. 9, pp. 143-154.) 

Not€8 on the Silvae of Statins, Book V. Berkeley, Cal., 

University of CaUfomia Press, (Univeraity of California Publicationa 
in Claaaical PMlology, Vol. 6, No. 10, pp. 155-182.) 

iMeuli (Karl). Odyaaee imd Argonautika. Untersuchungen zur 
griechischen Sagengeschichte imd ssum Epos. Berlin, Weidmannsche 
Buchhandlung, 1921. iii -f 121 pp. M/. 16. 

(BCuston (Le). Revue d'l^udes orientales. Tome XXIV. Louvain, 
BUge Social, 1921. 

Neuphilologische Mitteilungen. Hsg. vom Neuphilologischen Verein 
in Helsingfors. XXH (1921), Nr. 6/8. 

Park (Marion Edwards). The Plebs in Cicero's Day. A Study of 



96 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

their Provenance and of their Employment. Bryn Mawr College Dis- 
sertation. Cambridge, Mass., The Coamos Press. 91 pp. 

Personalist (The). Vol. HI, No. 1. January 1922. Los Angeles^ 
Universiiy of Southern Odlifomia, 

Philological Quarterly. Vol. I, No. 1. January 1922. Iowa City, 
Published at the University of Iouxjl 

Plato, The Laws. The Text with Introduction, Notes, etc. by K B. 
England. 2 vols. Manchester, University Press; London, New York, 
etc. Longmans, Oreen d Co., 1921. 

* Salonius (A. H.) Die Ursachen der Geschlechtsverschiedenheit von 
dies, Helsinf2:for8, Helsingfors Centraltryckeri, 1921 ^ (Oversikt av 
Finska Vetenskaps-Societetens F5rhandlingar, Bd. LXIV, 1921-1922. 
Avd. B. No. 1.) 

iSalonius (A. H.) Passio S. Perpetuae. Kritische Bemerkungen mit 
besonderer Berttcksichtigung der griechisch-lateinischen t^berlieferung 
des Teztes. Helsingfors, Helsingfors Centraltryckeri och Bokbinderi 
AktieboUig, 1921. (Overaikt av Finska Vetenskaps-^ocietetens F(5r- 
handlingar. Bd. LXIH, 1920-1921. Avd. B. No. 2.) 

Schinz (Albert). Vie et oeuvres de J.- J. Rousseau. Boston, New 
York, Chicago, D. C, Heath d Co,, 1921. xi -f- 382 pp. $1.60. 

6ihler (E. G.) The Earlier Stages of Augustine. (The Biblical 
Review, Vol. VI, No. 4, pp. 613-540.) 

Stern (Gustaf). Swift, Swiftly, and their Synonyms. GkJteborg, 
Wettergren d Kerber, 1921. (Gdteborgs HSgskolas Arsskrift, 1921 III.) 

Stroux (Johannes). Handschriftliche Studien zu Cicero de Oratore. 
Leipzig imd Berlin, Verlag von B. G. Teubner, 1921. M. 80. 

/Studies in Philology, Vol. XVHI, No. 4. October 1921. Published 
by the University of North Carolina. 

Subject Index to Periodicals 1917-1919. Issued by the Library Asso- 
ciation. I. Language and Literature. Part 1. Classical, Oriental and 
Primitive. Part 2. Modern Europe. The Library Association, August 
1921, September 1921. 2s. 6d. net. 5s. net. 

Tozzer (Alfred M.) Excavation of a Site at Santiaf^o Ahuitzotla, 
D. F. Mexico. Washington, Government Printing Office, 1921. (Smith- 
sonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 74.) 56 pp. 

Van Hook (La Rue). The Exposiu'e of Infants at Athens. (Ex- 
tracted from Transactions of the American Philological Association, 
Vol. LI, 1920, pp. 134-146.) 

Witte (Kurt). Der Bukoliker Vergil. Stuttgart, J. B. Metelersdhe 
Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1922. 

Zander (Carolus). Phaedrus solutus vel Phaedri fabulae novae XXX. 
Lund, C. W. K. Gleerup; London, Humphrey Milford, 1921. (iSkrifter 
Utgivna av Humanistidca Vetenskapssamfundet i Lund. III.) 



AMERICAN 



JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY 



Vol. XLIlI, 2. Whole No. 170. 

I.— ST. AUGUSTINE^S METHOD OP COMPOSING AND 

DELIVEBING SEEMONS. 

I. Introduction. 

This article is the outgrowth of an investigation suggested to 
the author several years ago by Dean A. P. West of the Graduate 
Sdiool of Princeton University. At that time it was the 
author's intention to investigate only those sermons of Augustine 
on the Gospel and Epistle of Saint John, a short summary of 
which the author published in the Transactions and Proceedings 
of the American Philological Association of 1916. However, on 
looking over other sermons, he found the same characteristics 
existing generally throughout, and there seemed no good reason 
for confining the investigation to a small proportion of the 
discourses which did not differ particularly from all the rest. 
Accordingly the scope of the study was enlarged, and all the 
sermons of Augustine were examined with the present subject 
in view. 

Throughout this study the author makes constant use of the 
terms *' extempore *' and "strictly extempore.*' By "extem- 
pore" he means that the sermons were probably given after 
some previous meditation on the subject, but with no extensive 
preparation. By " strictly extempore " he means that the ser- 
mons were given unexpectedly and without any preparation of 
any kind. 

Among the church fathers, the terms sermones, homUiae, 
iractaius, enarrationes, etc., were used interchangeably for the 

97 



98 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

most part ; ^ and in this study, '^ sermons/* " homilies/' " trac- 
tates/' " commentaries/' etc., are employed in like manner. 

II. The Hitherto Accepted View. 

The sermons of Saint Augustine have been divided by the 
Benedictine editors ^' (Th. Blampin, P. Constant, and others) 
into five classes, of which the first contains eighty-three upon 
various passages of the Old Testament, the second eighty-eight 
upon the great festivals of the year, the third sixty-nine upon 
the festivals of the saints, the fourth twenty-three upon a 
variety of subjects, and the fifth thirty-one of doubtful authen- 
ticity.' To this number £(hould be added the explanations of 
the Psalms {enarrationes In psaimos) and of the Gospel and 
Epistle of John {in Johannis evangelium tractatus 12Ji^, in 
Johannis epistolas tractatus 19), besides a small number dis- 
tributed throughout this collection, and others since discovered 
and publie^hed. Altogether there is left us from Augustine a 
corpus of about four hundred sermons. 

It has been said, more or less categorically, that Augustine 
wrote most of his sermons before he delivered them, that he 
dictated many to be read thereafter, and that he delivered some 
extemporaneously, these last being taken down by stenographers 
(notarii) in the church, and later transcribed into longhand.' 
Manifestly the difference between writing and dictating sermons 
is very slight, since it is the difference merely between having 
some one put your careful thought in writing for you, and 
performing the manual labor yourself.* Thus the current 
opinion resolves itself into the belief that Augustine prepared 
and wrote his sermons carefully before he delivered them, and 

^Of. FerrariuB, De Rita Oondonum Sacrarum, 1, 2. 

"•Paris 1679^1700, 11 folio volumes; Migne, P. L. 32-47, 1845-1849. 

' Many other sermons have since been identified as genuine; of. Ceil- 
lier, Histoire des Auteurs sacr^ et ecd^iastiques, 9, 828; Morin, 
Revue B^n^ctine, passim. 

'Of. Benedictine edition, introduction to sermons; Ceillier, op. cit., 
9, 235; Morin, Testes dtudes et D^eouvertes, 255; Bardenhewer, Patro- 
logie, 430; Teuffel, Roemische Liter atur, 3«, 375; Degert, Quid ad 
mores ingeniaque Afrorum***, 17, and others. 

^Cf. Norden, Die antike Kunatprosa, 2s, 953; Ferrarlus, De Ritu 
Oondonum Sacrarum, 206. 



8T. AUQUSTINirS METHOD. 99 

only on rare occasions^ generally due to some fortuitous cir- 
cumstance^ spoke extempore. We pass over the idea expressed 
occasionally that Augustine may have written or dictated his 
sermons after having preached them, because this is a mere 
supposition^ and the character of such sermons would not differ 
especially from discourses written before delivery. 

The chief source for the belief that Augustine wrote many of 
his sermons is the last sentence of the Betractations." This pas- 
sage^ however^ involves a faulty text^ which according to the 
preferred reading gives no support whatsoever to this opinion. 
The passage as given by the Benedictine edition and as utilized 
to support the idea in question is : 

Haec opera Xdll in libris OOXXXTI me dicUtsse reoolui, quando 
haec retractavi . . ., atque ipeam eorum retractationem in libris n 
edidi . . . antequam epistulas et sermones in populum, aUo9 diotaion 
aUoa a me dieto9, retraoia/re ooepiaaem. 

The latest edition of the Betractations by EnoU,* whose new 
study of the mss. has been warmly supported by Hamack/ makes 
a very important change in this text. Instead of aiios dicta4;o8, 
EnoU reads alias dictatas. That is instead of sayings ^' before 
I began to look over my letters and sermons to the people, some 
(of the sermons) dictated and others (of the sermons) spoken/' 
Augustine says, '^before I began to look over my letters and 
sermons to the people, the former (the letters) dictated and 
the latter (the sermons) spoken.'' * This new rendering would 
exclude any of Augustine's sermons as having been read before 
their delivery, and would stamp his discourses as being essen- 
tially of one sort. In writing his letters, Augustine, being a 

•2,93, 2. 

•Corpus Scriptomm Eodesiastioonim Latinorum, Wien, 36, 1902. 

^Die Retractationen AugustinB, Sitz. der Berliner Akademie, 1905, 
1096. 

•This use of dUu9 for alter is rare in classical Latin, but ccnnmon 
in the speech of the people of every period. After the classical period, 
however, qUu$ for alter became common in the literature also, e. g. 
Plin. nat. 11, 59 duo genera apwn, aliarun^ . . . aliarum . . . , and 
Liv. I, 21, 6, Ita duo deincepa regea, dUua dUa ina, iUe heUo hie pace, 
oivitatem auwerunt. This usage continued into the Latin of the 
church fathers. Of. also Fr. Stole u. J. H. 6chmalz, Lateinische Oram- 
niatik629. 



100 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

^ very busy man and following the custom of his time^ made use 
of stenographers;* on the other hand, he spoke his sermons 
unhampered, and did not read his discourses after having pre- 

1/ viously written or dictated them.*** 

The only other possible evidence that Augustine ever wrote a 
sermon before or after its delivery is in the De Doctrina Chris- 
tiana (4, 29), and in the De Trinitate (16, 48). In the former 
passage, Augustine says: ''Sunt sane quidem qui bene pro- 
nuntiare possunt, quid autem pronuntient ezcogitare non pos- 
sunt. Quod si ab aliis sumant eloquenter sapienterque con- 
scriptum, memoriae quae commendent, atque ad populum pro- 
ferant; si eam personam gerunt, non improbe faciunt.'' Why 
should we in any way believe from such a passage that Augus- 
tine wrote any of his sermons before or after having delivered 
them? To be sure it shows that Augustine was willing to have 
his sermons used by others, and, we may presume, was willing 
to see his discourses put in writing for that purpose, but this 
passage gives no more ground for saying that Augustine wrote 
his sermons than does the mere fact of the existence of his 
sermons in writing today. Why could not Augustine, after he 
had delivered his discourses, have had them transcribed into 
longhand from shorthand copies made by the notarias at the 
very moment of their delivery? 

In his work on the Trinity,** Augustine mentions a subject 
already discussed in a sermon which was written up after its 
delivery. Here, as in the last sentence of the Retractations, he 
speaks of the sermon as dictum, and here, as apparently he does 
elsewhere," Augustine uses conscribere to signify the transcri- 
bing of the notarius^s shorthand copy into longhand. Granting 

• Cf . Chapter VI. 

''It is astonishing that Kroll and Skutsch (Teuffel, G«8chidite der 
roemiacben Literatur, 3«, 440, 12) should quote this sent^noe from 
the Retractations in its revdsed form to support their statem^it (i. e. 
the view accepted hitherto) that some of Augustine's sennons were 
dictated and some were written. They are apparently unaware of the 
importance of the change in reading, and far from accurate in inter- 
preting the earlier text. 

^16, 48. Id quod de hac re in sermone quodam proferendo ad aurea 
populi Ohristiani dizimus, dictumque oonscTipeimus. 

^Ct. Chapter VI. 



8T. AUGU8TINW8 METHOD. 101 

that in this case Augustine himself performed the manual labor, 
which is most unlikely, the passagf does not mean that Augustine 
sat down after he delivered the^.^nj^n and wrote it up as best 
he could from memory, or from ahy.-xjbtes from which he may 
have preached. The sermon, as wiU/b^^-s^n later, bears too 
many striking marks of spontaneity andf jAatjixalness to admit 
of such a composition. *-••*/•- 

Having, we hope, thus disposed of any belief 'tha€ Augustine, 
according to existing evidence, wrote sermons before of" after 
he delivered them, we are ready to take up the main subject* t)f 
this investigation: How did Augustine compose and d^v^I*.' 
his sermons, and incidentally how have these discourses oome.^; : ,.. 
down to us? 



• • •• 



m. The Composition of Sermons as Bevealed in the 

WOBKS OF CONTEMPOBANEOUS ANB NeABLY CONTEMPO- 
RANEOUS Church Fathers. 

The early fathers of the church used all of the various ways 
of composing and delivering sermons.^ It often happened that 
bishops, through being sick or in exile, or from other causes, 
were unable to fulfill their special duty of preaching.* Bather 
than let any of their subordinates preach for them, they fre- 
quently would write sermons in the form of letters to be read 
to the various congregations. Athanasius, John Chrysostom, 
and Cyprian, while in exile, all wrote seitmons in the form of 
letters for their people. The second letter of Clemens Bomanus, 
the first letter of Peter, that of James, as well as the Epistle to 
the Hebrews are sermons in letter form.* 

Sermons were sometimes written by one person and delivered 
by another, either from memory or by the use of a written copy.* 

*Cf. Ferrarius, op. cit. 106, 172. 

'In the earlier centuries of the church, only bishopB had the right 
to preach. (Later, however, they extended this power to certain of 
their priests. The bishops of Borne dung to this privilege most ceal- 
onsly, and looked with a bad eye upon sudi as delegated this right to 
tiieir subordinates. Of. Duchesne, Origines du culte chrdtien, 163. 

'Cf. Bamack, Qeschichte der altchristlichen Literatur bis Eosebius 
1; 438, 451, 487; Norden, op. cit. 618. 

^Ferrarius, op. cit. 203. 



• 



• • • 



« 



102 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Thus Cyril of Alexandria says in the prologue of his twenty- 
second paschal sermon, "IS fit at aU with a desire to display 
our eloquence have we put forth this little sermon or rather 
letter, but because of fteold tradition were we induced to 
do if " Oassianus con&tns what we would naturally conclude 
from these woT^lh^:8kjiJig specifically that Cyril's predeces- 
sor wrote smpQilR to foe circulated and delivered by others. 
" In the regicipr of Aegjrpt/' he says, " that old custom is pre- 
served-, of *^ding letters of the pontif ex of Alexandria to all 
thQ**ch]udie6. With these letters the beginning of Lent and 
'"Ea^r is ordained, not only throughout the cities, but also 
. in* all the monasteries. ... In accordance with thds custom 
. . . the blessed letters of Theophilus, bishop of the aforenamed 
city, were passed around.'* • For a similar purpose, we read that 
Oaudentius, bishop of Brixia, sent his tractates to Benevolus,' 
that Antiochus Monachus sent several homilies to Euthasius,* 
and that Gregory the Oreat sent two codices of discourses to 
Secundinufl.* Pope Gregory the Great often had his sermons 
read to the people by notarii, as we learn from the beginning 
of his letter to Secundinus, when he writes, " During the holy 
sacrifices of tiie mass, I have expounded forty readings of the 
Holy Gospel which are usually read in this church on certain 
days. And the explanations of some, dictated previoudy, were 
recited by a notoHiis in the presence of the people. The inter- 
pretations of others, I myself delivered before the people, and 
my words were taken down as I spoke.'* ^^ Also in homily 21, 
Gregory says, "Regarding my preaching, my dear brethren, I 
have been accustomed to speak to you, after having previously 
had my words taken down from dictation. However, since I 
myself am unable to read these because of a weak stomach, I 
notice that some of you are less willing to give attention. 
Wherefore I now intend, contrary to my wont, to bring myself 
to explain the reading of the Holy Gospel in the mass, not 
through dictation, but by an informal talk. And as we speak, 

» P. G. 77, 857. ' P. L. 20, 827. 

•OoUatio 10, 2; P. L. 49, 820. "P. G. 89, 1421. 

•P. L. 77, 990. 

^Of. Pfeikohifter, Die authentisohe Attsgaibe der Evangelien-Homilien 
Gr^gors dee GroBsen. 



8T. AUGUSTINE^ METHOD. 103 

let it be taken down^ because the voice of one talking informally 
etirs the deeping heart more than the words of a reader^ and, 
as it were, with an anxious hand, prods them to attention/' ^^ 
According to Gennadius, Cyril of Alexandria wrote many ser- 
mons which he caused to foe sent to all the bishops of Greece, 
and which they memorized and delivered as their own." 

Caesarius of Aries played a very exceptional role as a com- 
poser of homilies for others. The contemporary biographers of 
Gaesariufi all declare that during his episcopate of more than 
half a century, he was not content to &peak himsdf nearly every 
day, but his zeal for the word of God and the instruction of the 
Christian people, brought him to compose and have composed 
many collections of sermons for the use of other preachers. 
These compilations, of which he always had a supply on hand, 
he not only gave out to willing ecclesiastics, but he even forced 
the unwilling to take them as they passed through Aries. 
Moreover, he even exported some to the farthermost parts of the 
Gauls, Italy, and Spain. These cdlections usually consisted of 
extracts from Augustine, Ambrose, and other fathers, arranged 
and put within tiie grasp of the people, with bits of material 
entirely original which Caesarius scattered throughout, par- 
ticularly at the 'beginning and end.^' 

Throughout the De Doctrina Christiana, Augustine assumes i 
speaking, and that, too, largely extempore, and not reading, as 
the proper mode of delivering a sermon, and yet he makes 
allowances for those who have not the ability to compose well, 
and wiio accordingly make use of ihe composition of others. 
He tells us that a preacher may deliver to the people what has 
been written by a man more eloquent than himself.^* He says 
too, ''But whether a man is going to address the people or 
dictate what others will deliver or read to the people, he ought 
to pray (Jod to put into his mouth a suitable discourse. . . . ' 
Those, again, who are to deliver what others compose f o^ them 

^Of. also Joannes Diaoonus, Gregorii Vita, 2, 18 and 4, 74. 

"Oennadius, De iUustribus ecclesiae scriptoribus, 58: Oyrillus Alex- 
andrinae ecclesiae episcopus homilias composuit plurimas, quae ad 
dedamandum a Graecis memoriae commendantur. 

^Cf. Aniold, Caeearius von Arelate; Morin, Revue B^n^ctine, 
passim. 

^De Doctrina Christiana, 4, 62. 



104 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ought, before they receive their discourse, to pray for those who 
are preparing it; and when they have received it, they ought to 
pray both that they themselves may deliver it well, and that 
those to whom they address it, may give ear/* ^* In speaking 
Ihus of those who will deliver or who will read, Augustine of 
course has in mind those who will memorize and then deliver 
sermons, and those who will merely read what others have com- 
posed. Surely it is not to be conjectured from these remarks 
that Augustine is making a defence of a practice in whidi he 
himsdf sometimes indulged. He is clearly making a concession 
to a method of discoursing, which is wholly out of place and in 
no way conformable to the principles that he himself lays down 
in his discussion of the art of preaching (i. e. in the De Doctrina 
Christiana), 

In Atticus, foi^op of Constantinople, we have a church father 
who, at least for a period of his activity, wrote out and then 
memorized his sermons before he delivered them. 

The great minds of the patristic floruit (fourth and fifth 
centuries), however, usually preached extempore, or if not ex- 
tempore in the strictest sense, after some meditation on the 
subject. Regarding Origen, Eusebius says : ^' At tiiis time, as 
the faith extended and our doctrine was prodaiftned boldly before 
all, Origen, being as they say, over sixty years old, and having 
gained great facility by his long practice, very properly per- 
mitted his public discourses to be taken down by stenographers, 
a thing which he had never before allowed.'* *• 

Cyril of Jerusalem likewise, on certain occasions at least, 
spoke extemporaneoufily. All of his Catecheses have the char- 
acteristics of extempore discourses, and, besides, the first of these 
sermons has the heading, '^ To those who are to be enlightened, 
delivered extempore at Jerusalem, as an introductory lecture 
to those who had come forward for Baptism.** ^' 

The homilies of John Chrysostom have many evidences of 
being extemporized discourses. They contain many utterances 
which are due to fortuitous and unexpected happenings, such 

"De (Doctrina CSirisMana, 4, 63. 

" Historia Eoclesiastica, 6, 36, P. G. 20, 696. Of. also RufinuB, P. L. 
21; NicephOTUS, 6, 19. 
" P. G. 38, 369. 



8T. AUGUSTINE'S METHOD. 106 

as references to a congregation larger and noisier than usual, 
an unbecoming outburst of applause from the congregation, 
and similar things. On one occasion in particular, Socrates 
tells us that Ghrysostom launched out on a denunciation against 
Epiphanius, who was just then entering the church and who, 
he had learned, was sent against him by the Empress Eudozia.^* 
The same Ghrysostom, having returned from exile, was forced 
by his overjoyed peojde to take his chair in the church, where- 
upon he addressed them purely extemporaneously.^* We also 
learn from Socrates that Ghrysostom regularly had notarii in 
the church to take down his utterances. Socrates says, '' Why 
need we speak of the sermons published by himsdf and those 
taken down by stenographers as he spoke, not only brilliant 
seitnons, but very attractive ones? '' '® 

The sermons of Severian of Gabala have all the marks of 
spoken and largely extemporaneous discourses. They are full 
of short pointed remarks, many of them suggested by immediate 
and accidental circumstances. Severian for a time preached in 
CSirysoertxxm^s church, and Ghrysostom's ohurch-stenographers 
very likely took his sermons down also. It may be for this very 
reason that many of Severian's sermons are included in the 
collections of homilies by Ghrysostom. Indeed there are many 
sermons among the spuria of the latter which very likely belong 
to the former.*^ 

Socrates says of Atticus, bishop of Gonstantiniople : '' For- 
merly, while a presbyter, he had been accustomed, after com- 
posing his sermons, to commit them to memory, and Ihen recite 
them in the church; but by diligent application, he acquired 
confidence and made his instruction extemporaneous and elo- 
quent. His discourses, however, were not such as to be received 
with much applause by his auditors, or to deserve to be com- 
mitted to writing.*' *' 

^Hifltoria Ecdeaiastioa 6, 14, P. G. 67, 705. 

^Socrates, Historia Ecdesiastica 6, 16, P. G. 67, 712; SocomenuB 8, 
16, P. G. 67, 1662; Nioephonis, 83, 16, P. G. 146, 986. 

* Socrates, Historia Eodeaiastica 6, 4, P. G. 67, 672. 

*^We are' indebted, for this Inlormatioii, to H. T. IWeiakotten, who 
is at presesit investigatiiig tbe apuria of CShrysoBtom in oonneGtion with 
hia study of fSeverian. [(Bat see also C^iriat-Sofamid-Stihlin, Grieoh. 
Litteratorgeschiohte, II, 2s, 1227^—0. W. E. M.] 

" Historia Ecdesiastica, P. G. 67, 741. 



106 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Pope Faustus also preached extempore. This we learn from 
SMonius ApoUiBaris^ nvibo wrote to him saying: ''Often was 
it my privilege to listen as a hoarse applauder^ now to your 
spontaneous sermons, now to your well prepared discourses, espe- 
cially on those weekly f easir^ys in the holy church of Lyons, 
when you were prevailed upon to speak by your blessed col- 
leagues/' *■ 

Jerome's tractates on the Psalms have been very carefully 
investigated by A. S. Pease ** and 6. Morin.** Professor Pease 
says, in summary, " To suppose that Jerome wrote out before 
delivery all that we have here is to believe that he wrote much 
that was trivial and self-evident. A view more charitable to 
the ability of so great a man, and equally compatible with our 
evidence, is to believe that we have, not his notes, but the report 
(shorthand or otherwise) of a hearer who wrote down, to the 
best of his ability, all that Jerome said, important or unim- 
portant, but very likely lost entirely many utterances of some 
value while he was engaged in setting down ideas of inferior 
importance (a phenomenon familiar in the college lecture-room 
of our own day). The more car^hil and scholarly sermons may 
be due to Jerome's revision (improved by frequent erasure) of 
the reporter's copy." 

Thus, in this brief survey of contemporaneous and nearly 
contemporaneous writers, we find that those who acquired fame 
as eloquent preachers 2il delivered their sermons without any 
written assistance of any kind. They did not write their dis- 
courses out first, and then read them, but they spoke after first 
giving their theme a certain amount of meditation. Very often, 
too, they were led by special circumstances to speak wholly witti- 
out preparation of any kind. 

IV. The Presence of NoTABn in the Churches to take 
DOWN Sermons when they were being delivered.* 

In Augustine's time stenographers were divided into three 
classes. The notwrii, whose recognition as a separate class is 

« 9, 3, 5. 

*« Journal of Biblical Literature, 26, 1907, 106-131. 
"Bevue dliistoire et de litt^rature religieuse, 1, 1896, 393-434; also 
tittndes, Textes, et Dteouvertes. 
^StttiQgraphy as such is first definitely recognized in the history of 



8T. AUGUSTINE'S METHOD. 107 

attributed to Clement (91-100 A. D.)^ wrote in cihorttmnd from 
dictation or public speech^ and were in the employment of 
church dignitaries. The exceptores also wrote in shorthand 
from dictation or public speech, and at least from the time of 
Augustine onward^ were distinguished from the notarii merely 
by their being in the emplojrment of state magistrates. The 
UbrarU, often called amanuenses, were regular transcribers of 
shorthand records into longhand. Scriba is tiie most general 
term for denoting a copyist of any sort and not as a rule signi- 
fying a knowledge of shorthand.' 

The preservation of the homilies of the great preachers of 
the churchy whose seimons bear such marks of spontaneity, can 
be satisfactorily explained only by the use of a shortiiand system 
by men skilled in the same and present in the church for the 
express purpose of recording the spoken word. With any other 
explanation we would be giving in many cases scant credit for 
wisdom and thoughtfulness, and often a power of premonition 
and a remarkable, so to speak, histrionic sense. 

There is an abundance of evidence, however, for the presence, 
both secret and public, of notarii actually at work during the 
delivery of sermons. We have already quoted a remark of 
Eusebius regarding Origen, that at sixty years of age he per- 
mitted his discourses to be taken down by stenographers.' The 
catechetical sermons of Cyril of Jerusalem were taken down by 
earnest students as they were being delivered. For at the end 
of lecture 18, in the older of the Munich manuscripts, we read: 

Ltttin literature with the appearance of the so-called '' Tironian notes.'* 
After Tiro, the traditional founder of the system, freedman and friend 
of Cicero, the men most concerned with the development of stenography 
were Vipsandut Philargyrus (Id B. c), Aquila (8 B. c), a certain 
Seneca, probably the philosopher Lucius Annaeua (d. 65 A. D.) and 
lastly Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage (d. 258 a. d.). The system appar- 
ently went out of extensive use soon after the fifth century a. a, and, 
following the varying fortunes of learning, was revived in Carolingian 
times and again developed in the scholastic period. It was with the 
contemporaries and dose successors of Cyprian (among whmn of course 
is Augustine, 354-430 A. D.) that Roman stenography apparently 
reached its most general use. 

'On the general subject, cf. Navarre, Histoire gfo^rale de la steno- 
graphic; Zimmermann, Geschichte der Stenographic. 

» Cf. Chap. II. 



108 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

" Many other lectures were delivered year by year, both before 
Baptism and after the neophytes had been baptized. But these 
alone were taken down when spoken and written by some of 
the earnest students in the year 352 of the advent of Our Lord 
and Saviour Jesus Christ.^' 

In his seiimon "The Last Farewell/' Gregory Nazianzenus 
says, " Farewell, ye lovers of my discourses, in your eagerness 
and concourse, ye pencils seen and unseen, and thou balustrade, 
pressed upon by those who thrust themselves forward to hear 
the word/'* What else can the "pencils seen and unseen*' 
mean than notarii, either secret or public, who were present to 
take down the words of Or^ory? 

The various biographers of Chrysostom tell us that skilled 
and trained notarii were always present, mingled with the 
audience, whenever he preached. Socrates says, " How eloquent, 
convincing, and persuasive his sermons were, both those which 
were published by himself, and such as were noted down by 
shorthand writers as he delivered them, why &ould we stay to 
dedare? Those who desire to form an adequate idea of them, 
must read for themselves, and will thereby derive both pleasure 
and profit" • 

Bespecting Atticus, bishop of Constantinople, we have the 
statement of Socrates as well as those of Cassiodorus and 
Nicephorus. Socrates says, "Formeily while a presbyter, he 
had been accustomed, after composing his sermons, to commit 
them to memory, and then recite them in the church: but by 
diligent application he acquired confidence and made his in- 
struction extemporaneous and eloquent. His discourses, how- 
ever, were not such as to be received with much applause by 
his auditors, or to deserve to be committed to writing."* 
Cassiodorus speaks more plainly regarding Atticus. He says, 
" Indeed at first when he was a presbyter, he wrote books and 
recited prepared subjects in the church. But afterwards he 
obtained confidence through experience, and delivered praise- 
worthy instruction extempore. His sermons, however, were 
never such as would be put in writing by hearers." ^ 

« Or&tio 42. P. G. 36, 492. 

* Historia Ecclesiastica, 6, 4. P. G. 67, 672. 
'Historia Ecdesiastica, 7, 2. P. O. 67. 

* Historia Tnpartita, 11, 2. P. L. 69, 1188. 



BT. AUQUSTINirS METHOD. 109 

Evideiiice for the presence of notwrii in the church is no less 
striking among the Latin fathers. Gkiudentius, hishop of Brixia, 
says in the preface of his tractates to Benevolus^ ^^Begarding 
those sermons whioh^ broken and incomplete^ were taken down 
by stenographers present in secret, and which the useless zeal 
of some has presumed to collect, with those I am in no way 
concerned. Those, which it is well known were taken down with 
reckless haste, are not mine.'' * 

The titles of the sixteenth and seventeenth sermons of this 
same Ckiudentius give similar testimony. The title of the six- 
teen& reads : '' In eo quod S. Episcopum prima die ordinationis 
ipsius quorumdam civium notarii exceperunt.'' * Oodex Oalear- 
dus has for the heading of the seventeenth : '' Tractatus eiusdem 
exceptus die dedicationis basilicae concilii sanctonim incipit.'' ^^ 

No obscure mention of the notwrii present in the church is 
made by Oregory the Oreat. Writing to Marianus the bishop 
regarding his homilies on Ezekiel, he says: ''The sermons 
wbich I gave on the holy prophet Ezekiel and which were 
taken down as I spoke to the people, I had left in suspension 
because of many pressii^ cares. But after eight years, at the 
request of my brcrthers, I decided to look on the papers of the 
notarii and as I ran over them I emended such as I was per- 
nutted through the grace of God to rescue from tribulations.*' ** 

In another connection we have already quoted part of the 
prologue to Gregory's forty homilies on the gospel where he 
mentions the notarii in the church taking down his sermons.^' 
A little farther on, Or^ory adds, " Because indeed some have 
been placed first, which are read later in the gospel and others 
are found last which were written before, you ought by no 
means to change the order, my brethren, because they are 
arranged just as they were spoken by me at various times, and 
just too as they were placed in the codices by iiie stenographers." 
Finally in a letter to the Bishop Leandorus, which he prefixed 
to his expositions of Job, Oregory writes as follows : '' Although 

•P. L. 20, 831. 

•P. L. 20, 956. 

"•P. L. flO, »B9. 

>* P. L. 76, 7^, Preface to las Ikomilies on Ezekiel. 

^•P. L. 76, 1076. 



110 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

my life far surpasses the lives of those to whom I was bound 
to administer^ I did not consider it harmful if my fluent pencil 
tended to l^e needs of men. Thus sometimes when my brothers 
were in my very presence, I spoke the beginning of some work; 
and then when I found time a little heavier on my hands I 
treated and dictated a later portion. And when still more time 
was available to me, I added much to my works, took away a 
little, and left a great deal as I found it; and by emending thus 
whatever had been taken down as I spoke I formed complete 
works.'' ^* 

From these few eelections taken at random, it is evident that 
it was by no means the unusufd but rather the regular custom 
for notarii to be present in the important churches to take down 
unwritten sermons as they were being delivered. 

V. Augustike's begulab Praotiob of dblivbbiko Sebkons 

WITHOUT ANY WBITTBN ASSISTANCE, AND SOMETIMES 
WITHOUT ANT PBEVIOUS PbEPABATION. 

That part of the traditional view which declared that Augus- 
tine wrote or dictated many of hia sermons has already been 
shown to rest on very meagre and questionable evidence.* A 
great deal of testimony does exist, however, as to the manner 
in which the Bishop of Hippo composed and delivered his 
discourses. 

Augustine's great work on the art of preaching is his De 
Doctrina Christiana, This treatise of four books is divided into 
two parts, the first (books 1-3) dealing with the discovery of 
the true sense of the Scripture, the second (book 4) treating 
of its expression. 

It is very noteworthy that throughout the fourth book Augus- 
tine assumes speaking and not reading as the maimer of address- 
ing a congregation. Several quotations will serve to make our 
point clear. Augustine says that it is lawful for a Christian 
teacher to use the ait of rhetoric, for the art of rhetoric being 
available for ihe enforcing of either truth or falsehood, who 
will dare say that truth in the person of its defenders is to take 

"P. L. 76, 612. *Cf. Introduction. 



8T. AUGUSTINBrS METHOD. m 

its stand unarmed against falsehood? Furthermore; the rules 
of Aetoric must be learned quickly (celeriter). ''If, however, 
such ability be wanting, the rules of rhetoric are either not 
understood, or if, impressed on the mind with great labor, they 
come to be in some small measure understood, they prove of 
no service. For even those who have learnt them, and who 
speak with fluency and eloquence, cannot always think of them 
when they are speaking so as to speak in accordance with them, 
unless they are discussing the rules themselves. Indeed, I thinle 
there cure scao'cely any who can do toth things — that is, speak well, 
and, in order to do this, think of the rules of speaking whUe 
they are speaking. For we must te careful that what we have 
got to say does not escape us whilst we are thinking about saying 
it according to the rules of art. Nevertheless, in the speeches 
of eloquent men, we find rules of eloquence carried out which 
the speakers did not think of as aids to eloquence at the time 
when they were speaking, whether they had ever learned them, 
or whether they never even met with them. For it is because 
they are eloquent that they exemplify these rules; it is not that 
they use them in order to be doquenf * 

" If the hearers need teaching, the matter treated of must be 
made fully known by means of narrative. On the other hand, 
to dear up points that are doubtful requires reasoning and exhi- 
bition of proofs. If, however, the hearers require to be roused 
rather than instructed, in order that they may be diligent to 
do what they already know, and to bring their feelings into 
harmony with the truths they admit, greater vigor is needed. 
Here entreaties and reproaches and upbraidings, and all other 
means of rousing the emotions, are necessary .^^ ■ 

" Now it is specially necessary for the man who is bound to 
speak wisely, even though he cannot speak eloquently, to retain 
in memory the words of Scripture. For the more he discerns 
the poverty of his own speech, the more he ought to draw on 
the riches of the Scripture, so that what he says in his own 
words he may prove by the words of Scripture, and he himself, 
though small and weak in his own words, may gain strength 
and power from the confirming testimony of great men. For 

•4, 3 and 4. »4, 6. 



112 AMBBIOAN JOURNAL OP PEILOLOOY. 

his proof gives pleasure when he cannot please by his mode of 
speech/'* 

''And this (perspicuity of style) must be insisted on as 
necessary to our being understood not only in conversation^ 
whether with one person or with several^ but much more in the 
case of a speech delivered in public : for in conversation anyone 
has the power of asking a question; but when all are silent that 
one may be heard^ and all faces are turned attentively upon 
him^ it is neither customary nor decorous for a person to ask 
a question about what he does not understand; and on this 
account the speaker ought to be especially careful to give assist- 
ance to those who cannot ask it. Now a crowd anxious for 
r^ instruction generally shows hy its movements if it understands 
^ what is said, and untU some indication of this sort be given, the 
^ subject discussed ought to be turned over and over, and put in 
every shape and form and variety of expression, a thing which 
cannot be done by men who are repeating words prepared be- 
V forehand and committed to memory. As soon, however, as the 
r speaker has ascertained that what he says is understood, he 
ought either to bring his address to a close or pass on to another 
point. For if a man gives pleasure when he throws light upon 
\ points on which people wish instruction, he becomes weari- 
some when he dwells at length upon things that are already well 
known, especially when men's expectations were fixed on having 
^ the difficulties of the passage removed." • 

In the last part of the De Doctrina Christiana,^ Augustine 
mentions those who memorize or simply reed the speedies of 
others, but he does so entirely as a condescendon. He says in 
part that there are some men who have a good ddivery, but 
cannot compose anything to deliver. Now it is permissible for 
such men to take what has been written with wisdom and elo- 
quence by others, and commit it to memory and deliver it to the 
people, provided they do it openly. In this way, he says, many 
become preachers of the truth, which is very desirable, but not 
many become teachers ; for in reality they are all delivering the 
discourses which only one real teacher has composed. 
Throughout his work De Catechizandis Budibus, Augustine 

M, S. •4,26. 

*4, 28 and 30. Cf. Chapter n. 



8T. AUaUBTINBTB MBTEOD. 113 

speaks of tiie maimer of preaclimg to be employed in addressing 
the nninstructed* Here too he always assumes speaking, nat- 
urally extempore, as the proper method of preaohing in the 
church. 

Thas in discussing the fact tEat it often happens that a 
discourse Tehich gives pleasure to the hearer is distasteful to 
Hie speaker, he says, '^ Indeed with me too, it is almost always 
the fact that my q>eeoh displeases myself. For I am covetous 
of something better, the possession of which I frequently enjoy 
within me before I commence to body it forth in intelligible 
words : and then when my capacities of expression prove inferior 
to my inner apprehensions, I grieve over iiie inability which my 
tongue has betmyed in answering to my heaiA. For it is my 
wish that he who hears me should have the same complete 
understanding of the subject which I myself have; and I per- 
ceive that I fail to speak in a manner calculated to effect lliat, 
and that this arises mainly from the circumstance that the 
intellectual apprehension diffuses itself through the mind with 
something like a rapid fiadi, whereas the utterance is slow, and 
occupies tim^ and is of a vastly different nature, so that, nvhile 
this latter is moving on, the intellectual apprehension has 
lAready withdrawn itself witiiin its secret «l>ode.'' He says that 
often in his desire to express himself in exact accordance with 
his intellectual apprehension at the time, he fails while engaged 
in the very effort. Accordingly he becomes discouraged and 
wearied, and the discourse itself becomes even more languid 
and iK>intles8 than it was when it first caused him such a sense 
of tediousness.^ 

Augustine says further, ^* Bui ofttimes the eamestnesa of 
those who are desirous of hearing me shows me that my utterance 
is not so frigid as it seems to myself to le. From the delight, 
too, which they exhibit, I gather thai they derive some profit 
from it. And I occupy mysdf sedulously with the endeavor 
not to fail in putting before them a service in which I perceive 
ihem to take in such good part what is put before them.'' 
Augustine continues to say that a person is listened to witii 
much greater satisfaction when he himself takes pleasure in his 
work, because his very words are affected by the joy which he 

S 



114 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

shares in pronoiuHsing them. Accordingly it is comparatively 
easy to lay down rules as to where narration should commence 
and end^ how it should be varied^ etc. ; but how it shall be done 
so that one may have pleasure in his work when he catechizes, 
for on this largely depends his success^ that requires the greatest 
consideration.'^ • 

In giving some reasons why one's speech seems so weak and 
inferior to one's thoughts^ Augustine says, '^ because our intelli- 
gence is better pleased and more thoroughly arrested by that 
which we perceive in silence in the mind, and because we have 
no indination to have our attention called off from it to a noise 
of words coming far short of representing it; or from the cir- 
cumstance that even when discourse is pleasant, we have more 
delight in hearing or reading things which have been expressed 
in a superior manner, and which are set forth without any care 
or anxiety on our part, than putting together, with a view 
to the comprehension of others, words suddenly conceived, and 
leaving it an uncertain issue, on the one hand, whether such 
terms occur to us as adequately represent the sense and, on the 
other, whether they he accepted in such a manner as to profit/* * 

As Augustine goes on discussing the various remedies to be 
applied to a weary audience, he saye, '* But in a good truth if 
is a serious demand to make upon us, to continue discoursing 
on to the set limit when we fail to see our hearers in any degree 
moved; whether it he that, under the restraints of the awe of 
religion, he has not the loldness to signify his approval (y voice, 
or hy any movement of his hody, or that he is kept hack (y the 
modesty proper to man, or that he does not understand our 
sayings, or that he counts them of no value. Since, then, this 
must he a matter of uncertainty to us, as we cannot discern his 
mind, it hecomes our duty in our discourse to make trial of all 
things which may he of any ovat! in stirring him up and draW' 
ing him forth as it were from his place of concealment.** ^^ 

'* It is likewise a frequent occurrence," says Augustine, '* that 
one who at first listened to us witii all readiness, becomes ex- 
hausted either by the effort of hearing or by standing, and now 
no longer commends what is said but gapes and yawns, and, 
though unwillingly, exhibits a disposition to depart. When we 

• 4. •14. "18. 



8T. AUGXJBTINMPB METHOD. 116 

observe that, it beoames our duty to refresh his mind by saying 
something seasoned with an «honest cheerfulness and adapted to 
the matter which is being discussed, or something of a very won- 
derful and amazing order, or even, it may be, something of a 
painful and mournful nature. Whatever we say thus may be all 
the better if it affects him himself more inmiediately, so that the 
quick sense of self -concern may keep his attention on the alert/' 
However, we should be careful not to offend but rather con- 
ciliate, he says. We may even offer our congregation seats, 
especially if it is small and appears heedless. Or we may say 
something very striking to bring them away from tiie cause of 
their inattention.^ 

Augustine says further, ''I wish you to keep in mind the 
fact that the mental effort is of one kind in the case of the 
person who dictates, with a future reader in his view, and that 
it is of quite another kind in the case of a person who speaks 
with a present hearer to whom to direct his attention. And 
further, it is to be remembered that, in this latter instance, in 
particular, the effort is of one kind, when one is admonishing 
in private, and when there is no other person at hand to pro- 
nounce judgment on us; whereas it is of a different order when 
one is conveying any instruction in public, and when there 
stand around him an audience of persons holding dissimilar 
opinions; and again, that in this exercise of teaching, the effort 
will be of one sort when only a single individual is being in- 
structed, while all the rest listen, like persons judging or attest- 
ing things well known to them, and that it will be different 
when all those who are present wait for what we have to deliver 
to them; and once more, that, in this same instance, the effort 
will be one thing when all are seated, as it were, in private 
conference with a view to engaging in some discussion, and that 
it will be quite another thing when the people sit silent and 
intent on giving attention to some single speaker who is to 
address them from a higher position.'' He continues that it 
will likewise make a difference in one's discourse whether one 
is addressing few or many; learned or unlearned, or bolb classes 
combined; city-4>red or rustics, or both mingled together; or 
whether again the audience is composed of all classes of men in 

»19. 



116 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEIL01X>QY. 

due proportion. AU such sitoafcioiis are bound to affect the 
speaker in different ways, and influence his ways, and accord- 
ingly produce different effects on the congregatioB. ''I am a 
witness to you, as regards my own experience/' says Augustine, 
** that I find myself variously moved, according as I see before 
me for the purpose of catechetical instruction, a highly educated 
man, a poor man, a private individual, a man of honors, a person 
occupying some position of authority, an individual of ihis or 
another nation, of ihis or another age or sex, one proceeding 
from this or another sect, from this or another common error, — 
and ever in accordance wUh the difference of my feelings does 
my discourse itself set out, go on, and reach its end/' " 

Spinning with section 24, Augustine presents a lype sermon, 
such as he himself would give to catechumens.^* It is remark- 
able how this discourse lacks the liveliness and the viridness 
common to his r^ular seimons. This deficiency may be due 
paiiiiy to its being merely a sermon for illustration, but chiefly, 
we fed sure, to its being a carefully written discourse, L e. 
written as he was dictating the entire work of the De Catechi- 
xandis Budibus, and not delivered without written assistance 
and recorded at the moment, as we have every reason to believe 
that his r^ular senmons were.^* 

We have already had occasion to quote the last sentence of 
tiie Betractations where according to the correct reading Augus- 
tine speaks of his letters as dictatas and his sermons as didos.^ 
Possidlus in his life of Augustine says: ''In private and in 
public, at home and in the church, Augustine taught and 
preached the word of salvation both by his finished books and by 
extemporaneous seimons/' ^* Confectus meaning '' composed,'' 
"written," ''finiahed," or ''elaborate" was in common use 

••23. "Cf. Chapter VH. 

"Of. 51, and end of 23. **Cf. Introduction. 

^Et dooebttt ac prsedkabat iUe piivatim et pubUoe in domo et in 
eoolesia salutiB verbum Ubris oonfectia et repentinis aennonibua. Much 
infonnation on Augoatine's manner of preaching is obtained from the 
Vita 6. Aurelii Augostini of Poesidius, Bishop of Guehna, This is a 
most tr u stworthy source, because Possidius was on very intimate tenns 
with Augustine for forty years, and expressly says that he is r^ating 
only what he has actually seen and heard. 



BT. AUaUSTINB'B MBTEOD. 117 

even in dassical tiines.^^ In this statement from FossidiuSy 
confedis stands in sharp contrast with repentinis, which can 
scarcely mean anything else than ^^not prepared before in 
writing'' (lit *' sudden'') " 

Fossidius tells also of an incident which gives added testimony 
as to the manner in which Augustine preached. On returning 
one day from the church to his group of pupils, Augustine 
remarked: ''Did you take notice that iboth the beginning and 
the ending of my sennon in the diurch today worked out con- 
trary to my usual custom? For I did not explain to its con- 
clusion the subject which I had propounded, but left it in 
suspense." ''I suppose that i>erhaps the Lord wished some 
wanderer among the people to be taught and healed by our 
forgetfulness and error; for in His hands are we and all our 
utterances. For while I was investigating the margins of the 
question proposed, by a digression of speech I passed over to 
something else, and so, without finishing or explaining the ques- 
tion, I ended my discourse by attacking the error of the 
Manichaeans — aibout which I had intended to say nothing in my 
discussion — ^rather than by speaking about those things which 
I had intended to explain.'' ^* Fossidius relates further that 
on the very next day, a merchant, Firmus by name, appeared 
begging to be taken into the true fold and away from the 
Manichaeans. 

In a letter to his bosom friend Alypius, Bishop of Tagaste,^ 
Augustine gives another instance of his speaking extempore, or 
with but slight previous meditation on the subject. He says, 
'' We must not fail to inform your charity of what was done, 
that with us you may give thanks to God for the favor received, 
in behalf of which your prayers were united with ours. Soon 
after your departure, it was announced that the men were 
tumultuous, and said they could not suffer that feast to be 
abolifihed, from which, by calling it Laetitia, they vainly at- 
tempted, as you were informed when present, to remove the idea 

^'Cf. Cicero Atfc. 6, 7, 2; aoero Fam. 3, 11, 4; Caesar B. O. 1, 29; 
Quintilian 10, 1, 19; Nepos Ait. 18, 6; Nepos Hann. 13. 

*The meaning of repeniini is clearly iUustrated in a letter of Sido- 
niua Apdlinaria to Pope Faustos. Cf. Chapter II. 

»16. 

*2, 37 (Augostini Opera) . 



118 AMBRIOAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

of dnmkeimess. By the secret council of Almighty Ood^ it 
happened very oppoitimely for -as, that on Wednesday that 
portion of the Gospel was to be treated of in the course of 
which He says^ *' Give not that whidi is holy unto Ihe dogs, 
neither cast ye your pearls before swine/' I enlarged upon the 
crime of drunkenness as far as time would permit, and took 
up the apofirtie Paul/' etc. 

In one of his sermons, Augustine shows clearly that he was 
in the habit of thinking out his sermon beforehand, but not of 
writing it down. He says, '^ ego qui vobiscum loquor, antequam 
ad vos venirefm, cogitavi ante quod vobis dicerem. Quando 
oogitavi quod vobis dicerem, iam in corde meo veibum eral 
Non enim vobis dicerem, nisi ante cogitarem.'' *^ 

Augustine, however, often did speak entirely extempore. If 
we had no definite testimony to that effect, we could hardly 
doubt his ability to do so, if we considered has ideas on the 
manner of expressing the truths of Scripture; the emphasis 
he lays on speaking, not reading, sermons, and on watching 
the audience for evidence of its proper understanding of the 
truths expounded, and on noting the various effects of one's 
words on the hearers with a corresponding adaptation of the 
process of the sermon. The man who could preach successfully 
in this way would certainly be able to pr^K^ strictly extempore 
if the occasion demanded. 

There are several sermons, however, in which Augustine tells 
his congregation quite frankly that he has been inspired with 
the subject of his present sermon while listening to the reading 
of the Gospel, and must accordingly improvise.'* These dis- 
courses, it must be confessed, do not differ markedly from the 
average run of Augustine's homilies. Yet in the case of such 
a constant preacher as Augustine, it is difficult to dass any 
sermon as purely extempore, since he must have been more or 
less prepared to expound any well-known text of the Scripture. 

We may say then that Augustine delivered his sermons with- 
out any written assistance, after having first meditated on his 
text more or less. Too much emphasis cannot be laid on the 
fact that there is not the slightest reason to believe that AuguB- 
tine ever wrote (or dictated) a sermon, and then read it or 

^226,8. ** See Chapter VI. 



BT. AUGUSTINSrS METHOD. 119 

deliyered it from memory. Indeed every statement of Augus- 
tine himself excludes the idea. 

vi. augustinb^s constant tjsb op the notabius in every 
Phase of his literaby Aiottvity. 

Augustine's sermons were recorded and have been preserved 
to us through the ecclesiastical shorthand writers. That notarii 
were present in the church when Augustine preached is ex- 
pressly stated by Possidius. He says^ ^' Even the heretics them- 
selves gathered together and listened with the Catholics most 
eagerly to these books and treatises which issued and flowed 
forth by the wonderful grace of Gk>d^ filled with abundance of 
reason and the authority of Holy Scripture; each one also who 
would or oould, bringing reporters and taking down what was 
said.'' ^ And, '^ The Donatists, in particular, who lived in Hippo 
and the neighboring towns, brought his addresses and writings 
to their bishops." * 

Augustine, too, in a letter to the consuls Theodosius and 
Yalentinianus, speaks of the Notaaii Ecdesiae. In this letter 
he quotes from one of his sermons delivered previously, in whidi 
he specially called the attention of his audience to the fact that 
notarii were taking down his words and their exclamations of 
applause.* 

This common use of the notarius in the diurches of other 
early fathers has already been discussed,^ but in a letter 
written jointly witii Alypius to Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage, 
Augustine seems to show that it was customary among preachers 
of the time to leave the shorthand reports of their sermons 
untranscribed until they saw fit to make use of them. In this 
letter, Augustine congratulates Aurelius on the excellent ser- 
mons whidi the priests gave in his presence and begs that some 
of them be sent to him. He says, ^'Cbsecimmus te per eum 
qui tibi ista donevit, et populum, cui servis, hac per te bene- 

* 213. A Kotariis Eoclesiae, sicut oemitiB, exoipiiintar quae dicimus, 
ezdpiuntar quae dicitia, et meus sermo et vestrae acdamationes in 
terrain non cadunt. 

«€f. Ohi^^ter III. 



120 AJiBRIOAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGT. 

dictioiie perfudit^ at iubeaa singulos quoe volueris sennones 
eorum oonscriptosy et emendatos mitti ndbis/'* The words 
canscriptoa and emendatos in this connection naturally mean 
to be written up from &b shorthand reports with whatever 
changes the preacher desired in his more or less extemporaneous 
and 80 perhaps careless statements. 

Degert (loc. cit) makes a great deal of a passage from 
Possidius to support his belief that Augustine wrote out most 
of his sermons before delivery. The words of Possidius are^ 
^'Tanta auteon ab eodem dictata et edita sunt^ tantaque in 
ecdesia disputata, ezcepta atque emendatti, vel adversus diveisos 
haereticoe^ vel ex oanonicis libris exposita ad aedificationem 
sanctorum ecdesiae filiorum, ut ea omnia vix quisquam studio- 
sorum perlegere et nosse su£5ciat.''* Possidius however dis- 
tinguishes clearly here between Augustine's finished woricB, 
dictated (dictata) and published (edita), and his disputations 
in the churches^ taken down (excepta) and emended (emendata). 
The sense here regarding Augustine's disputations or sermons 
is clearly the same as tlmt respecting the sermons which Augus- 
tine himself speaks of in the passage quoted just above. The 
discourses were taken down by notarii, transcribed from the 
shorthand notes^ and emended before circulation. 

Augustine's entire life was very intimately connected with 
the shorthand writers. That he made use of notarU in the 
privacy of his study^ is attested not only by frequent allusions 
to them^ often by name, in his own writings/ but also by the 
statements of Possidius. The latter says, ''But when such 
things had been arranged and set in order, iJien, as though freed 
from consuming and annoying cares, his soul rebounded to the 
more intimate and lofty thoughts of the mind in order eith^ 
to ponder on the discovery of divine truth or to dictate some 
of the things already discovered or else to emend some of 
the works which had been previously dictated and then tarn- 
scribed." • 

Tbe intimate and important position of the notarius in the 
life of Augustine and his friends is shown by the manner in 

• 41, 2. • 18. 

'Cf. P. L. (Opera Augustini) 2, 26; 2, 486; 2, 400; 3, 66; 9, 807; etc. 

*24. Of. also 18, quoted above. 



8T. AUaUSTINB'B METHOD. 121 

wbich fhey speak of the shorthand writer in iiieir private cor- 
respondence. ThuSy to cite only a few out of many passages of 
iins sorty Jerome writes to Angnstine and laments the lack, in 
Palestine, of noiaaii that have a good knowledge of Latin.* 
Evodins writes to Angnstine in mxidi distress over the loss of 
a particularly bright notarius.^^ In one instance Augustine has 
just received a letter from a certain Seleuciana) in which he is 
informed of the very curious theological opinion of one of his 
acquaintances. In answering this letter, Augustine, unable to 
believe that the person in question could have entertained such 
a belief, suggests that the notcMrius has taken down the letter 
from dictation inaccurately, or has deliberately falsified the 
note when copying it into longhand. The possibility of his 
friend^s not having a notanus does not enter his mind.^^ 
Furthermore the discussions of Augustine with his associates at 
Cassiciacnm, taken down by the ever-present notcurius, form the 
substance of the books '^Against the Academics,'' ''On the 
Order of Providence,*' and " On the Happy Life." ** 

Not onl^ did Augustine employ ihe notarius for the well-known 
duties of the scholar's secretary, but he also found bim ; indis- 
pensable for reporting his oral debates witii heretics. In such 
cases the notarii acted ofiScially just as court stenographers do 
today. It was indeed from these shorthand records that Augus- 
tine was later able to make the compendium of his various public 
dd[>ates with the Donatists, which now exists under the name, 
" Brevicuiua coUationis cum Donatistis/* *• 

Possidius, in recounting the various public ddbates in which 

*P. L. 33, 75S. Grandem Latini sernxmis in ista provinda notari- 
omm patimur penuriam; et idciroo praeoeptis tuis parere mm possu- 
mus, Tnaxime in editione Septuaginta^ quae astcriscia verubuaque 
diatincta eat. 

* ^P. L. 33, 694. Erat Btrenuua in notis, et in acribendo bene laboii- 
08U8, studioena quoque esse coeperat lectionis, ut ipse meam tarditatem 
caasa l^endi noctumia horis ezbortaretur. Coeperam eum non quasi 
poenmi et notarium habere, sed amicum quemdam satis necessarium et 
soavem. 

'^ P. L. 33, 1085. Si enim notarius non mendoae exoepit aut ecripeit, 
needo quale oor habeat qui cum Apostolos baptixatos dicat, Petrum 
baptizatum n^gat. 

»Cf. De Ordine, 1, 6. 

»P. L. 43. 



122 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSILOLOOY. 

his venerated teacher took part^ rarely faik to mention either 
the notarius or his art. Thus a certain domus regiae procurator 
at Carthage discovered a clandestine gathering of Manichaeans^ 
whom he immediately took to a board of bishops and had ex- 
amined ad tdbulas.^^ Among these bishops was Augustine him- 
self.^* Similarly, regarding Augustine's controversies with the 
Manichaeans Fortunatus (392) and Felix (404), Possidius says, 
*' TJnde oondicto die et loco oonvenerunt in unum, ooncurrentibus 
quam plurimis studiosis turbisque curiosis, et apertis notarii 
tabulis disputatio coepta primo, et secundo finita est die.'^^^ 
And also, '^ Cum quodam etiam Felice de num^x) eorum quos 
electos dicunt Manichaei, publico in Hipponensi ecdesia no- 
tariis excipientibus disputavit populo astante/'^^ 

Pascentius, the Arian, once engaged Augustine in a public 
debate, but contrary to the usual custom, positively forbade the 
use of the tablets and stylus.^* Later (427 or 428) Augustine 
overcame the Arian bishop Maximinus in public debate. From 
the diorthand accounts of this meeting Augustine was after- 
wards obliged to publish a recapitulation, since Maximinus had 
succeeded in spreading incorrect reports about the encounter.^* 

The public debates with the Donatists, however, furnish us 
with the most interesting incidents r^arding this use of notariu 
The Donatist bishop Ikneritus was refuted in public debate, 
and indeed remained silent so long in the midst of his speech 
that finally tiie notaHus himsdf urged him to continue.^ 
Augustine himself tells us of a striking incident which occurred 
at his public debate with the Donatist bishop Fortunatus. The 
regular notarii, for some unknown reason, refused to serve at 
tiie contest, regardless of any sort of inducement. Yidunteers 
were summoned from the audience. These, although willing 

**Ad tabulae; notariis ezdpientibus et in tabolas inferentibus inter- 
rogata et reBpoosft. Note in iHuerta's edition, page 36. 

« 16. » 6. " 16. 

^PossidiaSy 17. 6ed idem haereticus tabulae atque atilum, quod 
magister noster et ante oongressum, et in oongressu inatantisaime fieri 
volebat, ne adeaaent omni modo recuaat. 

» Cf. Poaaidiua, 17. 

"Poaaidiua, 16. Et alio loco, dum a notario, ut reaponderet, admo- 
neretur et reticeret, eiua ounctia manifeatata diffidentia> Ecclesiae Dei 
augmenta ac firmamenta provenerunt. 



8T. AUGUSTINE'S METHOD. 123 

enough^ were utterly unable to keep up with the rapid speech 
of the contestants and were finally obliged to stop writing.-^ 
Shorthand experts were employed in behalf of the state as well 
as the church at the famous conference of Catholic and Donatist 
bidiops at Carthage in 411. Augustine says a great deal in this 
connection in his public letter summoning all Donatists to the 
true Church, That part of the letter in which we are interested 
rea& : *^ Both your bishops and we arrived in Carthage^ and, 
although they were before unwilling and said it was not in ac- 
cordance with their dignity, we all met. Seven were selected from 
our nun^r and seven from theirs who were to be representatives 
in the debate. Then seven more were chosen from each party, 
with whom the former seven were to take counsel when there 
was need. Then four were selected from each side to have 
charge of writing up the proceedings, lest some falsehood be 
inserted by somebody. Four stenographers also were given by 
each party to alternate two at a time in doing the work of the 
judge's stenographers, lest some one of us pretend tiiat some- 
thing was said which was not taken down. To this great care 
another caution was added, that both they and we should, just 
as the judge himself, subscribe to our words, lest some one say 
afterwards that there had been some meddling, etc., etc.'' ** 

Thus did Augustine use the notarius in his various works, 
his sermons, letters, debates, and finished productions, and it is 
hard to believe that the bishop of Hippo himsdf, one of the 
busiest of men both in literary and administrative ways, ever 
perfonned the mechanical task of mere writing in connection 
with his literary productions except in the most incidental way. 
We know that his sermons were taken down by notarii as he 
delivered them. Are we to believe that he performed the 
mechanical task of copying the shorthand? 

{To he continued,) 

Boy J. Dbfebbabi. 

CAfHouo UvmnnTT ov Ambrioa. 



•Bp. 44. 

"Bp. 141, 2. Cf. also Exoerpta ad Donatistanim hiBtoriam perti* 
nentU. P. L. 43, S16, 820. 



n.— WHEN IS GENERIC MH PAETICULAB? 

The articular participle when negatived by /i^ is indefinite, 
generic, refers to a class, i fi^ Pcvkiymw^ is '^ anyone that does 
not wish''; it includes everyone that belongs in that class. 
Why^ then^ does Sophocles say dAX' ^ /loAw^ h yajISkv ctScn 
OI8/irov«y litawri vw 0. T. 397? The relative pronoun witii 
fiif is also usually generic, indefinite, yet Herodotus writes 

ravra Aiyorrov ^cfuorofcXm aSri^ 6 KopMws *ASd/wyrois ivc^^icro, 
oriySv re iccXcvvv rf fii; Icrri «arp& 8.61. It is Ihe CUStom to 

call such relative clauses characterizing, qualitative: see KiUin- 
er-Gerth H. 186, Stahl flf. (?. V. 769, Smyth § 1608. Kfamer- 
Oerth II. 202 is not so certain about the h furfS^ €iSom ''auf- 
falliger S. Ant. 771 ov riiv yt fir/ Oiywaw (wer nicht teilnahm, 
statt: sie, die nicht teilnahm). 0. B. 397 . . . ich, ein ahn- 
ungsloser Mann,'' if auffalliger applies to both examjdes. Stahl, 
p. 776, says '^ Das durch den Artikel substantivierte Partizipium 
gestattet beide Negationen; doch erscheint fiij mehr in qualita- 
tivem Sinne," and cautiously avoids any reference to cases like 
6 fjajSh^ €iSa>« Oc8iirov9. And Smyth, § 1608, after stating that 
^^ fofia often used to mark character,'' adds '' in such cases t« /c^ 
may refer to a definite person or thing," but says nothing of 
6 fof (dSJk) when used of a definite person {cf. §1623). I 
suppose the greater doubt about o (li/ arises from the fact that 
we find it easy to say a man who for U ftii, whereas we should 
translate Socrates although he was wise by &v cro^« not i dr 
cro^, feeling that the latter means that particular person whom 
you know to he wise, as distinguished from others. What right, 
indeed, have we to take cya> 6 fjofiih cSok as ^' I, though a man 
who did not know? " In iV fi^ Biyowrav Antig. 771 there is a 
case where our device of a person who does us no good, for, 
Ismene's name not being mentioned, the only possible transla- 
tion is '^ the one who did not touch." It Bhould be added that 
we are too apt to deceive ourselves with our English a man who, 
which is not always indefinite. It is not indefinite in '^ I am 
hurrying to save a man who is eager to die," for I have a defi- 
nite person in mind, but I do not say the man who because you, 
to whom I am speaking, have not heard of the case. 

124 



WESN IS GENERIO MH PARTICULARt 125 

No doid>t all of us who teach have often nsed the words 
generic, indefinite to explain a /c^^ without pausing to consider 
whether they really applied to the case in question. Our col- 
lege texts are full of examples. Take this note in Morgan's 

Lf/eiae on Mv/idirOaA Sk xp^ woripots XP^ wurrtvuv fiSXXw, ok woXXti 
fiMfuipfrvf^nun¥ 1j f firfitU rcr<iXfU7icc 7.38 : ^'foy the use of the 

plur. ols, the speaker treats himself as one of a dass, and then 
draws particular attention to his opponent by the sing. ^ /' Then 
he adds ^^ /afi^s: indef.; see on § 11/' and in § 11 there is the 
usual reference to indefinite relative dauses^ '' G. 1426^ 1428 *' 
etc But if a relative clause calls particular attention to an 
individual, how can it be indefinite? In A. J. P. XXXIII. 
443 Goodell says: ''And one dear case of Ihe generalizing 
relative clause in the indicative occurs (in Homer) : krri H 

warm I pAffTvpoiy ovs y^ f^P^ ^fio'^ Au^roco ^4pcfwnu B 302. No will 

is conceivable here^ no passionate protest^ nothing to differ- 
entiate this from the Attic idiom. o6 might just as easily have 
been used^ even to the meter, only with different tone^ lacking 
the generalization.'' I suppose that the late Professor Qooddl 
knew exactly what he meant when he called this relative clause 
generalizing; but^ the antecedent of wk being you, the subject 
of Irri, I confess to a feeling of protest. Just what do we mean 
when we call a phrase generalizing that refers to a particular 
individual? Presumably, that it puts that individual into a 
dass. But all adjectives and many relative clauses do that 
without making /c^ possible. In '' Socrates, though not a rich 
man, has bought this place," Socrates is classified with the not- 
ridi, but no one would think of translating by U /c^, or dv /i^, 
while 6 pii &¥ vAoucriov would be even more inconceivable, if 
there are degrees in the inconceivable. Qualifying and charcLC- 
tending may be applied to most relative clauses. Does the 
writer, then, use /i^ where he wishes to emphasize character, 
that is, practically when he pleases? Few would admit that in 
the classical period the writer had such liberty, od is necessary 
in a relative dause when the writer makes an assertion, conveys 
information. Is it possible, then, to lay down a rule that o« fuij 
is diaracterizing, but is used only when the fact contained in 
the relative dause is already well known and does not need to 
be asserted? In the examples of U i^i and 6 yai that refer to 
definite individuals I shall have occasion to point out that the 



126 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOQY. 

fad contained in the clause or phrase has almost always been, 
stated in what precedes^ usually in the immediate context; 
occasionally it is so self-evident that it does not need statement^ 
as in B302, where Agamemnon would hardly be expected to 
inform his audience that they are not dead. Yet, while this 
previous knowledge is an important element in all the examples 
of 09 yiri and 6 luri with which I am acquainted, it is not enough, 
in itself, to explain the fi^. Let us compare with 6 ftaj^ ci8»« 
oa/irow the following from Soph. Track. 773 ivr<A6a S^ 'prnftn, 

rhv SwrSal/Mfva Ai;(ay, t6v ovSkv turuw rw acv kokov. Why is ov used 

here? Because Lichas is a definite person? But so is Oedipus. 
Is Tov oMih idruov less characterizing than 6 ii^ij^ c28«k? By no 
means ; and it is quite possible to say '^ though a man who was 
not guilty.'^ Does, then, tAv o^8^ alrwv convey information? 
Hardly. ITo one knew better than Deianeira, to whom HyUus 
is speaking, that Lichas was in no way to blame. 

The articular participle with fi^ is common in connection 
with partitive genitives, as 'AApWWol /i^ /SovAoficvoi roSg woK^aIok 
fidx€<r6ai v^' v/amy kok^ vwrwrax Lys. 14. 15. Here the Atheni- 
ans are divided into two classes, those who are not willing to 
fight, and thoee who are willing; and the two classes together 
make up the whole body. ITormally, at least, w. yai PcvXift^yot 
means all that are in the class, as it does in Lys. 14. 15. No 
doubt there are examples where the context suggests that, while 
the action affects the class, every individual in the class need 
not be thought of. I should be inclined to so interpret 

fiaXurra ST iavKOff^dvnjin rwv vircvtfvroiv rovf /ii^SH^ '^SuctjK^rais Aeschin. 

1. 107. We call oi fiii ^ovAo/acvo4 indefinite, and it may be so^ 
in the sense that the speaker need not know all who are in the 
class. But it is quite possible that particular persons should 
be in mind. Thus in 6 £kap€io9 ravn^s ixo/uvoq r^ wpo^amoi 

Karfurrpi^KrOai r^ "EXXoSo? rcnK /ii^ Sovran avnp yijv rt koX vBmp Hdt. 

6. 94 there is no suggestion that Darius did not know exactly 
who had not submitted; yet fi^ is right because the whole body 
is divided into two classes. Plato speaks of rh Sucaia and rh, /4 
BUaia knowing what he would put in the latter claes. His ideas 
are quite definite on that subject. When a body, then, is divided 
into two classes that are opposites, ol (Svrt^) and ol /i^ {Svr€%) 
are the correct terms, whether or not the exact individuals are 
known. Further, the body or group thus divided may be of 



WHEN 18 GENBRIO MH PARTICULAltf 127 

any size. It may be all maiikind ; it may be the Athenians (Lys. 
14. 15) ; it may be a small body of Athenian officials (Aeschin. 
1. 107). There may be ten people in the group; and if nine 
of these are just and one unjust, there seems to be no reason 
why we should not, in referring to that one, use the phrase tw 
iiifa 6 ^rf SiicouK, even if it is known which of the ten is the 
unjust one. From this point of view all examples with which 
I am acquainted can be satisfactorily explained. The rule, then, 
ia: o fiff with a participle (or adjective) may apply to a definite 
individual (proper name or personal pronoun) when that indir 
vidual is the only one of a group lelonging to a certain class, 
the others being of the opposite class, and when it is well-known 
that he is of that class. I shall take a few of the best known 
examples for full discussion. In the other cases ^ I shall briefly 
cite the proof that the 6 /Arf individual is the only one of hii 
kind in a group. 
Soph. Antig. 771: 

&fL^ yoip avroi icol KaraicTCivai rods; 
w rqv ye fjof tftyovooy. 



There are two {afufxo) people in the group. Antigone is 4 
Biyovaa, Ismene ^ firj Biyowra. The question is asked by the 
Chorus and Creon answers. In their presence Antigone has 
stated (546) that Ismene had nothing to do with the burial, 
using this very verb— fii; /am $dyjp <rv jcocfcC, firfi* & fjiif 'tftycv wouw 
^mirnj9. This example is of special interest because it is almost 
the only one in which the phrase is not attached to a proper 
name or personal pronoun. Yet one has not the slightest doubt 
who is meant, and no one would attempt to translate otherwise 
than by "not the one that did not touch.'' Jebb makes no 
remark on the firj. Doubtless, if the phrase had followed Is- 
mene's name, we should have had his usual, and to me meaning- 
less, paraphrase ^ who is as if she had not touched.'' IVOoge 
says the /uf is used " as if there might still be some doubt about 
her having put her hand to the deed " ; to Humphreys '' the ftif 
implies a logical condition, a concession of her innocence." 

* I am indebted for many of the examples used throughout this paper 
to Qallaway, On the Use of M4 with the Participle in Clasaioal Oreek, 
J. H. U. diss., Baltimore, Md., 1897. 



128 AMBRIOAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Eur. /. A. 382 : 

XiUrpa XFrffrr ipf% Xapuv; 
ovjc 2^(oifi' Ik croc wofwrxd^ ' &r y^ iicnjam, xaic^ 

Agamemnon is speaking to Menelaus. They are the only people 
inyolved. Note the emphatic iyi and trmv. Agamemnon diarges 
that Menelaus himself is to blame for the loss of Helen. jca««k 
llPX'^f ^^ sAys^ and adds mv kokAv. Of the two, then, he him- 
self must be the one who has not erred. It was no fault of his 
that Helen had been carried off. Many others had nothing to 
do with it, but they are not here in mind. '' Am / to be pun- 
ished for your fault, I, the guiltless, for you, the guilty? '* 

Dem. 19. 31: ^ jSovX^ 8^ 4 M^ KmXvOda' Aicovaat rAXafS^ wop' ifuv. 
The contrast is between the jSovXi; and the iKicXtjtriaL. The oisembb/ 
was the one that was prevented from listening to Demosthenes, 
the senate was the one that was not prevented. The following 
extracts make the situation dear. § 18. vopcXtfoir S' iy^ wdm 

rAKtfS^ wphu rifw PoMfv din/yyccXa . • • ml iwtun ravra r^ )3ovXi/r. 
hruS^l S* l}iccy i} ^icjcXi|(ria . • • waptX0mt AUrx^ytfi • • • <b>^ .... 
§ 23. tcarifivf fuiXa ayju^. A^aarhs 8' iym ravrd r' o&c l^ip clScnu, ical 
iwufi^fufw Ti \iY€iw Tovrwr £v ds r^ jSovA^ dvifyyoAa km wapourr^ 6 
fik¥ Mat, 6 S* A^, .... liSoMK . . . ^li^ S* ^ycXarc, koX o&r* lUov- 

Dem. 19. 221: dy^at ravr' ipd, otkowut' d ii>* ols 6 fii^ 6riovr 
dSucMr i^Povfifi¥ iym fi^ &^ rovrow dinSXi»fuUy rC rovrov? v/MKnyjco ««- 
0dy roif a^rrofts TSucijjcaros; And, again, in § 224, ScSociea • . . ^ 
r^ likv frvvtirunrdatfrOi fu row /JLiji* iruvv d&jcowra, vvw V Atnurtwrm" 

Kins^rt. There were ten ambassadors and Demosthenes, ac- 
cording to his own story, was '' the only one who had not done 
anything at all that was wrong.'' In § 229 FhHocrates, Aes- 
chines, and Fhrynon are mentioned as the real traitors, but 
nowhere in the speech is there a suggestion that anyone but 
Demosthenes himself had acted as duly to his country required. 
And 'there is one passage that pretly plainly intimates that 
all the others had accepted something from Philip — UArr^ 

wfHKTwifiwtnt iBiq, tad wokv y€ &Sovf )(pva{o¥, mi 8' dvcrvyx>u«y 6to v Si^- 
irorc, ov ydip i/U y dwtty i/tavrw Sd (§ 167). Aesdlines bimge lf 

(2. 97) says none of the other ambassadors would have any- 
thing to do with Demosthenes, in so far corroborating the lat- 
ter's division of the embassy into two groups, himself and the 



WEEN IS GENERIC MH PARTICULAR? 129 

rest. It fihould also be observed tbat^ while firj^ oriovv dSac«5v 
emphasizes Demosthenes' imiocence, it leaves it open to us to 
infer that some of the others may have done very little that was 
wrong. 

Soph, 0. T. 390 : 

im, ^€p' dvi, w€v av fjuaam^ d oti^i^; 

ffiSas Ti rood's' dfrroUnv ^icXvn/pcov; 
iMuroc t6 y <dviy/jJ ov^t roviruWos ^y 
Avipos SuiwuPf dXAa fuurrdas ISo. 
Tfv o\rr* dv' clUamv av vpav^vrp Ixn^ 
our' ^jc 0c«0y rev yvwr6v ' dXX* iyw /Aokmp, 
6 firjSkv c28ais OlSitnvi, iwavcd vtv, 
yriafJLjj Kvpn^tn^ ovS' Av* occdvwv ftaOwv, 

I have kept this^ probably the best known^ example until now^ 
because in the preceding passages the groups, Antigone and 
lamene^ Agamemnon and Menelaus^ the Senate and the Assem- 
bly^ and tiie ten ambassadors are such evident groups that it is 
impossible to avoid seeing them. I believe also that Oedipus 
calls himself 6 fi^rfih^ ccSco^ only in contrast with Teiresias. A 
careful reading of the whole context will lead to that condu- 
sion^ but the other examples may help to overcome objections. 
Teiresias is a professional knower {ov /lovrts; /lavretas iSa.) ; 
Oedipus was ' untaught of birds.' He had, in fact, guessed the 
riddle without help from anyone — S^yi^Awm^aKXrfpa^SMScvSfur- 

l$hi^ . . . loalravff ^^' i^fiw oiS^ liaS^ wXwv o^' ^fcSiSax^c/sll. 35 ff. 

Dem. 37. 8, 28, 57: ifuw rw /jltj^ ivi&rffjujwroi. NicobuluB 

(the speaker), Fantaenetus, and Euergus are alone involved 

(see §4). Nicobulus was the only one out of town: ^ /i^ 

hcwXiuv cfe r^ Uwrw cMvs tfx'^M^* <Aroi (Fantaenetus) S' Mdl^ ^ 

Ktu Eflb€fyyog (§ 6). Dem. 45. 38 vftJas • . . roits f^rfia^ fjLrjSa^jJat rw 

wfidyfiaro^ jyyv«. By vfias is meant Stephanus and his associ- 
ates (§8). With them are contrasted (§38) hcdvmK, who 
are Nicodes and Fasides, guardian and ward (§ 37). The 
argument is Ihat, if these two had not testified to the con- 
tents of the SuiOrjKiUy Stephanus and his associates had no 
right to do so, for they, in comparison with the former, 
knew nothing. Compare oiroi (Stephanus et ai,) 8' <A7^ 

i( dp)(9« «€ 9€Lfnj<mw Ix^Mcv Ay cZvcSk, oSr' AvoixjShf dSoy irp^ rep Suu- 
3 



130 AMSBIOAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ryfTQ ro ypafifuirdo¥ (§23). — ^Antiph. 5. 65: i/uH, ftkv ykp r^ fi^f 
ilfyyaa'fiiy^ r o trtwr w t6 fwxpSfraTov r^ dirofcpuntic iarip^ in ovjc d/yyour- 

fioi • rf Sk wov^mvn ^^iCa. iarlv ij dvoSci^. The man that commit- 
ted the murder is contrasted with ''me the one (of the two) 
that did not do it/' The accused^ of course^ has frequently 
asserted his innocence. Compare wcfLb^oSvovjcavr^oTriosclfurov 

wpdyfrnrag , . . diroSSeucTai (§ 64). ^Antiph. 2. a. 3 : riji 0* i/u- 

rifios dfJUOLfyrias i} iroii^ ds 'ifus rovi fjof SuoolChh iimKomK draxoipd. 

i/uripa^ refers to the judges^ the representatives of ihe ir((Ac9. '1%e 
whole state is polluted wMle the guilty man goes unpunished ; but, 
of course^ we^ the prosecutors^ are not pursuing the wrong man, 
for^ if we do, the penalty for your fault (in leaving the guilty 
unpunished) comes upon us, the particular ones (in the state) 

that do not prosecute justly.'* ^Isaeus 1. 11: ij/ia« . . . rois 

fjojSh drrov (Cleonymus) rfBucfiKirai. The claimants (4/ias) are 
contracted with Deinias, the enemy (§§ 9, 10) of Cleonymus, 

the testator. ^Isaeus 3. 63: Bcyo#cX4^ r^ iafia.iij6B€¥ ikrf^ybfu 

wpoaiiKorra Uvppiff. Xenodes is the husband of I^iile, wbo 
claims to be a legitimate daughter of Pyrrhus, whose estate is in 
question. The speaker argues that, if Fhile were legitimate, 
tiiere were several relatives of Fyrrhus who would have claimed 
the heiress, and would not have yidded her to Xenodes, '' the 
only one (of those involved) that was not in anyway related 
to Pyrrhus.'' In this case the fact that Xenodes was not related 
has not been definitdy stated before, though it might, perhaps, 
be inferred from his taking the girl with a very small dowry, 

<ttc i$ haipa^ aiaav (§ 61). ^Isaeus 4, 14. The judges {vfm) 

are contrasted with the legal witnesses of a will. If it is pos- 
sible to deceive the latter as to the contents, how much more the 
judges, who in the nature of the case know nothing of the 
matter, rov^ firjSh^ rov wfiiy/iaTo^ cA&Srof. Aristoph. Wasps 

1048 : rovro /ikv oiv i<r$* vfU¥ aJUrxpov rots firj yvownp wapaxfnjfio, 6 Sk 
iroifiTij9 ovSkv y€H^*^ vapk rtMn awf^di^ vtvofiurrai. The poet divides 

the audience into two classes, oi o-cx^i, who vote for him and 
oi fuf yvoKr€9, who vote for his competitor. In prose it would 
be more natural to use the partitive genitive v/jmv; but, as the 
Clouds had not got the prize the year before (virft rov firj ynmu, 
1. 1045), he addresses the majority of the audience as r6l% fi^ 
yvovaiv. Xen. Hell., 6. 1. 11. The Thessalians and Athe- 
nians are in contrast. The former have abundance of grain. 



Wnmf 18 GENERIC MH PARTICULARf 131 

even for export. The Athenians are tows fiiyS* avrois Uavdvlxovros, 
4f ft^ ir/Ma»Frot, a fact too well known to need statement. 

Xen. Symf, 2. 4 : oIkow viom ftkw Ay dij ravra * -Sj/jm Sk rov9 /jajKiri 
yv/nniofUyovi rim ^cty Sei/ana; The ^fB^ of the young is iXatov 

Tov ^ yvfufocrtois (§3). Lycon, the father of Autolycus^ asks 
what is the fitting 6a^ of the old, toUk fjoiKin yvfjontofUvtns. 

^Eur. Helen 1289: rir vapAm, fth^ (n-ipyuv woa-iy xPVy '''^^ ^ 

/LffKer* &¥T* lay. Menelaiis, the speaker^ is the husband that no 
longer lives (U. 1196^ 1286)^ Theodymenus is liv wapovra 
woatv. The words^ of conrse^ are spoken to Helen and Theody- 
menns with the usual dramatic irony. As in Antigone til, the 
proper name or personal pronoun is lacking here; but it is 
plain that Menelaus is meant, and the fu/iceri can not be ex- 
plained as in the ordinary generic use. — Thuc. 6. 80. 5: 

(Ticovarc oSy koI alpdtrOt ^fSij ^ ri^v avruca AiciySvy«0$ SovAccav tj k&v irc^- 
ycyofiercM fjutS^ ^ftMv rovcrSc re fi^ alirxp^ Scmrtfros AajSav koI rifr wp^ 

i^fftof ^po¥ fji^ Av ppax&iv y€¥Ofiiinfjy &a^vyciv. The example is of a 
somewhat different kind, but ri/v irpis i^fias Ix^pav is definite, 
and, as iv • . . ytvophrqv is equivalent to av with the optative, 
that is an additional reason for ob rather than /a^. In contrast 
with the enmity of the Syractisans (i^fias) the context suggests, 
without actually expressing, the enmity of the Athenians, The fif 
PptKxdaof seems also to be opposed to axnUa (LcivSimiK, for, if the 
Athenians are victorious, the Camarinaeans will have (in their 
slavery) only a momentary freedom from danger, for the enmity 
of the Syracusans will be lasting. The explanation is not quite 
convincing, but it is at least better than cdling fi^ generic with- 
out attaching any meaning to the term. The 6 . . . ik-qS^ ir 
6iiiaai in Dem. 54. 40 is clearly generic, though the speaker 
has himself in mind, as the following f/a> rocwv 6 ^utau&rtpov aw 
vurrcv^s & shows. The case is put generally before the par- 
ticular example of tiie type is introduced. Soph. Ajax 1229 : 

$ wov Tftat^s Ay M^P^ cvyevovs ^iro v^X' i^^wvu^ Kdir' Sxptay a>&K- 
w6p€i/Sf ir' a^Siw &¥ tov fiffS^ AvT«rtri9Zir€p; Electra 1163 : & fi* dra- 
kejiK . . • TOiydip <rv 8c^ fi' h to abv roSe orcyosy r^ M^T^ c2« Tb 

fjofih^f «i9 <rvy otM kotw vaCia Tb Xoivop, In these two examples, 
though the participle is lacking, the reason for the ft^ should 
be the same as in the others. Sophocles is fond of these fu^Scy, 
oMcy effects, and his meaning is by no means always dear. 
A rigid application of our rule gives a fairly satisfactory result. 



132 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

In the Ajax passage Teucer is addressed and the mXh &v means 
that he is not /juqTpo^ cvycvov$ a«t>. Tov futfiiv is Ajax and, if he 
is called this in contrast to Teuoer, being the one of the group 
of two that is t^rfiiv, it is because he is dead. The word-play 
gets its point from the different meanings that the context 
gives the negatives. This^ I think^ is better than Jebb's '^ being 
naught ... for him who is as naught.'' I do not find con- 
vincing the assertion that '^ the only difference between the two 
expressions is that the phrase with ^1178^ is, in effect, somewhat 
more emphatic, and (here) more bitter, since it implies a 
mental act of comparison, with the result of deciding that this 
particular person is no more than a nonentity.'' In the Eledra 
passage the negative in cc? to /jufiiv is generic and the meaning 
of the phrase is fixed by ^ oifv troi Karo> valm; but when Electra 
calls herself rijv fofiiv, it must be in a sense that is opposed to 
what Orestes is, and, therefore does not mean iV Au^ouoay 
(Jebb) in spite of riSvriK* iyw aol (1152). Electra means that 
she, in comparison with Orestes, is worthless. 

Since the relative clause and the articular participle are not 
identical in meaning there is no necessity that they should 
follow exactly the same lines of development. However, it 
would be difficult to make a distinction in meaning between a 
relative clause and an articular participle that refer to a proper 
name or personal pronoun, and we shall find that the rule given 
above for the articular participle with fjoj generally holds good 
for the relative clause with fiSj, though in some cases the inter- 
pretation given is not the only possible one, but rather one that 
is quite equal in probability to another. The dependence of the 
relative clause should be observed. A relative clause with 06 
after a definite antecedent may be quite unessential, but in these 
cases the pdnt of the principal clause rests upon the relative. 

Hdt. 8. 61 : ravra Xcyoyrog Bt/wrrotckm airvs 6 Kopiv$io9 *A&i- 
futrro€ iw€^4p€T0f ciya^ r€ jccXciW rf fuj i<m mrpk. The occasion 

is a council of the Greek irrparriyoi (8. 58) before the battle of 
Salamis. It is a fair assumption (see Macan on 8. 49) that 
there was not more than one orpar^n^ from each state repre- 
sented by a naval contingent; probably, indeed, the smaller 
contingents were not separately represented. Eurybiades is the 
frrparrgyos of the Spartans and the commander-in-chief (8. 2), 
Themistodes is the urparriyos of the Athenians (8. 4), Adei- 



WHEN IS GENERIC MH PARTICULAR? 133 

mantus of the Corinthiaiis (8. 5) . Athens was now completely in 
the hands of the enemy (8. 53)^ but the only other state which 
could possibly have a arftarrpfo^i of its own and which the Per- 
sians might by this time have occupied is Eretria with a con- 
tingent of seven ships (8. 46) — ^the twenty from Chalcis were 
furnished by Athens (8. 1), and were, no doubt, under Themis- 
tocles. Herodotus tells us (8. 23) that the Persians had over- 
run part of northern Euboea, but in 8. 66 he represents the 
fleet as passing directly on to Athens without a stop. It is^ 
then^ probable that if Adeimantus said ^^Be silent, you who 
have no country/' the description could be meant to apply to 
Themistodes alone. 

Hdt. 7. 125 : ol XIoktcc • . . IXAov i^kw ovSo^ Sjwrovro otrr€ tnro- 
{vy&bv ourc hfOpmroVf ol Sk rhs KOfii^Xovs intpditoif fiowojs, Oiafidlia Sk ri 
idru>¥ i Ti Kork ^ rmv SXXmv to dvayica{ov d.v€xofUycfU9 rein Aiovras tqci 
Ko^T^Xoun ivirCfi€€rOaif to fjnirc wpirtpoy 6irwm(ray Orfpioy fufr* iw€jr€ipia,ro 

a6rov. In the army of Xerxes of man and beast the lions 
attached the camels only; and, according to the preceding de- 
scription, the camel is the only non-European animal in the 
army, the only one, then, that the lions had not seen before. 
Homer, B. 302 : 

itrrk Sk iravra 
fidfyrvpoit oSs /i^ K^p€S ifiav 0av6,rou> iffipcwnu, 

Agamemnon is addressing the Assembly of the Greek army at 
Troy. At Aulis the army had been witnesses of the portent to 
which he refers. Now ''you the ones (of that group) that 
death has not taken are witnesses.'^ There is no difierenoe 
between this Homeric example and the Attic usage. It is 
peculiar that in the only certain (< 489 with vapa is doubtful) 
case of fi^ in a relative clause with the indicative in Homer, 
the antecedent should be a definite personal pronoun. Whether 
od might have been used by Homer here, as Gkx)dell states, I 
do not know. It is for those who think so to produce another 
example like tiiis. It might be remarked in this connection 
that in all five examples given by Monro (§ 359) of Homeric 
od for Attic pif the proper negative in Attic would be ow, for 
the simple reason that the dtiss is already defined by tiie ante- 
cedent and the relative refers to the whole of the antecedent. 
Of course most of these sentences are Homeric types of which it 



134 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

would not be easy to find counterparts in Attic^ but B 143 might 
be compared with Thuc. 3. 81 oaoi oitc imiaOrjaav. 

Soph. El, 909 : r^ y^ vpoai^ica vXi/v y' ifulv koI <rov roSe; lolyai /Uy 
ovjc l^poira, rovr' iviarafuUf odS* at ov * inos yap ; ^ y* f^i?^ ^P^ 0am 
Ifccrr' dxAavoT^ rijai* dirwrr^vai orcyi;?. Only Chrysothemis and 

Electra (wXijv -/ ifMv kol <rov) are in question^ and of the two 
the latter is the one who can not leave the house (see L 518). 

Antig. 694. Antigone is the only one who had refused to 

leave the body of Polynioes unburied. 0. C. 1678. The 

manner of Oedipus' dealh is unique. Thuc. 4. 126. 2: 

vfuy wpooijico . . • fjLjfiky wXS}$o^ vtffH^P^adai lr^pt»v oX y€ /irjSk Awb WO' 

Xiramv rounrrmv ^iccrc Brasidas is addressing his Feloponne- 
sian troops before a battle ; the mXtrtrnv rowvrw are democracies. 
As oligarchs accustomed to rule ri vA^Ak they need not fear 
mere numbers. They are the only oligarchs involved^ and they 
know the fact themselves. Dem. 33. 30: o^orc 8* ai fikv 

1$ ^)Ch <nn^icat •^^ayMffoav, Koff ts ifu ^i^ot yevcirAu iyywjrtjy, h^* 
pat Sk fiif kypoj^rqcra^^ irm 6pd^ Av i/juci Sucdlovro^ naff oS fK^ l;(0 mifMi- 

^itrOai crwA^fcas; If the ovi^icai according to which Apatourius 
claimed that the speaker was hfywfnfs had disappeared and no 
new one had been drawn up, the fact stated in Ihe relative 
clause is self-evident. In § 22 the speaker asserts that Archip- 
pus, not he, had been the surety. He, then, is the one etc. 

Dem. 33. 34 : Ifulv . . • ^ r^ irapawuv wpon T^SivOpiawavrovTini tiifSkv 
av/JLpiXaiiy iarip. For the fact see § 13 furk Tavra robrw ifuA /ih^ 
o!nrc fid^ov oiir' IXarrov irphi^ avrhv av/JLpiXawv yc/orey. The argu- 
ment is that if Farmeno had been successful in a suit brought 
by Apatourius, how much more should he, the one etc. 

Dem. 19. 313 : oSs firjSk t&p kyOpwv lafiu^ Ay . • . rav imuviav diroorc- 

/MTflreic The antecedent of otk is i^rcpoi wpoyovau In § 312 it 
is claimed that even the barbarians would admit that the Athe- 
nians had saved Greece at Marathon and Salamis; and the 
Athenians knew well that they were the only ones of whom sudi 

praises could be uttered. Dem. 21. 202. Of good news 

(ri rw¥ Mvrutv) and bad news (^Aavpov n) the latter is thai 
which no one else would wish. ^Dem. 4. 31 : toCs urcvfuurtv mu 

Tols &paui rw froits rh vokkk wpoXofiLpdytav ^airpdrrmi ^{ktwwoff Kal 
<ln)XaJtas rovf InjfrCK ^ r6v xuiiMV* iwixtupeXf ^vU* Ay '^/uU /a^ Swaifitff 
iK€ur* difuKifrdai. The antecedent of i^vtica, rais IrnfrCoji and Tov 

xeifuom, is as definite as a personal pronoun. The meaning is 



WHEN IB GENBBIO MH PJLBTICULJJtf 135 

that always at those periods it is impossible for the Athenians 
to arrive quickly. The idea in tiie relative danse is subordinate 
to 4ivXd$a9 ; it is part of Philip's thought. The antecedent being 
definite Demosthenes might have used obK ^ with the optative, 
but in that case the statement wotdd have been his, and he 
wotQd have been making a quite unnecessary assertion of a well- 
known fact This is not '^ a hypothetical or indefinite relative 
sentence '' (Tarbell) for the meaning is not ^ whenever we can 
not get there he makes an attempt/' and the ^ wotdd be im- 
])08sible. The note in tiie Westermann-Bosenberg edition, '' als 
des Philippos Meinung zu fassen, wie foi und der Optativ 
lehren,'' is right for the fe^ and wrong for the optative, since 
the potential optative after a definite antecedent would have 
been quite admissible as a thought of the speaker. Stahl, 
8. O. V. 449, is wrong in classing the clause as ' synthetic ' : 
his idea on p. 770 is better. It need hardly be added that 
winter and the period of contrary winds was the only time at 

which ihe Athenians could not quickly get there. ^Plato, Ion 

534 D. If poets are not themselves responsible for the beau- 
tiful things they say, God must have put them into their 
mouths. Gk>d has taken away their vcw, so that the poets are 
ihe ones of tiie two classes, God and the poets, Dtat have no 

vow. Lys. 215 B. The antecedent is the definite dass, oc 

iyaSot, and according to the preceding argument the Gh>od alone 

are Uayoi lavrms. Laws 838 B : rov f»kv ^ipptvof d.v€xoiUycv9 fj^ 

KTUworras re ^jc vpovoCas rh rSy Mp^/wtav yivt)^, fMJS>* ds vlrpas re mU 
XMO^fvt aww^pcfyraSf oS /v^mrt ^wrw r^ avrov jkC^Mv Xi^^rerat ytfyiftoy, 
^W€xopAf€V9 Sk ipovpiK &ffKdas wdtrti^f ivfj fi^ jSovXoco (v. 1. Povkoiro) ^ 

croc ^vcoAu rh inrapiif. Male and female are contrasted. The 
first relative clause refers to the male and it is self-evident that 
this dass is the one in which the seed will not grow. In the 
second relative clause our text is evidently corrupt. An opta- 
tive witii Sv would mean that the relative referred to the whole 
female class, whereas the meaning is keeping away from those 
in whom they do not wish the seed to grow. The preference in 
our texts for jSovAoco over jSovAoiro is due to the aol, but after 

dbwtxofUyow the <roi is OUt of place. ^ J /i^ povkrirai & n« 

^ufoAcu would give the required meaning. 

In the following passages the only one, if not the necessary, 
is at least a plausible meaning. Soph. 0. T. 1335. It is evi- 



136 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

dent to all that for Oedipus '' there was nothing sweet to look 
upon/^ and it is natural for him to think himself alone in ihat 

respect. PhUoct 715. The Chorus is referring, from L 700 

on, to the description that Fhiloctetes gave of his privations in 
IL 287 ff. They assume, with reason, that he is the only man 

that has not tasted wine in ten years. Philoct. 255. Neopto- 

lemus has just told Fhiloctetes that he had never -heard of him, 
and the latter assumes that he is especially vocpis 0oh«, for 
surely news of all otiier leaders must have readied tiieir homes. 

Plato, Euthyd. 302 C. '* Unhappy man,'* says Dionyso- 

dorus to Socrates, '' not to have a BA^ irarp^. Why everybody 
has one.^' Sudi is the implication. 
In the following my int^pretation is at least possible. Hdt. 

1. 71: rt <r^ca« d«cupi7<reai roMT^ yc fuj ifrrt fijj&iy. We have jUSt 

been told that the Persians {<r<f>€a^) have nothing. Other na- 
tions may have nothing, but the comparison is between Croesus 
and the Persians. ^' What can you, who have so much, get from 
them, the ones who (in comparison with you) have nothing?'' 

— Antiph. 5. 65 : firj roCvw ifiol v€tfurfr€ TO Siwopov rcvro, hf ^ fjofi* 

&y a^oi i/inropcirc. It has just been argued that the judges 
themselves could not answer if they were asked something they 
did not know. They would have no difficulty in clearing them- 
selves of the murder in other respects, but they could not, any 
more than the accused, give a plausible account of how the 
murder took place. This, then, is the one awopia for both judges 
and accused. ^Isocr. 8. 110 : mpl t^ ^x9^ t^ «»tA BdXarrw 

• • • w€pi ^ /irfid^ va»iror' alrot^ Aoyiofios d(TrjX$€¥. The general 

course of the argument has made it plain that no one has 
stopped to consider whether &p^ is a good thing or not. As 
compared with matters of everyday life, h cl^ &u iwn, it is the 

thing to whidi no one has given thought. Eur. I. A. 823: 

od davfid (T* 'SffM<s dyyodv, otf fi^ irdpoi irpotnjKts. Clytaemnestra has 
brought Iphigeneia to Aulis to marry Achilles. She has just 
come upon the stage and addressed him, and the words quoted 
are in answer to his riplSe rlva XciWca trorl yvmtica; That ''me 
whom you have never seen (icareeScs) before *' is not the mean- 
ing might be inferred from vik yhp Karov^ Sv -/ d6ov ovSetrimyn 
Soph. Philoct. 250, where the negative is ov. I understand oI« 
fil irdpo^ wpo€rrjKt^ €ts your new relation. It is dear from Achil- 
les' words, aljxpiv 8c fUK ywoiii avfipdXXav kiyovi (830) and olSoc- 



WHEN 18 GBNEHtlC MH PARTICULABf 137 

fuff &v 'AyofAifMyov, d ^vocfKv £i^ /ii; fUK tf^fuf, tiiat he is not ex- 
pected to know any free woman outside of his own family^ so 
that he could not Imow Clytaemnestra '^ the one (of the family) 
to whom he was not before related.^' 
A related type of sentence is this from Dem. 20. 161 : /joj km 

rk ftcXXoKr' ]gf8os; Sri vif Aia voppta rov ri rour^* IKwQ^uv iafiiy, koL 
wbjfiM¥ y & Sifipts 'AApouot. dXX^ xpn/f y dv0f>ttirous Hyroi rotavra foal 
Xiyu¥ Ktu vofAoSeruv, ols /irfid^ Ay ytfuxnjinu, km rdyoBk f»kv wpwrSoKcty 
Kol roSs 0eois cv^coAu StS^FCUy irovra 8' AvOpwnv* ^ywrOM, Kilhner- 

Gerth^ II. 185^ gives rocovros S« ft^ as the proper construction 
^wenn der Nebensatz eiae Bestimmung enthalt.^' Now the 
antecedent in this sentence is not indefinite in the s^ise that 
we do not know what it is until the relative clause explains it. 
The optative with dv should put us on our guard against class- 
ing this with the ordinary indefinite relative clause with fSf. 
The meaning of rotavra is dear before the relative clause is 
spoken. roMmo is dvOp&mm. ^^ We, being men, must legislate 
what is proper to men.'^ Only 6,v0ponFi;va as opposed to $day are, 
on the part of men, things 0Z9 fufim iv vtfuaifaau In this, then, 
and the following examples the relative clause refers to one of 
two classes which the preceding context has already defined. 
The negative is ftii and the fact contained in the relative clause 
has already been stated or is known to everyone, as in the pas- 
sage above. The antecedent is usually a form of rocovro«, and 
the optative with ^^ is the most frequent predicate. Examples 
are: Dem. 20. 144. rocovrov is the law of Leptines. For the 

fact stated compare oiSkr alrh^ mulv iyoBhv iropco-KcvocrAu 8<^. 

Leptines' law is opposed to the dass of law that rewards bene- 
factors. ^Dem. 23. 86 : 6 ypaffnaw S^ n Xapi&ifi^ TocovTOK, o fi^ 

worn Kol ^fuv lonu. Laws must apply to all. This private one 
for Charidemus is of the other dass. Andoc. 3. 41: 

lUfiimfrBt fikv q6v tov9 i}/Acr^pov9 Xoyovs, ^lfrj<^C(raa$€ Sk rotavra i( &v v/uv 

fjL7jBiw<yr€ furafA/eXiia€u It is a choice between peace and war. The 
whole speech has advised })eace. The closing words do not 
tell the audience to choose what they think they will not regret, 
but to remember what he has said and dioose accordingly; 
peace, according to the argument, is tiie one of the two courses 

that will not be regretted. ^Andoc. 4. 12 : rowvrov wpoardrrjv 

is the type of statesman like Alcibiades, who wants to please 
the crowd and takes no thought of the future. Aristides is the 



138 AMBBIOAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGiY. 

opposite type. The fair taxes that lie liad levied on the allies 
have been doubled by Alcibiades and they will inevitably side 

with the Lacedaemonians in the next war. ^Isocr. 3. 16. As 

a form of government the tyranny (rwairyfi) is contrasted with 
oligarchies and democracies. The preceding sentence states 

that the tyrant observes the good qualities of men. ^Isocr. 4. 

189. /ic/oAa and luxpa are contrasted. It is self-evident that 
talk of trivial (roujMva) things will be of advantage to no one. 

^Thuc. 6. 11. 1. Some i>eople6 you can conquer and hold^ 

some you can conquer and not hold. It is f oolidi to attack the 
latter class. This example differs from the rest in that the 
relative clause^ instead of giving the characteristic quality of 

one of the two classes, defines tiie class again. ^Aristoph. 

Frogs 1459 : rowinfv woAcv is Athens, which dislikes both -xFVmi 
and wovfipol citizens (1456). Other cities can get along witti 

one or the other dass. ^Plato, Rep. 605 E. The two classes 

are the heroes of the epic and tragedy who lament openly in 
misfortune, and, the type tiiat we emulate, the men that bear 
their grief in silence. ^The remaining three examples do not 

have T0WWT05. Isocr. 10. 10 : ^amp Ay J rc« irpocnrocoSro KpdrurTQi 
cboi r«0v dtfXi^rwv ivravSa #caTa)3a/Fa>y, oS fu^Scfs Ay &XXk dfuMneccr. 
^yrov^a gets its meaning from ir ofe Ivuvrcg dtrw drraywyurni^ 

of which it is the opposite. In the sentence ^'he entered the 
lists (on a particular occasion) where (—in a place where) 
no one else would compete '^ oS8e£9 would be the proper word; 
in "he (regularly) entered the lists where no one else would 
compete,*' a general relative clause, the optative without 5y 
would be necessary. Plato, Laws 872 D: ivyyamw avroxofitn 

^^yov9 . . . dt T^ /lir voXXk cy icaicok olicovcnus mu rp€^fUifai9 y^yyoyrcu 
w^Xmif ycronTO 8' dv vov ri fcol cy ^ /joli wri rvs Ay ir/MKrSoKi^crccc x^p^ 

Here jcaicw« oUo&rmis w^ikan prepares us for its opposite, to which h 

§ jctI. refers. PhUeb. 20 A: wuwmi S^ rov rpoww ijfuy dwuvrmv 

Tovroy cirl rk vw XMy6fuva. — rou Xcyog; — cte dwopCap €/jLfi6XXvr¥ mU 
Ai^tpwrw £y ft^ SvvaCfuff Ay iicavrp^ ^w6KpuTw iv rf mpovn&i^mn aou 

The argument has come to a stop. Frotardius suggested in 
19 B that neither he nor Philebus could answer the questions 
asked. UTow he tells Socrates that, since he had promised to 
reach a satisfactory condusion, it was for him to abandon his 
present method of asking questions they can't answer. It seems 
to be intimated that, if Socrates' question system is to be con- 



WHEN IB GBNBBIO HH PJLBTICULARt 139 

tinued^ he had better try ihe kind they can answer. As the 
optative with 3v indicates, this is not an ordinary conditional 
relatiye clause. In Ihe conditional relative dause the action 
of the verb is prior to that of the principal clause; here &¥ /i^ 

iwaliyeff 2y ktL is the object of dvcp(i>r£v. 

The next three examples are of a different kind because what 
precedes gives no idea of the meaning of the roiovro (rovro) ; 
it is defined by the relative clause. Isocr. 4. ildifiovKifim Skrou^' 

TC¥ funjfuioi¥ tcarakLiniy, ifi^riji AafOpwwCmfs ^v(FC«if ^otck; Hdt. 4. 166 : 
t&nf /^apda¥ iwt$vfiiorra iMniiMj&(rwo¥ Icmrov XiwmrOai rovro rh /a^ ^(XA^ 

dfi PtunXii imnpyaarfiiiw, cf. Hdt. 2. 135. The indicative in Iso- 
crates makes it dear that the optative in the two Herodotus 
passages is due to the past tense of the principal verb — so- 
called ''implied indirect discourse.^' There is no futurity in 
the optative. The dause is not a conditional relative, for the 
meaning is not ''whatever has not been made, that he desires 
to make.'' In " he desires to make something that has not been 
made ** the rdative dause is posterior, not prior; it is dependent 
upon he desires, and, that being so, a statement of fact with 06 
by the writer is out of place. Hie /i^ here does not differ from 

that in rotavra irpnjtrus Xiyuw ii &¥ fufr' 0^09 X*^'*^ ^^'^"^ &{(cif 

Isocr. 11. 49. (Goodwin, Jf. T. § 576, cites tiiis last passage 
with the statement that ihe future indicative, with negative fi^, 
"may denote a result whidi is aimed at," but, as the other 
examples show, after sudi expressions of desire, fjoi is necessary 
with other tenses also. Of the six sentences with fof after 
rocavra cited by Gh)odwin in § 576 I have classed four with those 
in whidi the rotawra is defined by what precedes. The sixth is 

oSroft 8^ roiavr' diroyycXowrt wtp' i^/xwy teal vwotrxtjirovraiy i( &¥ firji* &y 

dnovK i Kwtfirftnrrtu Dem. 19. 324. Here the yai can be explained 
as expressing the intention of Philip. The meaning is " I will 
see to it that they carry such a report that the Athenians will 
not move '' rather than " tiiey are going to carry a report of such 
a kind that (I prophesy) theAthenians will not move.'' The lat- 
ter sense would be expressed by 06 as in dm kSlkowto^ y* ifujv rotavff 
& r&v rovS' oS iror' cv<^pam fiiw Soph. 0. C. 1353. A good ex- 
ample of an od after a roiovra already definid, but where the 
relative dause makes a new statement and the roiovra does not 
refer to one of two defined classes, is o^k oJa ittK/fkiyxl^ ^^ 

TOiavra Xcyj/f, & cvSds &y ^i^oacr d,y$piinrwv; ivu tpcv rtva TOvrwvC 

Plato, Oorg. 473 B. 



140 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

I fed inclined to make some remarks upon the examples of 
oT€ firj in Attic prose because of their resemblance in one im- 
portant respect to the idioms that have been discussed. Kiihner- 
Cterth, II. 447, says ^'/t*^ findet sich nur dann, wenn das zeit- 
liche Verhaltnis zugleich auch als ein hypothetisches aufzu- 
f assen ist wie PL Phaedo 84 e $ inv x^iXar^ &v rw SlXXtns Mpm- 

irov9 irc/ooifu . . . ore yc yLfjjS vfias ivvaiuu miOuv," Smyth, § 1490, 

haa ''the negative is ^117 only when the temporal relation is 
regarded as conditional (indefinite)/' I do not know what 
indefinite means here. In Phaedo 84 E Socrates has just 
failed to convince Simmias, and he makes his statement with 
circumstances, as they are at that moment, in mind. It might 
be datmed tiiat we have here a universal present, but the mean- 
ing is very different from whenever not. And ore /i^ is not 
hypothetical. At least in Phaedo 84 E (as in the other cases) 
it differs from ei fi^ in that it is expressly admitted that he can 
not persuade, whereas €l fof would leave that in doubt. Our 
natural translation of this ot€ is since, and it is called causaL 
But the name is imsatisfactory: ore is never equal to on. I 
should prefer to say that St€, when not strictly temporal, im- 
plies that the circumstances of the subordinate clause are 
simultaneot^ with those of the principal clause. All cases of 
St€ pif resemble those of S« fs^ previously discussed in that the 
fact stated in the ore-dause has just been stated and does not 
need to be asserted again. But the relation of the principal 
dause is also of a special kind. The rule is: ore /i^ is used 
when the ore-dause gives liie circumstances that are admitted 
to exist, the principal clause the circumstances that are 
the natural accompaniment (not, result) : '' this being (ad- 
mittedly) so, this other thing is (inevitably) so.'' In dwoAoio 

& w6KifJL€f St* ofvSk KoKoff* i(€arC /juoi tov9 otKera^ Clouds 7, the 2rc- 

dause gives the reason for cursing the war ; but, as Strepsiades 
is talking to himself and knows that he dare not flog his slaves, 
St€ yii could be correct in '' of course they deep as long as they 
like when I can't flog them." The or€ in Clouds 1 is more 
strongly temporal than in the irt foj examples. There is a doser 
paralld to the latter in Soph. Ajax 1231, where, however, 
ovSh &v is justified because, though Teucer's birth is wdl known, 
Agamemnon is vehemently asserting that he is a nobody. Ad- 
ditional examples of ore ft^ will be found in Dem. 7. 7, 20. 24, 



WEEN 18 GENERIC MH PARTICULABf 141 

22, 71, Isaeus 11. 29, Plato, Rep. 364 C, 610 E. ore laj sug- 
gests its opposite. *' Circmnstances '' are divided into two 
parts, (a) "when these things are not so,'* (b) "when these 
things are so '* (ore rovO' oiJtok ^x«* Dem. 1. 1). ot€ ow, whether 
tiie oT€ is temporal or ' circumstantial ' (with ov time is apt to 
be involved), simply makes a statement about a certain time 
or certain circumstances without a suggestion about other times 
and circumstances. For example, 2tc ov would be right in " He 
called between seven and eight, when (I inform you) I was not 
in '^ ; and this could be said even though one was out between 
three and four also; but ot€ fjaj, if it were correctly applied to 
the hour between seven and eight as the time when I was not 
in, would carry with it the suggestion that I was in during the 
rest of the day. 

If the meaning just given to Srt ftii is correct the same theory 
should be applicable to those cases of ft^ with a circumstantial 
participle which are plainly not hypothetical. In oSros /ikv 

dyocr^ fJi/ipf^f TcrcXcun;jcc vir^ rSv loivrov obcffuyrdrtav * rovrov 8^ /irjKeri 
iorroi . . . yiveraC /juoi dmyKOioraroy Hdt. 3. 65 the genitive abso- 
lute "he being no longer alive'' is directly preceded by the 
statement of the man's death, and the relation of the two clauses 
is expressed by "this being (admittedly) so, this other thing 
is naturally so." Similar is d fiikv yap ds ^ 6 ^Epois, KoXm ^v 

dx€ ' vvv Sk oh yap itrrw ct« * fi.^ cnroc 8^ Mi 6p$6r€p6y itm Plato 

8t/mp. 180 C. Compare Antiph. 2. )S. 4; Thuc. 1. 86. 3, 7. 
73. 4; Xen. Mem. 1. 6. 6, 12, Hell 6. 1. 12, Cyrop. 3. 1. 37, 
6. 3. 16 ; Lys. 12. 29 ; Isocr. 17. 62 ; Isaeus 3. 72, 5. 16 ; Dem. 
36. 6, 39. 35. The /i^ itself in these sentences doubtless has 
exactly the same meaning as with the so-called conditional 
participle; but, instead of trying to see a conditional idea where 
there is none, or maintaining that cause and condition are 
essentially the same, it would be well at times to look at the 
matter from the ottier point of view, pif is used with the con- 
ditional participle not because it is conditional but because the 
requirements for pij are present when the participle is what we 
call conditional; and, if the same requirements are present at 
times with a participle that is not conditional, ^117 is none the 
less the proper particle. Similarly i pif dSuc^v is usually generic, 
but under the proper conditions it may refer to a definite indi- 
vidual, though the force of the pij in the two cases does not 
differ. 



142 AMBKlOAEf JOmOfAL OF PHJLOLOOT. 

With fhe articular participle ob is more difficult to explain 
than fuf. In the singular^ as 6 o6k iiucSv, the reference nsaaUj, 
perhaps, is to a definite individual, but there are a number of 
more or less puzzling cases where that rule does not work. In 

Plato, Oorg. 457 G, cjcctro? fikv y^ iwl &mu^ xp^ vapSwcof^ 6 F 
iwarrCui ^p^rau rw obv ovjc 6pBm^ )^ficvor fiurdw Sucoior . • • dXX' 

o6 rw StSojayra there is really no difficulty, because the rir is 
demonstratiye; or, if you prefer, rdy o£ic 6p0ik xp^i^^^w refers 
to the preceding 6 U, and is no longer the sweepingly general 
' anyone that does not use rightly ' like cl fof xp^fo^ 6p0m9 in 
457 A. Somewhat similar is Oorg. 459 B — 6 Sk ft^ ULTp6sy€ &7irov 

dre u M JT iy /Mfy &¥ 6 larphi^ iwumifiogr, — S^Xow Sn, — 6 ovjc dSim ipa rem 
dSiros iv cf(fK cl&toi «i0avwrcpo9 Icmu, Sray 6 /Si/rttp rov larpoS wtdmm* 

T€pos ^. Though 6 fi^inap is quite general, that is, means any 
orator, 6 oIk €28ci«, being limited in its reference to 6 fi^irmp^ 
is better than 6 /c^ c28ck; for the latter is too sweeping, there 
being others than orators that do not know medicine. It may 
be objected that this interpretation does violence to my own 
rule, for there are two classes, 6 ^mp and o iarpi^, and i /o^ 
c28^ may mean the one of the two tiiat does not know. I admit 
that 6 pii ctSctf^ seems to me a possible translation for '^ when the 
orator is more persuasive than the physician (in matters of 
health), the one of the two that does not know is more per- 
suasive than the one that knows.'' What Plato has written may 
differ merely in emphasis on the negative — ^possibly tiie position 
of 6 o^K cISck at the beginning of the sentence has some effect — , 
the result being '^A man, then, that does not know is more 
persuasive than one that does, when the orator, etc.'' A dear 
case of the need of o£ to emphasize the n^ative is ovkcvv Sn iw 

aurcov €Zpiafi£¥ iv avrff, t6 IwoXmwov Iotcu to ah\ ebprtiyAvw Plato Ref, 

427 E. Baumlein, Oriech. Partik. p. 277, explains the o6 on 
the ground that ri o^ cvpi^/uVov is ^'das Bestimmte, die Oe- 
rechtigkeit die wir . . . noch nicht gefunden haben." But that 
is to get ahead of Plato's argument; none of the four qualities 
have been found yet. This sentence is merely the general state- 
ment that "whatever part of the four shall have been found, 
the part that has not been foimd will be the remainder." 
According to the rule that ri Aprnuvov is the found ri lui 
wprifuvov the not found, fiif would seem to be in place here; 
but there is a real necessity for emphasis, for the meaning is, 



WHEN IS GBNBRIO MH PABTICULABf 143 

^ the thing we are in search of^ the thing that is still not found, 
is the remainder/' Another example with ab that does not 
refer to a deifinite person is muA 8* ai, Saoi rvvSc wdpturrty tj dScX- 

^MS ^pS» ficyay r6v dyaiya, rby y^ otic jvra iwan dw$ty iwaufuv Thuc 

2. 45. 1. I can not accept the Tiew that 6 oU &y is regular for 
the dead. I believe that a general statement, '^ everyone praises 
the dead/' isolated from any context, should have fiij. Here fui 
would be too general, because the idea is that everyone, in talk- 
ing to a man that has lost a brother in the war, praises the one 
ihat is dead in reference to that particular man. Compare with 

this Eur. Phoen. 1320 : ^^ itark . • • 'JoKdump^, iwrnt wpod^rai ol' 
Kwr* &wTa wmV ifiAf, rocv ydip Ainmoi xph '''^^ ^ TfOvifKOTa rifiAv &- 

iirra €Ur€fid¥ Mr, Baumlein, p. 276, says ^wegen spezidler 
Beziehung auf Jokaste und Kreon,'' but that is absurd, for 
roc« &ayown is quite generaL It is possible in this and in other 
cases, I believe, to realize the difference between o^ and fu^ by 
liie need of translating '^ it is needful that some one who is not 
dead pay honors to the dead.'' The plural rov« fu^ rcA^iciiTaf 
would be out of place here, for that would mean '^ the (whole) 
dass of the living must honor the dead," whereas we need to 
think of a single individual paying the funeral rites, riv fia^ 
TSrfjtc6ru would be as unsuitable as in English anyone who is 
not. Tov fi;^ is, in its way, as much a plural as rov^ fi^; it will 
not let the mind rest upon a single person, riv oh ia singular; 
it lets you think of but one person at a time, tiiougli no indi- 
vidual liiat can be named may be in mind. 

In the plural ov is even more difficult, for oi oh PovX6/i€roi 
the ones who do not wish suggests a class and /a^, according to 
the hypothesis, is generic. It is useless to attempt to force tiie 
rule timt the writer is thinking of definite persons when he uses 

o6. On i^ii^tltaioA Karh, tov9 Spicovi • Zfwtp nal ovy^xju yu&vov rip^ iroXir, 

AkAvtwiv tQv oh PovXo/uittt>v ravra ovTios ix^v And. 1. 9 Kuhner-Gterth, 
II. p. 202, remarks '' mit Bezug auf die bestimmte, als konkrete 
Einheit gef asste ParteL" I should be inclined to say that, if the 
writer had in mind a definite party in the state the not wishing, 
who were opposed to another party, the wishing, fiif would be 
just the right particle. It is characteristic oi oi fiSj to suggest 
its opposite, which oi oh does not. Andocides means in spite of 
people who, not that class who. oi oh often lends itself to the 
translation some people who, a turn that is impossible for oi fi^. 



144 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

I shall comment on only two or three examples. In Plato, 

Phaed. 80 B^ rf 3^ AiSpunrCyif KoX SirtjTi^ . . . KoX fvrfietroTt fcar^ Tavra 

Ixovri ^avT^, we have a simple case of generic firj; the same 

phrase has ov in 79 G^ i^ ^^VXV> ^^^^ M^ ^f awfuiTt irpo(rxpi^rai tU ro 
cricoirciv ri ^ 8c^ rov 6pay . . . rdrc /th^ 2\icenu vvo rov atofiaroi as ra 

oMciroTc Kara ravrk ix*"^^- The reason for the difference is that 
when we take a particular example^ as where the soul tries to 
examine something hy using the eyes, even though oroy is 
general in its reference^ the sweeping generality of cm t^ lufiiwr^ 
ktL is no longer possible: ^'When the soul tries to examine 
anything with the eyes^ it is drawn among (some) things that 
are not permanent/' In rSiv ovk iivrwt Xrfiri oL linyiyvofuvoC rumt 
iaovToi Thuc. 2. 44. 3 ixSv ovfc Simav are not the dead in gen- 
eral, but the particular dead in whom the people denoted by 
rurw are interested. But if, instead of oi ^ycyvoficvot we had 
oi 6vT€^ as a contrast to those who are not, we might say 
r«v fiff Hvrmr Xrj&vi ol wrcs ij/uv cfci with a direct reference to our 
dead; for the i}fuv restricts the two contrasted classes to those 
we are interested in. In Thucydides' sentence t»v wm. ivnav is 
not the opposite of oi In-iycyvoficvot and it is necessary to de- 
scribe ihem as those who have ceased to he. There is a striking 
example of od in Plato, Qorg. 469 C — So .... f^'f/xpyn^ rtwa 

wti$ovs cv/M^Kcroi, &rrc ^alvtvBai rota ovk dSocri fuiXXoy ctScnu rwt 

ccSoraiy. In 459 A there is a reference to the orator being per- 
suasive ^ ^x^y &^^ ^is ^^ defined as iv roU /i^ ccSooi. It is 
dear that cv clx^ could be used in 459 C, but ov has replaced fu^. 
It seems to me that r^ pai tlSon anyone that does not know 
would be quite natural, and the only apparent objection to roc^ 
fil tlBoGi is that, with t»v c«Sor<k>v in tiie same clause, rocs fuf 
cISdai ought to mean the whole class that does not know, every- 
body that does not know, a meaning that would be unsuitable. 
WilJi the more limited rotsoviccSSoot compare 6 oix €iSa»f apa rov 
u66to9 ^ o^ff cffiocn mJhvutrtpo^ icrm in 459 B with the artide 

omitted. 
6 fiaj (cSus) is generic, but it may refer to one particular 

person who can be named, if that person is the only one of his 

kind in a defined group. 6 o^k (tSim) refers to one person, 

often to a person that can be named; but its meaning is far 

from being so definite as this in many cases. When the context 

limits the reference to some one person (not any person), even 



WHElf 18 GENERIC MH PARTICULARt 145 

though no greater definiteness is attained (so far 86 naming 
is concerned) than by the English someone, ov may be the cor- 
rect particle, oi /i^ ctSorcs refers to the whole class of men that 
do not know, suggesting the opposite class, men that know, the 
two classes together composing all, whether all humanity or all 
of a group defined in the context. It may be so definite that 
the writer could name every man in the dass, while d ovk ctSorcs 
may be used without the writer being able to name a single 

person that does not know. Of iroAAoTs rtav trwovnav vporiy6p€V€ rk 
fijk¥ voiuv rk Sk /ATf trouly . . . fccu roiis fikv wuOofiwoK avrf cruvc^c^, 

Tw Sk fi,^ ir€i$ofuvoi9 ficr^AcXe (Xen. Mem. 1. 1. 4) it is correct to 
say that roU firj truBoiUvoi^i means a/ny who did not take his 
advice; but I ehould not venture to add, with Ooodell § 582, 
*^r6i^ ov w€iJBofuvoi^ would have meant those people, a definite 
dass, who in fact did not take his advice." My own idea is 
that in such a context oi; would not be Greek; and without a 
context such phrases as these cannot be defined exactly. 

A. O. Laibd. 

XJnwmaMsrt of WnooKsnr. 



III.-^INGLE WOBD VEBSUS PHEASE. 

The object of this paper is the discussion of a problem of 
semantic equivalence. That problem is to discover why, to 
express a concept, a single word is used in some instances and 
a clause or phrase in others. The single words considered will 
be chiefly noims and adjectives. The material for investigation 
was taken in the first instance from Plautus, Budens, and 
Cicero, Ad FamUicures, III; but it has been augmented by 
examples from other sources whenever they seemed pertinent. 

The most convenient starting-point for the discussion is the 
participle, especially the present participle. A participle whose 
context does not impose upon it any necessary limitation of 
time, cause, manner, concession, or other of the specific mean- 
ings according to whidi participles are generally classified in 
grammars, might be called an undifferentiated participle. 
Though subject to the influence of the meaning of the stem, it 
contains the possibility of any of the more specific meanings. 
It is seldom, however, that the participle is found in this purely 
fluid condition; it generally receives from its context a tendency 
in one direction rather than another. Ad. Fam., in, 11, 2: 
Gomplexus igitur sum cogitatione te absentem ; '^ absentem '' ia 
here in an undifferentiated state, ''in your absence ''; a slight 
change of context would justify ''though absent,^ "because 
absent.'' Bu. 71 : Vehemens sum exoriens, quom occido vehe- 
mentior ; " exoriens '' is clearly defined as a temporal participle 
because of "quom occido'' in the following clause. Ad Fam. 
Ill, 6, 4: quum interea, credo equidem, malevoli homines (late 
enim patet hoc vitiimi et est in multis), sed tamen probabileim 
materiam nacti sermonis, ignari meae constantiae, conabantur 
alienare a te voluntatem meam ; here " nacti " might be defined 
as of attendant circumstance, but has a causal implication. 
Ibid. 10, 10: qua humanitate tulit contentionem meam pro 
Milone, adversantem interdum actionibus suis; adversantem is 
clearly concessive, the note of concession being struck in qua 
humanitate tulit. In ibid. 12, 2: itaque quemadmodum expe- 
diam exitum huius institutae orationis non reperio, "insti- 
tutae " might be rendered " though I have begun it." 

146 



SmGLB WORD VERSUS PERA8E. 147 

A participle is potentially a clause, but it requires further 
definition from its context. Any adjective, also, may be ex- 
panded into a clause; but the participle, being in general some- 
what less definite than the adjective, disintegrates rather more 
readily. A good example is given above of the participle bal- 
anced against a temporal clause: Bu. 71 vehemens sum exori- 
ens quom occido vehementior; cf. ibid. 771 quom coniecturam 
egomet mecum facio with Cic De Oratore, I, 1 cogitanti mihi 
saepenumero et memoria vetera repetenti. In the same way an 
adjective may be expanded into a clause, though with this 
difference, that the adjective will remain itself as one element 
in tiie analytical expression or give place to some similar word, 
usually an adjective, while the participle is actually broken up 
by the use of tiie appropriate finite verb. Plautus furnishes 
many examples of the use of a clause where tiie simple adjective 
would seem su£5cient: Bu. 26/7: facilius si qui pius est a dis 
supplicans / quam qui scelestust inveniet veniam sibi; ibid., 
290, omnibus modis qui pauperes sunt homines miseri vivont. 

In a previous article ^ I have discussed the frequent semantic 
equivalence of the adjective and the participle, and also the 
use of the noun as a participle. The equivalence of adjectival 
and participial terminations may be seen in such examples as 
Bu. 409: timidas, egenteis, uvidas, eiectas, exanimatas (where 
participle and adjective are mixed together in such a way that 
any distinction in the semantic value of their tenninations must 
be made on the groimd of their use in other contexts), and in 
words such as adolescens, sapiens, or the like, of participial 
formation, but used chiefly as nouns or adjectives. In the lat- 
ter instances the use of the participle as a noun may be studied; 
the use of the noun as a participle may be seen, e. g., in Bu. 
225/6: neque eam usquam invenio, neque quo eam neque quo 
quaeram consultumst / neque quem rogitem responsorem quem- 
quam interea convenio; here '' responsorem'' is a specialized 
** responsurum.*' 

A prepositional phrase may be used as the semantic equiva- 
lent of an adjective ; Cic. ad Fam. Ill, 10, 1 : quod nihil tam 
praeter opinionem meam accidere potuit; id. Ac. 2, 4, 10: 
non . . . conturbat me exspectatio tua, etsi nihil est eis, qui 

* A- J. P., XL, pp. 373-395, Verbals in -4»r, -ax, -dug, And -na. 



148 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

placere volunt^ tarn adYersarimn. In each inBtance there is a 
qualifier of ^^ nihil''; but in one instance this qualifier is put 
in the form of a word^ in the other in that of a prepositional 
phrase.^ In ^^tam praeter opinionem meam" the pronominal 
adjective is not otiose, and could not readily be drawn into a 
compound, but the phrase would be intelligible without 
^* meam " as easily as in Nepos, Milt., 2, 5 : etsi praeter opinio- 
nem res ceciderat. ^^ Opiniosus " ' is doubtful in Cicero, and 
would mean ^^ fixed in opinion, obstinate." ^^ OpinabiUs " occurs 
first in Cicero, and seems quasi-technical. '^ Inopinus " is poetic 
and late. '^ Inopinabilis " occurs first in Oellius, and is not 
always technical; e. g. XVII, 9, 18: est et alia in monumentis 
rerum Graecarum profimda quaedam et inopinabilis latebra, 
baibarico astu excogitata. '^'Inopinatusi" occurs in Cicero, 
both as an adjective and, in its neuter form, as a noim : Par. V, 
1, 35, nee hoc tarn re est quam dictu inopinatum atque mirabile, 
and Tusc. Ill, 31, 76, nihil inopinati accidisse. Here, then, 
no difEerence can be found in meaning between "inopina- 
tum" and "praeter opinionem"; "meam" makes the expres- 
sion somewhat more specific, and cannot apparently be incor- 
porated in the phrase when the latter is reduced to adjectival 
form; though it is so easy to understand the pronominal adjec- 
tive that no substantial difference is made if it is omitted 
except where it is emphatic* Plautus furnishes a good example 

* The agreement would run on parallel lines if " tarn praeter opinio* 
nem * were taken adverbially, as modifying " aocidere." 

•Ac. 2, 47, 143. 

* " Praeter opinionem " would be spoken of as two words, " inopina- 
bilis ** or " inopinatum " as one. This difference in nomenclature marks 
a correct, formal distinction. From a semantic point of view there 
may be no difference. Postgate (Brtol, Semantics, translated by Oust, 
Appendix, p. 329) proposes to caU the expression of a single idea or 
notion a " rheme." This terminology, however, while it might be con- 
venient for an investigator, would probably prove confusing; because 
ideas, notions, or things, themselves of varying complexity, are defined 
as one by us for the purposes of our convenience. iCf . Sidgwidc, " The 
Use of Words in Reasoning;," Chap. II, S 13, " It is in our habit of view- 
ing facts which admit of being concisely described as simple facts' that 
the danger chiefly resides; and the convenience — amounting in some 
eases to little short of necessity, — ^which justifies this habit merely 
increases its effective misleading force." It is diffkxilt to say what is a 
word (cf. Wundt, V^lkerpsyohologie', I, pp. 599 ff., and Bloomfield, 



SINGLE WORD VBRBU8 PHRASE. 149 

of semantic equivalence between '^ insperata '' and ^^praeter 
spem^': Bu. 400: nam mnlta praeter spem scio multis bona 
evenisse, and Most. 197: insperata accidunt magis saepe quam 
quae speres. 

Bu. 704: te ex concha natam esse autumant; ibid. 739-41: 
quid ego ex te audio? banc Athenis esse natam liberam. /mea 
popularis, obsecro, haec est? non tu Cyrenensis es? / immo 
Athenis natus, altusque educatusque Atticis. Here there is an 
exact equivalence between " Athenis natam '' and ^* Cyrenensis/' 
and a less dose parallel between either of these expressions and 
" ex concha natam.'' " Cyrenensis *' might be translated " bom 
at Cyrene '' ; but that is because of its context — *^ Athenis na- 
tam'' preceding, and '^Athenis natus" following. The termi- 
nation -ensis may, on occasion, be the equivalent of "natus" 
with the ablative, with or without a preposition. In itself, it 
is not so specific. It may mean ** dwelling at," or ^^ presiding 
ovCT," as Bu. 616: pro Cyrenenses populares, and ibid. 713: 
de senatu Cyrenensi quemvis opulentum virum. *' *Conchensis " 
could be understood as an attribute of Venus; but an example 
of an -ensis adjective formed upon the stem of a common noun 
and meaning " bom at " seems not to occur.* 

Bu. 315: qui tres secum homines duceret, c(h)lamydato8 
cum machaeris ; cf . Gic. ad Quint, f rat. 2, 8, 2 : machaerophoris 
centum sequentibus. '^Ghlamys" and ^^machaera" are both 
found in Plautus. A prepositional phrase is used in Bu. 315 
probably because the added detail came into the speaker's mind 
after ^^ chlamydatos " ; that is, the phrase represents an added 
act of associative thinking. Hie had men with him — ^they wore 
the chlamys — ^and they had daggers. Cf. PI. Ps. 158: te cum 
securi caudicali; Ov. Met. XII, 460: securiferumque Pyracten; 
Val. Flac. 5, 138: securigeras . . . catervas. In view of 
'^ chlamydatus," '^ clypeatus," and others, " ♦machaeratus " could 
scarcely have been a cause of hesitation to Plautus. 

" The Study of Language/' pp. 103 ff.), and not less difiBcult to say what 
is a thing. This fact is one cause of the persistent intrusion of meta- 
physics into grammar. 

'The -ensis adjectives formed upon common-noun stems listed in 
OradenwitB have been examined as far as they could be traced in 
Harper's Lexicon. They are not numerous, and are frequently not 
dassical. 



150 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

In Cic. ad Fam. UI^ 5^ 1 : ibi mihi praesto fait L. Lucilins 
cum litteris mandatisque tuis, ^cum'' discharges a more imr 
portant function than in ^^cum machaeris'^ above. Here the 
use of a single word in place of the phrase ^^ cum litteris man- 
datisque tuis'^ is so difficult as to be practically impossible in 
Latin for several reasons. In the first place, the pronominal 
adjective offers a difficulty, as noticed above; secondly, the ad- 
jectives fonned from ^'littera'' in classical times derive their 
mpaning from " litterae '* " learning/' or " littera '* " a letter of 
the alphabet/' and not from ''litterae** '*a letter, epistle"; 
thirdly, the dvandva compound is scarcely to be found in Latin.* 
When the necessity for some convenient term for '' a postman ** 
was felt, '' tabellarius '' was formed from '' tabellae,'' probably 
because adjectives formed from '' litterae " had been appropri- 
ated for other uses. 

Cic. ad Fam. Ill, 4, 1 : pridie nonas lunias cum essem Brun- 
disi litteras tuas accepi; ibid. 10, % : Q. Servilius perbrevis mihi 
a te litteras reddidit; ibid. 1, 2: ut mihi reddidit a te litteras 
plenas et amoris et offici; in such examples as these, the prepo- 
sition seems to be used where there is some emphasis on the 
actual transmission of the letters,^ though " accipere *' is used 
with the adjective where ''a te'' might have been expected on 
tHe analogy of '' reddere a te." A good example of the use of a 
prepositional phrase which would be difficult to reduce to a 
single word because it mentions details that would not in tiie 
nature of things occur with great frequency is ad Fam. Ill, 
9, 1 : quas ex itinere antequam ex Asia egressus es ad me lit- 
teras misisti unas de legatis a me prohibitis proficisci, alteras 
de Appianorum aedificatione impedita, legi perinvitus. 

Ad Fam. Ill, 7, 3: quid habuit iniquitatis me scribere ne 
facerent antequam ego rem causiunque cognossem? non pote- 
ram, credo, ante hiemem. Here the adverbial clause ''ante- 
quam ego rem causamque cognossem " is balanced by " ante hie- 
mem " ; substitute for " hiemem " " quam hiems venisset " and 
the parallel is complete; this is however unnecessary; "ante 

* Lindsay, L. L., p. SCI. 

*An examination of all the examples of the type ''tuae litterae,** 
*' litterae a te " in Cic. ad Fam. Ill, yielded nothing of interest except 
the fact that a preposition was used wherever " reddere ** appeared in 
the phrase. 



SINGLE WORD rEBSVS PERASE. 161 

hiemem'' perfonns the necessary fimction quite as well, is 
brief er, and rhetorically quite as effective. Why have an 
adverbial clause in the one case and a preposition with its noun 
in the other? It will not do to say that ^* hiems '^ expresses a 
concept less complex than that expressed by the clause. Its 
lesser complexity is merely a matter of phonetics; semantically 
^ hiems'' is quite as complex as the clause against whidi it is 
balanced. The phenomena summed up in ^' hiems '' are of fre- 
quent occurrence and considerable importance; a name must 
be found for this body of phenomena, and is foimd by taking 
what was originally the name of the most noticeable object of 
the winter. For tiie "antequam'' clause, "ante meam cogni- 
tionem'' might logically and etymologically have been substi- 
tuted; but " cognitlo'' has a technical connotation. Nor is the 
clause quoted particularly definite in character; not more so 
than "aedilitas** in "aedilitas mea,*' Cic, Att. 12, 17: ante 
aedilitatem meam. It is, however, of relatively infrequent 
occurrence. This seems to be the reason for the use of the 
clause. In such a clause as ad Fam. Ill, 6, 4: antequam in 
provinciam veni, nothing would be gained in explicitness and 
something would be lost in brevity by the substitution of 
"ante meum in provinciam adventum.*' "Adventus in pro- 
vinciam " is not reduced to univerbal f orm,' though the concept 
occurs frequently; probably because some genitive or adjective 
is required to make the meaning explicit. 

Ad Fam. Ill, 6, 5 : eoque ad te tardius scripsi, quod cotidie te 
ipsum exspectabam, cum interea ne litteras quidem ullas accept 
quae me docerent quid ageres aut ubi te visurus essem ; Cicero 
wrote to Claudius after some delay; the cause of the delay is 
given in the quod clause; "exspectabam'' is modified by the 
cnm clause. Cause may be expressed in a single word, but in 
such instances the context furnishes the implication of cause; 
e. g. Hor. Carm. I, 5, 9: qui nunc te fruitur credulus aurea; 
since he is inexperienced (credulus), he thinks you all gold. 
So " prudens " Hor. Serm. 11, 3, 206 : prudens placavi sanguine 
divos; so probably "cari," Hor. Carm. I, 24, 2: Quis desiderio 
sit pudor aut modus / tarn cari capitis, i. e., since it is so dear. 

'I have ventured to use the word '' univerhal " to avoid circomlo- 
cation, though I am not aware that it appears in any standard diction* 
ary. It serves as another illustration of my thesis. 



162 AMERICAN JOURNAJj OF PHILOLOGY. 

Concession also may be expressed in one word, especially such 
a word as ^'invitus/' which readily carries sudi implication; 
ad Fam. Ill, 10, 3: coactus a me invitissimo decessisset; ibid. 
XIII, 63 : eum ego a me invitissimns dimisL* In the danse 
quoted above (ad Fam., Ill, 6, 5) the quod clause is used 
because the idea to be expressed is specific, and of insufiSciently 
frequent occurrence to have obtained a separate word for its 
expression. So in the cum clause the concept to be expressed 
does not frequently occur ; the object of '^ docerent *' is complex, 
each separate secondary object being a clause, and the second 
clause itself complicated by both "ubi** and "te.** That is, 
while everything in the sentence except "ad te scripsi** modi- 
fies "scripsi,^' the whole, which presents itself to the mind as 
one concept when the idea is grasped, is far too complex to be 
expressed by one word; and the separate parts of the concept, 
in the same way, are either too complex or too specific. If the 
total concept were one that came into the mind frequently 
without any change, in time, no doubt, a more convenient form 
of expression would have been found. A briefer expression of 
cause, though still too complex to be put into one word, is 
found in such phrases as ad Fam. Ill, 9, 4, sed id feci adductos 
auctoritate et consilio tuo. 

A concept of some complexity expressed in one word is found 
in almost any abstract term that means anything; e. g. "ur- 
banitas," as in ad Fam. HI, 9, 1 : aspectus videlicet urbis tibi 
tuam pristinam urbanitatem reddidit; the analysis of this con- 
cept would be found to yield among other things a pleasant 
emotional ingredient. Cf . ibid. Ill, 7, 6 : homo, mea sententia, 
summa prudentia, multa etiam doctrina, plurimo rerum usu, 
addo urbanitatem, quae est virtus. Ibid. Ill, 8, 4 : nihil addidi, 
nisi quod publicani me rogarunt, cum Samum ad me venissent, 
ut de tuo edicto totidem verbis transferrem in meum. In the 
foregoing example, what Cicero added is not directly stated, but 
hinted in descriptive detail. Plant. Bu. 601/2 : videtur ad me 
simia aggredirier / rogare scalas ut darem utendas sibi ; tihe sen- 
tence appears somewhat pleonastic, but is not absolutely so. In 
the context, " scalas '' would be understood without '' ut darem 

* In such a clause as Cic. Par. 5, 1 : soli igitur hoc contingit sapienti 
ut nihil faciat invitus, the idea of concession is scarcely felt. 



SINGLE WORD VBRBU8 PERA8B. 153 

utendas sibi''; but rogare prefers a dause to a noun as inner 
object. What has happened here, probably on account of the 
limitations of usage, is that the concept has been rather fully 
expressed, instead of being indicated by one word. 

The terms *' complex '^ and ''specific,^' each of which is of 
course relative, have been used with this distinction : a concept 
is complex when it contains various elements, any one of which 
is incomplete without reference to the others ; it is specific when 
its chief use is to hold clearly in view some detail which is 
necessary to express the dominant idea of the speaker. Specific 
daufles do not necessarily exdude complexity. The difference 
is often chiefly a difference of emphasis. Bu. 1110: ubi sunt 
signa qui parentes noscere haec possit suos; the dause ''qui 
. . . suos'' is not more complex than ''militaria'' in ''signa 
militaria.'' It is more specific, limiting the application of 
" signa '' to the purpose then in hand. It did not secure uni- 
verbal expression, presumably because it did not occur fre- 
quently enough. 

Cic. pro Milone, 54 : (quoted in another connection by Post- 
gate, p. xxix, Preface to Cusfs translation of Br^al's Semantics) 
si haec non gesta audiretis, sed picta videretis, tamen appareret 
uter esset insidiator, uter nihil cogitaret mali: in the phrases 
"esset insidiator'' and "nihil cogitaret mali," "insidiator" is 
a noun, which indicates precisdy enough the performer of a 
certain kind of action, sufiSdently frequent to require and 
obtain a separate classification and name; "nihil cogitaret 
mali" expresses a much wider and vaguer concept, induding 
here the idea of " non-insidiator." There is no noun to signify 
definitely a non-planner of evil. A negative prefix is readily 
adopted by adjectives, but scarcely at all by nouns.^® In this 
instance "esset insidiator" ia really more specific than "nihil 
cogitaret mali." The two concepts are analyzed into speech by 
different methodfi. Bu. 538/9: qui auderem tecum in navem 

^ See Lindsay, L. L., p. 615. There are some interesting examples of 
semi-agglutination of the negative with the noun in Greek; e. g., Eur. 
Hipp. 196-7 9c' dw€tpoain/ip SXKov ptSrov | Koix dn^ec^cr rUp dir& yala9, 
Thuc. I, 137: tcai r^p tSp y94>vpwp .... rSrt 9c' airbp od 9td\vffip; ibid., 
m, 95: M T^t Acvjcd^ot r^r od vepirtlxi^riPi ibid. V, 35: icard r^p tSp 
XttpUtp iXKfikoit oiic iwSdoffip. See also H. A. Hamilton, The Negative 
Compounds in Greek (J. H. U. diss.), pp. 31 f. 



164 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEIL0L0G7. 

asoendere / qui a fimdamento mi usque movisti mare? Here 
^^ qui . . . mare'' states a specific detail which is of importance 
to Charmides. It is somewhat akin in tenor to lyoaiyaun. 
The latter^ however, denotes a regular attribute of Poseidon^ 
and has received univerbal expression. The former denotes an 
isolated occurrence, states it explicitly, and was not generalized 
into an epithet. Bu. 892/3 : bene factum et volup est me hodie 
his mulierculis / tetulisse auxilium; grammatically speaking, 
^' tetulisse *' is the subject of ^^est"; psychologically, the whole 
concept expressed in ''me . . . auxilium'' is a unit; it ex- 
presses one act of Daemones, and is not more complex than 
''amatio," Bu. 1204: nimis paene inepta atque odiosa eiuB 
amatiost. Bu. 1291/2: istic scelestus liber est, ^o qui in 
mari prehendi / rete atque excepi vidulum ei darei n^atis 
quicquam: here ''istic scelestus" is balanced by "^o qui in 
mari prehendi rete atque excepi vidulum," and " liber est " by 
"ei darei negatis quicquam." "Scelestus" is emotional and 
not specific; while Gripus represents his own merit by recount- 
ing the achievement whidi has a bearing on the situation; so 
Trachalio is freed, but no reward is given to Oripus. If 
grasping a rope and pulling a box out of the sea were a matter 
of frequent occurrence, some convenient expression for the per- 
son perf oiming the action would, arguing from the analogy of 
other ncHuina agentis, probably have arisen. The concept here 
expressed is not more complex than that represented by " sacri- 
ficulus " or " pollinctor," probably not more specific than that 
represented by the latter. Oripus is annoyed, and has no spe- 
cific charge against Trachalio to balance the qui clause, so he 
says " scelestus," which here means nothing except that he does 
not like Trachalio. It should be noted further that the idea of 
concession is plainly implicit both in "scelestus" and in the 
qui clause. A somewhat similar balance of adjective and clause 
is found Bu. 920/1 : nimis homo nilist quist piger . . . / vigi- 
lare decet hominem qui volt sua temperi conficere officia; there 
the qui clause is the antithesis to "piger"; there are several 
adjectives that might serve for the qui clause, e. g., "acer"; 
but the clause is more specific; it is the idea prominent in 
Gripus' mind (cf. 915, nam ut de nocte multa impigreque 
exsurrexi) ; the psychological, not the logical, antitiiesis to 
" piger " is required here ; possibly, too, the decorative impulse 



BIIfGLE WORD VBBBU8 PSRABB. 155 

has something to do with fhe variety of expression. €ic. ad 
Fam. m^ 4^ 1: menm studinm erga te et oflBdnm tametsi 
mnltis iam rebus spero tibi esse cognitum, tamen in iis maxime 
dedarabo quibns plurimnm significare potuero tuam mihi 
ezistimationem et dignitatem carissimam esse: to a hearer or 
reader acquainted with the circumstances to whidi Cicero refers^ 
'^multia'^ suggests a greater complexity than the relative 
clause, but the latter is specific — ^its precision is mudi greater 
than that of '^ multis '' ; though the concept expressed is rather 
complex, does not occur with great frequency, and has no uni- 
verbal expression. Ad Fam. Ill, 10, 1 : multaque mihi veniebant 
in mentem quamobrem istum laborem tibi etiam honori puta- 
rem fore, ''quamobrem • . . fore'' is not more complex than 
'' salutaria,'' ibid. 8, 4: quo in capite sunt quaedam nova salu- 
taria civitatibus '' ; it is more specific. Bu. 721 : extemplo hercle 
ego foUem pugillatorium faciam: ''follis pugillatorius " is not 
more complex or specific than ** gladius.'' It did not in Latin 
require mention so frequently; nor, historically, has ''punching- 
bag'' required mention in English as frequently as ''sword.'' 
Ad. Fffln. m, 3, 2 : ego C. Pomptinum, legatum meum, Brun- 
disi exspectabam, eumque ante Eal. Iim. Brundisium venturum 
arbitrabar; place is here expressed by a case form, time by a 
prepositional phrase. Further, the expression of time in ana- 
lytical form differs from many instances in which a compound 
is used; e. g., Cic. ad Fam. XY, 4, 9: ex antelucano tempore 
usque ad horam diei x; Seneca, Epist. 65, 1: hestemum diem 
divisi cum mala valetudine; antemeridianum ilia sibi vindi- 
cavit: postmeridiano mihi cessit. The list might be extended 
indefinitely. 

As may be gathered from what has been said, the novelty 
or infrequency of occurrence of a concept may lead to its ex- 
pression in a clause, while other concepts quite as complex and 
quite as specific find expression in one word. Bu. 965 : et qui 
invenit hominem novi, et dominus qui nunc est scio; "in- 
ventor" does not appear in Plautus. Cf. ibid. 313/6 adoles- 
centem / . . . qui tres secum homines duceret; " qui tres secum 
homines duceret '' adds a simple detail to the picture, but a man 
does not lead three men with suflBcient frequency, nor is the 
matter of sufficient importance, to warrant a special term for 
"leading three men." Terms such as centurio and decurio 



156 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

developed because tiie concept represented by tiiem was of suffi- 
cient importance and frequency of occurrence to need a conye- 
nient method of expression. The concept expressed above by 
" qui invenit '' finds expression (though in a generalized form) 
in "inventor/' Ter. Eun. 1036: o Parmeno mi, o mearum 
voluptatum omnium / inventor, inceptor, perfector, sds me, 
in quibus sum gaudiis ? The free use of " inventor '^ may have 
been hampered by its technical or quasi-technical application.^^ 
Eu. 118/9: i8ti(c) infortunium qui praefestinet ubi ems adsit 
praeloqui; the concept in the qui clause is not more complex 
nor more specific than others expressed univerbally; "he who 
hastens to speak before his master " should be no more difficult 
of univerbal expression than "he who is learned in the law,'* 
or " he who heals the sick "; praefestinet adds one detail to the 
picture, but tiie concept does not occur frequently, nor is it 
important. 

Thus far it would seem that the chances that any concept will 
be expressed in a single word rather than in a phrase are 
inversely as its complexity, precision, and infrequency of occur- 
rence. Logically considered, thus much, at least, is true of 
adjectives and nouns. But language is primarily a matter not 
of logic, but of psychology, and psychology must take account of 
emotion.^' Emotion may affect the expression of the concept 

"Cf. Hot. Serm. I, 10, 48: inyentore minor; id., Carm. m, 30, 10- 
14: dicar .... prinoeps; Quint. Inst. Orcit. Ill, 7, 16: qnae solus 
quia aut primus, aut certe cum paucis feoisse videatur; ibid. IS: afferent 
laudem liberi parentibus, urbes oonditoribus, leges latoribus, artes in- 
ventoribus, necnon instituta quoque auctoribus. 

^ Adjectives, for example, miglit be classified as inteUectual and emo- 
tional. The prevailing characteristic of the emotional adjective is Its 
vagueness; a precise adjective must be inteUectual; e. g., trilibriay 
longimanus. When such a term is used as an emotional adjective it 
loses precision. For example, ''sesoenta" Plant. Ps. 632: quasi mihi 
non sescenta tanta soli soleant credier; "rotundus," Hor. Serm. II, 7, 
86; in Greek, rerpdytapos, Sim. 12, Bergk; so in such phrases as Plaut. 
Oas. 114, ex sterculino effosse, where emotional ccxigruity makes the 
metaphor fitting. Of. Erdmann, Die Bedeutung des Wortes, p. 107: 
Ich unterseheide also am Worte dreierlei: 1. den begriffichen Inhalt 
von grSsserer oder geringerer Bestimmtheit .... 2. den Nebensinn, 3. 
den Gefiihlswert (oder Stimmungsgehalt) ; ibid. pp. 114-5: Von einigen 
Ausdrficken kannte man sagen, dass sie tlberhaupt nur GefOhlswert 
besftssen, oder besser, dass ihr begriflOicher Inhalt ganz im Geffihlswert 



8INQLB WORD VERBUB PHRABE. 167 

in two ways : it may lead to the use of a blanket term, such as 
an emotional adjective; or it may lead to the statement of some 
detail of interest in analytic form for emphasis. The second 
method differs only in degree from any statement of detail in 
a relative clause, since this is always determined by the interest 
of the speaker; but in emotional statement imnecessary analyses 
are oft^ier made. A good example is Bu. 1291/2, analyzed 
above. *' Scelestus '' indicates merely Gripus' dislike of Tradia- 
lio; "qui in mari prehendi rete atque excepi vidulum'' the 
act of the fruits of which he has, he thinks, been unjustly 
deprived. Such partial analysis of a concept by the addition 
of some detail of interest to give emphasis is common: Bu. 
1236, fiunt transennae ubi decipiuntur dolis, or ibid. 28/9, qui 
estis boni,/ quique aetatem agitis cum pietate et cum fide; 
in the latter example the qui clause is merely a restatement of 
"boni" to give emphasis." Bu. 651-3 furnishes a good ex- 
ample of a statement that might logically have been made in 
one word. The epithets indicate the tumiag about of the con- 
cept in the mind of the speaker to find some process of analysis 
by which to make the expression of disgust more vigorous; 
finally he throws out the logical kernel in one word, which 
represents all that the concept logically contains. He throws 
this out after having prepared a suitable emotional atmosphere 
in his hearer's mind, as tiiougb in despair of getting epithets 
to do the subject justice: fraudis, sceleris, parricidi, periuri 
plenis(sumus) / legirupa, impudens, impurus, inverecundis- 
sumus, / uno verbo absolvam lenost: quid ilium porro praedi- 
cem? "Turba** has a rather vague connotation; but Vergil's 
analysis of it in one well-known passage gives the logical details 
and excites the appropriate emo^on with no waste of epithets ; 

aafgegangen aei. Bei SchimpfwSrtem b. B. ist der grossen Menge die 
■ie g^raucht, der eigentliche Sinn unbekannt .... VieUeieht beniht 
die krftftige, fast mystische T^^kung mancher SchimpfwOrter gerade 
darauf, dass im Grunde kein Mensdi mehr weiss, was sie eigentlich 
beaagen. 

"Under the influence of emotion it is easier to throw together epi- 
thets than to think consecutively. Epithets, however, make no appeal 
to the mind of an unprejudiced hearer. He wants to know the facts. 
So the plain statement of a case with wdl-chosen words is more effective 
than much mere rhetoric. 



168 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Aen. VI, 305 sqq.: hue omnis turba ad ripas effusa mebat/ 
matres atque viri, defunctaque corpora vita/ TnagnanJTnnm 
herouin, pueri innuptaeque puellae/ impositique rogis iuTeneB 
ante ora parentum. Vergil sees tiie crowd at the Styx. ** Tur- 
ba'' merely classifies it generally; the specific details must be 
given by analysis, and the appropriate emotion by a proper 
choice of vocabulary. Examples of logical analysis for the 
purpose of description or definition are too common to discuss 
here. Outside of scientific treatises they do not often occur 
without some irrelevant or picturesque detaiL See, e. g., Cice- 
ro's description of the Asiatic style, Bru. 95, 325. 

Examples have been given above of concepts of some com- 
plexity and of others of considerable precision expressed imi- 
verbaUy. Those whose novelty requires expression by the use 
either of a clause or of a new word will be considered later* 
One case, however, will be examined here of the univorbal ex- 
pression of concepts that are complex, specific in that thej are 
of definite, individual reference, and so infrequent in occurrence 
that one of them, at least, is quoted in Harper's Lexicon as a 
awai Acyo/icvoK — ^Ad Fam. Ill, 7, 5 : ullam Appietatem aut Len- 
tulitatem valere apud me plus quam omamenta virtutis existi- 
mas? The obvious diflSculty with words like ^'Appictas" or 
*^ Lentulitas '' is that they presuppose for their comprehension 
acquaintance with a partictdar person, object, or event. Given 
such acquaintance, they are dear and forcible; and the more 
thorough the acquaintimce of the hearer with the person, object^ 
or event, and with the speaker, the more exactly can he analyze 
for himself the concept which they suggest. In the case of men 
and events whose fame is wide, they may be used to good effect 
with a large audience. ^ Johnsonian " is readily understood b j 
Ihe majority of educated, English-speaking people; its emo- 
tional quality must be inferred from the context. To Miss 
Jenkyns of Cranford it was a term of honor, stately, dignified; 
to some modem readers it means only turgid, sesquipedalian. 
Words of this sort are probably coined in every house at some 
time. Their range of use is at first confined to those who are 
acquainted with the circumstances of their origin.** The vast 

^* Zumal 'in BevSlkeningsgruppeii, die abgeschlossen leben, bei Btu- 
denten, Soldaten, Handwerksburscheii, gewinnen gewisse AusdxHcko 



8INQLB WORD YBRSUS PHRASE. 159 

majority of tliem die out. Here and there one is preserved, 
and sometimes used and understood long after the occasion of 
its formation is forgotten. The adjective " Pickwickian '' pro- 
bably, the verb "burke'' certainly, is used by those who have 
no notion of its origin. 

There are two forms of expression in Latin which stand 
somewhere between the clause and tiie single word. One is the 
adjective with *^ res.'' ** Res " (except in the sense of property) 
has in itself, when combined with an adjective, practically no 
meaning. It is a device whereby an adjective is enabled to 
carry tiie meaning of a noun; e. g., Bu. 95: ubi rem divinam 
se f acturum dixerat ; Cic. ad Fam. Ill, 8, 9 : de rebus urbanis 
quod me certiorem fecisti; and passim. This use of "res" 
is a convenient device, and capable of wide application. The 
other device is that of the indefinite expressions which are 
frequently agglutinated into one word, and which are of com- 
paratively limited application; e. g., Bu. 561: nesdoquem 
metuentes miserae; ibid. 83/4: pro di immortales, tempesta- 
tem quoiusmodi / Neptunus nobis nocte hac misit proxuma; 
ibid. 321: cum istiusmodi virtutibus operisque natus qui 
8i[e]t. The last expressions are meaningless unless the refer- 
ence is dear, and " nescioquis," which does not require such 
reference, is in itself totally indefinite; all these compounds 
differ from the "res" with adjective expressions in that the 
latter can by tiiemselves convey a tolerably precise meaning. 
Of. Bu. 967: ego ilium, novi quoius nunc est, tu ilium quoins 
antehac fuit, which illustrates the fact that any degree of pre- 
cision destroys the indefinite construction. In Bu. 83 " quoius- 
modi " is merely emphatic, " what a storm ! " 

New words are required to define a new concept or combina- 
tion of concepts; or to define a familiar concept, because the 

leicfat einen versohiedeiieii begrifBicfaen Inhalt — urn wieviel leichter also 
einen besonderen Stimmungsgehalt, einen komischen oder verftchtlichen 
Nebensinn. Aucfa in einselnen Familien bildet sicfa gar leicht eine 
beeondere Sprache beraus, und der in diesen Kreis tretende Fremde bat 
ticb erst dem besonderen OefOblston mancber Ausdrtlcke anzubeque- 
men, ebe er die andem vOUig veratebt oder von ibnen veratanden wird. 
Endlicb kOnnte man aogar aagen, dass bei der einzelnen Person sicb 
gewisse WOrter mit unwiUktlrlicben und unwiderniflicben Begleitge- 
fllblen verketten.— <ErdnMtnn, Die Bedeutung des Wortes, p. 124. 



160 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOQT. 

term previously used has become inadequate on account of a 
shift of meaning. Ru. 508/9 : scelestiorem cenam cenavi tuam/ 
quam quae Thyestae f quondam antepositast et Tereo ; the con- 
cept that iss here compared with that of the dinner is compli- 
cated by reason of the fact that it would require a dvandva com- 
poimd for imiverbal expression. There seems no adjective 
corresponding to Tereus, and in Plautus' time none correspond- 
ing to Thyestes. " Thyesteus *' occurs in classical Latin; and 
Ovid, P. IV, 6, 47, utque Thyesteae redeant si tempora mensae, 
is a good example to contrast with Ru. 508/9. Sometimes 
the new term is a mere agglutination, ae in the case of prepo- 
sition with verf) or adjective. On account of the idea of near- 
ness associated with *^ sub '' in such phrases as ^^ sub montem,*' 
compoimds with sub are freely formed; e. g., Ru. 423: sub- 
volturium — illud quidem subaquilum volui dicere. *^ Aquilus '* 
is itself defined Paul. Fest. 22 : aquilus color est fuscus et sub- 
niger.^' On page 1773 alone of Harper's Lexicon twenty-two 
compounds of sub appear as airo^ Xcyo/icm. Other compounds 
are agglutinative determinative, which, however, did not thrive 
in Latin. Qooi examples are the dependent adjective com- 
pounds in the Attis of Catullus; hederigera, 23: ubi capita 
maenades vi iaciimt hederigerae; silvicultrix and nemorivagus, 
72: ubi cerva silvicultrix, ubi aper nemorivagus; and the pos- 
sessive properipes, 34 : rapidum ducem secuntur Oallae properi- 
pedem. Cf . Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar 1265, 1293 fit. Three 
of these compoimds are starred in Harper's Lexicon. These 
S,7nii AcycS/icva, SO far as we can judge from Ihe evidence, repre- 
sent the formation of a new word, or rather its emergence into 
literature; but the concepts which they represented were not of 
sufficient importance to require a separate expression, or some 
other word was more satisfactory to the public. " Perhiberi ** 
in Ihe sense of ^ did '' in the comedians is an instance of ar- 
rested development. 

''Ambulator'* appears first in Cato, *' ambulatrix ** appears 
nowhere else. R. R. 5, 2 : villous ne sit ambulator; ibid. 143, 1 : 
uxor vilici ad cenam nequo eat, neve ambulatrix siet. The word 
in either gender denotes a specific sort of idler; it is probable 

'6o that a ecnnparison by diminution could be established: niger, 
aquilus, lubniger. 



8INQLB WORD YBRBUS PHRASE. 161 

that no one else felt the need of the definition of this particular 
kind of idler^ as there are adjectives in use^ and as the distinc- 
tion from other kinds of idleness is not very dear-cut. " Ab- 
actor'* occurs first in literature in Apuleius^ Met. VII, 26: 
abactorem indubitatum, cruentumque percussorem ; possibly the 
use of the word here is due to the desire for a formal hendiadys. 
It is defined by Isidore, Orig. 10, 14: est fur iumentorum et 
pecorum quem vulgo abigeum vocant. There is no etymological 
reason why " abactor'* should be '*fur"; it might etymologi- 
cally and logically quite as well mean ** defensor,'* i. e., " abactor 
hostium." The term is defined with great precision by the 
jurist Paulus Sententiarius, Sent. 5, 18, 1: abactores (abegea- 
tores) sunt qui, unum equum vel duas equas totidemque boves 
(oves) vel capras decem porcos quinque abegerint. This defi- 
nition furnishes an example of the precision necessary in tech- 
nical vocabulary. "Abigeus" also comes in for a technical 
definition; TJlpion, Dig. 42, 14, 1, 1 (Goetz, Archiv, I (1884) 
561) : abigei autem proprie hi habentur qui pecora ex pascuis 
vel ex armentis subtrahunt, et quodammodo depraedantur, et 
abigendi studium quasi artem exercent, equos de gregibus vel 
boves de armentis abducentes. Oeterum si quis bovem aber- 
rantem vel equos in solitudine relictos abduxerit, non est abi- 
geus sed fur potius. The present participle appears first in 
Pliny; the singular N. H. 8, 142: canem . . . volucres ac feras 
abigentem; the plural ibid. 8, 91: delphini abigentes eos (sc. 
crocodiles) praedam. The verb ** canceUare " appears first in 
Columella, R. R. IV, 2: haec (sc. vitis) autem quae toto est 
prostrata corpore cum inferius solum quasi canceUavit atque 
irretivit, cratem facit. The vine makes a lattice-work on the 
ground. Thence the term was applied to the act of striking 
out with tiie mark **x"; thence to the act of annulling, in 
which latter significations it survives in English. The verb 
when first used marked a concept of sufficient unportance and 
frequency to require separate definition in ordinary speech. 

The introduction of a new science or the development of a 
science which is not new requires new terms. Quintilian fur- 
nishes many examples of the adaptation of terms, sometimes 
taken bodily from Greek, sometimes translated ; Inst. Orat. IX, 
4, 22: at iUa connexa series tres habet formas: incisa, quae 
K6pL§wra dicimtur, membra, quae Kwka, wtptoSw quae est vel am- 

5 



162 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGT. 

bitus, vel circumductum^ vel continuatio vel condusio; 
ibid. 3^ 81 : contrapositiun, autem, vel, ut quidam Tocant, oon- 
tentio (AyriOerov dicitur) non iino fit modo; YIII, 3, 50: 
sicut TavroAoyM id est eiusdem verbi aut sermonis iteratio; 
ibid. 53 : vitanda fiOKpoXoyla id est longior quam oportet sermo 
... est et irAcovacr/io« vitiiun^ cum supervacuis verbis oratio 
oneratur ; ibid. 55 : est etiam quae ir€pupyia vocatur^ supervacuay 
ut sic dixerim, operositas. Quintilian adopts MucoCi^Aor as a 
Latin word, ibid. 58 : est autem omne KoxoCriXoy utique f alsum, 
etiamsi non omne falsum jcomco^i/Xov. Caoozelon vero est quod 
dicitur aliter quam se natura habet et quam oportet, et quam 
sat est ; as Lucretius adopts '^ ihomoeomeria^' because there is no 
Latin word for it: De Rerum Nat. I, 830/2, nunc et Anaxa- 
gorae scrutemur homoeomerian / quam Grai memorant, nee 
nostra dicere lingua / concedit nc^is patrii sermonis egestas. 

This paper is merely a suggestion as to some of tiie main 
principles that govern the linguistic expression of concepts. If 
the holophrastic condition of very primitive speech is assumed/* 
the first necessity for the convenient interchange of ideas, the 
differentiation of the holophrase into its component parts, had 
been carried very far when the first Latin now extant appears, 
though the analysis of the verb has been carried farther. Single 
words, the separate coimters of speech, were available to repre- 
sent most ordinary things and ideas with facility. The process 
of recombination to represent more concisely new or more 
abstract concepts was goiug on all through tiie literary period. 
The greater concreteness of many Latin expressions may be an 
evidence of this fact; e. g., res gestae, qui in re publica ver- 
santur, and other periphrases used in Latin where in English or 
Oreek an abstract term would be employed, and the borrowing 
of philosophical and technical terms so largely from the Greek. 
The imiverbal expression of concepts not previously so expressed 
was being developed as at present and the process must continue 
80 long as language is a vehicle of thought. Linguistic develop- 

^Cf. Wundt, V((lkerp8ychologie, Erster Band, Zweiter Tell, pp. 033- 
4; and also p. 685: Ala eine Ausdrucksbewegung, was tie (i. e., die 
6prache) auf alien ihren Entwicklungsstufen bleibt, geht sie voU- 
kommen kontinuierlich aua der Gesamtheit der Ausdrudcsbewegungen 
hervor, die das animalische Leben (iberhaupt kennseichnen. 



SINGLE WORD YERBUS PHRASE. 163 

ment corresponds not inaptly to the Spencerian formula; it is 
a change from an indefinite^ incoherent^ homogeneity, to a 
definite, coherent, heterogeneity. 

So far the problem is relatively simple, but a number of ques- 
tions remain to be asked. There are elements of concepts 
apparently frequent in occurrence, simple, and not detailed, 
that do not seem to lend themselves readily to absorption into a 
univerbal expression. To select two, tiie ideas of alternation 
and proximity ('' almostness '^ would convey the second idea 
better) : ad Fam. lU, 6, 5, quid ageres aut ubi te visurus essem, 
raises the question of alternation; PI. Capt. 20, quia quasi una 
aetas erat, or Pliny Ep. Vll, 20, 3, propemodum aequales, that 
of proximity. It is interesting to note that Harper's Lexicon 
gives only three examples of " paeninsula.*' *^ Or, to take 
another example in Latin, why are verbs in Latin not com- 
pounded with the negative prefix '*in'*?^* These questions 
and others of a similar nature cannot be answered here. They 
call for a separate investigation, and may be insoluble. They 
lead to metaphysics, while what has been done in this paper 
does not transgress the limits of linguistic psychology. Never- 
theless, these questions, whether insoluble or not, are insistent. 
Grammarians avoid metaphysics as far as possible, and they do 
well. The reaction against the illegitimate intrusion of a priori 
metaphysical concepts that resulted in logical categories to 
which speech was made to conform has cleared the groimd from 
useless lumber and made a science of language possible; but 
when inductive study has built up this science there still re- 
mains the question of its relation to metaphysics. It may be 
that the consideration of such problems as here suggested would 
do something toward establishing the boundaries of grammar 
and metaphysics; for ultimately grammar, as well as all other 
sciences, must come to an imderstanding with philosophy. 

EowABD W. Nichols. 

DALBOuan Uirnvtmr. 



»Cf. HeniU's note to CatoUus, 31, 1. 
*Cf. Lindsay, L. L., p. 363. 



L 



IV.— TWO PASSAGES IN PINDAE. 
(a) Olympians II 58-62 

6 lii^ IT Aovro9 dpcrois ScSouSoAfici'os 

^^po rwv re icoi rwv 

Koipov, fiaBuoLV {fwixinv fUpifJLva;y dypor^pay, 

Alfrnfp dp(^rf\o9, irvpMTarov 

dvS/M ^cyyo9. 

The word ayporipav is a good example of a familiar problem — 
how far should the united authority of manuscript and scholiast 
be considered as decisive? Professor Gildersleeve^s note on tiie 
passage is^ as usual, highly judicious — ^^ According to the major- 
ity of interpreters this means ' rousing a deep, and eager yearn- 
ing for achievement' ^putting into tiie heart of man a deep 
and eager mood/ So the scholiast ; <rwenp^ Ixtov r^ tfipovriSa irpos to 
6,yp€vuv rh dyajBd. . . But diversity of opinion may be pardoned.'' 
Two unsatisfactory emendations, afiporipav dKporipai^y at least 
testify to a reluctance to accept the scholiast's gloss, and it must 
be allowed that his interpretation does not harmonize either with 
the usual meaning or the derivation of iyportpo^, which is formed 
directly from d,yp6^ as dpiartpos is from 6po^. Although Agrotera 
is one of the ritual names of Artemis, the goddess of the country 
and the chase, dyparipa lupifmi can hardly bear any other mean- 
ing than * cura agrestis,' ^ rustic occupation,' * care of the fields.' 
If this be granted, it follows that in spite of manuscript and 
scholiast some change in our text is needed. The rhythm of the 
latter part of the sentence suggests that ixniip IplCriXo^ is in anti- 
thesis to irvpAOTarov ^cyyo9, the dazzling glare of the meteor — 
for the phrase is probably a reminiscence of Homer Iliad 13. 
2 11^ a s contrasted with the steady light of the sun. It may be 
that the comma should come after pipipAfav and apyoripws be read 
' the idle careless drones,' as a pendant to dy8/H, the hero prince 
of whom Pindar is thinking. 

Wealtli when adorned with ri^teous deeds 
Of this and that occasion brings, 
But deep within the heart dt ileada 
To subtle questionings; 
For idle tfoBc a meteor gleaming bright, 
To hero souls 'life's truest light." 
164 



TWO PA8BAQB8 IN PINDAR. 1^5 

(b) Pythians I 38-39 

n^oco'cr* Atrva iravcrcs 
X^ovoi 6iduK rSffva. 

In all the great gallery of the First Pythian there is no more 
wonderful picture than this^ although the critics have paid it 
scant attention. Etna like Atlas^ that other pillar of the sky^ is 
half-mountain half -mortal ; but while Atlas is an old man bent 
with years, ^um flumina mento 

praecipitant senis et glacie riget horrida barba — 

Etna is a young nursing mother, her breasts rising free to 
heaven, and from the upper heights the white snow comes run- 
ning down even as the white milk wells from the breast of a 
living riBrj^^ not for tiie space of some months but for all the 
year. The vision that Pindar saw is scarcely brought home to 
English readers in our translations. Sandys gives — * snow-dad 
Etna who nurseth her keen frost for the live-long year ' ; Myers 
— ^^ snowy Etna nursing the whole year's length her dazzling 
snow' — ^which is to confuse riBTrpni with riio^y as though a 
Frenchman were to identify his 'nourrice' with his * bonne.' 
The vital words are x^i^^ 6^da% rtBrp^ and they will repay 
careful examination, x^^^^ ^ & descriptive, not a possessive geni- 
tive — descriptive also the other genitives yeviatm, fiiw k. t. X. 
cited under the metaphorical uses of rtSrjva in L. and S. — ^and 
XioFCK riSfpfa is tiie same sort of oxymoron as Horace's ^arida 
nutriz,' x^^o^ being substituted for ydXoKro^ as arida is substi- 
tuted (for umida. The oxymoron derives fresh force from the 
adjective. 6$€ia x^uv cannot possibly mean ' dazzling snow,' for if 
6$jk is to mean ' bright,' it must be used with a noun of vision, 
like our ' sharp glance.' 6(v^ is ^ sharp to the touch ' and ' sharp 
to the taste,' and in both senses it is applicable to x^^f which of 
course is snow, not 'frost,' snow as it lies and melts on the groimd 
as opposed to vc^9 the drifting snow-flake. But in its second 
sense 6$€Ui here is peculiarly appropriate, for sharp to the taste, 
bitter, acerhus is exactly the opposite of the natural epithet of 
milk, soft to the taste, sweet, hlandiis, and so the adjective car- 
ries on the figure that the noim begins: we have x*^^^ 6$€ia9 
instead of the natural yoAoicroc yXvicco^. 

White-flaked Etna on whose crest 

AH the long year through 

Streameth from each lifted breast 

Bitter milk of snow. J*, A. WEIGHT. 

VntfwaBvn or LoiriKnr. 



v.— THE OBIGIN OF THE NAME CILICIA. 

The first certain appearance of the name CUida is in the 
cuneiform inscriptions of Tiglathpileser III (not lY), where 
EUakhu refers to the mountainous district later occupied by the 
Isaurians ^ and the southwestern comer of Gappadocia, a conno- 
tation which the word still possessed in classical times, tiiough 
the modem definition was already coming into use. In the Hit- 
tite texts of the second millennium, eoutheastem Cilicia is called 
Arzawa, Babylonian Ursu, a name which survived in classical 
Bkosus (not Arsus *) and modem Arsus. Some centuries later^ 
we find that this district is called in the Assyrian and Aramean 
inscriptions, as well as in the Old Testament by the name QuweK 
(Que, Qwk). 

On Persian coins of Cilicia we find usually the form ^^, 
corresponding to tiie Assyrian, but on coins of the satrap Phar- 
nabazus the orthography "^^D occurs instead. The latter spelling 
cannot be explained by the Oreek KiAiicca, but both evidently have 
a common source, older than the dissimilated form Hli, tiiough 
both forms may have existed side by side for many centuries. 
There is, therefore, no phonetic objection to the identification of 
the Kl{r)ki, who appear among the Anatolian peoples who 

*T!h6 antiquity of the name Isaurian is confirmed by the reoent 
disoovery in the Bo^^ias-keai ooUections ol the daaeical Oargutmu, 
northwest of Tyana, as KurwaurOf in a text purporting to describe 
events of the thirtieth century B.C. The element aaur thus belongs 
to the primitive Cappadocian laiiguage, probably the preflxiBg Eteo- 
Hittite (a better term than Proto-Hittite) language described by 
Forrer. 

*Thiia "dassioal'' form has been invented by Professor Sayce; see 
Jour. Eg, Arch.^ VI, 296. The relation between the various writings 
Ur9U, XJrhkf and Aremoik has been pointed out by the writer in Jovnr, 
Eg. ATcK.t Vn, 801., unfortunately without noting Sayce'a blunder. 
Another, much more portentous mistake of the same kind (loo. oil.) 
is Sayce's statement tiiait Y<urmut% is ** classical '* Armuthia. The 
source of this is Tompkins, Trans. Boo. Bib. Arch., DC, 242, ad 218 (of 
the Tuthmosis list) : " Mauti. Perhaps the Yari-muta of the Tel el- 
Amama tablets, now (I think) ArmOthia, south of KiUis." This is 
the modem village of ArmtLdja, a hamlet seme three mOes south of 
Killis, not on the coast at all, but in the heart of Syria, and with no 
known classical background. 

166 



THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME CIUCIA. 167 

threatened Egypt in the thirteenth century, with the Gilicions; 
the ending i is, as is well-known, a gentilic ending (cf. Jour. 
Pal. Orient 3oc. I, 67, n. 2). On the other hand, we must now 
distinguish between the miU-Cilicians and the Teucrian Oer- 
githes, who appear on the Egean coast of Asia ^Minor and in 
Cyprus, though the latter may well be identical with the Oir- 
gadiites of Canaan. 

Attention may be called, in this connection, to tiie name JEToZi- 
JcaJbat, tiie archaic designation of the district later known as 
Melid, Oreek MelUene, which extended, like Katmuh or Kutmiik 
(Commagene) on both sides of the 'Euphrates. The name is 
written Hanigdlbat (formerly read Hanirabhat), ndligalbatl&'] 
(Scheil, ^DSUgaiion en Perse, II, 95'f.) and J^anakalbat The 
native form, in the text of the Mitannian Agabtaha, was Hali- 
g{i)albat; Hanigalbat and Hwuikalbai are the Babylonian forms, 
which unquestionably originated in the dissimilation of the 
first I. Schroeder's artificial suggestion. Orient. Lit., 1918, 175, 
that LI had a ^ Hanigalbatean '' reading ana is impossible, as 
well as wholly gratuitous. It is barely possible that the correct 
term, Halikalbat, should be analyzed as HdHJc-albat, and com- 
bined with KiUk-HHak, Cilicia. However, one must not forget 
the fate of an older hypothesis of this type, combining Hanigal- 
bat, read Hanirabhat, with Hana -» ' Anah, as '^ Great Hana." 

W. F. ALBRI0HT. 
AmucAs SoitooL OF OimmL Bmbaeob, 

JWKUBALmU, PALMTUra. 



VI.— IMPRISONED ENGLISH AUTHOBS AND THE 
CONSOLATION OP PHILOSOPHY OF B0ETHIU8. 

Sir Thomas More, best known perhaps as the author of 
Utopia, cherished the teachings of the Consolation of Philosophy, 
and was cheered by them while awaiting death in Ihe Tower of 
London.^ In fact, he is said to have had the Consolation with 
him during his imprisonment.' That he wrote in imitation of 
it at that time we know through his work entitled, A Dialogue 
of Coumfort agaynst Tribulacion.' Convincing evidence of 
Morels familiarity with the Consolation of Philosophy is con- 
tained in Holbein's picture. The More Family Oroup. In the 
study in Indian ink, now in the Basel Gallery^ More's daughter, 
Margaret, holds the Consolation of Philosophy in her hand ; but 
in the finished painting now at Nostell Priory the composition 
is somewhat altered. Arthur B. Chamberlain in describing these 
changes says : ^ The various accessories in the room have also 
been to some extent changed. . . . The titles of the books are 
given in most cases. Thus Margaret Boper holds open Seneca's 
Oedipus at the chorus in Act lY, Elizabeth Dancey has Seneca's 
Epistles under her arm, while Boetius de Consolatione Phi- 
losophiae is on Ihe sideboard.'^ When we remember that 
Holbein was lodged at Sir Thomas More's house during many 
years of his sojourn in England we have good reason for accept- 
ing his composition as significant. 

Among other English authors who, while imprisoned, drew 
comfort from the Consolation are John Leslie, Bishop of Boss, 
who sent an ilnitation of it to his royal and captive mistress, 
Mary, Queen of Scots, in 1572; and King James the First of 
Scotland who, as he himself tells us, gained inspiration for his 
greatest work. The Kingis Quair, through reading the Conso- 
lation of Boethius as he lay in bed unable to rest. 

Concerning the Consolation of Philosophy and King James 

* Hod^in, Italy and her Invaders, 3, 514. 

'Sedgefield, King Alfred's Version of the Oonsolation of Boethius, 
Introduction, p. xvii. 
'Everyman's Library, No. 461. 

* Hans Holbein the Younger, 1, 296. 

168 



IMPRISONED BNGU8H AUTHORS. 169 

the First, Washington Irving, in his A Royal Poet, says: 
^From the high eulogism in which he (King James) in- 
dulges, it is evident that this was one of his favorite volumes 
while in prison: and indeed it is an admirable text4)ook for 
meditation under adversity. It is the legacy of a noble and 
enduring spirit, purified by sorrow and suffering, bequeathing to 
its successors in calamity the maxims of sweet morality and the 
trains of eloquent but simple reasoning, by which it was enabled 
to bear up against the various ills of life. It is a talisman,.which 
the unfortunate may treasure up in his bosom, or, like the good 
King James, lay upon his nightly pillow.' 

Guy Baylby Dolson. 

iMSUllArOLB, IVMAXA. 



VII.— THE DEEIVATIVES OP SANSKEIT ika. 

Hindi has ik (one) corresponding to Sandorit ika, and simi- 
lar i-f orms appear in the other Aryan tongues of India. Bloch 
assumes that the Pr&krit f orm^ with kk, was borrowed from 
Sanskrit after g had developt from k between vowels^ so that 
the k was necessarily reproduced as kk.^ It seems unlikely, 
however^ that such a word could be anything but popular in 
form. Modem Provencial and Walloon have n, between vowels, 
representing Latin unus and ilikL* Likewise ika developt a 
stressless form ka. Here the k, being initial, was not subject to 
change; and its influence caused i to be kept or restored in the 
strest derivative of ika. The form ka is not entirely conjec- 
tural : it is contained in Hindi kaik, Marftti kaik (much) < ika- 
ika, and in Kashmiri kdh (eleven), equivalent to Hindi igdrah, 
Marftti akrd < ikddaga. From igdrah and similar forms in the 
related languages, it is dear that the initial vowel was some- 
times dropt after ika had changed to ^iga, and then partially 
restored imder the influence of the strest form. The relation 
of Hindi gydrah and igdrah seems to resemble that of Portu- 
guese aipa, limpo, ruivo, and Spanish apio, limpio, rvbio; but 
gydrah might also be a composite of *gdrah and a form cor- 
responding to Sindi ydraha, derived from Pr&krit idraha (witii a 
normal loss of intervocalic g (,k). In Pr&krit eggdraha the gg 
came from a variant with initial g, probably ^gdraha for older 
^gddasa, after simple occlusives between vowels had changed to 
fricatives or disappeared. 

Edwin H. Tdttlb. 

KoETR BxwEM, Oomr. 



'Bloch. Formation de la langue marathe, IS 94, 213 (Paris, 1915). 
'Koschwitz, Grammaire de la langue des f^libres, { 24 (Greifswald, 
1894) ; Feller, Oithographe wallonne, p. 42 (Li^, 1906). 

170 



BEPOBTS. 

EiviSTA Di FiLOLOGiA, Vol. XLIX (1921). 

Pp. 1-6. Apicio. Bemigio Sabbadini. The Vatican oodez 
of Apicius was discovered by Enoch of Ascoli in the monastery 
of Pulda, and brought by him to Italy. Poggio had seen it at 
Pulda in 1417. Pomponio Leto had a copy of Apicius, and so 
had Bartolomeo Sacchi (*I1 Platina'), who composed an imi- 
tation of tiiis treatise as early as 1475. Codex E wbb also 
brought to Italy in the fifteenth century. It was owned by 
Perotto, and used by Poliziano. 

Pp. 7-32. H coro delle Coefore. G. Attilio Piovano. The 
first instalment of a detailed analysis of tiie rdle of the Chorus 
in Aeschylus' Choephoroe, and the development of its sentiments 
in the three parts of the play (22-648, 649-970; 971-1074). 

Pp. 33-41. Studi sull* accento greco e latino. IX. Turba- 
menti nei f enomeni di apofonia latina. Massimo Lenchantin De 
Oubematis. A study of a list of Latin words whidi appear to 
have resisted the usual tendency to weaken an unaccented short 
vowel within a word. These exceptional forms are mainly due 
to the influence of the other Italian dialects. 

Pp. 42-56. Stichomythia. Carlo Oreste Zuretti. A study of 
stichomythia in Oreek tragedy, the extent of its use, and tiie 
various groupings of lines employed by each poet. In Aeschylus 
it amounts to 6% of his lines; in Sophocles, to 7%; in 
Euripides, to 12%. 

Pp. 67-78. Come ho tradotto Catullo. Ettore Stampini. 
Translations into Italian verse of Catullus, 17, 25, 30, 34, 63, 
65, 68% 73, 76, with discussion df the most appropriate metres. 

Pp. 79-97. La satira IX di Oiovenale nella tradizione della 
cultura sino aHa fine del medio evo. Santi Consoli. An inter- 
esting array of quotations from the ninth satire of Juvenal, 
from Priscian to Petrarch, especially in Aldhelm, John of 
Salisbury, Peter of Blois, Oiraldus Cambrensis, and Vincent of 
Beauvais. The passages quoted are: 1-5, 13-15, 18-20, 31-33, 
50-53, 58-60, 84-85, 88-92, 101-108, 109-112, 118-121, 124, 125- 
129, 130-134, 140-144. 

I^. 98-99. Anoora sull' "ortna di pi6 mortale.*' See vol. 
XLVin 390-91 and 467-74. C. 0. Zuretti still insists that 
Manzoni's expression may have been derived from Euripides, 
perhaps through translations by Goethe and Schiller. Paolo 
Bellezza points out that two of Manzoni's Italian commentators 

171 



172 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

have defended the i^ase^ and quoted both biblical and classical 
parallels. (Why not quote parallels even from Latin ^rose? 
Cp. Curtius RufuSy 4, 9, 18, cum modo saxa lubrica vestigium 
fallerent, modo rapidior unda subduceret; Pliny, Epp. 2, 1, 5, 
faHente vestigio.) 

Pp. 100-36. Reviews and book notices : Walters and Conway, 
livy, VI-X; Q. C. Fiske, Lucilius and Horace: G. Pasquali, 
Orazio Lirico ; etc. 

Pp. 137-56. Reports of classical periodicals. 

Pp. 157-60. List of new books received. 

Pp. 161-94. II coro nelle tragedie di Seneca. TJmberto 
Moricca. The choruses of Seneca have a much closer relation 
to the action of his dramas than 'i critici tedeschi' have 
recognized. 

Pp. 196-214. II coro delle Coefore. G. Attilio Piovano. 
Conduded from p. 32. 

Pp. 215-27. Critica e lingua della * Vita Alexandri Magni ' 
o ' Historia de prdiis ' di Leo archipresbyter secondo la recen- 
sione del cod. Bambergensis. Francesco Stabile. 

Pp. 228-29. Ovidio Metamorfosi XV 805-6. Domenico BassL 
Ovid has changed the story of Aphrodite's rescue of Aeneas, 
Diad, V 314-17. 

Pp. 230-52. Neottolemo e Orazio. Paolo Fossataro. A 
comparison of Horace's Ars Poetica with the poetical theories 
of Neoptolemus. The artide is based on Christian Jensen^s 
Neoptolemos und Horaz, Berlin, 1919. 

Pp. 253-82. Reviews and book notices. 

Pp. 283-300. Reports of classical periodicals. 

Pp. 301-304. List of new books received. 

Pp. 305-35. Vitruvio e la fortuna del suo trattato nd mondo 
antico. Francesco Pellati. It is practically certain that Vitru- 
vius was a contemporary of Augustus, and his De Architectura 
was probably composed between 27 and 23 B. C. He is men- 
tion^ three times by the dder Pliny, and once by Frontinus. 
In the first half of the third centuiy Cetus Faventinus wrote 
an epitome of a portion of his treatise; this epitome was used 
by Gargilius Martialis, about the middle of the third century, 
and, through Martialis, it served as one of the sources of Palla- 
dius, about 370. Vitruvius is mentioned also by Servius, in 
the fourth century, and by Sidonius Apollinaris, in the fifth; 
but by that time he was merely a great name, and his treatise 
had very little influence on the architecture of that day. 



BBPOBTB. 173 

Pp. 336-39. Costruzione paratattica appositiva in Cato? 
Francesco Stabile. Examination of five passages in Cato's De 
Agri Cultura in which Kiihner sees 'paratactic apposition.* 
These may all be explained in some other way. 

Pp. 340-44. Papiro Ercolanese 873. Domenico Bassi. Text 
of ten fragments of Philodemus based on a fredi study of the 
papyrus. 

Pp. 346-74. Reviews and book notices: J. Marouzeau, La 
Linguistique ; Carl Robert, Die griechische Heldensage, I-II; 
F. Poulsen, Delphi, translated by G. C. Richards ; J. T. Shep- 
pard, The Oedipus Tyrannus of Sophocles; J. T. Allen, The 
Gredc Theatre of the Fifth Century before Christ; etc. 

Pp. 376-79. Obituary notices of Giovanni Ferrara and Carlo 
Oiambelli. 

Pp. 380-97. Reports of classical periodicals. 

Pp. 398-400. List of new books received. 

Pp. 401-30. Gallico e Latino. Benvenuto Terracini. A re- 
view of Georges Dottin's La langue gauloise, Paris, 1920. Pp. 
426-30 contain a list of ' Gallic ' words which Dottin has not 
considered. 

Pp. 431-34. La canizie precoce di Virgilio e le biografie vir- 
giliane note al Petrarca. Vincenzo TJssani. Petrarch's state- 
ment that Virgil was prematurely gray should be compared with 
an ancient interpretation of Eel. i. 28, mentioned by Servius. 
In his own copy of Virgil he entered Servius' note on Aen. vi. 
809 : *^ hie etiam canus f uit a prima aetate.'' The statement, in 
the Basel ed. of the Secretum, 1649, that Virgil was XXXII 
when he wrote the Eclogues is due to confusion of the numeral. 
The Cod. Laur. has XXVI ; the Reggio ed. of 1501 has XXVII ; 
the Venice ed. of 1603 has XXXII (by mistake for XXVII). 

Pp. 436-66. Studi Anneani. Luigi Castiglioni. Textual 
notes on Seneca's Naturales Quaestiones. 

Pp. 466-67. Reminiscenze virgiliane nelle prose di L. Anneo 
Seneca. Santi Consoli. 

P. 468. Epigrammata. Ettore Stampini. 

Pp. 469-91. Reviews and book notices : K. F. Smith, Martial 
the Epigrammatist; 0. Hamelin, Le systfeme d'Aristote; F. G. 
Kenyon, Aristotelis Atheniensiimi Respublica, Oxford, 1920 ; etc. 

Pp. 492-608. Reports of classical periodicals. 

Pp. 609-12. List of new books received. 

W. P. Mustard. 

Jomrt HoPKixB UinrmaTT. 



174 AMERICA}^ JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Glotta. Volume XI (1920-1). 

Pp. 1-28. A. Debninner, Das hellenistische Nebensatziterativ- 
prateritnm mit 3,v. Hellenistic use of past indie, with dv in 
iterative sense is limited to subordinate clauses. It is not con- 
nected historically with the superficially similar classical con- 
struction (ref. to Gildersleeve, Syntax, I, §431), which is 
limited to principal clauses. It is a Hellenistic substitute for 
the classical optative without av as a preterite to a present with 

subjunctive and 5v ; IXeyev o n iv (Srav etc.) ipovXero or ifiovXtfivi, 
for o rt Pov\.oiro, Addenda on the meaning of ay, and on further 
late Greek extensions of av with indicative in subordinate clauses. 

Pp. 29-60. P. H. V. Helle, Problem der lateinischen Silben- 
trennung. Prescriptions of Latin grammarians on division of 
syllables (Probus to Alcuin). Need for correction of school 
rules, especially the rule that any consonant-combination which 
can begin a Greek or Latin word should not be divided. Only 
mute plus liquid are undivided between vowels. With reference 
to Walter Dennison's *' Syllaibification in Latin inscriptiona '** 
(CP I) : "Seine Ergebnisse decken alle unsere Regeln.*' 

Pp. 51-75. F. Slotty, Beitrage zur Kenntnis des Vulgar- 
lateins. I. Der sprachliche Ausdruck fiir die drei Dimensionen. 
Historical study of methods of expressing measurement (length, 
breadth, height, depth), traced from Indo-European Ihru Latin 
(literary and popular) to the Eomance languages. — ^U. Der 
Typus Ch&lons-sur-Marne im Lateinischen. The use of super, 
supra (instead of the usual ad, apud) to denote vicinity to 
rivers and the like is traced to the first century B. C. ; it is 
regarded as characteristic of popular Latin; hence the Bomanoe 
languages use such expressions as French sur, Italian sopra. 

Pp. 76-79. E. Schwyzer, Kleine Bemerkungen zu griech- 
ischen Dialektinschriften. Seven brief notes. 6. av«& IG. VII. 
3682 interpreted as containing ♦eft; — Sanskrit ddhdt, root- 
aorist to riOrjfu. 

Pp. 79-81. E. Kieckers, Zur Satzapposition. Such expres- 
sions as (Sallust) EunAenem . . . prodidere Antiocho, merce- 
dem scelerum are derived from old independent noun-sentences 
drawn into dependence; the apposition was originally nomina- 
tive (Tacitus Ann. 3. 27 compositae duodedm tabulae, finis 
aequi iuris) . 

Pp. 81-84. W. Kroll, Zur Satzapposition. Opposes Kieckers's 
view ; believes the " Satzapposition *' developed out of what was 
originally a word-apposition, which came to be felt loosely as 
in apposition to the idea of the whole sentence. 

Pp. 85-94. R. Munz, TJeber yX&rra und SidXacro^ und iiber 
ein posidonianisches Fragment bei Strabo. Ein sprachwissen- 



REPORTS. 175 

schaftlich-philologischer Exkurs zu Posidonius bei Strabo C 176 
fiber dialektische Verschiedenheiten bei den Gallieni. 

Pp. 94-144. Literaturbericht fiir das Jahr 1917. Greek, by j 

P. Kretschmer; Italic languages and Latin Grammar, by P. 
Hartmann; (Latin) Syntax, by W. Kroll. 

Pp. 145-175. H. Blase, Zum Konjunktiv im Lateinischen. 2. 
Der Konjunktiv im bedingenden Satze. Subjunctive in con- 
ditional sentences is not derived from expressions of wish. 

Pp. 175-179. G. N". Hatzidakis, Griechische Miszellen. 
I. &piXT€po^ (comparative to *o)3cAtos). II. {a^wvn) = ver- 
schrianpfen, zusammenziehen (fromo{apiov:5{o«). III. kovoki, — 
xovcvo). IV. Zum Verstandnis einiger Komposita. 

Pp. 179-183. E. Kieckers, Zum Schaltesatz im spateren 
Griechisch. Greater freedom in late Greek in use of the paren- 
thetized verbs of saying {4nifu, dwov etc.). 

P. 183. E. Kieckers, Zum Sri recitativum. An instance from 
a papyrus (2-3 Cent. A. D.). 

Pp. 183-184. E. Kieckers, Zu inquit, ffnjalv ' h^isst es.' This 
use of verb of saying with subject indefinite is derived from 
statements of legal or other prescriptions; a word like lex or 
the like is at first understood as subject. 

Pp. 185-192. M. Leumann, Lateinische Etymologien und 
Bedeutungen. anxicia, axitia und axitiosus. — ftistibdliLS, fundi- 
bolus, -bulum, -tulator. — miscellus, originally contraction of 
^mint^cellus, ^minscellus, from minv^culiLs; it occurs first in 
Cato and Varro as technical term of viniculture and means 
(according to Leumann) " very small " (vines or grapes) ; later 
it was connected with misceo by popular etymology. 

Pp. 192-194. M, Leumann, Part. perf. pass, mit fui im 
spateren Latein. fueram, fuissem, fuero, fuisse with part, 
(instead of eram etc.) used in late Latin regularly in subordhiate 
clauses, while eram etc. remain usual in principal clauses. 

P. 195. M. Leumann, egressum iri (for egressurum esse). — 
Zum spaten griech. rp). (Eetained in Modem Greek rfipa [ivra].) 

Pp. 195-198. P. Kretschmer, Ares. The name means 
"destroyer'* and particularly "avenger''; hence the cult of 
this god is of right connected with the Areopagus. 

Pp. 198-203. F. Hartmann, Nachtrag zu Oermanus (Glotta 
9. llf.). Reply to Norden's criticism of the author's views on 
the mjeaning of Oermanus, with especial reference to passages 
of Tacitus and Strabo. 

Pp. 203-204. E. Schwyzer, Nachtrag zu S. 76 f . 

Pp. 204-205. R. Methner, Zu dem Aufsatz von H. Blase 
" Zum Konjunktiv im Lateinischen," Glotta 10, S. 30 £E. Note 
on the "jussive (subjunctive) of the past." 



176 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGY. 

Pp. 206-211. Th. Grienberger, Oskisches. 3. Die Berier- 
Inschriften. Notes on three Oscan inscriptioiis published by 
Weege, Bonner Jahrbiicher, Heft 118, pp. 275-279. 

Pp. 211-217. M. Haramarstrom, Griechisch-etruskische Wort- 
gleichungen. Some etymological comparisons of Greek words, 
supposed to have been taken from pre-Hellenic non-Indo- 
European languages, with Etruscan words; the underlying as- 
sumption being l£at Etruscan came fiom the Aegean and was 
a rdative of tiie languages from which the Greeks borrowed 
these words. Etr. puia "Ehefrau*^: Sjnjita ''heirate.*' — ^Etr. 
netsvis (an uncertain word conjectured by the author to mean 
something like '^ entrails *') : n/Sv?, ra vrjSvui. — Lat. faia 
" column '* (of Etr. origin) : Hesychius ^<£Aiu( ?). — Etr. eprOni, 
an official title: wp/vrovKy and perhaps from the same stem the 
name of Aphrpdite. 

Pp. 217-221. R. Thumeysen, Alt-Italisches. 1. Vulskisch. 
(A new interpretation of tiie bronze tablet of Velitrae, the 
" Hauptdenkmal der vulskischen Sprache.^') 2. Marrukinisch. 
(On tile inscription treated by Conway, 243, Skutsch, Qlotta 
3. 99, A. 1.) 

Pp- 221-224. F. Vollmer, Noch einmal ist und est. Further 
argument that the forms es, est, estis, esse, from edo ''eat,** 
have short e; reply to critics. (Cf. Glotta 1. 113 ff.) 

Pp. 224-225. L. Spitzer, Ital. camporeccio, campereccio 
*' landlich.*' Criticism of M. Leumann's derivation, Glotta 
9. 140. 

Pp. 226-276. Literatuibericht fur das Jahr 1918. By 
Kretschmer, Hartmann, and Kroll, as above, pp. 94-144. 

Pp. 276-285. P. Kretschmer, Pelasger und Etrusker. Apro- 
pos of Hammarstrom^s article, above, pp. 211-217. "Die 
Annahme einer Verwandtschaft der vorgriechischen TJrbevolk- 
erung mit den Etruskem liegt in der ganzen Bichtung unserer 
Forschung.'* Other etymologies of the same sort; Etr. huO 
" four,'' cf . Steph. Byz. •Ymyvto : TcrpdwoXi^ ; Etr. eisar '^ god(B),^ 
tefK>«; Etr. athanvius, atena, etc., names of certain pieces of 
pottery used in religious ceremonies, perhaps connected with 
^AOrjvfj etc. 

Pp. 286-288. J. Wackemagel, Zu Hesiod und Homer. Con- 
firmation and proof of statements of W. referred to by P. Von 
der Miihl, Glotta 10. 145. 

Pp. 288-291. Th. Kakridis, Die Bedeutung von iroAvrpomK 
in der Odyssee. Originally " much-traveled,^' not '* sly.'* 

P. 291. A. Nehring, Lat. saltus, saltus, " Waldgebirge/* 
perhaps related to Wald, from IE. *svdltos. 

Pp. 292-302. Indices, by E. Williger. 

Franklin Edqebton. 



REVIEWS 

The Unity of Homer. By John A. Scott. Sather Classical 
Lectures. Volume I. The University of California Press, 
Berkeley, Cal., 1921. 276 pp. 8vo. 

Dante has had his sexcentenary and Shakspere his tercen- 
tenary, each (marked by tokens of homage ; Homer is debarred 
from centenaries. Yet in Homeric studies there have been 
epochal points whose anniversaries offer occasion for calling 
attention to the poet. The first volume of the Sather Classical 
Lectures thus happily appears approximately 125 years after 
the publication of Wolfs Prolegomena, and 60 years from the 
beginning of Schliemann's discoveries; and it not only brings 
homage to Homer but will, we venture to say, itself mark a 
new era in Homeric study. In the first place it is the greatest 
single contribution of the Far West — ^the Golden West whither 
the spirit of the Indo-European race has ever striven — ^to a 
re-valuation of the first and the unsurpassed Indo-European 
poet. In the battle of the Homerists Soott may be compared 
to General Pershing; the resources of the higher critics are 
beginning to show signs of exhaustion, for the tide is setting 
against the view of Homer which devdoped from the hypoth- 
esis of Wtolf, and Scott has brought into action the forces 
of a young and vigorous, if somewhat inexperienced, national 
philology ; and he has not confined his attack to a few minor 
points which offer a chance to weaken the enemy, but delivers 
a smashing blow upon the Hindenburg Line erected to defend 
that considerable poetic region which Teutonic critics and their 
followers had wrested from Homer. 

The Unity of Homer is epoch-making because it is the chal- 
lenge of a philologist of recognized ability to return to fair play 
in the study of Homer, ^ure could be ignored; Gladstone 
could be set aside as a dilettante, and Lang as lacking in phil- 
ological training; and poets and literary critics could be silenced 
because they deal with other phenomena than those which 
concern the classical scholar. But Scott is a philologist, trained 
by America's greatest Hellenist and teacher of scholars. His 
previous work on Homer has placed him among the world's lead- 
ing Homerists. More than tiiis, he began his researches believ- 
ing in the results of higher criticism. In attempting to find 
new evidence wherewith to support the theory of Jebb, Leaf 
and Christ (p. 82), he found 'tiie facts pointing to a contrary 
conclusion — ^and he followed the facts, even though this led 
him to part with the Wolfians. This is the essentially new 

6 177 



178 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOY. 

and Amerioan contribution. His first lecture begins with the 
words, "The great fact of ancient Greece is the poetry of 
Homer/' This is the keynote of the book and of Scott's 
method. Fair play, it says, and sound sch(darship, too, require 
us to keep to the facts, and the greatest fact of all is the Homeric 
poetry itself. 

During the past fifteen years or a little more, to judge by 
such incomplete bibliographies as are available, Professor 
Scott has published about 70 reviews, notes and articles deal- 
ing with Homer. In most of these he either lays bare what 
he has found reason to believe are fallacies or downright errors 
of higher critics, or else supports the Uiiitarian view by the 
results of his own minute and laborious research. These 
articles have been given out white-hot from the anviL Pro- 
fessor Scott has not been the writer of books ; it has been the 
facts, the evidence, that have absorbed his attention. The 
present work is hardly more than a brief, euonming up tiie 
author's case for Homer. Like most series of lectures it 
suffers, when viewed as a treatise, by reason of its limitation 
to a certain (number of chapters, each of a certain brevity, and 
by having been delivered to a general university audience, 
rather than addressed from the study to the narrower and more 
critical world of classical scholars. 

The material on whidi the lectures are based is of three 
kinds. There are, first, the author's own previously published 
researches. Two of the eight chapters contain little more than 
this, viz., Clmp. Ill (The Linguistic Arguments, the field in 
which Professor Scott has done his greatest work, and in 
which his main conclusions have not been successfully ques- 
tioned) and Chap. VII (Hector, in which is presented the 
hypothesis, brilliantly conceived and alluring, but not gener- 
ally recognized, that the Trojan hero is the creation of the 
poet and not a part of the tradition). The most important 
part of Chap. II (The Arguments of Wolf) is also taken from 
the author's previous studies. Secondly, the work of others 
is used, sparingly and chiefly to introduce or round out the 
author's own arguments, especially in Chapters [V and V 
(The Antiquities and Kindred Matters; The Contradictions). 
Professor Scott makes no claim to first-hand archaeological 
knowledge, but finds the most recent views of archaeologists on 
his side. Finally, there is the new material which was demand- 
ed or suggested by the need of presenting his views on Homer 
in a series of lectures. Chap. VI (The Individualization of 
Gods and Heroes, with a nesw and suggestive sketch of the 
character of Helen and of Odysseus), and Chap. VIII (The 
Iliad and the Odyssey, a concise statement of the structural 
features and of the tone of Homeric poetry) are largely new. 



REY1EW8. 179 

The same may be said of Chap. I (Homer Among the Ancient 
Greeks), for the new arguments were published at the time 
when the lectures were being prepared. 

Recently the great Danish critic, Dr. Georg Brandos, speak- 
ing on * Homeric Gods and Heroes ^ at the fiftieth anniversary 
of his first university lecture, remarked : " Save for a few 
uncritical people, of course, no one to-day believes that a single 
poet named Homer wrote either the Iliad or the Odyssey.'* 
Professor Scott's credo is as follows: Homer, a native of 
Smyrna, about 900 B. C, wrote both Iliad and Odyssey fiub- 
stantially as we have them. '^ Not only were no changes made 
in the text of Homer by Peisistratus, but no one before him 
or after him has succeeded in materially altering the text. 
No two persons could copy the same words in exactly the same 
way, lines from memory would slip in, others would drop out, 
but no passage so extended as ten verses has been lost from, 
or added to, the poetry of Homer. Also the language of the 
Vulgate is essentially the same as that in whi(£ the poems 
were originally composed *' (p. 68). 

Is Professor Scott one of the ^ few uncritical people * ? 
In a certain sense one may say. Yes. He is not the coldly 
impartial judge; rather, like Aristarchus, Petrarch, Schlie- 
mann, Sainte-Beuve, he has been ^enthused' by the spirit of 
Homer entering into him. His obsession (we use the word in 
a good sense) is the firm belief, the result of the most persistent 
and profound study of Homer and the literature about Homer, 
that the so-called higher criticism of the poet has no sure 
foundation of trutii; that it is a kind of modem 9ophistic in 
its assumptions, its method and its results. The lust of battle 
has entered into the author as he has studied Homer more 
profoundly. *Odi et amo' mark his pagesi. Sainte-Beuve 
used to rise and leave the room if one spoke slightingly of 
Homer; in a similar case Professor Scott sees red, but stays 
— and fights. 

But though he is advocate rather than judge. Professor Scott 
possesses three qualities of the soimd critic. He insists con- 
tinually that the defendant be given fair play: that his in- 
nocence be assumed until the contrary is proved beyond reason- 
able doubt, and that the evidence which is admitted against 
him is sound. For 2,500 years Homer was thought to be the 
author of both Iliad and Odyssey (for the Chorizontes put forth 
a paradox, rather than an opinion) ; if one wishes to prove 
the contrary one must be as fai!r to this assumed authordiip 
as one is to the unquestioned work of any known and great 
author, and the evidence presented to disprove Homer^s author- 
ship must be ' definite, unequivocal and reliable ' (p. 15). This 
M the burden of the book. Again, the critic must be master 



L 



180 AMBBIOAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOOY. 

of the field in wliieh he exercises his fonctioii: others n^y be 
more familiar with scholia and text tradition^ but few men 
living know the Homeric poems — which is the main thing — 
as well as Professor Scott does. He has done perhaps more 
than any other one man to make the words of Dr. Brandes no 
longer true. 

The fact is that Plofeesor Scott approaches Homer as a dis- 
ciple^ rather than as a hunter bent on spoil; he starts with 
Homer instead of making the }>oet his objective. This is his 
third qualification as a critic^ if one holds with Sainte-Beuve 
that the fimction of a critic is not to dictate but to under- 
stand. Pragmatically^ at leasts this is the best kind of criti- 
cism. An Atlantic essayist wrote, two generations figo (D. A. 
Wasson, Atl. Mo., X, 1862, p. 63): "To make Homer alive 
to this age — what an expenditure of imagination, of pure feel- 
ing and penetraition does it demand I Let the Homeric heart 
or genius die out of mankind, and from that moment the Iliad 
is but dissonance.'* Professor Scott's chief contribution is 
a mass of arguments, most of them original in essence or in 
detail, to prove that pure philology helps to keep the Homeric 
heart in mankind; he brings philology to Hie aid of poets and 
lovers of letters, instead of putting it as a etumbling-block 
in their path. But this makes of the author an extremist, and 
lays his work open to criticism. There is such a cramming 
of evidence and argument into the brief pages that it would 
be little short of a miracle if all should stand the test of time. 
But to point out an ov^:Bight here or a case of over-enthusiasm 
there — the book was apparently composed, as Professor Mackail 
says of the Iliad, at ' white-heat ' — will not weaken its effect. 

That it will convince any of the higher critics, we doubt. 
The lamentable feature of this quarrel between ancient and 
modem views of Homer is that ihere is no meeting of the 
minds; the opponents cannot agree upon the necessary under- 
lying assumptions. Professor Scott has helped to clear the 
field. He lays down three principles: I. That late Greek state- 
ments, no matter how definite, and vague, rand<mi and frag- 
mentary quotations from early Gredc aulhors are not proof 
that the Greeks imderstood by ^ Homer ' the source of the great 
mass of cyclic poetry; and the fact that Xenophon and Aris- 
totle accepted him as author of Hiad and Odyssey, and not 
of any cyclic poem, and do not even refer to such a theory of 
authorship, strongly indicates the contrary. II. That sup- 
posed inconsistencies of all kinds are either non-existent or 
greatly exaggerated; or may be made to prove the early or 
late date of almost any part of either poem, or may be par- 
alleled in the known work of some other great author. III. 
That genius, as shown by the total effect of the ' massiveness * 



REVIEWS. 181 

of the two poems, cannot be composite. The author might have 
quoted Hennequin : L'llme d'un grand artiste est celle qui pent 
fr&nir en un million de sensibility individuelles et fait la joie 
et la douleur d'un peuple. 

This Brief for Homer is the manifesto of a new movement 
in the study of the poet. It says to the lover of great poetry: 
'Your feeling that only one great poet could have composed 
Hiad and Odyssey has the support of sound philological re- 
search/ and to the philologist : — ^ 1 challenge you to make Homer, 
rather than the latest— or any — book on Homer, the base of 
your research ; to study why Homer introduces certain features 
and motifs, and how he uses them, rather than to conjecture 
what may have been his sources — ^which must remain unknow- 
able ; to submit your minds to the spirit of hia poetry, for this 
is the final test of any work of art; in other words, to unite 
philologistic — as Croce calls modem philology — ^with the true 
philology or love of letters.' 

Such a manifesto and challenge, based as it is on the profound 
and scholarly knowledge of Homer, need have no fear of essential 
ultimate success. But it implies an acceptance of the responsi- 
bilities of leadership. The battle for IJie rehabilitation of Homier 
has only just begun. While Professor Scott's previous work 
and the reasonableness of his position as summed up in these 
lectures give the rapidly increasing Unitarian party confidence in 
his resources and hie resourcefulness, the world will look for a 
greater and more comprehensive work, when time shall have 
given ripeness and perspective to the views of the author's first 
period of scholarly productivity, the dose of which these lectures 
mark. The book in its external form, which unites simplicity 
and neatness with ease of legibility, fittiiigly inaugurates the puh- 
lication of the Sather Classical Lectures. 

Samuel E. Bassbtt. 

UmvaBsiTT Of VsBMOirT 



La Loi de Hi^ron et les Bomains. Par J^RdifE Caboopino. 
Paris, E. de Boccard, 1919. 22 + 308 pp. 8®. 

French erudition has made an important contribution to the 
history of Boman Law in M. J^rdme Garcopino's book on the 
lex Hieronica, Three studies of this law are, it is true, already 
in existence. But that of Degenkolb, written too early to utilize 
papyrological discoveries, saw in the lex Hieronica a purely 
Boman piece of legislation. Those of Bostowzew^ and of 

*Bo6towiefW, Studien sur Geschichte dee r^m. Kolonates, 1910, p. 233. 



182 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Wilcken ^ grafted it upon the revenue laws of Ptolemy Phila- 
delphus. 

The fundamental contribution of M. Carcopino's work con- 
sists in the proof that the lex Hieronica is purely Sicilian in its 
nature and was utilized by the Romans after their occupation. 
Altho this thesis appears to have been cursorily noticed by 
Wilcken (1901) and Bostowzew (1903), it is first established 
here. The law, according to Carcopino, dates from Hiero II, 
who, it appears, did not himself create the tithe, but simply, 
settled the form of a preexisting tax that had been simultane- 
ously established in Greek Sicily and Carthage in Gelon's time 
to meet similar financial needs. 

The argument is essentially based on the De Frumento — the 
third book of the Actio Secunda in Verrem, It is precisely this 
oration of Cicero that has been most neglected, and it is no 
small merit to have discovered what can be drawn from these 
pleadings, and to have actually analyzed them so profoundly 
that all future explanations of the De Frumento will have to 
be based on that of M. Carcopino. 

With remarkable critical power the author, in a work of 300 
pages, traces the origin and practice of the law, its deformation 
under Roman rule, its utilization by Verres, and the conse- 
quences which such an application actually had in Sicily. 

Three new theories appear to deserve especial mention. The 
first asserts that Sicily, instead of being, as previously believed, 
the promised land of the Roman tithe-farmers^ societies was, 
on the contrary, a country where their activities were prohibited. 
The adjudicatio at Syracuse excluded by law the tithe-farming 
companies formed at Rome. A remarkable point in the course 
of this argument is the demonstration by the author that the 
classical opinion on the subject — ^formulated principally by M. 
Delorme and by M. Belot ^ — is based on an erroneous confusion 
of the publicans of small means who requisitioned wheat in 
person (referred to as decumani by Cicero in Book III) with 
the powerful publicans of the equestrian order (also referred 
to as decumani in Book II).* 

Carcopino's second novel theory penetrates even more deeply 
into the heart of the law and reaches a subject which has occu- 
pied many jurists.^ He proves in regard to the legal procedure 
in taxation that the legis actio per pignoris capionem, instead 
of being in common use in 73 B.C., as was usually thought, 
was established in Sicily on the isolated initiative of Verres at 

' Wilcken, Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 1897, col. 1015. 
•'Hietoire des Chevaliers Rotnains, II, 177. 
* See J. Carcopino, Decumani, pp. 401-442. 

•Collinet, Saisie priv^; Trapenard, Ager scripturarius; Degenkolb, 
Die Lex Hieronica und das PfUndungsrecht der Pftchter. 



REVIEWS. 183 

a time when it was faUing into desuetude at Rome. Taking as 
a basis the text of Gains (IV 30), the author shows that the 
lex Aebutia abolished the maniLS injectio. In this connection, 
he exposes the weakness of the contrary argument, founded on 
the senatusconsultum de pago Montano, the date of which is 
uncertain, and which appears to be merely a corollary of the 
power of coercion of the magistrate. On the one hand, we do 
not find any authentic examples of the manus injectio after 
126 B.C.; on the other hand, eighteen years after the lex 
Aebutia, the publicans had already given up the pignoris capio 
and had recourse to the formulary procedure, as is shown by 
the fact that the agrarian law of 111 B. C. ordered the magis- 
trates to designate the recuperatores to examine into the claims 
formulated by the publicans.* And as the formulary procedure 
had come from the province to Home at the time when the 
charter of Sicily was accorded, it is hardly probable that the 
pignoris capio was transplanted to Sicily where it had no root 
and where it was repugnant to the spirit of the lex Hieronica 
which recognized the right of both cultivators and tithe-farmers 
to appear as plaintiffs. M. Carcopino sees a definite confirmation 
of tiiis theory in the text of Cicero's Actio Secunda in Verrem, 
III 11, 27, of which he gives a very accurate interpretation. 

Thirdly, the book renders a great service in sweeping aside a 
firmly established error. AU the commentators of the Actiones 
in Verrem from Zumpt^ and all historians since Marquardt,* 
Dareste • and P. P. Girard,^® divided the Sicilian civitates into 
two classes — the decumanae civitates (34 or 35 in number), 
subject to the lex Hieronica, and the civitates of the ager pub- 
lictis, subject to the tithe. M. Carcopino demonstrates that the 
fact that a city belongs to the ager publicus does not in the 
least exempt it from submission to the collection of tithes. (He 
gives a specific proof of it for the city of Leontini.) The ager 
publicus is scattered through all the civitates, but no city 
(except Leontini) is totally incorporated in the Roman ager 
publicus. 

In addition to propounding and establishing the new views 
described in the three preceding paragraphs, M. Carcopino clears 
up many doubtful points and corrects many current minor 
errors. He also presents a complete study of the frumentum 
emptum, on which only vague and brief statements were here- 
tofore to be found. 

•P. F. Girard, Textee,* pp. 46Bqq. 

' Edition of In Verrem, p. 437. 

•Organisation de PEmpire, II, p. 53. 

*I>e conditione et forma Siciliae, pp. 32-34. 

^Organisation judicialre des Komains, p. 330, n. 1. 



184 AMBBWAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOQT. 

There is perhaps one criticism that one might make of the 
work. It does not delve sufficiently into the sources of the lex 
Hieronica. After having shown the numerous analogies between 
the lex Hieronica and the financial laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus 
enacted six years after the death of Arsinoe, — ^that is to say in 
265/264 B. C. — ^the author concludes somewhat prematurely (p. 
64) : *' Le nombre et la fid^lit^ des ressemblances que nous 
venons de constater exduent ITiypothdse d^ime source commune, 
d^un vofio« t€Xmvuc69 de la Gr^ propre, dont les Grecs install^ 
en Egypte depuis cinquante ans auraient pu, soudain et it la 
m§me date, s'inspirer ind^pendamment les uns des autres. Au 
contraire, Fid6e d^une imitation directe est confirm^ par 
ITiistoire/' M. Carcopino then recounts the numerous relations 
existing at this time between the Sicilians and the Egyptians; 
and, after proving that the law of Ptolemy was anterior to the 
lex Hieronica, he concludes that the second is an imitation of 
the first. But from the similarity of the two laws, it is just as 
possible to induce a common origin for the two as a direct imi- 
tation of the one by the other, and the historical argument is 
not conclusive in favor of either hypothesis since the Sicilians 
were in as dose relations with the Greeks as with the Egyptians, 
and certainly the Greek influence in Sicily was stronger than 
the Egyptian. Even supposing that there was a direct influence 
of the law of Ptolemy on that of Hiero, this does not at all 
exclude the other hypothesis. While making use of the original 
model was it not possible to adopt certain happy and recent 
modifications? M. Carcopino leaves this question unanswered. 

PlEBBE LePAULLB. 
HABTimo Law School. 



La Table Hypoth&aire de Veleia: fitude sur la Propri^t^ Fon- 
ci^re dims PApennin de Plaisance. Par F. G. De Paghtebb. 
Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honor6 Champion, 1920. (Bib- 
liothique de Tfioole des Hautes fitudes, 228) . xx + 120 pp. 

De Paohtebb has succeeded in extracting a remarkable 
amount of valuable information from the famous Yeleian in- 
scription. In the first two chapters he shows that Mommsen's 
conclusions (Hermes, xix, 363 ff.) were partly incorrect, partly 
inadequate. By tracing with unusual acumen tiie limits of 
many of the pagi mentioned in the inscription he demonstrates 
that the districts named are largely mountainous and that it is 
chiefly in the infertile and roclgr regions, not in the lowlands, 
that small holdings gave way to latifimdia. In the fertile 
regions, the small plots survived more successfully than Monmi- 
sen supposed. 



RSVtEWa. 185 

A cftief ul exsmination of the namee of the original plots and 
of the possessora of Trajan's day ehowe that the earlier owners 
in the mountains were largely Ijigurians and Celts and that 
these were replaced to a considerable extent by Latin immigrants 
(Veleia was not a colony) and by freedmen bearing Oredc and 
Oriental names. In fact some of the wealthiest landlords of 
Trajan's day prove to have been of this latter class. Persicus, 
for instance, had accumulated a plantation of what once made 
up twenty-five different plots. 

In chapter VII Ds Fachtebe proves that after 103 A. D. 
the emperor's commissioners allowed to owners 8.05% of the 
value of estates in rural credits. By establishing this fact he la 
able to make a dozen simple and convincing emendations of the 
numerals on ihe stone : e. g. in item IV he changes L to V ; in 
item V he writes L for I, etc. He then shows tiiat the credits 
were assigned on the basis of the estimated values of the whole 
estate in each case, and that the serparate values of parcels of 
estates, which often give a different sum-total, have nothing to 
do with the assignment of credits. Suoh values are merdy 
records of the last previous selling-price and are retained on the 
document to serve as a basis for future estimates of liabilities 
to the state in case the parcels should again change hands. 

These are only a few of the many discoveries that De Paoh- 
TEBE has made. The essay is one of the keenest studies that 
we have recently had in the domain of Roman history and will 
probably be the final word on most of the questions raised by 
the Veleian inscriptions. The young author, who had he lived 
would undoubtedly have become a leader in historical research, 
fell at the bead of his troops on the Salonica front in Sept^nber, 
1916. 

Tbnnxt Feakk. 

JoBm BarKai D«tsmitt. 



TTn Correspondant de Cic6ron; Ap. Claudius Pulcher. Par 
L. A. GoNSTANS. Paris: E. de Boccard, 1931. Pp. vi-^ 
138. 

Appius Claudius, the father-in-law of Brutus, was a very 
ordinary Soman patrician who reached the consulship (54 
B.C.) and censorship solely by virtue of his ancestry. We 
should have little knowledge of him had he not crossed Cicero's 
path. As a brother of tlie infamous Clodius he had several 
opportunities to do Cicero harm, and as Cicero's predecessor in 
the governorship of Gilicia he caused mischief to the provincials 
that Cicero had to repair. It is probable that M. Cohstans 



186 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

chose this man as subject of a study not because of the signifi- 
cance of the man but because Cicero's speeches and correspond- 
ence contained a mass of material available for a study. His 
biography is indeed fair and judicious, but it adds nothing new 
to our kiiowledge of the period. Where a careful analysis of 
Cicero's letters might have offered some new results, as for 
instance in the treatment of the Salaminians by the agents of 
Brutus, CoNSTANs (p. 92) follows the unsatisfactory traditional 
accounts without question. 

Tbnney Frank. 

JoHire HoPKors Uhiyikbitt. 



A Lithuanian Etymological Index. Based upon Brugmann's 
Grimdriss and the etymological dictionaries of Uhlenbeck 
(Sanskrit), Kluge (German), Feist (Gothic), Bemeker 
(Slavic), Walde (Latin), and Boisacq (Greek). By Harold 
H. Bender, Ph. D. 

Anyone who, like the reviewer, occasionally offers a course in 
Lithuanian for students of comparative philology, knows what 
a handicap it is that there is no etymological dictionary of the 
language and how much time is consumed in hunting down the 
scattered etymological discussions which include Lithuanian 
words. While Professor Bender does not as yet give us the 
desired etymological dictionary of Lithuanian, the Etymological 
Lidex is a most welcome aid, with its systematic exploitation of 
Brugmann's Grundriss and selected etymological dictionaries of 
other Indo-European languages. For without doubt the great 
majority of Lithuanian etymologies that are obviously correct 
or reasonably probable are to be found in one or another of 
these works, and with the aid of the Index can be located at once. 

In the selection of etymological dictionaries to be cited only 
the choice for the Germanic group is at all doubtful. One 
might wish that in addition to Feist, and in place of Kluge, 
the fuller and more important Norwegian-Danish etymological 
dictionary of Falk and Torp, in the German edition of 1910, 
had been used. The fact that Bemeker^s Slavisches Etymolo- 
gisches Woerterbuch has not progressed beyond m is a mis- 
fortune which makes the Index unbalanced in the matter of 
the many words that have clear cognates only in Slavic. For 
Slavic loanwords, too, the references to Brueckner, Die slavischen 
Fremdwoerter im Litauischen, are apparently restricted to those 
words which find a place in the Index on account of their occur- 
rence in the main works cited. Thus migdala * almond' is 
included because it is mentioned by Bemeker under migdala, 
while mislis Hhought,' mislyju * think/ which the beginner in 



REVIEWS. 187 

Lithuanian is sure to meet, are not given, as they doubtless 
would have been if Bemeker had reached myslu. Leskien's 
Ablaut der Wurzelsilben im Litauisehen, so invaluable for the 
internal etymological grouping, is freely cited, but inevitably, 
unless the Index were to more than double in volume, only for 
a selection of words — a selection which was bound to be em- 
barrassing. 

The limitation of the Index to words discussed in the specified 
works is occasionally broken through by the inclusion of deriva- 
tives of other indexed words (cf. the author's remark, p. 10), 
and such extension for the benefit of "those comparative stu- 
dents who are not at home in Lithuanian*' might have been 
carried further to advantage. For example, the commonest 
conjimction for introducing subordinate clauses, hM Hhat,' is 
not mentioned. Not every user of the Index will know that it 
is the same in origin as the TcaM * when,' which is included. For 
this and other conjunctions references to Leskien, Litauische 
Partikeln und Konjunktionen, IF. 14. 89, and E. Hermann, 
TJeber die Entwickelung der litauisehen Konjunktionalsaetze, 
would have been useful. 

However, it is easier for the reviewer to suggest additions 
than for the author to decide where to draw the line. The 
Index is of great convenience as it stands, and if too generously 
augmented might have exceeded the justifiable expense of pub- 
lication in this form. For a comprehensive work on Lithuanian 
etymology is obviously much better cast in the form of an ety- 
mological dictionary, with the etymologies actually given and 
references added, as in Walde or Boisacq. It is to be hoped 
that the author will sometime produce such a dictionary. The 
labor which he has devoted to the present work, especially the 
verification of form and meaning and the inclusion of many 
words not to be found in other dictionaries, will be all to the 
good. And it may be incidentally remarked that the facilities 
for verifying the present-day Lithuanian vocabulary are nowhere 
better than in this country, with its large Lithuanian population, 
representing every provinee and dialect, and its active Lithu- 
anian press. 

Cabl D. Buck. 

XJlflTIRSITT OF OHIOAOO. 



Philological Quarterly. Volume I. January, 1922. Number 
1. Published at the University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa. 

It is a great pleasure to be able to announce to the readers 
of the Journal tiie appearance of a new quarterly in the field 
of philology. The broadness of scope implied in the title is 
limited by the apposition of the words " A Journal Devoted to 



188 AUBBIOAN JOURNAL OF PHIL0L0Q7. 

Scholarly Investigation in the Classical and Modem Languages 
and Literatures/^ The magazine is edited by Professor Habdik 
Gbaio, of the University of Iowa, with the co-operation of Pro- 
fessors Chables Bundy Wilson, Bebthold L. Ullicak, 
Thomas A. Knott, and Chablss E. Youno, colleagues of Pro- 
fessor Craig at the same institution. In the present number, 
Thomas A. Knott publishes an article (pp. 1-16) on ^^ Chau- 
cer^s Anonymous Merchant.'' This is an interesting study of 
the social status of the merchant in Chaucer's day. B. L. XJur- 
M!AN (pp. 17-22) justifies the attribution of Corbeian proveni- 
ence to Vatican MS 3864 (known as V for Pliny and Sallust, 
and as M or B for Caesar) by showing that this MS is referred 
to in early catalogs of the Library of Corbie. E. N. S. Thomp- 
son (pp. 23-30) discusses Farlie's ^^ Kalendarium Humanae 
Vitae: The Kalender of Mans Life" (London, 1638), and 
compares it with Spenser's ** Shepheards Calender " and Thom- 
son's ** Seasons." Stabb Willabd Cutting (pp. 31-48) shows 
that, under the sway of pro-Prussianism, von Treitschke in his 
'^Deutsche (Jeschichte im neunzehntcoi Jahrhundert" has 
grossly misrepresented the Turner and Burschenschafter and 
tiiat he has, at times, been guilty even of perverting his sources. 
Helen Sabd Hughes (pp. 49-55) presents weighty reasons for 
regarding as the work of Henry Fielding the '^Dialogue be- 
tween a Beau's Head and his Heels, by Mr. Fielding " (printed 
by John Watts in The Musical Miscellany, London, 1729-31, 
Vol. VI). In an article entitled ''La Fontaine's Imitation" 
(56-70) CoLBEBT Seables gives intimate glimpses of the inim- 
itable art of La Fontaine's " Fables." John S. Kenton (pp. 
71-73) has a convincing note on the meaning of ' commend ' in 
Hamlet I, ii, 39. Seven pages of book-reviews complete the 
number. The editors of the Philological Quarterly and the 
authorities of the University of Iowa deserve the congratula- 
tions, gratitude and good wishes of students of classical and 
modem languages and literatures. 

C. W. E. Miller. 



CHARLES EDWIN BENNETT 
1858-1921 

In the death of Professor Charles Edwin Bennett, which 
occurred suddenly on May 2, 1921, the cause of classical schol- 
arship sustained a severe loss. Professor Bennett was a thor- 
ough scholar and a great teacher. He possessed to an unusual 
degree the rare ability to understand and solve the difficulties 
of the student mind at whatever stao^e of advancement. To this 
fact was due in part the stimulus of his class-room at the 
University, and the overwhelming success of his text-books 
throughout the TTnited States. He was profound enough in 
knowledge to be simple in exposition, and he showed wise dis- 
crimination in the treatment of essentials and non-essentials. 

Hifi first published book was his Latin Grammar, issued in 
1895, and better known today, perhaps, to stildents of Latin 
in preparatory schools than any other one book. In connection 
with tiie Grammar appeared the Appendix, revised and repub- 
lished in 1907 as The Latin Language. His last publication 
was the second volume of the Syntax of Early Latin, which 
appeared in 1914. The reception of the two volumes of this 
work by classical scholars on either side of the Atlantic bore 
abundant testimony to its value in the field of classical investi- 
gation, and won for the author a secure place among the fore- 
most scholars of his day. He had it in mind to complete this 
work at some time by a third volume on The Particles; that 
this purpose was not carried out must always be to scholars a 
cause for deep regret. In the years intervening between the 
publication of the Grammar and the Early Syntax, he pub- 
lished his entire series of text-books for preparatory schools, 
and kept them abreast of the times by constant revision; he 
edited the Odes and Epodes of Horace, the Bialogus of 
Tacitus, Xenophon's Hellenica and the De Amicitia and De 
Senectute. He also collaborated with Professor G. P. Bristol 
in writing The Teaching of Latin and Greek in Secondary 
Schools, and with Professor W. A. Hammond in translating 
the Characters of Theophrastus. He translated for the Loeb 
Classical Library the Odes and Epodes of Horace, and later 
the Strategemata of Prontinus, which has not yet appeared. 
He was likewise for many years a frequent contributor to the 
classical periodicals of the country. 

As a scholar, as a teacher, as a friend of rare charm and 
stimulus, he will long be missed by those who knew and loved 
him. 

Mart B. MoElwain. 

SttfTW COLLBQI, 



BOOKS RECEIVED. 

Blake (Frank R.) A New Method of Syntactical Arrangement. 
Keprinted from the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 41, 
1921, pp. 467-471. 

Blegen (Carl W.) Korakou: A Prehistoric Settlement near Corinth. 
Boston and New York, Published by the American School of Clasaioal 
Studies at Athens, 1921. Pp. xv, 139. 

Bosshardt (Ernest). Essai sur I'originalit^ et la probity de Ter- 
tuUien dans son traits oontre Marcion. Fribourg dissertation. Flor- 
ence, Imprimerie G. RameUa d Cie,, 1921. 172 pp. 

Brooks (Neil C.) The Sepulchre of Christ in Art and Liturgy. 
Urbana, University of Illinois Press. (University of Dlinois Studies 
in Language and Literature, Vol. VII, No. 2, May, 1921.) Pp. 110. 
$1.50. 

Collitz (Hermann). Saeculmn. (Sonderdruck aus der Festschrift 
ftir Ad. Bezsenberger.) Pp. 8-13. 

Corpus ecriptorum Latinorum paravianum nooderante Carolo PascaL 
In aedibus /o. Bapt. Paraviae et sodorum, Aug. Taurinorum, Ifedio- 
lani, Fl<nrentiae, Romae, Neapoli, Panormi. 

No. 28: C. lulii Caesaris Commentarii De Bello Gallioo. Ad fldem 
praeoipue oodicis Neapolitani nunc primum excussi edddit, praefatus 
est, appendioe critica instnixit Dcnninicus Bassi. 1921. L. 10. 283 pp. 

Nos. 29, 30, 31 : M. Valeri Martialis [Liber de spectacuUs] epigram- 
maton libri I-IV; V-X; XI-XIV. Recensuit Caeear Giarratano. 1920- 
1921. L. 12 each. 

No. 32 : P. Ovidii Nasonis Metamorphoseon libri I-V. Recensuit, prae- 
fatus est, appendioe critica instnixit Paulus Fabbri. 1921. L. 9. l&pp. 

No. 36: M. Tulli Ciceronis in L. Catilinam orationes recognovit, 
praefatus est, appendice critica et indicibus inatnudt Sixtus Cc^ombo. 

1920. L. 6.50. 95 pp. 

No. 37 : P. Vergili Maronis Georgicon libri quattuor. Recensuit, prae- 
fatus est, appendioe critica instnixit R. Sabbadini. 1921. L. 5. 101 pp. 

No. 38: Imperatoris Caesaris Augusti operum fragmenta collegit, 
recensuit, praef ata est, appendioem criticam addidit Henrioa MalcovatL 

1921. L. 12. 83 pp. 

No. 39: L. Annaei Senecae Hercules furens, Troades, Phoenissae, 
Recensuit, prciefatus est, appendioem criticam et indicem addidit Hum- 
bertus Moricca. 1921. L. 12. 155 pp. 

No. 41 : M. Tulli Ciceronis Cato maior de Senectute liber. Recensuit, 
praefatus est, appendice critica instnixit Atilius Barriera. 1921. L. 
8. 73 pp. 

Damp (Lakshman). The Nighantu and the Nirukta, the oldest 
Indian treatise on etymology, phUology, and semantics. E^lish trans- 
lation and notes. Oaford University Press, 1921. 260 pp. 

Fraink (Tenney). Vergil: A Biography. New York, Henry Holt 
and Company, 1922. Pp. vii, 200. 

Franklin (Alberta Mildred). The Lupercalia. Columbia diss. New 
York, 1921. 105 pp. 

Gercke (Alfred) and Norden (Eduard). Einleitung in die Alter- 
tumswissenschaft. 11. Bd. 3. Aufl. Leipzig and BerUn, B. G, Tetibner, 

1922. 494 pp. 

190 



BOOKS RECEIVED. 191 

Gollancz (Sir Israel). Pearl, an English Poem of the XlVth Cen- 
tury« Edited, with modern Bendering, together with Boccaccio's Olym- 
pia. Oxford, Humphrey Milford, 1921. lii + 285 pp. 

Hesp^ris. Archives berbdres et Bulletin de Tlnstitut des Hautes 
Etudes Marocaines. Tome 1. Annfe 1921. 2e Trimestre. Paris, 6mile 
Larose, 

Hyde (Walter Woodbum). Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek 
Athletic Art. Washington, Puhliahed by the Carnegie Institution of 
Washington, 1921. Pp. xix, 406. 

Inter- America. Espafiol : Vol. V, NAm. 6. Marzo de 1922. Volumen 
VI, Nttm, 1. Mayo de 1922. New York, Douhleday, Page d Co, 

Journal of Education and School World. February, March, April, 
May, 1922. Loind<m, William Rice, 

Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society. New Series. Vol. IX, Parts 
3-4. Printed privately for the memb^s of the Gypsy Lore Society, by 
T, and A. Constable Ltd, at the Edinburgh University Press. 

Klingner (Fritz). De Boethii Consolatione Philosophiae. Berlin, 
WeidvMnnsche Buchhandlung, 1921. 120 pp. 8**. 18 M. + (Philo- 
logisohe Untersuohungen, 27. Hft.) 

Kluh (John M.) The etymologic cipher alphabet of one hundred 
and twenty letters with a new arithmetic system. Chicago, J, M, Kluh, 
1922. Pp. 30. 

Kosmoglott. Jurnal scientic inpartial de lingue international. Nr. 
1 Februar 1922. Keval, Esthonia, Nikitinstrad 10. 

Krohn (Karl). Der Epikureer Hermarchos. Inaug. Diss. Berlin, 
Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1921. 40 pp. 8*. M. 7.50. + 

Laurand (L.) Manuel des etudes grecques et latines. Paris, Ai*- 
gusie Picard, 1921. 996 pp. 8"*. 40 fr. (Also in 8 parts, each 5 fr. 
unbound, 8 fr. bound; except part m, 7 fr. 60 and 10 fr.) 

Livi (T.) ab urbe condita libri. Erklart Ton W. Weissenborn und 
H. J. MtiUer. 4. Bd., 1. Hft., Buch XXI. Neubearbeitet von Otto Boss- 
bach. 10. Aufl. Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1921. 184 pp. 
15 M. 

Lorimer (D. L. R.) The Phonology of the Bakhtiari, Badakhshani, 
and Madaglashti Dialects of Modern Persian. London, Printed and 
Published by the Royal Asiatic Society, 1922. Pp. xi, 205. 

Manning (Clarence Augustus). The Tauric Maiden and Allied Cults. 
(Extracted from Transactions of the American Philological Associa- 
tion, Vol. li, 1920.) Pp. 40-55. 

Mordell (Phineas). The Origin of Letters and Numerals according 
to the Sefer Yetzirah. Philadelphia, Phineas MordeU, 1914. Pp. 71. 
$2.00. 

Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Part XV. London, Egypt Ewploration Society, 
1922. 

Perrier (Jos^ Luis.) *H wpo^opiL rrjs dpx^^' "EXXiyycic^f 7X1^91^. 25 
pp. New York, The Phos Press, 1921. 

Petersen (Walter). Studies in Greek Noim-Formation. Dental Ter- 
minations III. Reprinted for private circulation from Classical Phil- 
ology, Vol. XVII, No. 1, January 1922. Pp. 44-86. 

Pfeiffer (Rudolf). Kallinmchosstudien. Mfkichen, Verlag der Hoch' 
sohulbuchhandlung Maw Hueber, 1922. Pp. iv, 124. 

Rostovtzeff (Michael). A Large Estate in Egypt in the Third Cen- 
tury B. C: A study in economic history. Mstdison, 1922. (Univer- 



192 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

sity of Wisoonain etudios in the Social Sci€aioe8 and Hiflt<»y, No. 0.) 
Pp. X, 209. $2. 

Salonius (A. H.) Passio S. Pcarpetuae. Kritische Bemerkungen 
mit besonderer Berficksiohtigiuig der griechisch-lateinisclien Uebeme- 
fening des Testes. Helsingfors, 1921. (Finske Vetenakape-Sooietetens 
Fbrhandlingar. Bd. LXin. 1920-1921. Ayd. B. No. 2.) 82 pp. 

— ^. Zur rOmischen Datienuig. (Annates Acadesniae Scientiarum 
Fennioae. Ser. B. Tom. XV. No. 10.) IHelsingfors^ 1922. New Y<h^ 
Lemcke d Buechtier, 69 pp. 

Saossure (Ferdinand de), Becaeil des pablicationfl acientifiquee de. 
Gendre, BooUU anonyme des Editions Sonor, 1922. 641 pp. 

Stanoyevich (Milivoy S.) Early Jugoslay Literature (lOOCV-lSOO). 
New York, Cohimbia University Press, 1922. (Columbia Uniyersi^ 
Slavonic Studies, Vol. 1.) $1.75. 

Steele (R. B.) Seneca the Philosopher. Bepiinted from the Se- 
Wianee Review, January-March 1922, pp. 1-16. 

Strache (Hans). Der Eklektizismus des Antiochus Ton Askalon. 
Berlin, Weidtnannsche Buchhandlung, 1921. (Philologiscfae Untersuch- 
ungen, 26. Heft.) 96 pp. 

Thaler (Alwin). Shakspere to Sheridan: A Book about the Theatre 
of Yesterday and Today. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1922. 
Pp. xviii, 339. 

Thukydides. Erklftrt von J. Classen. 6. Bd., 6. Budi, 3. Aufl. Nea- 
gestcJtet von J. Steup. Berlin, Weidmannsche BucMumdlung, 1922. 
SO M. -f- (Sanmilung griechiflcher und lateinischer SchriftstdUier mit 
deutscheii Anmerkun^n.) 

Vendryes (J.) Le langage. Introduction linguletique k llustoire. 
Paris, 78, Boulevard Saint-Michel, La Renaissance du Livre, 1921. Pp. 
xxviii, 439. 15 fr. 

Wiener (Leo). Ontributions toward a Hiatory of Arabtoo-Ckythie 
Culture. Volume IV. Physiologus Studies. Philadelphia, Innes d 
Sons, 1921. Pp. iTTTJ, 388. 



AMERICAN 



JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY 



Vol. XLIII, 3 Whole No. 171 

I.— ST. AUGUSTINE'S METHOD OF COMPOSING AND 

DELIYEBING SEBMONB. 

(Concluded from p. 123.) 

VII. Etisenobs of Sfontaneitt and Extekforization in 
THE Sermons of St. Auoustine. 

• 

Augustine's sennons are literally filled with evidences of 
spontaneity and extemporization. Passages strike us on all sides 
which show the enthusiasm and the inspiration of the preacher 
speaking extemporaneously and without written assistance. 
These sennons could be dissected and all the parts marshalled 
Under different headings but the mass of material would be so 
great that the reader would have almost the entire body of ser- 
mons arrayed before him. It is our intention here merely to 
indicate the various kinds of remarks which bear on our subject, 
quote several passages by way of illustration, and refer to several 
more in the foot-notes. Any attempt even to refer to all is out 
of the question, as one ntay easily see on glancing over Augus- 
tine's sermons with the various sections of this chapter in mind. 

Augustine's homilies give abimdant proof that the principles 
which he enunciated for preac^Mng the word of God were derived 
directly from his own practice. When Augustine preached, it 
was his sympathetic and sincere nature combined with a vigor 
and power to express the thoughts of that nature, which carried 
him on and on, generally to the complete eaptivation of his 
congregation. There are numerous passages in the sermons 
which indicate such moments of high eniliusiasm. Furthermore, 

193 



194 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

these expressions are such as we do not believe even Augustine 
could have conceived in the quiet of his study.^ 

Examples of high flights of rhetoric meet us on all sides. It 
is easy for Augustine, while enforcing the signiflcance of some 
truth, to fall into the rhetoric of Asianism, the rapid fire of 
choppy sentences, imperatives and rhetorical questions. 

In the course of a sermon, *' On Jacob and Esau,'* given on 
the feast of the martyr Vincent, Augustine has had occasion to 
speak of Qoi in the various conceptions of Him as the Light. 
Just what do we mean when we speak of Qoi as ^^the Light 
of Truth,'* 'Hhe Light of Justice,'* etc.? 

iConamini oogitare, fratres, lumen veritatis, luoem sapientiae, quomodo 
ubique praesens est omnibuB: conamini oogitare lumen iustitiae; prae- 
sens est enim cxnni cogitanti. Quid enim est quod cogitat? Qud vult 
iniuste vivere, peccat. Deserit iustitiam: diminuta est? Conversus est 
ad iustitiam: quid? aucta est? Deserit earn, integram iUam relinquit: 
convertitur ad earn, integram illam invenit. Quid est ergo lumen iusti- 
tiae? De oriente hoc surgit, et in occidentem vadit? An est alius 
locus imde oritur, aut quo venit? Nonne ubtque praesto est? Homo 
certe qui est in occidente, si vult iuste vivere, id est, secundum iusti- 
tiam, numquid deest illi quam intueatur et videat secundum ipsam 
iustitiam? Iterum in oriente positus si velit iuste vivere, id est, secun- 
dum eamdem iustitiam, numquid deest illi ? ' 

In such bursts of eloquence also, Augustine under the influ- 
ence of the pagan schools of rhetoric often falls into the use of 
short sentences or clauses ending with the same word or syllable^i 
thus giving a sing-song or rhythmical swing to his speech. 

Thus after Augustine has quoted Math, xviii. 16 (But if thy 
brother shall offend against thee, go and rebuke him between 
thee and him alone) and 1 Tim. v. 20 (Them that sin reprove 
before all: that the rest also may have fear), he remarks that 
these statements of Christ appear to conflict. This can not be, 
however, for if we are at peace with our conscience, we shall 
find nothing contradictory in the Holy Scriptures ; and Augus- 
tine goes on to examine the apparent contradiction. 

Duo ergo ista praecepta, fratres, sic audiamus, ut intelligamus, et 
inter utraque praecepta pacati constituamur. Cum corde nostro nos 



*For Augustine's prose style in general, cf. Norden, op. cit., 2' 
passim. 
M, 7. Cf. also 34, 6; 49, 8; 196, 1; 213, 1; 224, 3. 



8T. AUOUSTINETS METHOD. 195 

conoordemus, et Scriptura sancta in nulla parte discordat. Verum est 
(Hnnino, ntrumque verum est: sed disoemere debemus, aliquando illud, 
aliquando iUud esse faciendum; aliquando oorripiendum fratrem inter 
te et ipsum aolum, aliquando eorripiendum fratrem coram omnibus, ut 
et caeteri timorem habeant. Si aliquando illud, aliquando illud fece- 
rimus; concordiam Scripturarum tenebimus, et in faciendo atque obtem- 
perando non errabimus. Sed dicit miU aliquis: Quando facio illud, 
quando illud; ne tunc corripiam inter me et ipsum solum, quando debeo 
coram omnibus oorripere; aut tunc corripiam coram omnibus, quando 
debeo in secreto oorripere? * 

Augustine is not at all averse to indulging in a little bitter 
irony in the midst of these outbursts. In a sermon delivered to 
a congregation composed principally of the recently baptized, 
Augustine urges that they maintain carefully their newly- 
acquired purity. ** Imitate the good, not the evil,*^ he says. 
And here he takes the opportunity to score sinners in general. 
** Sinners should reform, while they have the opportunity, for 
death comes suddenly. They always say, "We will reform,*' 
but to the question " When?,*' the answer ever returns like the 
voice of a crow * Cras, eras ' (Tomorrow, tomorrow).'* 

Corrigant se qui tales sunt, dimi vivunt; ne postea velint, et non 
possint: quia subito venit mors, et non est qui corrigatur, sed qui in 
ignem mittatur. Et quando veniat ipsa novissima hora, nescitur, et 
dicitur, Corrigo. Quando corrigis, quando mutarisT Cras, inquis. 
Ecce quoties dicis, Cras, cras; f actus es corvus. Ecce dico tibi, cum 
faois vocem oorvinam, occurrit tibi ruina. Nam ille corvus, cuius 
vocem imitaris, exiit de area et non rediit (den. 8, 7). Tu autem, 
frater, redi in Ecclesiam, quam tunc ilia area significabat.^ 

Very often Augustine is not carried away by a flow of rhetoric, 
but his sympathetic and kindly nature shows itself in every word 
as he speaks very informally and familiarly with his congrega- 
tion. He descends among them as it were and clearly speaks 
under the impulse of ttie moment. 

VoT example, Augustine again and again reviews in an in- 
formal way what has just been said, in order to impress his 
teaching more securely on the minds of his people. When in 
one sermon he has finished talking about the Trinity, before 
commencing a new topic, he sums up informally what he has 
already said. 

•82, 9. Cf. also 164, 10; 178, 7. 
* 224, 4. 



196 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ExsolvimuB quae promiBimns: propoeitiones nostras firmdaBimis, at 
arbitror, teBtimonioniin documentis probayimua. Tenete quod audiatia. 
Breyiter replioo, et r^n utiliasimam, quantum existimo, mentibus vestria 
collocandam oommendo. Pater non eat natua de virgine: nativitatom 
tamen istam Filii et Pater et Filiua operatua eat ex virgine. Pater 
non eat paaaua in cruce: paaaionem tamen Filii et Pater et Filiua 
operatua eat. Non reaurrexit Pater a mortuis: reaurrectionem tamen 
Filii et Pater et Filiua operatua est. j^betia peracmarum diatinctionem, 
et operationia inseparabilitatem. Non ergo dicamus^ aliquid Patrem 
operari aine Filio^ aliquid Filium aine Patre. An forte miracula quae 
fecit leauB, movent vos, ne forte aliqua ipse feoerit, quae non fecit 
Pater? Et ubi est, Pater autem in me manena, ipee facit opera (John 
14, 10) T Haeo quae diximua plana erant, tantum dicenda erant: non 
laborandum ut intelligerentur, aed curandum ut conmiemorarentur.* 

Only too often Augustine's kimdliness takes the form of an 
apology for his inability as an expositor. These expressions 
may often seem like the ordinary utterances of a trained orator, 
a trick of the trade as it were, but frequently as in the following 
example they are too profuse and appear too sincere to be con- 
sidered as the words of a professional etiquette. 

Quid sit aut^n hoc, adiuvante Domino, dicam ut potero: adestote, ut 
intelligatis, si Spiritu ambulatis. Hoc si non intelligatur, periculo- 
sissime auditur. Ideo soUicitus ne male homines intelligendo pereant, 
suscepi haec verba Apostoli, adiuvante Domino, exponere vestrae Chari- 
tati. Vacat nobis, matutina coepimus, hora prandii non urget: ad 
latum diem, id est sabbatum, maxime hi assolent convenire, qui esu- 
riunt verbum Dei. Audite, et attendite; dicam quantum potero dili- 
genter.* 

Occasionally in a kin^y spirit Augustine asks his people to 
have a little patience. He does not wish to overtax their 
strength, but something still remains to be treated, which can 
not be passed over in silence. In such statements too we are 
often dealing with ordinary rhetorical platitudes, but frequently, 
as below, with expressions of real sincerity. In any case the 
passages are clearly extemporizations. 

Hestant duae quaestiones: sed vereor ne oneri sim iam faatidientibua, 
item timeo ne fraudem adhuo esurientes. Memini tamen quid aolverim, 
et quid debeam. Reatat enim videre quid ait, Nesciat ainiatra tua quid 
faciat dextera tua: et de dilectione inimici, cur antiquia videbatur data 
licentia ut odissent inimicos, quorum nobis imperatur dilectio. Sed 



• 62, 14. 

• 128, 6. Cf. also 89, 4; 179, 7; 292, 2. 



BT. AUGUBTINiTS METHOD. 197 

quid faoiol Si breviter de his disseram, fortaasis lum ita ut oportet 
intelligar: si diutiuB, timeo ne plus gravem vob onere eermonia, quam 
fructu expositionia sublevem. Sed oerte si minus quam aatis eat, 
intellexeritis; adhuo me tenete debitorem, ut alio tempore ista plenius 
disserantur. Tamen nunc non oportet ea sic relinqui, ut omnino nihil 
inde dicatur. Sinistra est animi cupiditas camalis, deztera est animi 
charitas apiritualis, etc* 

At times Augustine is at a loss for the proper words with 
which to express his thoughts, and he f rai^y says so to his 
congregation. He explains and explains again, and finally he 
becomes satisfied that he has driven his point home. Thus in 
his sermon on the two blind men (Math. 20. 30-34), while 
explaining the signifiicance of the two blind men calling on 
Christ to cure them, and the crowd that bade them hold their 
peace, he says: 

Et caetera talia turba damat ne caed dament. Turba damantes 
oorripiebat: sed eorum damores non yinoebat. Intelligant quid fadant, 
qui volunt sanari. Et nimc lesus transit : qui iuxta viam sunt, dament. 
Hi sunt enim qui labiis bonorant, oor autem e(M*um longe est a deo. 
Ipsi stmt iuxta viam, quibus praedpit Dominus obtritis oorde. Nam 
cum recitantur ea quae fecit Dominus transeuntia, semper nobis exhi- 
betur transiens lesus. Quia usque in finem saeculi non desunt caed 
sedentes ad viam. Opus ergo est ut dament Uli iuxta viam sedentes. 
Turba quae cum Domino erat, compesoebat clamorem quaerentium sani- 
tatem. Fratres, videtis quid dicam? Nesdo enim quomodo dicam: sed 
plus nescio quomodo taceam. Hoc dico, et aperte dioo. Hmeo enim 
lesum transeuntem et manentem: et ideo tacere non possimi. Bonos 
Christianos, vere studiosos, volentes facere praecepta Dei, quae in 
Evanii^lio scripta stmt, Cbristiani mali et tepidi prohibent. Turba 
ipsa quae cum Domino est, prohibet damantes; id est, prohibet bene 
operantes, ne perseverando sanentur, etc.* 

Occasionally during a sermon, Augustine drops a remark re- 
garding the nature of bis congregation. 

Unde bortamur Charitatem vestram, maxime quia vos videmus fre- 
quentius convenisse, qui propoaltum altius habetis, id est, in ipso cor- 
pore Gbristi ex dus munere, non meritis vestris, excellentiorem locum 
tenetis, habentes conscientiam quae a Deo donata est.* 

The Bishop of Hippo at times thinks of what some may say 
by way of criticism of his sermon, and he makes a considerable 

' 149, 15. Cf. also 111, 2. 

• 88, 13. • 364, 3. 



198 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

digression to assure his audience that lie will hear of it and will 
answer it fully. 

Poet sermcmem meum locuturi sunt homines; sed et quodlibet 
homines loquantur, qualicumque aura flante, perducetur inde aliqiiid 
ad anres meas. Et si fuerit tale, ut sit itenim neoeese nos purgare, 
respondebo detractoribus, respondebo noLaledicis, respondebo incredulis, 
non nobis credentibus praepoeitis suis, ut potero, respondebo quod 
Dominns dederit: interim modo non est neoesse, quia nihil forte dioturi 
sunt. Qui nos amant, libere gaudebunt: qui nos oderunt, tacite dole- 
bunt. Tamen si linguas exercuerint, audient, Deo propitio, vobiscum 
responsicHiem meam, non litem meam. Non enim homines nominaturus 
sum et dicturus, lUe hoc dixit, iste sic detrajdt; cum fortasse etiam 
ad me falsa, quia et hoc potest fieri, perferantur. Verumtamen quae- 
cumque perlata fuerint, si op&rtere videbitur, loquar inde CSiaritati 
vestrae.** 

Very frequently Augustine refers to the time which he has 
devoted to his discourse. **We have explained our subject in 
too short a time^ but accept it as it is, or hold, us responsible 
for another explanation later." 

lam nunc quia ut potuimus, quaestionem profundam in tantilla tem- 
poris brevitate solvimus; aut si nondum solvimus, debitores, ut dixi, 
teneamur: iUud potius breviter videamus de remissione peccatorum." 

Non est nunc tempus hortari vos, ut potius aurum, argentum, lapidea 
pretiosos aedifioetis, quam lignum, fenum, stipulam, super tam magnum 
et validum fundamentum: sed tamen breviter dictum sic aocipite, quasi 
diu et multis verbis dictum." 

At this time congregations usually sat during the service 
except for the Gk)spel, when they rose and remained standing 
during the sertnon. In Italy only did they become seated at the 
end of the reading of the Gk)spd.^' As a preacher Augustine 
usually remained seated while speaking, although sometimes he 
states expressly that he is standing. In several sermons Augus- 
tine takes occasion to refer to the position of the congregation 
and of the preacher, usually as a sort of appeal or exhortation 
for greater patience, yet always clearly on the spur of the 
moment. 

Nostis, fratres, quia ad panem ventris cum labore pervenitur, quanto 



"•356, 12. "09,7. 

»3«2, 9. Cf. also 51, 17. 



Of. Ferrarius, op. cit., 265. 



BT. AUGUSTINBTB METHOD. 199 

magis ad panem mentiBT Cum labore statis et auditis, sed nos cum 
maiore stamus et loquimur.*' 

Quomodo autem inter se omnes oonveniant, nee veritati, quae per 
alium promitur, ab alio repugnetur, quisquis noese desiderata non in 
his sermonibuBy sed in aliis laboriosis litteris quaerat; nee stando, ant 
aodifindo^ sed potius sedendo et legendo, vel legenti aurem mentemqne 
intentissimam praebendo, ille condiscat.^ 

The beginnings and ends of sermons most often contain state- 
ments which clearly shon;^ spontaneity and indicate that Augus- 
tine spoke without any sort of written guidance. 

It seems to have been the regular custom for a preacher to 
demand silence and attention of his congregation before begin- 
ning his sermon^ just as the pagan orators did of their hearers 
before beginning their orations.^' While all of Augustine's 
sermons do not contain this exhortation at the beginnings many 
of them do^ and all sudi instances appear very colloquial and 
f amiliar^ and not at all formal or stereotyped. 

Hesternae lectionis debitores nos esse meminimus: sed sicut nos 
debemus sermonem, ita et vos debetis andientiam." 

AndivimuSy oonoorditerque respondimiis, et Deo nostro consona voce 
cantavimus: Beatus vir quern tu erudieris, Domine, et ex lege tua 
docueris eum (Psal. 93, 12). Silentium si praebeatis, audietis.^ 

Augustine did not always ask for attention in the opening 
sentence. Often when his subject was particularly important, 
he would first spend a minute or two in explanation, and then 
with all the more reason demand attention. 

Diei hodiemae festiyitas unniversario reditu memoriam renovat, 
natum esse Domini praecursorem ante mirabilem mirabiliter; cuius 
natiyitatem oonsiderare nos et laudare majdme hodie convenit. Ad hoc 
enim et dies anniversarius buic miraculo dedicatus est, ut beneficia Dei 
et excelsi magnalia non deleat oblivio de cordibus nostris. loannes 
ergo praeco Domini missus ante ilium, sed factus per illiun. Omnia 
enim per ipsum facta sunt, et sine ipso factum est nihil. Missus homo 



"Tractate 19 on €k>spel of John, 17. 

"Tractate 112 (§1) on Gospel of John. Cf. also Concio ad Psaknum 
32; Expositio Psalmi 147; 17, 2; 23, 1; 23, 2; 43, 7; 95, 2; 274, 1; 
355, 2; App. 75 (rejected as not genuine). It has been thought advisa- 
ble to quote all instances here because of the interest of the general 
subject-matter. 

" Cf. Ferrarius, op. cit., 281. 

«4, 1. »153, 1. 



200 AMERICAJf JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ante hominein Demn, agnoecens Dominum euuin, annontUns Creatorem 
Buum; iam in terra praesentem mente diBcemens, digito ostendena. 
Ipsius enim verba sunt OBtendentis Dominum et testimonium perhi- 
bentis, Ecce Agnus Dei, ecoe qui tollit peccatum mundi (loan. 1, 3, 29). 
Merito ergo sterilis peperit praeconem, virgo iudioem. In matre loannia 
sterilitas acoepit fecunditatem: in matre Cliristi fecunditas non oorrupit 
integritatem. Si vestra patientia et quietum studium, et attentum 
silentium praebeat miM copiam, adiuTante Domino, dicere quod donat 
ut dioam; erit procul dubio fructus attentionis vestrae, et operae pre- 
tium studii nostri, ut aliquid quod ad magnum sacramentum pertineat, 
insinuem auribus et cordibus Testris." 

On one occasion, while asking for attention in the regular 
way/ Augustine notices that his audience is larger and more 
alert than usual, and surmises the reason. '* I interested you/* 
he says, ^^ in the last sermon, so you are very anxious to hear 
me go on. Well, pay very good attention, for I will first give 
the sermon which is regularly due, and then I will proceed to 
talk on the Church.^' 

Ex eo quod hestemo die intentam fecimus Charitatem vestram, in- 
telligimus vos alacrius et numerosius convenisse: sed interim lectioni 
evangelicae ex ordine sermonem debitum reddamus, si placet; deinde 
audiet Charitas vestra de pace Ecclesiae vel quid egerimus, vel quid 
adhuc agendum speremus. Nunc ergo tota intentio cordis ad Evange- 
lium feratur, nemo aliunde cogitet. Si enim qui totus adest, vix capit; 
qui se per cogitationes diversas dividit, nonne et quod ceperat fundit? 
Meminit autem Charitas vestra Dominico praeterito, quantum Dominus 
adiuvare dignatus est, disseruisse nos de spirituali regeneratione (in 
the previous tractate) : quam lectionem vobis iterum legi fecimus, ut 
quae tunc non dicta sunt, in CThristi nomine adiuvantibus orationibua 
veetris impleamus." 

Again, Augustine recognizes at once when his audience is 
well disposed to pay attention. '* I am sure," he says, *^ that 
you all have tried your utmost to imderstand the Gk)spel as it 
was being read, and I feel certain that you tdl have understood 
it at least in part. Yet few, perhaps, have imderstood it en- 
tirely, and with God's help I will try to make it entirely dear 
to all.'' 

Quod modo audivimus et intenti acoepimus, cum sanctum Evangelium 
legeretur, non dubito quod omnes etiam intelligere oonati aumus: et 



"288, 1. Cf. also Enarrat. 3 in Ps. 36, 1; 42, 1; 46, 1; 145, 2; 152, I; 
158, 1; 177, 1; 180, 1; 356, 1. 
" Tractate 12 on Ckwpel of John. 



8T. AUGUSTINE'S METHOD. 201 

qoiaque nostnim de re tain magna quae lecta est, pro suo modulo cepit 
quod potuit et poaito pane verbi, nemo eat qui ee queratur nihil gustaase. 
8ed iterum non dubito, quia difficile quisquam eat qui totom intel- 
lexerit. Tamen etiamai eat qui omnia yerba Domini noatri leau Chriati 
modo ex Evangelio recitata aatia intelligat; toleret miniaterium 
noatrum, quouaque, ai poaaimua, illo adiuvante tractando faciamua ut 
▼el omnee vel multi intelligant, quod ae pauci inteUexiaae laetantur.*^ 

At times several things casually occur to Augustine which he 
mentions before he begins the sermon proper. Thus on one 
occasion he reminds his listeners that he is going to take up 
the subject which he was to have discussed on Christmas day^ 
but had postponed because so many people were present who had 
come merely to witness the celebration of the feast and not to 
hear a sermon. Today he feels sure that the people have come 
to listen. Furthermore a pagan festival is being celebrated on 
that day and many Christians have stayed away from the service 
to join this celebration. Accordingly Augustine is moved in a 
twofold manner: with sadness that some of his people have 
been enticed away to take part in pagan rites, with joy that the 
others in spite of all have come to hear the word of God. 

Exapectationem Charitatia veatrae ille impleat, qui ezoitavit. Etai 
enim quae dicenda aunt vobia, non noatra, aed Dei eaae praeaumimua; 
tamen multo magia noa dicimua, quod humiliter dicit Apoatolua: 
fiabemua tbeaaurum latum in vaaia fictilibua, ut eminentia virtutia 
Dei ait, et non ex nobia (II Cor. 4, 7). Non dubitamua itaque memi- 
niaae voa poUicitationia noetrae. In ipao promiaimua, per quem nunc 
reddimua. Nam et cum promitteremua^ ab ipao petebamua: et cum 
reddimua, ab ipao accipimua. Meminit autem Charitaa veatra noa 
matutina Natalia Domini diatuliaae quam aolvendam propoauimue quaea- 
tionem; quia multi nobiacum, etiam quibua aolet eaae oneroaua aermo 
Dei, aolemnitatem illam diei debitam celebrabant. Nunc vero puto 
neminem conveniaae; niai qui audire deaiderat. Non itaque loquimur 
oordibua aurdia, non faatidientibua animia. Haec autem veatra ex- 
apectatio, pro me oratio eat. Acoeaait aliquid; quia et diea Muneria 
multoa hinc ventilavit, pro quorum quidem aalute quantum aatagimua, 
tantum fratrea ut aatagatia hortamur; et pro hia qui nondiun intenti 
aunt apectaculia veritatia, aed dediti aunt apectaculia carnia, intenta 
mente deprecemini Deum. Novi enim, et certe acio eaae modo in 
numero veatro eoa qui hodie contempeenmt: aed rumpunt ea quae 
conauerimt. Mutantur enim hominea, et in melius et in deteriua. 
Quotidiania huiuaoemodi experimentia viciaaim et laetamur et oontria- 
tamur; laetamur correctia, contriatamur depravatia. Ideoque Dominua 



** Tractate 34 on Qoapel of John. 



202 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

non ait salTum futurum esae qui ooeperit; sed. Qui perseverayeiity 
inqoit, usque in flnem, hie salvus erit (Matt. 10, 22).*' 

At the beginning of Ms sermons too the size of bis congre- 
gation calls forth his praise or his censure as the case may be. 
He is very much pleased on one occasion when his congregation 
in spite of the inclemency of the weather is present in large 
numbers. 

Fateor Sanctitati vestrae, timueram ne frigus hoe frigidoe vos ad 
conveniendum faeeret: sed quia ista eelebritate et frequentia vestra, 
spiritu T06 fervere demonstratis, non dubito quia etiam orastis pro me, 
ut debitum Tobis ezsolvam." 

Then again Augustine is grieved when on the feast of the 
martyrdom of Peter and Paul^ he finds an audience before him 
which does not do proper honor to the greatness of the occasion. 

D^imimuB quidem tantorum martyrum diem, hoe est, sanctorum 
apostolorum Petri et Pauli, maiore frequentia celebrare. Si enim oele- 
bramuB frequentissime natalitia agnorum, quanto magis debemus 
arietumT . . . (Haec loquor, charissimi, laetus quidem hodiemo die 
propter tantam festiyitatem, sed aliquantulum tristis, quia mm yideo 
tantum populum congregatiun, quantus oongregari d^uit in Natali 
passionis Apostolorum. Si lateret nos non nobis imputaretur: si autem 
neminem latet, quae est ista tanta pigritiaT Non amatis Petrum et 
PaulumT Ego in Tobis illis loquor qui hie non sunt. Nam vobis ago 
gratias quia vel vos yenistis. Et potest animus cuiusque christiani 
non amare Petrum et PaulumT Si adhuc frigidus est, legat et unet: 
si adhuc non amat, sagittam yerbi in cor acdpiat.** 

In closing his sermons Augustine shows again and again that 
he is speaking under the impulse of the moment. He frequently 
says that he has much more to discuss^ but will not speak longer 
because he is unwilling to burden his hearers. Much of this 
may indeed be pure rhetoric^ but it all bears the appearance of 
spontaneity. Thus in his sermon on John 1. 33 (And I knew 
him not ; but he who sent me to baptize with water, said to me : 
He upon whom thou shalt see the Spirit descending^ and re- 
maining upon him^ he it is tiiat baptizeth with the Holy Ghost), 
he oonductes, 

"61, 1. 

"Tractate 6 on Gospel of John. Cf. also Tractate 7 on Gospel of 
John; 198. 
"298, 1 and 2. 



BT. AUGUBTINB'B MBTBOD. 203 

Non respuo loannem, sed potitui credo loanni. Quid credo loanni? 
Quod didicit per oolumbam. Quid didicit per oolumbam? Blc est qui 
baptizat in Spiritu sancto. lam ergo, fratree, tenete hoc, et cordibus 
vestris infigite. Si enim hodie voluero plenius dicere quare per oolum- 
bam, tempuB non sulBcit^ Quia enim res disoenda insinuata est loanni 
per columbam, quam non noverat in Christo loannes, quamvis iam 
nosset CSiriBtum, exposui quantum arbitror Sanctitati vestrae: sed 
quare banc ipsam rem per columbam oportuit demonstrari, si breviter 
dici posset, dicerem: sed quia diu dioendum est, et onerare yos nolo, 
quomodo adiutus sum orationibus Testris, ut illud quod promisi, 
implerem; adiuvante etiam atque etiam pia intentione et votis bonis, 
et illud apparebit vobis, quare loannes quod didicit in Domino, quia ipse 
est qui baptizat in Spiritu sancto, et nulli servo suo translegavit potes- 
tatem baptizandi, non debuit discere nisi per oolumbam.* 

Augustine ends his eeimons sometimes because, as he says, he 
must consider the powers of his listeners and not overtax them. 
Or he must even take cognizance of his own strength and not 
drag the sermon out too long. These r^narks admittedly savour 
of rhetoric, but they seem clearly to have been made on the spur 
of the moment. 

Quamvis ergo, fratres, Psalmi plura restent consulendum est tamen 
viribus et animae et corporis propter varietatem audientium: quia ot 
cum reficimur ex eodem tritico velut multi sapores nobis fiunt, ad 
detergenda fastidia: baec vobis sufficiant.** 

De quo latius dicerem, nisi s^mo iam longior et meis senilibus 
▼iribus, et vestrae fortasse satietati parcere cogeret.'^ 

On the other hand Augustine sees fit at times to apologize for 
a diort sermon. On one oooasion he speaks scarcely more than 
three hundred words, and says ^^ Let these few words suffice, as 
today I must speak to the children on the Sacraments of the 
altar.^' 

Satis sint vobis pauca ista, quoniam et post laboraturi sumus, et de 
Sacramentis altaris hodie Inf antibus disputandum est.* 

It was the custom on the feast day of a martyr to read the 
acts of that martyr before giving the sermon.** Accordingly on 

"Tractate 5, on Gospel of Jobn. Of. Also Tractate 8 on Gospel of 
Jobn; Enarrat. 1 in Ps. 92^ 12; Enarrat. 1, in Ps. ZS, 11; 1, 5^ 140, 6; 
274, 1; 348,4; 356,7. 

" Enarrat. 1 in Ps. 32. "226, 1. Cf. also 212, 2; 325, 2. 

*348, 4. "Cf. Feirarius, op. cit., 76. 



204 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

the feast of Saint Vincent, Auguertine ddivers a very short ser- 
mon, explaining that they have been very patient listening to 
the deeds of the Saint and so should not be oveibnrdened with 
a long discourse. 

Longam lectionem audivimus, brevis est dies: longo sermone etiam 
nos tenere vestram patientiam non debemus. Novimus quia patienter 
audistiSy et diu stando et audiendo tanquam martyri compassi estis. 
Qui audit vos, amet vos, et coronet vos.** 

On one occasion the character of the congregation causes 
Augustine to end his sermon betimes. He should consider many 
other matters, which have already been postponed, but he will 
put them off again and not burden his hearers or himself. 
" Furthermore,*' he says, ** many perhaps have come here today 
to witness the ceremony and not to hear the homily. Tomorrow 
let only those come who wish to listen so that we may neither 
deprive the eager nor burden the disdainful.'* 

Quid ergo, fratres, quia illis et iUis respondimus, nihil dioemus quid 
sibi velint hydriae, quid aqua in yinum conversa, quid architridinus, 
quid spcmsus, quid mater lesu in mysterio, quid ipsae nuptiae? Dioenda 
sunt omnia, sed onerandi non estis. Volui quidem in nomine CSiristi 
et hestemo die, quo solet sermo deberi Charitati vestrae, id agere 
Yobiscum, sed non sum permissus necessitatibus quibusdam impedien- 
tibus. Si ergo placet Sanctitati vestrae, hoc quod ad mysteriiun per- 
tinet huius facti, in crastinum differamus, et non oneremus et vestram 
et nostram infirmitatem^ Sunt forte hodie multi qui propter sdemni- 
tatem diei, non propter audiendum sermonem oonvenerunt. Oastino 
qui venient, yeniant audituri; ut nee fraudemus studiosos, nee grave- 
mus f astidiosoe."^ 

Very frequently Augustine ends his sermon with some such 
sentiment as, ''Time will not permit us to continue further, 
but we shall have to make the most of what we have heard.** 

Ea quae sequuntur in Evangelio, non sunt temporis breritate ooarc- 
tanda. Et ideo sermo iste, oharissimi, vdut ovium sanctanmi cibus, si 
sufiScit, salubriter capiatur; si exiguus est, desiderabiliter ruminetur."* 

Also in closing a sermon, Augustine may refer to the size or 

••274. 

•^Tractate 8 on Gospel of John. Of. also Tractate 5 on Epistle of 
John. 

•■Tractate 69 on Gospel of John. Of. also 4, 33; 51, 35; 259, «; 
Enarrat. 3 in Ps. 32, 29. 



BT. AUOUBTINB'B METHOD. 205 

character of his congregation and even request that they be 
present in greater numbers next time. 

Aliqoid enim pro salute ipsorum egimus in ooncilio, quod explicari 
Tobis hodie iam tempus non sufficit. Unde exhoitamtir yob nt alacricnres 
et miinerosioreey (audient enim a vobis fratres nostri qui nunc non 
adsunt), oonveniatis crastino die ad basilicam Tridiarum.** 

The frequent digressions in Augustine^s sermons are a special 
mark of their informality and spontaneity. In one sermon he 
is particularly bothered by the thought of the number of 
Christians who are absent attending the pagan festival of that 
day. He mentions them continually, even at the very end of 
his discourse. 

Et si aliquanto vob diutius tenuimua, conflilii fuit ut importunae 
horae transirent, arbitramur iam illos (the merry-makers) peregisse 
vanitatem suam. Nos autem, fratres, quando pasti sumus epulis 
salutaribus, quae restant agamus, ut diem dominicum solemniter im- 
pleamuB in gaudiis spiritualibus, et comparemus gaudia veritatis cum 
gaudiis vanitatis: et si horremus, doleamus; si dolonus, oronus; si 
oramus, exaudiamur; si exaudimur, et iUos lucramur.** 

Very frequently too the digressions are in the manner of 
short parenthetical explanations, after or within quotations from 
Scripture. . . 

Quam sententiam confirmat; non solum Episfola quae scribitur ad 
Hebraeos, ubi dicitur. Si enim qui per Angelos dictus est sermo, factus 
est flrmus (Hebr. 2, 2) : (Loquebatur enim de veteri Testamento, com- 
mendavit quod ibi Angeli loquebantur; sed Deus in Angelis suis hono- 
rabatur, et per Angelos interior habitator audiebatur) ; sed etiam in 
Actibus Apostolorum Stephanus dicit, etc." 

Very indicative of the spontaneous character of these sermons 
is the manner in which Augustine repeatedly stops in ttie middle 
of a sentence to make an explanation or even to reprove his 
audience, and then returns to take up his unfinished sentence 
again. 

Sicut quando loquitur propheta (Christianis loquor, vel proficien- 
tibus in schola Dei; non sunt rudia nee nova quae dico, sed vestrae 



" Enarrat. 3 in Ps. 32, 29. Of. also 10, 6. 

** Tractate 7 on Gospel of John, 24. 

" 7, 6. Cf. also 02, 17; 82, 13; 89, 5; 96, 2; 181, 6. 



206 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Sanctitati nobiscum usitatissima et manifeetissima), quando propheta 
loquitur, quid dicimuBf 

6uperiu8 quando ait, Venit hora, et nunc est; obsecro, intendite. 
NoBtis, fratres, quia ad panem ventris cum labore peryenitur; quanto 
magis ad panem mentis? Ciun labore statis, et auditis; sed nos cum 
maiore stamus, et loquimur. Si laboramus propter vos. coUaborare non 
debetis propter eosdem vos? Superius ergo cum diceret, Venit hora, 
et adderety et nunc est, quid subiecit? ^ 

Augustine sometimes repeats a statement entirely^ in order 
to make it i)erf ectly dear. Thus, 

In omnibus enim Cliristianis, fratres intendite, aut per malos nas- 
cuntur boni, aut per bonos nascuntur mali, aut per bonos boni, aut 
per malos mali: amplius istis quatuor generibus non potestis invenire. 
Quare iterum repetam, advertite, retinete; excutite corda vestra, nolite 
pigri esse: capite, ne capiamini, quomodo quatuor genera sunt omnium 
Christianorum. Aut per bonos nascuntur boni, aut per malos nas- 
cuntur mali, aut per bonos mali, aut per malos boni. Puto quia 
planum est."* 

The free and easy conduct of the congregations of this period 
is well known generally. The church besides being a place for 
common worship was also the regular place to visit and meet 
friends. Talking and laughing were indulged in freely, and 
conduct was in general unrestrained. Just before the reading 
of the gospel, it was the regular custom for the deacon to demand 
silence, and just before tfie giving of the sermon the preacher 
himself usually asked for quiet and strict attention.'* During 
the sermon when a preadier came to an important or abstruse 
point, he would regularly ask for special attention; but often 
whispering and talking would break out, especially when the 
sermon was extra long and dull, whereupon the preacher would 
be obliged to stop and demand silence in no uncertain tones. 
The ordinary method of requesting attention is by some horta- 
tory form of attendo, intendo, video, or audio.^ Very fre- 
quently, however, it requires more than a single word to bring 

" 2, 5. Cf. also 155, 14; 266, 7; 278, 8. 

"Tractate 19 on Gospel of John, 17. Cf. also 37, 7; 140, 6; 292, 0; 
Tractate 1 on Epistle of John, 13. 
* Tractate 11 on Gospel of John, 8. 
■•Cf. Ferrarius, op. cit., 49, 56, 66. 
^ Passim. 



BT. AUGUSTINE'S METEOD. 207 

hifi audience to a proper degree of attentivenesSy and thus arise 
such spontaneous outbursts as: 

Videte, obsecro yds, et moveat yob, quomodo et noB^ moYeat, si fieri 
potest.* 

Quale iUud corpus erat, quod Dominus per daustra traiecit? Inten- 
dite, obsecro, si possim adiuYante DcMuino qualibuscumque Yerbis 
exspectationi Yestrae aut satisf aoere, aut non multum deesse.' 

Quid est ergo, Visu vestro Yidebatis? Intendat Sanctitas Yestra quod 
dioo, intendat in orationem plus quam in me; ut intelligatis quod 
dicknus, ut et nos ita dicamus quemadmodum yos oportet audire et 
intelligere quod auditis.^ 

Attende et quod sequitur: quaecumque enim facit Pater, eadem et 
Filius facit: non dixit, Talia. Paululum attendat Charitas Yestra, ne 
Yobismetipsis strepitum faciatis. TranquiUo corde opus est, pia et 
deYota fide, intentione religiosa: non in me Yasculum, sed in iUum 
attendite qui panem ponit in Yasculo. Attendite ergo paululum.^ 

Very often Augustine feels obliged to recognize applause, and 
CYcn to take cognizance of signs of disapproYal, all of which 
must necessarily be of the moment. He usually recognizes 
applause in a very matter-of-fact way, as *' There, your applause 
assures me that my explanation is clear/' 

(Fratres mei, unde clamatis, unde ezsultatis, undo amatis, nisi, quia 
ibi est scintiUa huius cbaritatis? Quid desideratis, rogo yos? Videri 
potest oculist tangi potest? pulchritudo aliqua est quae oculos 
ddectatT* 

Audi apostolum Paulum; nam ipsam exauditionem ad salutem os- 
tendit illi Deus: SuflScit tibi, inquit, gratia mea; nam Yirtus in infirmi- 
tate perficitur. Rogasti, clamasti, ter damasti: ipsum semel quod 
damasti audivi, non averti aures meas a te; novi quid fadam: tu Yis 
auf erri medicamentum quo ureris ; ego novi infirmitatem qua gravaris.^ 

Unde omnes acdamastis, nisi quia omnes agnoYistis/* 

There are many indications of the care with which Augustine 
watched the effect of his words upon the congregation. Now he 
sees that the audience has grasped his meaning, and he may 

** 265, 7. 
*» 277, 8. 

•3©2, 11. Cf. also 52, 8; 180, 7; 277, 8; 294, 19; Tractate 11 on 
Gospd of John, 8; Tractate 5 on Epistle of John, 13. 
*• 126, 8. 

^ Tractate 3 on Gospd of John, 21. 
* Tractate 6 on £}pistle of John, 7. 
^ 151, 8. Cf. also 21, 5; 96, 4; 121, 3; 131, 5; 29», 9; 302, 7. 



208 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

r either end his sermon or go on to the next point. Now he 
notices that many have not understood^ and he most explain 
again. 

Nunc autem video tob et attentione audiendl, et celeritate inteUi- 
gendi, non soliun percepisse dictum, sed praeyolasse dictunun: Qratiaa 
Domiiio.^ 

Video yoB cito intellexisse, nee tamen debeo iam flnire. Non enim 
omnes cito intellexistis. Vidi in voce intelligentes, plurea video silentio 
requirentes.** 

Paucos intellexisse video, plures non intellexisse, quoB ^go nequaquam 
tacendo fraudabo.* 

On one occasion Augustine notices talking among his con- 
gregation. He says, " I have no doubt but that many of you 
have understood, but I judge frotn the talking that those who 
have understood are trying to explain the matter to those who 
failed to grasp it. Accordingly I will speak more plainly that 
you all may understand." 

Sam miiltoB vestrum inteUexisBe non dubito. N(mi video, sed ex 
oollocutione, quia loquimini ad alterutrum, eentio eos qui intelleczerunt, 
veUe exponere iis qui nondum inteUexenmt. EIrgo planius aliquanto 
dicam, ut ad omnes penreniat.*^ 

In several oases the sermons of Augustine are confessedly 
extempore in the strict sense of the word. Sometimes Augustine 
would be inspired with the subject of his sermon while the 
lector was reading the Scriptures. 

Vox poenitentis agnoscitur in verbis quibus psallenti respondimus: 
Averte faciem tuam a peccatis meis, et omnes iniquitates meas dele 
(Peal. 50, 11). Unde cum sermonem ad vestram Charitatem non 
praepararemus, hinc nobis esse tractanduni Domino imperante cogno- 
vimus. Volebamus enim hodiema die vos in nmiinatione permlttere, 
scientes quam abundantes epulas oeperitis. Sed quia salubriter quod 
apponitur aocipitis, quotidie multum esuritis. Praestet ergo Dominus 
ipse Deus noster, et nobis virium sufiScientiam, et vobis utilem audien- 
tiam. Neque enim ignoramus, esse serviendum bonae vestrae et utili 
voluntati. Adiuvemur ergo a vobis et voto et studio; voto ad Deum, 
studio ad verbum; ut ea dicamus quae vobis esse utilia ipse iudicat, 
qui vos pascit per nos. Vox igitur in his verbis poenitentia agnoecitnr: 



*• 52, 20. ^ 101, 9. 

•• 131, 9. Cf. also 57, 11; 164, 2; 316, ID; 302, 29. 

" 23, 8. €f . also 24, 5. 



8T. AUGUBTINETS UETBOD. 209 

Averte faciem tnam a pecoatis meis, et omnia facinora mea dele. 
Pl-oinde aliquid de poenitentia dicere divinitna iubemur. Neque enim 
DOB istum psalmiun cantandum lectori imperavimus : sed quod ille 
oensuit vobis esse utile ad audiendum, hoc cordi etiam puerili imperavit. 
Dioamus aliquid de utilitate poenitentiae: praesertim, quia et dies iam 
sanctus aimiyersarius imminet, quo propinquante humilari animaa et 
domari corpora studiosius decet* 

Similarly on another occasion when Augustine is preaching on 
John 7, 2-12, according to which, Jesns, after bidding His 
brethren go up to the festival day, says that He Himself will 
not go up, because His time is not yet accomplished, and yet 
afterwards does go up, not openly but in secret. Several ques- 
tions, Augustine says, arise from this text; among others. Is 
there any difference between deceiving and lying? Is it right 
to deceive sometimes? etc. All of these, however, he will put 
off to discuss the question which oame to him as the Oospel 
was being read. Could Christ lie? or Could Truth say anything 
false? 

6ed ait qui me audit: Numquid hoc potes de Chrieto dicere, quia vel 
non potuit implere quae volebat, vel futura nesciebatt Bene agis, bene 
suggeris, recte c<»nmone8: sed, o homo, partire mecum soUicitudinem. 
Qu«n non audemus dicere minus valentem, audemus dicere mentientemT 
Ego quidem, quantum existimo, quantum pro mea infirmitate iudicare 
possum, eligo ut homo in aliquo fallatur, quam ut in aliquo mentiatur. 
Falli enim pertinet ad infirmitatem, mentiri ad iniquitatem. Odisti, 
inquit, Domine, omnes qui operantur iniquitatem. Et continuo: 
Perdes omnes qui loquuntiu* mendacium (Ps. 5, 7). Aut tantumdem 
valet iniquitas et mendacium; aut plus est Perdes, quam Odisti. Neque 
enim qui odio habetur, continuo perditione punitur. Verum sit ilia 
quaestio, utrum aliquando mentiri necesse sit: non enim modo discutio: 
latebrosa est, multos sinus habet; non vacat <Hnnes secare, et ad vivum 
pervenire. Ergo eius curatio in tempus aliud differatur : f ortassis enim 
sine sermone nostro divina opitulatione sanabitur. Sed quid distuli, 
qmd volo hodie tractare, intendite et distinguite. An aliquando men- 
tiendum sit, banc dizi diflScilem et latebrosissimam quaestionem, hanc 
diflero. Utrum autem Christus mentitus sit, utrum Veritas aliquid 
f alsum dizerit, hoc hodie suscepimus admoniti ex evangelica lectione."* 

Fossidius tells us of another occasion when Augustine con- 
fessed that he had lost the thread of his proposed discourse, and 
had proceeded with another subject to the end. He says, 'T 

"352, 1. Of. also 9, 7; 62, 1; 71, 8; 180, 4. 
■ 133, 3. 



210 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

know also, and not I only but also my other brethren and fellow 
servants who were at that time living together with the holy 
man in the church at Hippo, that when we were seated at the 
table he (Augustine) said, ' Did you take notice of my sermon 
in the church today, that both the beginning and end worked 
out contrary to my usual custom? Por I did not explain to its 
conclusion the subject which I had proposed but left it in sus- 
pense/ To which we replied, ' Yes, we know it and remember 
that we wondered at it at the time/ Then he said, ^ I suppose 
that perhaps the Lord wished some wanderer among the people 
to be taught and healed by our forgetfulness and error, for in 
His hands are we and all our utterances. For while I was 
investigating the margins of the question proposed, by a digres- 
sion of speech I parsed over to something else and so, without 
finishing or explaining the question, I ended my discourse by 
attacking the error of the Manichaeans, about whidi I had 
intended to say nothing in my discussion, rather than by speaking 
about those things which I had intended to explain/ *' ** 

In his own works Augustine relates two very striking instances 
of the spirit in which he labored to produce a certain deep effect 
in his hearers, and how on achieving his purpose he ceased 
speaking at once. In the De Doctrina Christicma,^^ Augustine 
in talking of the majestic style says, *'The majestic style, on 
the other hand, frequently silences "the audience by its impres- 
siveness, but calls forth their tears. For example, when at 
Caesaria in Mauritania, I was dissuading the people from that 
civil, or worse than civil, war which they called Caterva (for 
it was not fellow-citizens merely, but neighbors, brothers, fathers, 
and sons even, who, divided into two factions and armed with 
stones, fought annually at a certain season of the year for several 
days continually, everyone killing whomsoever he could), I 
strove with all the vehemence of speech that I could command 
to root out and drive from their hearts and lives an evil so cruel 
and inveterate ; it was not however when I heard their applause, 
bu/t when I saw their tears, that I thought I had produced an 
effect. For the applause showed that they were subdued. And 
when I saw their tears I was confident, even before the event 
proved it, that this horrible and barbarous custom (which had 

•• Vita, 16. « 4. 24. 



ST. AUaUBTINWB METHOD. 211 

been banded down to tbem from ibeir fatbers and their ancestors 
of generations long gone by and wbich like an enemy was 
besieging their hearts^ or rather had complete possession of 
them) was overthrown, and immediately that my sermon was 
finished I called upon them with heart and voice to give praise 
and thanks to <jlod.'' 

In a letter to Olyompius, Bishop of Tagaste,"* Augustine 
speaks of a similar incident. ^^ While I addressed them and 
made my complaints, Ood, our Defender and Ouide, seemed to 
impart to me courage and strength, according to the magnitude 
of the danger and enterprise. I did not move their tears by 
mine; but when I had ended speaking, I confess, that, antici- 
pated by their weeping, I was unable to abstain. Having tiien 
wept together for a while, with strong expectations of their 
amendment, I brought my address to a close.'' 

Thus then as we read over Augustine's seimons and find such 
liveliness, much spontaneity, and so many passages which could 
only have been delivered under the impulse of the moment, we 
are necessarily led to believe that his sermons were delivered 
extempore for the most part, or at least after a certain amount 
of forethought but never with any written assistance. And 
furthermore we find Augustine himself giving UiS two striking 
examples of his manner of preaching, which entirely confirm 
the belief. That Augustine made a very extensive use of notarii 
within the church and in the priv«icy of his own study has 
already been set forth, and this entirely harmonizes with the 
characteristics of the sermons as we see them today. 

The sermons were ddivered without written assistance, en- 
tirely extempore or largely so. Notwrii in the church took them 
down in shorthand as they were being delivered. The sermons 
as we have them today are copies of the longhand transcripts 
of the notes of the notwrii. This explains the vigor, the con- 
versational tone, and the many irregularities which are to be 
found in Augustine's discourses. 



Vol. 2, 37 ff. 



212 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

YIII. Other Charaoteristios of Augustins's Sskicons 

WHICH SHOW THSM TO BE NOT ONLY EXTEMPORE, BUT 
TO HAVE BEEN LEFT UNREVISED. 

Many of the passages already alluded to in the previous 
chapter as proofs of extemporization indicate likewise that 
Augustine's seitmons received littie or no revision; for there are 
irregularities in them which would naturally have been smoothed 
out or omitted under revision. Thus we should have expected 
such passages to be emended as those in which Augustine gropes 
around for the exact words to fit his thoughts ; or those which 
display irritability when he declaims against his critics or chides 
his congregation; or those which contain long digressions, or 
sentences interrupted for a momentary cause and then taken up 
anew from the very beginning, etc. 

Yet there are still other indications of the unfinished state of 
Augustine's sermons. Augustine is continually referring to the 
time. Either he has a great deal to say, and warns his con- 
gregation that he must have undivided attention from the start, 
or nearing the end, he finds that he has still much to say but 
lacks the time within which to say it.^ The natural inference 
is that the sennon had a definite period allotted to it, tradi- 
tionally or otherwise, which was not to be exceeded. This seems 
especially true siuce we find the same complaint among many 
other preachers of this same general i)eriod ; e. g. Origen, homily 
2 in Oenesim, homily 21 in Numeros; Cyril of Jerusalem, 
Catechesis 13 ; and Fetrus Chrysologus, Catechesis 121.* 

The time usually allotted a sermon seems to have been an 
(Roman) hour, hora. Thus we read in Chrysologus: • 

Date ergo Teniam, fratres, si intra punctum temporis et horae unios 
▼ix momentum obscura lucidare, clausa reserare, flrmare dobia, pro- 
funda ccmtingere, tot saeculorum ineffabile sacramentum per omnem 
modum aperire non possum, et eloqui, si vel caute aemulis, secure filiis, 
eredentibus oonfidenter, constanter incredulis non valemus. 



^ 6ee previous chapter. 

*Cf. Ferrarius, op. cit. 156; Migne P. L. 62, 508, note d. 

*Sermo 112. In this passage, it is manifestly impossible to take 
home as an indefinite period of time, because it is made definite by the 
MfiiiM, and the indefinite idea has already been expressed in the previous 
pwwtum temporU. Cf . also Cyril Cat 13, 37 ; Cat. 13, 13 ; Oat. 14, 27. 



ST. AUQU8TINWB METHOD. 213 

Similarly in Augustine we find: 

fiomper in sermonibus, quos ad populoB habui, huiuB quaestionis 
difBcultatem, motestiamque vitavi; non quia nihil habercm, quod inde 
ntcomque oogitarem; neque enim in re tanta quaerere, petere, pulaare 
negligerem, sed quia ipsi intdlig^itiae, quae mihi aliquantum aperie- 
batur, yerbifl ad horam occurrentibus me posse suffioere non putarem.^ 

Hodiemo die iam ecoe tertio audivimus ex Svangelio Domini nostri 
resurrectionem. Quantum existimo, responsimi est illis, sicut intelligere 
potestis: sicut et nos loqui poesumus^ quantum hora sermonis permittit." 

Afl we all know, the Boman day was divided into twelve hours 
{horae)y each being one-twelfth of the time between sunrise 
and sunset and varying therefore aoeording to the season of the 
year; varying in our own time from 44 minutes and 30 seconds 
to 1 hour 10 minutes and 50 seconds. Ferw of Augustine's 
discourses, however, as we have them today would take even the 
shortest Boman hour for ddivery. Auguertine, as we have seen, 
laid down the principle that a speaker should watch his audience, 
and, once it is evident that he has made his point dear, should 
pass on to the next step, or end his sermon as the case may be. 
We have also seen Augustine ending his sermon for various 
other reasons, personal fatigue, pressure of other duties, the 
continued inattention of his congregation, etc. Yet all these 
facts will not account for the brevity of the majority of the 
sermons. The discrepancy between the length of time allowed 
for the delivery and the brevity of most of Augustine's dis- 
courses must be accounted for in other ways. 

The general irregular character of Augustine's sermons is well 
known and indeed has called forth such bitter criticisms as the 
following: ''Few religious discourses are to be found which 
contain so many imperfections. There is no want in them 
indeed of subtleties and playful wit. Extremely deficient, how- 
ever, are they in respect to thoroughness of investigation, appro- 
priateness of illustration, a useful treatment of subjects, a cor- 
rect interpretation of the Holy Scripture, and an easy and agree- 
able style and manner of address."* Most of these supposed 
•deficiencies may be explained easily from a knowledge of the 

*Sermo 11 de verbis Domini in Evangelium Matthaei. 

'Sermo 143 de Tempore. 

'Schmid (see Am. Bibl. Bep. 7, 375). 



214 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOY. 

circiunfirtances under which the discourses were given. They 
were delivered in most c^ees to the common people by a preacher 
who spoke with a varying degree of preparation, often strictly 
extempore and never with any help from writing. The preacher 
also spoke with eye fixed steadfastly on his listeners, directing 
the procedure of his discourse according to the effect of his 
words as he perceived it. Notaaii in the church followed the 
speaker taking down his words, and in all probability failed to 
record much of importance, as they endeavored to keep pace 
with the eloquent and rapid preacher.^ To this may be due not 
only the faults just mentioned, but also the brevity of most 
of the sermons as noted above. 

In several sermons we seem to have actual insertions made by 
the notarius himself. It seems to have been the custom at this 
time to bring certain objects into the church and exhibit them 
to the people at the proper moment during the sermon in order 
to rouse and even to stir the audience to tears.* Such a practice 
was followed by the pagan orators, and seems to have been 
taken over by the early Christian Fathers.® Augustine on one 
occasion exhibited a young man miraculously cured by Saint 
Stephen ;^^ and at still another time presented witnesses of the 
miracle about which he was then discoursing.^^ Occasionally, 
too, Augustine recited — but not always to the best advantage — 
accounts of miracles, which he memorized from the official 
records.^* 

Thus in one sermon given in honor of St. Stephen,^' Augus- 
tine starts to tell of a miracle perf oitmed by the Saint at IJzalis, 
sayings 

Apud Uzalim ubi est episcopus frater mens Evodius, quanta miracula 
ibi fiant quaerite, et invenietis. PraetermisBis autem aliis, indico vobia 
unum quod ibi factum est, ut videatb quanta sit ibi praesentia maies- 
tatis. Mulier quaedam subito aegrotum fllium, cui succurrere festinando 



* Cf . Pease, Notes on St. Jerome's Tractates On the PadlfM, Journal 
of B&lical Literature, 116-131; 26, 1907. 

* Cf . Ferrarius, op. cit. 146. 
•Cf. Quintilian6, 1. 

>• 320, 1. 

"322, 1. Cf. Nourry, Le Miracle d'aprte St. Aug., Annales de la 
philosophie chnfit. 1003, 375-366. 
» 286, 7. » 323, 3. 



BT. AUGUSTINE'S METHOD. 215 

non potuit, in gremio suo catechumenum amisit: quae damans, Mortuus 
est, inquit. Alias meus catechumenus. 

Then we read the following, the first part of which was 
obviously not written by Augustine : 

Et cum haec dioeret Auffuatinua, popultu de memoria sancti Stephani 
clamare coepit, Deo gratiasi Christo laudeal In quo continuo clamore, 
pueUa quae curata e8t ad ahsidam perducta eat. Qua visa populua cum 
gaudio ei fletu, nuJUa interpositia aermonihua, aed aolo atrepitu inter- 
poaito, aiiquandiu clamorem protrawit: et aUentio facto, Auguatinua 
epiacopua dwit, Scriptum est in Psalmo, Dixi, Proloquar adversum me 
delictum meum Domino Deo meo, et tu dimisisti impietatem cordis mei. 
Dixi, Prdoquar: nondum prolocutus sum: Dixi, Proloquar, et tu 
dimisisti. Cktfnmendavi istam miseram, imo ex misera, commendavi 
eam yestris orationibus*. Disposuimus orare, et exauditi sumus. Sit 
gaudium nostrum actio gratiarum. Citius exaudita est mater Ecdesia, 
quam in perniciem maledicta mater iUa. 

Thus is the discourse ended. The beginning of the last sec- 
tion is clearly an integral i>art of the sermon as transmitted to 
us, but it is evidently not Augustine's own remark but that of 
the notarius. Apparently Augustine was forced to stop his 
discourse on account of the cries of joy, and when silence 
returned he saw fit merely to finish his account of tl^e mirade 
and to omit the sermon proper. In fact he himself tells us in 
the beginning of the next sermon, that he will take up on this 
day the homily that was interrupted and ended so suddenly 
on the day before by the exclamations of joy at the recounting 
of a miracle. 

Debet a nobis hestemus sermo compleri, qui maiori interruptus est 
gaudio. Statueram enim et coeperam loqui Charitati veetrae, quare 
miM videntur isti fratres divina auctoritate ad hanc dvitatem esse 
directi, ut hie in eis diu optata et exspectata sanitas impleretur. Et 
hoc volens dicere, prius commendare coeperam Charitati vestrae loca 
sancta, in quibus non sunt sanati, et ad nos inde sunt directi. Et dixi 
de Ancona dvitate Italiae: coeperam de Uzali dvitate dicere, quae est 
in Africa (episcopum habet fratrem meum, noetis, Evodium) ; quia 
et ad illam dvitatem eos venire, fama eiusdem martyris et operum eius 
oompulisset. Non est illic datum quod dari potuit, ut hie daretur ubi 
dari debuit. Cum autem opera divina per sanctum Martyrem com- 
memorare breviter veUem, omissis caeteris, unum institueram dicere: 
quod cum dico, restituta illi pudlae sanitate, subito laetitiae tumultus 
exortuB est, et nos aliter compulit finire sermonem.*^ 



^^324, 31. Of. also Enarrat. 2 in Ps. 36, 19 and 20. 



216 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

It was the custom among the early Fathers of the Church to 
begin and end their sermons with a short prayer.^' Compara- 
tively few of Augustine^s sermons have a prayer at the beginning 
and this in spite of the fact tha/t Augustine himself says in 
speaking of the Christian orator, ^' And when the hour is come 
that he must speak, he ought, before he opens his mouth, to 
lift up his thirsty soul to God to drink in what he is about to 
pour forth, and to be himself filled with what he is about to 
distribute/' ^* 

At the end of a discourse, when the prayer is quoted in full, 
we usually find — 

iCOnversi ad Dominum Deum Patrem (Hunipotentem, pure corde ei, 
quantum potest parvitas nostra, maxlinnfl atque uberes gratias agamus ; 
precantes toto animo singularem mansuetudinem eius, ut pieces nostras 
in beneplacito suo exaudire dignetur, inimicum a nostris actibus et 
cogitationibuB sua virtute expeUat, nobis multiplicet fidem, gubemet 
mentem, spirituales cogitationes concedat, et ad beatitudinem suam 
perducat, per lesum Christum Filium eius. Amen." 

Usually, however, only the brief exhortation leading to the 
concluding prayer is given, such as Conversi ad Dommum, etc.,^* 
and often we find nothing at all. 

All of these irregularities may be due to the notarius, who did 
not see fit, in every case, to take down the usual opening and 
dosing prayer, since, after all, these prayers did not form an 
integral part of the discourses. Often, too, merely an indication 
of the prayer, such as quoting the first few words, was con- 
sidered sufiBcient. Any one familiar with Augustine's discourses 
could easily supply the rest. Furthermore, all inconsistencies 
of reporting, hitherto mentioned, are such as would probably 
have been corrected, if the sermons had received any serious 
attention after they had been transcribed from the shorthand 
reports. That Augustine did not revise his sermons, he himself, 
as well as bis pupil Possidius, tells us. 

Possidius remarks ^' that Augustine set out to revise all his 
works shortly before his death and that he embodied his re- 

" Cf. Ferrarius, op. dt., 36 and 154. 

** De Doctrina Christiana, 4, 32. Cf . also the beginning of the follow- 
ing semKHis: 71, 124, 193, 154, 164, 242. 
" 67, end. Cf. also end of following sermons: 34, 100, 141, 183. 
" 40, 63, 60. 76. 87, 153, 166, 182, etc. 
" Vita, 28. 



BT. AUGUSTINE'S METHOD. 217 

vision in two books^ known as liie Betracta/tions, and then he 
adds — 

PraereptoB etiam sibi quosdam libros ante diligentiorem emendationem 
a nonnullis fratribuB oonquerebatur. Imperfecta etiam quaedam suorum 
librorum praeventiis morte dereliquit. 

Finally, Augustine himself makes a very conclusive statement 
in the very last sentence of his Eetractations, a passage which 
we have discussed before, but which deserves a second notice 
here.2^ 

Saec operfi nonaginta tria in libris ducentis triginta duobus me 
dictasse recolui, quando haec retractavi^ utrum adbuc essem aliquos 
dictaturus ignorana atque ipsam eorum retractationem in libris duobus 
edidi, urgentibus fratribus, antequam epiatulas ao sermones ad popu- 
limi, alias dictatas, alios a me dictos retractare coepissem. 

IX. Conclusion. 

The generally accepted view regarding the manner in which 
Augustine composed and delivered his sermons was, as we have 
seen, to the general effect that he wrote out most of his sermons 
before he delivered them, that he dictated many to be read to 
his congregation thereafter, and that he delivered comparatively 
few extempore. This view was based chiefly on the last sentence 
of the Retractations as given by the Benedictine editors and 
their immediate successors. The latest editor of the Retracta- 
tions (Knoll), however, gives a reading based on sound textual 
criticism, which entirely does away with any idea of Augustine's 
having written his sermons before delivering them. The only 
other evidence in support of the old view was two statements, 
neither bearing directly on the point, but each by a forced 
interpretation rendering apparent corroborative testimony. No 
direct evidence whatsoever exists to show that Augustine ever 
preached with any written assistance. ^ 

Taking up the entire subject anew, we undertook a hurried 
glance at the manner in which some of the contemporaneous and 
nearly contemporaneous preachers prepared and delivered ser- 
mons, and we found a varied practice among them. Some read 
the sermons prepared and written out by others; some wrote 
out their sermons beforehand and then read them; and others 

••Cf. Introduction. 



218 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

preadied without written preparation. The preachers of the 
highest reputation, however, such as Origen, Cyril of Jerusalem, 
John Ghrysostom, Pope Faustus, and Jenome, all spoke without 
^^jsmtten preparation of any kind. 

When these great speakers spoke in this manner, they regu- 
larly had shorthand experts present in the churches to take 
down their words. Afterwards the shorthand copies, if so de- 
sired, were transcribed, and were revised, usifidly by the preacher 
himself, and then sent out to the public. 

An abundance of evidence was at hand to show that Augus- 
tine, perhaps the greatest preacher of them all, also delivered 
his sermons without any written assistance. Augustine himself 
tells us that he usually thought over his subject beforehand, and 
Jthen adapted his delivery of the sermon to the reaction pro- 
duced on the congregation by his words. Yet many definite 
cases were also at hand where, for one reason or another, 
Augustine changed his subject and spoke extemporaneously in 
t the strictest sense of the word. 

Augustine, too, had the assistance of shorthand writers in 
every phase of his literary activity, and, just as in the case of 
his eloquent contemporaries, these notarii were present in Hie 
church and took down Augustine's words as he spcke. 

The fact that Augustine's sermons are a disappointing fidd 
for the study of the lingua rustica cannot be used as an argu- 
ment against the delivery of the sermons as just mentioned, 
because the gap between the literary and the ordinary colloquial 
language at this time was not so great as is usually believed. 
It was unnecessary for Augustine to descend deeply into the 
ser^mo plebeius, which was still of too low repute to be admitted 
haphazardly in any work pretending to the slightest literary 
merit. 

On cTamining the sermons themselves, qyidence appeared on 
every side to substantiate the belief that they were delivered 
without written preparation, often extemporaneously. To re- 
view but a few of the more striking features, Augustine some- 
times was at a loss for the right words to express his thoughts, 
and we see him groping around in a vain effort to hit upon the 
proper expression. The time allotted for his sermons was a 
constant source of worry, and he again and again complains that 
he must hurry on in order to finish in due season. On finishing 



ST. AUGU8TINBr8 METHOD. 219 

a flemion, AngoBtine is fiequenUy dissatisfied: the time was 
not sufficient to treat his subject properly; he has said a great 
deal and although he has much more to say, he will not over- 
burden their mdnds ; his audience has been very restless^ so that 
they had better go home and rest, and return next time with a 
better disposition, etc. On a great many occasions incidents 
occurred during the sermon which caused Augustine to interrupt 
his discourse : the size of the audience in spite of the inclement 
weather pleases the preacher on one occasion; then again, the 
congregation is small, many having been enticed away by the 
pleasures of a pagan festival; the audience often does not 
grasp the point, and this causes Augustine to stop just after he 
has started on a new tack to ga back and explain anew; Augus- 
tine often recogndzes the applause of his hearers, and even 
rarely takes notice of their cries of disapproval; the stupidity 
of the audience frequently causes Augustine to stop his sermon 
suddenly, and rebuke them again and again with considerable 
persistency; and finally, Augustine sometimes says that he has 
been inspired to change the subject which he had intended to 
speak about, and states that he is discoursing without preparation. 

Interspersed among seveiml of the sermons we noticed certain 
remarks about the audience and the preacher which obviously 
were not from Augustine himself. The natural conclusion was 
that they were from the hand of the notarii. 

The irregular and unfinished character of the sermons in 
general led us to believe that, after they were transcribed into 
longhand, they were probably never revised by anyone, not to 
mention the author himself. Complete corroboration of this 
was found, not only in Possidius, but also in Augustine, who 
expressly states in the Betractations, that he has revised all his 
works except the letters and sermons, and we know that he died 
eehortly after he made this statement. 

As was said before, it is futile to argue that the sermons may 
have been written by Augustine after he delivered them. If 
this were the case, his discourses woidd vary slightly from ser- 
mons carefully prepared before delivery. THiey woidd lack all 
of the marks of spontaneity and immediate in^iration men- 
tioned just above, and moreover, would exist today as more 
polished and finished works. 

catbouo uvxTStfiTT OF Amid. Boy J. Defebbari. 



II.— DIE ENTSTEHTTNG DES AB^LUTEN INFINI- 

TlViS IM GKIBCHISCHEN. 

Der G^brauch des sogenannten absoluten Infinitivs im Grie- 
chischen beschrankt sich bekannterweise bless auf einige f ormd- 
haf te Infinitivkonstniktionen. Piir die Erklarung dieser eigen- 
tiiinlichen Ausdrucksformen wurde bisher die ilmen zugeschrie- 
bene limitative oder konsekutive Bedeutimg zugrunde gelegt. 
Nach der von Oriinenwdld (Der freie formelhafte Infinitiv der 
Limitation im Griechisehen, Wiirzburg 1888) angebahnten und 
jetrt allgemein herrschenden Ansicht (Brugmann-Thnmb Gr. 
Gr.* 595) haben wir es mit limitativen, nach der auf (?. 
Hermann (Opuscula, Leipzig 1827 vol. I. p. 227) zuriick- 
gehenden Meinnng mit konsekutiven Infinitiven zu tun. 

Meines Erachtens ist die erste Erklarungsweise annehmbar 
trotz Stahls (Krit.-hist. Synt. d. gr. Verb. Heidelberg 1907,- 
501, 2 u. 607, 3) diesbeziiglicher AuflEassung. Er meint die 
infinitivische Ausdrueksform sei bedingt durch die ihr an- 
haf tende konsekutive Bedeutung. Ja, ein konsekutiver Gedanke 
kann allerdings durch den Infinitiv ausgedriickt werden, allein 
nicht jeder konsekutive Gedanke erscheint in dieser Sprachform. 
Bekanntlioh wird der Infinitiv nur zur Bezeichnung einer innem 
Folge verwendet, d. i nach Stahls Terminologie nur in syn- 
thetischen Folgesatzen (492, 2). Wie aber beispielsweise ein 
«s cZirctv oder ws cucoaot mit dem iibergeordneten Satz so enge 
verbimden sei, dass es einen synthetischen Folgesatz bezeichnen 
konne, ist nicht einzusehen. Hangen doch derartige Bedeweisen 
mit dem iibergeordneten Satz so lose zusammen, dass sie bloss 
eine aussere Folge, d. i. ''ein fiir sich bestehendes Ergebnis'* 
bezeichnen konnen. In diesem Falle ware ein Folgesatz mit 
dem verbum finitum auf dem Platze. 

Also Stahls Theorie ist meiner Ansicht nach zu verwerfen. 
Eichtiger ist die Annahme einer limitativen Bedeutung. Dies 
gibt auch Stahl zu, indem er behauptet, dass die durch die 
f raglichen Sprachf ormen " bestimmte Aussage nur eine gewisse 
relative Geltung hat, wodurch eine Art einschrankender Be- 
deutung entsteht.'^ Wir haben es also mit Aussagen zu tun, 
220 



DIE ENTBTEHUNG DEB ABBOLUTEN UfFINITIVB. 221 

die urspriingllch eine einschrdnkende Bedeutung batten. Auffal- 
lend let der Sprachgebrauch^ wonach ein einschrankender Qe- 
danke^ der sonst in der Form eines Nebensatzes mit entspre- 
ehendem verbum finitnm erseheint, hier durch den Infinitiv 
ausgedrtickt wird. 

Angesichts dieser Tatsache erhebt sich die Prage, was wohl 
die Ursache dieser spraehlichen Sondererseheinung sein mag. 
Die ihr zugeschriebene limitative Fimktion ist es sidierlieh 
nicht. Die Erkenntnis der Funktion eines Ausdmekes ist bei 
weitem keine Erklanmg seines spraehlichen Ursprunges. Dieser 
kann nur auf apraehlichem Wege ergriindet werden. Es tritt 
somit folgende Frage an ims heran. Kann im Orieehisehen 
eine solche sprachliche Verbindimg nachgewiesen oder rekon- 
fitruiert werden, aus wdcher der absolute Infinitiv hervor- 
gegangen sein mag? 

Es ist eine eigentlimliche Erscheinimg, dass die Aussagen 

«09 cuccuroi, tt>9 d/covorai, &9 ciScmu, in od. Saov lS€iv, o>9 dmiv durch 

den blossen, alleinstehenden Infinitiv bezeichnet werden, da 
doch nach dem allgemeinen Sprachgebrauch der Infinitiv nur 
mit einem verbum finitimi zusammen zum Ausdrucke des 
Pradikatsbegriffes verwendet wird. Dem scheint der (lebraueh 
des imperativischen Infinitivs zu widersprechen, der bekannter- 
weise ohne verbum finitum gebraueht wird. Allein auch dieser 
Infinitiv diente urspriinglich zur Erganzung eines verbum 
finitum, das aber '* nicht ausgesprochen, sondem nur hinzuem- 
pfunden wurde'* (Delbriick, Grundr.* 2, 339 u. Brugmann- 
Thumb, Gr. Gr.* 594). Man kann somit kaimi fehlgehen, wenn 
man annimmt, dass audi der absolute Infinitiv urspriinglich zur 
Erganzung der Satzaussage diente. 

Den oben erwahnten Ausdrucksformen entsprechen in den 
iibrigen indog. Sprachen Infinitive verbunden mit einem verbum 
finitum, das den Charakter eines sogenannten Hilfszeitwortes 
hat. So heisst z. B. tk cucoaat urspriinglich ' soweit man vermuten 
kann/ lat. quantimi (ut) conici potest od. quantum (ut) 
conicere licet; cos timlv urspriinglich * soweit man sagen kann * 
od. * soweit es sich sagen Idsst/ lat. urspriinglich nicht ut ita 
dicam, sondem quantum (ut) dici potest. Vgl. ai. yac chrotum 
Sahyam »- soweit zu horen moglich (ist) — > w^ dxovoai.^ 

* Der griechischen Ausdrucksweise steht am nftchsten dgenttimlicher- 



222 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGT. 

Wie ersichtlich, erscheinen die den griechischen entsprechen- 
den Infinitive sonst in Verbindung mit einem verbum valendL 
Somit ist es nicht unwahrscheinlich, dass dieselbe Spracher- 
scheinung urspriinglich auch im Griechischen yorhanden war. 

Die angefiihrten Infinitivkonstniktionen sind also dem Sinne 
nach gleidibedeutend mit suhjektlosen einschrankenden UrteiiS' 
sdtzen die em Konnen oder eine Moglichkeit iezeichnen. Den 
PradikatsbegrifE derartiger Aussagen bezeichnet ein durch den 
Infinitiv erganztes verbum valendi. Bei dem oft wieder- 
kehrenden Gebrauch dieser Ansdrucksweise ist es naturlich, dass 
die erwahnten Infinitive als Erganzung des ?oti, seltener des 
gleichbedeutenden wdp€ari auftreten. So z. B. Aesch. Pr. 1055 
liTTiv oKwaai, Aesch. Sept. 923 vapttm i' tiirdv, Plat. Gorg. 524 c 

Itrriv IBeivy Theaet. 201 b iariv clScveu. 

AufPaUender imd hinsichtlich ihres Wesens beachtenswerter 
sind Verbindungen wie Aesch. Ch. 977 ws imucaxnu mpumy, 
Pers. 726 «s iBdv irapcoriv, dann f olgende auf die Vergangenheit 
Bezug nehmende Aussagen: Thuk. VIII 46, 5 oo-a yc dw6 r&v 

wotovfjuivury ^v cTKaaac U. Aeschin. 2, 34 <aq Ijv ^(jrtpov &KOV<rau 

Auf Grund dieser Belege lasst sidi folgende Tatsache fest- 
stellen. Die angefiihrten Infinitive, welche sonst als absolute 
Infinitive gebraucht werden, treten auch in einschrankenden 
Urteilssatzen auf, die mit «k, ocrov (ooa) eingeleitet werden. 
Das verbum valendi ist mit Bezug auf die Gegenwart iraparrt, 
mit Bezug auf die Vergangenheit das einf ache fiv. Das einf ache 
?oTi findet sich scheinbar nicht vor. Allein in Anbetracht dessen, 
dass irapcoTi als verbum valendi, im Vergleich zu dem gleichbe- 
deutenden ^oTi, nur selten, zum grossten Teil in der Dichter- 
sprache iiblich ist, kann man kaum fehlen, wenn man annimmt, 
dass die mit <»«, wrov (ocra) eingeleiteten Infinitive in Aussagen 
auf die Gegenwart bezogen auch mit con verbunden verwendet 
werden konnten. Daf iir spricht das f riiher erwahnte ooa ye . . . 
fy^ tbcaam u. (^ 17V . . . oKovaai. Wenn also diese Bedewendungen 
moglich waren, wanmi sollten dann solche Ausdrucksweisen wie 
c^ iariv dicovooi u. ck (oa^) iimv cIkoovu unmoglidi gewesen sein? 

weise die un^i^ariBche. So lautet cbt eUdaai, ' ameim3rire gyanitani' 
(wSrtlich: soweit vermuten). Daneben iat gebriluchlich 'amennyire 
gyanitani lehet * (wdrtlich: soweit vermuten kann). 



DIE ENTBTEHZING DEB AB80IAJTEN INFINITIVB. 223 

t}1)rigen8 ist es hinsichtlich der Feststellung des Ergebnisses 
meiner IJntersuchimg ziemlich belanglos^ ob das urapriingliche 
verbum valendi l<m od. iropeorc war. Die Hauptsache iart die 
Tatsache^ dass die fraglichen Infinitive mit &^ zur Erganzung 
eines verbum valendi verwendet werden konnten. Dafiir spricht 
ausser dem Oesagten meines Erachtens noch f olgender ITmstand. 
In dem Ausdrucke ^ crvveAdvri €inuv ist die syntaktische Zuge- 
horigkeit des Dativs owcAovn nicht gar so leicht zu verstehen. 
Dass er nicht von etirctv abhangen konne, liegt auf der Hand. 
Seine Zngehorigkeit erklaren meiner Ansicht nach ahnliche 
Dative, wie Horn, o 393 iari Sk rcptro/xcKourtv Akovov, Soph. Ai. 1418 
iroXAi iSporoJ? *rrw iSown yvwmi, Plat. Theaet. 201b l&ovn fjuirov Icmv 
cISmu. Die hier angefiihrten Dative gehoren offenbar nicht zu 
den betreffenden Infinitiven, sondern zu dem durch die Infini- 
tive erganzten ^ori. Dasselbe gilt auch in Bezug auf <jw€Xovn. 
Diese Dativform wird sogleich verstandlich, wenn man sich 
ciTTcTv mit i<m verbunden vorstellt. Demnach kann «s <jw€Xom 
€Mretv auf ein ws i<m (nrnXovri ciimv zuriickgefiihrt werden, das 
urspriinglich soviel bedeutete, wie ' soweit es einem, der die Eede 
zusammengefasst hat, d. i. soweit es einem, der sich kurz fasst, 
zu sagen moglich ist.' 

Aus den bisherigen Erorterungen ergibt es sich, dass die frag- 
lichen Infinitive als pradikative Erganzungen eines verbum 
valendi aufgefasst werden konnen, welches unausgeaprochen 
blieb. Es hat also mittels Ellipse Verselbstandigung der be- 
treffenden Infinitive stattgefunden. In ahnlicher Weise ist der 
imperativische Infinitiv und der ace. c. inf. in Gesetzen und 
Vertragen zu einer Form der selbstandigen Aussage geworden 
(Brugmann-Thumb 594 u. 597). Selbstverstandlich ist es nicht 
notig, vielleicht gar nicht zulassig, flir jede der angefiihr- 
ten Einschrankungsformeln die elliptische Entstehungsweise an- 
zunehmen. Hochstwahrscheinlich hatte sich zuerst eine der 
altesten Eedeweisen, moglicherweise das schon bei Aeschylus 
(Griinenwald 22) vorkommende ws ciirciv verselbstandigt und 
danach sind die ilbrigen entstanden. 

Jedenfalls ist die analogische Formiibertragung fiir die 
ubrigen, bis jetzt noch nicht behandelten Infinitive anzunehmen. 
Hieher gehoren in erster Reihe diejenigen, neben denen auch 
die gleichbedeutenden Aussagen mit dem verbum finitum im 



224 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Gebrauch waren. Beachtenswert sind: das oft wiederkehrende 
«!>$ ifUH SoKc&v neben & /wl Sokci, das selteiie ocrov ifu ccScrcu (Oru- 
nenwald 19) neben W5 080 od. &9 iyto 080, femer Her. II 125 w? 
iftk c8 ftc/iv^Au neben Xen. Conun. II 1, 21 oaa iyw fUfivrffuu und 
fichliesslich Her. VII 24 w? ^fii iruft)8a\Xo/iciw^ cvpiaKuv neben VII 
184 W9 cyw irv/ijSoAXo/uvos cvpi<rKa>, Alle diese Infinitivkonstruk- 
tionen sind nach dem Muster der oben besprochenen entstanden, 
olme jedoch die ihnen entsprechenden Ausdmcksformen mit 
dem verbum finitnm ausser Gebrauch zu setzen. 

Als Analogiebildung ist ferner zu betrachten das restringie* 
rende oA/yov (/wcpw) S€ivy neben dem auch oAiyov Sci gebrauchlich 
war. Aus dem letzteren entstand infolge seiner Bedeutung (es 
fehlt wenig «=* fast, heinahe) nach dem Muster von ws ivo^ ciirciv, 
das unter Umstanden dieselbe Bedeutung {ungefdhr) hatte, die 
infinitivische Einschrankungsformel oAtyow (fwcpov) helv. Un- 
sere Annahme wird durch die Tatsache unterstiitzt, dass OAiyov 
&iv viel spater erscheint als ws liro« ciircIv. Jenes wird zuerst von 
Isokrates gebraucht (Griinenwald 8), dieses aber findet sich 
schon bei Aeschylus. 

Wie gross die Analogiewirkung auch auf diesem Gebiete war, 
ist daraus zu ersehen^ dass selbst das cos iari, gleichviel ob es ein 
Konnen oder ein Sein bedeute, zu ws dvai umgestaltet wurde. 

Her. IV 99 o>9 dvai (= i^tlvtu ) ravra a-fiucpa fuydXoun avfiPdXXav 
(vgl. Thuk. IV 36, 3 ohne dvai: ws fWcpov fuydXif cacaacu), Her. II 
8 ovKcri iroAAov \v>p(ov tt>9 cTmu Aiyunrov. 

Analogiewirkungen ist femer zuzuschreiben die Entstehung 
von cicwv clvcu und von Ausdriicken, wie to Iv^ ^ecvois dvai, rh vw 
dvojL u. a. Auffallend ist in dem Ausdrucke ckw Jvcu der Nomina- 
tivgebrauch von ckwv. Es ware hier nach dem allgemeinen 
Sprachgebrauch ein Accus. cxovra, pi. cxorras zu erwarten (vgl. 
Her. IV 81 m ^icoda^ clwu. Plat. Gorg. 617 b & yc Swucovow Jwu). 
Die Erklarung hiefiir ist die, dass cKwy nur in Bezug auf das 
Subjekt gebrauchlich ist. Der ace. Uovra, kKovrw: kommt nur in 
der or. obliqua vor (s. Beispiele bei Griinenwald 2, 3). Ur- 
spriinglich hatte der Ausdruck ebenfalls eine einschrankende 
Bedeutung. Demnach heisst Plat. Symp. 214 e kKUiv cimt ovISh 
^twrofuu *wofem meiQ Freiwilligsein in Betracht kommt, d. i. 
wofem es von meinem WUlen abhdngt, werde ich nicht liigen.' 

Auch die Redeweisen wie to cw' ckciVois, to vvv dwu und ahn- 



DIB ENTBTBHUNG DEB ABBOLUTBN UfFINITIYB. 225 
liche sind ursprilnglicli Aussagen mit einschrankender Bedeu- 

tnng. Also Xen. Hell. Ill 5,9 ro ph^ hr^ UtivoK dvcu avoXj&Xart *»« 

insoweit es von jenen abhdngt, seid ihr verloren (ist es um euch 
geschehen). Derselbe einschrankende G^danke wnrde in Bezug 
auf die Vergangenheit ausgedriickt: wrov ^ W ^cWs (Hie- 
saums 8. V. ocrov). Demnach hiesse es mit Bezug auf die Geges* 
wart ocrov Ixrrw ha^ ^ccvois; allein statt dessen wurde ebenso^ wie 
dem f riiher erwahnteii ocra yc . . ^ cuccurai und a»« i^ . • cucovcTai 
entsprechend die Infinitivkonstruktion <»« cucoooc u. wi cjcovaai, 
der Infinitiv gebraiicht, doch ohne q>9 od. ocrov und was noch auf- 
f allender ist, fast immer mit vorgesetztem Artikel, so z. B. to iv 
hcdvip {hcdvoi^) cIku, to im a^s cZku, t^ vvv dvai. Das Fehlen des 
(u« Oder oaov bei diesen Ausdrucksformen ist keine vereinzelte 
Erscheinung. Auch andere Eedeweisen konnten ohne die restrin- 
gierende Partikel verwendet werden, wie Swcdv, dKovaai, eiimv, so 
immer ^Aiyov &tv u. Uurv dwu. Es liegt nahe die Vermutung, 
dass das (partikellose U^ cZvoi diesbezugUeh zum [Muster fiir die 
iibrigen Ausdrueksweisen mit dvot diente. Dafiir spricht^ dass 
Uiav dvai schon bei Herodot vorkommt^ wahrend t^ . . . clvcu 
ausschliesslich in der attischen Prosa im Gtebrauch war. Auf- 
fallender ist, wie gesagt, der (Jebrauch des Artikels. Nach 
Griinenwald (7) und Kiihner-Gerth (H 2, 19 u. II 1, 271) 
gehort TO zu den dem dvai vorgesetzten prapositionalen oder 
adverbialen Ausdriicken und zwar deshalb, weil diese auch selb- 
standig, ohne dvai mit dem Artikel erscheinen, wie to iv* ifioCy rh 

iw* ifU, rh Kar^ tcvto, r6 iv* avT^ , t^ vvv, to ovfiirav u. a. 

Dass diese auch selbstandig gebrauoht^ mit dem Artikel er- 
scheinen, beweist bei weitem nidit, dass derselbe zu ihnen gehore. 
Es ist nicht ausser Acht zu lassen, dass die betreffenden, schein- 
bar selbstandigen Ausdrucksformen eigentlich elliptische Sprach- 
erscheinungen sind. Man vergleiche Xen. An. Yl 6 ro Im rovn^ 

AnokutXa/Lfv mit HelL III 5, 9 to /a^ In^ hceivoK tlvai diroXctfAoTC. 

Der Artikel steht also deshalb vor den praepositionalen und 
adverbialen Ausdriicken, weil er auch vor ihrer Verselbstandi- 
gung dort stand. Doch damit ist die Zugehorigkeit des to noch 
immer nicht festgestellt. Diesbeziiglich verweise ich auf Fol- 
gendes. Neben den praepositionalen Ausdriicken mit vorge- 
setztem TO gibt es auch welche ohne Artikel, wie Kara Svvafuv, ci$ 
ivvafuv und KOTct TovTo. Diese sind offenbar deshalb ohne Artikel 

3 



226 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGY. 

gebrauchlich^ well sie auch mit nachgesetztem dvm ohne Artikel 
verwendet werden. Plat. Polit. 300 c cfe Svmfuy rfwu, Prot. 317 a 
jcarct TovTo dvai^ Is. II 32 Karh Svvafuv dvau Au8 der Vergleichung 
der artikellosen Ausdriioke mit denen^ die den Artikel vor sich 
haben, wie Kara rovro cImou u. Xen. An. I 6^ 9 ro Kark tovto cZmi, 
geht hervor, dass die letzteren mittelst to substantivierte Infini- 
tivkonstruktionen sind; folglieh gehort der Artikel zum In- 
finitiv. Dasselbe bezieht sich auch auf ro vvv cThu. Bichtig be- 
merkt Stahl (674^ 2) : '^ Man hat zwar auch to vw allein g^agt, 
aber auch rk vvv, doch niemals r& vvv dvai in einschrankendem 
Sinne.^' Auf die Entstehung des einschrankenden to . . dvai 
war hochstwahrscheinlich der allgemeine Gebrauch des substan- 
tivierten Infinitivs von grossem Einfluss. Nach Griinenwald's 
Zusammenstellung kommt to clmc ausschliesslich in der attischen 
Prosa vor, also dort^ wo der durch den Artikel substantivierte 
Infinitiv eine oft wiederkehrende Spracherscheinung war. Mog- 
licherweise beeinflusste seine Entstehung auch der Tlingtandy 
dass T^ cZvcu auch sonst^ nicht als f reier Infinitiv, gebrauchlich 

war, wie Z. B. Thuk. 7, 67 ro fcparurrovs dvaiyDem. 1, 4 rft y^ Jfoi. 

Zum Schlusse noch einige Worte fiber den Gebrauch der 
Partikel m. Nach Brugmann-Thumb (595) ist wc in ck Soiecur 
und in (u« cocoaoi jungerer Zusatz. Griinenwald (13) bezidit 
dieses bloes auf Sokuv. Diese Behauptung beruht offenbar auf 
dem IJmstand, dass iiul Sotctlv f riiher vorkommt und ofter ge- 
braucht wird, als utq iful ioKctv. Dass der oftere Gebrauch des 
partikellosen ioKuv nachzuweisen ist, unterliegt nach Griinen- 
walds Zusammenstellung keinem Zweifel. Diesem ITmstande 
ist jedoch, meines Erachtens, keine Bedeutung beizumessen. Er 
selbst behauptet (18), dass das verhaltnismassig seltene Yor- 
kommen von m ifwl ioK€lv ebenso Zuf all ist, wie es ein Zuf all ist, 
dass sich c&aooi, eine Stelle ausgenommen (Soph. 0. B. 82), 
immer mit it^ findet. Folglieh ist der oftere Gebrauch des par- 
tikellosen SoKuv ebenfalls nur dem Zufall zuzuschreiben. Fur 
den f riiheren Gebrauch des alleinstehenden ifwl Sokuv findet sich 
der einzige Beleg aus der Zeit vor Herodot bei Aeschylus (Pers. 
246). Dieses einmalige Yorkommen von ifLol SokcIv ist kein 
Beweis fiir die Berechtigung der oben erwahnten Behauptimg, 
dass tk jungerer Zusatz sei. Ist es denn anzunehmen, dass 
Aeschylus, dem (u« cIitcck (Pers. 714) und &i iftol Soku mit dem 



DIB ENT8TEHUNG DBS AB80LUTEN INFINITIVB. 227 

verb. fin. (Sept. 369) gelaufig wbx, tk iiwi Sokuv nicht gekannt 
hatte? Der einmalige Gtebrauch des partikelloBen ifiol Sokuv 
bemlit ebenfalls auf einem Zufall. Soviel ist gewiss^ dass 
Herodot, dessen Oeschichte nicht bedentend spater entstand als 
die Perser von Aeschylus, neben IfuA SoKiuv auch (u« i/wi Sokwp 
gebraucht. Meiner Ansicht nach ist Sokuv und ckoom aus «« 
ioKuv, beziehimgsweise aus m9 cocoaot hervorgegangen. In ahn- 
licher Weise wurde beispielsweise das einschrankende m9 rdx^^ zu 
dem gleichbedeutenden rdxo^. 

Abnold Bosbth. 

BvifArmn, HmreiBT. 



III.— VIBQINIA GEOBGICS. 

In her recent study of the georgic as a type/ Dr. Marie L. 
Lilly has confined her investigation to the literatures of Eng- 
landy France^ and Italy. An additional contribution to the 
genre worthy of note has been !made by America in the Virginia 
Qeorgics,* written for the Hole and Corner Club of Powhatan 
County by Charles Carter Lee, a son of Light Horse Harry 
and a brother of Robert E. Lee. As a work of art the poem, 
hastily composed in the summer and early autumn of 1858, is 
in no respect to be compared with Virgil^s masterpiece which 
Montaigne characterized as ^^le plus accomply ouvrage de la 
poesie.'' And yet the poem of Lee is deserving of consideration, 
for it represents an interesting development of the Virgilian 
didactic type and also gives us insight into the ideals, interests, 
and practices of the cultured Virginia farmer in the years 
immediately preceding the outbreak of the War between the 
States. 

Just as Virgil, working in harmony with the agrarian policy 
of Octavius, wished to heal the wounds caused by a century of 
• internal conflict, so Lee hopes to serve his country by aiding in 
restoring the pristine fertility of her soil now impoverished 
not by civil war but by the neglect and waste of her sons. He 
therefore harks back to the Golden Age which for him extends 
from the time of the creation through the period of the Ameri- 
can Bevolution : 

" How rich this earth in floil, haw fair in face. 
When the Creator gave it to our race! 
How stored with game, how beautihil with birds. 
And aU itd ranges fiUed with various herds: 

Then what we have to do is, if we can, 



^The Georgic A Ck>ntribution to the Study of the Virgilian Type 
of Didactic Poetry. By Marie Loretto LiUy, Ph.D., Baltimore: Hie 
Johns Hopkins Press, 1919. "Hesperia. Supplementary Series: Studies 
in Englirfi Philology.*' No. «. Pp. viii + 176. 

'Virginia Georgics, Written for the Hole and C<»iier Club of Pow- 
hatan, by Charles Garter Lee, One of its Members, and Published by 
the Club. Richmond: James Woodhouae and Company, 1858. 

228 



VIRGINIA GEORQICB. 229 

To make the soil such as 'twas given to man: 

This haw to aooomplish I shall try to show 

By reasons wrought to rhyme, if rhyme will flow." 

Hie author takes up his task inspired as was Virgil by a reali- 
zation of its significance for the welfare and happiness of his 
country: 

"Therefore the way to make a nation strong; 
To make it haj^y and be happy long. 
To make it to each good and joy give birth. 
Is to take care, of all things, mother earth." 

Hie poem, numbering 2791 lines, follows the traditional 
division into four books. Part I gives general rules for the 
enrichment and restoration of the soil; Parts II and III are 
devoted to specific details of culture and to the raising of stock; 
Part IV contains precepts dealing with the garden, groimds, 
and building. 

Hiough the theodicy of the Boman poet, the fundamental 

note of the Gteorgics, has had but slight influence upon the 

later work, yet the Virginia author in developing hia theme 

makes use of many of the Virgilian conventions. In the first 

place, he is fond of casting his instruction in the form of 

maxims in which the f armer^s lore has been clothed from time 

immemorial. The burden of his teaching is carried in the 

words : 

'' Till no land unless to have it rich," 

while the doctrine of economy is proclaimed in such precepts as: 

"Never buy what you can raise at home; *' 
" Never sell wheat but in the form of flour." 

The Virginian interested in the raising of cattle is reminded 
of the saying of the English ' yeoman ' Bakewell : 

" Breed the oflbJ smaU," 

and the importance of the garden is summed np in the lines: 

''For ^s a mountain adage worth receiving, 
That A garden makes one half your living." 

In other cases well-known proverbs are given a specific appli- 
cation, as when the farmer battling with the weeds is told: 



230 AMBBICAJf JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

" Of the truth of the old adage you may be sure, 
' An ounce of preventi<m ie worth a pound of cure.' " 

The Boman farmer engaged in sowing and planting his 
crops was urged by Virgil to place as implicit confidence in 
the guidance of the heavenly bodies as did the trader on the 
sea. In a very real sense the stars were the ^^timekeepers of 
the ancient world/' While they play a much less important 
part in the Oeorgics of Lee, still we find preserved in the prac- 
tices of the Virginia farmer of the nineteenth century traces 
of the ancient customs, such, for example, as the habit of 
planting in the light and the dark of the moon: 

"Tie for the punctuality it produces 
That fanning by the moon has its good usee— ^ 
Sow that whoee fruit above the surface shows 
While the fair moon to ite full splendor growB, 
But that whoee precious growth the soil contains, 
Plant while the moon from her round circle wanes." 

The Virginia poet follows his classical model again in the 
custom of adorning a prosaic subject with mythological, literary, 
and historical allusions, thereby adding to the pleasure of the 
reader by reviving agreeable memories of his studies or of his 
travels. The indebtedness of Virginia to Commander Lynch 
and his gallant sailors recalls the honor paid to Europa; the 
inventions of Watt and Fulton rival the work of Vulcan who 
*' won from his forge divinity '^ ; praise of the horse calls forth 
the inevitable allusion to the 

"Bratbers of "BeAea 'famed for martial force. 
One great on foot and one renowned for horse.' " 

Among the ancient authors alluded to by Lee, the first place 

is occupied by 

"Homer, rhapeodist of Greece 
Whose honors as the ages roll increase.'* 

Homeric references employed to add dignity and interest to 
the subject include the comparison of the race of man to the 
leaves of the forests, the garden of Alcinous, the steeds of 
Achilles, the family of Ulysses, and Juno, 



" bright queen of the Olymjnan skies 
. . . famed for diarming Jove with ox-like eyes.' 



n 



VIRGINIA 0E0RGIC8. 231 

Prom Virgil's Georgics the author cites by way of contrast 
the description of the marks of the cow best suited for breeding 
purposes while the Boman poet's picture of the last night of 
Troy furnishes an apt quotation as Lee warns his fellow- 
Virginians that 

"Unless a change come o'er us ere too late, > 

The hour when we must fall is fixed as fate — 
The hour when o'er Virginia and her glory 
''Was" must be written as o'er Ilion's story; 
'Fuit Ilium et ingens gloria Teucrorum'; 
And States, onoe rained, nothing can restore them.'' 

Two lines from Horace's first Satire are condensed and adapted 
by the author in condemning the farmers who drain from the 
soil its vitality and cling to the spoils system in spite of the 
hisses of their fellows: 

** Populus me eibilat, numero nummos et ridea'' 

Again he finds the precepts of the Ars Poetica as safe a guide 
for the farmer in setting out his garden as for the aspirant in 
the field of literature: 

** Of good taste, said a bard who disclaimed flattery, 
* Fons ao principium,' in all things, is ' sapere ' — 
Which means that Horace said with truth intense. 
The fountain of good taste is but good sense; 
And who neglect its rules just so far fail. 
Whether in writing yerae or raising kale.' 



» 



The verses of Lee reveal an acquaintance not only with the 
classics but with the English writers as well. One meets allu- 
sions to the home of Macaulay^ to the retreats celebrated by 
Pope, to the opinion of Byron in regard to the relation of 
dinner to the happiness of man^ and to Samuel Johnson's esti- 
mate of him whose heart remains unstirred upon the field of 
Marathon. In moralizing on the resemblance in the varied life 
of the worlds Lee makes use of Milton's comparison of the locks 
of Eve to the vine's tendrils, and quotes from Paradise Lost 
verses to serve as a motto for his book containing the descrip- 
tion of the garden and home : 

" Though what if Earth 
Be but the shadow of Heaven, and things therein 
Each to other like more than on earth is thought.'' 



232 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

At other times the historical plays of Shakespeare furnish the 
needed literary allusion. Thus the poet in likening the charm 
of youth to the beauty of spring echoes the words of Constance 
addressed to the young prince^ Arthur, and in the language of 
King Henry the Sixth at the battle of Wakefield, makes the 
old, old contrast between the luxury that palls and the happi- 
ness of the simple life: 

** Gives not the haw-thom bough a sweeter shade, 
(Ab Shakespeare's almost sacred verse hath said,) 
To shepherds gasing on their siUy sheep 
Grazing the vales, or on the hills asleep, 
Than doth the rich embroidered canopy . 
To kings? " 

THie author's fondness for the Scriptures is indicated by fre- 
quent allusions, to the Old Testament especially. The refer- 
ences range from brief quotations such as Amos' phrase for 
scarcity, ^^ cleanness of teeth," to summaries of famous biblical 
narratives. For example, in order to emphasize the honorable 
tradition of sheep-raising Lee calls to mind the famous pastoral 
figures of Old Testament history: Abel, Abraham, Jacob, and 
David. In like manner tribute is paid to the historic impor- 
tance of the horse, as indicated by the story of Joseph recorded 
in the Book of Genesis: 



ti 



Whence he first sprung no histories contain — 
We meet him first on Egypt's wondrous plain; 
In the great famine, to supply their losses 
Of grain, the people sold to Joseph horses— 
And when his father would be huried far 
From Egypt, in the cave of Machpelah, 
Where Abraham, Isaac and Rebekah slept, 
And where at Leah's burial he had wept. 
The pious son there bore the patriarch's corse 
In solemn pomp of chariot and of horse.' 



99 



Whenever reference is made to the horse, Lee's enthusiasm 
is at once kindled. For this predilection he claims our in- 
dulgence: 

** Forgive if praise of tite horse I too far carry. 
For my own sire was famed as Li^t-horse Harry." 

He therefore calls upon his knowledge of History as well to 
add to the prestige of his favorite animal and brings in review 



VIRGINIA GBORGICS. 333 

before us the Theban heroes going forth to war with their 
steeds and ears^ Alexander taming Bacephalii% Napoleon on 
his horse at Austerlitz^ Shakespeare's Bichard III crying: 

''A horse! a horse! my kingdom for a horse! " 

Likewise in art the horse has been associated with great heroes, 

for — 

'' What old world monumeiit of time's long course 
Is fairer than Aurelius on his horse? 
What new world monument hath honor's meed 
Like ours of Washington upon his steed? " 

The raising of cattle also is dignified by allusions to History. 
Witness the honor paid to Apis by the Egyptians and to the 
sacred bull of fieva by the inhabitants of India. And has not 
Daniel Boone testified to the fact that " the milch cow's track '* 
is the infallible sign of the march of civilization? History has 
other lessons as well to teaoih the tiller of the soil. The fall of 
Babylon and Nineveh, over whose ruins the no!mad tribes graze 
their flocks, warn him that a nation's life depends upon the 
development of her agricultural resources, while the farmer, 
Buskin's "Soldier of the Ploughshare," in his battle with the 
destructive forces of nature, is urged to profit by Napoleon's 
energy and promptness. 

A further Virgilian convention is found in the presence of 
pictures of the social side of country life and of scenes depicting 
rural pastimes: 

** Besides^ this occupation pleasure brings — 
We must not make our labours dreary things." 

Hence the farmer may vary the daily toil by hunting in the 
forests or find diversion along the banks of the river : 

'* The seine on every summer's day would pour 
The river's glittering treasures on its shore, 
And through the winter scarce a dinner lack 
The table's richest treat, the canvas-badc-n . . . 
Oysters, of course, for breakfast, dinner, supper, 
Both cooked and raw, with vinegar and pepper." 

After reading such passages, which might have been developed 
into Virginia Halieutica, we are ready to join in the author's 
wish, — 



234 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOOY. 

"Long the old liOBpitality renutin, 
Supplied, each aeason, from a richer plain! '' 

Nor are these all the farmer's pleasures ; the horse " whirls on 

the carriage '^ and with its offspring delights both young and 

old: 

'* The oolt you raise in a domestic way, 
Will in your children's raptures fairly pay. . . 
And the old man the good old mare may ride, 
With children on her children hy his side— ^ 
A double family drde, whose delights 
Power may envy on its thorny heists/' 

The Virgilian precedent is followed again in the introduction 
of descriptions of nature which grow out of the subject and 
open the eyes of the farmer, in Shelley's phrase, to ''the 
hidden beauty of the world'' and thus increase the joy which 
he finds in his daily pursuits. To the poef s sesthetic sense a 
strong appeal is made by the garden where 

" beds of violets will earliest bloom. 
And March breathe softer for their soft perfume." 

And just as Virgil finds delight in watching the snow-white 
swans floating on the waters of the slow-winding Mincius, so 
Xiee loves to linger on the banks of the calm Virginia stream, for 

''Water-fowl of every exquisite kind 
In its clear shallows plenteous feeding find, 
And on the river flats outside the Creek 
The glorious swans their water pastures seek." 

His fancy is enchanted by the beauty of a field of growing com : 

''In April planted, scarce a fortnight shines 
Ere the ploughed l«nd it streaks with verdant lines; 
Before the moon of May hath fiUed her h(»*ns, 
Not wiaving wheat the landscape more adorns — 
June on the season as die warmer breathes 
Cer all the field, its glittering blades unsheathes — 
When the midsummer's sun is flaming high, 
Its taeseled head it tosees to the sky. 
And at its ample bosom, filled with milk. 
Its babies grow beneath their crowns of silk." 

This love for characteristic scenes and favorite spots of his 
native state is noted everywhere in the poem of Lee. Now he 



TIRGINIA GEORGICB. 235 

dwells upon the charm of the estate of his ancestors on the 
Potctaiac where the 

"Tall Lombardy pc^larB in lengtbened row 
Far o'er the woods a dweUuig's signal show/' 

Now his memory goes back to his grandmother's plantation on 
the James^ "sweet old Shirley/' where as a child he watched 
the sturdy oxen drawing to the threshing machine the wagons 
heavily laden with sheaves of wheat. As he looks down the 
vista of the coming years he finds consolation in the hope that 
his sons and daughters will journey to the old home and tell 
their children's children 

"how this garden he had madei 
And decked with every charm of sun and shade. 
And flower and fruit." 

The patriotism of Lee is inspired not only by his love for 
such nooks which smile for him beyond all others, but also by 
his reverence for the great men of his native state. As Virgil, 
Lee is a "laudator temporis acti." Both poets are fond of 
contrasting the evils of the present day with the virtues of the 
past and of i>ointing out the fact that the influence of the state 
in the future will depend upon the development of just such 
sturdy characters as were produced in bygone days amid rural 
surroundings. Lee is proud of the illustrious Virginians of 
the ti!me of the American Bevolution and caUs upon the thirteen 
colonies to bear witness to their devotion to duty. He refers 
to the old seat of the Lees as "the birthplace of two of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence" and tells of his 
joy that " he first saw the sunlight where the mover of Inde- 
pendence had his birth." But it is to Washington that he 
points as the noblest " exemplar aevi prioris." In every respect 
the Father of his Country is " the best of models." Virginians 
are urged 

" to nurture 
The love and admiration of his virtue." 

The very remains of the patriots of the Bevolutionary period 

make haUowed the soil of their native state. To Lee Virginia 

was in very truth the "magna parens frugum, magna virum." 

Both Virgil and Lee were worshippers of Alma Pax. The 



236 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Georgics^ begun five years after the battle of Philippi and 
completed the year following Octavlus' naval yictory off the 
promontory of Actium^ reflects the Boman world^s weariness of 
war and longing for the restoration of peace : 

"SaeTit toto Mars impius orbe." 

The Virginia Qeorgics, written in 1858, bears witness to the 
state of unrest during this tempestuous period. The slavery 
question had been growing more acute. The enactment of the 
Kansas-Nebra^a Bill in 1854 was followed three years later 
by the Dred Scott Decision. The Douglas-Lincoln Debates 
were taking place at the very time the last two of the Virginia 
Qeorgics were being written. Lee had heard ''strange things 
of the Union's fate.'' The storm seems about to break and 
destroy the work established by the hands of Washington and 
his compatriots: 

''It seems to me that I oould not alive remain 
And see that glorious banner rent in twain! 
But O, let me entreat, as from a brother, 
Ye bannered stars smile sweet on one another." 

The presence of such digressions is justified by the Virgilian 
precedent. The great episodes of the (Jeorgics carry the mes- 
sage of the poet for his contemporaries and show the bearing 
of the poem upon the life of the nation. Lejay has aptly com- 
pared them to "les choeurs de la trag^die grecque." As the 
Virginia (Jeorgics lacks the unity of the Virgilian model the 
digressions are not given so artistic a rdle in the general scheme. 
They occur with far greater frequency; in fact more than one- 
half of the wiork is given up to the narrative episodes and to 
the poef s philosophical reflections. Thus in discussing the 
grounds and building he moralizes upon the simplicity and 
harmony in nature or upon the importance of environment in 
shaping thought or moulding character. Among his compensa- 
tions the f a]:\mer finds that 

"his toil still lilts his mind to heaven." 

Each day as he works with the beasts of the field he may gain 
a deeper understanding of the dispensations of Providence: 

''For aU the lower creatures of the earth, 
AU things He ordained when He ordained their birth; 



TIRQINIA QEORGICB. 237 

To man He gave tlie dignity to choose 
How all the blessings offered he might use; 
Nay, an indulgent Father, let his choice 
Extend to hearken not to His own voice! " 

In other passages the poet dwells upon man's disregard of the 
Will of Ood or upon the Creator's concern that nothing in 
nature be lost. 

Such, in brief ^ are the main features of the Virginia Georgics 
conforming to the Virgilian conventions. The spirit and pur- 
pose of the whole poem may be summarized in the verses with 
which the author concludes the first section of his work r 



(( 



It was a labour of love, for all I wrote 
Was but our country's interest to promote — 
That of the fanner first, and then of those 
Who on the farmer's interests repose- 
That is of all-Hfor, either last or first, 
AU at this planet's generous breast is nursed — 
Repay the filial debt with liberal hand 
And thus with good and glory crown the land." 

Hehbebt C. Lipsoohb. 

RAKDOLPH-MlCOir WOMm'B COLLMS. 



IV.— BIBLICAL STUDIES.^ 
1. The Sixth Egyptian Plague. 

The sixth Egyptian plague was neither the hubonic plague, 
nor smallpozy nor anthrax^ but furunculosis orientdlis, i. e. 
tropical ulcers on the f ace^ neck^ hands, arms, and feet, known 
as Biskra buttons, Aleppo boils, Delhi sores, Bagdad date-marks, 
etc. They are due to minute parasites {Helcosoma tropicum) 
which are very similar to the Leishman-Donovan bodies 
constantly found in certain tropical fevers, especially in Indo- 
Burma (EB" 27, 345*) .« According to Ex. 9, 10, the inflam- 
mation breaking forth into ulcers was produced by soot 
(daWakfi), The epithelioma scroti seen in chimney-sweeps ia 
supposed to be due to the irritating action of soot on the skin; 
but the sixth Egyptian plague was not soot-cancer. AY has 
canJcer (9 cancer, 9 haJladita) in 2 Tim. 2, 17; but <K has 
ydyypaim, and BY has substituted gangrene for cancer. Cf . my 
paper on Cancer in the Bible, Journal of the American Medical 
Association, vol. 74, p. 1440. 

Heb. sihin poreh Sbalhu'ot (Ex. 9, 10) does not mean hoUs 
breaking forth into hladns (AY) : Heb. Sbalfu^ot is connected 
with Arab. ia§a, to swell and suppurate; cf. ha§§a and 
tab&uua§a, to boil (syn. haja, iqhtju; tara, iaturu) and yabag, 
scurf on the head. For poreh cf . our exanthema, efflorescence. 

^The following eight brief communications are abstracts of pi^ien 
I»«8ented at the meetings of tbe Johns Hopkins University Philological 
Association during the academic session 1921-2 on Oct. 20, Not. 27, 
Dec. 15, Jan. 19, Feb. 16, Mar. 16, Ap. 27, May 18, respectively. 

'For the abbreviations see vol. 39 of this Joueetal, p. 306; cf. toL 
42, p. ie2',^JiSOB,=:BuUetin of the American BdhooU of Orimtdl 
Research f'—B-GP^Q, A. Smith, The Eiatorical Qeography of the 
Holy Land;— -JPOS =: /oumol of the Palestine Oriental Booiety;-^ 
SATA = Die Schriften dee Alten Teetamente in Auewdhl neu ubereetst 
. . . von Gunkel, Gressman, etc. (GK^ttingen) ;-~VG=:Brockel- 
mann, Orundrise der vergleichenden Orammatik der eenUtieohen 
Sprachen, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1908) ;—VS = op. cit. vol. 2 (Berlin, 1913); 
— 9 (Mipfa) = above; — < (infra) = below; — < = derived from; — 
> = from which is derived. 

238 



BIBLICAL BTUDIE8. 239 

Heb. idhin, inflammation^ corresponds to Arab, saxin, inflamed 
(e. g. saxin al-'din). Syr. aihin means to cause inflammation. 
Ass. muSaxxinu denotes hoUer, a large vessel of copper. Ass. 
«parru< Sum. 2a6a<r> Arab, qifr (ZAT 34, 144). 

2. Jehoram's Fatal Illness. 

According to J. Preuss, Biblisch'Tdlmudische Medizin (Ber- 
lin, 1921) p. 210, the incurable disease of King Jeboram of 
Judah (851-843) was carcinoma recti; but the great plague 
with which his people was stricken seems to have been epidemic 
dysentery (2 Chr. 21, 16. 17 is a subsequent addition; rSkus 
in y. 14 does not mean goods, but train, retinue ; c/. Arab, tdqal, 
baggage, train, servants, family). Jehoraln suffered from dy^ 
entery for some time, and finally he had a severe attack of 
membranous colitis, so that complete tubular casts of the intes- 
tines were passed per anum. This is accompanied by excru- 
ciating pains. The correct translation of 2 Chr. 21, 19 is: 
After some time, when the end came, for two days his bowels 
came out iy reason of his illness, and he died in sore pains. 
Jehoram, the husband of Ahab's daughter Athaliah, was 40 
years old when he died in 843 b. o. 

The Hebrew text should be read as follows : uaihi mii-iamim 
u-ki-et get haq-qeg U-iamim sindim iagi'u me*au. For mij- 
iamim cf. Jud. 15, 1. Li-iamim 1^ (preceding mijriqmiin) 
<U-iqm%m 2^ (preceding sindim). Li4qmim iSndim in the 
present passage does not mean after two days, although IS^ 
sSnatdim iamim (2 S 13, 23) signifies after two year's. Simi- 
larly li-Ulost iamim (Ex. 19, 15) means after three days, i. e. 
the day after to-morrow; cf. iHsom, the day before yesterday =» 
Ass. issds&mi < ina salH umi, on the third day ( AJSL 22, 251 ; 
JBL 36, 149). In Syriac we find Z^'wrm iaumin, after twenty 
days; cf. Ass. ana esra heri (ZA 25, 385)— after twenty double- 
hours (NB 147, 300; cf. AJSL 16, 31; contrast TJQ 63, 300). 
Me'im, bowels (Arab, am'd', Syr. mi'diia) must be connected 
with Arab, md^^a and ma% iam¥u, to melt, be tried out, ren- 
dered: ma"ar*S'Samnu, the fat (or suet) melts (syn. daba). 
The fat which covers the intestines (t. e. the epiploic fat) and 
the fat which is about the intestines (i. e. the mesenteric fat) 
were burned on the altar (Lev. 3, 3). 



240 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGT. 

3. The Valley of The Gorge. 

The Book of Joel was oomfposed c. 137 b. o. when Antiochus 
VII Sidetes sent Cendebaeus against Judea (1 Mac. 15, 38). 
J. D. Michaelis (1782) said. If we want to understand Joel 
we must read 1 Mac. {Joel, n. 8; cf. JBL 34, 63*; AJSL 32, 
69*). The Valley of Kidron, between the Temple hill and 
Mount Olivet, E of Jerusalem, is called Valley of Jehoshaphat 
(t. e. Jhvh judged) where the Last Judgment is to be held, 
because Gendebseus was pursued by the Maccabees as far as 
Kedron (1 Mac. 16, 9) in the Philistine plain, W of Jerusalem, 
near the Mediterranean (JHXJC 306, 13; JBL 38, 46). The 
modem Qafra is not Kedron, but Ekron (ASOR, No. 4, p. 6). 

The Book of Joel has been called a compendium of eschar- 
tology, but originally there was nothing eschatological in the 
Book. The alleged eschatological passages in OT have, as a 
rule, a definite historical background, but when the prophetic 
biUs drawn on the future were not honored, they were after- 
wards extended to Doomsday (JAOS 34, 413; cf, Credner, 
Joel, p. 249; also ZAT 39, 105. 110). The Valley of Jehosha- 
phat (t. e. the Valley of Berechah ^ Wady Berehut in 2 Chr. 
20, 26; cf. EB 641) in Joel is the Valley of Ajalon (Josh. 
10, 12) which is called Valley of The Gorge (not Valley of 
Decision) in Joel 4, 14 (cf. 1 Mac. 16, 4-6). Modin, where 
the Maccabees spent the night before they routed Gendebseus 
in the plain, lies on the edge of the Valley of Ajalon which is 
a broad fertile plain and the natural entrance into Judea for 
the Syrian armies who came south by the coast (HOP 210). 
From the Valley of Ajalon three gorges break through the steep 
wall of the western front of the central range of Palestine 
(DB 1, 280'). 

The Maccabean author of the Book of Joel prefixed an an- 
cient poem describing an invasion of locusts (Joel 2, 2. 10. 4. 
6. 7-9 -f- 1, 2. 5-7. 18; 2, 3). But his contemiporaries no doubt 
referred this description to the swarms of Syrians who had 
come locusting upon Judea. This first poem, which may have 
been composed in the eighth century, is followed by eight Mac- 
cabean poems: 11 (Joel 2, 16-17; cf. 1 Mac. 1, 21-27; 7, 36; 
2 Mac 5, 15. 16; 14, 15) : Antiochus Epiphane^ Spoliation of 
the Temple;— III (1, 8. 9". 13-15; cf. 1 Mac. 1, 46. 54; 2, 14; 



BIBLICAL BTUDIEB. 241 

3, 47. 61; 4, 38. 39; 2 Mac. 6, 2. 5; 10. 25; 13, 12; 14, 15) : 
Suppression of Temple Service; — ^IV (1, 10. 11. 17. 16. 9*; 
cf. 1 Mac. 9, 24) : Famine after Death of Judas Maccahmis; — 
V (2, 21-24. 19". 25-27. 19\ 20; cf. 1 Mac. 14, 8. 12) : Pros- 
peHty under Simon;— VI (2, 12. 13; 3, 1-4; 2, 1. 6. 11\ 2\ 11"; 
cf. 1 Mac. 16, 1-4) : Impending Inva^n of Cendebmis; — ^VII 
(4, 2. 4-8; c/. 1 Mac. 5, 1. 9. 15. 68; 10, 84. 86; 11, 60. 61; 
12, 33. 48; also 1 Mac. 3, 41; 2 Mac. 5, 14. 24; 8, 25. 34) : 
Punishment of Heathen; — VIII (4, 9-14". 17') : Final Battle 
in Valley of Gorge; — ^IX (4, 18-20) : Future Prosperity of 
Judah. 

Poems IV and VIII are written in lines with 2 -f- 2 beats, 
while the other poems have 3 -j- 3 beats in each line. For the 
imperatives tiq'u, qadd^su, qi/r'u, etc. in 2, 15 and elsewhere 
(except in 2, 1 ; 4, 9) we must read the preterites taqi^'u, qid- 
d^su, qard'u. Similarly we must read preterites instead of 
imperatives in Jud. 5, 23 (WF 220; JAOS 34, 423). <K has 
preterites instead of imperatives in Ps. 68, 7. 

4. Heb. pilefd and Ger. floten gehn. 

Gter. floten gehn, lit. to go to play the flute (cf. schlafen gehn, 
baden gehn, essen gehn) means to vanish, disappear, be lost. 
It is generally regarded as an adaptation of Yiddish pleite gehn 
(or Pleite mrachen) which signifies to fail in business, be bank- 
rupt (cf. Lagarde, Mitteil. 1, 99). Pleite is the Yiddish 
pronunciation of Heb. pHefd. We find diphthongization of e 
(cf. Eng. ndim<n€m='jieL'me<ndme, Ger. Name; Sievers, 
Phon.^ § 768) in IMisaldim < lerusaXem and in hdit, house < 
hit < hat < ha't (AJSL 22, 204^ n. 20; JAOS 37, 254) which 
is a biconsonantal noun like Ass. saptu, lip ( JSOR 1, 92 ; JBL 
39, 162). For e^^a^^a' cf. Heb. nimgeta^=^nimQata^= 
nimga'ta. Also rdisd, head (GB^* 737*, 1. 4) in the dialect of 
Ma^dla = resd == rasa = rd'sd. 

Heb. pSlefA is a diminutive form like Arab, quldilah, a small 
jug (WdG 1, 154, C) : it denotes a sm^l remnant, a few sur- 
vivors, a few that have escaped. In Assyrian, balafu (with 
partial assimilation of p to I; cf. Syr. «^ZaA=— Ass. saldxu, 
sprinkle; JBL 35, 282, n. 4; 36, 141, n. 3) means to live, orig. 
to survive (JBL 39, 169). Arab. Idita^^leta^^lata, i. e. 'ac- 

4 



242 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

cusative * of Ass. lu, would that +ta^= taildhi -« haiatar*UShi 
( JBL 38, 164) . Also fu'dil — fu'el — fu'dl ( JBL 34, 74, n. 2) . 
The original fu'al is preserved not only in Ass. uzalu, young 
gazelle; suqaqu, lane > Arab, zuqaq, but also in Arabic words 
like futdt, fragment, crumb (ZAT 26, 368, n. 2 ; contrast Est. 
74, n. *) or quddbah, dead branches (lopped off in dry prun- 
ing) which appears in Joel 1, 7 as qSgapa < qSgaba. For e<i 
under influence of adjacent u cf . JBL 37, 219 ; AJSL 32, 66. 
For the significal development in p^efi, escaped fugitives, and 
pleite, ruined, bankrupt, cf. Ass. munndbtu, fugitive, and 
i'ahit {< in* obit; cf. i*ud<in,'ud) he was ruined. The d in 
Heb. dbad represents partial assimilation of t to 6 (see Isaiah 
84, 48)". ' 

The meanings of the two phrases fleite gehn and floten gehn 
ere different. Floten gehn (which is first found in the Ham- 
burg dialect c. 1766: dat Oeld is fleuten gahn, the money is 
lost) corresponds to the Shakespearean to go whistle, which is 
a milder equivalent for to go to the deuce. In Gterman, zum 
Teufel gehn has about the same meaning as floten gehn. About 
the end of the fourth act of The Winter's Tale the son of the 
old shepherd says: This being done, let the law go whistle, I 
warrant you. Shenston (1714-1763) says in The Poet and the 
Dun: Your fame is secure, let the critics go whistle. Sanders 
states that floten gehn may refer to the Laut, den etwas die Luft 
sausend Durchschneidendes gieht. According to Grimm's 
Worterbuch, the phrase floten gehn may mean dahin tonen in 
die Luft wie der verhallende Laut einer Flote; it resembles the 
phrase fortgeblas^n, weggeblasen werden. We can say. He just 
blew away for he disappeared, vanished in thin air {cf. e. g. 
The Evening Sun, Baltimore, Feb. 24, 1922, p. 18, col. 3, 1. 6). 
We say also to blow a whistle and to blow in = to spend reck- 
lessly. Ger. 8ein Geld ist floten is equivalent to Er hat ail sein 
Geld verpufft (cf. Goethe's Faust 2862). 

The original meaning of floten gehn is to pass swiftly through 
the air like a whistling bullet. We say The bullets whistled 
over their heads. Ger. pfeifen is used in the same way. A 
flute is a pipe or fife. Shakespeare also uses to whir for to 
hurry some one away with a whizzing sound. Whiz denotes the 
whistling sound (zip) made by the rapid fiight of a bullet or 
other missile through the air. In our modem slanguage Ger. 



BIBLICAL BTUDIBB. 243 

fioten gehn appears as to go flooie or hlooey (e. g. Baltimore 
News, Oct. 9, 1921, p. 4, ool. 3; Jan. 10, 1922, p. 15, col. 4). 
For fiimilar adaptations of German terms cf. AJP 27, 160, n. 1. 
To go flooie may be influenced by to go up the flue. 

5. Combined Bhythms. 

Several distinguished scholars believe that the poetic sections 
of the OT exhibit mixed meters (cf. § 4a, 6 of CojrnilFs 
Einleitung''). It is true, we find stanzas with 3 + 3 beats in 
each line alternating with etanzas with 2 + 2 beats ( JHUC 
163, 55; BL 101, 1. 1). But lines with 3+3 beats and lines 
with 2 + 2 beats are not combined in the same stanza. Of 
course, we cannot deny the existence of mixed meters. We 
might just as well deny the existence of mixed rhythms. In 
Ihe songs of our Indians we often find duple rhythm alternating 
with triple rhythm. Several tunes of this character are given 
in Alice C. Fletcher^s Indian Story and Song from North 
America (Boston, 1900) e. g. pp. 50. 68. 66. 69. 72. 78. 98. 109. 
113. 

Nor are these alternating rhythms confined to Amerindian 
songs : we find them also in German Volkslieder. In the Swa- 
bian folk-song Mddele, ruck, ruck, ruck, an mevne grime Seite 
(which originated in 1836, while the tune was known in 1828) 
we have a 2-bar period in \ time followed by 1 bar in } time, 
then 3:^; 6:}; 2: J; 2:f. The popular song Prim Eugen, 
der edle Ritter (which commemorates the victory at Belgrade 
on August 16, 1717, and Which is said to have been written 
by a Prussian soldier serving under the Prince of Dessau in 
Eugene^s army) is sometimes barred in the following manner: 

^« J; l^i; l'i> l'i> 3- Jj ^^^ i* ^*y ^® written in 6 bars 
in I time. We find this anomalous measure in one of the move- 
ments of Tschaikovsky's Pathetic Symphony. The time- 
signatures prefixed to the compositions of the greatest masters 
are sometimes inaccurate. It has been observed that Schubert's 
Impromptu in B fiat might be entirely rebarred. In the varia- 
tions of the arietta in Beethoven's gigantic sonata in C minor. 
Op. Ill, a section is marked in | time instead of ||, and another 

section in ^ time is marked as ^ (EB" 23, 279). Bee- 
thoven's autograph of this last pianoforte sonata, which was 



244 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEIL0L0Q7. 

composed five years before his deaths has just been published 
(April, 1922) by the Drei Maslcen Verlag, Munidi. 

Li harmonic music it is possible to combine different rhythms 
simultaneously: independent melodies may be woven into an 
artistic texture, and each of them may have a rhydmi of its own. 
We often have triplets crowded into the time normally taken 
by two notes. In No. 20 of Mendelssohn^s Lieder ohne 
Worts (Heft 4, No. 2, Op. 53) in E flat the melody has J 
time, while the accompaniment has triplets, t. e. \ time. In 
the finale of Schumann's piano concerto in A minor the first 
tutti passage after the opening solo has practically duple 
rhythm, although the entire movement is marked in i time. 
In the ballroom scene in Mozarfs Don Oiovanni we have three 
simultaneous rhythms of minuet, contredanse, and waltz. In 
our Indian songs there is occasionally a simultaneous combina- 
tion of four or five rhythms, e. g. in the Canoe Song from C. 
W. Cadman's opera Shaneivis, which has baffled some of the 
greatest singers of the Metropolitan Opera, while the Indian 
mezzo-soprano, known as Princess Tsianina, sings it with ease. 
A song of the Sioux's Sun Dance was sung by Marcella Sem- 
brich at a historical song recital in New York. We find simi- 
lar complicated combined rhythms in Africa. In his music 
dramas Wagner often combines contrasted themes having dif- 
ferent rhythms. 

Musical rhythm often radically diverges from verse rhythm. 
In Heine's poem Ich ungluckseliger Atlas the first two lines 
of each of the four quatrains have 5 beats, while the third has 
4 beats, and the fourth: 3, but in Schuberfs musical setting 
of this poem (Schwanengesang, No 8) we find f time through- 
out. There are no sapphics or elcaics in Hebrew poetry. From 
the Hebrew point of view the Sapphic stanza could be regarded 
as a quatrain with 3 -f 2 beats {Mic. 66, n. 4) in the first three 
lines, followed by a hemistich with 2 beats, with a pause at the 
end, so that the fourth line would be practically equivalent to 
the first hemistichs of the three preceding lines; and if the 
last syllables in the first two lines of the alcaic are not stressed, 
this stanza might be regarded as a quaitrain with 2 -f 2 beats 
in eadx line. Only the number of beats is fixed in Hebrew 
poetry, but there may be one or two or three unfrtressed syllables 



BIBLICAL BTUDIEB. 245 

between two beats^ or none at all, a pause taking the place of a 
light syllable. Hebrew poetry is not quantitatiYey but accentual. 

6. Heb. 'aste and Sum. as-ian. 

Heb. ^aite, one, in 'aite-aiar, eleven, is the Ass. iiten, one < 
Sum. ai'tan, the first syllable representing the numeral, and 
ian (or iam) the numseml affix (conitrart SO 61, n. 1). Sum. 
tarn (written ia-Oran) seems to be a compound of ta, what? 
and the affix am (SG §§199, b; 5^, c). What may denote 
something (cf. our I'll tell you what) or portion, amotint (cf. 
a little what). Al^ the common Chinese numeratiye ko may 
mean something. In the dialect of Shanghai, ku (or kau) 
appears as relative pronoun. Similar nimieratives (or classi- 
fiers, numeral coefficients) are used in Siamese, Malay, etc. 
(EB" 6, 217"; 25, 9*; 17, 477**) : in Malay you say ampai hxji 
tttor for four eggs, the seoond word {hi ji, seed) being the nu- 
merative for globular things. Similarly we find in German : 
vier Stuck Eier or hundert Stuck WUcL The driver of a Ba- 
varian Stellwagen (stage-coach, omnibus) used to speak of zehn 
Poststucke (postal parcels) and sechs Stuck Fahrgdste (pas- 
sengers). We say an orchestra of twenty pieces. We can also 
say ten head of cattle and twenty sail of shipSi In Pidgin* 
English we hear one piecee dollar, three piecee ma/n. Cf . ws 
XPVf^ /AcyioTov (Herod. 1, 36) etc. 

The explanation of torOran given in AL* 36, 313 ; AJSL 20, 
231, 24 is untenable: torOran on pi. iii in PSBA 10, 418 cor- 
responds to Ass. minSr^ma, Eth. ment-nu. Nor can we accept 
the view that l-torO-an in an Assyrian text is to be read sibitan 
(Streck, Assurl. 78. 577). The use of the Sumerian affix 
tarn (written torOran) after Assyrian numerals may be com- 
pared to the ° in our 1°, 2° {'='primo, secondo) for fi/rst and 
second occurrence, respectively. The omission of fa in l-a-an 
may be merely graphic : we say quarto, octavo, no matter whether 
we write ^to, Svo or 4°, 8° (contrast OLZ 25, 8). 

7. Heb. qSfort and Gr. nektar. 

Heb. q^f6rt denotes nidor, Kvlaa (JBL 36, 91, n. 11). This 
is also the original meaning of veicrap »» ^tOpJ, t. e. that which 
has been made to ascend in smoke. Celestial beings feed on the 
fragrant steam arising from the burning sacrifices. The Hebrews 



246 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOQT. 

as well as the Greeks sacri^eed especially the fat pieces, so W«c- 
rap means orig. fragrant fat of sacrifices, then scented unguent 
The ancients had no scents dissolved in alcohol, but perfumed 
greases, solid or liquid fats charged with odors. Fats and oils 
absorb odors. Perfumes are extracted from flowers by tiie 
agency of inodorous fats (enfleurage). The term perfume is 
derived from fume which is connected with $vo9 and Bvtt^fta, 
incense, Swita, sacrifice; rctfucD/ut/Fos means fragrant, just as Heb. 
miquffdr signifies perfumed in Cant. 3, 6. AY has perfume 
for qifSrt in Ex. 30, 35. 

Pot Ihe offering of the fait pieces in the Hebrew ritual (Lev. 

3, 16; 7, »5; 1 S 2, 16; 2 Chr. 7, 7; Gen. 4, 4) c/. Hesiod, 
Theog. 546 (EB^^ 22, 436') and the translation of Leviticus, 
in the Pdydirome Bible, p. 62, L 2; p. 63, 11. 10-18; p. 65, 
U. 34-40. When Noah after the Plood offered a bumt-oflfering, 
Jhvh smelled the sweet savor, and the cuneiform account of 
Hbe Deluge states that, when the Babylonian Noah offered a 
sacrifice, the gods gathered around him like a swarm of flies^ 
so that Istar took the great fly-brushes of her father Anu, the 
god of heaven, to drive them away. The gods were starved,, 
because there had been no offerings during the Flood ( JAOS 
41, 181). 

Nectar is generally supposed to be the drink of the gods^ 
wlule ambrosia is r^arded as Umi food; but in Alcman (c 
650) nectar is the food, and in Sappho (c. 600) ambrosia is the 
drink. Nectar cannot be connected with vwyoAo, dainties; nor 
can it be explained as a compound of the negative rri and ic^p, 
deeOiy or icrctmF, to kill : non-killing and immortalizing are not 
identical. Ambrosia has been combined with Skt. amrta, the 
beverage of immortality, that resulted from the churning of tiie 
ocean by the gods and demons (CD s. amrita). The Oredcs 
may have connected SLf/fipoau^ with &§ippoT09, immortal, but thia 
is merely a popular adaptation like ^fivauo^ < Ass. apsu < Sum. 
abzu (AJP 39, 307; JHUC 306, 34). Ambrosia has been 
derived from the Semitic 'ambar, ambergris (EB" 1, 800*; cf. 
AJSL 23, 261 ; PAPS 46, 158) which is a fatly, inflammable 
.mass and plays an important part in Oriental perfumery. 

In the Homeric poems, ambrosia is used as a perfiune {Od. 

4, 445) and antiseptic (71. 19, 40; 16, 670. 680). l%e ambroskt. 
with which Hera deanses herself (72. 14, 170; cf. Judith 16, 8> 



BIBLICAL STUDIES. 247 

corresponds to our modem cold creams or massage croons. 
Ambrosial locks means fragrant hair. An ambrosial night is a 
balmy night, and ambrosial sleep denotes baimy (1. e. healing, 
refreelmig) sleep. 

According to II. 19^ 40^ nectar was red. The precious nard- 
oil (BL 69, n. 14) had a red color (Plin. 12, 43). Also the 
cdor of myrrh, which was used as a perfimue (BL 23, n. 6) 
and as an antiseptic (John 19, 39) varies from pale reddish- 
yellow to red or reddish-brown. For the antiseptic effect of 
vaidous forms of incense see the paper by D. I. Macht and W. 
M. Kunkel, Concerning the antiseptic action of some aromatic 
fumes in the Proceedings of the Society for Experimental Biol- 
ogy and Medicine, 1920, xviii, p. 68-70. 

If nectar, which originally denoted the fragrant steam of the 
bunvt>offerings inhaled by the gods, is regarded as a drink, we 
must remember that the Araibs say to drink smoke (Arab. Sdribar 
'drduxarm) for to smoke tobacco. The phrase to drink tobacco 
was formerly used also in English: Ben Jonson (1598) says: 
The m^st divine tobacco that I ever drunk. Cf. my paper 
Manna, Nectar, and Ambrosia in PAPS 61. 

8. The Etymology of Manna. 

In Ex. 16, 15 (J) Heb. man, manna, is derived from mdn-hu: 
when the ancestors of the Jews saw it, they said to one another : 
m&nnhii, what is this? for they did not know what it was. Man- 
hH, however, is Aramaic, not Hebrew. 9 has mAn&u ^ mAnahu 
in Ex. 16, 15. In Syriac we find mdn or mon, and mend, 
what? but the Hebrew pronoun for what? is fwd. The ances- 
tors of the Israelites, who emigrated from the Euphrates to 
Ephraim, c. 1400, spoke Aramaic; but the ancestors of the Jews, 
who invaded Palestine from the souith c. 1050, after they had 
sojourned in Egypt, were Edomites (JBL 36, 93). They may 
have spoken an Arabic dialect before they adopted the lan- 
guage of Canaan.^ 

'See my paper Semites, Hebrews, Israelites, Jews (OC 32, 756). 
Cf. Albright's article A Revisi(m of Early Hebrew Chronology, JPOS 
1, 6(W; for Judah see ibid. p. 68, n. 1; and for Hebrew, p. 77, n. 1. 
Aocording to the dates given ibid, p. 79, the Exodiu of the Hebrews 
under Moees from Egypt took place c. 1260, and the invasion of Pales- 
tine by Israel c. 1230. See also JAOS 35, 367. 390. 



248 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

The popular etymology given in Ex. 16^ 15 must be a late 
gloss. AV has What is this? in the margin, also It is a portion. 
In tiie text AV renders: It is manna, RV has in the text: 
What is this? and It is manna in the margin. In Arabic, mann 
mieans not only manna, but also gift, present, favor, benefit; it 
denotes also the manna-infect (coccm manniparus) which 
causes the secretion of the manna by puncturing the soft twigs 
of the tamarix Oallica. 

The primary connotation of Heb. mun, manna, is not gift, 
but separation, elimination, secretion. It is connected with the 
preposition min, from, which means orig. part ( VS 397 ; GB^* 
435*, 4 ; 6K^' § 119, w, note 1) . To part may mean to partition, 
apportion. Arab, m^aniiah, fate, signifies prop, portion (Heb. 
mindt, helq). This is also the primary connotation of Arab. 
ma/n/n and minhah, gift, present (cf. Pur. 17, 23). 

AV uses to part for Heb. hiprtd (cf. Arab, fdraqa) in Buth 
1, 17 where Ruth says to Naomi : Jhvh do so unto me and more 
also ( JBL 33, 164*) if aught but death part thee and me. Here 
Luther has: Der Tod muss mich und dich scheiden, and Aus- 
scheidung is the German term for secretion (Arab, rash, rasih). 
Arab, mdna, iammu, to plow, is to hreaJe the ground. The ori- 
ginal meaning of Heb. min, species, is division. Lat. species 
means not only particular sort, but also look, form (Heb. t^ 
mund; cf. JAOS 35, 71). The post-Biblical min, heretic, sig- 
nifies prop, separatist. Brugsch and Ebers combined Heb. 
m^n with the late Egypt, mnu; if this denote mmma, it is no 
doubt a loanword, so that it throws no light on the etymology. 

The manna, which sustained the ancestors of the Jews in the 
wilderness, was not the honey-like exudation of the tamarix 
Gdllica, but a nutritive lichen like the Iceland moss or the rein- 
deer moes, especially the lecanora esculenta, known as manna- 
lichen, which in times of great drought and famine has served 
as food for a large number of men in the arid steppes of ihe 
various countries stretching from Algeria to Tatary (EB^^ 16, 
584). Fragments of manna-lichen carried away by the wind 
resemble grains of wheat. They vary in size from a pea to a 
hazel-nut. 

The edible lichens contain not only starchy substances, but 
also in some oases a small quantity of saccharine matter of the 
nature of mannite. It is probable, however, that the powdered 



BIBLICAL STUDIES. 249 

manna-lichen was mixed with tamaidsk-manna and alhagi- 
manna (Arab, ta/ranjabir) . The maamarlichen was ground in 
querns or poimded in mortars (Num. 11, 8) and mixed with 
the honey-like drops from the tamarix OaUica or with the 
exudation of tiie camels' thorn (alhagi camelorum or Matir 
rorum). After this mixture of powdered manna-lichen and 
tamarisk-manna or alhagi-manna had been baked (2 S 13, 8; 
SFE 144, 228; AJSL 26, 16) in baking-pots (MLN 38, 433) 
it tasted like honey-cake or like pastry baked in sweetoil (Num. 
11,8).* 

Tamarisk-manna, which the monks of St. Catherine, on the 
highest peak of tiie Jdbal Musa, supply to the pilgrims or tour- 
ists Yisiting the oonvent, appears only about the end of May 
and in June. The annual quantity produced on the Sinaitic 
peninsula is only 500-600 lbs. It could not have yielded the 
daily provision of more than 300 tone (Ex. 16, 16. 36; 12, 37; 
Niun. 1, 46) . It has the consistency of wax in the early morn- 
ing, but melts in the heat of the sun (Ex. 16, 21). It could 
not have been groimd in querns or pounded in mortars and 
baked in baking-pots. The mountain whence the Law is said 
to have been given to Moses cannot have been situated on the 
Sinaitic peninsula; it must have been a volcano in northwestern 
Arabia (JAOS 34,426). 

Paul Haupt. 



* JV cakes baked iDiih oU. Luther's Olkuchen is misleading; cf. MK* 
15, 55*". Nevertheless this rendering is retained in SATA I, 2, p. 81 as 
well as in Kautzsch-Bertholet's AT« (1922). An oil-oake is a mass 
of compressed seeds (linseed, rape, poppy, cotton, etc.) from which oil 
has been expressed; it is used as food for cattle or as fertilizer. Of 
the etymology of manna Gresemann says (SATA I, 2, p. 83) : Die 
WiaseMohaft mu8B auf eine Erkldrung versnchten; on p. 85 he identi- 
fies the Biblical manna with tamarisk-manna. 



v.— THE FASTI OP OVID AND THE ATTCrtTSTAN 

PBOPAGANDA. 

Mien Ovid began his Fasti, Virgil and Tibnllus had been 
dead at least some seventeen or eighteen years; Propertius, 
thirteen or fourteen; Horace, six or seven. Each of these poets 
had in his own way served the purposes of Augustus and 
brought his own characteristic contribution for the strength- 
ening of the foundation on which the "First Citizen" had 
founded his government and himself taken his stand. Personal 
loyalty to Augustus and fervid devotion to the ethical and 
religious ideals for which he stood are apparent in the poems 
of Horace.^ Propertius brought to light and put in attractive 
form tiie legends of that ancient Bome which it was Augustus^ 
desire to glorify that the present and the future Bome might 
feel the obligations imposed by its long and honorable descent. 
Tibullus' poetry is full of the lure of that country life and 
that loyalty to the old religious observances, which it was the 
policy of Augustus to encourage, and the love of a peaceful 
life such as he had made possible to the Boman world. Virgil's 
unique genius had served the Augustan propaganda superla- 
tively along all these lines and more. No part was wanting in 
the chorus of praise and prayer, nor could new forms of ex- 
pression be found in verse — ^lyric, elegiac and epic meter, all 
had served their turn. 

The special need, too, for such support was past, for by the 
time that Ovid began the Fasti Augustus had been accepted 
and established as head of the Boman state. Yet that such a 
versatile and prolific genius as that of Ovid should neglect 
entirely themes so long and so widely prominent, was hardly 
to be conceived. " They had become a sine qua non of polite 
literature, retained like certain parts of animal organisms, after 
the real need for them was past.*' 

The subject matter of Ovid's earlier writings, those con- 
temporary with the work of the older Augustan poets, gave 
little chance for the expression and propagation of Augustan 
ideals. Later, following the lead of Propertius, he turned from 

^EepedaUy, the '< Boman" Odes, ni: 1^. 
260 



i 

i 



THE FASTI OF OVID AND THE AOQUBTAN PBOPAQANDA. 251 

the light love-elegies and sentimental effasions of his youth to 
weightier themes^ producing the Metamorphoses and the Fasti, 
The clever whimsicality of the poet found opportunity even in 
the f onner^ unpromising as was its theme, to sound the national 
note in the last three books, but it is the Fasti which embodies 
the poefs real contribution to imperial propaganda. 

The subject matter itself, however treated, — ^those religious 
observances that had come down from a forgotten past and 
which it was Augustus' aim to emphasize as so important a 
strand in the unbroken thread of the eternal life of Bome — 
was peculiarly in line with the emperor's purpose, while the 
fact that the present form of the Soman calendar was due to 
his adoptive father might give additional appropriateness to it 
as a work devoted to his ends. But throughout the poem the 
poet finds opportunity incidentally, by way of allusion and 
digression, to serve these same ends. 

There was no new theme to add to the repertory of the 
earlier Augustan poets, but Ovid runs the gamut of the old 
themes. With the superficiality which is his besetting sin and 
the versatility and lightness of handling which are among his 
chief charms, he touches for a moment of time, or lingers on, 
these themes as circumstances permit or encourage him to do so. 
The coimtry life and festivals of which TibuUus sang, Ovid has 
made the main subject of his work. In personal glorification 
of Augustus and his policies he goes, though less wisely, to even 
greater lengths than Horace. The celebration of "the grandeur 
that was Some'' and of her mission among nations, the idea 
which pervades the whole Aeneid and "like the subject of a 
fugue enters and reenters from time to time in thrilling tones,'** 
is a constantly recurring motif in the Fasti, though sounded 
in the notes of tinkling cymbals as compared with the organ 
tones of Virgil. 

The emperor himself and the city whose power and prestige 
are at once his creation and his justification, are perhaps equally 
prominent in the Fasti. The descent of Augustus and his 
divinity, his achievements in war, his offices, his achievements 
in peace — architectural, ethical, religious — and his personal 

'Warde Fowler, The Beligioua Ewperience of the Roman People, p. 
409. 



252 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGT. 

qualities, all are brought out at one or more points in the 
poem, some as the nature of the work demands, in association 
with specific dates, some as gratuitous amplification, while the 
city of Borne is again and again introduced — ^its history, its 
marvelous growth and present magnificence. 

The re-dedication of tilie Fasti, whereby (Jermanicus took 
the place of Augustus, has wrought confusion in the study of 
imperial propaganda in the first book. In the case of certain 
significant passages of eulogistic allusion or address there is 
doubt, reasonable or imreasonable, as to whether Augustus or 
Oermanicus is the person concerned.* Even so, however, a 
considerable number of undoubtedly relevant passages remain 
in this book to add to the testimony of the others. Almost at 
the outset (1, 10) Germahicus is informed that he will often 
in the following pages read of his father and his grandfather, 

saepe tibi pater est, eaepe legendus avus, 

in whose glory he and his brother are to share, and definite 
statements are made as to the nature of what he is to read. It 
is not of Caesar's wars, but of Caesar's altars and the festivals 
that he has added to the calendar that the poet will sing, in 
this way bringing Augustus into as close connection as possible 
with the sacra . . . anndlibus eruta priscis which he has already 
promised (1, 7) to display to his readers. 

More than once Gtermanicus might have read of Augustus 
as himself counted among the divine beings whose altars he 
had established or restored. The prophecy of Carmentis in 
Book I shows two instances of this. As she and Evander sail 
up the Tiber, she can hardly be restrained by her son from 
leaping in ecstasy on to the shore as she salutes the gods of the 
new land, and the land itself, destined to give new gods to 
heaven (1, 610). More definitely, she alludes to the Julian 
family when she prophesies (1, 530) that the sacred rites of 
Vesta shall in the distant future be performed by a god in 
person, referring to the occupancy of the office of pontifex 
maximus by Augustus. The entry for March 6, on which date 

*See R. Merkel in the Prolegomena to his critical edition of the 
Fctati, Also G. H. Hallam and H. Peter in the introductions and notes 
to their editions of the same. 



THE FABTI OF DVID A2fD TEE AUQUBTAIf PROPAGANDA. 253 

Augustus assumed this office, emphasizes the same thought — 

**the divinity of immortal Caesar {aetemi Ccesaris) presides 

over the eternal fires'' (3, 421); while in 4, 964 the same 

epithet is applied to Augustus in conjunction with Apollo and 

Vesta. 

Besides claiming a place for Augustus in the hierarchy of 

Heaven, Ovid has much to say of his relation to Yesta and his 

relationship to the patron divinities of Bome, Venus and Mars, 

emphasizing thereby the direct outgrowth of Bome from Troy. 

The passage just quoted ends (3, 428) with the expression of 

the wish that both the fires of Vesta and the dux himself may 

live, — 

vivite inextincti, flammaque duxque, precor, 

and an actual relationship between the emperor and the goddess 

(through their Trojan origin)^ is assumed in the same passage 

(3, 426), 

ortu« ab Aenea tangit cognata saoerdos 
numdna; oognatum, Vesta, tuere caput, 

while in another, where the introduction of Vesta into the 
palace of the emperor is celebrated (4, 949) it is taken for 
granted, as the goddess is represented as received cogruUi . . . 
limine. 

There is said to have been a prophecy in the Sibylline Books 
that leadership of the world should go with descent from Troy 
through the preservation and possession of the Trojan sacra, 
and the Sibylline Books are said to have been placed by 
Augustus under the base of the statue of Apollo in his temple 
on the Palatine.' Ovid accepts without question the theory of 
descent as to which Livy has his doubts and even Virgil is not 
wholly consistent in his statements (Cf. Aen. 1, 267; 8, 629; 
9, 641, with 6, 762),* tracing the Julian gens directly through 
lulus — Ascanius to its Trojan forebears, and making this 
relationship prominent in many places. Very near the begin- 
jiing of the poem (1, 39) Mara and Venus are introduced as 

'In 1, 52S, however, Vesta is an Italian goddess. 
•C/. Eduard Norden, "Vergil's Aeneis im Idchte ihrer Zeit/' Tfeue 
JahrhUcher fUr das kUisaische Alierium, Ydi. VU (1901), p. 263. 
• Ibid., p. 277. 



254 AMBRICAIf JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

the presiding deities of successive months^ March and April, 
and their relationship to the reigning family noted: ^^The 
first month belonged to Mars, the second to Venus; she was 
the first of the race, he was the father of Bomulus* self/' The 
naming of these months indeed is credited to Bomulus, whose 
reverence for his own ancestors was combined with prophetic 
vision of Augustus' relationship to the same (4^ 23), while 
Bomulus is again designated as a link in the chain binding 
Bome to Troy by the patronymic Iliades applied to him (4, 23 ; 
5, 565) and to himself and Bemus (3, 62). 

The fourth book, devoted to the month of Venus is, naturally, 
particularly rich in references to the genealogical connection 
between this goddess, and the Julian gens. In the introduction 
to the book (4, 21) the poet commends this portion of his work 
particularly to Augustus : ^^ This month comes to you through 
your great ancestress and becomes yours by your adoptive 
nobility/* The entry for April 23, in commemorating the in- 
troduction of the worship of Venus Brycina, claims a preference 
of the goddess for the city of her descendants (4, 876) in a 
general way, and Venus Verticordia is called upon (4, 161) to 
respect the Boman race. Earlier in the book (4, 119) we see 
Venus fighting against the Oreeks on the side of Troy, winning 
the victory over Juno and Minerva in the judgment of Paris, 
a Trojan, and by a Trojan, Anchises, becoming nurus to 
Assaracus (and so mother of Aeneas and grandmother of 
Ascanius or lulus) for the express purpose of providing for 
" mighty Caesar *' ancestors of the Julian name. The presence 
of the Palladium in the temple of Vesta also furnishes a link 
between Bome and Troy, and the poet takes occasion to intro- 
duce briefly, in connection with tiiis (6, 419) the names of 
Dardanus and Ilus. An even more definite linking of the latest 
generations of the royal family witli the earliest and with their 
ancestral Troy is found in the formal genealogical table be- 
ginning with Dardanus (4, 31) and ending: "We come at 
last to the propitious name of lulus, through which the Julian 
family touches its Trojan ancestors,'' and in 4, 272 where 
(through the Magna Mater) — in Phrygios Roma refertur avos. 
Lastly (4, 676), Venus as patron of the month bids its fifteenth 
day hasten on its way in order to give place as soon as possible 



TBB FABTI OF OVID AND THE AUOUBTAN PROPAGANDA. 255 

to the sixteenth, the day on which her descendant, Octavian, is 
to receive the title of Imperator. 

Aeneas, he who "carried Troy to Borne*' (4, 250; 1, 627), 
is implied as ancestor to the Julian family at the end of the 
first book, where the wish is expressed that the whole world 
may shudder before the power of the Aeneadae, and Mars ap- 
pears twice as ancestor, once (5, 554) in his new temple^ 
built by Augustus in "the city of his son," once (6, 54) as 
receiving Juno into the " city of her grandson/* 

Another ancestor in the noble line to be celebrated is natur- 
ally Julius Csesar. His reformation of the calendar is alluded 
to (3, 155) — ^with the whiihsical suggestion that his object in 
this work was to become acquainted with the Heaven he was 
later to inhabit — as one among many achievements, but not 
dwelt upon seriously as might perhaps have been expected in a 
poem based upon this work. The entry for April 6, the date 
of the battle of Thapsus (4, 381), is the occasion for a brief 
eulogy of the first Cassar supposed to be uttered by an old 
soldier of his who sits next to Ovid at the games — " Caesar was 
my leader, and I boast that under him I served as tribune '' — 
and Ovid represents himself (3, 697) as being reminded by 
Vesta herself not to pass over in his record for the Ides of 
March gladios in principe fixos. There is also a bit of eulogy 
in a curious passage (1, 603) where the title Augustus is made 
the climax in a list of cognomina, among which in due order 
is that of Pomi)ey — Magmis — which suggests that his con- 
queror, Caesar, should have one indicating something still 
greater — qui te vicit nomine maior erit. Neither of these pas- 
sages brings out the relation^ip between the first Caesar and 
Augustus, but it appears in a reference to the battle of Philippi 
(3, 707), which is designated as an act of pietas — an appro- 
priate form of vengeance taken by Octavian on tho$e who were 
responsible for the death of his adoptive father. And while 
the long and honorable descent of the Julian gens and its 
present superlative importance are made strikingly prominent, 
its future — its permanence as the niling dynasty of Eome — ^is 
hinted, by prayer if not by prophecy (1, 721; 4, 859). Flattery 

T The temple of Mars Ultwr. 



256 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

of a oomplicated and ingenious pattern is worked in by the 
poet, at the end of Book VI, for the date of June 30. First the 
day is designated as that whose " tomorrow '^ is the Julian 
(July) Kalends. Then it is characterized as the day on which 
the temple of Hercules and the Muses, near the Circus 
Flaminius, was dedicated, and Lucius Marcius Philippus is 
named as the founder. As a matter of fact, Philippus was 
merely the restorer, not the founder, of this temple, which had 
been built in 187 B.C. This naive oversight on the part of 
Ovid is no doubt due to the fact that Lucius Marcius Philippus 
was the husband of Atia, an aunt of the emperor. The family 
relationship is cleverly suggested by the introduction, quite 
superfluously, of a daughter of this pair (herself the wife of a 
friend of Augustus), Marcia, and is definitely noted several 
lines farther on. 

The various titles assumed by or conferred upon Octavian 
himself are in a general way included in the statement near 
the beginning of the second book (2, 16), 

At tua proeequimur Btudioso peotore, CeBar, 
nomina, per titulos ingredimurque tuos, 

and are alluded to separately in many places. He is Princeps, 
in flattering contrast to Romulus, who was dominus (2, 142). 
Beferences to the title Imperator (bestowed April 16, 29 B. C), 
Augustus (won January 13, 27 b. c.) and Pater Patriae (Feb- 
ruary 6, 2 B. c.) all appear in the entries for the dates of these 
anniversaries (4, 675; 1, 609; 2, 127) respectively. (Pater 
Patriae is also used in a prayer for the emperor's welfare at 
the festival of the Caristia, 2, 637.) 

The second of these titles is granted for the young Augustus' 
success in war. The third he holds in common with Jupiter 
himself. The word Augv^tv^ is derived from the root aug- 
(augere — increase), and a prayer — 

Augeat imperium noetri duels, augeat aimos — 

is based upon this fortunate etymological relationship. In the 
reference to the last title (Pater Patriae) the most efiEusive 
eulogy is embodied. To celebrate aright the anniversary of 
its bestowal would require the soul of a Homer, and the dignity 
of hexameter verse. The people, the senate, the equites have 



TEB FABTI OF OVID AND THE AU0USTA2f PROPAGANDA. 257 

all united in giving the title, but they have given it late, for 
long since Augustus was Pater Orhis. In this cognomen, as 
well as in that of Augustus, he is on a par with Jupiter, who 
is Pater in heaven, while the emperor is Pater on earth. 

Virgil's first plan of the Aeneid, according to Oeor. 3, 16 flf., 
was to make it a heroic epic with Augustus as its central figure. 
By the time he wrote the poem, circumstances had changed. 
The military deeds of Augustus were overshadowed by his 
achievement of peace and his achievements in pe^ce, and were 
to the people important chiefly as "war to end war." The 
Aeneid takes its tone from this circumstance and does not 
correspond to the poet's earlier conception of what it should 
properly be.® Ovid indicates in the dedication of the Fasti 
(1, 13) that he will take this same line, leaving the " arms of 
Caesar " to the pens of others, and he lives up to this statement 
on the whole, even beyond the extent to which the chosen sub- 
ject of the poem necessitates this. 

The military activities and successes of the emperor are 
however by no means passed over in silence. Near the begin- 
ning of Book II (2, 18) the poet ends his appeal for the 
attention of the ruler with the words " pacando si quid ab hoste 
vacas." The recovery of the standards lost to the Parthians by 
Crassus in 53 B.C. is given its due meed of praise. In the 
entry (6, 467) for June 9, the date of the death of Crassus, 
Vesta prophesies the future restoration of the standards he 
has lost: — 

"Parthe, quid ezultas?" dixit dea, "signa remifctea, 
quique necem CraBsi vindicet, ultor erit." 

The accomplishment of this vengeance is reported in the pre- 
ceding book (6, 587) ; this disgrace would have remained to 
the present time, did Italy not enjoy the protecting power of 
Csesar. This achievement, says the poet, no less than the 
victory at Philippi, the ostensible occasion for the building of 
the temple of Mars Ultor, might win for the god the cognomen 
thus commemorated. 

Without reference to definite campaigns or battles there are 
various vague allusions to the enlarging of the power and the 

* Cf . Narden, op. cit, p. 316. 
5 



258 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

extension of the limits of the territory of Borne. In 1, 599 
(Jan. 13) Gtermaniens and Augustus are combined in a brief 
eulogy evidently constructed when the work was revised after 
the death of the emperor. This was the day on which the 
action of the emperor in returning to the senate the control 
of the provinces won for him the title of Augustus, fonnally 
conferred three days later. Germanicus' father, says the poet, 
won his cognomen Oermanicus from the conquest of one part 
of the world. If the same basis were to be used for the be- 
stowal of cognomina on Octavian, he would have as many as 
there are races on the earth : — 

si petal a victis, tot sumat nomina Caesar 
quot numero gentes maxiinus orbis habet. 

The co-extension of the city with the world which might 
thus furnish titles to its ruler is brought out in another pas- 
sage (2, 683) marking the date of the festival of Terminus. 
Other races, sings the poet, possess land set off by definite 
boimdaries; the boundary of the city of Bome and of the world 
itself is one. The same idea appears in the recognition of 
Pater Patriae as synonymous with Pater Orbis (2, 130), in 
the introduction to the whole work (1, 86) where Jupiter as 
he looks from his temple on the Oapitoline can see nothing 
which is not Soman, and in the prophecy, dating from the 
time of Bomulus (4, 858), that Bome shall one day set her 
victorious foot on the whole world. 

In one way or another, too, the important battles on which 
Augustus* fortunes hung are at least touched upon, but they 
are not greatly emphasized in and for themselves. The battle 
of Mutina is briefly introduced (4, 627) in association with a 
general weather prophecy for the day on which it took place — 
April 14. On this day, says the poet, ships should seek safe 
harborage, for west winds and hail are likely to prevail. Yet 
in spite of weather, Augustus on this day was victorioub at 
Mutina. The date of the battle of Philippi being in the 
autumn, the part of the Fasti in which it would have been 
cited either has not come down to us or was never written. 
There are, however, at least two allusions to the battle, both 
emphasizing its importance as the means by which Augustus 
inflicted pimishment upon the murderers of the first great 



TEE FABTI OF OVID AND THE AUOUBTAN PROPAGANDA. 259 

Julius. One of these (3, 705) states this definitely: — ^" Those 
"who, daring a deed in opposition to the gods' will, had vio- 
lated the pontiff's life, rightly lie low in death. Be witness 
to this Philippi, and ye with whose scattered bones the earth 
is white. ... To avenge his father through arms justly taken 
up was the first work of Ccesar (Augustus)." The other 
(already quoted in part), inserted in the account of the found- 
ing of the temple of Mars Ultor (5, 569), implies it: cum pia 
svstulit arma (at Philippi) this temple was vowed, promised 
in return for victory. The battle of ActiiXm is recalled in the 
passage celebrating the dedication of the Altar of Peace (1, 
711). The altar was decreed by the senate only after the 
return of the emperor from Spain, 13 B. C, and dedicated in 
9 B. C, but as Actium stood to the Boman as the beginning 
of the reign of Peace, the poet here in apostrophizing Pax 
decks her in garlands won in the victory at Actium. Associa- 
tion of the military and civic sides of Augustus' career is 
again emphasized in the references to the laurel decking the 
door posts of the palace and the civic crown of oak set above 
the door in accordance with a decree of the senate in 27 B. C. 
(4, 953; 1, 614). 

But the peace of Augustus is celebrated in more definite and 
positive fashion than this, even if various striking lines in Book 
I, as to the date of which authorities differ, be all counted for 
Germanicus rather than for Augustus. The permanence of the 
Augustan peace is prayed for in the line (1, 712) following 
that quoted above : 

Pax ades et toto mitis in orbe mane! 
and again (4, 407) : 

pace Ceres laeta est, et vos orate, colon!, 
perpetu&m pacem pacificumque ducem, 

and it is heralded in the words of Janus (1, 282, assigned by 
Hallam, however, to the revision) : 

''CflDsareoque diu nomine clusue ero/' 

In other passages Mars himself is called upon to sponsor the 
works of peace. At the beginning of the third book the poet 
apostrophizes this god with the advice that he lay aside his 



260 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

weapons for the time, and, following the example of Minerva, 
add to his sphere of influence the artes ingenuae — reminding 
him that he was unarmed when Bhea Silvia, ancestress of the 
Bofman race, accepted him as her lover. On another occasion 
(3, 175), when asked to explain the fact that the festival of the 
Matronalia occurs on his Kalends, the war-god becomes himself 
almost an advocate of peace. Taking the cue offered by the 
poet he declares that he does not regret this new association 
with the affairs of peace, nor the fact that Minerva can no 
longer consider herself the only divinity whose field of activiiy 
covers both peace and war. It is perhaps over-fanciful to look 
for any subtle significance apropos of the times in the fact that 
when Mars, as he speaks here, — ^as if bearing in mind Ovid's 
earlier prayer (3, 1) that he lay aside shield, spear, and 
helmet, — ^removes the helmet from his head, though he still re- 
tains the spear. 

Besides this general emphasis on the advantages of peace, 
there are some more specific references to certain acts and 
characteristics of the emperor in his capacity of civil ruler. 
He is contrasted (2, 141) with Bomulus, whose power depended 
on force, as one under whom law flourishes rather than violence : 

vis tibi [Romulo] grata fuit, florent sub Cesare leges. 

The cura legum et morum had been given to the emperor by 
the senate in 19 B.C., and he is represented in the Fasti 
(6, 643; 647) as furnishing an example to others by tearing 
down, as too sumptuous, an edifice bequeathed to him, and 
erecting in its place the Porticus Livia: 

flic agitur oensura et eic exempla parantur, 
cum vindez, alios quod monet, ipse facit. 

The effectiveness of the emperor's efforts toward moral reform is 
noted in a brief allusion to the laws against adultery (2, 139),* 
and in the prophecy (6, 457) that while Augustus is head of the 
religion of Bome no vestal virgin will desecrate her sacred fillets 
and suffer the penally of burial alive prescribed therefor. 

This subject leads naturally to the discussion of Augustus' 
attitude toward the Boman religion and the measures he took 

• Cf. Horace, Od. 3, 6. 



TBB FABTI OF OVID AND TEE AUGUBTAN PBOPAGANDA. 261 

for its encouragement and revival. In choosing the Fasti as 
his subject^ the poet bound himself of course to stress above 
all else the religious side of the reforms and activities of 
Augustus. In the introduction to the first book (1, 13) it is 
plainly put that it is of the altars and the religious festivals 
of Caesar that he will chiefly sing. Both the places of worship 
and the ceremonials are^ according to this^ to be included. 
Among these places the altar of Peace (1, 709) and the temple 
of Mars Ultor (5^ 550) are most conspicuous. A brief refer- 
ence is made (3, 704) to the temple of the Divine Julius, built 
by Augustus, as a piece of earthly property still held by Caesai: 
while his home is in heaven with Jupiter. The emperor's well- 
known activity -as restorer as well as builder of temples follows 
a reference to the disappearance through neglect of an old 
temple of Juno Sospita (2, 55), the sad fate of which Augustus 
has warded off from other temples, thereby laying not only men 
but gods under obligation to him to such degree as to justify 
the prayer with which the poet ends the passage : 

Templorum positor, templorum flancte reposior, 

flit auperifl, opto, mutua cura tui. 
Dent tibi caelestes, quos tu caelestibus, annos. 

Of these numerous restorations, that of the temple of Magna 
Mater is briefly referred to (4, 348) and that of the temple of 
Jupiter Capitolinus is implied in the words (1, 203) : 

frondibus ornabant quae nune capitolia gemiuis. 

The zeal of her husband along these lines is cited (5, 157) as 
the reason for Livia's imdertaking similar work in the case of 
the temple of the Bona Dea : 

ne non imitata maritum 
eflset et ex omni parte eecuta virum. 

Augustus had become pontifex maximus on March 6, 12 
B. C. In this capacity he was head of the Bo!man religion as a 
whole and was brought into particularly close relationship to 
the worship of Vesta. We find in the Fasti this close con- 
nection more than once emphasized. The poet puts in the 
mouth of Carmentis a prophecy (1, 529) that the time will 
.come when one and the same man shall protect Vesta and the 



262 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Trojan gods and the world itself, and the rites of Yesta shall 
be performed by a god as worshipper. The fulfilment of this 
prophecy is recorded in the entry for June 9 (6, 455), 

nunc bene luoetis sacrte sub Oesare flftimnae, 

and in that for March 6 (3, 421) : 

Ignibufl aeternis aeterni numina praesunt 
Cesar is. 

Augustus has become, like the sacred fire of Vesta and the 
Palladium, a pledge of the power of Bome — imperii pignora 
iuncta vides. 

The introduction of the worship of the Genius of Augustus ^* 
in conjunction with the Lares was to be commemorated in its 
proper place, the month of August, as the poet tells us (5, 147) 
at the dose of a passage dealing with the re-dedication of an 
altar of the Lares Compitales on May 1. Ovid represents hun- 
self as looking for Lares in couples, as heretofore they had 
been found, but as finding everywhere groups of three, the 
Gtenius of the emperor making a third with the two Lares. In 
his interest he is about to go on and tell the story of the 
transformation of this duality into a trinity,^^ but checks him- 
self — Augustus mensis mihi ca/rminis huius ius haiet. 

The record for April 28 (4, 949) celebrates the dedication 
of the chapel of Vesta in the palace on the Palatine. The dose 
association of this building with the temple of Apollo leads to 
the establishment in the mind of the poet of another trinity in 
which the emperor finds a place — ^Vesta, Apollo and Augustus." 

Of the edifices with which Augustus adorned the city Ovid 
mentions besides the temples of Mars Ultor (5, 551) and of 
Julius CsBsar (3, 704) and the Am Pacis, (1, 709), the Porticus 

>• Cf. J. B. Carter, The ReligUms Life of Anoieni Rome, p. 70. See 
also LUy R. Taylor, " The Worship of Augustus in Italy during hia 
Lifetime/' Transactiotis of the American Philological Asaooiation, U, 
p. 116. 

»The account of the festival of the Caristia (2, 637) ends with the 
suggestion of a prayer to this new trinity. 

"The relation of ApoUo to Augustas seems to be more conspicuous 
in the Metamorphoses than in the Fasiu (See Elisaheth H. Haight, 
'' 'An Inspired Message ' in the Augustan Poets," American Journal of 
Philology, XAIXIX, p. 800. 



TEE FASTI OF OVID AND THE AUQUBTAN PROPAGANDA. 263 

Livia (6, 639) and the Forum of Augustus. Of these, the 
temple of Mars Ultor is the only one that is honored with any 
detailed description. 

Before leaving the subject of Ovid's attitude toward Augustus 
as taian and ruler it will be worth while to notice especially 
two passages of general eulogy which are worthy of the pen of 
Martial when running riot on the subject of Domitian. One 
of these has already been considered in part and it will be 
sufficient to recall its climax (1, 608) where Augustus by that 
cognomen is put on a par with Jupiter. In the other and more 
important passage the poet likewise sets Augustus practically 
on a level with the father of gods and men, as Pater Patriae 
this time (2, 131), and then proceeds to point out that he is 
to be placed above the divine Romulus (2, 133-144). Accord- 
ing to Suetonius (Div. Aug. 7) the cognomen Bomulus had 
been suggested for Octaviau in 27 B. C, as being the name of 
the founder of the city (not, naturally, as the name of a king) . 
Ovid, whether with conscious purpose or not, helps to justify 
the refusal of this title by comparing and contrasting Bomulus \ 
and Augustus in several definite particulars, to the advantage 
of course of the latter. Bomulus' power was felt by the Sabines 
and by itoiall Cures and Caenina; under Augustus all that lies 
within the sun's path is Bonmn. Bomulus held a small bit of 
conquered territory; Augustus holds all that lies beneath the 
sky. Bomulus stole the wives of men; Augustus bids them 
maintain their chastily. Bomulus created a refuge for evil; 
Augustus does away with evil. Force was dear to Bomulus; 
law holds sway under Augustus. Bomulus bore the name of 
dominus; Augustus bears that of princeps. Bomulus is under 
accusation by his brother; Augustus has granted pardon to his 
enemies. And — as a climax — ^Botnulus was made a god by his 
father ; Augustus made his father a god ! 

The unily of Boman history with Trojan history and within 
itself is implied by Ovid in those passages already cited which 
proclaim the descent of the Julian gens from Trojan ancestors. 
In another way it is implied by allusions to Roma as in reality 
a Troia Rediviva, and by many references to the development 
of the later cily from the Bomulean village — ^usually with won- 
dering emphasis on the great changes and improvements which 



264 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

time, especially at the behest of Augustus, has brought about. 

Past and present are linked as one, and both are worthy of 

admiration. 

Allusion to the contrast between the site of the city and the 

city built upon the site is frequent. It is baldly mentioned in 

the account of the arrival of Evander and Carmentis in Italy 

(2, 280) : 

hie ubi nunc urbs est, turn locus urbU erat. 

In other passages unfelled woods and pasture lands (1, 243), 
grassy pastures, small herds of cattle and scattered huts (5, 93) 
and tiie loneliness of the river bank in Bvander's time (1, 502) 
in more detail are explicitly or implicitly set off against the 
*^ great city,'* "ruler of the world,*' '* giver of laws to the 
world *' which later takes their place. 

The changes due to the draining of the swampy land along 
the river and between the hills, the buildings erected where 
in early times were only pools and marshes, are emphasized. 
Twice the various Fora emerge from the watery waste : 

hie, ubi nunc fora sunt, lintres errare videres (2, 991), 
hoe, ubi nunc fora sunt, udae tenuere paludes (6, 401), 

and the altar that stood on dry ground where the La/ms Curtius 
had been (6, 404) makes the picture stiU more vivid. 

Where lies the Velabrum, over which the processions pass 
from the Forum to the Circus in Ovid's day, 

nil praeter salices eassaque eanna fuit (6, 406), 

and where the Circus itself stood later, boats floated in early 
times when the river was swollen with winter rains (2, 392) — 
the implication being, perhaps, that it had not yet felt the 
restraining hand of Augustus (Suet. Div. Aug. 30). 

Comparison between the simplicity of early buildings and the 
elaborateness of the Augustan architecture and equipment is 
implied in the reference to the fictile fvlmen of the first em- 
bodiment of Jupiter Capitolinus and the simple garlands with 
which his temple was adorned (1, 202) and the treasure lavished 
upon his temple by Augustus, and to the contrast between the 
earlier temple of Vesta with its roof of thatch and the later 



THE FABTI OF OVID AND TEE AUQUBTAN PBOPAQANDA. 265 

with its roof of bronze (6, 261). By implication, too, is sug- 
gested a comparison of the sumptuous buildings on the Palatine 
of Augustus' day with the " royal residence '* of Romulus, which 
was but a hut of reeds (3, 183), and the ''large'' palace of 
Numa (the Begia), which occupied only the narrow space of 
Vesta's atrium (6, 363). 

No less than four times the poet expresses wonder at the 
growth of the city as a whole, her splendor and her power, 
developing from tiie humblest of beginnings. Once (3, 433) 
it is the establishment of the famous Asylum by Bomulus that 
gives occasion for the expression of this wonder in the form of 
an exclamation : 

O quam de tenui Romanus origine crevit! 

and the Boman people itself rather than the city seems to be 
in mind. In the speech of Mars explaining the origin of the 
McUrondlia and this god's relation to it, the story of the rape 
of the Sabine women is introduced by an expression of the 
same thought, with the addition of a prophecy as to the future 
greatness of the city (3, 179) : Bome was then small, but in 
that small city was the hope of the present city; its walls, 
ample for its people then, were of too narrow compass for the 
peoples who should dwell there in the future. The Boman 
already had a natme greater than the place. But the most 
attractive and interesting development of this theme occurs in 
the prophecy uttered by Carmentis when she and Evander land 
on the banks of the Tiber in pre-Boman days (1, 515, abeady 
cited in part). We have here a reference not only to the 
ingentia moenia which shall some day overlook the lonely river 
bank, but to the founder of the race which shall dwell within 
these walls — ^the Bace of Troy, which shall thus rise again and 
carry on its traditions imbroken, through the acceptance of its 
gods by Vesta and the final taking over of their worship by 
Augustus as pontif ex maximus. 

Not only is the greatness of Bome celebrated, but her per- 
manence also is anticipated. Bomulus is aetemae . . . pater 
urbis (3, 72), and in the prayer to Jupiter, Mars, Vesta, and 
others, ascribed to him when laying the foundations of his city 
(4, 831), he is made to voice the same thought: 



266 AMBRICAy JOURNAL OF PBIL0L0Q7. 

** longa Bit huic aetae domkiAeque potentia terrae 
Bitque sub hac oriens oociduusque dies.'* 

These lines are found in tiie stx)ry of the founding of the crty 
which ootnpletes the account of the festival of the Parilia, oom- 
memorating that event. In the concluding lines of this narra- 
tive (4^ 857) Ovid in his own person mingles prayer and 
prophecy with similar import: 

Urbe oritur (quis tunc hoc ulli credere posset?) 

yictorem terris impositura pedem. 
cuncta regas et sis magno sub Ccesare semper, 

saepe etiam pluris nominis huius babe; 
et quotiens steteris domito sublimis in oshe, 

lomnia sint umeris inferiora tuis. 

It is chiefly to the past that the poet looks for material to 
dignify the present. But in these last passages at leasts he 
hints that the chain which binds past and present will bind 
present and future to all eternity. And in this prophetic 
vision the eternity of the city is linked inseparably with the 
permanence of the Julian dynasty: 

cuncta regas et eis magno sub Cbsare semperl 

Kathabinb Allbk. 

VvrywamsTY of Wisooyiur. 



BEPOBTTS. 

Philolootb LXXVI (1920), Heft 3/4. 

Pp. 240-266. A. Gudeman, Die syrisch-arabische Uebersetz- 
ung der aristotelischen Poetik. The Arabic trandation of the 
Poetics found in a Parisian ms. (882 A) of the tenth or eleventh 
century has long been known to orientalists but its dreadful 
condition has made scholars loath to use it tiirough translation 
for a recension of the Greek text. In 1872 Sachau copied it 
and made a literal German translation for Yahlen who cited it 
but once. In 1887 the Oxford Arabist, D. Margoliouth, pub* 
lished the Arabic text in his Analecta Orientalia ad Poeticam 
Aristoteleam and added (pp. 46-72) Symbolae orientales ad 
emendationem poetices, which offered about 30 noteworthy read- 
ings, some new, others confirming the conjectures of modem 
scholars. Not until MargolioutVs edition of the Poetics (1911) 
was a complete translation from the Arabic available. Dr. 
Gudeman, who is preparing a critical and exegetical commen- 
tary on the Poetics, by applying as a test the transcription of 
the proper names, made the important discovery that the Greek 
original was a majuscule ms. in scriptura continua and so must 
have belonged at the latest to the fifth or sixth century. It is 
therefore a priori probable that such a codex would offer a text 
of no little value. By making use of Sachau's German and 
Margoliouth's Latin versions, together with the paraphrase of 
Averroes and the Poetica of Avicenna (both of whom used a 
better manuscript than that at Paris), Dr. Gudefman has found 
over 400 important readings which can be ascribed to the Greek 
original. One hundred and fifty passages confirm conjectures 
of modem scholars; more than 100 agree with one or another 
HS. and have preserved the correct reading; 170 offer new read- 
ings which are for the most part improvements on the vulgate 
and which, in any case, are noteworthy variants. The recon- 
structed Greek majuscide must from now on be rated in the 
very first rank as a source for the text. To illustrate the value 
of the readings the writer discusses 36 passages. 

Pp. 266-292. B. Asmus, Eaiser Julians Misopogon und 
seine Quelle. Part I. Not only the underlying thought but, 
in part, also the structure of the peculiar work are to be gath- 
ered from Julian's sixth oration against the Cynics (p. 244, 
15 Hertlein), in which he calls them false disciples of Diogenes 
and points out to them that in self-knowledge lies the essential 
position of Cynicism and philosophy. In support of this the 
emperor appeals to the Alcibiades I ascribed to Plato. The 

267 



268 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

dependence of the Misopogon on the Alcibiades I is shown by 
parallel passages. The Misopogon is divided into an intro- 
duction and three parts, each containing three divisions, the 
last of which is separated from the first two by a picture-like 
insert. The first part describes the emperor's opinion of his 
own appearance and mode of life and contrasts the ways of 
the Antiochenes. The second part tells of what he offers to, 
and withholds from, them in his external intercourse. The 
third part explains why Julian and the Antiochenes have quar- 
reled ; he needs to learn self -knowHedge and study how to adapt 
himself. (To be concluded.) 

Pp. 293-331. L. Gurlitt, Tulliana. Critical notes. I. Epis- 
tulae ad Atticum. V 4, 1. The letter refers to the projected 
marriage of TuUia. Bead: ac ne iUud quidem laboro . . . 
adduci ut nostrae (i. e. Tulliae) possit et tuis ... res habebit 
mirationem. V 11, 6. Bead: Tu praefectis excusationes, quas 
voles, deferto. V 11, 7. Bead : Nam illam fiovapx^iv (sc. Caesaris) 
excusationem ne acceperis. VII 7, 1. For putato read perusitor 
turn. YIII 11, 4. Bead: aestate (aut alterius) aut utriusque im- 
man(ibus) copiis. X 12a, 4(7). Bead: modo aliquid ffii^ 
6jcpipoXj6yov. X 13, 3. Bead: habes Kikrfra ao#cvov. X 17, 1. 
Bead: vellem Kikfjra eius . . . cumulatissime fceX^ra. XI 6, 2. 
Bead: quos (i. e. lictores) ego Non. (i. e. Nov. 5) paulisper . • . 
in turbam conieci . . . ne quis . . . fieret; recipio: tempore 
me domi tenere ad oppidum et quonam iis placeret modo pro- 
pius accedere, ut hac de re considerarent. Recipio is a juristic 
term ; tempore «=» at the right time, i. e. by day. Also punctuate : 
me non angeret Brundisi iacere ; also read : in omnibus portibus. 
XI 9, 1. Bead: a. d. Ill Non. Ian. XI 14, 3. Bead: Te a. d. V 
Idus tamen exspecto, quem videre, si ullo modo potes venire, 
pervelim. . . . Ibi facile est (quid?) quale sit iUius ypa^«(?) 
existimare. XI 17a, 1 (=17, 1). Bead: Itaque ^fMarlav (i. e. 
by day) ; for proea read: prid. or pr. Id. The second letter 
began: Quod ad modum consolantis scripsisti P(omponiam?) 
tantum de me scripsisse, (respondeas ei quaeso) quae tu ipse 
intelligis responderi posse (or perhaps even better: quae tu 
ipse intelligis responderi posse respondeas.) XI 7, 6. Bead: 
T(ulliam) flagitare, for te f. XI 7, 6. Bead: Sed totum ^ck 
Balbus sustinet. XI 23, 3. Bead: audimus enim testaturi eludi : 
generum, ne nostrum potissumum ijtfo^ (sc. sequeretur or sequi 
videretur), vel tabulas novas (sc. promulgare). XII 44, 3. 
Bead: solet omnino (sc. Philotimus) esse 4>iXofu^. XIII 19, 5. 
Bead: eiusque partes. XIII 25, 3 fin. Bead: si umquam quio- 
quam tarn ly vapipyt^. Ne Tironi quidem. XIII 40, 2. Bead: 
ad quem, ut audio, pater hodie. anu^cTot ou^povotWa. XIII 41, 1. 
Bead: significavi me Non. fore. August 6 was foreseen as the 
day of young Cicero's home-coming. Xin 42, 3. Bead: eatur 



REPORTS. 269 

pia IfoSos (or fua^ c^fiov?). On p. 330, note 20, E. Bupprecht 
suggests as better : eatur. fua^ i$6Bav videbimus te igitur. XIY 
14, 1. Bead: de aifi€xru . . . et de ^atoKtav more. XV 4, 1. 
BeiEid: Ad recentiorem prius et leniorem. Laudo! . . . cui qui- 
dem ista credo. Punctuate: spectare videtur. Siquidem . . . 
eripitnr, etc . . . rides. XV 15, 1. For id read i8'=14 — 
quater decies centena milia sestertimn. XV 17, 1. Bead: ego 
de itinere nisi explicato (sc. sestertio) A' nihil cogito. II. Bpis- 
tulae ad Quintum Fratrem. I 2, 13. The text needs no change. 
Between the two Greek quotations the et might be replaced by 
a dash. II 3, 6. For ista ei read Stati(um). II 5, 1 (=4, 3). 
For autem read av$aifi{ovo^) . II 9(8), 2. Bead: sicut cIScW a 
itrftras, numquam enim dicam ISpcuras. II 9, 3. Bead: noii 

dAvm/roi, sed arapoKTOi (ira?). II 14, 1. Tucker's avawXrfpwrtK 

is right. Ill 1, 7. Bead ^a for qtuisi; also: nihil te recordari 
de sc. (i. e. senatus consulto), de epistulis, etc. 

Pp. 331-348. H. Bliimner, Kritisch-exegetische Bemer- 
kungen zu Petrous €ena Trimalchionis. C. 27, 4, read: et 
quidem iam prindpem cenae videtis. C. 29, 5 read: quorum 
imam partem. Translate sub eodem titulo ''with the same 
inscription.'* C. 35,. 3 f. : oclopetam should perhaps.be octopoda. 
Plin. N. H. IX 84 says: LoUigo etiam volitat extra aquam se 
efferens . . . sagittae modo. But the lolligo sagittata has the 
shape of an arrow and a fringe like arrow'-featfaers. This fact 
would explain why it might be put under the sign of Sagittarius. 
C. 39, 5 : for colei read consules. C. 43, 4 : translate involavit 
"pocketed'' not "stole" as in C. 58, 10. C. 44, 6fE.: read 
ventUaiat for vel pHabat ioi which tractdbat was a gloss. C. 
44, 12. The point of comparison is the fact that a calf's tail 
is disproportionately large, so that he seems to grow faster 
backwards. C. 45, 11: read occidit de placenta equites. C. 46, 
6: read sdt quidem litteras. C. 58, 8f.: read quid de nobis? 
three times. As in Greek, so in Latin, this was probably the 
stock phrase introducing a riddle, although this seems to be a 
unique example. That minor (not minus) is found is typical 
of the freedman's grantoar. The answers to the riddles are: 
the foot; the gnomon on a sun-dial; and the shadow. C. 64, 1: 
for the sanctity of the dinner-table compare Plut. Quaest. conv. 
VII 4, 7 p. 704 B. and Aet. Bom. 64 p. 279 E. C. 65, 2 : ova 
pilleata may have been hard-boiled eggs served with half the 
shell removed. C. 69, 6f. : read mirabor, nisi omnia ista de 
cera facta sunt aut certe de luto. 

MiSCELLEK. 

Pp. 349-351. B. Foerster, 'EAA<{)9iov, nicht iXXipopo^. The 
passages cited for iXXifiopo^ go back to a single source, a false 



270 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

reading in which was taken over by Pollux V 101, Clemens Alex. 
Paed. II 12 § 124 and Hesychius. 

Pp. 351-365. H. Bubenbauer and 6. Dittmann, Fulmen = 
Stiitze? The assumption of a word fulmen from fuldo, as 
printed in the ninth edition of Heinichen's Schulworterbuch, 
is unwarranted. The correct reading of Manilius II 892 is 
culmina. 

Pp. 356-359. E. Hoppe, Die Entwicklung des Infinitesimal- 
begriffs. The concept of the infinitesimal is to be found first, 
not in Archimedes, but in Plato's Philebus, 17A-27D. Its 
clear development is probably Plato's most substantial achieve- 
ment in the field of mathematics. Had Democritus had this 
knowledge, his sumanation of the many minute prisms inside 
the pyramid would have been changed to integration, i e. the 
infinite summation of the ever changing surfaces. Archimedes 
completely carries out Plato's idea in his recently (1906) dis- 
covered l<^o8os, in which he performs the first integration be- 
tween finite limits on the segment of a parabola with the ordi- 
naites on the axis. It cannot be proved that Archimedes was 
acquainted with Plato's ideas, but as the quadrature of the 
parabola was cited previously in a special book, it is quite 
possible that Archimedes arrived independently at the concept 
of the infinitesimal. In any case Archimedes and Plato fared 
alike in that they were not understood by their followers. The 
only Greek mathematician who has used the l<f>oSois is Heron of 
Alexandria who used propositions 1, 11, and 12 in his Metric. 

Pp. 359-362. N. Wecklein, Zur Medea des Euripides. The 
defective motivation of the Aegeus-scene in the Medea seems 
to have been censured as early as Aristotle (Poet. 1461 b 19). 
E. Bethe in his " Medea-probleme " clears the poet of ignorance 
of the technique of his art, for he makes his ambition to please 
the Athenians responsible for the blemish. Bethe assumes that 
the first draft of the Medea did not include the Aegeus-scene 
but placed the Jason-scene before the Kreon-scene. Wecklein 
admits that Euripides wished to praise Athens, but declares 
that it is unnecessary to assume any complete first draft of the 
play. The third stasimon, 824 ff., and the dose of the drama 
are closely connected with the Aegeus-scene. While working 
out the play the poet must have decided to make the latter 
addition in order to make possible the insertion of the Aegeus- 
scene. The real motive for the murder of the children is re- 
venge on Jason their father. Bethe's assumption of a second 
motive, fear that the kinstmen of the royal house might slay 
the chUdren, is to be rejected. 

Pp. 312-366. Th. Birt, Zu Marius Maximus. Spartianus 



REPORTB. 271 

in the life of Geta 2, 1 writes : de cuius v^ta et moribus in vita 
Severi Marius Maximus primo septenario satis copiose scripsit. 
Severus was addicted to astrology and fond of the number seven ; 
his very name Septimius suggests it. Marius Maximus un- 
questionably used the emperor's autobiography. He might have 
called his w?ork libri pUmetarii, had the word planetarius been 
current; so he called it libri septenarii. Birt attempts to ap- 
portion the events of Severus' life between two books of seven 
divisions each. 

Oeorqe Dwight Eelloqg. 

Umion Gollmb. 



Hermes LV (1920), 3 and 4. 

Zu Philodems Schrift iiber die Frommigkeit (225-278). B. 
Philippson has completed a work that shows that the entire 
criticism of the gods in antiquity was based on Epicurean 
criticism, beginning about the second century B. C. The present 
high cost of printing has induced him to publish the section 
dealing with the Herculanean fragments of Plulodeinus' Hcpi 
€V(T€p€ia^, which, as is well known, contains the fullest exposi- 
tion of the Epicurean criticism; its agreement with Cicero's 
De natura deoruin I, Lucian's Zevs rpay^«, Clemens Alexan- 
drinus' trpoTpenruco^ etc. was first pointed out by J. Dietze, 
Fleck. Jbb. 163 (1896), pp. 218 flf. With the aid of sticho- 
metric data, emendations, the irporpe7rrtKo« etc., he establishes, 
as he thinks, a fairly correct sequence of the fragments. There- 
upon he presents the emended text, which is based on (Jomperz* 
text (1866) and the Naples collection of fragments, beginning 
with the introduction and continuing with the criticism of the 
poets and mythologers. The mythological sources are discussed. 

Keligionsgeschichtliches in der Historia Augusta (279-295). 
J. Geffcken shows that the passages dealing with religion con- 
firm the observation of historians, that the earlier part of the 
Historia Augusta, which is based on Marius Maximus, is notably 
freer frota forgery than the part lying beyond his time. In 
the earlier part the vitae deal with religion sine ira et studio 
and show little forgery ; but beginning with Severus Alexander, 
forgery and perversion in the sphere of religion is unmistakable. 
This emperor, e. g., is said (29, 2) to have had: in larario suo 
. . . Apollonium . . . Christum, Abraham et Orfeum. Such a 
conglomeration was only possible in the fourth century of our 
era. Other curious examples of forgery are discussed, which 
reveal the aim of the learned author to incline his Christian 
readers to observe a liberal attitude towards the heathen re- 
ligion ; at the same time, in a covert manner, he deals out blows 
on Christianity. 



272 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

tJber den Urspnmg der Historia Augusta (296-310). E. 
Hohl^ in full accord with the preceding article of Gteffcken, as 
well as with Dessau (cf. A. J. P. XII 115; see also pp. 379 f.), 
shows that the author of the Historia Augusta was a gram- 
marian^ who was associated with the family of Symmachus, the 
champion of the heathen party towards the dose of the fourth 
century of our era. This aristocratic circle was active in ita 
efforts to revive interest in Boman literature, of which Macro- 
bius gives a vivid picture. That the fictitious scriptores were 
projected back to the era of Diocletian and Consrtantine is due 
to the forger's avoidance of the period when the Christian party 
predominated. 

Hipparchos und Themistodes (311-318). I. K. J. Bdoch 
upholds his view (6r. G. P 2 pp. 294 ff.) against E. v. Stem 
(Hermes HI [1917], pp. 354 ff.) that Hipparchus was the 
oldest of Peisistratus' sons and was the ruler of Athens when he 
was assassinated by Harmodius and Aristogiton. He disciisses 
the passages in Thucydides and Herodotus bearing on this 
question, and especially stresses, as contemporary evidence, the 

Harmodius song: ort toy rvpowov Kravinjv, uTov6ft4ns ^ 'ASfpfoi 

lwwf(Tarrj[v. The murder of a younger brother could not have 
shaken the stability of the tyrannical government. Thucydides 
depended on legends, and, being embittered by his banishment, 
desired to minimize the importance of the popular heroes of 
the democracy ; hence he contaminated two versions : the vulgate, 
according to which the tyrant Hipparchus was assassinated, and 
his own version that they had planned to kill the * tyrant' 
Hippias. Thucydides^ account (VI, 54 ff.; 1, 20, 2) is certainly 
open to question, for when the conspirators surmised that ^^^ 
plot had been revealed to Hippias, it would have been natui*! 
for them to flee. — II. Beloch elucidates his view (Gr. Gresch. 
IP 2 pp. 1341) that Themistodes was hot a demagog like 
Clisthenes or Ephialtes, but bdonged to the party of the yvvpifUH, 
like Cimon. Rosenberg (Hermes LIII [1918], 308 f.) mis- 
takenly charges him with describing Themistodes as a reaction- 
ary. Bdoch further maintains, against B., that the Alcme- 
onids were responsible for the law (488/7 B, C.) requiring 
that the archons be elected by lot. 

Miscellen: A. Eosenberg (319-321) interprets an inscription 
from the Turkish village Adanda (Mon. Ant. XXIII 1914), 
which dedicated a building to the emperor Gallienus hA 'A. 

*YoKMavlov Z^ra>vo« rov Si4un}fu>rarov i^/iovik hn wmUian ( "■ ft 

studiis) Tw ^Patrrav. The title showB that Zeno bdonged to 
the equestrian order, which makes this the third example, in 
the reign of Oallienus, of a senatorial province governed by an 
eques (cf. Keyes, The Rise of the Equites, Princeton Diss., 



RBPORTB. 273 

1916). The curator (Aoyurr^) was a citizen of the place, which 
adds another exception to the rule. The honorific Krumfs is 
noteworthy. — Pr. Berdolet (321-323) defends the reading of 
Palatinus X in Lysiaa wcpl tov otjicov 12 : r^i ax^vUraim . . . t^J 
iroirjmtvTi against the conjectures < /aoi > <l<^vwram . . . < irep* > 
iroajaaim (cf. Thalheim, editio maior).— U. Wilcken (324-326) 
having noticed a change in the writing of lines 4-8 in the sub- 
scriptio to the Didymus papyrus, concludes that they were a 
later addition; hence the original 1-3: ^iSv/wv vtpi £irifUHr$€vom 
Kfj must mean : * the twenty-eighth book of Didymus on Demos- 
thenes, and thus he now sides with Leo against Diels, Blass 
and Wendland. ^tAMnr«cwv y, which follows, means that the 
above book is at the same time the third of those that deal 
with the Philippics.— 0. Weinreich (325) adds to K. HoU's 
evidence as to the continued existence of the Cappadocian lan- 
guage (cf. A. J. P. XXXII 466) a citation from Xenophon of 

Ephesos: icot 70^ 6 linro^oos ^furccpca? elx^ rij^ KamraZoKwv ^oiv^ 

jcoi ovTj) iravrcf m ouctiia irpoatt^ipovTo, but Xenophon^s date is 
uncertain. — O. Weinreich (326-329) adds to the examples of 
hair-oflferings to Helios a passage from Xenophon of Ephesos 
(V, 11).— E. Hedicke (328-329) emends r^? to to in Dionys. of 

Hal., Arch. Bom., V 70 ijv y dpa 4 Kpeimav ap^ <«s> Kara 

vofiovs rvpawU, and explains how the senate, when the power of 
the consuls had been weakened by P. Valerius Publicola's ius de 
provocatione, created the dictatorship, which with its greater 
authority is characterized as a kind of legal tyranny. — E. 
Hedicke (330-334) observes that the misplaced leaves in the 
text of the archetype of the irrparrjpfyiiara of Sex. Julius Pron- 
tinus (cf. Hermes VI p. 166) equaled about 110 Teubner lines, 
^hich indicates the transposition of a quatemio, not merely of 
ae or two leaves. He illustrates this by means of parallel col- 
umns of cod. Harleianus 2666, his revised text and — ^by way of 
contrast — Oudendorp's text. He adds some remarks on the 
various mss., of which Harleianus 2666 appears to be the best, 
although he has not collated them all. — ^A. Alt (334-336) criti- 
cizes E. Meyer's attempt to derive irupyo?, in the sense of an 
industrial building, from a primitive tower (cf. A. J. P. XLII 
346). — Correction of misprints at Hermes LV pp. 187 and 223. 

Die Entstehung des sogenannten Poedus Cassianum und des 
latinischen Rechfi (337-363). A. Eosenberg tries to determine 
the context of the foedus Cassianum from Cic. pro Balbo 63, 
Dionys. Hal. Arch. Eom. VI 96, Festus, etc. Dionysius gives 
only a part of the document, which he must have derived from 
some careless annalist. He, further, discusses the Latin privi- 
lege of voting with the Soman tribus, which must have been 
included in the above foedus Cassianum ; but as the elections of 
the Eoman tribus would have signified little until the lex 
6 



274 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Hortensia had been adopted 287 B.G.^ he concludes that the 
so-called foedus Cassianum wtas subsequent to that date and 
discards the traditional date 493 B. C. (cf. Cic. pro Balbo 53). 
Moreover^ the foedus in question must have preceded the grant- 
ing of the privileges to the group of twelve Latin colonies, which 
were modeled after those granted Ariminum 268 B. C. The 
well-known resemblance of the foedus C. to the Greek urowoXiTtioy 
the origin of which cannot be traced further back than 300 B. C, 
leads him to conclude that this institution of a two-fold citizen- 
ship, which was contrary to Soman principles, was in fact 
adopted from the Greeks at the time of Pyrrhus* invasion, when 
Bome felt the need of bringing about a closer union with the 
Italian cities. 

Zu Philodems Schrift iiber die Prommigkeit IV (364-372). 
B. Philippson continues his discussion of the first book of the 
w€pi €wr€p€Ui<Sy which contained the criticism of the philosophers 
(see above). 

Die Hera von Tiryns (373-387). C. Bobert exatnines the 
evidence on which Prickenhaus (Tiryns. Ergebnisse der Aus- 
grabungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts in Athen 
I) bases his hypothesis that the oldest temple and worship of 
Hera were located at Tiryns (cf. Pans. II 17, 5; Clem. Alex. 
Protrept. IV 47, 5; Euseb. Praep. Ev. Ill 8, 1 etc.), and con- 
cludes that the evidence proves rather that the original heraeon 
was at Argos. The large number of day figures found at Tiryns 
of girls carrying pigs indicate a sanctuary of Demeter. The 
question as to what divinity was worshipped in the seventh- 
century temple at Tirjms remaius to be solved. Bobert looks 
forward to Dorpfeld's discussion of the subject. 

Honestos (388-426). E. Preuner presents a study of the 
epigrams of Honestus and their respective monuments, which 
proceeds along the lines suggested by Dessau (cf. A. J. P. 
XXXVII 490). The identification of the Julia epigram is 
corroborated and elucidated in detail. The ^iMraipo^ Ev/icrov 
wtho dedicated the Thamyris monument was one of the Atbedids 
of Pergamon, third century B. C. ; but his identification is stOl 
an open question. Whether Thamyris was represented in relief 
or in the round is uncertain (cf. Pans. IX 30, 2). The epi- 
grams describing the Muses are emended and elucidated, and 
the character of these monuments considered (cf. Pans. IX 30, 
1). The praise of peace in the epigram to 0aAi7a together with 
the phrase c^y^n^ Scova if>drf of the Julia epigram point to the 
Ara Pacis as a terminus post quem. The fact that the dedica- 
tory inscription to the Muses is in the Boeotian dialect, shows 
that these monuments were erected not later than the early 
part of the second century B. C, as from this time on the icoa^ 



REPORTB. 275 

was in official use. The Honestus epigrams, of course, were 
added subsequently. Honestus seems to have received the im- 
pulse to write his Thespian epigrams from the proximity of 
this place to Thebes for which he wrote Anth. Pal. IX 216, 260. 
The monuments of Thebes had formed the basis for the 
^mypdfjkfuiTa ^Paixd of the Aristarchean Aristodemus (cf. 
Hermes XjXXVI, p. 58; A. J. P. XXIII 332). In language 
and style Kaibel classified Honestus with Antipater and PhiUppos 
of Thessalonice and Leonidas of Alexandria (cf. Comment. 
Mommsen (1877) p. 334). Honestus' Theban epigrams are 
remarkably similar to Philippos Anth. Pal. IX 253, and the 
Julia epigram to Thallos, 1. c, VII 373. Preimer thinks that 
Greek was not his native tongue. 

Die Panniusfrage (427-442). F. MUnzer emends and eluci- 
dates Cicero's letter to Atticus XII 5, 3, with especial regard 
to the error in Brutus 99 flf. where a C. Pannius C. f ., consul 
and orator, is distinguished from the historian C. Pannius M. f . ; 
whereas the consul-orator was also Marci filius and identical 
with the historian (cf. Hendrickson A. J. P. XXVII 198). 

Herman Louis Ebeunq. 

(ClOUOHlB COLLMB. 



REVIEWS. 

The Owl Sacred Pack of the Fox Indians, by Trumak 
MiGHELSON. (Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ameri- 
can Ethnology, Bulletin 72). Washington, Government 
Printing Office, 1921. 

The ethnological value of the text here presented by Michel- 
son is evident: it gives the users' view of a Fox sacred bundle, — 
the story of its origin, a detailed statement of the ceremonies 
connected with it, and the text of the songs. 

Linguistically this publication is not only the most accurate 
Algonquian text at our disposal, but is a model of text-presen- 
tation in general. What this means everyone will know who 
has worked outside of a few better-known Indo-European lan- 
guages. There are many books about language, but very little 
of human speech is known to science. In the field of Algonquian, 
for instance, the books, with a few exceptions, such as the work 
of William Jones and this of Michelson, contain little beyond 
an array of inaccurate paradigms constructed on the Latin 
model and some pseudo-philosophizing on whatever grammatical 
categories happen to be foreign to tiie author's native speech. 
The phonetics are usually bad; of connected discourse or of 
word-formation nothing is told. Even Jones, who was part Fox 
and must have had good knowledge of the tongue, was unable, 
for want of linguistic training, to make an adequate description. 
Not only did he confuse his paradigms, but he arrived at no 
dear statement of such features as the " obviative *' (the pecu- 
liar subsidiary third person of Algonquian grammar), and what 
little he gave of word-formation was full of errors. He was able, 
however, thanks to his native flair, to collect texts more accurate, 
more copious, and, above all, more intimate, than any before. 
It was his work ^ that really opened the field of Algonquian to 
science. Most inappropriately, Jones, invaluable for Algonquian, 
was sent to the Philippines, where he met his death. It is for- 

' Algonquian (Few), by William Jones, revised by Tnmian Michebon, 
in Bandhook of American Indian Languages, by Franc Boas, Part I 
(Bulletin 40 of the Bureau of American Ethnology), WashingtiMi, 1911. 

Fow Tewta, by William Jones (Publications ot Uie American Ethno- 
logical Society, volume 1), Leyden (Brill), 1907. 

OfilnDa Tewta, collected by William Jones, edited by Truman Michel- 
aon (same series, vol. 7), part 1, Leyden (Biill) 1917; part 2, New 
York (Stechert), 1919. 

Kickapoo Taiea, collected by William Jones, translated by Truman 
Hkhelson (same series, vol. 9), Leyden (Brill), 1915. 

276 



REVIEWS. 277 

tunate that Michelson^ a scholar of the best Indo-European 
training, is carrying on the work. 

One can imagine few more fascinating experiences in the 
study of mankind than to hear an Algonquian language spoken 
and to appreciate upon closer study tiie marvellous complexity 
of what one has heard. The scientific problem is correspondingly 
difficult. I believe that the solution, short of giving linguistic 
training to a native speaker, lies in the way of sich einleben — 
the notation of everyday speech and the attempt to become, to 
whatever extent is possible, a member of the speech-commimity. 
In the case of the Fox the external difficulties also are enormous ; 
this people, treated with cruelly such as few have met, will 
scarcely admit one of the " Knife-People *' to great familiarity ; 
for the rest, trachoma is endemic, involving a price which 
MiOHELSON has paid, — fortunately without permanent harm. 
As Fox is the most archaic of the Algonquian languages, its 
study cannot be replaced by that of the others. 

The complexity of Fox appears in the circumstance that even 
M1CHEL8ON finds in this text inflections hitherto unknown to 
him, and one or two features that he cannot understand; and 
indeed, one may know a good deal of an Algonquian language 
(as such things go) and yet hear a five-year-old child use an 
inflection or a stem that one has not heard before. 

If one may judge from a comparison with the texts published 
by Jones, from the internal evidence furnished by grammatical 
analysis, and from comparison with the closely related Menomini, 
the present text is admirably reproduced. It will be invaluable 
for the future of Algonquian research — if, indeed, linguistic 
studies are to have any future. It is safe to presume that 
Miohelson's phonetics are impeccable. One could wish that 
some of the phonetic finesses had been dealt with by a once-f or-all 
statement rather than by diacritical marks and superposed let- 
ters, so as not to clutter up the page (as some Gre^ said), and 
to keep it from being what Schopenhauer used to call Augetir- 
pulver. Thus, the inverted apostrophe is used instead of the 
letter h; the A-glide which precedes every sibilant is written 
every time; superposed Jfc's and d's are used to indicate the 
acoustic effect of unvoiced solution-lenes ; the lengthened sound 
of nasals in final syllables is marked by superposed letters ; the 
peciQiar twist of the diphthongal succession ay is uniformly 
rendered by writing aiy, A clearer page will help the reader 
more than such constant reminders of phonetic details which 
are uniform throughout the language ; the more so, as no tran- 
scription, however painstaking, can reproduce the acoustic 
effect of a language one has not heard. In the case of the open 
and closed soimds of a, tradition is in favor of using two 
symbols, although the present text shows that the variation is 



278 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

automatic. In one matter the meticulousness of the transcrip- 
tion is especially inconvenient; as the A-off-glide of final vowcds 
is uniformly indicated, one cannot distinguish it, except by 
laborious comparison, from a significant h which has become 
final through loss of vowel in sandhi: thus a word ending in -a 
is often indistinguishable from a word ending in -ahi (with % 
lost in sandhi) . The investigator, having learned which features 
are significant, should give the reader the benefit of his knowl- 
edge; this I take to be the real value of phonetic transcription. 
The separation of words should be more fully carried out; espe- 
cially successive particles are run together in a troublesome way. 
As word-division is not a phonetic matter, the reader will be 
helped if one writes, e. g. hegimesi meg dn rather than Jcegi- 
mesimegdn (14, 22).* Mighelson's is the first Fox text to be 
given with accentuation. It appears that while word-accent is 
not significant, the sentence-accent is complex and interesting. 
The difficult printing is practically faultless; I have noticed 
only 28, 36, end of line : read hyphen instead of period. 

The translation is careful and close. I venture, with due 
respect to the difficulties of Pox, to suggest: 

14, 20: ahwapihataml^etiwatci they begin to cause each 
other to smoke (i. e. to give each other a smohe), rather than 
they begin to be given a sraoke together; to cause people to do 
something together is rather -eti- plus instrumental -h- : ananu- 
wasutihanitci they caused them to race with each other, Jones 
208, 5. 

16, 40: The text seems to say By no means (agwi gah 
mamahkatci) the women who belong to the gens, (but rather) 
the invited women are the ones who join in the singing; the 
translation given by Mighelson makes more plausible sense, 
but does not account for the negative in the text. 

26, 3: niyonanakwiwineya sounds like head or horns rather 
than ears, but Algonquian songs are desperate. 

28, 33: Not earlier or later (nota), but by all means in the 
evening (as opposed to night), that is when the burial is to be 
completed. Construction and verb-form do not admit of con- 
necting the negative with the verb. 

50, 39 : Verily, if their bodies get well, do not try to trouble 
them. The verb-form has animate object, hence cannot refer 
to the inanimate uwiyawawi, which, moreover, is preempted as 
subject of icigenig. Correspondingly emend the note, p. 69. 

52, 40: thai there might thus be benefiting, that we might 
thus please the people. For it is probable that the novel inflec- 
tion -inamegi is the impersonal passive of a transitive verb 
with animate object. 

'F<nr typographical reaaonfl I quote in simpllfted transcriptioii and 
without acoent-markB. 



REVIEWS. 279 

In view of the inadequacy of Jones' Sketch, one wishes that 
the linguistic notes on pp. 68 ff. were more extensive. Espe- 
cially some syntactic comments would be helpful. The present 
text, being a direct statement, throws light on some points that 
are obscured in the narrative of Jones' Texts, with its persistent 
use of the aorist. The Fox use of independent and conjunct 
verbs^ it appears^ is much like that of Ojibwa and Menomini. 

To the note on § 12 one may add the example in Jones^ Texts 
348^ 1 (same veit) as here). It is generally true that in Central 
Algonquian there are two types of derivatives from nouns and 
verbs ending in -^a and -wi: an older stratum, in which the tv 
is not included, and a newer, in which the derivation is made 
from the full stem in -w. The short stem before instrumental 
-m- appears also in tapesimawa he is happy with him, cited by 
MiOHELSON, International Journal of American Linguistics, 
1, 6. 

On § 28 : For treatment of the stem before -tuge, cf . nemafc- 
cinigotuge he probably holds me in slight esteem. Texts 60, 4; 
mehkamutuge he prohaily found it, ib. 122, 7. 

§ 84 : -tiso-, as reflexive stem from transitive verb with double 
object, occurs in Jones' Texts: panapatamatisdwa he ceases to 
see it for himself, 382, 7; pitigatatisowa he carries it in for 
himself, 250, 23, illustrating both types of double-object inflec- 
tion, -tiso- reflexive from other stems at 284, 2. 286, 22. 

§ 41(b) : -aso-, reflexive-passive, occurs in Jones' Texts 220, 
8. 12. 380, 8. 

§ 41(c): -agusi- (animate), -agwat- (inanimate), reflexive- 
passive, in Jonee' Texts 138, 20. 156, 22. 18. 204, 20. 340, 20. 
380, 3; also ndtagusiwa he is heard. Sketch, 744. 

Page 71: I question whether the w of -wetci is an instru- 
mental, and believe Jones' instrumental -w- to be altogether an 
error, except for a few irregular verbs, where it is rather part 
of the stem. 

The list of sound-variations on page 72 is invaluable, the 
more so, as much of it applies also to other Central Algonquian; 
it is entirely the product of Miohelson's researches. On the 
same page is given a table of the instrumental suffixes. The 
transitive veife in Algonquian is inflected not only for the actor, 
but also for the object ; before the inflectional endings there is 
an element, called the instrumental, which indicates the nature 
of the action (by tool, by hand, by mouth, by heat, by cutting 
edge, etc.). In most cases the instrumental differs according 
to the gender, animate or inanimate, of the object ; accordingly, 
the auttior here arranges them in two parallel columns. The 
first pair, however, is a mistake : where the verb with animate 
object has instrumental -h-, that with inanimate object has 
-hto- (not -h- as here given). These stems are a living (freely 



280 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

formed) derivation in Menomini with transitive-cauflative mean- 
ing, and the examples in the published texts suggest that the 
same is true in Fox ; they are : • 

animate object inanimate object 

ketemagihawa ketemagihtowa makes pitiful, 56, 21. 204, 18. 

tanwawagihawa anwawagihtowa makes resound, 26, 18. 118, 1* 

sogihawa sogihtowa hinds, 140, 7. 146, 1. 

kaskihawa kaskihtdwa controls, 166, 21. 180, 11. 

wanihawa wanihtowa loses, 182, 11. Mighelsok. 

Americam, Anthropologist, n. s., 15, 473. 

acihawa acihtowa m^ikes, 32, 1. 254, 15. 

kicihawa kicihtowa finishes, 24, 26. 254, 15. 

mocihawa mocihtowa dreams of, 24, 7. Owl Pack, 34, 34. 

panatcihawa panatcihtowa ruins, 116, 18. 274, 21. 

apwihawa apwihtowa awaits, 212, 18. 214, 21. 262, 1. 

For the instrumental for action with a tool, which has -hw- 
for animate objects, Mighelson leaves the inanimate-object 
form undetermined; it has the form -h-. It is freely made in 
Menomini, and here, too, the examples accessible to me indicate 
that the same is true in Fox : 

tcagahwawa tcagahamwa finishes up, 116, 15. 314, 8. 

sigahwawa sigahamwa pours, 258, 19. 264, 10. 

siSikahwawa sahkahamwa hums, 30, 2. 66, 11. 

patahkahwanva patahkahamwa pierces, 104, 2. 176, 15. 

kehkahwawa kehkahamwa points out, 18, 12. 20, 7. 

kaskahwawa kaskahamwa controls, 46, 10. 176, 8. 

kaskadcahwawa kaskaskahamwa scrapes, 178, 19. 21. 

panahwawa panahamwa misses. Sketch 742. 807. 

pinahwawa pinahamwa puts in, 96, 13. 116, 23. 

apinahwawa apinahamwa unties, 78, 4. 290, 22. 

pagisahwawa pagisahamwa hurls, 12, 20. 372, 7. 

anwawahwawa kuJkwatwawahamwa makes resound, 270, 8. 

348, 23. (kufcwat- try). 

pasigumahwawa kinigumahamwa acts on nose, 104, 1. Sketch, 

768. (pasi- graze, kini- sharpen). 

natunahwawa natunahamwa seeks, 58, 11. 278, 5. (instru- 

mental conventionalized). 

apihwawa apihamwa unties, 28, 2. 172, 17. 

nasahkuhwawa nasahkuhamwa roasts on spit, 92, 5. 174, 16. 

In the case of the instrumental -t- (-ht-) with inanimate 
object distinction should be made between tiie two types of in- 
flection -t- (-ht-) and -to- (-hto-) ; the matter is complex, but 

' For eimplicity's sake I give always the third person singular inde- 
pendent; numbers are pai^e and line of Jones' Texts. 



REVIEWS. 281 

there seems to be some agreement between the different lan- 
guages. 

Some mention should have been made of irregular verbs, 
which Jones did not take up in his Sketch. For one of them 
the form with animate object is now quotable: awawa he uses 
him, present text, 14, 16 ; the form with inanimate object ayowa 
he uses it, Jones, Texts 30, 15; all the occurrences in Jones, 
Texts, are reduplicated ; the simple form is used in Menomini : 
aw or uah he uses it; would be Fox *owa. The form with -t- 
instrumental mentioned in the list of stems does not seem to 
occur in the the published Fox material ; in Menomini this is a 
different verb : onaw he affects him "by using, uses on him, 5tam 
same, with inanimate object; this is a normal meaning for the 
instrumental -n- : -t-. 

The book is completed by a very useful list of the stems that 
occur in the text. It is to be hoped that Miohblson will use 
his qualifications, so rare in a field of this kind, to give us a 
grammar, as complete as may be, of this beautiful but self-willed 
language of the Sauks and Foxes. 

Leonabd Bloomfield. 

Thv Ohio Statb Uhiybbsitt. 



The Phonology of the Bakhtiari, Badakhshani, and Mada^lashti 
Dialects of Modem Persian, with Vocabularies. By Major 
D. L. R. LoRiMEB. (Prize Publication Fund, VoL VI of 
the Boyal Asiatic Society.) London, 1922. Pages xi-f 
205. 

This prize publication volume gives a very useful study of 
two widdy separated sets of Modem Iranian dialects, namely, 
the Bakhtiari in Southwestern Persia and the Badakhshani in 
Northeastern Afghanistan with the Madaglashti of the Chitral 
district. These dialects therefore represent respectively certain 
linguistic phases of eastern and western Iran. 

Major LoRiMEB writes of his subject at first hand, and is 
evidently a careful recorder, though he modestly says of his 
contribution that * it would be futile for an amateur to atteimpt 
to 'beguile the professional philologist,' and he leaves to the 
latter to judge of the merits and demerits of the work. Since 
he wrote at different times and sometimes out of reach of books, 
he adds a Postscript, on pp. 19-20, calling attention to some 
equations that might be made between his own transcription 
(his * long signs really represent quality, and not length *) and 
the symbols employed in the International Phonetic Associa- 
tion. On his desk he nevertheless had a goodly number of 
Iranian philological works, including Bwrtholomae's Altiranisches 



282 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

WUrterhuch, the Iranian Orundriss, and the contributions of 
Horn, Hiiibschmann, Soane, Tolman, and others, so that Aves- 
tan. Old Persian, Pahlavi, and Modem Persian are taken well 
into aoeount. All this adds to the worth of the book. 

Shrewd general observations are made in the Introduction 
regarding the tribes of the Bakhtiaris, typical shepherds, cattle- 
owners, and nomads, and concerning the outside linguistic in- 
fluences, like the Persian, Turkidii, and Arabic, which tend to 
modify their speech. The collection of phonological data which 
follows contains much valuable material. Equally important 
to tiie scholar is the Bakhtiari vocabulary, occupying pages 
101-126. 

The dialects of the people of Badakhshan and of Madaglasht, 
as belonging to the Afghan region, are treated side by side in 
the second half of the book. In respect to these latter dialects 
the Major admits (p. 138) that his sources of information were 
* very restricted and my informants did not make up for their 
deficiency in number by any special brilliance of intellect.' His 
studies, however, lead him 1^ the conclusion (p. 129) that 
'these two diale^^, which appear to be historically one and 
do not differ in any essential respect, are merely a form of the 
ordinary Modem Persian of Persian literature mown as ^ Clas- 
sical Persian." ' With regard to Madaglashti we should natur- 
ally expect this result, because (p. 127) the people who use it 
are ' a small settlement of Persian-speaking foreigners planted 
in the middle of the principality of Chitral' some six genera- 
tions ago. The appended vocabularies of Badakhshani and 
Madaglashti furnish enough material to judge by, though the 
Iranian specialist has something phonologicad or etymological 

to solve in such words as B. M. laJdk, ^ finger,' faridan, ^ to widi, 

desire,' and M. alaaid, 'jaw.' 

It is worth while for tiie philologist to have tiiis prize publi- 
cation for use in future linguistic researches in tiie Iranian 
field. 

A. V. Williams Jaoksok. 

OOLVMBU UnfMBRT. 



Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, gesammelt und sprachlich be- 
handelt. Von Geobo Oerullis^ Privatdozent fiir indoger- 
manische Sprachwissenschaft in Eonigsberg. Berlin und 
Leipzig 1922, Vereinigung wissenschaftlicher Verleger. 
286 S. 

The national revival in the Baltic states has, to a considerable 
extent, been responsible for increased activity in the study of 
ibeit languages, although it has long been realized that probably 



RBP0RT8. 283 

no other field is ridier in unmined Indo-European material. 
Several important books have recently appeared, and in the 
near future we shall have Endzelin's collection of Lettish names, 
Trautmann's treatment of Old Prussian person-names, and, 
amcmg other Baltic dictionaries, the monumental Lithuanian 
work fhat is being prepared under the direction of Professor 
Buga at the University of Kovno (which opened its doors in 
February). 

Although the Old Prussian became extinct in relatively recent 
times (a lone old man who knew the language died in 1677, 
and there are vague, second-hand reports of others until about 
1700), the linguistic remains are nevertheless so scanty and so 
encrusted with Oerman elements that any real contribution to 
the available material is a matter of moment. The beginnings 
of a systematic collection of Old Prussian place-names were 
made by Pierson and Nesselmann, but their lists were limited 
in scope and drawn entirely from printed records and books. 
Gbbullis has not only covered the whole of Old Prussian terri- 
tory, but he has worked through all available sources, both 
manuscript and printed, including chiefly the German records 
of the Teutonic Order during its three centuries of military 
conquest and political domination of the Slavic Prussians up 
to tiie year 1525. The search of the voluminous archives at 
Konigsberg alone must have been an enormous task. 

The reffult is an alphabetically arranged collection of Old 
Prussian place-names that I estimate to be 3000 in number. 
With each name are indicated the source and its date, and, so 
far as possible, the geographical location and the modem form. 
The name is ^vided into its elements, suffixal or compositional, 
and in the majority of cases parallels and etymologies are intro- 
duced from the Lettish or Lithuanian. The number of names 
capable of etymological explanation is gratifyingly large, and 
the material is of considerable comparative value. After the 
list of names come sixty-two pages of grammatical discussion: 
phonetics, compounds, sufBxes, dialects, etc. 

The book contains several misprints and other slight errors, 
but on the whole the work is very carefully done. And among 
so many details scholars will find here and there occasion for 
doubt or disagreement with the author. But the man on the 

ground has ttie prior right to opinion in most cases, and 
ERULus's opinion is always competent. 

Habold H. Bender. 

PEDICnOH UHITIEIITT. 



284 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOQY. 

Ausonius: wiih an EngliA Translation by Hugh G. Evelyn 
White. Vol. II. London: William Heinemann; Nefw 
York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1921. 367 pp. 

This volume completes a good translation of the works of 
Ausonius in the Loeb Classical Library (A. J. P. XLI 298). 
The text is a pretty faithfiQ reprint of Peiper's edition — even 
to such a spelling as puerpura, Epig. 66, 3. There are a few 
misprints: p. 48, 58, abimda, for abundat; p. 172, 2, alvi, for 
alui; p. 288, 7, feceret, for faceret; and the initial capitals 
should be restored to Promoti, p. 16, 40 ; Probiano, p. 38, 84 ; 
Taurinus, p. 46, 38. A couple of easy clauses are omitted, 
apparently by oversight: p. 233, 6, and p. 283, 11 (in Sulpicia's 
poem). On p. 29, n. 6, there is an odd expression: ^'Sotadic 
verse, which could be read backwards way.'* On p. 114 (Ep. 
29, 21) the phrase 'tentis reboant cava tympana tergis* might 
be compared with Catullus, 63, 21, tympana reboant, and 63, 10, 
terga tauri . . . cava. On p. 124 (Ep. 31, 2) the phrase ^cano 
bruma gelu ' comes from Virgil, (Jeor. 3, 442-3. 

Mr. White adds, as a sort of appendix, a text and translation 
of the Eucharisticus of Paulinus Pellaeus. The text is that of 
Wilhelm Brandes in the Corpus <Scriptonun Ecdesiasticorum 
Latinorum, Vol. XVI — ^not Vol. XXVI, as is stated on p. 303. 
Here hac is printed for hoc, p. 314, 93, and coepto for coeptos, 
p. 326, 280. Arabi muris, p. 316, 148, is hardly ' myrrh ' of 
Araby; perhaps it is soine kind of animal perfume. 

Wilfred P. Mustabd. 

JoHvs HopKiHs Unvsunr. 



The Buin of Ancient Civilization and the Triumph of Christi- 
anity, with some consideration of conditions in the Europe 
of today. Bv Ouglielmo Ferbebo. Translated by the 
Hon. Lady Whitehead. New York and London: G. P. 
Putnam's Sons, 1921. Pp. vii + 210. 

The temptation to misinterpret Bome for the sake of pro- 
viding interesting parallds and object lessons for modem poli- 
tics has been great during the last few years. In this book 
Ferbebo has yielded to the temptation completely. The sermon 
he preaches in the last chapter of the book is briefly that the 
victors in the recent war must not impose on newly founded 
republics forms of government, however liberal, to which the 
people themiselves are not accustomed and which they fail to 
understand, for the consequence is apt to be a revolt against 
constituted authority and presently anardiy. The text of the 



REVIEWS, 285 

seimon is provided by a none too objective review of Roman 
history from Septimius Sevems to Constantine. 

Ferbebo would have us believe that before 200 A. D. Home 
looked upon the Senate as the center of the government^ and 
that under senatorial rule up to that day the world had been 
prosperous and law-abiding. When Septimius destroyed men^s 
faith in the government by breaking the power of the Senate 
an era of anarchy ensued. Diocletian later attempted to get a 
logical basis for imperial absolutism by introducing the Oriental 
idea of a divine ruler and he partially succeeded. However 
Christianity, which refused to accept the idea of a divine em- 
peror, was already so strong that Constantine had to surrender 
his daim to divinity, and without a divine ruler autocracy had 
no logical foimdation. Hence once more supreme authority in 
the state failed to invite respect and Rome broke into fragments. 

Needless to say this interpretation overstates the power of 
the Senate in the early part of the third century, gives too 
favorable a picture of Rome's prosperity before the period of 
anarchy, places the introduction of the imperial cult too late, 
and does violence to Christianity in portraying it as disobedient 
to secular authority. The real causes of Rome's decay, which 
were at work for centuries before the period of the Severi, are 
almost wholly ignored. 

The book will doubtless be widely read, for Ferrero knows 
how to make a story effective by omitting all the facts that 
hamper the development of his dramatic plot. The translation 
omits phrases and sentences of the original here and there, 
whether by permission of the author, I cannot say. Otherwise, 
considering that the ipsa verba of the original are not of great 
importance, we may consider it adequate. 

Tenney Frank. 

JoBirs Hopxnis UNiTDaiTT. 



BOOKS RECEIVED. 

Bender, Harold EL The Home of the Indo-Eun^eaiiB. Prinoetoiit 
Princeton University Press, 1922. 58 pp. $1.00 net. 

Bidcford, John Dean. Si^iloquy in Ancient Comedy. 65 pp. 8*. 
Princeton University Dise^ Princeton, The Author, 1922. 

Bkxh, G. L'Empire remain, Evolution et decadence. Paris, Ernest 
Flammarion, 1922. 313 pp. 12**. .7.50fr. 

CkUioim, George Miller. Eni2KH^I2 and the AIKH 4^ETAO- 
MAPTTPIQN. (Claseical Philology XI, October, 1916, pp. 365-94.) 
nAPAFPA^H and Arbitration. {Ibid, XIV, January, 1919, pp. 20-28.) 
Athenian Magiatratee and Special Pleas. {Ibid. pp. 338-50.) Oral 
and Writttti Pleading in AUienian Cknirts. (Transactions of the Amer- 
ican Philological Association, Vol. L, 1919, pp. 177-93.) 

Crabtree, W. A. Primitive Speech. Part II. The Prefix System of 
Bantu, vi -f 72 pp. 8**. London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner d Co^ 
Ltd., 1922. 5 sh. net. 

Damst4, Onno. Adversaria ad Apollonii Rhodii Argonautiea. Utrecht 
diss. Rotterdakn, Electrische Eandelsdrukkerij ''De Oids,** 1922. 
64 pp. 8*. 

Delatte, A. Esaai sur la Politique pythagoricienne. (Biblioth^ue 
de la Faculty de Philoeophie et Lettres de I'Universittf de Li^ge, Fasc. 
XXIX.) 296 pp. 8*. Paris, Edouard Cfhatnpion, 1922. 

Diack, Francis 0. The Newton Stone and other Pioiish Inscriptions. 
64 pp. 12*. Paisley, Scotland, Aleaoander Cfardner, 1922. 

Diocionari Aguil6. Materials lezioogrMcs aplegats per Bfarian 
Aguil6 I Fuster. Revisats i publicate soba la cura de Pompeu Fabra 
i Manud De Montoliu. Fascicle X. (Ua-lluytar.) Barcelona, Institut 
d*EstiuUs Catalans, 1921. 

Domseiff, Franz. Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie. v 4- 177 pp. 
8*. (ZTOIXEIA. Studien sur Geschichte des antiken Weltbildes usw. 
herausgegeben von Franz Boll, Heft VII.) Leipzig-Berlin, B, G. Teyh- 
ner, 1922. Geheftet |2, geb. $2JK>. 

DuprM, Eugene. La L^gende Socratique et lee Sources de Platoo. 
Bruxelles, Les Editions Robert Sand, 1922. 450 pp. 8*. 

Foulke, William Dudley. A Hoosier Autobiography. 252 pp. 8*. 
New York, Owford University Press, American Branch, 1922. 92J50. 

Gollancz, Sir Israel. Select Elarly English Poems. VII. Cleanness, 
an alliterative tripartite poem on t^ Deluge, the Destruotion of Sodom, 
and the Death of Belshazzar, by tiie poet of PearL London, Humphrey 
MUford, Omford University Press, 1921. Pp. xxxii + 105. 8V 

Gover, J. E. B. The Place Names of Middlesex. (Including thoee 
puts of the county of London formerly contained within the boundaries 
of the old county.) xvi -f 114 pp. 12*. London-New York, Longmans, 
Oreen and Co., 1922. f 1.75 net. 

Groeneboom, P. Les Mimiambes d' H^rodas. I- VI. Avec notes cri- 
tiques et comm^itaire ezplicatif. 195 pp. 8*. Groningen, P. Noord- 
hoff, 1922. 2 f r. 50. 

286 



BOOKS RECEIVED. 287 

Gumsmere, Richard Mott. Seneca the Philoeopiher and his Modem 
Message, xvi + 160 pp. 16^. (Our Debt to Greece and Brane. Edited 
by George Depue Hadoaits and David Moore Bobinson. No. 16.) Bos- 
ton, MarshaU Janes Company, 1922w 

Herodas. The Mimes and Fragments. With Notes by Walter Head- 
lam. Edited by A. D. Knox, bdv + 465 pp. 8**. Cambridge, At the 
UmverHty Press, 1922; New York, The MacmiUan Company. 

Hesp^ris. Aroiiiyes Berb^res et Bulletin de llnstitut des Hautes- 
Etudes Majnocaines, Annte 1921. 3e Trimestre. Paris, B. Larose. 

Holleauz, Maurice. Borne, La Gr^ce et les Monarchies hell6nisti^ues 
au 3e si^le avant J.-C. (273-206). Biblioth^ue dee Acoles Fran^^ses 
d'Atbftnes et de B(mie. Fasc. 124«.) Paris, E. de Boocard, 1921-. 886 
pp. 8'. 

Janvier, Ernest Paxton. The Madhyama Vyftyoga. A drama com- 
posed by the Poet BhAsa. Translated from the original Sanskrit with 
Introduotion and Notes. University of Pennsylvania Diss. 44 pp. 8^. 
Mysore, Printed at the Wesleyan Mission Press, 1921. 

Jespereen, Otto. Language. Its nature, development and origin. 
448 pp. 8*". New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1922. 

Journal of Education and The School World. London, June 1, 1922. 
Also the No. for July 1, 1922, Price 8d.; by Post, lOd. Annual Sub- 
scription (prepaid), lOs. 

Kunst, Karl. Die Frauengeetalten im Attischen Drama, viii + 208 
pp. 8^. Wien u. Leipzig, WUheUn BraunMler, 1922. 

Lindsay, W. M., and Thomson, H. J. Ancient Lore in Medieval 
Latin Glossaries. (St. Andrews University Publications, No. Xm.) 
London, Humphrey MUford, 1921. xii + 186 pp. 8^. 

Merrill, William A. Hie Lucretian Hezametw. (University of Cali- 
fornia Publications in Classical Philology, Vol. 6, Na 12, pp. 263-296.) 
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Morris-Jones, Sir J. An Elementary Welsh Grammar. Part I. 
Phonology and Accidence, xv + 197 pp. 16*. Oxford, At the Claren- 
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Nutting, H. C. Cicero's Conditional Clauses of Comparison. (Uni- 
versity of California PuClications in Classical Philology. Vol. 6, No. 
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288 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

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AMERICAN 



JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY 



Vol. XUII, 4 Whole No. 172 

L— THE SILBNCB WAOBE STOEIBS: THBTB OEIGIN 

AND THBIfi DIFFUSION.^ 

1. Method of Deteeiciniko the Home of a Stoey. 

We do not now trace stories back to ^ original homes ' with 
the assurance so often displayed by scholars fifty years ago. The 
reason is twofold. Firsts we have now discovered so many more 
occurrences of individual stories than were known then that we 
less often feel justified in selecting any one land as a story's 
home rather than some other where it appears. Thus^ although 
India was once looked upon as 'the home of stories/ we 
now admit that she must share the honor with Egypt, Baby- 
, Ionia, Greece, China, and other lands, even some that are 
illiterate. Secondly, many scholars now lean strongly toward 

' The Silence Wager motif in fiction has been treated before, althoa^ 
' in every case quite incompletely and InconolusiTely; see Clouston, 
Popular Tales and Fictions, Vol. II, p. 15; Child, The English and 
Scottish Popular Ballads, No. 275; and Pischel, Zeitschrift der Deut- 
schen Morgenl&ndischen Gesellschaft, Vol. LVJLll, p. 363. In Anti 
Aame's classification of Mlb'chen types, the motif is listed under No. 
1351, 'Wer euerst epriohtt Mann und Frau wetten, etc.' Lists of 
references especially good for Europe and the Western Orient, are given 
by J. Bolte, Kleinere Schriften von Keinhold K5hler, Vol. I, p. 507, 
Vol. n, p. 576, and in Das Danziger Theater im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, 
p. 226; also by Wesselski in Der Hodscha Nasreddin, Vol. I, pp. 263 f. 
In the preparation of this paper I have been greatly aided by Pro- 
' lessor T. F. Crane, of ComeU University, the dean of American students 
of folk-tales, who generously took his time to search for story versions 
which I had seen mentioned but could not find myself, to furnish me 
with references that were alt<^ether new to me, and to put me on the 
track of still other references. 

289 



290' AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

the theory that the same story has frequently originated inde- 
pendently^ spontaneously^ in differ^t localities. This is a scep- 
tical attitude of mind that at one stroke may remove a vast 

' amount of labor in tracing the history of a story's difiEusion, but 
at the same time may require a large stock of f aith^ not to say 
credulity. The point is a delicate one. It is quite possible, 
often even probable, that similar units of fiction, — ^that is, single 
ideas, motifs, and incidents, especially those drawn from experi- 
ence, — ^have arisen independently in separate communities; but 
it seems impossible to believe that this also holds true in the 

■ case of a definite selection and grouping of a number of these 
units in a story. We are constantly getting new evidence of 
the remarkable and extensive intercourse liiat existed between 
the nations of antiquity and provided the means of story 
migration. 

However, this scepticism has had the beneficial effect of giving 
greater precision to our methods, so liiat we can now lay down 

' four principles to be observed in establishing a story's home, 
principles that are obvious enough when indicated, but that 
have heretofore often been neglected. 

(1). The story must be shown to have an unequivocal place 
in the fiction of the land designated as its home. If that land 
has a literature of any large extent, the story must appear in it; 
if the literature is small, then the story must at least appear in 
the oral fiction (* folk-lore ' in the narrower sense of the word). 
If the fiction, literary and oral, is fully reported, the story must 
appear there frequently; if it is reported only meagerly, as is 
the case with ancient Egypt or Simieria, a single instance may 
suffice. 

(2). There must be definite evidence that the story is older 
in its homeland than elsewhere. Here we must be careful to 
avoid a common pitfall when we find it necessary to decide be- 
tween a country with an ancient literature and one, like Negro 
Africa, VtaX is totally unlettered and yet probably has a long 
oral tradition of fiction. It is antecedently possible that a story 
may have existed longer in an illiterate country than in a lite- 
rate; the mere absence of record should not prejudice the case.' 

' For a ease in pointy see an aitide by the present author entitled 
'The Tar-Baby QUxj at Heme,' published in The Sdentifio Monthly, 
VoL XV, pp. 228-34. 



THB SILENCE WAGER BT0RIB8. 291 

(3). The story should have some physical or psydiological 
basis in its supposed homeland which it does not have in the 
other lands where it exists. This is necessary if our results 
are to be conclusive^ although of course the adoption of such a 
principle means that we are compelled^ ipso f acto^ to relinquish 
the tracing of many tales which could have arisen equally weU 
in any one of many lands. 

(4). The story must be traced by successive stages from its 
designated land of birth to the lands of its later sojourn. 

By paying strict adherence to these four principles it is pos- 
sible, I believe^ to show that India is the original home of those 
stories appearing so frequently in Asiatic and European fiction 
that have a Silence Wager as their central theme; and this wiU 
be the object of the rest of this paper. We riiall find the Silence 
Wager motif firmly established in Hindu fiction; we shall find 
it appearing there earlier than elsewhere; we shall see that it 
has a unique psychological starting-point in India; and we shall 
trace its course from India to the other lands where it exists. 

2. General Charagteb of the Silekoe Wageb Stobies. 

The Silence Wager appears, in general, in two stories, each 
.with a number of versions: (1) the Silent Couple; and (2) the 
Silent Men. 

The Silent Oouple ifl best known to the English-speaking 
,world in the Scottish ballad, *Qet Up and Bar the Door.'* 
A farmer and his wife once quarreled as to which should fasten 
the door, agreeing after considerable argument that whichever 
spoke first should have the duty. At midnight two travellers 
happened by. They entered the open door; ate the goodwife's 
» puddings, while she said ^ ne'er a word,' though 'muckle 
thought' rihe; and at last, mystified by the couple's persistent 
silence, set out the one to kiss the goodwif e, the other to ^ tak 
aff the auld man's beard.' But when they threatened to use the 
'pudding-bree' for lather, the man's patience was exhausted, 
and he protested. 

'Then up. and started our goodwife 
Gied three skips on the floor; 



* Caiild, The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, No. 276. 



292 AMEKlCA2f JOURNAL OF PEILOLOOT. 

" Qpodman, youVe spoken the foremost word. 
Get up and bar the door.'''* 

The tale of the Silent Couple exists in Europe, Arabia, Persia^ 
and India. It lias four chief features which in their varying 
appearance enable us to trace the stor/s course from India 
westward. 

(1). Frame-story. In India it seems generally to have been 
emboxed with three o&er stories in an inclusive frame-story 
entitled ' The Greatest Fool of Four.' ' In Arabia and in a few 
European versions it is set with two other stories in a frame, 
' The Greatest Fool of Three.' In other versions it is not in a 
frame. 

(2). Penalty. In India the penalty for speaking first is 
usually the loss to the other of some tidbit, such as an odd cake 
or fish which neither of the couple is willing to divide. In the 
Western Orient (Arabia and Persia) and Europe the most fre- 
quent penalty is the shutting of a door.* 

(3). Climactic Incident. In the majority of cases the inci- 
dent that makes one of the pair speak is an attack upon the 
wife, ranging in character from a kiss to rape. 

(4). First Speaker. In all versions except those ^bsA are 
clearly secondary the woman speaks first, thereby vindicating 
the tradition of female loquacity. 

* CShild prints several variants of this ballad, of which one, ' Johnie 
Blunt/ says that after Johnie and his wife Luckie make the wager 
they go to bed. Three travellers enter, haul Luckie out of bed, and 
lay her on the floor. Johnie protests: 

' " YeVe eaten my bread, ye hae drank my ale, 
And yell mak my auld wife a whore! " 
** A ha, Johnie Blunt! ^e hae spoke the first word. 
Get up and bar the door."' 

This variant, in depicting the attemipted rape of the wife, is nearer than 
the other to the Italian version of Straparola (see below), from which 
the Scottish ballad versions seem to be derived. 

"The Greatest Fool of Many' is a frequent folk-lore theme. For 
occurrences of it in India see footnote 10 below; for wider spread of the 
motif see the many references in A. Weeselski, Der Hodscha Nasreddin 
(2 vols., Weimar, 1911), Vol. I, p. 264. 

* Several versions of the story appear in India in which the penalty 
consists of shutting a door, but these seem to be secondary importatiooB 
from Persia. 



THE BILENOB WAGBB ST0BIE8. 293 

The other of the Silence Wager stories, that of the Silent 
Men, presents as actors only men, who vary in nnmber from 
three to twenty-five or else are not numbered at alL The ver- 
sions of it that I have seen come only from Turkey, Bussia,^ 
and India, but there are indications that the tale exists, or has 
existed, in Arabia as well, for it seems to have sprung from thiR 
Arabian versions of the Silent Couple. 

The rise of the Silence Wager motif presents an interesting 
opportunity for speculation. The story of the Silent Cioupl^ 
the elder of the two tales containing the wager, clearly belongs 
to the diapter of * Married People's Quarrels';' but why the 
couple should endeavor to settle their difference by a test of 
their respective capacities for maintaining silence is not so dear. 
Superficially the explanation might seem to be that the story 
arose as a satire on woman's proverbial garrulity, and, indeed^ 
in fl few versions, it is specifically stated that the man accuses 
his wife of being a chatter-box. These versions, however, all 
appear on other grounds to be distinctly secondary, and hence 
their value as evidence is light. More weighty might seem two 
other facts. First, in almost all versions tiie woman is the 
first speaker; but this seems counterbalanced by another cir- 
cumstance, namely, that never in the older visrsions is the moral 
drawn that a woman cannot hold her tongue. Secondly, there 
is at present a custom in India known in Hindustani as ' Maun 
gahana' or 'keeping silence' (see Platts, Hindustani Diction- 
ary, p. 1094a and b, 8. v. maun), which is practised by sulking 
women. In this a woman sits, and will neither speak, work, nor 
move until her wish is gratified. (Husbands often cure their 
wives of this habit with a stick.) Again, however, none of the 
stories seems to make any allusion to this custom, and we must 
look elsewhere for an explanation. 

What the stories do point out is that the husband, rather 
than the wife, is a fool, sometimes the greatest fool of many; 

'The oase for Russia is unoertain; see Beetiom 6. 

* Is tliis not really a secondary chapter, the primary motif being ttiA 
ability to maintain silence? Thus children in this country are in the 
habit of giving expression to their disbelief in protracted taciturnity 
by indulging in the game " Silence in the courthouse I Monkey's going 
to speak.'' [0. W. £. H.] 



294 AMBRWAIf JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

for through his stubborn intention to win the slender prize of 
a pancake he submits to the loss of all his possessions. The 
moral is that^ golden though silence may be^ too much silence 
IB the mark of an utter f ooL 

Perhaps the origin of the motif is connected with a speci&t 
variety of Hindu asceticism. For in the religion of Hinduism 
the greatest heavenly rewards are obtained by ascetic practises, 
such as celibacy, self -mortification, pilgrimage, abstinence from 
food, and, very frequently, silence. This last attains unusual 
importance probably on account of its value in aiding concen- 
trated meditation; and in stories literally without number we 
read of religious devotees who have taken vows of silence for 
long periods of time, — ^months, years, or even life. So common- 
place is silence in Hindu asceticism that one of the most fre- 
quent words in Sanskrit for silence is mauna, which is nothing 
but a derivative from the word muni (ascetic) and means 
primarily 'the chief quality of an ascetic' Hence the quarrel- 
ing couple of our story sought to settle thenr dispute by seeing 
which of them could longer observe the familiar, but difficult, 
vow of silence, with which the professed ascetic wins Heaven or 
Nirvana. Whichever was victorious should have as his reward 
the pancake. 

If this explanation is true, then the story, from the Hindu 
point of view, is not merely a satire, but a very moral or reli- 
gious satire, bearing upon a subject that is mentioned in the 
Dhammapada, vss. 268, 269 : * Not because of silence is a man 
a sage, if hel be foolish and ignorant. But the wise man who 
takes to MmseM truth, even as one grasps a pair of scales, and 
rejects those things that are evil, such a man is a sage, and for 
this reason is a sage. He that imderstands both worlds is there- 
fore called a sage.' * A true ascetic, having no attachment to 
worldly things, can successfully give up conversation and speech, 
which are essentially worldly in character; but, when a person 
whose interests are still those of the world, endeavors to forego 
speech — ^as it were, assimiing the form of asceticism without the 
content — ^he is bound to end up by making himself a fool. 

Such may be the original application of the story in India; 
but even in India itself the modem versions fail to point such 

* Translation from Burlingame's Buddhist Legends, Vol. m, p. 146. 



THB BILENOB WAGBB BTOBIEB. 295 

a moral. Still more in non-Hindu oommiinities has this ori- 
ginal character been lost; and the story has come to illustrate 
other sentiments^ such as the foolishness of over-persistence, or 
woman's inability to hold her tongue, or a wife's determination 
to make her husband yield, whatever the cost. 

3. The Silent Couple in India — ^iNDiesNons Versions. 

Eight versions — ^four from literature, four from modem col- 
lections of oral tales : 

Po Yu King, translated in Chavannes, Cinq cents contes et 
apologues extraits du Tripitaka Chinois, VoL II, p. 147 (our 
story on p. 209). 

Amitagati's Dharmapariksa : text and translation given by 
Pischel, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen GkseU- 
schaft. Vol. LVIII, p. 363. 

Landes, Contes et 16gendes annamites, p. 317 (summary of 
tale given by Bua in Oiomale storico deUa letteratura italiana. 
Vol. XVI, p. 257). 

Dubois, Pantcha-Tantra ou les cinq ruses, p. 351 ; this is also 
included in Dubois, Moeurs, institutions, et c^i^monies des 
peuples de Tlnde, translated into English and edited by 
Beauchamp as Maimers, Customs, and Ceremonies of the 
Hindus, p. 465. This same tale appears in A. W. von Schlegel's 
Werke, Vol. Ill, p. 91. 

Kingscote and Natesa Sastri, Tales of the Sun, p. 280. 

Parker, Village Folk-Tales of Ceylon, Vol. II, p. 61. 

McCulloch, Bengali Household Tales, p. 125. 

TJhle, Vetalapancavin§ati, p. xxiii; translation by Bettei 
Vittorio in Archivio per lo studio delle tradizioni popolari. Vol. 
XIII, p. 548. 

The oldest datable version of the Silent Couple is that of the 
Chinese Po Yu King (Book of the Hundred Apologues), which 
the Buddhist monk Gunavrddhi carried from India to China in 
492 A. D. This work is no longer known in India, but it was 
originally composed there, according to Chavannes (Z. c), by a 
monk named Samghasena, probably about 450 a. d. This ver- 
sion of the tale is as follows : 

A man and his wife had three pancakes. Each ate one, but 
not being willing to divide the third they agreed that whichever 
spoke first should forfeit it to the other. Soon after, thieves 



296 AMBRICAIf JOURNAL OP PEILOLOGY. 

entered the house; but though the couple saw them neither 
would make an outcry. The thieves collected their booty and 
then^ ^nboldened by the houseowner's unaccountable silence^ 
picked up the woman to carry her away also. Still the husband 
made no sign, but the woman could stand it no longer. ' Stop, 
thief!' she cried, then, rebuking her husband, ^What a fool 
you are that for the sake of a pancake you watch these thieyea 
without a sound!' But the husband clapped his hands and 
said laughing, 'Aha! wife, I win the pancake.* 

This version, when summarized under the four heads men- 
tioned above, appears thus: 

Frame-story: Lacking. 

Penalty: Loss of an odd pancake. 

Climactic Licident : Thieves endeavor to carry away woman. 

First Speaker: Woman. 

The other indigenous Lidian versions indicate that they are 
descended from a form of the story which agrees with this in 
all points imless it be in that of the climactic incident. In this 
they perhaps represent a tradition of a definite sexual attadc 
upon the woman; but otherwise we may accept the Chinese- 
Indian apologue as reproducing, substantially, the imdiscover- 
able archetype of the tale. 

The next version of the story, speaking chronologically, is 
that of Amitagati, Dharmapariksa, composed in the year 1014 
A. D., according to Pischel (Z. c.)* Here the frame-story makes 
its appearance. Four fools in company meet a Jain ascetic, who 
gives them a collective blessing. Each claims the blessing as his 
own and they begin to quarrel; whereupon they decide to ask 
the ascetic himself which of them he intended to bless. The 
ascetic answers, 'The biggest fool among you.' Each then 
claims to be the biggest fool. The ascetic suggests that their 
respective claims be proposed to the inhabitants of a neighbor- 
ing town for a decision. Accordingly, they move on to the town, 
where each of the four tells a story illustrating his supreme piece 
of folly. The third fool relates the tale of the Silent Couple.** 

**The theme 'Greatest Fool of Many' is oommon in Indian fiction, 
although the emboxed stories vary in different cases. For cases in 
which the tale of the Silent Coaple does not appear, see Swynnerton, 



THB BILENCB WAGBB BT0BIE8. 297 

He and his wife, lying in bed one night, agree that whichever 
speaks first shall pay the other ten cakes beaten up with treacle 
and ghi. A thief enters, steals everything while the coujde 
remain silent, and at last, grown overbold, seizes the wife's 
nndergarment. At this she berates her husband roundly, but 
he, laughing, says, ' Lost 1 You've lost 1 Pay me the ten cakes 1 ' 
In consequence the neighbors nicknamed bim < Blockhead.' 

This version is essentially like the Chinese-Indian, with the 
exception of the penalty; but in this respect some of the other 
native Hindu versions agree with the older form and indicate 
that the Dharmapank^a tale is secondary.^^ 

The story appears again in India set in the frame of the 
Greatest Pool of Pour in Dubois' version, where the fools quarrel 
over a soldier's greeting. Again it is the third fool who relates 
the story of the Silent Couple, though with decidedly secondary 
modifications. He and his wife, unable to agree whether men 
or women are the greater chatterboxes, decide to settle the ques- 
tion by an (ui hominem test, the loser to pay a betel leaf. The 
next day, when the couple continue indoors still silent, the 
neighbors break in, think them speechless from black magic, 
and call the witch-doctor. He treats them with applications of 
hot gold on the bare body. The man endures this in silence, 
but the minute the gold, at the first application, touches the 
woman's foot, she draws up her leg, cries ^ Enough,' and pays 
the forfeit. 

The distinguishing feature of this version is that the denoue- 
ment does not follow an attack upon the woman, but comes 
when the neighbors seek to remove a spell which they think 

Bomantic Tales from the Pan jab with Indian Nights' Entertainment, 
p. 252; Chilli, Folk-Tales of Hindustan, p. 1; Bompas, Folklore of the 
Santal Parganas, p. 352; North Indian Notes and Queries, Vol. HE, 
item 64. 

^The version from Annam belongs with these two tales. The frame 
is lacking; the penalty is the loss of an odd cake; a thief begins to 
dimb into the woman's bed, when she cries out to her husband, ' What! 
Are you p^oing to let him do itT ' The husband says to the thief, 'I 
call yon to witness that she has lost the cake/ -This tale, coming from 
a Buddhist cammtmity, is closest to the Buddhist tale of the Po Ya 
King, and the two probably have a common origin in spite of their 
wide separation in time and locality. 



298 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

has been cast upon the couple. The three Indian oral versions 
— ^as reported by Kingscote and Natesa Sastri, Parker, and 
MoCulloch — show the same characteristic, although in them the 
couple are thought to be dead rather than bewitched; and our 
natural inference is that ihey have some especial connection 
with Dubois* tale. In two respects they are clearly inferior, for 
they lack the frame-story and they make the man the first 
speaker.^* However, they show closer adherence to the original 
type in the matter of the penalty, which in Kingscote and 
fiastri's tale is the loss of an odd mufSn, in MeCulloch's the 
loss of an odd fish, and in Parker's the loss of an odd rolL 

The remaining Indian version appears in a single MS of the 
Yetalapancavii&gati and bears marks of being far outside the 
genuine tradition of that famous work. Unfortunately, we have 
it in only a fragmentary form. There the frame-story is the 
Greatest Pool of Three. These three fools went to live with 
their fathers-in-law. The second of them one night made 
an agreement with his wife not to speak. A thief came into 
their room and stole everything they had. At this point the MS 
breaks ofF. This version, though incomplete and in general 
very unsatisfactory, nevertheless affords us our starting-point 
for the Western Oriental versions, as we shall see in our next 
section. 

The precipitate of all the indigenous Indian versions is essen- 
tially the Chinese-Indian tale set in a frame. Its characteristic 
features are these : *• 

Prame-story: Greatest Pod of Pour. 

Penalty: Loss of an odd dainty. 

Climactic Incident: Thieves (or thief) attack wife. 

Pirst Speaker: Woman. 

Some version of this sort seems to have been the source of all 
the versions of the Silent Couple, whether reported from India 
or elsewhere, except the Chinese-Indian and the Annamite. 

^In two stories — those of Natesa Sastri and Kingscote and of Mc- 
Culloch — the man speakB as the couple are being burnt on the funeral 
pyre; in Parker's tale he speaks aa the cords are being tightened around 
his legs in preparation for burial. 

"A few other versions of the Silent Ckmple reported from India» 
but apparently derived from Western Oriental sources, will be treated 
in section 4. 



THB BILSNOB WAGBB BTOBIEB. 299 

4. Thb Silent Couplb in the Western Orient. 

Ten versions, possibly deven, if that of the Tansend nnd ein 
Tag be different from that of Snlayman Bey and the Three 
Story-Tellers.^* 

Story of Snlayman Bey and the Three Story-Tellers. The 
story of the Silent Couple, as put in the mouth of the second 
story-teller, is related by Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, 
Vol. II, p. 19. Clouston does not state his source, but Burton 
in his "branslation of the Arabian Nights, Vol. X, p. 499, men- 
tions the tale as appearing in J. Fardoe, The Thousand and 
One Days, as Soliman Bey and the Three Story-Tellers. I 
have not been able to find this work, nor have I been able to 
locate the story in any other version of the Thousand and One 
Days. Possibly it appears in von der Hagen, Tausend und ein 
Tag, Vol. XI, p. 270, where, according to Chauvin, Biblio- 
graphic des ouvrages arabes, Vol. VIII, p. 132, appear versions 
of the Silent Couple. Unfortunately, I have not succeeded in 
locating von der Hagen's work in this country to verify this 
reference. 

Oestrup, Contes de Damas, p. 55. I have not seen this work, 
but it is reviewed by Basset in Bevue des traditions populaires. 
Vol. XII, p. 413, where a brief analysis of the tale appears. 
According to Basset the story is from the Kitab Qataif el Lataif . 

Ddphin, Eecueil de textes pour F^tude de I'arabe parl6, p. 108. 
The book is reviewed by Basset in Revue des traditions popu- 
laires. Vol. VII, p. 189 ; story given by Basset, l. c. Vol. XV, 
p. 283. 

Medjoub ben. Kalafat, Choix de fables, p. 105. Story given 
by Basset, I. c. Vol. XV, p. 284. 

Nasreddin : Wo. 237 in A. Wesselski, Der Hodscha Nasreddin, 
Vol. I, p. 139. For references to the tale in the other versions 
of Nasreddin, see Wesselski, Z. c, Vol. I, p. 263. A note on the 
story appears in A. Mouli^ras, Les fourberies de Si Djeh% p. 52. 

M. Lidzbarski, Oesdiichten und Lieder aus den neu-aramaischen 
Handschriften der Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin (Beitrage 
zur Volks- und Volkerkunde, Vol. IV), p. 179. Story from 
Mosul region. 

Phillott, Some Current Persian Tales (Memoirs of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, No. 18, pp. 375-412), p. 391. 

^Unfortunately in the case of several of the Arabic tales I have been 
unable to examine the texts first-hand, in spite of a vigorous search for 
them in the larger folk-tale collections of the United States, and I have 
therefore had to trust to second-hand and incomplete reports. 



300 AMEBIOAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

Dames, Balochi Tales, published in Folk-Lore, Vol. IV, p. 196. 

Swynnerton, Bomantic Tales from the Panjab with Indian 
Nights' Entertainment, p. 175. 

Beloe, Miscellaaies, consisting of poems, classical extracts, 
and Oriental Apologues (London, 1795), p. 54, This story is 
related by Clouston, I. c. Vol. II, p. 21, and probably also by 
von der Hagen in his Tausend und ein Tag, Vol. XI, p. 270 (see 
Chauvin, Bibliographies des ouvrages arabes. Vol. VIII, p. 132 
and Vol. V, p. X) ; there is also a comment on this story in 
Hole, Bemaiks on the Arabian Nights' Entertainment (London, 
1797), p. 245. 

How early the Silent Couple passed from India to the West- 
ern Orient it is impossible to say, but it must have been before 
the (fourteenth century, for it appears ia the Schwanke of 
Nasreddin who lived at that time. Further the story of the 
Silent Men also appears at that time ia The Forty Viziers,^ 
and this tale, as we shall see below, seems to be derived from 
the Arabian versions of the Silent Couple. 

When the story went westward it went framed in the larger 
story of the Greatest Fool of Many, particidarly in that version 
designated in the preceding section as the Greatest Fool of 
Three. Further, the characteristic versions of the Western 
Orient make the penalty the shutting of a door, in which point 
they differ markedly from the native Indian type. 

Only two of the Western Oriental versions have retained the 
frame: these are the tale of Sulayman Bey and the Three Story- 
Tellers and the Balochi tale which is entitled the Greatest Fool 
of Three. In Clouston's incomplete report of the former of 
these two there is no statement that the three story-tellers were 
fools, but the ^ noodle ' character of the one emboxed tale which 
Clouston relates and the fact that the Balochi tale as well aa 
certain European versions (notably Straparola's) have sudi a 
frame, seem to verify the guess that the three characters told 
tales of their own supreme folly. 

In the Arabian tale the narrator is a hashish-eater who, on 
his wedding night, quarrels with his wife about shutting the 
street door. They make a silence wager. Thieves enter and 
rob the house. Toward morning a police oflScer notices the 

^ For some remarks on the literary history of the Fotty Vid&n. aee 
dooston. Popular Tales and Fictiona, VoL n, p. 2$. 



TEB BILENCB WAGER BTOBIBB. 301 

open door, comes in^ investigates; can get no answer to his 
questions^ and at last orders tiie couple's heads struck off. As 
the sword is about to descend upon the husband's neck, the wife 
cries out, 'Sir, he is my husband; spare him I * ^ Oh, oh 1 * ex- 
claims the man, overjoyed and clapping his hands, ^ You have 
lost; go and shut the door/ *• 

In the Balochi tale the penalty is the same as in this tale, 
but, since that version has affinities with other versions which 
are to be discussed below, it will also be treated there. 

Oestrup's tale, to judge from Bassefs meager report of it, 
clearly belongs with that found in Sulayman Bey and the Three 
Story-Tellers. He says that the tale concerns a lazy couple who 
decided that the one who spoke first should shut the door.^^ 

The tales reported by Delphin and by Medjoub ben Kalafat 
are very much alike, according to Basset (Bevue des traditions 
populaires, VoL XV, p. 284, where appear the few remarks that 
have furnished me with all the information I have concerning 
the second of these). The quarreling couple are hashish 
smokers; the penalty is shutting a door; a dervish enters the 
house, begs, gets no answer, eats all the food, and (in Delphin's 
tale) ties the bones around the woman's neck. A dog comes in, 
sniffs around, and jumps at the bones; whereupon the woman 
calls out.*' In the other version the thietf strips the house ; and 
the dtoouement comes when the woman, seeing her husband 
bum himself while heating his legs, speaks in warning. 

^The termination of Beloe's tale is flimilar to this. Probably this 
sort of ending is secondary since it does not correspond to that of the 
majority of the Western Oriental versions. In them, as in the Indian, 
an attack upon the wife precipitates the catastrophe. 

^Beloe's tale is hardly more than a variant of this, the chief differ- 
ence being that the penalty is to moisten some dry bread. The quarrel 
is between a ' man of infamous character ' and his wife. A visitor 
enters who has a 'sneaking attachment' for the wife. He speaks, 
gets no reply, kisses the woman, 'disgraces her,' strikes the man, and 
at last complains to the judge. The husband, when he persists in his 
ailence, is remanded to jail by the judge and the next day is ordered 
hanged for contumacy. Hereupon the wife appears, and in a most 
pitiable tone says, 'Alas, my unfortunate husband!' 'You devil,' 
he replies, 'go home and moisten the bread I ' 

^'Delphin's version, containing the account of the dog's entry, is 
similar to the tale of the Silent Man (see section 6) and has perhaps 
been affected by it. 



308 AMBRWAJf JOURNAL OF PEILOLOQT. 

So far the tradition of the Western Oriental versions has 
been fairly straight; but we now come to a group of stories in 
which marked variants appear. They seem to start with the 
fourteenth century Persian story of Nasreddin. In this the 
Hodscha and his wife had a calf which they took daily tuma 
in watering. One day, when it was the wife's turn, she begged 
to be excused to attend a wedding. The Hodscha, however, 
insisted that they make a silence wager. She agreed and went 
away to the wedding, while her husband entered the house. 
Presently a gypsy woman came upon the scene. Emboldened 
by the Hodscha's silence she entered the house, collected all 
the valuables, even the Hodscha's turban and skull-cap, and 
made off. Not long after, the wife returned home from the 
wedding, laden with dainties she had brought away, but what 
was her surprise to find the house robbed and her husband 
bareheaded! 'Hodscha,' she cried, * where are all our things?* 
' Tou have spoken,' he cried, ' so you must water and feed the 
calf to-day.' 

This tale is told with minor variations in the version col- 
lected by Lidzbarski from near Mosul. In the latter case the 
penalty is watering an ass. There is no mention of a wedding, 
but the wife goes to her father's house, ' da sie notwendig reden 
musste.* It is a beggar, not a gypsy, that robs the house, taking 
even the ass, and the climax is the same as before. Then comes 
a sequel in which the wife follows the thief, joins him, tricks 
him out of the hamper full of plunder and the ass, and carries 
everything back home. The husband then tells her to water 
the ass because she has spoken first, and she replies, * Asche aui 
dein Haupt wegen deines Yerstandes.' 

Phillotf s tale is a dear variant of that represented in Lids- 
barski, although with distinguishing features that are perpetu- 
ated in still other versions. There a Haji and his wife quar- 
reled about watering some sheep. After making the wager, 
the woman went to a neighbor's. At this time the barber came 
to shave the man and gave him the mirror, as is customary, to 
hold during the operation. The Haji returned the mirror to 
indicate that he did not wish to be shaved, but the barber, un- 
discouraged, asked, 'Shall I shave your head?' and taking the 
Haji's silence for assent went to work. Then he started to 
trim the Haji's beard. Just then two men nearby, who were 



THE BILENO^ WAGBB BT0RIE8. 303 

engaged in a quarrel^ distracted his attention, although he kept 
on shaving, and when he looked around he found that he had 
removed half the Haji's beard. There was nothing left but to 
remove the rest. Then he took a piece of charcoal, put three 
beauty spots on his victim's face, and demanded his pay. But 
still the Haji remained silent. Thereupon the barber walked 
into the house, found five hundred tumans' worth of jewelry, 
took it, and left. When the woman returned, she did not at 
first recognize her husband who, with his smooth face and 
beauty moles, had a decidedly feminine appearance; but when 
at last she did, she fell a-laughing and exclaimed, 'Husband, 
who has put you in this state?' But the Haji sprang up 
laughing, and began to skip and dap his hands, crying, 'You 
spoke first; go water the sheep ! ' After this comes the sequel 
in which the couple recover their property, undergoing many 
thrilling adventures. 

Phillotf s version introduces a new element, namely, the 
barber, which is echoed either directly or indirectly in the tales 
reported by Dames and Swynnerton. Howiever, ihese two ver- 
sions are really fusions of the tale represented in Fhillott and 
the tale represented in Sulayman Bey and the Three' Story- 
Tellers. In Dames's version the frame story * Greatest Pool of 
Three' is present. In both Dames's and Swynnerton's stories 
the penalty is shutting an open door. In Dames's tale a thief 
robs the house during the night; in Swynnerton's a dog eats 
their provisions. According to Swynnerton the wife, in the 
morning, goes to a neighbor's to have some grain ground; while 
she is gone, the barber comes, shaves the husband, cuts off half 
his beard and moustache, and finally smears his whole face with 
lamp-black. In the Balochi story the thief rubs the faces of 
both husband and wife with the soot from the bottom of a 
griddle — clearly a reminiscence of the barber's part. In both 
cases the wife, surprised at her husband's appearance, speaks. 

All these Western Oriental versions fall into two general 
types which are to be summarized thus: 

(1). Chiefly found in Arabia. 

Frame-story: Greatest Pool of Three. 
Penalty : Shutting a door. 



304 JlMBRIOAN journal OP PHILOLOGY. 

Climactic Incident: (a) Thieves attack wife, or 

(b) Judge orders husband's executioii. 
First Speaker: Woman. 

(2). Chiefly found in Persia. 

Frame-story: Greatest Fool of Three. 
Penalty : (a) Shutting a door, or 

(b) Watering a calf or ass. 
Climactic Incident : (a) Thief steals property^ or 

(b) Barber disfigures man's appearance. 
First Speaker: Woman. 

Each of these two lypes, as we have seen^ shows a number of 
minor variations. Taken together they represent a common 
tradition which, except for the penalty (shutting a door), is 
almost identical with the precipitate of the Hindu versions sum- 
marized in the preceding section. The first of the two Western 
Oriental types furnishes the starting-point for most of the 
European types which appear in the next section. 

5. The Silbnt Cottplb in Europe. 

The Silent Couple has been reported oftener frcmi Europe 
than from any other region, probably because the fiction of that 
part of the world is better exploited than is that of any other. 
I have the following references : 

Straparola, Le Piacevoli Notti (1550), 8th Night, 1st story. 
(A short account of this tale appears in Dunlop-Liebrecht, 
Geschichte der Prosadichtungen, p. 284, although I can find no 
such remarks in any of the English editions.) 

Oiambattista I, 90, reported by Bua in Oiomale storico della 
letteratura italiana. Vol. XVI, p. 257. 

<J. Amalfi in Archivio per lo studio delle tradizioni popolari. 
Vol. XXI, p. 360. 

The German Eogue: or, the Life and Merry Adventures, 
Cheats, Stratagems, and Contrivances of Tid Bulespiegle 
(London, 1720), Chapter 17: 'The History of the Three 
Noodles, with the Adventure of the Diamont Ring, well worth 
reading.' Beported in Brie, Eulenspiegel in England, pp. 115 
and 118. 

Ouville, filite des Contes (ed. of 1883, reprinted from ed. of 
1680), VoL I, p. 123. (I have also references to Les recreations 



TEB BILENOB WAGBB BTORIBB. 305 

frangoises [1662], Vol. I, p. 107, and Nouveaux contes & rire 
[1702], p. 148. According to Brunet, editor of the 1883 edition 
of Ouville^s Elite des Contes, Vol. I, p. iii, Ouville's tales were 
published a number of times, with changes in order, additions, 
omissions, etc., under these two titles.) 

lyAquin de Chateaulyon, Contes mis en vers (1775), p. 32, 
No. 9, * La porte ouverte.' 

Eottmann, Lustiger Historien-Schreiber (Preystadt, 1717), 
p. 254. 

Mother Bunches Merriments (ed. of 1650). Reported by 
Brie, Eulenspiegel in England, p. 118, where he remarks that 
the only known copy of titis edition is in the British Museum. 
The 1604 edition of Mother Bunch, used by Hazlitt in his 
Shakespeare's Jest-Books, does not contain the story. 

The Wonder-working Stone. I have the following informa- 
tion from Bolte, Das Danziger Theater, p. 225. This is an 
English farce that appears a number of times in Germany; the 
source is lost. Eeferences: (1) Ein lustig Pickdharings-Spiel, 
darinnen er mit einem Stein gar lustige Possen macht. Enge- 
lische Comedien. 1620. (See Tittmimn, Die Schauspiele der 
englischen Eomodianten, 1880, pp. liv and 235) ; (2) Ayrer, 
Zwischenspiel der Comoedia vom Eonig in Cypem (written 
before 1605)**; (3) Zwischenspiel der Danziger Tragicomoedia 
vom stummen Bitter (terk by Bolte, op. dt, p. 269) ; (4) J. 
Soet, Jochem-Jool, ofte Jalourschen-Peckelharingh (Amster- 
dam, 1637) ; (5) Jan Vos, Klucht van Oene (Ams. 1642) ; (6) 
A. V. Amim, Schaubiihne (1813) ; later presentations of the 
same Zwischenspiel mentioned by Bolte, op, dt, p. 225. 

Prince Hoare's No Song, No Supper, A Musical Entertain- 
ment (1790), reported in Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, 
Vol. II, p. 15. 

Farce d'un Chaudronnier. Text in VioUet le Due, Ancien 
Theatre Francis, Vol. II, p. 109. 

Oueulette, Parades incites, p. 58. 

Camoy, Littdrature orale de la Picardie, p. 167. 

Scottish popular ballad, variously entitled 'Get Up and Bar 
the Door ' and ' Johnie Blunt.' No. 275 in Child, The English 
and Scottish Popular Ballads. First reported in 1769. 

Goethe's ballad ' Gutmann und Gutweib.' 

Grisanti, Usi, credenze, proverbi e racconti popolari di Isnello, 
p. 210. 

^ I Assume that this is the story mentioned by Kdhler and Child as 
appearing in Ayrer's Dramen (ed. by Keller), Vol. m, p. 2006. 

2 



306 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGT. 

A. Ouadagnoli^ Poesie giocose^ ' La lingaa d'lma donna alia 
prova/ I have seen only a (Jerman translation by P. Heyse in 
Gegenwart, 1881, No. 12. 

Bemoni, Fiabe popolari veneziane, p. 67 (included in Crane, 
Italian Popular Tales, p. 284). 

Pitr6, Fiabe, novelle e racconti popolari siciliani, Vol. m, 
p. 326 (included in Crane, Italian Popular Tales, p. 285). 

Oitt^ et Lemoine, Contee populaires du pays wallon, p. 78. 

J. W. Wolf, Deutsche Marchen und Sagen (1845), p. 158. 
Wolf states that a large number of his tales are from Belgium, 
and Andrae in ^eitsc&ift fiir den deutschen TJnterricht, VoL 
XXIII, p. 768, states definitely that this tale is Belgian. 

Volkskunde, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsche Folklore, VoL 
n, p. 17. 

Dykstra, TJit Friesland's volksleven. Vol. II, p. 123. 

Fritz Beuter, 'Du droggst de Pann weg,' in LauBchen un 
Rimels, Vol. II, No. 37. 

F. Orabe, Du droggst de Pann weg, Schwank (1898). 

S. Minden, De yerhangnisvoUen Pankaukeu (Hamburger 
Posse). See in the Niederdeutsches Jahrbuch, Vol. XXII, p. 
96, where it is stated that this is from a Low (German ' Schwank * 
C nach Fritz Eeuters Gedicht ') . 

E. T. Kristensen, Aeventyr f ra Jylland, Vol. 11, No. 24. 

M. Vddavek, ValaSskfi pohAdky a pov6stL Ve Velk&n 
MeziHSi, p. 142. This is noted by Folivka, Archly fiir slayische 
Philologie, Vol. XIX, p. 244. 

Simrock, Deutsche Marchen, No. 34 ('Outmann und Gut- 
weib'). 

J. Wenzig, Westslayischer Marchenschatz, p. 128. 

Noyelle di Sercambi, ed. d'Ancona, p. 16. 

Dahnhardt, Natursagen, Vol. I, p. 233. This is from a 
Plugblatt of the Kgl. Bibliothek zu Berlin (Yd 7912, No. 93), 
printed at Leipzig in 1800 (' Funf schone neue Lieder '), refer- 
ence furnished Dahnhardt by J. Bolte. 

The following retferences I haye not been able to yerify nor 
haye I eyen been able to secure any information concerning the 
stories appearing in them. They will not be discussed. 

Les subtiles et facdtieuses rencontres de J. B., disciple du 
g&i6reux Verboquet (Paris, 1630), p. 9. 



THB BILENOB WAGBB BT0BIB8. 307 

St. Niclaes-Gift (yAmstddam, 1647), p. 19. There is a 
notice of this book in Tijdschrift voor Nederlandschetaal- en 
letterkimde, VoL XIII, p. 87. 

Buckard, Die lachende Schule (1725), No. 68. 

E. Carmoly, Mille et nn contes, p. 211. 

Chph. Priederici, Oel nnd Wein gegossen euf die Wunden der 
Lebendig-Todten (1719), VoL II, p. 66 ('Der gelassene 
Hanrey '). 

•Outmann, Deldamierbuch fiir ey. Yereine, (Ansbach, 1895) 
VoL II, p. 325 ('Das faule Ehepaar,' anonymes Gedicht). 

Nieuwe Snakeryen, of Vermakelyke Historien. 3 Dmk. 
Keulen o. J. (c. 1700), p. 195, 

Pol de Mont en Alfons de Cock, Vlaamsche Vertelsels (1898), 
p. 242 ('Het stilzwijgende koppd'). 

Pol de Mont en Alfons de Cock, Zoo Vertellen de Vlaminden 
(Gknt, 1903), 242. This reference from FF Communications, 
VoL VII, No. 37, p. 65 (according to Professor Crane). 

These European versions are for the most part divided into 
two classes : first, those in which the penalty is shutting a door, 
and, second, ^L in which the peSly is returning a boi^ 
rowed pan. Curiously, however, the oldest of all the European 
tales, Sercambi's, which must have been written before 1424, 
the date of that author's death, belongs to neither of these 
groups, and, further, is so unlike any Oriental version that 
it is impossible to trace it. Of the two chief lypes of the Silent 
Couple in Europe each has given birth to variants that have 
lost the distinguishing marks of their types but are nevertheless 
traceable by other features. 

The first and larger type is that in which, as in the Scottish 
ballad, an open door is the subject of the quarrel. This is 
clearly derived from the Western Oriental type discussed in 
the preceding section and illustrated most conspicuously by the 
tale of Sulayman Bey and the Three Story-Tellers. The 
starting-point of this type in Europe seems to be the tale of 
Straparola, where it appears set in a Iframe that in itself guar- 
antees the connection with the Oriental versions. Three pol- 
troni '^ walking along a road together find a ring. Each claims 

"* Aocording to the Italian dialectic lexicons tliis word usually means 
' coward ' or * sluggard.' However, Meyer-LUbke, Bomanisches etymolo- 



308 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

it and they quarrel, finally placing the decision in the hands 
of a gentleman who rides up. He declares that the ring shall 
belong to the laziest (the greatest poltrone)*^ of them; and 
each then tells a story on himself to support his claim to this 
doubtful honor. The story of the Silent Couple is put in the 
mouth of the third, named Sennuccio. He and his wife 
Bedovina quarrel one evening over the question of which shall 
shut the street door, agreeing at last that whichever speaks first 
shall have the duty. Bedovina then goes to bed in the back 
room, and Sennuccio stretches out on a bed in the front room. 
During the night a gentleman's servant, whose lantern has gone 
out, comes to their house for a light. He enters, makes his 
request of the husband, but can get no answer. Then, seeing a 
glimmer in the rear room, he walks back, looks around, and 
finds Bedovina. She too makes no reply to his request. There- 
upon the servant, who is something of a gallant, seeing that she 
is young and comely, softly creeps into her bed while she re- 
mains silent. When he leaves, she bursts into the other room, 
berating her husband, *A pretty fellow you, to leave the door 
open all night and let people get into your bed! ' * Fool/ re- 
sponded Sennuccio, ^ now go and shut the door ! ' 

Straparola's tale seems to have had a wide circulation in 
Europe. With its frame it appears in Giambattista (see Boa, 
I. c), in Amalfi's tale (see Amalfi, I. c.) and in The German 
Eogue (see Brie, Z. c), where the versions, according to the 
authorities cited, are identical with the Italian. Outside of the 
frame it is told with practically no divergences from Straparola 
in Ouville (Z. c.),** Eottmann (Z. c), the Scottish ballad 
' Johnie Blunt' (see in section 2)," and in Goethe's ballad, 

gisches WOrterbnch, s. ▼. ptUUter (No. 6825), quotes related words in 
* few dialects that seem to support a meaning of 'fool.' Possibly 
someone of them is responsible for the change from the Oriental ' Great- 
est Fool of Three ' to Straparola's ' Greatest Poltrone of Three.' 

''For references to the motif 'Laziest of Three' in Europe, see 
Wesselski, Der Hodscha Nasreddin, Vol. I, p. 264. 

"B'Aquin de Chateaulyon's tale may also be derived from this ver- 
sion, but I have not seen it and cannot tell. 

"In the Scottish ballad the man is, secondarily, the first speaker, 
probably as the result of influence by versions of the second type (see 
below). 



THE BILENOE WAGER BTORIEB. 309 

which^ as Goethe Mmselif stated, is an adaptation of the Scot- 
tish.'^ Possibly the version in the 1650 edition of Mother 
Bunches Merriments is also derived from Straparola, although 
I can only hazard a guess since my information concerning it 
consists only of the remark by Brie (2. e.) that the penalty is 
shutting a door. 

This type was also dramatized, although how early cannot be 
said. However, at the beginning of the seventeenth century the 
English farce *The Wonder-working Stone/ which contained 
this story as one of its scenes, was Imown in Gtermany. There 
dramatic interest was heightened by an appeal to the husband's 
jealousy- When, as in the Fickelheringsspiel (I. e.)y neighbor 
Wilhelm comes in and, after some efforts at conversation, grasps 
the wife by the hand to lead her away, the husband, already 
jealous of Wilhelm, speaks out. Somewhat different dramatiza- 
tions appear in the Farce d'un Chaudronnier and in Prince 
Hoare's No Song, No Supper. In the first of these the penalty 
is that the first speaker shall be considered ' the greater cackler.' 
This is a secondary characteristic, but the French farce may 
well have some sort of indirect connection with the Wonder- 
working Stone; just what, I do not venture to say.'* The fact 
that the denouement follows the tinker's attempt to kiss the 
woman, as in many versions where the penalty is closing a door, 
and the fact that the man speaks first support this view. Prince 
Hoare's version is comparatively closer to the undramatized 
versions. There Crop and Dorothy quarrel. Eobin, a sea-faring 
acquaintance, enters and says to Crop, ' A good ducking at the 
yardarm would put your jawing-tackle aboard, and be well em- 
ployed on you — ^would n't it, mistress?' Dorothy, too eager, 
speaks her agreement. 

In the parade published by Qeulette (Z. c.) the penalty is to 
do the housework, but the rest of the tale is so close to Strapa- 
rola and Ouville that the dramatic version seems to have been 

**66e, e. g., in Goethe's Sftmtliche Werke^ Jabilftums-Aasgabe (Stutt- 
gart and Berlin; J. G. €k>tta'8che Buchhandlung) , VoL m, pp. 279 
and 382, where a letter from Goethe to Carlyle is quoted. 

" Wiedenhofen, Beitr&ge zor Entwicklongsgeschichte der frauEOslBcheii 
Farcen, p. 46, dates this farce at the beginning of the 16th century. 
If he is correct, the farce could hardly have been influenced directly 
hj the German ZwischenspieL 



810 AMEBIOJJf JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOY. 

derived from them with only that secondary yariatioiL There 
Gille and his wife Gillette make the wager. Oille, it happens, 
is afraid of being made a cuckold. A Swiss enters and makes 
love to OUlette. She remains silent, whereupon he seizes her. 
At this she calls to Gille for aid, and he says, ^ Tu as parl6 la 
premiere. Tu feras le m^age.' A iolk derivative of this 
appears in Camoy's collection (I. c.) entitled 'Pourquoi la 
f emme fait le m6nage.' *• 

Two other versions make the penalty the shutting of a door. 
In that reported by Orisanti (Z. c.) the couple keep their silence 
so well that the neighbors, thinking them dead, carry their 
bodies to the church for burial. * Which shall we bury first,' 
they ask, 'the husband or the wife?' 'Oh,' hastily breaks in 
the woman, ' my husband, my husband I ' Ouadagnoli's tale is 
similar to this in that the woman speaks when die hears the 
priesfs words. 

Between the two general types that the story of the Silent 
Couple takes in Europe is a very small and heterogeneous group 
of versions that have no dear connection with the types them- 
selves but yet seem to furnish an intermediate link. One of 
these is the novella by Sercambi (Z. c) in which the i)enaltj 
is to wash the dishes for a week. When the neighbors observe 
the continued and inexplicable silence of the couple, they think 
them about to die. The husband, taking advantage (A this, 
makes his will by sign language; and, when he wills away a 
handsome article of dress belonging to his wife, die at last gives 
tongue.'^ 

"Originally both the man and the woman did the housework by 
tarns. Once a shoemakeTy who was given to drink, was scolded by his 
wife for his drunkenness. lEe accused her of talkativeness, and she 
said she would never say another word. &e took her at her word, 
and they then made an agreement that whichever spoke first should 
do aU the housework. For fifteen days they remained silent; then one 
day a traveller stopped in for a pair of boots. From this point the 
tale is practically the same as those in which the penalty is to return 
a borrowed pan (see below). ^This oral tale is clearly a cross between 
that represented in the parade and that of the shoemaker couple with 
the borrowed pan. 

"Somewhat similar is the tale reported by Dfthnhardt (L c), in 
which Adam and Eva quarrel about making the bed. When the cat 
came to play with Adam's 'Sachen/ Eva could no longer keep sUent, 
but sharply ordered him to hang them up. 



THE BILBNOS WAGER BTORIEB. 311 

The connecting link between the two chief tyi>es that this 
tale furnishes lies in the nature of the penalty. In the second 
type the penalty is to carry home a borrowed pan (sometimes 
this is slightly varied), that is, the penally is the performance 
of some part of the housework, which recalls the penalty in the 
novella. In other respects the second type f oUows fairly closely 
the firsts being unlike Sercamfoi's.'" This Italian version is after 
all not so much a missing link as it is merely the starting- 
point in Europe for this unique variation from the usual lype 
of Silent Couple tales.*' 

The second lype of the European versions of the Silent 
Couple falls into sub-iypes, in one of which the woman speaks 
first, while in the other the man speaks. In both sub-types 
the principal actors are a shoemaker and wife. The first is 
illustrated by Bemoni's tale. A shoemaker and his wife, want- 
ing fritters, borrow a pan from the man's godmother, agreeing 
with each other that whichever speaks first shall return the pan. 
After eating the fritters the pair go to work, he drawing his 
thread to the tune ^ Leulerd, leulerd ' and she spinning to the 
accompaniment of * Picid, picid, picicid/ A soldier comes in 
to have the shoemaker cut his horse a girth, but can get neither 
of the couple to break silence. At last, enraged, he is about to 
cut off the man's head, when the wife says, 'Oh don't, for 
mercy's sakel' *OoodI' exdaimed the husband, ^(Joodl Now 
carry the pan back to my godmother.' 

This tale shows dear remiuiscences of the Arabic stories in 
which the wife speaks only when the judge orders her husband's 
head struck off, and I have no doubt that those Oriental ver- 
sions, with variations, are the source of the Italian.*® 

* At least one tale— 41ie Belgian tale reported bj Wolf (I, o.) , — shows 
itself to have been especiallj influenced by Sercambi's tale. The man 
and his wife quarrel about cleaning the mush-pot (Breit5pfchen). The 
couple keep silence so successfully that the neighbors think them mur- 
dered. They find this untrue, but set a watch over the pair. At last 
they ask the priest who is to pay them for their trouble. 'Tou will 
be well paid,' he answered, 'there is the woman's cloak on the wall. 
Take that for your pay.' Then she speaks. 

^iSercambi's version recalls the version from Arabia reported by 
Beloe (see section 4) in which the penalty is to moisten some dry 
bread, but I do not believe that either of these has influenced the other. 

«>An inferior variant of this appears in Pitr4 (I. a). There the 



312 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

The other sub-type is well illustrated by the tales of Fritz 
Bfiuter {I. c), Grabe (L c), Minden (Z. c), Dykstra (Z. c), 
and Oittte et Lemoiue (2. c). In these^ as for example in 
Beuter^s tale, the story is very dose to the first sub-type until 
the 'Herr' enters and finds that the couple wiU only whistle 
and sing. After a number df unsuccessful efforts to get an 
answer, the Herr is carried away by the music, takes the woman 
around the waist, and dances with her. In the end he kisses 
her, and then the husband speaks.'^ 

The Danish tale reported by Kristensen (Z. c.) is almost 
exactly lik^ this,'' except that the squire first sends in his 
coachman to inquire about a pair of shoes that are being 
repaired. When the coachman can get no answer he himself 
comes in. More different is Simrock's story in which, owing 
to faulty oral tradition, the couple are not shoemakers, but are 
residents in a forest seven days' journey from their nearest 
neighbors. After several days of their silence, they were visited 
by a hunter who wanted to inquire his way. Neither would 
speak to him, but he gave the woman the wink to follow him, 
had her })oint out the way, and gave her Trinkgeld for her 
kindness. She went home with the money and held it under 
her husband's nose, humming, ' Hm, hm, hm ! ' Then the hus- 
band burst put, ^You could not have got so much money 
honestly.' Thus he had to carry back the pan." 

oonple cannot agree which is to eat eome fish they have fried. They go 
to work« shoemaking and spinning, whistling and singing. Presently 
a friend enters, finds them nnaccountably silent, sees the fish and eats 
them up. Thus, rather anti-dimactically, the story ends. 

"^This group of tales has probahly influenced the ending of the 
Scottish ballad bdonging to the first type (see above). There seems 
no reason for thinking, as does Andrae (Zeitschrift ffir den deutschea 
Unterricht 23. 768), that Beuter was infiuenced by the ballad. 

"Probably also the tale by VAdavdc (I. c.) ' Faschingskrapf ol' 
Polfvka (I. 0.) unfortunately gives no account of this. The story in 
Volkskunde 2. 17 is this same sub-type secondarily affected by some 
story like that of 'Vom BreitOpf chen * (see above). 

"In Wemdg's Bohemian tale 'Wer hat die Tauben gegessenf a 
shoemaker ate some doves his wife had cooked and then denied the 
act— with recriminations. They made the sUenoe wager, the one who 
should speak first to confess thereby that he had eaten the doves. 
Three days later the driver of a wagon inquired the way. The woman 



THE BILmCE WAQER ST0BIE8. 313 

The European tales of all types seem to be descended directly 
from known Oriental versions, as is the case with our first 
type, or to represent a modified form of known Oriental ver- 
sions, possibly a fusion of several These have themselves in 
turn been modified and crossed.'^ 

started out to show it, when her husband, thinking she was running 
awaj, cried out, 'Wife, my dear wife, dont go awaj and leave me! 
I ate the doves/ 

** There are a great many other tales in Europe in which the element 
of silence plajs an exceedingly important part, although in most cases 
these concern indiyidual vows of silence without a wager between two 
people. For references to such tales, see Bolte, Das Danziger Theater, 
p. 219 (The Dumb Knight, and tales by Bandello, Lope de Vega, and 
others). One of these, dealing with historical personages, appears in 
Filippo da Siena, Leggende del secolo XIV: 'Gli assempri' (ed. Car- 
pellini, Siena, 1864), chap. 40, in which Frate Bandino, prior of fielva 
di Lago, once, at the time of the midday silence, saw a thief making 
away with the priory's ass. Bandino would not break his silence, but 
he prayed for the thief's conversion; and this God miraculously accom- 
plished so that the ass was soon returned. 

(However, there is one tale in which a Silence Wager clearly appears, 
and yet it seems impossible to connect this tale with any known ver- 
sion of the Silent Ck>uple. It was used first by Nicolas de Troyee as 
the first nouvelle of his Le grand parangon des nouvelles nouvelles, 
which, according to the ancient copyist's note, was begun in 1535 and 
finished in 1^36. In this a man shows several guests a h6g he had just 
killed. One of them, named Morthemer, says he would give his bonnet 
de nuyt to have this hog in his larder. The host says he may have it 
if only he will spend the entire night before it, his eyes firmly fixed 
upon it, continually repeating the words ' Gnif , gnaf ! ' Morthemer 
agrees. The host, after trying unsuccessfully to distract Morthemer's 
attention, at midnight summons the cur6, saying he has a madman in 
his house. The curd adjures Morthemer to forget the fantasies that 
make him say 'Gnif, gnaf ! ' and to think instead on God, the Saviour's 
Passion, and the Virgin Mary. But Morthemer remains deaf to him. 
Later the host tries to buy him off for an escu, but still Morthemer is 
unmoved, and at six o'clock he carries away the prize. 

A much better presentation of this same theme appears in Friti 
neuter's L&uschen un Rimels, Vol. I, Ko. 18 ('De Wedd'). In that 
the baker Swenn is challenged by two yoimg men to lock steadily at 
the swinging pendulum of a clock for a quarter of an hour, repeating 
the words, 

<Hir geiht 'e hen* dor geiht 'e hen; 
(Hir geiht 'e hen; dor geiht 'e hen.' 

He is neither to look around nor to say anything else. Each side bets 



314 AMBBIOAJSr JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

6. Thb Silent Men. 

The second diyision of fhe Silence Wager stories is that df 
the Silent Men. I have the following references: 

Gibb, The History of the Forty Vezirs, p. 171 (14th century). 

McCulloch, Bengali Household Tales^ p. 128. 

Enowles^ Dictionary of Kashmiri Proverbs and Sayings, p. 
197. 

The Orientalist, Vol. I, p. 136. 

(?) Douhaire, Le Decameron Busse (Paris, 1855), 1st tale. 
This notice is &om Andrae in Zeitschrift f iir den deutschen 
tJnterricht, Vol. XXIII, p. 768. I have not been able to get 
access to the book. 

The oldest existing version of the Silent Men is tiie TurkiBh 
"Wbich itself is possibly a translation of an Arabian tale (see 
CJlouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, VoL 11, p. 26). In the 
Turkish the men are all drug addicts and the penalty is the 
shutting of a door. At once we see that the source of the tale 
is that group of Arabian versions of the Silent Couple in which 
the quarreling pair are given to the use of hashish.** 

fifteen Daler. Once Gwenn has started^ the two sharperB pick np the 
money, say they are leaving, and walk off. Swenn thinks this merdy 
a ruse to distract his attention. Kot long after the youni;; men 
have gone, Swenn's wife oomee in, and is astonished to see her husband 
gazing fixedly at the pendulum and repeating the refrain. Thinking 
him suddenly demented, ehe summons the doctor. (At this moment the 
quarter of an hour comes to an end; and Swenn triumphantly exclaims 
that he has won his bet. (EQs wife thinks this is only more madness; 
and ehe and the doctor bundle him off to bed, while he swears and 
rages, 

Ick heww jo wedd*t, un ick heww wun'n. 

But aU to no avail! At last, giving up his fruitless efforts to fxplain, 
he reconciles himself to the loss of his money so that he may be 
thought to have regained his sanity and the right to go abroad. The 
moral, he decides, is that he should never bet again. 

lAndrae in the Zeitschrift flir den deutschen Unterrioht, VoL >^^ni, 
p. 758, points out that De Wedd has been copied by later writws. 
Mllller in his Reuters sftmtliohe Werke, Bd. 4, Einleitung, p. 9, states 
that in an oral tale from Friedland a B&ckermeister Schramm is simi- 
larly swindled. Unfortunately MttUer gives no references. 

" The Arabian story-tellers are fond of tales that deal with the stu- 



THB BILENOB WAGER BTORIEB. 316 

In the tale in The History of the Forty Vezirs some opium- 
eaters, finding a eequin, spent it on food^ which they hired a 
porter to carry to a ruined tomb outside the city; and there 
they began to eat it. Suddenly one of them, noticing that the 
door was open, said, ^ Stay, do one of you shut the door, else 
some other opium-eaters will come and annoy us. Even though 
they be friends, they will do the deeds c(f enemies.' Quarreling 
as to which should shut the door, they agreed that whoever 
spoke or laughed first should do it. Then they lay down and 
stopped eating. OPresently a number of dogs entered the open 
door and ate up all the food, but no one said a word. Then 
another dog leaped in, but finding the food all gone it began 
to eat the crumbs from the breast and lips of one of the men.i 
The man kept silent until the dog bit off part of his lip; then 
he could not restrain a groan. At this the others cried, ^ Bise, 
fasten the door I ' He replied, * "After loss, attention I *' Now 
that the food is gone and my lip woxmded, what is the use 
of shutting the door ? '•• 

The three Indian versions are all obviously secondary in one 
or more respects, especially in the nature of the penalty. In 
the Bengali tale three smokers of ganja (a hemp product), who 
are travelling together, prepare their midday meal at a tank. 
Finding that they have no plantain leaves on which to place 
their food, they agree that whichever of them speaks first shall 
cut the leaves. Some hours elapse, when pariah dogs come and 
eat the food; but no one will make a sound. About midnight 
a village watchman arrests them and takes tiiem before the 
magistrate. The magistrate examines one, gets no response, 
and finally orders him thrown out of court. But when the 

pidity or laziness of haahish-snK^erB. This may easily be seen by anyone 
who will take the trouble to look over the summaries of the tales In 
the 1001 Nights and kindred collections, given in Ghauvin, Bibliographie 
des ouvraf^ arabes, Vols. V-Vll. 

** The Russian tale, according to Andrae, has as its title ' Les man- 
geurs de haschich' and deals with closing a door. Andrae does not 
state that this tale belongs to the Silent Men rather than to the Silent 
Couple, but I infer that it does from these rather incondusive facts: 
(1) the title is that usually given to the Silent Men; (2) being 
Russian, the tale is likely to be borrowed from the Turks, and the 
typical Turkish version of the silence wager is the Silent Men. 



316 AMBRIOAHf JOURNAL OF PHILOWOtY. 

sergeant ahoves the man, the latter involxintarily cries out, ^ Get 
out, you rascal! Whom are you shoving?' At once his com- 
rades thrust the cutting tool into his hand, shouting, ^ Cut, you 
rascal I Cut the plantain leaves I ' 

The Kashmiri tale is much like the Bengali However, the 
heroes are five friends, and, probably because of faulty oral 
transmission, there is no statement that they are drug addicts. 
The penalty is to get butter from the village. Their food is 
burnt up, not eaten by dogs; and the denouement comes only 
when one of them, at the judge's command, is beaten. 

The Bengali and Kashmiri tales differ from the Turkish in 
having the climax come when the judge takes a hand in mat- 
ters. In this respect they axe nearer than the Turkish to the 
tale of Sulayman Bey and the Three Story-TeUers (see above^ 
section 4), in which the Silent Couple were drug addicts and 
the woman spoke when the police officer ordered the husband's 
head struck off. It is possible that these two oral tales from 
India are, in the matter of the denouement, more like the 
Arabic original of the Silent Men than is the tale in the 
Turkish Forty Vezirs. 

In the remaining version, that from Ceylon reported in the 
Orientalist, twenty-five idiot servants were aU sent at once to 
cut plantain leaves for their master's household. They decided 
not to share the labor, but to place it all upon the man who 
should speak first; after which they all lay upon the ground 
like logs. Their master, thinking them dead^ ordered them 
buried in a common grave; but as the earth was being thrown 
over them, one of the grave-diggers accidentally hit one of the 
idiots with his implement, and the idiot moaned. Thereupon 
the others sent him for the plantain leaves. 

The very secondary conclusion of this tale has clearly been 
affected by the conclusion of the Sinhalese version of the Silent 
Couple reported by Parker (see section 3). In that tale the 
man speaks as the cords are being tightened around his 1^ for 
buriaL 

7. QUIOCABT. 

We have now traced the history of our motif. It originated 
in India, before 500 A. C, in the tale of the Silent Couple. 
It was incorporated in the larger story ^Greatest Fool of 



THE BILENOB WAGER BTORIBB. 317 

Four/ which in turn took the form of ' Greatest Fool of Three/ 
In this frame it went to the Western Orient, where it spread 
both in the frame and out of it, and with many changes. Still 
in the frame, but with characteristic features of the Western 
Oriental types, it went back to India, where that version 
appears now in the Northwestern part of the country among 
tiie Mohammedan population. From the Western Orient the 
Silent Couple travelled to Europe both in the frame and out of 
it, and there it again took distinctive forms. Possibly it has 
travelled from Europe and the Western Orient to other lands, 
although it has not been my fortune to find it elsewhere. 

Meanwhile by the fourteenth century the Silent Couple had 
given birth to another tale, that of the Silent Men, which has 
its home in the Western Orient. This has spread but little 
from Arabia and Turkey, appearing only in three localities in 
India where Mohammedans have carried it, and possibly in 
Bussia also.'^ 

W. NOBMAK BBOWN. 
Tm JoBvs HopKora UvnnuifT. 



" [An additional treatment of the ' Silence Wa^er ' may be found in 
Johannes Hertel's treatise, ' Ein altindisches Narrenbuch/ published in 
Berichte der SSchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Vol. LXlV 
(1912), 1 ff. It contains additional inatancea of Hindu yersions of the 
wager, both between man and wife, and between men. 

Belated with the * Silence Wager ' is the type of story in which one 
or more women undertake to be silent. (N'ormally, a princess refuses 
to be married unless the wooer breaks her silence one or more times. 
The ladies, invariably, are made to speak. See Hemavijaya's Eathft- 
ratnftkara, story 153 (Hertel's Translation, Vol. II, pp. 114ff.); Jttlg, 
Mongolische Mftrchen, pp. 233 ff. ; Caritra^imdara's Mahlp&lacaritra, in 
Hertel's elaboration of Jinalclrti's 'Geschichte von Pftla imd Gk>pftla,' 
in Berichte der Sftchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Vol. T.xiX 
(1917), fascicle 4 (pp. 7((ff. of the reprint) .—M. BL] 



n.— THE OXHMA-nNEYMA OF THE NEO-PIiATONISTS 
AND THE DE INSOMNIIS OF STNESIUS 

OP CYEENE. 

The theory of the ix'^i^-'n^f^S ^ ^^ '^^ ^ ^^ ^®^ 
Platonic writers^ represents the reconciliation of Plato and 
Aristotle on a subject which the former never taught and the 
latter was incapable of defining intelligibly. The fusing pro- 
cess that sought to combine and harmonize the statements of 
these two protagonists of Greek philosophy early manifested 
itself owing to tiie fact that the chief Platonists studied and 
taught Aristotle in their schools side by side with Plato. The 
desire for making the differences of these thinkers appear less 
chasmic was inevitable. The excess to whidi this tendency was 
carried finds a quasi-palliation in the recourse to the allegorical 
sense everywhere descried by them. The cultivation of this 
deeper meaning produced monstrosities of expository versatility. 

The ix^/Ao-irvcv/Ao theory belongs to the melting-i)ot of Neo- 
Platonism. It centers in the assumption that the soul in its 
descent from the sidereal and astral bodies employs a vehicle 
to convey it downward through the successive spheres.^ This 
vehicle served at the same time to join the incorporeal soul 
with the body,* or as Simplicius" and Produs* put it, tiie 
Sxni^ made the soul lYK6atuo*:. It was conceived to be brought 
down from the spheres.* What is the Platonic and what is the 
Aristotelian element that were combined in the theory? 

Plato did not invest the pre-existent souls with a sidereal 

* Augustine Ep. 1, ISb (Migne): ^Neoesae est te meminisse quod 
crebro inter nos sermone iactatum est . . . de aTiimae . . . corpore 
. . . quod . . . did vehioulum reoordaris . . . corpus quo iimiti anima 
nt de loco ad locum transeat putatur.*' 

' This was a crucial question. Porphyry quizzed his teacher Plotinns 
for three days on nw 1i }fnfx^ c^wwri r^ ff&iuLTi\ Cf. Vita Flotini c. 13; 
Knn- IV 3, 9; (IV 8. 2) ; Stob. I 926 (H.) ; Stob. I 904-906. 

*Simpl. in Fhys. VI 4, p. 966. Simplicius meets the objections of 
Alexander of Aphrodisiaa, p. 964, who diarji^ the Neo-Platonists with 
gaining nothing by attaching a corporeal ^xni^ to the sooL 

* Procl. in Tim. 311 C. 

* Cf. Porphyry, Sent. c. 32; Prod, in Bern PubL n, p. 161. 

318 



THE OXHMA-nNBTMA AND THE DE IN80MNIIB. 319 

body,* but in his Timaexis he speaks of a certain ^fta assigned 

to each of them : ^ lyLpiPaxroK ck h ixni'^ iV rov iraKTOs ^vaiVy etc. 

The ^fta here can be nothing else than the star itself. In two 
other passages of the Timaeus* the word ixniui is used with 
no reference to the soul. The Phaedo afforded even a smaller 
handle for foisting an extraneous thought on Plato.' Yet it 
was precisely these Platonic passages into which allegorical 
commentators imported a mystical meaning^' to make them 
comport with a perverse exposition of the Phaedrus myth.*^ 
Consequently, the ^x^/ia was regarded as something attached to 
the soul," grown together with the soul." 

This interpretation was heli)ed by the Aristotelian assump- 
tion of the iFVfviui. According to Aristotle ^^ the soul is com- 
pletely incorporeal. According to his philosophy this is natural 
enough, since the soul is only the formal cause. However, it is 
not x'^purni rov aw/iaro^, but has its seat in a certain substance 
transmitted in the act of procreation. 

This substance he designates both as OepfjuSv and as irvevfux. 
The nature of this urevfn he defines ^* as dvoXoyov rf twv Starpfav 
PToix^fpf that is, the viiuirrov cro>/ui, the aether. Aristotle speaks 
of this vKcvfn as wtvfia avy^vrov and assigned it to all animals." 

The harmonizing interpretation of the commentators resulted 
in the identification of Plato's ixniui and the Aristotelian irv^iia. 
So Philoponus ^^ speaks of the irvev/ia to deppjov. It is with him 
tiie seat of movement in the body, as the soul according to Aris- 

' Zeller U l\ p. 820, note 3. 

'Tim. 41 D. 

■ Tim. 44 E, 69 C. 

'Phaedo 113 B. 

^Prod. in Tim. 311 C, 312 B, 321 C, D; in Rem Pub. H, p. 267; 
of. also Plato's Bep. 621 B and Procl. in Tim. 320 D. Proclus in Rem 
Pub. n, p. 16*1 derives the " sowing " of the dx-tiiara, from Tim. 41 A. 
EUerodes in MuUach I, p. 478 makes the assertion that Plato took over 
the BxfifM. from Pythap^ras. 

^Hierodes in MuUach I, pp. 478, 480. 

^ BxfifM i(ni^fUpo9 riis ^x^f. i^wTMffBai recurs frequently. 

^ev/A^vks SxVf^t frequent. 

^ Zeller n 2*. pp. 483 ff. and notes. 

>"De Oen. An. 736 b 29. 

^ Zeller n 2, p. 483, long note. 

" On De Anima III 10, p. 588. 



320 AMERICAlf JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

totle was immovable.^* So Hierocles *• defines tlie urcv/ua pre- 
cisely in the way that Aristotle defines his imvita. Accordingly 
no distinction was made between the 2x*7/^ ^^^ ^^ urcv/ia'^ 
and both were comprehended under the appellation of the 
nveoiMTtKov Sxtffia,^^^ Various names were employed to desig- 
nate it.*^ Although Aristotle defines the nature of the urcvfn 
as avdXoyovy etc. (vide supra), he was far from accepting the 
soul's mystical residence in the stars; yet his language lent 
itself to emotional interpretations. 

From the Aristotelian irvev/ia avfuf>vTov the Platonic ^x^fta 
took on the epithet avfuf^vi^y and from his definition dvoXoyov 
T^ TttJv doT/Kav oToix<*w thc cpithct avyocuSe?,** the ^'luminosi cor- 
poris *' amictus of Macrob., Sonm. Scip., I 12, 13. 

An instructive passage that contributes to bear out the con- 
tention advanced is found in Themistius : ** irop^ UXdrutvi gikw 

t6 avyoa^s ^X7f^ ravn;? ^x^^*^ ^^ virovocas, wapa 'ApurrorcXa 8i ro 

MXoyov T<p ir^irr^ aw/wri. Now there is nowhere in Plato an 
avyo€iSi9 6xntui, but there is in Aristotle, as we have seen, a 
w€VfjLa dowered with the radiance of the fifth element. What 
Themistius has in mind with the dvoAoyov r^ vifAmi^ o-fi/iars 
is the wvevfjLa of De Gen. An. 736 b 29 quoted above.** Sim- 
plicius tells us that the substance of the Sxnf*^ ^ ^^^ ^^ ordi- 
nary visible, but the heavenly fire.** 

We look in vain in Plato for any elucidation. The learned 
Neo-Platonic commentators that carry over Aristotle's doctrine 
of the ov/x^vrov vKcv/io, afford some miscellaneous information. 
It appears that the ^xi^/uta-irvev/ia was fundamentally connected 

» On De Anima III 10, p. 588. 
«• Mullach I, p. 478. 

"^Simpl. on De Anima, pp. 213-214; Procl. in Tim. 34 E; Prod, in 
Bern. Pub. I. p. 110. 
"* E. K. Prod, in Tim. 311 A. 
'^ ireplpXiitta W9€vi/LariK69, Sxtf^ i^X^'^^*$ in^X^^* wwn/fia, Bxflf^ a^yimdh, 

" Observe quotations that are to follow. On aiyottSh 6xvf^ cf. ProcL 
in Bern Pub. I, p. 119; De Mjit III c. 14: rh wtpucelfupov ri fvxv ciWtpwin 

*0n De Anima, p. 19; p. 32, Berlin (1899) ed. 

"'Cf. Prod, in Tim. 2 D BxVf^ cU04ptop drdXoYoy rf e^iv. 

" 6impl. on De Anima, p. 73 o6 rb ^aip6fMP09 roGro vOp etc. 



THE OXHMA-nNETMA AND THE DE IN80MNII8, 321 

with the functions of sense-perception and imagination. Sim- 

plicius writes ** aUrOTfruchv yap Kal ifMrrcurrucov koI to ou^cpoiSc? t^s 

^fUT€pai ^^vx$« ^xnH^' This twofold functional activity is as- 
signed to it also by Priscian.*^ In its first activity it is most 
intimately related to the sensorium,*® and is the irvevfui to 
wpwrm aljOrfTiKov described by Themistius (on De Anima, 

pp. 86 sq.): lirl tov xvcvfiaros p€PrjKvui rov irp^no^ aiaBrfruccv.^^ 

In this setting the statement of Syrian*^ becomes invested 

with meaning : Ikuvo yc iariv dXvjOiif Sri rj iikv &imi^ To^ dicTivas rhs 
ir€fMrofA€va/s diro rov avyooSov? 6)(i^fiaT<K iirl rk opard etc. According 

to its second function it is capable of becoming the receptacle 
of the imaginative impressions.*^ The passage to be quoted 
from Simplicius affords additional illumination. Speaking of 
the operation of the imagination {<f>avr(ur(a) he says that it 
employs the same instrument : opydvt^ pkv r^ avrif XP^H'^ ^^* 

ovx &9 alaOffnK^ koX l[(io$€y ri ira0aivop.€y^f wq Sk ^vtootum^ koI viro 

rrp ^vrooTcic^ etc. Porphyry^s statements concerning the 
f imction of the Sxnpairvtvpja are in the same vein : *^ cic t^ irpo« 

to aiOfUL irpwntaAtCa^ . . . ivajrofiopywrcLi Tviro9 t^ ^vnurcas etc." 

The difference of the ^vroata and its operation from the 
^X^fui-nTcv/ia is set forth by Simplicius : ** oMi ^ KfHun-aaia etc. 
With this agrees the statement of Sjmesius as illuminated by 
Augustine. Synesius says •• that philosophers called the irvevfia 
of which he is speaking also mftvparucrj tln^. Now the urcvfia- 
Tuc^ ilnjxrf of which Synesius is speaking is the ixniuL-w^pa and 
identical with Augustine's '* anima spiritalis qua corporalium 

*'Simpl. on De Anima, p. 17. Of. also Beare, Greek Theories of 
Elementary Coition, pp. 333-336. 

" Metaphrasis vtfl 4>awTaalas p. 264. 

** Themistius on De Anima, pp. 86, 87. 

*Cf. Procl. in Rem Pub. II, p. 167. 

** In Metaphysica 888 h 17. 

** Simpl. on De Anima, p. 214. 

*• Sent. r*. 32. 

"Porph. vp6s Tavpo9 VI 1 is quoted by Moomiert, p. 13. It may be 
mentioned in passing that Mommert was misled by the external simi- 
larity of the quotation from Porphyry in Wolff, p. 160. The wpwfta 
there is somethin^i: entirely different, aa Wolff proceeds to explain, p. 
161, and as Porphyry's words show. 

** Simpl. on De Anima, p. 214. 

"De Ins. c. 6 12^ A (Migne). 

3 



322 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOY. 

renun capiiintur imagines/' This Augustine distinguishes from 
the '^ intellectualis aoima qua rerum intellegibiliimi percipitur 
Veritas/' 
This then is the nature of the ^fta-nrcil/ia. Flotinus has 

the nvcvfui (Enn. II 2^ 2 mp* ^fuv ro w^/w. rb w€pl r^ if^HCT^^* 

but Flotinus does not apply the epithet a^ociJcs to it nor the 
term ^xnf^ I^ seems that the identification of Plato's ixiiui 
and Aristotle's m^iux is posterior to Flotinus. Enn. Ill 4, 6 
shows that he did not mystify the Timaeus passage. Cf . Enn. 
I 6, 7 ; IV 3, 10 ; IV 3, 9, where he speaks of successive a»fiat« 
assumed and laid aside by the descending souL 

Porphyry,** lamblichus,*^ Syrian,** Hierodes,** and Produs 
accept it. In the hands of Produs,^ it becomes a means of 
recognition for posthumous souls. It xmderlies the words of 
Boethius,^* ^^Tu causis animas paribus vitasque minores | 
Provehis et levibus sublimes awmbus aptans | In cadum ter- 
ramque seris." Philoponus*** creates a confusion. He distin- 
guishes the a^o€(i82s ixif^ from the urcv/iarucov ix'liui (cf. p. 18). 

His HTCv/iarucov i)Cll'^ ^^ ^^ Mrtpav ixriita of Produs to whidl 

we shall refer subsequently. And yet he, like Themistius, re- 
lates the TTvev/iaruc^v ^XIV^ ^ ^^ sensorium (p. 481) : ^ icoonf 

aSUrOrjais avr^ fjukv dxrw/uir^i ifrnv . . . Iy rep wvev/iaruc^ y&^omu. The 

explanation seems to lie in the assumption that Philoponus was 
a late writer who took over Produs' view of the Scurcpov ^/m 
and ascribed to this the predication made by the Neo-Platonists 
(who accepted no Scvrcpov ^x^/uta of the irrational soul) of the 

The destiny of the Xx^fta-nTcv/ia was doeely bound up with 
the destiny of the soul to which it belonged.** After having 
been purified it reascended together with the soul to its astral 
seat.** It was capable of purification through the double pro- 

"Procl. in Tim. 311 A; Sent. c. 32. 

"Prod, in Tim. 311 B; 321 A; 324 D. 

*Cf. quotations that follow. 

** Comm. in Aur. Carm. MuUach I, p. 478, 483. 

« Comm. in Bem Pub. n, p. 174. 

«• De Phil. Cons. HI 0. 

^ Philoponus on De Anima. 

« Prod. Inst. Theol. 209. 

^Prod. in Tim. 333 B; cf. in Rem Pub. U, p. 162. 



TSB OXHMA-nNBTMA AND THB DB INBOMNIIB. 323 

cess of a dean life and the religioas rites. So Augustine^ 
writes: ''Confiteris (sc. Porphyry) tamen etiam spiritalem 
aniTnani sine teletis posse continentiae virtute purgari^^ and 
again** "Porphjrrius quandam quasi purgationem per theur- 
gian . . . promittit • • . porro autem (sc. dicit) a theurgo 
spiritalem purgarL^^ Hierodes also speaks of the purification 
of the ^fui-«Tcvfia.*^ Produs makes the same statements con- 
cerning his UuT€pov Axnv^ ^ ^ ^I)^^* ^^^ S> emphasizing the 
^(Aoao^oc C^ A^d the TcAam#c^.*^ Through such purification it 
became adapted to attract good spirits and to obtain the vision 
of Gk>d.*' Hence Augustine writes "Per quasdam consecra- 
tiones theurgicas quas tdetas vocant idoneam fieri atque aptam 
susceptioni spirituum et angelorum et ad videndos deos^' and 

EQerodes *' irp^ r^ rm KoBapmv wvtoiL&rmv mvowrCoLV etc 

Moreover^ the XxijAta-vrcvfu was capable in its extra-corporeal 
state of being thickened by moisture^ of becoming dark and 
murky through hylic attraction and thus visible. Thus Pro- 
dus"* writes t^ ^xv/**'* ^^ i(vffmffiba a^w etc. That the 
o&yociS^ ixnf^ ifi meant is discernible from the preceding pas- 
sage. Gf . also p. 119 wtpipkrifuvra, . . . iin$oKov/i^a Iwh ra>v iyvkiov. 

Porphyry writes " tAs ^cXocwfuCrow? . . . fcvctccd^, and again" 
voxvytfcKTog . . . 6parh9 yCimrOai^* In it the soul suffered post- 
letal punishment.'* 

Produs developed the ^fu theory and assumed a second 
intermediate ixyiH^ between the ix'lf^ cvfulfvi^ and the human 
body (Icrx^Tov (tw/ao, 6<rrp€wits cm/xa). This Scvrcpoy or wpoa^nA^ 

^De Civ. Dei X c 28, p. 446. 

*De Civ. Dei X c 9, pp. 416 and 416. 

* MuUach I, p. 479. The purification of the Sxyi/ia is an aid to the 
soul. The 26th chapter of Hierodes is the best commentary on the 
icd0apffts of the 0x^Ma. 

^ Cf . Hierodes in Mullach I, p. 482 for a defense of rcXcarix^. 

••De Civ. Dd X c. 9, p. 416. 

"* Mullach I, p. 481. 

"»In Rem Pub. I, p. 119; p. 121; 11, p. 166; Porphyry Sent, c 32, 
wihole chapter. 

"^De Ant. Nymph. 11. 

"See reference in Note 61. 

"Cf. In Rem Pub., p. 119. 

"Sent. c. 32; Philoponus on De Anima I, p. 18. 



324 AMBRICAy JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ixn/Jia was interpreted out of Plato •• and attached to the irra- 
tional soul.** It was composed of the four elements.'^ It was 
laid aside by those thoroughly purified through philosophy •* 
and was resolved into its elements. In the case of those who 
had lived a life of right conduct apart from philosophy it con- 
tinued in an illuminated condition, attending their ov/i^o^ 
ixnf^ ^ comets attend stars."* 
The functions of the three o^ttara are sunmiarized by Pro- 

dus: *^ TO puk¥ oZv crvfi^v^i ^Xlf"^ itoUi aMfv (=the SOul) iyK6afiW¥, 
T^ Sk icvrepov yeKarc(i>s woXxTtv, ro Sk ^<rr/>c(i>Scs xI^wColv, The second 

^hcifia was likewise designated as irvcv/iaracov and foisted by him 
on Aristotle.*^ It is this second ixJIf^ ^^^ ^^ intended by 
Philoponus who constantly speaks of it as vvcvfiartKov, the seat of 
0vfto9 and imJSvfua. Philoponus recognizes the a&yo&Sh: (hcqfui as 
a higher ^x^/m distinct from it.*^ According to Produs and 
Philoponus the Scvrcpov ^x^/m was perishable.*' 

The destructibility of the ^x7fia-«Tcv/ia was greatly disputed.** 
There were those who regarded only the rational soul as im- 
mortal, whilst they considered the ^fia-nTcv/ia and the irra- 
tional soul as perishable. Porphyry *■ and his '^ gentler '* fol- 
lowers allowed a dissolution of them into their original elements 
to be followed by an dnxtrrocxcuno'&f.** lamblichus and his fol- 

"Tim. 42 C, D xpoa^^rra iK rvp6v koI iSarot koX 64pot Ktd yiji, Proel. 
censures the oominentators (331 A) who failed to observe the dis- 
tinction. 

■• Procl. in Tim. 330 C. 

•» See Note 66. 

•■ Procl. in Tim. 330 D. 

** Cf . in Rem Pub. 11, p. 300. Kroll fails to understand the ^e^rtpow 
BxriPM, as his note, p. 300, evinces. 

• Procl. in Tim. 330 E. 
« Procl. in Tim. 312 C. 

** Philoponus on De Anima I, p. 17, r6re rolwvv koX r6p $vfihp gal r^r iwt- 
SvfUaw drcrlBtffOat etc.; cf. I, p. 12; I, p. 49. This first^named Bxff^ 
survives for a while; cf. his argument, p. 17. Like the Mrtpop SxyiP^ 
of Proclus, it is composed of the elements (p. 17). In this the soul 
endures its punishments in Hades, pp. 17-18. The two vrc^Mara of 
Philoponus differ in nothing from those ascribed to the " Chaldaeans 
by Psellus, Expos. Orac. Chald. (Migne), p. 1137. 

*" Philoponus on De Anima I, p. 18; also Proclus in Tim. 312 C. 

•* Proclus in Tim. 311 A fol. 

• See Note 64. 
••Procl. in Tim. 311 E, 157 D. 



99 



TEB OXHMA-nNETMA A2fD TEE DE IN80MNIIB. 325 

lowers reinstated the imperishability of all three.*^ Simplicius 
limits the ^xriina-vvtviia to the aerial life of the soul and does 
not seem to regard it as necessary to its earthly lif e.** 

The theory of the ^x^/ia-nrcv/ia was not confined to Neo- 
Platonism. The Chaldaic Aoyca taught it.** Produs writes : ^® 
Tw dvo T(0v Xoytfow &pfirffuyoK etc. The oracles also maintained 
that the soul in its descent gathers particles of the planets and 
the elements.^^ If we can trust Hierocles, the theory of the 
Sxn/^ ^^ b^l<^ ^7 ^^^ Pythagoreans and promulgated through 
the x/wy<TfM>*«^^* 

Besides the ^/la-nrcv/ia of the descending souls the Neo- 
Platonists spoke of various garments^ x*"*»^«-^' These garments 
were elemental substances and loosely were also called ox^fuiro. 
Their laying aside'* was furthered by a philosophic life and 
by religious rites.'* Produs so interprets the ^x^09 of Tim. 42 
C, D. However, this view was held by thinkers before Proclus '• 
and was not universally accepted.'* That Produs refined the 
first or ov/M^v^s 6xnfMa. after the introduction of the second can 
be discerned from Inst. Theol. 207-210 where he makes it 
6Kiyr(T0Vy avAov and airoBU contrary to the views of preceding 
Neo-Platonists. He even held that it was "sown'' into the 
stars together with the soul itself." 

Not only was a ^ircv/ia ascribed to the soul, but also to the 
daemons. The urcv/ia of the daemons was a subject of early 
dispute. Plotinus refers to it.'* Porphyry ascribes the ^ircvfu 
GtaitarovjU^ to them in his lecture on demonology." It deter- 

•* See note 06. 

•• Simpl. in Physica VI 4, p. 906. 

•KroU, De Orac. Chal., p. 47. 

* Prod, in Tim. 184 C. 
Trod, in Tim. 311 B, 331 B. 

^ Comm. Anr. Carm. Mullach I, p. 478. 

"Prod. Inst. Theol. 209; cf. in Tim. 35 A; in Aldb., p. 502; Macro- 
bins, Sonm. Sc.y I 11, 12. 

»■ Prod, in Tim. 330 C. 

'* Prod, in Tim. 331 B: ds t^p droo'Kcv^r rflr rwe^vw ^fiyArfap, . . «vr- 
TffXet iuk9 rcU ^ i>CK&aw^% t*^ ... 4 reXco-run). 

* See note 72. 

w Stob. Ed. I 926. 

" Prod, in Tim. 333 B, C. 

* Enn. m 5, 6 frvt ykp koX tIvos Ckiis fier^xovaip etc 
** De Abst. II 39 rd d^ Twwfia f iiiv iffri avfuirucip etc 



326 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOOY. 

mined their character,*® was " patibile '' and in the end perish- 
able."^ lamblichns accepts ihe theory of the daemonical irvev/ioy 
but is unable to define its nature except by negative state- 
ments.** So also Produs." 

In fact, the Neo-Platonists were not chary in assigning 
oyyiyiaTa. Porphyry •* made the light of the Bepublio-mytii the 
^fui of the world-soul. Produs •* gave an ^x^fu to the visible 
gods, Hierodes to the ^/mdcs. 

Let us now consider how the ^xi^/uanrFcvfia appears in Syne- 
sius. He designates it promiscuously as urcvfui and ixil^ ^^ 
a preference for the former appellation 1292 B (Migne) Ivntu 
etc. Here transition is made from one term to the other with- 
out change of meaning. That the Neo-Platonic ^xijfui-vTcv/ia 
demonstrated above is meant is discernible from his statement ^ 
that in irrational animals — ^Aristotle ascribed a Tvcv/ia to all 
living creatures — ^it is no longer the vehicle, but becomes itself 
the diief function, the animal's reason. Compare also 1293 B 

ixc&i;s (nTCv/iaruc^ ^^^XV ^^^ wveufm) wrwtp VKaj^cni^ impaim. Hence 

also the terms (rw/ia wplirovf oMfta 6€xnr&nw. Synesius applies a 
variety of names to it: ^ayrcurraciv «Tcv/ia 1292 A, 1309 C, 1313 
A, 1293 A, 1300 B, 1309 C— urev/iamc^ ^vxv ^^^3 A— simply 
wviviuoL 1289 C, 1292 B, 1296 C D, 1297 D, 1300 A, 1300 B-D, 
1312 B, 1313 B, 1316 B, 1316 B; Hymn IH 277, 506; Hymn 
lY 252— o&tfAcic^ ^&s 1297 B— tmfiarcic^ aiata 1297 D— ^paror 
ottS/ia 1297 G—iatfiayia <^vaK 1300 A — (^avmaruaj ^vcris 1305 B, 
1300 D—iUoTj ^WK 1297 C—ni<rov awfia 1289 C, 1312 B. 
This nTcv/ia is brought down by the souls from the spheres: 

^ fioi^cTm B^ etc. 1293 B, St€p Svw$€¥ ^pavitrarro 1293 C, ov ydip 
fu^n/v ds rhs vffHiipas Miyuv louce r^v ixctfcy ^xovow ^vaw 1297 B, 
§ud roSs KTi^aiptus hapfUHrOrjviu 1297 D. 

•• De Abst. n 38. 

"See note 79. 

"■De Myst. V IZ ^tyiip drXOt tlxiSw tOrt darb 0Xift etc 

" Prod, in Tim. 321 E. The demons are caUed Sai/iSmoi ^noc^ 

•*Procl. in Rem Pub. II, p. 196. 

■■ Procl. in Tim. 301 D, E, 302 B. 

** 1202 C Karafiatpm, y4 roc fjJxP^ ^wv ott oMrt vdpwri ivOr od64 ivriw ix^pm 
$uor4paf ^vx^ etc. The Btioripa ^x4 is the Xayiidi ^x4 called also by 
him wit^ a terminology differing from that of Aristotle wpAni fvxi* 

'^ dapelf;w$eum this application is Platonic and Neo-Platonio. CSf. 
Tim. 42 E; Procl. in Tim. 3^1 B, 337 D. 



TJSB OXHMA-nNETMA AlfD THB DB IN80MNIIS. 327 

On the fact that the different ^x^/iara descend from the dif- 
ferent spheres Synesins founds his rejection of a general oniro- 
critic Tnantial in 1313 A. A science is possible^ he says^ of the 

hixman body^ but ov\ o8rci»¥ iwi rw ^vroorucov w€v/M,T09* 

With him as with the Neo-Platonists the urcv/ia is function- 
ally related to the sensorium. This appears from his descrip- 
tion of it 1289 C-D TO ^oFTocmic^v vrev/xa KOiyorarov icmv ala-drf- 
nipuny,^ In 1292 B he writes of ihe irwfux: 5Xo)s yAp tovto fA^r- 

a(xfu6y iari dXoyias kcu \6yov . . . jccu koivo9 Upos dfjufxXv, In 1309 
C he calls it huvtcdv ra>v diroppcoKTcov d&aXtov Kartyirrpoy ififfniviaTaroy. 

Because of this function^ relating it to the imagination^ he speaks 

of it as the ^vroorucov nrev/xa and ^vtootuc^ tffwrt^. 

The nTcv/ia was closer to the soul than to the body and inti- 
mately connected with it^ acting upon the soul and being re- 
acted upon by it for better or for worse ; cf . 1292 B, 1293 A, 
1296 B.*" Consequently soul and nvcvfia form excellent gauges 
of mutual conditions; cf. 1300 A.** 

■Synesius nowhere employs the term oAyoaiis with reference 
to it> yet it is indubitable that he means the first urcv/ia or 
Sxyifia-irHvfUl throughout. To Synesius it likewise admits of 
purification and nurture through philosophy^ a dean life and 

the rites: Ka$(up6fi£ycv iih. rcXcrcov 1292 A; Sm£ re ^cXoo-o^cas . • . 
Koi ith. furpCa/s Suurrfs Ktu cr(tf^/>ovo9 1312 A; Kark r^ iinPkrfru(rpf Sv- 
vofuv htfyydv 1300 B; ith rw Kark ^wnv filov njpd KoSap&v 1292 B. 

Being purified it is capable of attracting good spirits and of 
being brought into relation with (Jod: IXica r^ avyya^C^ w^iuk 

ddo¥ 1300 B, G; <rvyyCv€rox ykp avrj fcol 0c^ iyK6(rfuoi cnjrtaq ixov(rg 
1309 A; wdfi€imv 6 ir6ppia $€69 1301 G; cf. 1305 G. 

Moreover^ ihe associations of dryness and moisture with the 
extra-corporeal irv€Vfia and its resultant barometric rising or fall- 
ing to the earth is Neo-Platonic : iraxvyeroi koI ytuovnu . . . 6XjoaZs 
oty . . . vypois ir¥€vfuun 1292 B. Compare this with Porphyry^ De 
Ant. Nymph 11 where the saying of Heraditus is likewise quoted^ 
and with Porphyry's Sent. § 32, in^Ku ri fiaph wv^pa koL hrvypcv 

** Cknnpare with this Themistius on De Anima, p. S7. 
■■ Cf . Prod, in Rem Pub. n, p. 164. 

^ Cf. Prod, in Rem Pub. 11; p. 166. Produs here makes the dxtpara 
a means of posthumous recognition. 



328 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

fl^XP* "^^ viroyetluv roirmv. So Synesius in 1300 A speaks of the 
6fuxAoiSc9 of the ^rvev/ia. This suggests what Porphyry says of 
the v€<^09; cf. also dxAvoimu Synesius 1297 B. 

Furthermore, Synesius* SxqHairvivfui is inseparable from Ihe 
soul and indestructible. In 1293 B he speaks as if the separa- 
tion of the 60ul from its iryevfui were possible; but this must 
either be understood in the light of otiier passages or be re- 
garded as exceptional, for he writes in 1293 C : c^uacv Sk ix^ • • • 
iwavoBov. Cf . also 1297 D. Hence he also calls it ae»/fa atajparov 
in 1297 B. 

Synesius accepted the imperishability of the ^x^fui-^rcvfui. 
Did he also believe in the imperishability of the irrational soul? 
To answer this question the interpretation of the oracle quoted 
by him in 1297 B requires a little note. A priori, this view 
might be found in Synesius as it appears already in Porphyry •^ 
and in lamblichus.*^ The question is raised by the commentary 
of Psellus.** Psellus interprets this oracle and understands the 
T^krf^ cricvjSaAov to be the human body and ihe d&oXov to be the 

cL\oyo« ifvxil* He writes Acya oiv to Aoytov . . . avripf avdyeu 

Prima fade the interpretation of Psellus may be correct, though 
he is inaccurate, because he generalizes what he calls the ^EAAi/vt- 
icos X6ytys. But since the interpretation given by Synesius is 
wholly different, the commentary of Psellus cannot be adduced 
to explain Synesius. With Synesius the vAi/v axvjSoAov and the 
cZScoAov are identical. It is neither the ^x^/ui nor the impwv 
awfULy but particles of the elements attracted and contracted by 
the descending ^x^fui-nrcv/io. This was the doctrine of the 
Arfyia.** That Synesius means this can be observed from 1297 B. 
Still he will not dogmatize; cf. 1297 C. The notion, then, of 
the permanence of the irrational soul is found neither here nor 
elsewhere in Synesius. 

The question of the Sxyit^-wyeviui and the future life deserves 
a brief investigation. In 1293 A Synesiufi writes : Otoi koX Bol/mmw 

«avro8airo9 icoi cZSatAoK ytvenu jocu rhs Troivds iu rovry rtya 4^v)^, 

*^Procl. in Tim. 311 A. A qualified imperisliability in the sense of 
re-elementation. 
•• Prod, in Tim. 311 B. 
"Cf. pp. 1124 and 1125. 
•• Prod, in Tim. 311 B, 331 B. 



TEB OXHMA-nNETMA A2fD THE DB IN80MNII8. 329 

The rovr^ must mean the ctScoAov. How the urcv/ia can become 
a Ood or a daemon we do not understand^ unless it is to denote 
somehow the final life of consummation. If the urcv/ia is here 
taken to include the soul as " pars pro toto *' the commentary 
of Eeitzenstein •* who treats of the Eastern mysticism may 
throw Light on our text: "Die Seelen der Menschen werden 

ZUnaechst Saifiovfs, df oura>s cIs Tov T&v Oem xppov xopvaovin, X^P^ 
Sk Svo0c(tfv. 6 fikvTUiv irXaywfjJymVf oSk rctfv iwXav&v." Gf. also Enn. 

I 2, 6. So also Synesius writes (1300 A) rauTjj yhp WoSvercu^ etc. 
The signification of aipauov is not clear. An old variant reads 
avppiciv Quid? What Synesius means when he says that the 
aipauov becomes a god or daemon we do not understand. In 
1297 B he speaks of the irvevpa as tl&aXu^ <l>vaK, and in 1309 C 
he calls it c28a>Aov. The meaning naturally suggested by the 
word cT&aAov in relation to the future life is that of " phantom.^^ 
So in 1292 D elficDAacd is explained by roU ywofUvoK ifujniyra' 
Co/iCMa. Porphyry distinguishes even in Hades ihe iryevpa from 
the soul's c28a>Aov.** According to him the soul attracts an 
cZSoiAov in HadeS; because the clxi7fui-«Tcv/ia, brought down from 
the spheres^ abides with the soul after its dissolution from the 
body. Upon this irytvpa the soul imprints its rviros rip ^vroo'tasy 
and thus ^cAicerai ri cZ&uXov. Porphyry here seems at pains to 
explain how the soul is able to attract an c28a>Aov. In his 
Nymphs' Cave *^ the souls desirous of somatic existence attract 
a moist irytviiOy condense it into a cloudy and through excessive 
moisture become visible. In this passage of Porphyry also their 
appearances result from the action on tiie nvcv/ia (xar^ <l>avraffla» 
Xpo>Cowrai TO irvcv/ia). These appearances are called ciSciAcDv 
^/bi^oacis. Does Fol*phyry here imply that the irveupara " colored 
according to the imagination " become eiStoXa, or are the appear- 
ances of the Tvcv/iara like those of cZ&uAa? Neither Porphyry 
nor Plotinus •• defines what he means by a&oXov,^^ 

** Polmandres, p. 81, note 2. 

"Sent. c. 32. 

•* De Ant. Nympih. 11. 

" Enn. VI 4, 16. 

''The definition of cf^MXcF given by PeeUuB, p. 1124, has no authority. 
Nicephoros Qrej^oras (Migne, p. 622) takes it from PaelluB, as he takes 
oyer many suggestions, and develops it to suit his purpose. 



330 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOhOQY. 

Finally^ the nvcv/ia of the daemons is implied in 1292 D of 

Synesius. The ^vraoriK^ fAvia at the beginning of this chapter 

is not the imagination^ but the ^fui-nrevfia. We take leave of 

this troublesome 'x^fui with the words of Augustine/***^ " Cur 

ergo quaeso te non nobis ad hanc quaestiunculam indidmus 

ferias?'' 

BoBSBT Chbistian Eissuko. 

8. E. Mmouu Stati Tbaohbs Collmb^ 
Oapb QoAaarnkv, Mo. 



*»Bp. I 18b. 



ni.-— GEATITTJDE AND INGBATITTJDE IN THE PLAYS 

OP EURIPIDES. 

For some reason^ modem literature treats ingratitucLe as the 
most enormous of sins. To portray an act in the most unfavor- 
able light and put it at once beyond the possibility of defense 
it is enough to call it ungratefuL Consequently writers of our 
time are apt to stigmatize as ingratitude acts which^ while 
doubtless unlovely^ are yet primarily something else. 

Certain periods of Engli^ literature have gone to great ex- 
tremes in this direction. The English novel of the eighteenth 
century depicts ad nauseam the '' ingratitude^' of the lady who 
does not return her lover's affection^ however unattractive he 
may be in her eyes^ and however disagreeable he may have ren- 
dered himself to her. 

Again, Shakespeare in particular, but modem literature in 
general, lays great em;pha8is upon political ingratitude. The 
Bofmans are called ungrateful in turning from Pompey to 
Csesar, as well as in their treatment of the erring Coriolanus. 
The conduct of those who violate the ties of kinship, especially 
those who disregard the duty due to father or mother, is styled 
ii^atitude. Izaak Walton's Lives of five worthies of his time 
is full of references to gratitude and ingratitude of one kind 
and another, and throughout this period the mention of grati- 
tude and ingratitude seems to have been a literary fashion. ' 

It is perfectly natural, if at times a little overdone. A little 
comparison witii Oreek literature, however, will make it dear 
that the Oreeks analyzed better than we and had not yet attained 
our convenient inaccuracy and generalization. In their eyes 
the ill treatment of a faithful lover is unfaithfulness, or 
treachery; ill treatment of one's father is unfilial conduct and 
the Oreek needed to search no further for a term to bring out 
its utter repulsiveness. 

It may not be devoid of interest and profit to examine in the 
light of these introductory remarks one of the principal Oreek 
poets. It is usual to speak of Euripides as the most modem of 
the ancient dramatists. Bolli because of the relatively large 
amount of his extant work and because of this modemness he 

331 



332 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PRILOLOQY. 

forms a suitable subject for our study. With all his modem- 
ness, we shall find that, while not avoiding entirely the mention 
of gratitude and its opposite, he avoids very obvious opportuni- 
ties for the employment of these motives. The plays vary 
greatly in their employment of the motive which we are dis- 
cussing. Some of them, the Bacchae, the Troades, and the 
Cyclops, are practicdiy free from it. This is because of their 
subject, and the non-appearance of the motive has no signi- 
fi<3ance. 

In other plays, however, the poet fails to take advantage of 
obvious opportunities. Andromache,^ dying for her son, makes 
no claim upon his gratitude, but is set upon being avenged by 
his means, though not at his hands. In the Electra no one 
expresses gratitude either to the peasant for his noble treat- 
ment of his royal wife, or to the slave who on the night 
of Agamemnon^s murder had saved Orestes from death and 
now offers to perform a service of some danger. Not even to 
the trusty Pylades is any word of gratitude expressed.* In the 
Helena, Theonoe receives no thanks from Menelaus. We ob- 
serve, however, that his request to her had expressly been made, 
not for a favor, but for an act of justice, so that any claim for 
gratitude is perhaps discounted in €tdvance. Helen had prom- 
ised the chorus that for their generous conduct in aiding her 
escape she would include them in the rescue, if it were con- 
venient. It proves inconvenient and she leaves them behind. 
But for this she incurs no word of criticism, and no charge of 
ingratitude. Nor does the deceived Theoclymenus hint at any 
ingratitude on her part, although she seems to make a promise 
of gratitude to him.* In this play the conduct of Helen is not 
resented at all. Certainly the poet does not utter any expression 
of resentment and we are left to imagine how Theoclymenus 
and the chorus viewed conduct which seems to us ungratefuL 

In several of the plays, however, resentment for such conduct 
finds expression, and it is with these that we must pursue our 
investigation. Does the expression of resentment issue in a 

^ Aodromaohe, 410 ff. 

' Electxa gives him a crown and widies continued prosperity for him, 
887 ff. 
'1420 — unless her words are a double entendre^ 



GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE IN EURIPIDES. 333 

charge of ingratitude, or does it tend to assume some other 
form? 

Hippolytus might fairly, it would seem, have reproached 
Artemis with ingratitude. The ingratitude of the gods to their 
worshipers is a note frequently struck in Greek literature, when 
there is far less apparent justification for it than here. This 
motive cannot arise until worship becomes more (or less) than 
a duty and is considered a favor to the deity worshiped. Such 
has been the worship Hippolytus has rendered to Artemis. He 
has gone far beyond his strict duty and so the shabby conduct 
of the goddess with her weak explanation for it savors of in- 
gratitude. Euripides probably recognized, if he did not malic- 
iously emphasize, the shallowness of Artemis^ excuse for leaving 
her dying votary.* But of any ingratitude of the deity there is 
no hint. Hippolytus, somewhat disagreeably conscious of his 
virtue, seems to feel that there is something wrong with '* this 
sorry scheme of things entire " when such a man as he is con- 
demned to perish in such a way. He tells Zeus as much 
(1363 ff.) but does not charge him with ingratitude. Still less 
does his loyalty to Artemis permit him to bring such an indict- 
ment against her. Indeed he does not even express resentment. 
His father, Theseus, on the other hand does bitterly resent the 
supposed conduct of Hippolytus but does not, as Lear might, 
charge him with ingratitude. He upbraids him for his self- 
conscious virtue and hints at the unfilial character of his con- 
duct, but nothing more.* 

The two Iphigenia plays abound in unused opportunities to 
express gratitude or bring a charge of ingratitude In the 
Aulis play it would be natural to express gratitude to Achilles 
for his help to Iphigenia and Clytemnestra and to Iphigenia 
for her voluntary sacrifice. The former of these is, to say the 
least, not emphasized. Achilles is rewarded only by the formal 
remark that the stranger should be praised for his zeal in their 
behalf (1371).* Nor is the second opportunity used any more 

* Contrast the conduct and words of the human Theseus in Hercules 
Furens 1233 ff.; 1400. 

*The nearest approach to the mention of ingratitude— and it is not 
very near — is the cry of Hippolytus that his accursed steeds, fed with 
his own hand, have been the death of him {IZ56 ff.). 

* Praise, expressed by a/mr or by iraiptip, is ^iven to a messenger 



334 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGY. 

fully. Iphigenia fixes her attention on the glory she will gain 
by her sacrifice rather than on any public gratitude from which 
that glory might spring (1383 f., 1398 f.). There is no mention 
of the attitude of the state to her except in the promise of the 
chorus (1504) that glory shall ever be hers. 

Of the possible charges of ingratitude^ that against Agamemnon 
by his wife is only partially developed. She does begin an ac- 
count of her faithfulness to him but instead of saying '' Do not 
make me such a poor return/' she says rather^ '' Do not compel 
me to be anything but good to you*' (11831) — a threat> dis- 
tinct if veiled^ and probably used with a view to the line of 
argument she subsequently adopts to defend her conduct. 

There is a hint that Agamemnon will be ungrateful to his 
country if he fail to give it this precious sacrifice. Menelaus 
refminds him (334 ff.) that when he aspired to command the 
Greeks he was humble to all^ but now that he is in a position of 
command and actually able to save the army^ he is not Itie same 
man. To him is applied the epithet «eaic($s (349)/ which is else- 
where used to diaracterize the ungrateful, but is of course a 
broad and general term. 

The clearest reference to gratitude is along a quite unex- 
pected line. Iphigenia reminds Agamemnon how she used to 
perch on his knee and ask ** Shall I receive thee, father, when 
thou art old, in thel dear hospitality of my house?'' irowr 
TiSrpfov^ diro&Sovcra croc Tpoi^<i\ (1228 ff.) — a reference to the 
rpo^cd, which Iphigenia acknowledges as her debt to her father. 

The Iphigenia in Tauris affords four opportunities to empha- 
size gratitude: (1) on the part of Orestes to Pylades for help 
and support; (2) of Iphigenia to King Thoas; (3) of Iphigenia 
to her chorus of attendants; (4) of Iphigenia for the good news 
that Orestes is still alive. All these are touched but lightly. 
When Pylades offers to remain and suffer in his friend's place, 
Orestes emphasizes his refusal to consent by mentioning his 
own deep obligation to Pylades. But it is not ingratitude of 

for the news he brings (440) and to Iphii^enia for a comforting word 
to her father (665). Praise and gratitude are not necessarily the 
same thing. See an editorial Praise vs. Gratitude in the New York 
Times for March 17, 1922. 
»Cp. 1184, 



GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE IN BURIPIDBB. 336 

which he would he guilty if he fell in with Pylades* plans, Hia 
conduct would be unjust (601), disgraceful (606), distressing 
and 'reprehensible {Xvwpov K6firw€iSurrovy 689). To the Oreek 
there were lower depths than ingratitude. Similarly, Iphigenia 
refuses to kill Thoas to aid her escape, not because she woidd 
thus be ungrateful, but because she would violate the sacred tie 
of hospitaUty (1021). 

When the chorus consent at the risk of their own lives to 
assist an escai>e in which they may not share, Iphigenia ex- 
presses her gratitude only by a wish for their happiness (1078) ; 
and when Athena conmiands Orestes to rescue them, the duly 
is considered as an act, not of gratitude, but of justice (1469). 
Whatever gratitude is involved in the transaction belongs to 
Athena not to the chorus. ^'I saved you at the Areopagus" 
she says, ''now you do as mudi for them'' — an approximation, 
at least, to the Christian principle that gratitude to Gk>d may 
find its best expression in service to men. 

With less reason Iphigenia's act in aiding the robbery of the 
Artemis temple is called a traitorous and forgetful return to 
the goddess who had saved her at Aulis (1419). But there is 
another side to this. Artemis had also destroyed her at Aulis. 

The fourth opportunity is little emphasized. Thoas warns 
Iphigenia that the strange tale she has heard may be nothing 
but an invention of the two young men to earn her gratitude 
and secure their safety (1184). But her gratitude is not appar- 
ent either for the news or for the happy event itself. She 
expresses no gratitude to any of Ihe great gods, nor indeed to 
any gods at all, unless by the ''hearths of Mycenae and her 
native land'' (845 f.) are meant the gods of the Argolid, and 
to these her gratitude is expressed for her birth and upbringing. 

In the Aloestis the motive whidi we are discussing is handled 
in a peculiarly interesting way. The play affords abundant 
opportunity to introduce the motive of gratitude. 

Admetus owes much to his wife and she properly demands 
gratitude for it : 

(TV vw fMM TwvS' iir6fiyff(rai y^w (299). 

Even if we render the words " remember the favor I do you," 
the implication is that gratitude will keep him true to his 



336 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

promise to marry no second wife. But when later in the play 
the test comes, AAnetus says that yielding to temptation would 
be, not ingratitude, but treachery to his benefactor. The use 
of the word ^benefactor' (1058) shows that, although the basic 
thought is the oft-stressed idea of treachery to a lover, the idea 
of ingratitude is present, if not fully expressed and isolated from 
other elements. Vague and fleeting as it is, this is the only 
hint that any gratitude is due from Admetus to the woman who 
gave her life for his. 

Admetus owes a great debt to Heracles. For this Heracles 
receives no word of explicit thanks. Its place is taken, as often 
in Euripides, by a wish for his prosperity (1137 f.) : 

€vSaifAoyoiri9f tool cr' 6 ^rvcras mir^p 
crci»{oc 

See also 1153. 

In the unseemly altercation between father and son, it would 
be a natural reply to the unreasonable demands of the son to 
remind him of all his father had already done for him and 
brand as ingratitude his forgetfulness of those benefits. Noth- 
ing of the sort do we find, however. In the very act of remind- 
ing his son that he had brought him up, Pheres expressly dis- 
claims any merit whatever for that. He had done only his clear 
duty, only what his own father had done for him. I have else- 
where " called attention to the fact that the ancient was by no 
means so sure as the modem seems to be that the son owes his 
father a debt of gratitude for begetting him or even for bringing 
him up to years of discretion. I believe it is Lowes Dickinson 
who observes that the Greek made no attempt to obscure the 
fact that he derived a real and tangible benefit from bringing a 
son into the world. And if, as Seneca insists, one owes no 
gratitude for a favor which it is not possible for him to refuse,* 
it is hard to see why a son need be grateful for what happened 
before he was in a position to say anything about it. Curiously 
enough, it is Admetus who repix)aches his father with the 
return he is receiving from his parents after being such a dutiful 
son (658 ff.). 

• T. A. P. A., Vol. 48, p. 46. 
•De Beneficiis 2, 18, 7. 



GRATITUDE AYD INGRATITUDE IN EURIPIDES. 337 

So far as Admetus and Heracles are concerned, the latter 
expresses more gratitude than the former. Hospitality under 
such circumstances Heracles feels to be a real favor and his zeal 
to repay it is not the least lovable element in his character 
(859 f., 1072 fE.). To a modem reader, at least, there is a sig- 
nificant contrast between the reticence of Admetus in acknowl- 
edging a large service and the readiness of Heracles to repay a 
comparatively small one at fearful risk. 

At the very end of the play (1154 fE.) Admetus gives orders 
for a sacrifice of thanksgiving to the gods, a feature which is 
comparatively rare in our poet and which I have shown else- 
where^** is much less common in the earlier Greek literature 
than is usually supposed, certainly less common than I had 
thought. 

If the Alcestis presents an unusual view of the relation be- 
tween father and son, the, Medea and the Ion differ from modem 
literature in their handling of ingratitude to a lover, married 
or unmarried. 

I have already noted the excessive stress which English 
writers, especially of the eighteenth century, laid upon the 
" ingratitude '* of a woman who refuses to consider the ad- 
vances of a lover, or of a man who forsakes a woman that loves 
him. Prom this point of view, Apollo is ungrateful to Creusa. 
His conduct can scarcely be treated as an instance of ingratitude 
of the gods to their worshipers; it is clearly a matter of a lover's 
ingratitude to his mistress. The divinity of the lover only ac- 
centuates the enormity of his conduct. Yet, Apollo is accused, 
not of ingratitude, but of injustice and rascality — ^and properly 
enough, for whatever pleasure Creusa had given him was cer- 
tainly not of her free volition and could hardly be a matter for 
gratitude.^^ So the words of Creusa Acicrpo>v irpoSoras iLxcLpUrrovi 
(880) connote, perhaps, gracelessness rather than ingratitude. 
The wiords are applied, however, not only to Apollo, but also to 
her husband whom she now believes to have been untrue to her. 

^T. A. P. A. 43, 77 flf. There is a mention of gratitude in line 70 f., 
where Apollo says that if Death does not accede to his request, 
otftf' 4 *'a/>^ ^f^^ ^01 ytr^jaerai xdpif — ^but these lines are rejected by 
Dindorf, Kirchoff, Nauck and Prinz. 

^ But compare Hecuba 826 ff. 

4 



338 AMERICAN JOURFAJt OF PHILOLOOT. 

In 912 ft. there is a bint that in her heart of hearts she ttiinks 
of Apollo as an ingrate. She complains that Apdlo has given 
her husband a son, although he had received no favor from him 
(and consequently owed him no gratitude). Her child, on the 
other hand, Apollo had suffered to die unnoticed. The an- 
tithesis would certainly be better if she meant tiiat from her 
Apollo had received a favor, in the form of pleasure or gratifi- 
cation. In 1099 ff. she accuses Apollo of f orgetfulness. Is it 
of the pleasure he had received from her or of his duties as a 
husband? We cannot say that the notion of ingratitude is any- 
where clearly expressed but sometimes Euripides seems on the 
vei^ of expressing it. 

Apollo's conduct is bad enough, but Jason's treatment of 
Medea is even baser. To the Greek and to the modem his con- 
duct cannot seem otiier than abominably ungrateful, but in this 
play it is stigmatized under other names. It would be an inter- 
esting study to trace in the various literary handlings of the 
Medea story the development of the ingratitude motive. The 
Medea of Euripides feels that Jason is making her a poor re- 
turn for all she had done to help him (22 f., 476 ff., 1351 ff., 
but nowhere does she call his conduct imgrateful. She stig- 
matizes it as perjury (1392, 439, 495), or as treachery (489, 
678, cp. 606). Probably the mr^^ v^ (1364) is marital 
unfaithfulness rather than ingratitude, and in set terms Medea 
taunts Jason with infidelity (489). His actions are called un- 
just (578, 692), disgraceful (695), and inhospitable (1392). 
All these reproaches are sunmied up in the word which the 
Greeks often use where we would probably speak of ingratitude 
(KaK6i 84, 465, 488, 690). Medea does employ the word 
Axapurro^9 which became conventional to express ingratitude, but 
as she uses it (659, q). Ion 880) it seems to mean rather 
' gracdess ' (' devoid of worth ' — ^Everyman translation) or pos- 
sibly '* ungraced.'* *• 

In the Hecuba there appears a new element in our study, — a 
conflict of gratitudes, a conflict on a less tragic plane than the 
conflict of duties which confronted Orestes, but, equally with 
that, a conflict between duty to the dead and duty to the living, 

^ Why not " unfriended," as Earle traiiBlateB itr— €. W. E. M. 



GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE IN EURIPIDES. 339 

and witii the same decision in favor of the departed. In her 
dire straits Hecuba reminds Odysseus how she had saved him 
when he came as a qpy to Troy (251 ff., 272 ff.). Odysseus 
answers by balancing her daim against that of the dead Achilles, 
who had demanded as his right the immolation of Hecuba's 
daughter, Polyxena, upon his tomb (299 ff.). There is no 
definite statement that to decline his request would be ingrati- 
tude but that such was the feeling is clear from lines 138 f . 

&s Axipurroi Aavaoi AayiuMs 
ToSg olxpfJLWOK tMp "EAXi^nffv." 

Hecuba has one other daim on the gratitude of a Greek 
prince, this time a far more equivocal one. Despairingly she 
brings it forward. Her daughter Cassandra is the concubine of 
Agamemnon. Will he not grant to her, and through her to her 
mother, 

rmw iv t^vj ^cXrarvy Amnurfuirttfr 
Xdpiv rb^ (829 ff.)? 

Of course this appeal must fail where the more strcmgly founded 
daim on Odysseus proved unavailing.^* 

In the Medea the conflict of gratitudes is weakened to the 
choice of gratitudes. When Medea details to Jason the services 
she has rendered him he admits that he should be grateful for 
his deliverance but declares that his gratitude shall be paid, 
not to Medea who had saved him, but to Aphrodite under whose 
inspiration Medea had. been constrained to save him, whether 
she would or not. These two gratitudes are not in opposition 
as in the Hecuba. Both daims could be satisfied, but the small- 
souled Jason confines himself to one, and, of the two, sdects 
that which costs him nothing to meet. 

In the Orestes, Electra and her brother expect their unde 
Mendaus to save them from impending exile. Here the claim 
of kinship might wdl have been made the basis of their ex- 

^Mattliaei, Studies in GredL Tra^y, p. 131, empliasizes a bit too 
much the idea of gratitude to a public benefactor. The point, it seems 
to me, is not so much that he is a public benefactor, as Uiat he is dead. 

^ Cp. Matthaei, Studies in Greek Tragedy, p. 148. 



340 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

pectation^ but tiieir request is based rather on what one friend 
owes another. Menelaus is asked to remember the favors which 
he had received from Agamemnon. In his reply he ignores the 
appeal to his gratitude and he is called fcoxurrc (719)^ a term 
that is often applied to ingrates. 

Now in contrast with the supineness of Menelaus the kinsman, 
Euripides proceeds to portray the zeal of Pylades the friend. 
In accepting tiie latter^s assistance, Orestes (804 ff.) draws the 
contrast explicitly and thus enhances the baseness of Menelaus. 
Menelaus was their kinsman and had received favors from their 
father. He proves recreant. Pylades was not a kinsmaTi and 
there had bc^n accorded him no favors to inspire gratitude. 
He offers his all. Agamemnon had a brother but lacked a 
friend (721). Orestes, aglow with friendship, would like to 
think of the relation between Agamemnon and Menelaus as 
one of friendship and had tried to put the obligation on that 
plane (740) ; but the logic of events is too much for him and 
he is compelled to shift his ground to the lower plane of kinship 
in contrast with the more perfect relation which subsists be- 
tween himself and Pylades. Now it would seem that gratitude, 
properly speaking, existed pre-eminently, if not exclusively, be- 
tween friends. So Orestes calls the conduct of Menelaus treach- 
ery to one's kin (1463). This it is with which he taunts Helen 
as he prepares to slay her, and this he flings in the face of 
Menelaus himself when he threatens to kill Hermione (1588). 

Gratitude, then, is a higher motive than mere kinship. But 
there is something higher yet. Gratitude itself, viewed as the 
mere desire to return the favor one has received, perhaps in 
order to get rid of the uncomfortable feeling of being under 
obligation, falls short of real friendship, which transcends, if 
it does not ignore, all considerations of gratitude. This is ex- 
emplified in the Hercules Furens. The friendship of Heracles 
and Theseus is a beautiful feature of this play. Theseus, it is 
true, had received in past time a great favor from his friend, 
but his own conduct in the play is based not so much on any 
desire to return the favor as on the sublimer ground of friend- 
ship, though the obligation of gratitude is expressly recognized 
(1235, 1336). The feeling that Theseus voices is, in general, 
pity rather than gratitude (1237 f.). Heracles, the original 



GRATITUDS AND INGRATITUDE IN EURIPIDES. 341 

benefactor, expresses his gratitude with a definiteness and 
warmth that are imusual in our poet (1351 f.).^ 

Two of our author^s plays are definite pieces of war propa- 
ganda. The Heradidae puts the brand of infamy upon the 
Argives, perhaps at the time when they broke their bond with 
the Athenians and made peace with Sparta; the Supplices re- 
minds the Argives once more what Athens had done for them 
in times past. 

Much has been made of political ingratitude both in ancient 
and in modem times. Thucydides often refers to it. So do 
Demosthenes, Aeschines and Isocrates, among the orators. The 
motive of political gratitude has certainly been sadly overworked, 
till men have expressed doubts whether, in the realm of the 
state, gratitude has any place. It needs to be noted, however, 
that, whereas in modem times much is made of the ingratitude 
of a state to one of its citizens, in ancient Greek literature it is 
more apt to be a question of the relation between one state and 
another. Herodotus lets fall no hint that Athens showed any 
ingratitude to Miltiades when she punished him for his criminal 
attempt upon Paros. Beread the Goriolanus and you will see 
what Shakespeare would have done with this theme. 

The Heraclidae affords abundant opportunity to emphasize 
gratitude. lolaus appeals to Demophon not only as a suppliant 
but on the ground of the service he and Heracles had rendered 
in bringing Demophon's father back from Hades (1^15 ff.). To 
lolaus Demophon admits this claim, but when he refuses to 
give up the Heraclidae to Copreus (the herald of Eurystheus), 
he bases his refusal, not on the gratitude he owes their f atiier, 
but on the fact that tiiey are suppliants at his altars. Perhaps 
he feels that the finer and less familiar motive would not appeal 
to a mind like that of Copreus. In return lolaus conjures the 
Heraclidae to deem the Athenians forever their saviours and 
their friends and never to engage in war against them (312 ff., 
cp. 334). Their ancestral foe, Eurystheus, captured and doomed 
to die to satisfy the vengeance of Alcmena, repays the city for 
a rather spiritless and ineffectual defense of him by giving his 
body as a palladium, so that even in death he will be a foe to 
those who will ungratefully invade the Attic land (10351). 

^Cf. the gratitude of Heracles in the Alceetis: see p. 337. 



342 AMERICAN JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

The second part of the play offers an opportunity to express 
the appreciation and gratitude of the state for Macaria's sacri- 
fice of herself. She had decided to volunteer, not to await the 
decision of the lot (547 fE.) : 

XpipK y^ o^ vpotrmm' 

Does this mean that the act would lose all its grace, or is there 
an idea that the state owes gratitude for a voluntary sacrifice 
as it would not for a death due under compulsion, — tiiat the 
death in battle of a volunteer is on a different basis from that 
of a drafted man? Later (588) she asks to be interred as a 
oiircipa should be. No one, other than herself, expresses any 
idea that gratitude is due her.^* 

In the Supplices, the motive of gratitude, equally funda- 
mental, is skilfully heJld in reserve. All through tiie play there 
is abundant opportunity for its expression. But the Argives 
are so overwhelmed with grief tiiat they express no gratitude 
until Theseus, their benefactor, himself demands it. The 
chorus of mothers of the fallen Argive heroes sing of the friend* 
ship Athens will win by helping Adrastus now (373 f.). The 
terminology smacks of unequivocal gratitude.^* They prophesy 
rather tlum express gratitude however — emphasizing future con- 
duct rather than present feeling. And after their dead have 
been rescued and propeily buried, they still express no gratitude 
but remark tiiat by such an act Athens has earned glory (779ff.) . 

But the political purpose of the poet in writing the play 
demands something quite imequivocaL In 1169 ff. Theseus 
makes explicit demand that the Argives hold in eternal re- 
membrance the favor they have received from Athens. Adrastus 
acknowledges their debt and their duty to repay it (1176 ff.). 

*In the Fhoenissae no gratitade is expressed to Menoeoeos for his 
sacrifice of himself. There is, however, a hint that Menoeceus feels 
gratitude to the state and this feeling influences him to ofl^er him- 
self for its salvation. He cannot betray the land that gave him birth 
(996). It would be cowardly to betray father and kin and town 
(1003 ff.). 

^X^^" 'x«^ ^1^ ^ ^' (374). x^<i^ ^X*^" is probably the commonest 
of the many ways in which the Greek can express gratitude. 



GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE IN EURIPIDES. 343 

Even this acknowledgement is not deemed sufficient for the 
poefs purpose and, at the behest of Athena, Theseus exacts from 
Adrastus an oath that the Argives not only will not attack 
Athens but will defend it, if it be attacked by others (1185 £L). 
That is, tiie subsequent conduct of Argos, against which the 
whole play is a protest, is put on the plane of perjury — ^to the 
Oreek a distinctly baser thing than ingratitude, — and "Qie chorus 
departs swearing eternal friendship to Theseus and his ciiy for 
the toils they have endured in behalf of Argos. 

J08XPH William Hbwitt. 

WmamtAM UimmBtTp 
UaamsmrowiK, Coini. 



IV.— YOUNG VIBGIL AND "THE DOUBTFUL DOOM 

OF HUMAN KIND." 

In a suggestive lecture delivered some years ago before the 
(English) Classical Association, Professor B. S. Conway called 
attention to "An Unnoticed Aspect of Vergil^s Personaliiy/' * 
In particular he dealt with Virgil's " reticence or gentleness of 
tone in utterances on grave matters/' citing the familiar tribute 
and challenge to Lucretius conveyed in the Second Oeorgic, — 

feliz qui potoit renim cognosoere cauaas . . . 
fortunatus et iUe deos qui novit agrestis, — ' 

and his transformation of a line of Homer, by the addition of 
the word indignata, in the last line of the Aeneid. Such ^^ reti- 
cence '^ as this seems to me to have much in common with what 
Servius calls oeconomia,^ Professor Conway further discussed 
several passages of the Aeneid in whidh he thinks Virgil " seems 
to halt between two or more opinions/* allowing his real opin- 
ion to appear, though without dogmatism. For example, Virgil 
puts forward without prejudice two interpretations of a phe- 
nomenon, one popular, the other his own, a more poetic ver- 
sion; ^ or two theories of causation, attributing " the same event 
both to what we commonly call a natural human cause and in 
the same breath to some supernatural decree of the fates or 
the gods/' ^ In each of these passages it will be noticed that 
alternative explanations are put forward simply in parallel 
constructions or in the form of a double question. Professor 
Conway suggests that the ambiguity is deliberate, and that 
Virgil did not himself believe the alternatives to be altogether 
distinct; natural causation need not be inconsistent witii "the 
intervening, co-working influence of the power behind the veiL'* 

* Published in Proceedings of the OlaaeicaZ AeaociaUon of England 
and Walee, 1906 (1907), 2, pp. 28 ff. 

• Georg. H, 490, 493. 

"Gf. Servius on Aen, I, 30; Tboas bona oeoonomia oetendit totum 
genua Troianorum invisum fuisse lunoni, quia inlaturus eat Mineiram 
ob unius haminis delictum etiam eoe quoa amaverat perdidisae. Of. 
alao on I, 170; XI, 611, 593; XH, 266. 

*Aen, V, 95. 

•/did. XI, 91; n, 64; W, 190, 193; XH, 554, 660; IX, 184. 
344 



*'TES DOUBTFUL DOOM OP EUMAN KIND.'* 345 

That the ambiguity is deliberate, I agree; but it seems to me 
that Professor Conway is dealing here with two different phe- 
nomena. In the passages that he cites first, and in other cases 
of veiled allusiveness which he discusses in the last part of his 
lecture/ we have reticent affinnation, a subtle and a charac- 
teristic phase of Virgil's art; for calling attention to it, all 
lovers of Virgil must be grateful to Professor Conway. But in 
the other examples, which involve the rival claims of fate and 
of natural, human motives, Virgil appears to be expressing 
genuine doubt. 

In every period of his life Virgil betrays his unwillingness 
to commit himself to dogmatic assertion; he must have the 
best of botii worlds, science and poetry. Epicureanism and Pla- 
tonism, naturalism and supematuralism. But whereas in other 
matters Virgil shows an increasing willingness to avail himself 
of tiie advantages of reticent afSrmation, — ^what we may call 
genuine '^reticence,'* — as to the single issue of responsibility, 
of fate and the freedom of the wiU, of chance and necessary 
causation, he appears at all times to hold his judgment in sus- 
pense. To take a minor instance involving purely physical 
speculation, he is puzzled by the existence of several hypotheses 
that profess to account for tiie benefits gained by burning 
stubble; so he introduces them all.^ This is merely tiie trait of 
the historian who is aware of confiicting explanations of his 
story, and who is non-committal. It is often the case with 
Herodotus and with Livy;* but this sort of thing in Tacitus 
may represent either lona fide mental reservation,* or acknowl- 

* K g. Dido's tippeal to Aeneas, cuid Virgil's deiflcation of Augustus. 
I flin indebted to Prof. E. K. Rand for other instancee of the " genuine 
sort of retioenoe." In the First Bucolic^ Tityrus goes to Rome to get 
hie liberty (1. 27) ; what he actually gets is the continued enjoyment 
of his farm (L 45) ; thus the allegory of the poem is shyly revealed. 
In the Fifth Bucolic we learn only by a reticent aside (1. 19) that the 
question of a retreat for the singers has been decided in favor of the 
cave. 

^Cfeorg. I, 86 ff. aive . . sive . . eeu . . seu. 

' Cf. Herodotus, n, 19-27, on the reasons for floods of the Nile (but 
Herodotus here caps the explanations of others with a shrewd guess of 
his own) ; Livy, I, 11, 6-9, the story of Tarpeia. A similar comparison 
with Livy is made by R. Heinze, " Virgils Epische Technik " *, p. 333. 

'Tacitus, Ann. XV, 38: sequitur clades forte an dolo prinoipie in- 
oertum (nam utrumque auotores prodidere). 



346 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

edgment of the daims of fate together with a human explana- 
tion of a motive/® or veiled innuendo.^* In Virgil, however, we 
are aware of a mind tiiat is constantly brooding on the problem 
of responsibiliiy with no single solution; it undarlies his delin- 
eation of the character of Aeneas, and it gives us the tragedy of 
Dido. 

It is worth while to notice how the problem of responsibiliiy 
entered Virgil's mind; and we must begin witii those poems 
which the ancient lives of Virgil attribute to his youthful 
hand.^' Let me say at once tiaat I can find in these poems 
little if anyiMng that deserves to be called genuine '' reti- 
cence ''; it is, I suppose, a development of Virgil's maturer art. 
But of suspended judgment on the problem of responsibiliiy 
there are several examples. 

CvXea 108: qui oasug aockrit c^pem nrnnftniw deorom 
prodere ait did)iam.'' 

Was it mere luck or was it the purpose of tiie gods that saved 
the life of the shepherd? Virgil will not risk a guess; the fact 
is that tiie shepherd killed the snake. 

(Mem 847: earn sea caelesti fato sea aiderit orta 
undiqae mutator cadi nitc^ • 

The storm lowers: but whether to attribute it to destiny or to 
astronomical causes, Virgil hesitates. In the storm of llie first 

^UAd, Xly 26: Sive fatal! vaeoordia an imminentinm periculorom 
remedium ipsa pericula ratus. The indebtedness of Taeitus to Virgil 
in many matters of style is generally reoogniaed; may not his obrioos 
but inoonsistent Festiges of ao-oalled fatalism be traced in part to the 
same souroe? The Uhmb a^oBticw for Taolftus is Ann. VI, 22: aed mihi 
... in inoerto iudidum est fatone zee et neoessitarte immotabili an 
forte volinantur, etc 

^Pa99im. 

"The authenticity of these poems receives strong support in recent 
pubHoaitifms by Prof. E. K. Rand (Toung VirgU'e Poetry,'' H. B. 0. 
P., XXX, 1019) and Prof. T. Frank (''VergU's ApfMrentioeship/' CI 
Phn., XV, 1920, Nos. 1, 2, and 8; and ''Vergil,'' 1922. So far as I can 
discover, the early poems have not been examined from the point ol 
view that I am disousfling. 

" In aU citations from the Cvlem and the CirU I f oUow the readings 
of Ellis in the 0. C. T. 



^'THB DOUBTFUL DOOM OF HUMAN KIND.*' 347 

book of the Aeneid which this tea-pot tempest feebly fore- 
shadows we are left in no doubt that Juno is responsible. 

Calex 287: non fas 

292: sed tu orudelis, orudelis tu magis, Orf^ieii* 

Much as the blame for the loss of Eurydioe may be assigned to 
fate or to the gods, it is Orpheus who must take the greater 
share of the blame. The tragic problem lingered in Virgil's 
mind, with varying solutions. 

Chorg, TV, 488: cum subita ineautum dementia oepit amantem 

ignoeoenda qaidon, adrent si ignoeoere manes; 
reatitity Borydioenque suam iam luoe aub ipsa 
immemor heal Tictoaqoe animi reepeiit. 

Yirgil accounts for the hapless act of Orpheus in looking back 
at Eurydice in two parallel ways: it was a sudden stroke of 
madness, for which he was not responsible, and for which he 
therefore deserved pardon; he was also the victim of his 
emotions. 

But it is not only in dealing with this story that Virgil uses 
reproachful language of his characters. 

OiriB 188: aed maloa ille puer 

Scylla was greatly at fault in loving Minos; ^* but the real cul- 
prit was Cupid, ihat tnaius puer who aroused the ire of Juno 
against her. 

Bug. Vm, 47: saevus Amor docuit natorum aangiilne matrem 

oommaoulare manue; cmdelia tu quoque, mator: 
crudelis mater magia, an puer improboa illet 
improbus ille puer; cmdelia tu quoque, mat^*. 

In this bandying of charges and epithets and the impartial 
verdict some editors have felt that Vergil is guiliy of a silly 
prolixity, or have even omitted or emended one or more verses, 
on the supposition that they had crept into the text from the 
marginal moralizing of a copjrist, perhaps of two copyists. But 
if they are read in tiie light of Virgil's early interest in the 
tragic problem, there seems to be nothing un-Virgilian in them, 
however much the epithets may remind one of the verdict in 

*^Cir%$, 129-182. 



348 AMERICAN JOVKNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

the trial of the rhetorician Korax and his pupil Teisias.^* One 
should not forget^ too> that the Virgil of the Aeneid still is 
willing to launch the accusation : 

Improbe Amor, quid non mortalia pectora cogis! * 

In the Oris Virgil recurs several times to this problem of 
moral responsibility. 

Ciria 183: quo uooai ire dolor, subigunt quo tendere fata, 
fertur et horribili praeoepe impeUitur oestio, 
ut patris a demens crinem de uertioe caesum 
furtimque arguto det<N[i8um mitteret hoeti. 
namque haec condicio miserae proponitur una, 
siue iUa ignorans — quia non bonus omnia malit 
credere, quam tanto Bceleris damnare pueUam? — 
heu tamen infelix: quid enim dmpnidentia prodeett 

Scylla acts under the stirring of human emotion (dolor) ; she 
is subject to fate; she is impelled by that gadfly with which 
Juno afflicted poor lo;^^ she is out of her mind. All these 
explanations are set forth without distinction or discrimina- 
tion; they are apparently not mutually exdusive explanations. 
But perhaps the real reason^ Virgil hints^ is not an outward 
compulsion but Scylla's misunderstanding of the effects of her 
deed, a purely human blindness;*' if so, the tragedy is none 
the less great, and Virgil's pity moves him to address Scylla 
with the (Characteristic epithet, infelix}^ 

Ciria 27S: " nam nisi te nobis malus o malus, optima Garme, 
ante hunc conspectum casusue deusue tulisset.*'" 

Here Scylla cares not to distinguish whether it is mere evil 

^^jr KOJcoJf K6paKos Kotcbp (}6p 6ext. Emp., II, 96. 

""Of. also Aen. Ig 407: crudelis tu quoque; and Chorg, TV, 355; 
(Aristaeus, of his mother) te crudelem nomine dicit. Of. Rand, 
op, cit, p. 118. 

^Oeorg, HI, 162 flf. 

^Of. Ciria, 430: ut me malus abstulit error (a phrase repeated in 
Buc, VII, 41; it appears to go back to Theocritus, 2, 82, and lUad^ 
XIV, 294) ; see also Oanme's appeal, 319-327. 

"•Cf. also CWia, 71, 165, ie7,* 318, 402, 517; Bw. VI, 47, 52; of 
Dido, Aen. VI, 456 and paaaim, 

•CSf. Am. Xn, 321. 



*'THB DOUBTFUL DOOM OP HUMAN KIND." 349 

accident or the maleYolence of a god tiiat has frustrated her 
plan; certainly it is no pnrely human intervention. 

Cim 456: ''uel fate fuerit nobis haec debita pestis, 
uel casu incerto, merita uel denique culpa: 
omnia nam potius quam te fecisse putabo.'^ 

Scylla can not believe that her punishment is due to wanton 
crueliy on the part of Minos; but she can not teU whether it 
is predestined, or is the fruit of capricious luck, or is only her 
just deserts. 

Doubt persists in the mind of the mature Virgil as often as 
he has occasion to meet the tragic problem. Within a single 
episode, the Second Book of the Aeneid, there are enough ex- 
amples of suspended judgment to furnish a commentary on the 
inscrutability of human vicissitudes;'^ yet tiie overmastering 
weight of the divine will is made dear.** 

The autiior of the Culex and the author of the Oris, as we 
have seen, appear no less than the autiior of the Aeneid to brood 
over ^'tiie doubtful doom of human kind,^' and to be no less 
diffident in fixing the responsibility. It used to be the fashion 
in many quarters to regard these minor poems as imitations of 
Virgil, the work of poets of the Augustan age or else, in the 
case of the Ciris, of his contemporary Oomelius Gallus. Whetii- 
er it would ever have occurred to an imitator to forge instances 
of what Professor Conway would have included under the 
caption of "an unnoticed aspect of Vergil's personality," or 
whether Gallus would have rivalled Virgil in this particular 
it is at least permissible to doubt; at any rate it is not absurd 

•Cf. Am, n, 34; 54; 264-258; 336; 736; 738. I differ from Prof. 
€k>nwa7 in my understanding of 1. 54: si fata deum, si mens non laeva 
fuisBet. Laocoon is a truly tragic character, and the exemplar of 
tragic irony; he acts, so far as he can, wisely, but in a cause fore- 
doomed, and draws the more terrible destruction on himself. Troy ia 
not to be saved by her "just men" (H, 426 ff.). Btnctly, if it is 
predestined that Troy shaU fall in any case, it is of no consequence 
whether the Trojans' minds are perverse or not. Virgil prefers to 
leave the matter an open question. The second half of the line is 
quoted from Buc, I, 16, where, too, a divine warning haa been neglected 
because of a mens laeva, 

«• Notably in 11. 601 ff. and 777 ff. 



350 AMERIOAIf JOURNAL OP PHILOLOGY. 

to see in the passages that I have discussed the signs of Virgil's 
own growing interest in the tragic problem, especially since 
the authenticity of the poems is defensible on other grounds. 
It is true that the authors that Virgil is generally supposed 
to have studied most closely in his youth show little interest 
in the problem; Lucretius does away with the conflict of human 
and divine wills by discoimting the gods, and subjects men to 
the law of matter or to their own wills alone; Catullus even 
in his longer poems ignores the issue, as indeed does the poet 
of romantic epic, ApoUonius Bhodius, and as do the remnants 
of the Greek epyllion. It is also true that in Ovid may be found 
some indications of a tendency to play with the notion of fate, 
gods, and humanity;" but the spirit is wholly sophisticated, 
unlike the tone of bewilderment or of pity that marks tiie utter- 
ance of the Aeneid and, on the whole, of the Culex and &b 
Oris. 

How, then, did Virgil come by this interest? Partly, no 
doubt, by temperament. Yet it is also to Homer and the Oredc 
tragic poets, and especially to Euripides, I believe, that we must 
turn for enlightenment; for it is by them that the problem had 
most often been set forth. Though the Homeric poems speak 
much of /uKpa, they do not assent to fatalism.** In Aeschylua 
and Sojdiocles there is little enough of what we call ''fatal- 
ism''; man has no small share in tiie forging of his destiny; 
at times fate is hardly to be distinguished from a slight flaw 
in the character of the protagonist, as Aristotle recognized.'* 
Euripides is more apt to r^ard the gods as the projection of 
hitman motives and desires; but he is far from consistent, and 
broods on the responsibility of gods, fate, and man In a vein 
now rationalistic, now fatalistic.'* And Virgil's gods, like those 
of Homer and of Greek tragedy, are sometimes external agen- 

"* Ovid, Heroide$,Vn (Dido), 1; 7; 76 f.; 87; 109112; -189; 187; 196. 

**0f. Od. 1, 32. For Homeric borrowings in the CiUecf, see 304 ff.; 
328 ff. 

"Aristotle, Poet, 1453a: /n^rt 9i^ Kaxlaw icoi ptox^vpiftw furapdXKmw A 
t^p ivarvxlcLP dXX^ 9i* Anaprlaw ripd. For a refutation of the popular 
notion that Greek literature was fatalistic, see €he valuable discussion 
by Mss Leach, *' Fatalism of the Greeks,** A. J. P., XXXVI, 373-401. 

■■Euripides, Ion, 1523 ff.; Troiadea, 983 ff.; Heouha, 488 ff.; Hippo- 
lytw, 380 ff.; Medea, 919; 1013 f. 



"TEB DOUBTFUL DOOM OP HUMAN KIND.'* 351 

cies^ sometimes tantamount to mere chance, sometimes almost 
incarnations of the emotions of his cfharacters; nor is the extent 
of himian freedom decided.'^ That Virgil became acquainted 
with Greek tragedy early in his life can hardly be doubted.** 
If the scope of his early poems left little room for tiie themes 
of tragedy, he nevertheless contrived at times, if my hypothesis 
is correct, to invest his themes with something of tiie atmos^ 
phere of tragedy; and in the Aeneid the organ-point of the 
Fatum Bomanum is heard beneath the voices of suffering hu- 
manity. Even in the Aeneid the identification of fate with the 
will of Jupiter is not complete; the two forces remain at the 
most only parallel.** The metiiod of Virgil's later treatment 
of tragedy is characteristic of the Culex and the Ciris as well; 
and it can best be explained, I think, by the supposition that 
yoimg Virgil was a student not merely of Alexandrian and of 
earlier Latin literature but of Hooner and of Attic tragedy. 

William Ohabb Oreene. 



" Of. Heinae, op. oit,, pp. 304 ff. 

"For further . obvi(»iB moraliidngs on Fate, cf. Culemf 889 ff.; OcUo' 
lepion HI, especiaUy II. 9f. 

••Aen. I, 257 ff.; IV, «9ef.; 110; V, 784. Cf. Heinse, op. oit., pp. 
293 ff. 



V.--GLOSSOGEAPHICA. 

I attempted recently^ to restore to the Abstnisa Glossary 
from the Idber Glossarum glosses which originally belonged to 
it and which were derived ultimately from scholia on Virgil. 
But as might have been expected in a field so wide, a good deal 
was left behind, and the complete edition of Lib. Gloss, which 
is now being produced by a band of workers under the direction 
of Professor Lindsay is bringing in important gleanings. My 
own forthcoming edition of Abstrusa will give me an oppor- 
tunity to incorporate the new matter. These brief notes, not 
all of them concerned with Virgil glosses, illustrate some of the 
kinds of interest which Lib. Gloss, has for us. 

Li the first place I have to correct a suggestion which I 
formerly hazarded in passing (1. c. p. 184). I was misled by a 
wrong reading of tiie Paris and Vatican MSS. of Lib. Gloss., 
which alone were available to me, — ^ Cicer obis quid enim est 
hoc ipsum diu in quo est aliquid teztrinum.' The last word 
suggested that the gloss might be a confused quotation from 
the 4th Verrine. But the Tours MS. has not ' textrinum * but 
'extremum,' and the source is pro MarceUo ^7, quoted appar- 
ently as a parallel, ^ <ut> Giceronis * etc., perhaps in a note on 
' diu ' in Aen. 10, 861 ^ Bhaebe diu, res si qua diu mortalibus 
ulla est.' 

Another gloss containing a parallel is ' Gasses : genus mascu- 
linum. Virgilius ^'suspendit teneros male fortis aranea cas- 
sis.'' ' This line is not Virgil^s ( Geo. 4, 247 ' laxos in f onbus 
suspendit aranea cassis'), and though the old commentators 
habitually quoted from memory, and often inaccurately, that 
possibility seems to be ruled out here by tiie great difference 
between tiie two lines. The alternative is that the gloss comes 
from a scholium on Oeo. 4, 247 which quoted a parallel to the 
use of * cassis' (a hunting-net) for the spider's web. Such 
glosses are common enough. Sometimes they give both the line 
or phrase of Virgil and the illustration, sometimes only one of 
the two (1. c. p. 54) ; and many of them have suffered in trans- 

^St. Andrews UniTersity PubUcationfl, 13, 46 ff. (London, Milford, 
1921.) 

352 



GLOBBOGRAPHIOA. 353 

mission. In this case Virgil's own words have dropped out. 
But who is the author of the parallel? The Latin Thesaurus 
cannot tell us: it seems that this line must be added to the 
number of new fragments of literature which lab. Gloss, has 
preserved for us (cf. Dr. Mountford in Class. Quart., April 
1922), and we may indulge in speculation as to the writer. It 
is a question of some interest because the Thesaurus has no 
quotation of ^cassis' in this sense earlier than Oeo. 4, 247. 
Unless our line is an imitation of Virgil, which is not impos- 
sible, it probably gives us the first use of the metaphor and 
was quoted (by Donatus?) as one of Virgil's many 'sources.' 
Aratus (1033) speaks of spiders' threads floating in the air on 
a cabn day as a sign of bad weather to come,— ^c vrp^fuji iccv 
&pdxyui Acnrcb ^iifnfriu, which Avienus renders 'si solvit aranea 
cassis.' The tenor of our line, as I take it, is quite different: 
the spider makes up in craft what it lacks in courage. We can 
hardly ascribe it to any writer of Prognostica (though Cicero 
and (Jermanicus deal freely with Aratus in the parts of their 
versions which we possess) unless we imagine it as implying an 
answer to the question 'Why do gossamers float loose if there 
is no wind?' The answer would be 'because in the dog-days 
the spider is weakly (male fortis) and so its threads are not so 
strong (teneros).' This seems very speculative indeed. But 
Virgil's friend Aemilius Macer published a poem which was 
based on Nicander's Theriaca, and Nicander, speaking of spi- 
ders, has these lines (734-6) : — 

^AypmfTTffi ye fUv SiXXoi, i 8^ Xv/cov doaro i^p^ 
tlnfvas fiiWc^s re Kol Jcnr* iwl Sar/iiv {^17701. 

^Aypwmj^ (the hunter) might well suggest 'cassis' to Macer; 
and Nicander's words are consistent with the tenor of our line : 
the hunter, though it preys on flies like a wolf, relies on craft 
for its success. If Macer reproduced the reference to bees, we 
have the association which might easily bring his line to Virgil's 
mind in the context of Oeo. 4, 247. It may well be then that 
Macer is responsible for this metaphor, which Virgil stamped 
with his approval, so that it became common currency for the 
later poets. 

6 



364 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

There are in Lib. Gloss, two distinct strata of Virgil glosses, 
(1) those which came through Abstrusa and were labelled de 
glosis, (2) those which were labelled Vvrgili and were derived 
from two sets of marginal notes or 'glossae collectae' on the 
poet. The former come ultimately from valuable commentaries 
(Journal of Philology, 35, 257) ; the latter are mostly the ele- 
mentary explanations of the monastery-teacher. But I thought 
I found something very different among them also (St. Andrews 
Univ. Publ. 13, 52). More than a hundred Abstrusa glosses 
actually bear the Virgili label in Lib. Gloss., though sometimes 
the label may be wrong; and there are others which do not 
appear in the extant MSS. of the Abstrusa but which are 
certainly not of the monastery-teacher's type, for instance ' Cer- 
tescant: certum sciant.' Nonius (89, 20) gives ^Certiscant 
(certissant codd.) : certa fiant,* quoting Pacuvius' Chryse 
*atque eccos unde certiscent' (certissent codd.). As our gloss 
is labelled Virgili it is to be presumed that Donatus too quoted 
the word from Pacuvius or another old writer in a note on 
some line of Virgil (perhaps Aen. 7, 232, where Servius re- 
marks that Virgil uses the inchoative 'abolescet* imnecessar- 
ily ) . The Abstrusa gloss ^ Quigneum (cyg-) : album,* with the 
Virgili label in Lib. Gloss, strengthens the evidence that notes 
on the Appendix Vergiliana were used as well as notes on the 
longer poems. (Of. Miss Eees in Class. Quart. April, 1922.) 

liatin glossaries are f uU of pit-falls, and most workers in this 
field have sometimes had to climb out of a hole. The word 
Pigida appears in Du Cange and has been admitted, though 
doubtfully, by the editors of the Latin Thesaurus from the gloss 
'Pigida tela: eo quod omnibus sint contraria, a figendo' 
(printed by (Joetz in his excerpts from Lib. Gloss., C. G. L. 
5, 200, 23). Goetz did not print the gloss which inmiediatdy 
precedes it, — ^'Pigida Satumia stella: quod omnibus sit con- 
traria,* which shows that * Pigida tela * is a mere miswriting of 
' Prigida stella ' in a gloss on Oeo. 1, 336 and that ' sit * and 
' f rigendo * have been altered to correspond. On the other hand 
the Thesaurus rightly admits * C<r>esditum : creditum,* show- 
ing the early form *cresdo* which has been postulated for 
* credo.' This gloss comes to Lib. Gloss, from Ps.-Placidu8, 
which means that the word occurred in some document of the 



GLOSBOGRAPHWA. 355 

republic (Lindsay, Joum. of Phil. 34, 256). Another instance, 
which Qoetz has not printed, is perhaps concealed in *Cesi- 
derunt : crescerent ^ ( Cresdidenint : crediderunt ? Cresderent : 
crederent?). 

I do not know whether it is worth recording that in a gloss 
taken from Orosius 2, 19, 6, where the MSS. of Orosius read 
'Clusini' (see Zangemeister's note), the MSS. of Lib. Gloss, 
have * Clusine.* 

To return to Virgil, I may conclude with an instance which 
shows well the relation of Virgil scholia to glosses on the one 
hand and to Isidore on the other (see Joum. of Phil. 35, 284; 
St. Andrews IJniv. Publ. 13, 59). At Etym. 20, 10, 5 Isidore, 
speaking of 'funalia,* has a sentence which tallies word for 
word with Servius on Aen. 1, 727. Then comes this sentence : 
' Funalia autem Graeci scolaces dicunt, quod sint scoliae, hoc est 
mortis, hos Romani funes et funalia nominabant.' ^Mortis' 
is the reading of all the MSS., and it is a mistake for ' intorti,' 
— Isidore's mistake, or a mistake in his source. Lib. Gloss, has 
this sentence with * mortis,' both under * Funalia' and, some- 
what abbreviated, under * Scolaces,' where it is duly labelled 
Isid. But it has another gloss also, which preserves the correct 
reading, — ^Scolaces: quod nos funalia dicimus, eo quod sint 
scoliae, hoc est intorti. hos Romani ' etc. This appears also in 
the glossary of Cod. Par. nouv. acq. 1298, which does not bor- 
row from Isidore nor from Lib. Gloss., but does borrow much 
from Abstrusa. The gloss is no doubt taken from Donatus' 
note on 'funalia' at Aen. 1, 727; and perhaps Isidore's copy 
of Donatus had the miswriting 'mortis.' 

H. J. Thomson. 

St. Arbrsws^ Sootlutd. 



VI.— SOXJTHEY AND LANDOB AND THE CONSOLA- 
TION OF PHILOSOPHY OP B0ETHIU8. 

In his Survey of English Literature, 1780-1830, 2. 33 (1912), 
Professor Oliver Elton asserts that Landor took the plan of the 
Conversations, ' by his own account,* f roln Boethius, De ConsoJor 
tione PhUosophiae, and goes further by saying that no such 
thing is true; for says Professor Elton: * The dialogues of the 
martyr with his majestic visitant are unlike anything that 
Landor wrote, and if he really has any model, it is Plato, 
against whom he harbours one of his perverse crazes, and whom 
he seems only to praise in order to give eome colour of justice 
to his abuse/ 

I have found it impossible to accept these assertions. The 
first, that Landor, ^by his own account,' took the plan of the 
Conversations from Boethius, now, appears to have been made 
vrithout the necessary substantiation; and the second, that Plato 
is surely his model, if model he has, seems doubtful. To what 
extent Landor was aided in his Conversations by Plato I leave 
for conjecture. I wish here to bring evidence that Landor did 
have the Consolation of Philosophy in mind as he produced the 
Imaginary Conversations. In so doing I shall indicate inci- 
dentally certain indebtedness of Bobert Southey to Boethius. 

In that melancholy November of 1817, when, as he himself 
says, ' the death of the Princess Charlotte had diffused through- 
out Great Britain a more general sorrow than had ever before 
been known ' in those kingdoms, the Consolation of Philosophy 
came to the mind of Bobert Southey. Writing to C. W. Wil- 
liams Wynn, November 20, he said: ^In thinking over this 
unlucky event with a view to writing anything upon the sub- 
ject, I have almost resolved upon writing something of which 
the notion is taken from Boethius. Instead of his Philosophia, 
I shall bring in Sir Thomas More, and make the occasion serve 
to introduce a view, of the present circumstances of society with 
the impending changes, as compared with the time of the Eefor- 
mation. ... I am disposed to like the plan, as one in which 
356 



B0UTHE7 AUD LJJSfDOR. 367 

8ome points of weighty consideration might be brought forward 
with much propriety/ ^ 

Again on November 26, he wrote to Grosvenor C. Bedford 
on the same subject. 'In thinking over the matter ... a 
notion held strong hold upon me of producing something in 
distant imitation of Boethius. . . . There would be a mixture 
of verse as in Boethius, but the bulk of the composition in 
prose, and in colloquy. . . .' * 

On August 14, 1820, Southey wrote to Walter Savage Landor : 
'One of my occupations at this time is a series of dialogues, 
upon a plan which was suggested by Boethius.' • 

March 9, 1822, Landor wrote to Southey from Florence say- 
ing : ' It is long ago since you first told me that you were writing 
some dialogues. I began to do the same thing after you, having 
formerly written two or three about the time the first income 
tax was imposed. ... I hope your dialogues are printed, that 
they may give some credit and fashion to this manner of com- 
position.' * 

In response to this we have Southey's letter of May 27. ' I 
shall rejoice to see your Dialogues. Mine are consecutive, and 
will have nothing of that dramatic variety of which you will 
make the most. My plan grew out of Boethius, though it has 
since been so modified, that the origin would not be suspected. 
... By way of relief, I introduce some of the dialogues with 
local scenery, and perhaps I may insert some verses.' • 

Sir Thomas More: or. Colloquies on the Progress and Pros- 
pects of Society was published in London, 1829. In the Preface, 
page zi, Southey acknowledges his indebtedness to Boethius. 

The Imagina/ry Conversations were published in different vol- 
umes at different times, the first appearing in 1824 and a second 
volume in 1829. 

It is well to consider what others have concluded or inferred 
concerning Landor. Leslie Stephens in the Dictionary of 

* Seleciiona from the Letters of Robert Southey, ed. by J. W. Wartner, 
3. 80. 

•TWA, pp. 81-2. 

* Ihid., p. 207. 

* John Forster, Walter Savage Landor; a Biography, p. 314. 
'^Selections from the Letters of Robert Southey, 3. 311. 



358 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

National Biography, 32. 57, says that Southe/s letter telling 
of his intended Colloquies seems to have suggested to Landor a 
scheme for the composition of the Imaginary Conversations, or 
rather to have confirmed a project already entertained. John 
Forster writes that Southe/s project of producing a Book of 
Dialogues 'confirmed Landor in a project of his own enter- 
tained for a longer time/ • Finally Lord Houghton says : * He 
(Southey) also kept him (Landor) duly informed of the course 
of his prose writings, and had told him of his proposed dialogues 
on The Condition of Society, the plan of which had originally 
grown out of Boethius. . . . The notion had clearly touched 
Landor^s imagination, and it is evident how much there was 
in this form of composition which was cognate to both his in- 
tellectual and moral peculiarities. His dominant self-assertion 
seized with delight a form in wfhidh it could constantly repro- 
duce itself in the most diverse shapes. ... in which, under 
names he most loved and most abhorred, he could express his 
admiration and his hatred — in which exaggeration was legiti- 
mate and accuracy superfluous/ ^ 

It is obvious that none of these bears out Professor Elton's 
statement that Landor ' by his own account ' took the plan of 
his Conversations from Boethius. In fact. Professor Elton 
himself is no longer disposed to credit his assertion, but has 
informed me that he will delete the passage in an errata in the 
new impression of his Survey of English Literature now in the 
making.* It may be, of course, that Lander's first attempts at 
dialogue were encouraged by Plato; yet that all his endeavor 
in the field of interlocution arises from Plato as a model ' if he 
really has any model' seems also in need of further consideration. 

Guy Baylby Dolson. 

Uhitirsitt Of Bxrrwiho, 



* Walter Savage Landor; a Biography, p. 2^. 
^Lord Houghton's Monographs (New York, 1873), pp. 107-8. 
*The result of recent correspondence with Professor Elton on the 
matter. 



i 



VII.— THE IMPERFECT INDICATIVE AS A PEAE- 

TERITUM EX FTJTXJEO. 

There is little justification for a departure from established 
terminology, unless its inaptness is clear. It may be ques- 
tioned whether the familiar ' f uturum in praeterito ^ is a correct 
designation of the relation that it is intended to describe, for 
surely the upper limit of the time may pass the bounds of the 
speaker's present, and, therefore, *f uturum ex praeterito* 
would appear to be more exact. 

Conversely, in the usage here to be described, the action re- 
ferred to by the imperfect tense often has no clearly defined 
lower limit; it begins somewhere in the speaker^s past and is 
completed before a certain point in his future. It is therefore 
more than a praeteritimi in futuro; it is, rather, a praeteritum 
ex futuro. 

This fact distinguishes the cases here considered very sharply 
from the well-recognized types of imperfect indicative that show 
a future outlook from a point in the past, e. g. in the cocative 
use and in such examples as the following : 



Cicero, p. Sulla 19. 53: ubi fuit Sulla, Gomeli? 

Num in eis regionibufl, quo ae Catilina inferehatt 

This passage refers to the occasion of the meeting of the con- 
spirators at the house of Laeca, which took place at least a 
day before Catiline left Bome. Consequently se , . . inferebai 
has reference to a proposed activity on Catiline's part; he was 
' headed for ' the district, though he had not yet actually set out. 
As contrasted with this, the imperfect indicative used as a 
praeteritum ex futuro is perhaps nothing more than an occa- 
sional phase of what is sometimes known as the absolute im- 
perfect, i. e. the imperfect representing action as in progress at 
a previous time, but not as contemporaneous with any other 
action definitely specified; e. g. 

Plautus, Tii. 400: Sed aperiuntur aedes, quo iham. 

Still better for purposes of comparison is the following Ver- 
gilian passage: 

359 



360 jlmbrwjlN journal of philology. 

AeiL vi, 608 ff.: 
Hie quibuB inyiei fratres, dum vita manehatf 
Pulsatusve parenB^ et fraus inneza clieotL 

Here the Sibyl is explaining the present plight of the denizens 
of Tartarus on the basis of wrongs committed by them in an 
antecedent state. 

By a slight shift, the imperfect thus used becomes a prae- 
teritum ex future. Thus the elder Cyrus, anticipating an early 
demise, says to his sons: 

Oioero, Cat. Mai. 22. 79; Nolite arbitrari, o mihi oarissimi filii, me, 
cum a yohis diBoessero, nusquam aut nullum fore. Nee enim dum eram 
vobificum, animiim meum videbatia. 

Obviously the clause dum eram vohiscum is meant to cover all 
their intercourse up to tiie moment of death, which still lies in 
the speaker's future. We can hardly designate this time other- 
wise than ' past from a point in the future.' 

Speaking of the delights that in heaven will fall to the lot 
of those whose intellects were keen and alert while yet in the 
body, Cicero uses the imperfect in a similar fashion in a cum- 
clause: 

TuBC. Di^. i. 46: Praecipue vero fruentur ea (L e. philoeophia) , qui 
timi etiam, cum has terras inoolentes ciroumfoai erwut caligine, tamen 
acie mentis dispicere cupiebant. 

So in the following guanwdause : 

Cicero^ p. Sex. Bosc. 29. 82: Si quid est, quod ad testes resenFet, IM 
quoque noe, ut in ipsa causa, paratiores reperiet, qusm ptf to5<U. 

Pretty obviously the meaning is : "He will find us better pre- 
pared than he (previously) thought," the point of reference 
being, not the speaker's present, but the time marked by 
referiet. 

Even more interesting, perhaps, is a famiUar passage in 
which the imperfect is found in conjunction with iam pridem: 

Cioero, in Cat. i. 25: Ibis tandem aliquando, quo te iam pridem ista 
tua cupiditas effrenata ac furiosa rapiebai. 

In this first oration against Catiline tiie use of such phrases as 
iam pridem is very frequent; and every school edition makes it 
its business to point out that the addition of words of this sort 



TRB IMPERFECT INDICATIVE. 361 

often gives to a present the force of a perf ect^ and to an im- 
perfect the force of a pluperfect. 

In the passage under discussion, had Cicero made his point 
of reference his own present, he naturally would have used the 
present tense, te iam pridem . . . rapit, L e. '^ has (up to this 
time) been hurrying you.'' But he is thinking rather of the 
time of Catiline's actual departure; hence he chooses the im- 
perfect, i. e. "Sometime at length you will go to the place 
where long since your unbridled and mad desire had been 
hurrying you," the imperfect designating a past from that 
future view-point. 

H. C. Nutting. 

UkimOTT Of OUJfOBHU. 



VIII.— DRAVIDIAN NEGATION. 

In spoken English there is a word, commonly, doubled to 
express disapproval or negation, which we may transcribe a! or 
a! (nasalized), writing / in accordance with Sweefs notation 
to mark glottal stoppage.^ Early Dravidian seems to have had 
a similar negative. Kni uses it in (Ue (no), and as a suffix in 
verbs. The order of the suffixes, with the negation standing 
first, shows that the negative-stems are older than the tense- 
stems. In the imperative the vowel of the negation is kept: 
sidu (give), neg. staltu. Otherwise in the present, where the 
affirmative and the negative have different sets of endings, the 
negation is reduced to the consonant / after a vowel, and may 
be lost after a consonant: sine (gives), neg. si!e; site (gave), 
neg. stalte^ side (is not), past sidalte. The first mention of 
Kui ! seems to occur in Friend-Pereira's Grammar (Calcutta, 
1909) ; it is ignored in the account of Kui given by the Lin- 
guistic Survey of India, vol. 4 (Calcutta, 1906). 

In Malto the negative is formed with I: hande (draw), past 
handah, neg. past hcmdlahj mene (be), neg. present menolak 
or menomalah. The future may have either the Z-suffix com- 
bined with personal endings, or mala following the affirmative 
forms. The word mala (not) is apparently derived from ^(dla, 
with m added from mene; the ^-suffix represents stressless 
^al!a, a verb with the ancient negation, presumably connected 
with BrUhui a-, al-, a/r- (be). 

In Kurukh a few verbs take the negative-suffix I, but gener- 
ally the negative is indicated by a word corresponding to Malto 
mala : m^ or m^ld, with an evidently older variant m^aUd, 

The consonant / has been lost elsewhere in Dravidian, and 
the negative-suffix appears as a simple vowel, *al^a being repre- 
sented by Brfthui dHa- (was not), Kanara aJla, Tamil alia, and 
G6ndi halle with analogic A.* 

Edwin H. Tuttle. 

NOBTH fLkYMK, COHV. 



» Sweet, Sounds of EngUeh, § 138 (Oxford, 1908). 
"American Journal of Philology, vol. 40, p. 82. 

362 



BEPOBTS. 

Bevue de Philologib, Vol. XLV (1921), parts 1-2. 

Pp. 6-44. Le Codex Oenevensis des Questions naturelles de 
S6n^ue. Paul Oltramare. Codex Genev. (Z) is much more 
important for establishing the text of Seneca than Gercke^s 
edition implies. 

Pp. 45-62. Inscriptions de Didymes: Didymes au I*' siMe 
avant J.-Chr. Bernard HaussoTillier. The restoration of the 
temple was going on in the year 54/53, when Ptolemy XIII 
sent a rich present of ivory. 

P. 62. Terence, Andrienne, 87. P. Jourdan proposes to 
read : " dic6bant atit Nic^rattim ; tum hi tr6s simtil.** 

Pp. 63-65. Les Choliambes de Perse. A. Cartault. The 
fourteen choliambic lines are not the prologue, or the epilogue, 
to the Satires. They are probably a fragment of an early poem 
which was left unfinished. The first seven lines are put in the 
mouth of an anonymous poet ; the last seven give Persius' reply. 

P. 65. Ilicbde, 9, 164. Louis Havet proposes to read ob #ccv 

for ovK€r^. 

Pp. 66-74. La Satire I de Perse. A. Cartault. The first 
Satire was probably composed about the year 52, when Persius 
was 18. The name Pedius, line 85, may very well be a remi- 
niscence of Horace, Sat. I 10, 28, and the passage need have 
nothing to do with the Pedius Blaesus who was removed from 
the Senate in the year 59. The four lines 99-102 may be 
quoted from one of Nero's early compositions. The story in 
the Vita about the substitution of ' quis non ' for ^ Mida rex,' 
line 121, should be rejected. 

Pp. 75-85. La semi-conjecture et les Suppliantes d'Eschyle. 
Louis Havet. Textual notes based on the theory of ^saut de 
mfime au mSme.' 

Pp. 86-87. Un fragment de M6nandre, Adelphes. Louis 
Havet. The line of Menander quoted by Donatus on Terence, 
Ad. 43-44, might read : to fuucdpiov to iraw, ywduc^ ov Xafkpdvia, 

Pp. 87-89. Platon, Alcib, 133 C. Louis Havet suggests Oiav, 
' la contemplation,* for Otov. 

Pp. 90-92. Gloses hom^riques sur ostrakon. Arth. Humpors. 
Study of a fragment published by von Wilamowitz, Sitz. Ak. 
Berl., 1918, pp. 728 sqq. 

Pp. 93-96. Bulletin bibliographique. 

363 



864 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOCFY. 

Pp. 97-101. filicide, V 522 sqq. W. Deonna. The arrow 
of Acestes announces the apotheosis of Aeneas — and of Augastaf>. 

Pp. 102-106. Eschyle et Th^mistocle. E. Cavaignac. The 
Suppliants ebould perhaps be set as late as about 470. The 
refusal of the Argives to give up the daughters of Danaos 
should be connected with their refusal to give up Themistodes 
at the command of the Spartans. 

Pp. 107-113. Petroniana. A. Emout. The confused order 
of tiie verses of poetry in Parisinus 8049 (P) is apparently 
due to the fact that in the archetype the verses were written in 
two columns^ and thus came to be copied in a wrong order. 
That is, the scribe copied a verse from the first column^ and 
then went on with the verse of the second colunm which stood 
in the same line. 

Pp. 114-148. Nouvelles semi-oonjectures sur le texte d^Eschyle. 
Louis Havet. Textual notes on Suppl. 493-4, 767-61; Pers. 
299-300, 522 ff., 861-2, 793 ff., 484, 568-71, 782 ff., 979-85; 
Sept. 21-24, 140-3, 160-5, 253-4, 275-8, 436, 574-9, 590-1, 602-3, 
692-6, 750-2, 785-8, 823-4, 848-51, 941-6, 14-16, 19-20, 106-10, 
513, 550-2, 1002-3, 892-4, 899 ; Prom. 407-9, 619-20, 650-2, 677, 
688-93, 986, 640-3. 

Bevue des comptes rendus d^ouvrages relatifs k I'antiquiti 
dassique (Comptes rendus parus en 1916-18), par J. Marouzeau, 
pp. 1-118. 

W. P. MUSTABD. 
Ths Jobvs HopEDra UmrBBOTT. 



BoMANiA, Vol. XLVn (1921). 

Janvier. 

Stefan Olixelli. Les Contenances de table. 40 pages. The 
author of this long article passes in rapid review such versions 
of his general subject as he has been able to find in Latin, 
French, ProvenQal and Italian. He also refers briefly to similar 
poems in various other languages, endeavors to discover the 
origin of his theme, and traces its later diffusion. He then 
gives critical texts of a Latin version and of several French 
versions. 

Myrrha Lot-Borodine. Les deux conqu^rants du Oraal : Per- 
ceval et Galaad. 57 pages. I. Perceval le Gallois: Perceval 
dans la litt6rature du Graal ant^rieure au Lancelot; Perceval 
dans le Lanoelot-Graal. II. Galaad le redempteur : Prfliistoire 
du '* Bon chevalier '' ; Vie et mort de Galaad dans la QuSte du 



RBPOBTS. 366 

Saint Qraal. The author of this artide begins by tracing the 
gradual development of Perceval^s character into that of the 
perfect knight; and then adds a brief account of his search for 
the Grail, with its many variations as given by the several me- 
dieval authors who treated of this legend. The Galaad story 
described in the latter part of this article is cast largely along 
Biblical lines, but has been woven into the former legend by the 
side of the Perceval tradition, which it to a large extent dis- 
places. Eventually Galaad is identified with Christ himself as 
the medieval mind conceived him. Both Grail heroes have 
their own individual spirituality. 

Paul Studer. Notice sur un manuscrit Catalan du XVe siMe 
(Bodley Oriental 9). 7 pages. Although this manuscript has 
been in the Bodleian Library for some tln*ee centuries, Bomance 
scholars have failed to notice the fact that the interlinear trans- 
lation of its Hebrew text was in Catalan. The words of the 
latter are written reversely following the Hebrew custom, and 
they are in a small cursive hand difficult to decipher. The text 
itself is a liturgy for Jews according to the Spanish rite. 

Mflanges. E. Hoepffner, Le chansonnier de Besangon. Paul 
Marchot, Wallon N6rd <*Oraricium. Paul Marchot, Wallon 
Hf < anc. ht. all. Scaro. 

Comptes rendus. A. Meillet, Linguistique historique et lin- 
guistique g^n^rale (Lucien Foulet). Nicolae Dr&gan, Douil 
manuscripte vechi : codicele Todorescu si codicele Marxian, stu- 
diu si transcriere (Alexandre Bosetti). Ferdinand Bnmot, Le 
renouvellement des m6thodes grammaticales (Luden Foulet). 

P&iodiques. Literaturblatt f lir germanische und romanische 
Philologie, XL, 1919; XLI, 1920 (E. M.). The Eomanic Ee- 
view, X (1919); XI (1920) (M. E.). Zeitschrift fiir roma- 
nische Philologie, XXXVIII (1914-1917) [long note on artide 
by A. Kolsen, 25 bisher unedierte provenzalische AnonymaJ 
(M. B.). 

Chronique. Publications annonc^s. Collections et publica- 
tions en cours. " Les nos. XXI et XXII de la Bibliotheca his- 
panica sont constitu^s par les Poesias del CancUer Pero Lopez 
de AyaJa publicadas por Albert F. Kuersteiner ; New- York, His- 
panic Society of America (G. P. Putnam's Sons), 1920; 2 vol. 
pet. 8° de XLII-295 et XXXVIII-328 pages. L'^diteur, au- 
jourdTiui d6c6d6, s'est propos6 seulement de reproduire les 
sources manuscrites du texte de Ayala, c'est-A-dire, pour le Libro 
dd palacio, le ms. 4055 de la Biblioth^ue nationale de Madrid, 
dont F^dition forme la majeure partie du t. I de VM.. Kuer- 
steiner, et le ms. iij. h. 19 de FEscorial (reproduit au t. II) ; 
& la fin du 1. 1 M. K. a reproduit les fragments d' Ayala conserves 



366 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

dans le Cancionero de Baena et dans le ms. Esp. 216 de la BibL 
nationale k Paris/* 

Comptes rendus sommaires. 20 titles. P. H. Urena, Tablas 
cronol6gicas de la literatura espanola. Edouard Bonnaff^, Dic- 
tionnaire des Anglieismes. A. Lev^, La tapisserie de la reine 
Mathilde, dite tapisserie de Bayeux. Henry E. Haxo^ Denis 
Piramus, La Vie Seint Edmunt (twelfth century), reprinted 
with additions from Modem Philology, Vol. XII; Dissertation 
de Chicago (1915). 

Avril-Juillet. 

Arthur Piaget. Les Princes de Georges Chastelain. 46 pages. 
The author of this very long article begins by discussing the 
varying opinions of the older scholars in regard to the title and 
allusions of this well-known poem. It was first published in 
1865, when it was considered by the editor to be a satire directed 
against King Louis XI. This opinion has been accepted as 
correct by numerous scholars since then ; but there have also been 
raised various objections. It is one of a suite of short poems, 
which are here critically edited, and which are used as a basis 
of comparison for arriving at the true meaning of Chastelain's 
own poem. The conclusion reached is that the real title is les 
Princes, that it contains merely a theoretical enumeration of bad 
princes and is not a political satire, that it was composed in 
1453 and has no reference to Louis XI, who was then the dau- 
phin. Most of the other poems in question were composed 
either the same, or the following year. 

Paul Marchot. Notes ^tymologiques. 36 pages. I. La fa- 
mille du franc *Bolla, " Fleur de farine,*' en frangais. II. Cane 
et Canard. III. Anc. frangais Derver, Desver. IV. Anc, 
frangais Engier. V. Anc. frangais Ongier. VI. La famille 
frangaise du bas latin Palmizare, " Souffleter.'* VII. Poulain, 
" Bubon d'origine syphilitique.'^ 

Lucien Foulet. Comment ont 6volufe les formes de nnterro- 
gation. 106 pages. The forms of interrogation in modem 
French are extremely varied. Cultivated speech knows " est-ce 
que vous irez?'^ by the side of "irez-vous?^% "oil est-ce que 
vous allez?^' parallel with "od allez-vous ? ''. Sometimes it 
uses the form "qu*est-ce?^' sometimes '^qu'est-ce que c*est?'\ 
"Que faites-vous?^^ can be lengthened to "qu*est-ce que vous 
faites?^' and even to "qu^est-ce que c^est que vous faites?'* 
Popular speech knows these forms, but it also has its own special 
phrases: "vous irez-ti?'^ "od que vous allez?^', "od (fest que 
vouz allez?", "qu6 que vous faites?*'. The general result of 
this thorough linguistic investigation is to show the interde- 
pendence of the three great varieties of contemporary French. 



REPORTS. 367 

The literary language is influenced by the language of conver- 
sation, and in turn reacts on the latter; familiar speech is in- 
vaded by popular phrasings, and, inversely, popular language 
sometimes shows a tendency to greater " correctness/' 

Jessie L. Weston. The Perlesvaus and the Vengeance Ba- 
guidel. 11 pages. I. The mysterious ship. II. The proud 
lady. 

Melanges. Antoine Thomas, Percoindar dans la Passion de 
Clermont-Ferrand. Giulio Bertoni, Intomo a una denomina- 
zione alto-italiana dell' " Ape '* : Anvlda. E. HoepfiEner, Chan- 
son frangaise du Xllle si^cle (Ay Dex! ou porrey jen trouver). 
J. Morawski, L'auteur de la seconde Vie des p^res. Max 
Prinet, Remarques onomastiques 6ur le Waltharius. G. Huet, 
Fn Episode de TYsengrimus et quelques r^cits apparent6s. An- 
toine Thomas, Anc. fran§. Sisme " Sisiteie.*' Antoine Thomas, 
Nouveaus temoignajes sur le "jargon** (1464 et 1484-1486). 

Comptes renduB. Aldo Francesco Mass^ra, Sonetti burleschi 
e realistici dei primi due secoli (Amos Parducci). Kathleen 
Lambley, The teaching and cultivation of the French language 
in England during Tudor and Stuart times, with an Introduc- 
tory chapter on the preceding period (Henri Lemaitre: numer- 
ous additions to the bibliography). A. Wallenskold, Strass- 
burger-edema, den alsta bevarade texten p& franske spr&ket 
(Ernest Muret). 

P^riodiques. Studier i modem Spr&kvetenskap, IV (1908)- 
VI (1917) (M. R.). Zeitschrift flir romanische Philologie, 
XXXIX, 1 (1917)-6 (1919) (M. R.). Modem Philology, Vol. 
I (1903-4)-XVII (1919-20) (M. R.: "La Romania a signal^ 
en 1903 ... la cr&tion de ce recueil, alors trimestriel, public 
par FUniversit^ de Chicago, la partie romane ^tant sous la 
direction de M. Th. Atkinson Jenkins. Mais elle n'eh a jamais 
donn6 le d^pouillement syst^matique. Je m'^tais, d^s 1912, 
propose de mettre nos lecteurs au courant de cette publication. 
. . . Je puis donner ainsi un d6pouillement sommaire des dix- 
sept volimies parus.'^) 

Chronique. Obituary notices of Heinrich Schneegans, Wende- 
lin Foerster, Adolf Birch-Hirschfeld, Emil Levy, Franz Sette- 
gast, Adolf Rambeau, Emil Freymond, Gustav Thurau, Hugo 
Andresen, Gottfried Baist and Heinrich Morf, all formerly 
members of German university faculties. New appointments 
at the same as follows: Eduard Wechssler and M. L. Wagner 
at Berlin, W. Meyer-Liibke and Leo Spitzer at Bonn, H. 
Heiss and Fr. Schiirr at Freiburg-im-Breisgau, Alfons Hilka 
at Gottingen, Erhard Lommatsch at Greif swald, Werner Mulertt 
at Halle, Fritz Kriiger and Hermann IJrtel at Hamburg, 0. 



368 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

Schultz-^ra at Jena, Ph. A. Becker and Fritz Neubert at Leip- 
zig> E. B. Curtius at Mai1)iLrg^ and E. Lerch at Miinchen. 
Albert Stimming has been placed on the retired list at Got- 
tingen. Elsewhere E. Gamillscheg and E. Winkler have been 
appointed at Innsbruck, and EL von Ettmayer at Wien. Publi- 
cations annonc^s. Collections et publications en oours. Bei- 
hefte zur Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie, 48-60. ** Beau- 
coup d^Univerait^s des fitats-TJnis d'Amdrique ont commence 
& publier, dans ces demi^res ann^s, des collections de travaux 
qui, souvent, int^ressent les romanistes; nous esp^rons pouvoir 
donner prochainement une liste de ces collections parfois encore 
peu connues. D^s maintenant nous tenterons sur ce point en- 
core de regagner le retard de nos comptes rendus en signalant 
les collections les plus importantes : 

Elliott monographs in the Bomance languages and litera- 
tures, 6-7. (Etude sur Pathelin de M. B. T. Holbrook; Libro 
de Apolonio, an Old Spanish poem ed. by C. Carroll Marden; 
The sjmtactical causes of case reduction in Old French, by G. 0. 
Laubscher.)" 

Comptes rendus sommaires. 2% titles. 

Octobre. 

Joseph B^dier. Les assonances en -!fi et en -l!fi dans la 
Chanson de Boland. 16 pages. The Oxford Boland violates 
Bartsch's law in twenty verses, which most modem editors have 
corrected to conform with the requirements of the law. A care- 
ful investigation of these cases has convinced M. B6dier that 
the editors have erred in thus '^ constituting '' their texts. 
They should have interpreted, not changed, the readings found 
in the manuscript. 

J. Jud. Mots d'origine gauloise? Deuxi^e s6rie. 30 pages. 
The author here investigates the origin of a number of agricul- 
tural terms in Ihe hope of discovering old Gallic words preserved 
to us in a French form. He considers that the results obtained 
are of interest to Celtic studies as well as to French etymology. 

Arthur L&ngfors. Le Miroir de vie et de mort par Bobert de 
FOmme (1266) ; module d'une morality wallonne du XVe 
si^cle. Premier article. 21 pages, with three facsimiles. This 
critical edition of a text preserved to us in four manuscripts is 
based chiefly on MS. 2200 of the Biblioth^ue Sainte-Geneviftve 
in Paris. A dramatized form is also preserved in a Chantilly 
manuscript. 

Pierre Bokseth. La diphthongaison en Catalan. 15 pages. 
The author here endeavors to prove that, contrary to ihe opinion 
of most scholars, Catalan in preliterary times had diphtiiongi- 



REPORTS. 369 

zation of open E and open in certain cases^ just as did French 
and Proven<jal. He draws up a list of words of this sort, whose 
etymology he investigates in some detail. 

Jean Haust. Etymologies wallonnes et frangaises. 32 pages. 
The etymologies of some thirty-five words and groups of words 
are discussed, special attention being paid to Walloon dialect 
developments. 

Melanges. G. Bertoni, *Capsea. Lucien Foulet, Pour le 
commentaire de Villon. Hilding Kjellman, Sur deux Episodes 
de Gautier de Coincy. 

Comptes rendus. Sepulcri, Lat. camisia, it. c&mice ecc.; 
Intomo al nome di un singolare tipo di costruzione pugliese; 
Ital. fazzuolo, fazzoletto; lat. faciale e continuatori ; Franc 
truble "specie di rete'' (J. Jud). Ezio Levi, Uguccione da 
Lodi e i primordi della poesia italiana (A. Jeanroy). Les 
Chansons de Conon de B6thune, 6dit^ par Axel Wallenskold 
(Arthur L&ngfors). Myst^res et moralit^s du manuscrit 617 
de Ohantilly, p. p. Gustave Cohen (E. HoepfEner). 

P^riodiques. Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen 
und Literaturen, CCXXIII (1915), fasc. 1 et 2 (Arthur Ling- 
fors). NeophUologus, V, 1 (1919)-VI, 4 (1921) (M. R). 
Eevista Lusitana, XX (1917)-XXII (1919) (M. E.). M^- 
moires de la Soci6t6 de linguistique de Paris, t. XXI (1919- 
1920) (M. R.). Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie, XL, 1 
(1919)-6 (1921) (M. R.). 

Chronique. Publications annoncfes. Collections et publica- 
tions en cours. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philolo- 
gie, 61-65. 

Comptes rendus sommaires. 14 titles. El Cid en la historia, 
por R. Men^ndez Pidal (M. R.). Angevin Britain and Scandi- 
navia, by Henry (Joddard Leach (Harvard Studies in Compara- 
tive Literature, Vol. VI). 

Geoboe C. Keidel. 

WlBHXNOTOir^ D. O. 



6 



REVIEWS. 

Language^ its nature, development, and origin. By Otto 

Jespersbn. New York, Henry Holt and Co., 19^2. 448 
pp. 8^. 

In every science it is demanded that the investigator under- 
stand the method of science. He must see the reasons for its 
existence, be aware of its limitations, and be able to follow it, 
through all difficulties and seemingly endless amassments of 
material, consistently to a conclusion, good or bad. In all 
sciences there are many who can do this; it requires, at this 
day, no gift of genius. In the sciences that deal with man, 
however, there is a second demand, much harder to fulfil, to 
wit, that the scholar divest himself (for the time being, at 
least) of all the prejudices and preconceptions of his person, 
of his social group, or even of all mankind. So rare is this 
ability that it has grown commonplace to say that our social 
sciences are merely systematized expositions of tribal belief. 
Linguistics has fared best, owing to several peculiarities of the 
matter it studies. It was, for instance, a great step in advance, 
but also a most abrupt confrontation of human prejudice, when 
Leskien asserted, in effect, that the historical changes in human 
speech are not due to any desires of people and are not subject 
to any deflection for convenience or euphony or clearness. Even 
in linguistics there are few scholars able to take such a step; 
one of these very few is Otto Jespersen. In his Progress in 
Language (1894) he showed that historical change in language 
is progressive, a phase of the evolution of man; that linguistic 
change leads to simpler, more flexible, more accurately and 
delicately expressive and less troublesome forms of speech* 
Whatever we may take to be the relation between language and 
thought, Jespersen's teaching means that in the history of 
language we can see the growth and development, through time 
(and at a strange rate of speed — ^like some queer plant^s — inter- 
mediate between biologic evolution and cultural progress), of 
human emotion and reason. It was the last of the great lin- 
guistic discoveries of the nineteenth century. That the man 
who made it stands above the common nm, even of men of 
science; that he is able to oppose not only the prejudices of 
his social group — a comparatively easy task — ^but also those of 
his own preconception ; that he must be a man of rare breadth 
of view and constructive imagination, — all this is evident. He 
is able to give us the big view of things; witness his Orowth 
and Structure of the English Language — a panorama, without 
equal, of the history of a language. 

370 



BBVIBW8. 871 

It is not to cavil, therefore, at a man whom I honor as (with 
the restriction of our studies) few can honor him, but under 
the absolute duty of defending and holding every inch of ground 
hitherto conquered by our science, that I enter protest against 
very many parts indeed of the present book, Language. It is in 
the first and more general, if less noble, demand of our science, 
that Jespersen seems to me to fail. He repeatedly violates, or, 
if you wiU, ignores, those very principles of method to which 
his great discovery, like most of what we know, owes its exist- 
ence. In Progress in Language there was a single passage 
(on page 176) which implied, ultimately, that the loss (by 
sound-change) of inflectional endings in English was condi- 
tioned upon the circumstance that these endings were no longer 
needed for the expression of meaning. I shfdl not follow tbis 
idea to its basic incompatibility with any definition of meaning 
that would today be tenable; it is enough to point out that, 
from the very beginning of linguistic study, just such ideas — 
referring phenomena of linguistic change to desires or needs — 
were tried and tried again — ^lying as they do in the direct path 
of our tribal common sense; but these ideas were found wanting 
and discarded because they would not work with the facts. In 
the present book the idea referred to is elevated to a constantly 
recurring motif of the discussion. There is no need of citing 
many examples; it is a leadiog tiieme of the book. On page 
310 hope and hop are identined, and the difference between 
them (older p:pp) explained by tiie statement (page 405) that 
** the mere strengthening of tiie consonant ... to express sym- 
bolically the strengthening of the action has nothing imnatural 
in it.** Indeed, the notion that words of certain meanings are 
somehow changed or created by the meaning itself (''sound- 
symbolism'* — Jespersen makes use of that monument of it, 
Hilmer*s Schallnachahmung, 1914) is developed at some length 
(especially on pages 396 ff.). The only evidence for this notion 
is the meaning-value of the words in question, — ^the meaning- 
value for a speaker of the language concerned of such words 
as English slush or Oerman quatsch. Now, what does the 
method of our science tell us of such words? First, descrip- 
tively, it tells us that the meaning of a word is due to no meta- 
physical or super-linguistic forces, but to its associations for 
speakers of the language. The word may be simple, like chair, 
or it may be composed of more or less vague formative ele- 
ments, — ^that is to say, it may be partly like other words, as in 
the plural form, chairs (toys, tables). If the partial likeness, 
as in this case, is very freely spread through the language, we 
speak of an explicit or clear-cut meaning; if the words of 
similar form are relatively few, then we have vaguer, less defin- 
able meanings, as in the case of slush (cf. slum, slubler, sloven. 



372 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOOT. 

slubby, slop, slattern, etc., and mush, trash, tosh, bosh, etc., — 
all quoted by Jespersen, page 401, with historical suggestion 
for oosh)y or Oerman quatsch {quaken, quieken, quabbem, 
quetschen, etc., and patsch, tratsch, kitsch, klatsch, matsch, 
pfutsch, putsch, etc.). The ^symbolism' here is no super- 
linguistic force, but merely a nonnal linguistic association. 
Every language has its own habits in this regard, which to the 
speaker seem inevitable; the sphere of vague associations may, 
of course, be different from what it is in modem Gtermanic; 
in Algonquian, for instance, it is rather parts of the body, tools, 
and ^tes of matter that are thus referred to: a word with 
-dhkiv- somewhere near the end of it refers to solids, especially 
of the consistency of wood, one with -dpehk- to harder solids, 
one with -epy- to liquids, one with -dpy- to stringy things, and 
so on, down to some elements that are very vague indeed. 
Historically, the method of our science tells us that word-forms 
are created by soimd-change and by analogic change (including 
"contamination*' and the like); the words under discussion 
bear on their face the mark of the latter process, which Jesper- 
sen deals with on pages 279 ff., 388 ff., only to ignore it a few 
pages later. It is of one piece with all this that Jespersen 
believes certain words to have " resisted the old (Jothonic con- 
sonant-shift*' (cuckoo, pipe, page 406). 

One asks for the tiieoretical justification: how are we to 
revise our ideas of linguistic change? just how, for instance, 
are we to imagine that the ancestral form of pipe staid un- 
changed when all the other p's in the language were on the 
way toward f? Jespersen's theoretical discussion rests upon 
material that offers no resistance to the current hypothesis of 
analogic change and resultant parallel forms (G<)thic azgo: 
English ash, Sandcrit hrd-: Latin cord-, etc.), and upon mate- 
rial that is totally irrelevant,, namely dialect-mixture. Thus, 
when Wheeler (quoted on page 293) found himself pronouncing 
[]uw] beside [uw] in an increasing number of words of the 
type new, tune, due, etc., this was by no means an example of 
some gradual or irregular spread of a phonetic change from 
word to word, but merely the speaker's transition from one 
class-dialect of American English to another. A scientific 
method (or hypothesis or assumption) can be invalidated only 
by Us own rigorous application — ^never by the citation of iso- 
lated and uninterrupted facts or by the ministrations, however 
shrewd, of common sense. 

In these matters no concession can be made. In all the rest, 
Jespersen's new book is valuable, and it is charming throughout. 
It is full of the most apt observation, of knowledge gathered 
far and wide, of interestingness and humor. The very headings 
and distribution of the material are both novel and appropriate. 



REVIEWS. 373 

The historical survey is original and suggests new valuations. 
Grimm, to be sure, is underestimated. This, one may guess, is 
due to Jespersen's natural bent — ^not for a moment be it thought 
** patriotic,'' but rather a bent of interest. It was Grimm's 
merit (aside from the genius of the man) that, by the strength 
of a method, he conquered for science a body of facts so vast 
that the generations since have worked well within the boimds 
he reached and scarcely ever gone beyond. The notion suggests 
itself that if Jespersen appreciated Grimm, he would never have 
been tempted to resort to the use of his pocket-knife in the 
laboratory of science. However, we cannot have everything at 
once, nor can one man be all things : we should not care to get 
along without the brave spirit of Otto Jespersen, and indeed, 
without that spirit, the science of language would not be 
what it is. 

Leonabd Bloomfield. 

Omo STATB UlflTBBBITT. 



Einleitung imd Quellenkunde zur romisohen Geschichte. Von 
Arthur Eosenberg. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhand- 
lung, 1921. Pp. xi + 304. 

Dr. Eosenberg, who has done excellent work in Eoman his- 
tory, was well equipped to write a Quellenkunde, a work long 
needed. By separating the discussion of the sources of the 
ancient historians from the criticism of the ancient historians 
themselves and by giving a full estimate of such things as the 
temple records, inscriptions, and the ephemeral pamphlets now 
largely lost, he has been able to present the material in very 
practicable form. Every historian of Eome will find the book 
useful. 

It should not, however, be placed in the hands of immature 
students without a warning that the author accepts scores of 
unproved hypotheses which he transmits in the most dogmatic 
tone of certainty. Few historians, for instance, will agree with 
Dr. Eosenberq's theory about early Eoman chronology, yet it 
is presented as authoritative. Dr. Eosenberg seems to know 
that the "libri lintei'' were forgeries, and that the pontifical 
annals began to be written about 320 B. C. Perhaps he is right, 
but what the student must begin with is a knowledge of the 
fact that we do not know. Throughout the whole book Dr. 
Eosenberg has rightly insisted upon the necessity of reading 
Idvy and Tacitus critically; why then by his example does he 
teach the student to swaUow modem inferences with gullible 
voracity? Personally I do not believe that Dr. Eosenberg's 



374 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

book, despite its air of finality, will save as large a proportion 
of its statements from the fire of twenty years of criticism as 
Tacitus has from the scrutiny of nearly twenty centuries. Why 
not apply criticism all the way? 

The bibliography will prove useful to American sdiolars for 
its references to books and articles printed in the author's own 
language; few other works, however, are mentioned unless they 
have been translated into (German. I do not mean to be naive 
when I express regret that competent authors like Dr. BosEKBEBa 
seem compelled to assume that their readers cannot comprehend 
French, Italian, and English. Scholarship will not make much 
progress unless it becomes international. 

TSNKBY FrAITK. 
Thb JoHn Hopun UximsnT. 



Essai sur Foriginalit^ et la probit6 de Tertullien dans son traits 
centre Marcion. By Ernest Bosshabbt. Th^se pr^sentfe 
k la faculty des lettres de rUniversiti de Fribourg, Suisse. 
Lausanne, Suisse, Terreaux 10, par les soins de Vauteur, 
1921. Pp. 171, 8°. 

The Adversus Marcionem libri Y is classed among the 
Dogmatico-Polemical works of Tertullian, and is one of several 
works against individual heretics, written of course while the 
author was still a Catholic. In the first two books, Tertullian 
refutes Marcion's doctrine of a good God and a Creator-Gk>d, 
at once just and wicked; in the third book he aims to prove 
that the historical Christ is the Messias of the Old Testament; 
and in the last two is presented a critique of the New Testament 
according to Marcion. 

From the title of the dissertation at hand we expect to find 
an investigation of the sources and the integrity of Tertullian 
in the Adversus Marcionem. After a lengthy discussion of 
Marcionism and Tertullian^s attitude toward it (59 pages), we 
meet not a detailed presentation and discussion of the source 
material, but a very general treatment of Tertullian's debt to 
his predecessors. The conclusion arrived at is almost obvious 
to anyone at all familiar with the Latin apologists, L e. that 
TertrJlian owed much to the earlier writers of apology. The 
originality we are told is great, but less in the thought than in 
the expression which he gives to that thought. 

Herein we are brought into contact with the Second Sophistic 
and its influence on Tertullian's slyle, and its apparent effect 
on his probity. One characteristic is sufficient to distinguidi 
Tertullian from a Sophist, namely the sincerity of his convio- 



BETIEWB. 876, 

tions. In short the specious reasoning and ingenious interpre- 
tations of Tertullian are less the resiSt of premeditation than 
the outbursts of a violent temperament^ and a character prone 
to exaggeration and excess of feeling and expression, — a char- 
acter d&ected by a brilliant intelligence, but exhibiting the 
effect of a training received at the rhetorical schools. 

The present work undoubtedly throws much new light on the 
Contra Marcionem, but it is of more value as suggesting sub- 
jects which might be more minutely and completely examined 
not only in this particular apology, but in the entire Tertullianic 
corpus. We rrfer especially to the influence of the Second 
Sophistic. 

In connection with the last two books of the Adversus Mar- 
cionem, we miss any use of Th. Zahn's Cleschichte des neu- 
testamentl. Eanons. 

Boy J. Defebbabi. 

TiXB Cathouo Uhiydsitt of Amkeioa. 



Frederik Paulsen: Etruscan Tomb Paintings, their Subjects 
and Significance. (Translated by I. Andersen.) Oxford, 
Clarendon Press, 1922. 63 pp. 

Poulsen's book is of particular interest to classical scholars 
because of its vivid pictiire of Etruscan life and because of the 
emphasis placed on Bome's adoption of Etruscan elements. He 
brings out clearly the penetration of Etruscan society and cus- 
toms into the early life of Bome. Latin proper names reveal 
the fact that the Etruscans intormarried extensively with the 
Bomans; many of the oldest patrician families were descended 
from the Etruscan ruling class. The Boman patricians, influ- 
enced by Etruscan standards of luxury, vied with these people 
in pomp and extravagance. ** On the whole, it might perhaps 
be as well to abandon all theories of the austere morals of early 
Bome.'' The example of Etruria probably influenced Bome in 
allotting greater freedom to her women. Poulsbn's view that 
the women at Etruscan banquete who recline on couches with 
men represent respectable married women and not hetaeras, is 
probably, in general, true. Bome took from Etruria her pompae, 
dancers and omnipresent flute players; her gladiatorial combats 
— originally from Campania — ^and the word lanista. The system 
of client and patron was Etruscan. 

The earlier tomb paintings, which reveal delight in material 
pleasures such as games, banquete, dances and himte, coincide 
with the period of Etruscan imperialism ; the scenes of the tor- 



376 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 

ment of the soul and brutal sacrifices — ^which Weege attributes 
to Orphic-Pythagorean teaching — ^with the decline of her power. 
We miss a discussion of the Frangois tomb paintings^ depict- 
ing a combat between Mastama (Servius Tullius), and Gaeles 
Vibenna against a Tarquin, but on the whole, the material is 
adequately and interestingly covered, and the book is readable 
and important in its field. 

Mary Hamilton Swindler. 

Brth Mawe Colligb.' 



Pindars Stil. Von Franz Dornseifp. Berlin, Weidmannsche 
Buchhandlung, 1921. Pp. vi + 134. 

This latest attempt at the analysis of the style of Pindar is 
an enlargement of the author's inaugural dissertation, pages 
1-112 having been submitted to the philosophical faculty in the 
University of Basel. The first section of the work. Die griech- 
ische Chordichtung im Allgemeinen (pp. 1-10), presente suc- 
cinctly material that may be gained in a more scattered reading 
of works dealing with the development of Greek choral lyric. 
Various applications of the choral among different nations are 
traced and an effort is made to show how among the Hebrews 
it went over into the psalms, among the Greeks to drama. For 
a better employment of the method of drawing an analogy be- 
tween literary and plastic art, which he implies that he intends 
to use (page 1), the author might have consulted Pindar, 0. 
VI; Dionysius of Halicamassus, The Literary Letters, and De 
Compositione Verborum; and Furtwangler, Siegesgesange des 
Pindaros, among numerous others. 

The second section. Die Sprache (pp. 11-112), shows the 
results of much toil, but it contains some points which need 
clarification. The language of Thebes, the author maintains, 
exerted a strong influence upon Pindar; and the language of 
Thebes was bombastic and stiff. Had he given a closer study 
to Hermogenes, IIc/m cScw, 242 ff. (Babe) ; and Dionysius of 
Halicamassus, De Compositione Verborum, chs. XXII ff., he 
would have had perhaps a different view of the effect of Pin- 
dar's diction; and a perusal of Fiihrer, De dialecto Boeotica, 
which is absent from his bibliography, might have added some- 
thing to his opinion of Theban dialect. 

Pindar's language and art Dornseifp repeatedly styles 
a/rchaic. In so far as Pindar belongs to a period in literature 
which is comparable to that period in plastic art which pre- 
cedes Myron's deviation from the law of frontality and ihe 
making of set types, the use of the term archaic is perhaps 
correct; but it would have made for greater clarity to state that 
this is the sense in which he meant it, — ^if so he did mean it. 



REYIEWB. 377 

Although archaic is a well-esteblished term in the criticism of 
plastic art^ its application in the same sense to literary art has 
scarcely any justification. 

The author is no doubt right in seeing in the language of 
Pindar a trace of the influence of the speech of the Delphic 
Oracle; but here again he might have been helped by a reading 
of Bergk, Griechische Literaturgeschichte, I 331 £f. Some of 
the terseness of Pindar's diction he might have been able to 
accoimt for had he remembered that Pindar was one of the 
aristocracy of his times, — one who felt on the one hand that he 
had a right to assume a lofty and terse diction^ and on the 
other hand that he was not bound to avoid giving offense. 

It is a serious error to attribute to Latin as well as to Greek 
(p. 17) a rich poetic vocabulary. A reading of any Latin poet 
will reveal the wretched poverty of Latin in that respect. The 
Boman poet was continually constrained to use in altered sense 
the same stock of words (cf. modus in Horace^ for instance) ; 
and it wad by doing violence to the syntax that he achieved 
something like poetic atmosphere. For this Dornseiff might 
have consulted the introduction to Shore/s Horace, The Odes 
and Epodes. 

The third and last section of the work, Die Glieder des Baues 
und ihre Behandlung (pp. 113-134), considers the component 
parts of the epinikion, — ^the personal encomium, the hymnic 
element, the gnomic element, and the epic-mythic element, as 
the author styles them. This section is again a concise presen- 
tation of existing views, but it adds nothing new to the study 
of Pindar's poetic structure. 

The work exhibits a good knowledge of current (Jerman lite- 
rature on the subject; but it seems to show small familiarity 
with works of other lands and earlier times. More use might 
have been made of the Greek rhetoricians ; and in a treatment 
of Pindar's style, the names of Gildersleeve and Praccaroli 
should not be absent, as they are here. 

Lawbekoe H. Bakeb. 

Ths Johvs Hopuvb UnmsnT. 



Q. Horatius Flaccus, erklart von Adolf Kiessling. Zweiter Teil : 
Satiren. Ftinfte Auflage, emeuert von Richard Heikzb. 
Berlin : Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1931. xlv -f- 347 pp. 
24 M. 

This fifth edition of Kiessling's standard manual is practicallj 
a new book. The Introduction is almost entirely new, many 
passages of the commentary have been rewritten, and a vast 



878 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOLOGY. 

amount of illustrative material added, especially on Satires 11 
2-6. Two things which are studied in especial detail are the 
relation of Horace's Satires to the popular philosophy of the 
Greeks and his treatment of the hexameter. At i. 1. 43, the line 
'quod, si conminuas, vilem redigatur ad assem,' is taken as 
part of Horace's question, not as a reply to it. At ii. 5, 89, the 
conjecture *neu desis opera' is adopted. There is a misprint 
at ii 4, 49 (a period at the end of the line) ; on p. 172 recidet 
is printed for recideret ; on p. 186, sequarum, for sequamur. At 
1 2, 89, a reference might he added to Virg. Geor. iii. 79, ardua 
cervix argutumque caput; with ii. 2, 93, cp. Virg. Geor. i. 12, 
prima . . . tellus; with ii. 2, 11-13, Tae. Dial. 10, 7, levitate 
iaculi aut iactu disci vanescere; with ii. 4, 30, Pliny, N. H. 
ii. 109, iam quidem lunari potestate ostrearum conchyliorumque 
et concharum omnia corpora augeri ac rursus minui; also ii 
221, ix. 18 and 96. The next edition should mention Dr. Tenney 
Frank's interesting suggestion that the Heliodorus of i. 5, 2, was 
really Octavian'e teacher Apollodorus (Classical Philology, XV 
893). 

W. P. MUSTABD. 
Ths Jomri Hopkotb UirrmsiTT. 



P. Vergili Maronis Georgicon libri quattuor. Becensuit, prae- 
fatus est, appendice critica instnudt B. Sabbadini. Turin: 
Paravia & Co., 1921. xiii + 103 pp. 5 L. 

This excellent little book may be heartily commended to all 
students of Virgil. The appendix critica is particularly good. 
A few of Professor Sabbadini's readings may be mentioned 
here: i. 266, Bubea . . . virga; ii. 82, miratastque; ii. 413, 
rusti; iii. 402, exportant; iv. 112, tinosque; iv. 141, tinus; iv. 
493, stagnist. (At iv. 112 pinos is probably a better reading 
than tinos, especially if, as Mr. Sargeaunt tells us, the laurus- 
tinus is " eminently a tree of the coastland.") At iii. 402 he 
marks the loss of two half -lines, as if Virgil had written some- 
thing like 

6ub lucem e]q)ortant. <Quod pressum nocte paranmt, 
niud ut aut veiidat> calathis adit oppida pastor, 
Aut parco sale continguat Memlque reponunt. 

And in the fourth book he transposes lines 203-5 and 206-7. 
The * emendation' quis cui, ii 266, is not very new; to speak 
only of modem times, it is printed in tiie Hejme- Wagner edition 
of 1830, in Ladewig, 1860, Benoist, 1867, Conii^n, 1872, 
Porbiger, 1872, etc. In the matter of spelling the editor has 
no desire to be ^putide et moleste constans;' he even makes 



REVIEWS. 379 

Virgil write cum and quom in the same line, i. 310. In three 
passages he writes a nominative plural in -is: i 390, carpentis; 
iv. 96, turpis; iv. 198, segnis. At iii. 148 we find Bomanust; 
iii. 211, bovom; iii. 376, specibus; iii. 524, fluvit. At i. 613 
(addunt in spatio) addunt is expldned as intransitive. 

W. P. MUSTABD. 
Tm JoBire Hopxore UnnunT. 



Bonsard et l^umanisme. Par Piebbb de Nolhao. Paris: 
Champion, 1921. xi -f 365 pp. 

This excellent volume is a worthy companion to M. de Nol- 
HAO's P^arque et I'Humanisme. It sets forth Bonsard's 
connexion with the humanistic movement of his day, as shown 
by his studies, his choice of models and his friendships. He 
attended the lectures of Tum^be and Bamus, he knew such 
scholars as Henri Estienne and Joseph Scaliger, and counted 
Lambin and Muret among his most intimate friends. '^ Toute 
notre po&ie dassique s'abreuve, apr^ lui, aux sources antiques; 
anais il est le seul de nos grands 2>odtes qui soit, au sens complef 
et au degr6 le plus Eminent, un grand humaniste.'^ Hie last 
chapter, Le Giceronien de la Brigade, gives a pleasant account 
of tiie career of Pierre de Paschal. On p. 103 Belleau's ^ Chant 
Pastoral ' on fhe death of Joachim du Bellay is called an imi- 
tation of ''Bion's poem on tiie death of Theocritus'' — appar- 
ently a slip of the pen for ''Moschus' poem on the death of 
Bion." 

W. P. MUSTABD. 



BOOKS BECEIVED 

Cladsical Studies, Series No. n. Madison 1922. (UniTersitj of 
Wisconsin Studies in Language and literature, No. 15.) 

Curme (George O.) A Grammar of the German Language. Bevised 
and enlarged. New York, The MacmUlan Company, 1922. xii + 623 pp. 

Domseiff (Franz). Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie. Leipsig» 
Berlin, B. O. Teubner, 1922. (Studien zur Geschichte des antiken 
Weltbildes und der griechischen Wissenschaft, hrsg. von Franc BoU, 
Eft. VII.) 177 pp. Geheftet $2, gebunden $2.50. 

Fiske (George Converse). Augustus and the Beligi<m of Beo(»struc- 
tion. Reprinted from Universi^ of Wisconsin Studies in Language 
and literature, No. 15, pp. 111-133. 

Goedeckemeyer (Albert). Aristoteles' praktische Philosophie (Ethik 
und Politik). Leipzig, Dieterich'sche Verlagshuchhandlung m, h. H^ 
1922. 254 pp. M. 80. 

Hesp^ris. Archives Berb^res et Bulletin de llnstitut des Hautes- 
Atudes Marocaines. Tome L 4e Trimestre. Paris, tmile Larose, 1921. 

Inscriptions Latines de rAl|^rie. Tome I. Inscriptions de la Pro- 
consulaire. Recueillies et pubh^es par St6phane GselL Paris, Librairie 
andenne Hanord Champion, 1922. Pp. xvi + 458. FoL 

Inter- America. Espafiol: Volumen VI, Ndm. 3. Septionbre de 1922. 
New York, Doubleday, Page d Co. 

Joumcd of Eklucation and Scho<d World. September and October, 
1922. London, WUliam Rice. 

Morris (E. P.) Bemadotte Perrin. This paper was prepared at the 
request of the Classical Club of Yale University and was read at a 
meeting on January 4, 1921. It is printed by the Classical Club for 
private distribution. 

Philological Quarterly. Vol. I, Nos. 1 and 3. January and July 
1922. Iowa City, Published at the UniverHty of Iowa. 

Revista de la Facultad de Letras y Ciencias. Vol. XXXn, Niims. 
1 y 2. Enero-Junio 1922. Habana, Imprenta " La Propagandista." 

Revue des etudes grecques. Tome XXXIV. Na 157. Avril-Juin 
1921. Paris, Ernest Leroua, 

Sanchez (D. Rufino Blanco y). Fundamentoe de Lengua Cajstellana. 
Madrid, Perlado, Paez y CompaHia, 1921. 235 pp. 

Sewanee Review (The). July-September, 1922. Sewanee, Tenn., The 
Bewanee Review, Inc, 

Shastri (Mangal Deva). The Ilg-VedaprfttiMkhya with the Com- 
mentary of Uvata. Part of the IntnMuction. Owford University Press, 
American Brancli, 1922. 33 pp. 85 cts. 

A Sheaf of Greek Folk Songs gleaned by an old philh^ene with an 
introductory note by Countess ih^yn Msu-tinengo Cesaresco. Oxford, 
Basil Blacktoell, 1922. mdi + 78. 5 sh. net 

Wiener Blotter ffir die Freunde der Antike. Juni-Juli 1922. I, 5. 
Wien, Otto Barensfeld. 

Winstanley (Lilian). Macbeth, King Lear and Contemporary His- 
tory. Cambri^, At the University Press, 1922. Pp. 226. 

380 



INDEX TO VOLUME XLin. 



AiiBBiOHT, W. F. A Misunder- 
stood Syrian Place-'Name 
^— Dana and Tyana, 74-76 

The Origin of the Name 
CUioia, 16^167 

Allen, Kathabinb. The Fasti 
of Ovid and the Augustan 
Propaganda, 260-266 

Augustine's Method of Compos- 
ing and Delivering Ser- 
mons, 97-123, 19^-219 

Ausonius^ White's (rev.)> 284 

Baker, Lawbenob H. Review 
of Dornseiffs Pindars Stil, 

376-377 
Bassstt, Saxubl E. Beview 
of Scott's The Unity of 
Homer, 177-181 

BsNDBB, Harold H. Review of 
Gerullis' Die altpreussi- 
schen Ortsnamen, 282-283 

Bender's Lithuanian Etymcdo- 

gical Index (rev.), 186-187 
Bennett, Charles Edwin^ Memo- 
rial notice of, 189 
Biblical Studies, 238-240 
BiLi,, Clabbnob p. Memorial 
notice of Samuel Bail Plai- 
ner, 98 
Blooicfibld, Lbonabd. 
(Reviews: 
Jespersen's Language, its 
nature, development, and 
origin, 370-^73 
Michelson's The Owl Sacred 
Pack of the Fox Indians, 

276-281 
BU)OMFiBLD, Maitbice. Note, 317 
Boethius' Consolation of Phil- 
osophy, Imprisoned EngliaJi 
Authors and, 168-169 

Southey and Landor and, 

352-368 
Books Received, 94-96, 190- 

192, 286-288, 380 
Bosshardt's Essai sur I'origi- 
nalit^ et la probity de Ter- 
tullien dans son traits 
contre Mardon (rev.), 374-376 



Bbown, W. Nobican. The Si- 
lence Wager Stories : Their 
Origin ami llieir Diffusion, 

289-317 

BuoK, Cabl D. Review of 
Bender's lathuanian Ety- 
mological Index, 186-187 

• 

Carcopino's La Loi de Hi6ron 

et les Romains (rev.), 181-184 
CilicU, Origin of the Name, 166-167 
Constsjis' Un Correspondant 
de Cic^ron: Ap. Claudius 
Pulcher (rev.), 186-186 

Dana and Tyana—A Misunder- 
stood Syrian Place-Name, 74-76 

De Pachtere's La Table Hypo- 
th^caire de Veleia (rev.), 

184-186 

Debtor, Roman Law of Execu- 
tion against a, 32-48 

DErraBABi, Rot J. St. Augus- 
tine's Method of Composing 
and Delivering Sermons, 

97-123, 193-219 
Review of Bosshardt's Essai 
sur I'originalit^ et la pro- 
bit^ de TertuUien dans son 
traits contre Marcion, 374-376 

De Insomniis of Synesius of 
Cyrene, 318-330 

Derivatives of Sanskrit ^ka, 170 

DoLBON, Gut Batlet. Impri- 
soned English Authors and 
the Consolation of Philoso- 
phy of Boethius, 168-169 
Southey and Landor and the 
Consolation of Philosophy of 
Boethius, 366-368 

Domseiff's Pindars StH (rev.), 

376-377 

Dravidian Negation, 362 

EBELnro, Hebican Louis. Re- 
port of Hermes, 271-276 

Edgebton, Fbankliit. Report 
of Glotta, 174-176 

Entstehung des absoluten In- 
finitivs im Griechischen. 

220-227 

381 



382 



AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 



Euripides, Gratitude and In- 
gratitude in the Hays of, 

391-343 

Fasti of Ovid and the Augustan 

Propaganda, 250-266 

Ferrero's Ruin of Ancient Civi- 
lization and the Triumph 
of Christianity (rev.)> 284-285 
Fiske's Lucilius and (Horace 

(rev.), 83-88 

FiUKK, Tbnnet. (Reviews: 
Constans' Un Correspondant 
de Cic^ron: Ap. Claudius 
Pulcher, 185-186 

De Pachtere's La table hypo- 

th^caire de Veleia, 184-185 
Ferrero's Ruin of Ancient 
Civilization and the Tri- 
umph of Christianity, 284-286 
(Rosenberg's Einleitung und 
Quelle^unde zur rOmischen 
Qeschichte, 373-374 

Georgics, Virginia, 228-237 

GeruUis' Die altpreussischen 

Ortsnamen (rev.), 282-283 
Glossographioa, 352-355 

Glotta, Report of, 174-176 

Gratitude and Ingratitude in 

the Plays of Euripides, 331-343 
Gbbbnb, William Chasb. Toung 

Virgil and "The Doubtful 

Doom of (Human Kind," 

344-351 

Haxtft, Paxtl. Biblical Studies, 

238-249 
Hermes, Report of, 271-275 

Hewitt, Joseph William. Gra- 
titude and Ingratitude in 
the Plays of Euripides, 331-343 
Horace, Epistle I, xrx, 2&-29, 

55-61 
Horace, Kiessling's (rev.), 377-378 
Hlustrations of Tibullus, 49-^ 

Imperfect Indicative as a prae- 
teritum ex futuro, 359-361 

Imprisoned English Authors 
and the Consolation of 
Philosophy of Boethius, 168-169 

Infinitive Absolute in Greek, 

220-227 

Jaokson, a. V. Williams. 
Review of Lorimer's Pho- 
nology of the Bakhtiari, 
Badaichshani, and Madag- 
lasEti Dialects of Modem 
Persian, 281-282 



Jespersen's Language, its na- 
ture, development, and ori- 
gin (rev.), 370-378 

Ejxdel, Gboboe C. Report of 

Romania, 76-80, 364-360 

Kellogg, GncnoB Dwioht. Re- 
port of Philologus, 267-271 

Kiessling's Horace (rev.), 377-378 

KissuNO, Robebt C. The 
OXHMA-nNBTMA of the 
Keo-Platonists and the De 
Insomniis of Synesius of 
Cyrene, 318-330 

Laibd, a. G. When is Generic 

BfH Particular? 124-146 

Landor and the Consolation of 
PhUoaophy of Boethius, 

356—358 

Language, Jespersen's (rev.), 

370-373 

Lepattllb, Piebbb. Review of 
Carcopino's La Loi de Hi6- 
ron et les Romains, 181-184 

Lipsoomb,Hebbe8tC. Virginia 
Georgics, 22^-237 

Lorimer's The Phonology of the 
Bakhtiari, Badakhshani, 
and Madaglashti Dialects 
of Modem Persian (rev.), 

281-282 

MoCabtnet, Ettgerb S. 8ez 
Determination and Sex 
Control in Antiquity, 62-70 

MoElwain, Mabt B. Memorial 
notice of Charles Edwin 
Bennett, 180 

BfH, Generic, When Particular, 

124-145 

Memorial Notices: 

Samuel Ball Platner, 93 

Charles Edwin Bennett, 189 

Michelson's The Gwl Sacred 
Pack of the Fox Indians 
(rev.), 276-281 

Bfiiunfc, C. W. E. Note, 72-78 
Review of Philological Quar- 
terly, Vol. I, 187-188 

Misunderstood Syrian Place- 
name— (Dana and Tyana, 74-75 

Mxtstabd, Wiltbed p. Illus- 
trations of Tibullus, 49-54 
Reports: 
(Revue de Philologie, 80-62. 

363—364 
Rivista di Filologia, 171-178 
Reviews : 
Kiessling's Horace, 377-378 



INDEX. 



383 



Nolliao's Sonsard et VRu- 
manismej 379 

Sabbadini's P. Vergili Ma- 
ronis Georgioon libri 
quattuor, 378-379 

fitconplinger's Horaz im 
Urteil der Jahrhunderte, 92 

White's Ausonius, Vol. II, 284 

Negation, Dravidian, 362 

Nichols, Edwabd W. Single 

Word versus Phrase, 146-163 
Nolhac's Bonsard et I'Huma- 

nisme (rev.), 379 

Notes on Two Inscriptions from 

iSinope, 71-73 

NumNo, H. C. The Imperfect 

Indicative as a praeteritum 
futuro, 959-361 



OXHMA-nNETMA of the Neo- 
Platonists and the De In- 
somniis of Synesius of 
Cyrene, 318-330 

OoLB, M. B. Horace, Epistle I, 
xnc, 28-9, 65-61 

Origin of the Name OiUcia, 166-167 

Ovid, Fasti of, and the Augus- 
tan Propaganda, 250-266 

Philological Quarterly, Vol. I 

(rev.), 187-188 

Philologus, Report of, 267-271 

Pindar, Two Passages in, 164-166 

Pindars Stil, Domfleiffs (rev.), 

37e^-377 

Platner, Samuel Ball, Memo- 
rial notice of, 93 

Poulsen's Etruscan Tomb Paint- 
ings (rev.), 376-376 

Praeteritum ex futuro. The 
Imperfect Indicative as a, 

359-361 

Radht, M. Secare Partis: The 
Early Eoman Law of Exe- 
cution against a Debtor, 32-48 
Rand, E. K. Review of Traube's 
Vorlesimgen und Abhand- 
lungen, 88-90 

Reports: 
Olotta, 174-176 

Hermes, 271-275 

Philologus, 267-271 

Revue de Philologie, 80-82, 

363-364 
Rivista di Filologia, 171-173 
RonMmia, 76-80, 364r-369 



Reviews: 

Bender's Lithuanian Etymo- 
logical Index, 1/86-167 

Bosshardt's Essai sur I'origi- 
nalit6 et la probity de Ter- 
tullien dans son traits 
contre Marcion, 374-375 

Carcopino's La Loi de Hi^on 
et les Romains, 181-184 

Ck)nstans' Un correspondant 
de Oic^on: Ap. Claudius 
Pulcher, 185-186 

De Pachtere's La table hypo- 
th^caire de Veleia, 184-185 

Domseiff's Pindars Stil, 376-377 

Ferrero's The Ruin of Ancient 
Civilization, 284-285 

Flake's Lucilius and Horace, 

83^68 

Oerullis' Die altpreussischen 
Ortsnamen, 282-283 

Jespersen's Language, its na- 
ture, development, and 
origin, 370-373 

Kiessling's Horace, 377-378 

Lorkner's Phonology of the 
Bakhtiari, Badakhshani, 
and Madaglashti Dialects 
of Modern Persian, 281-282 

Michelson's The Owl Sacred 
Pack of the Fox Indians, 

276-281 

Nolhac's Ronsard et I'Hu- 
manisme, 379 

Philological Quarterly, Vol. I, 

187-188 

Poulsen's Etruscan Tomb 
Paintings, 376-376 

Robert's Die griechische Hel- 
densage, 90-9>2 

Rosenberg's Einleitung und 
Quellenkunde zur rdmischen 
Geschichte, 373-374 

Sabbadini's P. Vergili Maro- 
nis Georgicon libri quattuor, 

378-379 

Scott's Unity of Homer, 177-181 

iStemplinger's Horaz im Ur- 
teil der Jahrhunderte, 92 

Traube's Vorlesungen und 
Abhandlungen, 88-90 

White's Ausonius, Vol. II, 284 
Revue de" Philologie, Report of, 

80-82, 363-364 
Rivista di Filologia, Report of, 

171-173 
Robert's Die griechische Hel- 
densage (rev.), 9<K-92 



384 



AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PEILOWGY. 



BOBINSOI9V David M. Notes on 
Two InBcriptionB from 
Sinope, 71-78 

Beview of Robert's Die grie* 
chische Heldensage, 90-92 

Bomania, Report o^ 76-80, 364^69 

Rosenberg's Einleitung und 
Quellenkiinde zur rOmischen 
Geschichte (rev.), 373-374 

RosETH, Abnold. Die Entst^- 
hung des <U)soluten Infini- 
tivs im Griechiscben, 220-227 

Sabbadini's P. Vergili Maro- 
nis Qeorgicon libri quattuor 
(rev.), 378-379 

St. Augustine's (Method oiCom- 
posing and Delivering Ser- 
mons, 97-123, 193-219 

Sanskrit €lca^ Derivatives of, 170 

Soott's Unity of Homer (rev.), 

177-181 

Secare Partis: The Early Ro- 
man Law of Execution 
against a Debtor, 32-48 

Seneca, Some Raman Elements 
in the Tragedies of, 1-31 

Sex Determination and Sex 
Control in Antiquity, 62-70 

Silence Wager Stories: Their 
Origin and Their Diffusi<m, 

280^17 

Single Word versus Phrase, 146-163 

Sinope, Notes on Two Inscrip- 
tions from, 71-73 

Some Roman Elements in the 
Tragedies of Seneca, 1^1 

Southey and Landor and the 
Consolation of Philosophy 
of Boethius, 352-358 



Stbslb^ R. B. Some Roman 
Elements in the Tragedies 
of Seneca, 1-31 

Stemplinger's Horaz im Urteil 
der Jahrhunderte (rev.), 92 

SWINIMJa^ MabT . HAl£[LT0ir4 

Review of Poulsen's Etrus- 
can Tomb Paintings, 375-376 
Synesius of Cyrene, The OXHMA- 
nNBTMA in the De In- 
somniis of, 318-330 

Thomson, H. J. Olossogra- 

phica, 352-355 

Tibullus, Illustrations of, 4(MS4 
Traube's Vorlesungen und Ab- 

handlungen (rev.), 88-90 

TuTELE, Edwin H. Dravidian 

N^ation, 362 

The Derivatives of Sanskrit 

ika, 170 

Two Passages in Pindar, 164-165 
Tyana, Dana and, 74^75 

Virgil and ^The Doubtful 
Doom of Human Kind," 

344-^1 
Virginia Georgics, 22^-237 

WHE3EL1B, Abthub L. Bcvlew 
of Fiske's Ludliua and 
Horace, 83-88 

When is Generic MH Particu- 
lar? 124-146 

White's Ausonius (rev.), 284 

Wbioht, F. a. Two Passages 
in Pindar, 164-166 



Young Virgil and *' The Doubt- 
ful Doom of Human Kind," 

344-^1 



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CONTENTS. 

Martial, the Epigrammatist 1 

The Poet Ovid 37 

Propertius: a Modem Lover in the Ajigustan Age 75 

Pupula Duplex 101 

The Classics and our Vernacular 117 

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Some Boyhood Reminiscences of a Country Town 155 

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Almost from the beginning of Hindu time the Brahmanical religion 
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of Hindu thinkers of independent mind, resulting in much heterodox 
teaching and Sectarian activity. The religion of the Jainas is the -older 
of the two great heretical Sects which grew up many centuries before 
Christ, the other being Buddhism. Unlike Buddhism the Jaina religion 
was not founded by a single great religious tearher, but reeeres tradi- 
tionally twenty-four Saviors (ArhatH) which go back to an unthinkable 
antiquity. Only the last two of these have any kind of historical 
standing, and even they are known only by tradition founded upon 
more or less dubious chronicles. The older of these is Pargvanfttha, said 
to have been born in 817 h. c. He seems indeed to have been an histor- 
ical personage; at any rate he figures large in Jaina consciousness, and 
the doctrines ascribed to him arc fundamental in Jaina religion. 

The present work contains the fullest extant account of the Jaina 
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the care of a chronicle of real life and with the sinceritv of devout 
belief. With this life are interwoven a large nimiber of stories illus- 
trating Jaina morality aud doctrine. The Jainas arc, perhaps, the best 
story-tellers of India; the present volume adds to the chain of Hindu 
fiction books a jewel of no mean price. Tliis work should arrest the 
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PAGE 

I. — The Silence Wager Stories: Tlieir Origin and Their Dif- 
fusion. By W. XoRMAN Bkowx, .... 289 

II.— The OXIIMA-nNETMA of the Neo-PlatoniBt^ and the De 
Insoniniis of Synesius of Cyrene. By Robebt Curistiax 
KiSSLING, 318 

III. — Gratitude and Ingratitude in the Plays of Euripides. By 

JosE2*H William Hewitt, . . . . .331 

IV.— Young Virgil and "The Doubtful Doom of Human Kind."- 

By William Chase Greene, ..... 344 

V. — Olossographica. By H. J. Thomson^ .... 352 

VI. — Sou they and Landor and the Consolation of Philosophy of 

Boethius. By GtJY Bayley Dolson, .... 356 

VII. — The Imperfect Indicative as a Praeteritum ex Futuro. By 

H. C. Nutting, ......' 359 

Vin. — Dravidian Negation. By Edwin H. T< ttle, . . 362 

Reports: .......... 363 

Revue de Philologie. Vol. XLV (1921), parts 1-2. — -Romania, 
Vol. XLVII (1921). 

Reviews: . 370 

Jespersen's Language, its nature, development, and origin. — 
Rosenberg's Einleitung und Quellenkunde zur romischen 
Geschichte. — Bosshardt's Essai sur I'originalite et la 
probity de Tertullien dans son traits contre Marcion. — 
Poulsen's Etruscan Tomb Paintings. — DomseiflTs Pin- 
dars Stil. — Kiessling's Q. Horatius Flaccus erklJirt, 
\ zweiter Teil, Batiren. — Sabbadini's P. Vergili Maronia 

V Georgicon libri quattuor. — De Xolhac*s Ronsard et 

^. rilumanisme. 

Books RECKnEn: . . . . . . . 380 

T.M>KX: ........... 381 



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Martial, The Epigrammatist 

AND OTHER ESSAYS 

By KIRBY FLOWER SMITH 
Late Professor of Latin in the Johns Hopkins University 

180 pp. Cloth, $2.00. 

Selections from Professor Smith's less technical papers, re- 
vised and edited by W. P. Mustard. 

CXDXTENTS. 

Martial, the Eplpframmati^t / l 

The Poet Ovid , 37 

Propertius: a Modern Lover in the Augustan Age 75 

Pupula Duplex 101 

The Classics and our Vernacular #».... 117 

The Future Place of the Humanities in Education ; 144 

% Some Boyhood Keminisccnces of a Country Town „....'.. 155 

Original Verse and Translations , 1^7 

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I 



• 



t 



THE 



UFE AND STORIES 



OF THE 

JAINA SAVIOR PARCVANATHA 

BT 

MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, 

Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology in 
The Johns Hopkins Uni/oersity 

266 Pages. Octavo. Clotii, $3.00 

Almost from the beginning of Hindu time the Brahmanical religion 
of India was subjected to criticism and renewed speculation ou the part 
of Hindu thinkers of independent mind, resulting in much heterodox 
teaching and Sectarian activity. The religion of the Jainas is the older 
of the two great heretical Sects which grew up many centuries before 
Chiist, the otlier being Buddhism. Unlike Buddhism the Jaina religion 
was not founded by a single great religious teacher, but reveres tr«di- 
tionally twenty-four Saviors (Arhats) which go back to an unthinkable 
antiquity. Only the last two of these have any kind of historical 
standing, and even they are known only by tradition founded ujjon 
more or less dubious chronicles. The older of these is Pircvanfltha, said 
to have been bom in 817 B. c. He seems indeed to have been an histor- 
ical personage; at any rate he figiu^es large in Jaina consciousness, and 
the doctrines ascribed to him arc fundamental in Jaina religion. 

The present work contains the fullest extant account of the Jaina 
Savior Pfircvanatha's life, preceded by nine pre-births, all treated with 
the care of a chronicle of real life and with the sincerity of devout 
belief. With this life are interwoven a large number of stories illus- 
trating Jaina morality and doctrine. The Jainas are, perhaps, the best 
story-tellers of India; the present volume adds to the chain of Hindu 
fiction books a jewel of no mean price. This .work s' ould arrest the 
attention- of students of Comparative Literature an.! ''olklore as well 
as student^ of the History of Religion. 

Orders should be sent lo 

■ THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS, 
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U. S. A.